Citation
Framing of the Afghan War in the U.S. Media, then and Now

Material Information

Title:
Framing of the Afghan War in the U.S. Media, then and Now
Creator:
Slavin, Erik Alan
Publisher:
University of Florida
Publication Date:
Language:
English

Thesis/Dissertation Information

Degree:
Master's ( M.A.M.C.)
Degree Grantor:
University of Florida
Degree Disciplines:
Mass Communication
Journalism and Communications
Committee Chair:
Rodgers,Ronald
Committee Co-Chair:
Mcadams,Melinda Jeanne
Committee Members:
Waddell,Thomas F
Graduation Date:
12/13/2019

Subjects

Subjects / Keywords:
afghanistan
framing
journalism
war
Genre:
Unknown ( sobekcm )

Notes

General Note:
This content analysis reviewed how coverage of Afghanistan in The New York Times and The Wall Street Journal changed over time in 2002, shortly after the invasion of the country by U.S. and coalition forces, and how it compared to coverage in 2018. A total of 164 stories were reviewed using constructed week sampling. Each newspaper devoted significantly more coverage to Afghanistan in the first few months of 2002 than it did later in the year or in 2018. The analysis utilized framing theory from multiple perspectives to evaluate how each paper filtered its news coverage. In the first quarter of 2002, each paper was more likely to employ thematic frames, as defined by Iyengar, with broader context. During the rest of the year, coverage by both papers was far more likely to employ episodic framing, where stories were dependent upon breaking news. In 2018, a year that included credible overtures of peace talks, the Journal had all but abandoned thematic coverage, relying mainly on short stories and episodic framing. The Times mainly used episodic framing but employed some thematic framing. Looking at categorical framing, each paper most often wrote about Afghanistan in terms of military movements, engagements between coalition forces and combatants, and the Afghan security force apparatus, in both 2002 and 2018. The Times wrote multiple stories about Afghanistan viewed through a terrorism frame in both 2002 and 2018. The Journal showed little interest in framing the news along the lines of terrorism and focused more on economic development in 2002. By 2018, none of the stories sampled in either newspaper framed Afghanistan in terms of development. Politics and policy frames were occasionally employed by both papers in each year. But for the most part, by 2018 Afghanistan was narrowly framed by the Journal in terms of violence on the ground. The study also reviewed whether each paper challenged government assertions or provided alternative views from sources regarding statements that have been since deemed inaccurate. The Times record of fulfilling this traditional role of watchdog journalism was uneven in 2002, but in 2018 it challenged official accounts from the U.S., the Afghan government, the Taliban, and others frequently. The Journal, with a few exceptions, did not challenge inaccurate or vague official narratives.

Record Information

Source Institution:
University of Florida
Holding Location:
University of Florida
Rights Management:
All applicable rights reserved by the source institution and holding location.
Embargo Date:
6/30/2020

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FRAMING OF THE AFGHAN WAR IN THE U.S. MEDIA, THEN AND NOW By ERIK SLAVIN A THESIS PRESENTED TO THE GRADUATE SCHOOL OF THE UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS MASS COMMUNICATION UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA 2019

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© 2019 Erik Slavin

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For Lana

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4 ACKNOWLEDGMENTS I thank my family dearly for putting up with me heading to the office on Sundays to finish this project . I also thank Jody Hedge for resurrecting my dusty old records and guiding me , as well as Dr. Ron Rodgers and the committee for its guidance.

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5 TABLE OF CONTENTS page ACKNOWLEDGMENTS ................................ ................................ ................................ ............... 4 LIST OF TABLES ................................ ................................ ................................ ........................... 6 LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS AND DE FINITIONS ................................ ................................ ...... 7 ABSTRACT ................................ ................................ ................................ ................................ ..... 8 C HAPTER 1 INTRODUCTION ................................ ................................ ................................ .................. 10 A War Forgotten ................................ ................................ ................................ ..................... 10 A Brief History of Afghanistan ................................ ................................ .............................. 13 Ancient Times to Founding of the State ................................ ................................ .......... 13 The 20 th Century to the Afghan Civil War ................................ ................................ ...... 16 ................................ ............. 18 2001 Invasion to the Present ................................ ................................ ............................ 20 2 LITE RATURE REVIEW ................................ ................................ ................................ ....... 22 Framing in post 9/11 War Studies ................................ ................................ .......................... 22 Tone of post 9/11 War coverage ................................ ................................ ............................ 25 Fr ames Used in Coverage of Afghanistan and Other Wars ................................ .................... 27 Research Questions ................................ ................................ ................................ ................. 31 3 METHOD ................................ ................................ ................................ ............................... 32 4 RESULTS ................................ ................................ ................................ ............................... 38 5 DISCUSSION ................................ ................................ ................................ ......................... 47 6 CONCLUSION ................................ ................................ ................................ ....................... 53 APPENDIX A CODEBOOK ................................ ................................ ................................ .......................... 59 B SAMPLED STORIES ................................ ................................ ................................ ............ 62 REFERENCE LIST ................................ ................................ ................................ ....................... 75 BIOGRAPH ICAL SKETCH ................................ ................................ ................................ ......... 82

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6 LIST OF TABLES Table P age 3 1 Afghanistan in The New York Times and The Wall Street Journal by search hits and qualifying stories , 2002 ................................ ................................ ................................ ...... 33 3 2 Afghanistan in The New York Times and The Wall Street Journal by search hits and qualifying stories , 2018 ................................ ................................ ................................ ...... 34 4 1 Episodic and Thematic Framing in The New York Times and The Wall Street Journal in 2002 and 2018 ................................ ................................ ................................ ................ 38 4 2 Categorized Frames in The New York Times in 2002 and 2018 ................................ ........ 40 4 3 Categorized Frames in The Wall Street Journal in 2002 and 2018 ................................ ... 40

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7 LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS AND DEFINITIONS Al Qaida Militant group led by Osama bin Laden that carried out the Sept. 11, 2001 attacks on the United States. The group used Afghanistan as a base of operations, which precipitated the U.S. invasion. Referred to as Al Qaeda by The New York Times. Coalition A gr oup of nations led by the United States that supports the Kabul based government and its forces in Afghanistan. The coalition stood at 39 foreign nations as of 2019 but its numbers have fluctuated over the course of the war. Support ranges from combat oper ations to financial backing. ISAF International Security Assistance Force was the original NATO led security mission in Afghanistan. It disbanded in December 2014 with the pullout of most foreign combat forces. It was replaced by the Resolute Support miss ion, which is focused on aiding the Afghan security forces. Journal The Wall Street Journal , a newspaper published six days a week by Dow Jones & Company. It has long been one of the largest newspapers in the United States in terms of circulation and its editorial pages are considered to reflect a politically conservative viewpoint. NATO North Atlantic Treaty Organization. Founded in 1949, it includes 29 allies in Europe and North America. NATO currently leads the primary foreign force s mission in Afghanistan . Resolute Support T he NATO mission that succeeded ISAF. It is focused on advising, assisting, and training the Afghan security forces. While it is an international body, the majority of its forces come from the United States. As of September 2019, it included about 14,000 troops. The U.S. also maintains a separate counterterrorism mission in Afghanistan. Taliban Emirate of Afghanistan. They began in the mi d 1990s with a membership largely gathered from schools with ultraconservative interpretations of the Koran from , and from refugee camps in n orthern Pakistan. They ruled from 1996 until the coalition invasion in 2001. Since then, they have regrouped and now control or contest much of the country. Times The New York Times , a newspaper published daily by The New York Times Company. It has long been one of the largest newspapers in the United States in terms of circulation and its editorial pages are considered to reflect a politically liberal viewpoint.

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8 Abstract of Thesis Presented to the Graduate School of the University of Florida in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Master of Arts in Mass Communication FRAMING OF THE AFGHAN WAR IN THE U.S. MEDIA, THEN AND NOW By E rik Slavin December 2019 Chair: Ronald Rodgers Major: Mass Communication This qualitative content analysis reviewed how coverage of Afghanistan in The New York Times and The Wall Street Journal changed over time in 2002, shortly after the invasion of the country by U.S. and coalition forces, and how it compared to coverage in 2018 . A total of 164 stories were reviewed using constructed week sampling. E ach news paper devoted significantly more coverage to Afghanistan in the first few months of 2002 than it did late r in the year or in 2018. The analysis utilized framing theory from multiple perspectives to evaluate how each paper filtered its news coverage . In the first quarter of 2002, each paper was more likely to employ thematic frames , as defined by Iyengar, with broader context . During the rest of the year, dependent upon breaking news. In 2018, a year that included credible overtures of peace talks, the Journal had all but a bandoned thematic coverage, relying mainly on short stories and episodic framing. The Times mainly used episodic framing but employed some thematic framing. Looking at categorical framing, each paper most often wrote about Afghanistan in terms of military movements, engagements between coalition forces and combatants, and the Afghan security force apparatus , in both 2002 and 2018. The Times wrote multiple stories about Afghanistan viewed through a terrorism frame in both 2002 and 2018. The Journal showed little

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9 interest in framing the news along the lines of terrorism and focused more on economic development in 2002. By 2018, none of the stories sampled in either newspaper framed Afghanistan in terms of development . Politics and policy frames were occasionally employed by both papers in each year. But for the most part, by 2018 Afghanistan was narrowly framed by the Journal in terms of violence on the ground. The study also reviewed whether each paper challenge d gov ernment assertions or provide d alternative views from sources regarding statements that have been since deemed inaccurate . The Times record of fulfilling this traditional role of watchdog journalism was uneven in 2002, but in 2018 it challenged official ac counts from the U.S., the Afghan government, the Taliban, and others frequently. The Journal , with a few exceptions, did not challenge inaccurate or vague official narratives.

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10 C HAPTER 1 INTRODUCTION A War Forgotten public, if only for a few days. Nearly every major U.S. media outlet online The New York Times , The Associated Press , and The Wall Street Journal included used the catchy moniker in their headlines and leads to describe the GBU 43B, or Massive Ordnance Air Blast weapon. The April 13, 2017 bombing of a Nangarhar province tunnel complex killed 94 people described as militants, according to an Afghan official quoted by AP a few days later (Shah, 2017) . At Stars and Stripes , a newspaper covering the worldwide U.S. military under an editorially independent congressional mandate, the spike in online readership was immediately notic eable (Stars and Stripes, 2018), through real time and daily web traffic reports (I oversee news operations in Europe, the Middle East , and Africa). Even at a news outlet with a significant percentage of readers that served in Afghanista n, internal analytics have in recent years shown low overall readership for stories about the conflict. There was hope that the bomb might spark some lingering interest in what is now the longest war in U.S. history. But th at did not happen . The AP bombin g story contained all of the relevant basic facts regarding the bombing who did it, who got bombed, where and when it happened but it offered little in the way of context. expect that any war will at times be covered by the media in terms of its battlefield movements. But what leads up to the fighting, and what comes concurrently and afterward , can be far more complex than immediate battle results. Waging war in Afghanistan could be framed as a military challenge, a fight against extremist ideology, or a social and

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11 economic development problem, among other ways. While it is possible that Americans would have grown uninterested in a far off war no matter wh rigor, and breadth of reporting from trusted media sources at the outset, when Americans really were paying attention (Rutenberg, 2003), might have led to a greater sustained interest over time. There has been l ittle discussion of how the Afghan War was framed at the outset for the public to understand the implications of the U.S. and allied presence in Afghanistan. This thesis will explore, through means of a qualitative content analysis, how st prominent newspapers framed Afghanistan in 2002 and how that framing compare d to 2018 , the most recent full year available for analysis . It will also explore the question of rigor by examining the coverage of statements by officials shown, whether at th e time or in ensuing years , to be inaccurate or misleading. Polls have indicated that even a decade ago, the length of the Afghan war ha d convinced majorities that the war had not been worth fighting (Polling Report Inc., 2015) . But that alone 1959 to 1975 and still retained public and media attention (Hallin, 1986, p.107) . Others have population with roots in Afghanistan, contributes to the lack of interest (Bowman, 2011) . Wars involving the U.S. since WWII w ere supported by a majority of Americans (Moore, 2001) when governments and media focused on clear villains and/or demonized ideologies. WWII had Hitler, the Pearl Harbor attack , and fascism; Korea, while support fluctuated at times, was a generally popular war against communism (Crabtree, 2003) , as was Vietnam at the outset. The wars in Iraq had Saddam Hussein and Afghanistan had Osama b in Laden as their initial focal points.

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12 However, Iraq and Afghanistan were far more complicated than simply defeating a couple of bogeymen, being greeted as libera tors, and letting democracy bloom. After the two men framed as archvillains were sidelined, the complexities of tribal conflicts , politics , and history became apparent over the course of several years, while coverage and public interest waned. The U.S. go vernment at the outset framed the Global War on Terror as an indefinite, borderless conflict . P resident George W. Bush expressed confidence in January 2002 that b in Laden and Taliban leader Mullah Omar would be found quickly. And all I know is that he's r Bush said of b in Laden (Bumiller, 2002) . During House testimony in February 2003, Deputy Defense Secretary Paul Wolfowitz said that I (C SPAN, 2003) . The New York Times admitted in a 2004 editorial, and in subsequent articles, that its reporting on the Iraq War lacked rig or and that its reporters had fallen for the same misinformation that many in government had ( From the editors: The Times and Iraq , 2004) . More scrutiny might well have affected public opinion on what would later become an unpopular war. While the public w as more divided over whether to go to war with Iraq , with support percentages generally in the high 50s prior to the March 2003 invasion (Newport, 2003) , the ground invasion of Afghanistan in the wake of the 9/11 attacks was supported to some degree by eight in 10 Americans (Moore, 2001) . By 2015, majorities in two polls said the war was either a mistake or not worth fighting (Shepard, 2017) . Perhaps more striking was how far the war faded from public discourse. Neither Hillary Clinton nor Donald Trump uttered the (Walt, 2016) . Meanwhile, the

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13 has moved from the countryside to mount suicide attacks in Kabul, which was once considered a relative haven. The Haqqani network, which offic ially works within the Taliban, maintains its own command structure. The Taliban themselves , which were defeated in 2001 , reconstituted and are by all accounts stronger than they ha ve ever been since th eir removal from power . Despite the grim reality on th e ground, there is little academic research on media coverage of Afghanistan, particularly in recent years. This thesis examines coverage by The New York Times and The Wall Street Journal in 2002, which includes the months shortly after the invasion of Afghanistan , when the Taliban ceased to exist as a coherent fighting force (Gopal, 2014) , and the latter half, when growing discontent would eventually lead to the Taliban resurgence in early 2003. It also examines 2018, which has a good chance of being viewed by future historians as a critical one; the Taliban controlled or contested more territory than they had since the war began (Wellman, 2019) , and they also began making credible overtures to the U.S. for peace talks. A Brief History of Afghanistan Ancient Times to Founding of the State with a few notable exceptions have seen as a border security buffer zone or as a p assage to somewhere else. Afghanistan is landlocked, generally poor in arable land and slightly smaller than Texas. fighters to hide. Archaeological digs from si tes such as Shortugai in the north and Mundigak in the south show evidence of the Indian Indus Valley Civilization dating back to at least the second millennium BCE. Influence from the Indian subcontinent continued for centuries afterward as

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14 nomadic tribes settled and brought with them Indian religion and culture. Persian culture came from the west; Dari, which is mutually intelligible with Iranian widely spoken language today. Ahmad Shah Durrani served as a military leader for assassinated by his own guards in 1747. Durrani returned to Kandahar, where he was named king of Afghanistan. Durrani would conquer parts of India and begin a dynasty that would last in some form of blood relation until a communist coup in 1978. Persians and Sikhs continued to pursue Afghan territory in the 19 th century. By the 1830s, the British became concerned that Russia might threaten their Indian holdings, while Russia grew and St. Petersburg that lasted through the rest of the century, saw its first major conflict in 1838, when Britain exiled Afghan ruler Dost Muhammad to India and replaced him. Four years later, the British were pummeled my local militias, withdrew their forces , and reinstalled Muhammad. The First Anglo Afghan War was a watershed moment for the state; its consequences continue to be felt today. The British determined that the Durrani elite would never be able to control its people (Barfield, 2010) . Instead, Britain would affairs through British India without occupying the country itself. Such plays for influence without occupation continue in modern day Pakistan, while occupation of Afghanistan has proved, to put it mildly, difficult for both the West and the Soviet Union. Barfield (2010) argues that the Durranis took a very different lesson from the war than the British did. Until this point, the general populace was accepting of a ruling class. In turn, that class generally granted localities a large degree of autonomy in return for fealty. This was

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15 Anglo Afghan War represented the first time that the populace not the elite took political either centralize power or suffer the same fate as the British, Barfield (2010) stated. Muhammad , took a nonconfrontational approach with the British d uring his second reign . H is kingdom remained more of a federalist conglomeration than a unified state, replete with periodic internal wars. It was another ruler that would centralize power to an unprecedented degree among Afghan rulers, but not until after the Second Anglo Afghan War from 1878 1880. The British had assumed direct rule over Afghanistan, which led to unsuccessful but unyielding resistance. Looking for a way out, they offered Abdur Rahman Khan , Dost the east. Through cooperation with the British who wanted to influence Afghanistan but ultimately realized that occupation was too costly and difficult Abdur Rahman defeated a rival in the south and took day borders. before. He broke with Afghan traditions of federalist, consultative rule and centralized his aut a minority supplied weaponry, Abdur Rahman purposely avoided building railroads or d oing much else to modernize the country under the rationale that it would be it easier for foreign invaders to conquer the country. term

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16 economic stagnation and poverty, even though in terms of po pulation density and available resources it had a stronger potential for growth than many of its neighbors (Ansari, 2012). jihad , literally defined as a struggle. Barfield (2010) stat es that prior to his reign, the concept was directed outward to Hindu India. Under the Iron Amir, jihad became both an outward battle against Christian kingdoms and an internal battle against those who would disagree with his views such opponents were her etics and often put to death. T he 20 th Century to the Afghan Civil War After Ab d ruling. The result was that every leader right up to post 9/11 President Hamid Karzai either died violently or was exiled. Following World War II, both Soviet and Western estimates found that only about 8 percent of the country could read, and by end of the 1950s, nearly three quarters of secondary school students were in Kabul, which had about 1.8 per cent of the population (Barfield, 2010). Meanwhile, the country became a Cold War battleground for influence between the Soviet Union, which began supplying arms and roads, and the United States, which contributed grants and further infrastructure. Kabul began developing a larger middle class that enjoyed modern amenities. Pictures of West. Just as the 1960s were a hotbed of new and sometimes revolutionary though t in the West, growing cadre of Islamist thought (Barfield, 2010), while also contributing a significant faction to the Soviet Union arty of Afghanistan, or PDPA, which was created in 1965. In 1973, Mohammed Daud, a former prime minister, overthrew his first cousin, King Zahir Shah, and proclaimed a republic. He then proceeded to purge Islamists and

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17 communists alike from his government. But the PDPA struck back and assassinated Daud in 1978. They took the reins of government and quickly banned Sharia law, while curtailing other long held Islamic customs. r long hold on power, but the Afghanistan Prime Minister Nur Muhammad Taraki went to the Soviet Union in early 1979 and asked for Soviet troops to bolster his government but was rebuffed due they would look like foreign aggressors (Barfield, 2010). Taraki was soon deposed and killed by evaluated their position. The U.S. had just lost an ally and a Cold War listening post when revolution overthrew the shah of Iran in 1979. Washington began getting more interested in Afghanistan at the same time, which worried Moscow (Feifer, 2009) . The Soviets were faced with tw o potentially disturbing outcomes: either the spread of Islamic government from Iran or an American supported government replacing the PDPA. On Dec. 27, 1979, the Soviet Union invaded Afghanistan and installed a hand picked government. The modeled the inv asion after their 1968 intervention in Czechoslovakia and expected to pull their troops out after a few months when order was restored (Barfield, 2010). Instead, they spent a decade fighting a U.S. and Pakistani midpoint, th develop a properly trained Afghan Army or develop effective counterinsurgency tactics, and had made little inroads into Afghan society despite facing enemies that fought each other (CIA, 1985) . When the Soviets left in 1989, the communist government came under attack by rivals

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18 and fell in 1992. The mujahedeen groups who fought the USSR battled each other, igniting the Afghan Civil War. The Tali I nfluence and the Legacy of 9/11 While warlords vied for control of Kabul, a small group of southern Afghans, most of whom learned a conservative brand of Islam from schools in Pakistan, came together in 1994 under the leadership of Mullah Muhammad Omar. A few months later, the group that became (Matinuddin, 1999) . ocially conservative south, stemmed largely from the perception that they were an antidote to the systemic corruption among the founding. But Rashid (2008) and other scholars generally agree that it has long supported a south ern Afghan, Pashtun run government that it can control. In September 1996, the Taliban took Kabul and pushed the last remaining militia groups his battles against the Soviets. Massoud, an ethnic Tajik, was known as a broadminded, tolerant man who, in a CIA requested meeting, warned the U.S. what was coming a week before the Taliban takeover (Coll, 2004) . Massoud retreated to the northern mountains , where he and others formed what the West would come to know as the Northern Alliance. Four months earlier, Osama b in Laden, known to some in Afghanistan for his material assistance to the mujahedeen in the 1990s, arrived in Jalalabad, east of K abul.

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19 Over the next five years, the Taliban drew widespread condemnation for human rights abuses under their regime, which included barring women from public life, public executions , and myriad punishments for not following the strict tenets of the regime Meanwhile, al operatives posing as journalists succeeded where many had failed by assassinating Massoud . Two days later came the 9/11 attacks and soon after, U.S. demands that the Taliban hand over b in Laden and his al Qaida associate s . Islamabad supported the pre invasion Taliban but counseled Mullah Omar to give up b in Laden once it became clear that it Omar had no love for b , p.41 ). But Gopal (2014) delivering b in Laden to the a rms of Western justice. Taliban pragmatists pleaded with Omar to reconsider but failed. Former Taliban say Omar grew withdrawn, while senior Taliban sent their families to Pakistan prior to the invasion. Omar looked for a way out by sending his top deput station chief, with a proposal to deliver b in Laden to a neutral country (Gopal, 2014), but Washington stood firm that b in Laden be handed over unconditionally (Coll, 2004) . However, even while Pakistan publicly sided wit h the U.S., they sent agents from Inter Services Intelligence which even now is considered replete with pro Taliban elements to reassure the

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20 beleaguered Afghan leader. They told Omar to resist to the end and that he would have allies in Pakistan, accor ding to a former senior Talib interviewed by Gopal (2014). 2001 Invasion to the P resent On Oct. 7, 2001, The United States and its coalition partners invaded Afghanistan and by December had swept the Taliban from power. U.S. forces failed to capture b in La den at the Tora Bora cave complex on the eastern border with Pakistan, the country where the al Qaida leader would be killed by special operations forces nearly 10 years later. Meanwhile, the 2001 Bonn Agreement provided for the establishment of an interi m Afghan government headed by President Hamid Karzai. By January 2002, the Taliban was no longer a substantial threat and al Qaida had retreated to the Afghan Pakistan border regions, or deeper into Pakistan . Afghanistan was as peaceful as it had been in d ecades, but that would not last. Al Qaida begin launching cross border attacks in the summer of 2002 and the Taliban, with Mullah Omar as its head, announced its return as an insurgency in 2003. By 2006, the NATO led International Security Assistance Force was conducting large scale military operations not seen since the invasion in places like the Korengal Valley. By 2011, Karzai, who had been re elected twice, and the Kabul government was increasingly seen as ineffectual at best, corrupt and incompetent a t worst among many Afghans (Verini, 2012) . The May 2011 killing of b in Laden in Pakistan brought celebrations in the United States but did little to change the ground war in Afghanistan. One month later, the Obama administratio n began a drawdown from an earlier 2009 troop surge and the next year, NATO leaders agreed to withdraw most of the 130,000 ISAF mission to advise and assist Afghan se curity forces. The NATO mission, along with a separate U.S. led counterterrorism mission, continue to operate today.

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21 Those missions have met with some success in urban areas but have faltered overall. In January 2019, the U.S. Special Inspector General fo r Afghanistan Reconstruction reported that about 63 percent of citizens live in Afghan government controlled areas; the Taliban and its affiliates control or contest about half of the country, which is more than they ever have since the 2001 invasion (Wellman, 2019) . The Taliban have continued their offensives in 2019 even while engaging in peace talks with the U.S., though they continue to exclude from those talks the Kabul government, which they view as illegitimate. The U. S. side, led by Afghan American diplomat Zalmay Khalilzad, believes the Taliban will agree not to harbor terror groups like al Qaida as part of a potential power sharing agreement; however, uncertainty remains over whether they would keep their word and so me Afghans are concerned that many freedoms, especially those gained by women, could be lost in a deal (Lawrence & Wellman, 2019) .

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22 CHAPTER 2 LITERATURE REVIEW Framing in post 9/11 War Studies Framing has become a fertile area for mass communication research, but one with myriad approaches and definitions (Matthes, 2009) . Herber and Filak (2007) acknowledge d that scholars argue over a precise definition, but in their study comparing U.S. and German news coverage of the Iraq War, they wrote that it has been most clearly defined by Entman (1993), as the power of d reality and to make them more salient in a promote a particular problem definition, an interpretation, a moral evaluation , or a treatment recommendation (Erzikova, Haigh, & Sampiev, 2016) framing is that unlike other definitions, it provides precise operational steps, though not all scholars follow them (Matthes, 2009) . However, there are other approaches, particularly those that center less on communicator frames and more on the audience itself. Pestalardo (2006) , in her analysis of Iraq War media framing across the U.S., Latin Ameri ca, and Europe, first cites a definition by Simon (2001, p. 76) underlying a particular social or political issue and outlines a set of considerations p urportedly Second level agenda setting theory shares some similarities with framing. Agenda setting theory initially looked at how mass media influenced the salience of public attitudes toward political issues (McCombs and Shaw, 1 972). Second level agenda setting mo ves from examining the importance of issues and focuses on how media interprets and evaluates issues (Tandoc, 2013). A difference is how framing effects talk about the interpretation of a message, as each message contain s frames and triggers frames in the minds of those who process them; while

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23 second level agenda setting is supposed to be explaining how people interpret particular agenda s , which do not stem from a single message, but from the accumulation of messages (Tan doc, 2013) . Among researchers exploring generic frames employed in Iraq and Afghanistan coverage, several coded stories as either episodic or thematic, a technique popularized by Iyengar (1991) , who de scribed oriented and may not necessarily include background and depth that can help media consumers see the bigger , thematic picture behind a story. Other war framing researchers have coded stories from a set time period, such as the first six weeks of U.S. invasion of Iraq in 2003, and identified issue related frames , such as conomics or ar o perations Such research provide s a descript ion of coverage but may not test any hypotheses regarding the framing theory itself. Matthes (2009) found this generally true of research on issue specific frames in a study of media framing in academic journals over a 15 year period. Matthes (2009) wrote nevertheless provides great value in contextualizing and describing media content. Framing is an ongoing process occurring within a sociocultural environment (Benford & Snow, 2000) . Therefore, it is natural that U.S. based media outlets would emphasize frames differently than outlets in Afghanistan and nearby countries. A study on early media coverage of the Iraq War (Lee, 2004) examined cate gorical frames along with indexing theory. The theory posited by Bennett (1990) states that coverage outside the realms of tra ditional power centers (Harp, Loke, & Bachmann, 2010) . Lee (2004) categorized four frames: war efforts, war effects, antiwar voice, and war victims, using only the

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24 headlines and first few paragraphs in stories from The New York Times and The Arab News published every fourth day between March 20 and May 1, 2003. The study also categorized stories describing only war process or war victims as episodic and stories including background uded that Times coverage was more thematic, more heavily emphasized war efforts framing, and relied more on official sources, while The Arab News and other Arab news sources employed more antiwar framing and cited more Arab sources. Harp, Loke, & Bachmann (2010) found support for indexing theory in the study of media coverage of the Iraq War from 2003 to 2007, while arguing that source s perform an integral role in news framing. Their study councluded that objects of criticism and disagreement within news st ories, such as the Bush Administration or the U.S. military, were determined substantially by comments from official sources, which in turn influenced which facts became most salient. However, they noted that criticism by journalists increased over time an that differed from official sources in Washington proved that journalists were more than mere A study of two British newsp apers and whether they conformed to British foreign policy in their coverage (Safdar, Budiman, & Hamid, 2014) examined editorial frames through thematic yzing and reporting patterns (themes) within data. The study did not attempt to categorize frames or operationalize framing theory and analyzes the editorials as either pro or anti government. The concluded that leaning The Guardian and Th e Independent supported some Afghanistan policies

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25 Tone of post 9/11 War c overage Pestalardo (2006) coded stories from major media outlets in the U.S., Europe, an d Latin America based on whether the coders found them to be favorable, unfavorable, balanced , or neutral toward the U.S. position in the Iraq War in both the week before and after the invasion. She found that The New York Times was more likely than The Wa shington Post, the San Francisco Chronicle , and five international outlets to print favorable coverage of the U.S. position both before and after the war began, with the Post printing mostly neutral stories and the Chronicle running the most unfavorable coverage, though pro U.S. position stories inc reased after the invasion. The Moscow Times ran 31 stories before the war, 30 of which were unfavorable. After the invasion, the majority of its stories were coded as factual, which most of the remainder unfavorable. La Nacion and El Universal Mexico cons istently remained unfavorable or neutral in their coverage, while El Universal Venezuela ran nearly equal numbers of favorable and unfavorable stories before the invasion and more unfavorable ones afterward. The Times of London ran mostly factual stories p rior to the invasion, while increasing both its favorable and unfavorable stories afterward. year analysis of Afghanistan war framing in The New York Times, The Washington Post , and The Los Angeles Times was one of few that looked at cove rage over multiple years and well beyond the initial invasion. One o hypothesis that coverage would grow more negative over time. Haigh determined that the U.S. military was depicted more negatively as the war in Afghani stan continued and that the tone of coverage in print stories was overall slightly negative to neutral. Haigh found no difference in tone based on whether journalists reported inside Afghanistan or elsewhere.

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26 While using a particular tone of coverage is of ten not a conscious decision on the part of U.S. journalists aiming for fairness, balance , countries with different media traditions or links to state information organs. Journalists interviewed at Natio their bias the former pro Kabul and the latter anti West in their coverage (Noorzai, 201 2) . The journalists Noorzai interviewed defended their coverage by stating that it matched the facts. Meanwhile, in interviews and within a qualitative content analysis, Noorzai, an Afghan who fled the country during the Soviet War, found that the com mercial Kabul based Tolo News wrote far The available literature reflected few attempts to track coverage of the Iraq or 14) study of Afghanistan, which found coverage growing slightly negative over time, is a significant exception. A neutral to slightly negative tone in print stories indicates that reporters challeng ed the cheery assessments of government media releases. Th e finding that Afghanistan episodic casualty frames they were actually more likely to explore thematic frames than their U.S. based counterparts suggests that in an era where outlets are cutting back on f oreign correspondents, having subject matter experts on the ground as report er s continues to add valuable depth to coverage. As in Iraq, ethnocentrism appeared to play a role in Afghanistan prominently used employed at the direction of the government; it was just self evident to them (Noorzai, 2012) .

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27 None of the available research analyzed media coverage of Afghanistan any later than 2012. Frames U sed in C overage of Afghanistan and O ther W ars Thematic frames are less common in breaking news coverage (Dimitrova, 2006) and multiple stud ies of 2003 Iraq invasion coverage found a relia nce on episodic frames among major U.S. dailies (Dmitrova, 2006; Lee, 2004; Yang, 2008) . The New York Times and The Washington Post far from the front lines, wrote thematically different countries , and generally called for an end to the fighting (Yang, 2008) . d in front of them, while the Chinese reporters were thousands of miles away. The New York Times website employed episodic frames at the dawn of the Iraq invasion but by May moved toward rebuilding, prognostic , and other thematic frames, suggesting that fr phenomenon (Dimitrova, 2006) . year study of Afghanistan appears to support t he idea of shifts in framing with time ; the balance of stories over the decade reflected thematic frames, while a hypothesis that Afghanistan based reporters would use more episodic, casualty oriented frames than reporters elsewhere was the opposite of what the data showed. While several researchers writing about post 9/11 wars discussed framing theory, relatively few attempted to categorize content within frames. Among Iraq War researchers, Pestalardo (2006) found that major U.S. newspapers presented the greatest number of stories the week before the 2003 invasion und

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28 The New York Times pag e. Those two frames were employed for 56 of 121 stories in the first five weeks of the war; the third week but comprised the fewest stories among the six frames coded. Afghanistan researchers were more likely to contrast frames along the lines of fighting and efforts to recover from it. Time and The Economist the The Herald framed stories most often in terms of multiparty talks and the effects of war (Ishaq, Saleem, Ahamd, & Amber, 2017) . In a content analysis of stories fr om 2008 and 2009, Noorzai (2012) coded frames in two broad categories: one group for covering the conflict and another related to peace. Among multiple state and commercial outlets in both Afghanistan and the broader region, each outlet used the y the peace frame used most often and employed by all outlets analyzed. Jawad (2013) sample o f media coverage of Afghanistan from June 2010, July 2011 and August 2012 , in which he compa red The New York Times, The Washington Post, USA Today , and The Daily Outlook Afghanistan, a national Afghan news outlet. Even by 2013, Jawad noted a lack of extensive study of media coverage of

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29 Afghanistan. Jawad found that the majority of coverage fell into a frame. Peace talks and negotiation, which received considerable attention in Afghanistan, did not receive much attention from U.S. outlets. Soon after the December 2001 Bonn Agreement laid a based news organizations extensively covered Afghanistan rel ated events, presumably with far more positive framing in ( Jawad , 2013, p.2). This generally positive framing continued until 2008, when coverage broadly declined, a nd framing for years afterward fell into more critical categories, such as g overnment corruption. Edy and Meirick (2007) focused on audience perceptions of framing and posited that Tennesseans who saw 9/11 through a war frame perpetrators should be would be more supportive of an Afghan the perpretrators as subject to trial. The war frame was used twice as often as the crime frame on three major U.S. broadcast networks in the lead up to the Afghanistan invasion, according to the study. They concluded that the audience largely did not take the opposing media frames at face Little research exists that explicitly measures framing in communications theory as it relates to war prior to the 1990s, but some studies came close by examining what journalists made more salient and how the public perceived i t. An exhaustive review by Patterson (1982) of Vietnam War coverage by the major television networks, news magazines , and newspapers images and moments, such as an im age of a naked girl running following a napalm attack,

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30 colored perception of overall war reporting. Such content was seen as characteristic of media (Patterson, 1982, p . 134) . Soviet Union newspapers portrayed their 10 year war in Afghanistan as a battle to ying villages and schools (Erzikova, Haigh, & Sampiev, 2016) . However, this did change over time, coinciding with changes in the Soviet Union as a whole. In 1987, the Communist Party official newspaper Pravda wrote a scathing editorial criticizing Soviet coverage of the war (Nadler, 1987) . The paper cited past coverage of tree planting and helpful doctors as typical, while ignoring routs of Soviet troops, who when they returned home found hardships as veterans. Access and safety can affect coverage of any war, and Afghanistan is an example of that during the current war as it was during the Soviet intervention. From July 1983 to March 1988, The Associated Press wired 443 stories from Islamabad, compared with 19 f rom Kabul (Sheikh, 1990) . The largest percentage of Afghanistan stories during that time were filed with a Washington dateline. Some Western reporters, particularly freelancers, risked their lives to report from within Afghanis tan. The Soviet ambassador to Pakistan in 1984 bluntly stated that unauthorized journalists in the country were subject to execution (Sheikh, 1990). Such concerns can limit the breadth of reporting and transform a complicated conflict into a situation fram ed narrowly. This study aims to examine how the conflict has been framed , what importance it has been given , and whether any notable inaccuracies were challenged by two of the most highly recognized media outlets in the United States. It extends the exist ing body of research by reviewing how these media outlets framed Afghanistan in 2002 specifically, as opposed to

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31 address categorical frames . This study also build framing is not a static phenomenon. It provides a starting point for research on framing and qualitative study of Afghanistan reporting in 2018, as well as a point of comparison for previous studies. Research Questions Q1: What share of Afghanistan coverage was predominantly episodic vs. thematic over time? H1 : Episodic framing will predominate in early 2002, giving way to a larger share of thematic stories; the share of thematic framing in 2018 will be higher than in 2002. Q2: What frames were employed most often as 2002 progressed and how did that compare with 2018? H2 : and will be most often used in early 2002, giving way to Politics and Policy; 2018 will reflect a more even d istribution between each of those three frames, with others lagging behind. Q3: How often did these stories make the front page or the front of an inside section, and how did that change over time? H3 : Afghanistan stories during the first half of 2002 like ly made multiple front pages and rarely did afterward. Q4: Did coverage challenge government assertions or provide alternat iv e views from sources regarding statements that have been since been deemed inaccurate? H4 : Statements regarding length of the war, Osama b went generally unchallenged in 2002; inaccuracies provided by officials in 2018 were more often balanced with alternat iv e sources and commentary.

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32 CHAPTER 3 METHOD Analysis. M edia content analysis is a non intrusiv e research method that allows examination of a wide range of data over an extensive period to identify popular discourses and their likely meanings (Macnamara, 2005) . Mayring (2000) developed multiple procedures for qualitative content analysis, among which he says two are central: inductive category development and deductive category application. Inductive analysis involves working from spec ific observations of categories and patterns to a broad theory or conclusion (Macnamara, 2005). The systematicity of qualitative analysis increases by starting with predetermined tative research is also well lead to further study (Babbie, 2004). Qualitative content analysis can have quantitative components; however, it goes beyond counting words to examining language for the purpose of classifying large amounts of text into an efficient number of categories that represent similar meanings (Weber, 1990) . This thesis examines Afghanistan war coverage using a summative qu alitative analysis, which involves counting or comparisons, usually of keywords or content, followed by the interpretation of the underlying context (Hsieh & Shannon, 2005) . The newspapers selected for comparison are The New Yo rk Times and The Wall Street Journal , both of which were print circulation leaders in 2002 and 2018, and among the most subscribed daily newspapers in the United States. The Times has a politically left leaning editorial board, having last endorsed a Repub lican presidential candidate in 1956 ( New York Times Endorsements Through the Ages , 2016) . The Journal has a typically conservative editorial board, which provides a point of contrast for the two publications.

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33 Stories were collected using the ProQuest U .S. Major Dailies database. An initial search then followed with a search limited to the two publications under review. Stories were then reviewed by headline s for relevan from headlines , the full text was reviewed. News summaries, captions, letters to the editor, obituaries, and stories about terrorism that were not focused on terrorism occurring in Afghanistan were omitted . For about Zaccarias Moussaoui, a convi cted 9/11 co conspirator arrested in Minnesota, were omitted. Table 3 1. Afghanistan in The New York Times and The Wall Street Journal by search hits and qualifying stories , 2002 NYT Search Stories WSJ Search Stories January 427 153 167 39 February 320 86 105 21 March 307 112 97 17 April 227 66 69 11 May 197 50 61 6 June 204 46 62 10 July 145 34 56 7 August 144 23 52 2 September 263 54 72 4 October 180 23 52 2 November 156 20 42 4 December 146 21 40 5 Total 2,716 688 875 128 Monthly avg. 226 57 73 11

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34 Table 3 2 . Afghanistan in The New York Times and The Wall Street Journal by search hits and qualifying stories , 20 18 NYT Search Stories WSJ Search Stories January 61 26 29 8 February 46 10 23 2 March 71 15 18 5 April 57 12 12 2 May 57 16 27 9 June 52 16 28 7 July 53 19 22 5 August 58 2 6 34 11 September 70 23 23 6 October 48 14 26 3 November 77 16 24 4 December 89 2 4 40 8 Total 739 217 306 70 Monthly avg. 62 18 26 6 Stories shorter than 200 words that did not carry a byline and were often the product of wire reports were also excluded. Both news and editorials were included. The qualifying stories were then downloaded to spreadsheet files, which included headlines, bylines, dates, type of story, and placement within the newspaper. The full text of each story, along with bibliographical information, was downloaded into separate files delineated by month of publication. The number of stories per month published by each newspaper was than tabulated a l ong with a mo nthly average. Constructed week sampling is a method that is used to capture the

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35 of the week be represented , and avoid s oversampling of Saturdays and Sund ays (Riffe, Aust, & Lacy, 1993) . The same study found that while one constructed week was adequate for representing a newspaper over six months, two constructed weeks were better. By contrast, they would have needed 28 editions to yield the same results through a simple random sample (Lacy, Riffe, Stoddard, Martin, & Kuang Kuo, 2001) . Hester and Dougall (2007) found that at least two constructed weeks were needed for reliability over a six month time span in a content analysi s of Yahoo! News . A content analysis of health related stories in newspapers determined that a minimum of six constructed weeks was most efficient for both one year and five year studies (Luke, Caburnay, & Cohen, 2011) . R esear ch on war coverage shows that dominant frames can shift quickly over time (Dimitrova, 2006) . This thesis measur es how frames changed during two pivotal years of the Afghan War . By January 2002, the Taliban had been soundly defe ated , but discontent within the country had grown by the end of the year. In 2018, the Taliban controlled more territory than it had since its initial defeat , but after an uptick in violence, a brief summer cease fire led to the most promising peace talks since the start of the 18 year conflict. Therefore, this study use s one constructed week from each quarter of 2002 and 2018 for each publication , for a total sample of 164 stories . I n the case of The Wall Street Journal , the sample over multiple quarters at times represents the majority of their coverage. If there wa sample, a partial constructed week w as built, followed by additional random sampling to create a full week. This was required for the Journal becaus e it did not publish Saturday and Sunday print editions in 2002 and did not print a Sunday edition in 2018. All coding and calculations

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36 w ere from the University of Maryland in April 20 19. Q1: What share of coverage was predominantly episodic vs. thematic over time? Each sample news story was read in its entirety to determine a predominantly episodic or thematic frame ; editorials and commentary were excluded from this metric. While pre vious studies on framing have often relied on headlines alone or the first few paragraphs, reading the stories in full prevents a bad headline or a buried lead from skewing the results , and provides more content for qualitative evaluation. Q2: What frames were employed most often as 2002 progressed and how did that compare with 2018? The frames cod ed include d the following: which include s troop and military movements, engagements between coalition forces and combatants , and building the Afghan se curity force apparatus. This include s the hunt for Osama b in Laden, Taliban leader Mullah Omar, and particularly in 2018, other senior commanders within militant groups operating in Afghanistan; which is distinguished from the frame by including any attacks by insurgent groups on civilians, or anyone other than coalition forces; particularly in 2002, this include s result of capture in Afghanistan; Development, whi ch includes rebuilding, infrastructure , and the economy ; these stories primarily filtered Afghanistan could be transformed into an economically modernized state. Policy and P olitics, includ ing within Afghanistan, the U.S. NATO coalition, Pakistan , and other stakeholder nations. This frame included stories on good governance, corruption, foreign government influence, and the creation of the new Afghan government, as well as U.S. and coalition po licy in regard to the country. Other, anecdotal leads for larger themes. Q3: How often did these stories make the front page or the front of an inside section, and how did tha t change over time?

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37 Newspaper editors have long intuitively known that stories on A . 1 or on the front pages of sections are more likely to be read, and multiple studies have confirmed that page placement is the key predictor of readership (McCombs, Mauro, & Son, 1988) . Q4: Did coverage challenge government assertions or provide alternat iv e views from sources regarding statements that have been since considered inaccurate? Osama b in Laden was killed in the Tora Bora caves in 20 01 . Or maybe he fled to Yemen. Allied troops would be on the ground another year or so and the Pentagon has no intention of establishing permanent bases in Afghanistan, the U.S. top commander said in 2002 (Dao, 2002) . Ideas and opinions since deemed inaccurate were repeatedly reported in 2002. Meanwhile, t he Taliban was thoroughly defeated politically and militar il y by December 2001 but began regrouping at the end of 2002 ( Gopal, 201 4 ) multiple assessments that were demonstrably false (Garland, 2018) . Hedrick Smith, a Pulitzer Prize winning author and reporter who covered the Vietnam War, said that in depth investigative reporting is a cr ucial part of the media fulfilling its watchdog role, or at least the challenging, of conventional w isdom, particularly when people are running gung ho into some sort of policy, and when Washington is being run by groupthink and the press becomes part of it. (Froomkin, 2013) . Stories within the sample were read in their entire t y. Instances of s tatements and assumptions that appeared inaccurate or misleading , whether quoted by officials or asserted by journalists, were cross referenced with additional research material to determine if that was actually the case. It was also noted whether the story attempt ed to challenge these statements by providing alternative viewpoints, data, or other factual material.

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38 CHAPTER 4 RESULTS There were 164 stories reviewed for this study. There were 63 stories from The New York Times and 34 from The Wall Street Journal in 20 02. In 2018, there were 39 Times and 28 Journal stories reviewed. The first research question asked about the number of episodically and thematically framed stories. The hypothesis that stories would begin in 2002 with more episodic framing and then transition to more thematic framing over time was not supported and gene rally the opposite of what the data showed. In the first quarter of 2002, the Times constructed week sample included 25 stories, 22 of which were not editorials or commentary. Of those, 10 employed a predominantly thematic frame, while 12 used episodic fra mes. The Times used a much greater percentage of episodic frames for the rest of 2002 and in 2018. The Journal had five thematic frames and 12 episodic frames during the first half of 2002, which reflected a higher ratio of thematic frames than it would e mploy for the remainder of 2002 or 2018, when it rarely used them at al l. Table 4 1 . Episodic and Thematic Framing in The New York Times and The Wall Street Journal in 2002 and 2018 NYT Episodic Thematic WSJ Episodic Thematic January March 2002 12 1 0 7 2 April June 13 3 5 3 July September 8 2 5 1 October December 9 1 4 1 2002 Totals 42 16 21 7

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39 Table 4 1 Continued NYT Episodic Thematic WSJ Episodic Thematic January March 2018 6 4 7 0 April June 8 1 6 0 July September 5 3 6 0 October December 7 3 5 2 2018 Totals 26 11 24 2 Total 2002/2018 68 32 45 9 The second research question asked which categorical frames were employed most in 2002 and how that changed in 2018. As expected, and were the most commonly used frames by the Times in 2002, comprising a combined 75 percent of all samp led stories. However, the frame was occasionally employed only during the first half of 2002. The frame comprised 41 percent of Journal stories in 2002, while was the dominant frame in 12 percent of stories, putti ng it fourth of the five categories. F rames in 2018 did not reflect a more even distribution among and Politics and Policy, as initially expected . comprised 56 percent of Times stories in 2018, only about 2 percent less than it did in 2002. was de emphasized in 2018, while comprised 15 percent of stories, as did Other. None of the stories

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40 Table 4 2 . Categorized Fr ames in The New York Times in 2002 and 2018 Battle Terrorism Politics and Policy Dev elopm e nt Other January March 2002 12 5 4 1 3 April June 10 4 2 1 0 July September 6 1 0 3 1 October December 6 3 0 1 0 2002 Totals 34 13 6 6 4 January March 2018 5 2 4 0 0 April June 6 2 0 0 1 July September 4 1 0 0 3 October December 7 0 2 0 2 2018 Totals 22 5 6 0 6 Total 2002/2018 56 18 12 6 10 The business minded Journal placed more emphasis on framing during the first quarter of 2002 and then transitioned to the frame, along with the frame, as the year continued. The Journal percent of its stories using the frame, and 32 perc ent utilizing the frame. Table 4 3 . Categorized Frames in The Wall Street Journal in 2002 and 2018 Battle Terrorism Politics and Policy Developme nt Other January March 2002 7 2 0 2 0 April June 3 0 4 1 0 July September 1 1 2 3 1 October December 3 1 0 2 1 2002 Totals 14 4 6 8 2

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41 Table 4 3 Continued April June 6 1 0 0 0 July September 4 0 3 0 0 October December 4 0 3 0 0 2018 Totals 18 1 9 0 0 Total 2002/2018 32 5 15 8 2 The third research question asked how often Afghanistan appeared on the front page or the front of another section. The hypothesis that stories would be placed more prominently in the first half of 2002 and then fade to back pages generally reflected what happened in the Times but not the case in the Journal. Four of the seven dates sample d with in the first three months of 2002, and six total stories, appeared on the front page of the Times. Three of those incorporated the frame, two utilized the frame , and another related to humanitarian aid was classified as Other. The ne xt quarter included two dates with front page stories, both of which fell under the frame. The following quarter, there were no front page stories, but a historical/travel story about Afghanistan made the front page of a feature section. The final quarter features two dates with front pages, with one story each utilizing the and frames. In contrast, on ly two Journal stories made the front page within the 2002 sample one framed as and another as The Time s published far fewer stories on Afghanistan in 2018 but continued placing some of them on the front page. Five stories made A.1 within the sample. Of those, three utilized the frame, one the frame , and one Other. The Journal placed one Battle framed story on the front page within the 2018 sample.

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42 The fourth research question asked whether coverage challenged government assertions or provided alternative views regarding statements that we know to be inaccurate, given the benefit of hindsight. The hypothesis that such statements went generally unchallenged in 2002 was partially supported . The Times 2002 coverage repeatedly conflated a l Qaida and the Taliban as one group. While some fighters from each group worked with each other, the two groups generally disliked each other and operated very differently in a marriage of convenience prior to 9/11, as the Journal noted in a 4,143 word investigative story (Cullison and Higgins, 2002). The Times, and to some extent the Journal, did not dispute the repeated conflating of these two groups by senior officials and often contributed to it in their news stories and commentary. There were at least six further instances of unchallenged assertions by government officials in the Times 2002 sample. W e now know that the Taliban at the time was largely beaten as a militar y force (Gopal, 2014) and that most resistance came from small pockets of fighters near the Pakistan border regions, and not across all of Afghanistan. Another Jan. 4 story on an Afghan president from the 1990s was a single sou rce interview the former Afghan president himself that challenged none of his assertions of authority (Waldman, 2002). The story contained one unattributed concession of sorts that his prior rule was seen as corrupt and ineffective. A Journal commentar y a month later added more voices and said that the former president and his improvement (Starr and Strmecki, 2002). A Jan. 12 story quoted then Defense Secretary Donald Rumsfeld stating that unlawful combatants housed at Guantanamo , Cuba, as opposed to prisoners of war, do not have any rights under the Geneva Convention (Seelye, 2002). The story did partially challenge the assertion by confirming this to be the cas e with the nonprofit group Human Rights Watch. However, it never asked why the prisoners were being deemed unlawful combatants, and whether there was a difference between al Qaida combatants and Taliban fighters , who represented the force of a ruling nation state. Rumsfeld is quoted in there is nothing special about them.

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43 A Feb. 26 editorial states that armed multiethnic The New York Times tan security forces were nowhere near ready in 2003 and continue to be a work in progress in 2019. In a June 1 story on the new U.S. command ing general in Afghanistan , the general states that his goal is not to create a permanent presence in Central Asia, nor is it to help provide nationwide security, but rather to hunt elusive al Qaida and Taliban forces (Dao, 2002). There is no discussion or questioning on why the leader of all forces in Afghanistan is focusing so closely on tactics rather than strategy, or the broader ability of the country to recover without a security apparatus aided by coalition forces. But we do learn that the general likes fishing. create an Army of up to 70,000 troops, which will be financed and trained largely by the United States (Landler, 2002) . There is no questioning the assertion whether this is the right number and no discussion on how these troops would be deployed. As of May 2019 there w ere about 180,000 members of the Afghan army and air forces, and another 91,000 police, who are sometimes called upon to serve in a military role (Wellman, 2019) . Those instances of unchallenged assertions and incompl ete reporting existed with multiple examples of stories that did challenge the official story from government officials. A Jan. 4 story had the Bush administration claiming that famine had been averted in Afghanistan. A variety of sources from U.S. based aid groups , to Afghans outside of Kabul , indicated that aid was not getting where it needed to go and that there was little to back up the idea that the crisis had passed (Chivers & Becker, 2002) . A Feb. 17 analysis remarked that there appeared to be two different wars being reported a neat, efficient one guided by precision bombs and proxy forces that came out of Pentagon briefings, and an other on the ground, where civilian casualties, botched raids , and failures threatened to undermine the legitimacy of the coalition (Kifner, 2002) . A Feb. 17 story tells the tale of people in a remote southeastern town who were killed in a a l Qaida. Reporting from nearby villages and the strike site makes it appear far more likely that the men killed were scrap metal collect ors one of whom happened to be the same height and general build of Osama b in Laden (Burns, 2002) . The Journal coverage within the 2002 sample turned up at least four unchallenged government assertions . The re were no significant challenges .

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44 A Jan. 4 stor y on prisoners concentrated on the logistics of where to put them (Cummins, 2002) rather than address the U.S. government assigned validity of their status, as the Times story on unlawful combatants attempted to do. A Feb. 26 story on the Pentagon weighing opening a new office to disseminate information to media outlets quotes a source stating that the office would not disseminate false or misleading information (Jaffe, 2002). It then states that the office could draw upon public affairs and psychological w these personnel would come out of the distinct military occupational specialties of psychological operations or information operations; however, unlike public affairs, those specialties have no restrictio ns on doling out misleading information within their training. The story makes no attempt to explain how the government can guarantee dole out misleading information under such circumstances. In a Feb. 28 story on an Army civil affairs team, the provincial governor of Herat, which lies along the Iranian border, is portrayed as a warlord whom the U.S. is cultivating a critical relationship with and who can be a helpful partner (Jaffe, 2002) . By September, a Journal contribut ing reporter is call planning with anti government forces (Rashid, 2002). If this was the case, the original A July 9 editorial asserts the U .S. government view of broad progress ( Progress , 2002). It repeats the call for an Afghan army of 60,000 to 70,000 troops without questioning whether this is an appropriate number . In the 2018 sample, the Times often questioned government observations when they were made or gain ed comment from alternative sources . The exception came from a U.S. based reporter. number of terrorist organization s in assertion is then dropped and returns to the central theme supported by the U.S . government and a think tank that terrorists are building safe havens in Afghanistan . The cases where the Times questioned the narratives of the U.S., Afghan, Taliban , and others were far more numerous , with at least 10 instances : In a Jan.6 editorial on Pakistan and its role in the Afghan War, President Donald Trump s Pakistan has harbored the Taliban, is criticized for bombast ( Pakistan, the Ever Troublesome Ally , 2018). But the Times, which is often critical of Trump in editorials, s trustworthiness. A news

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45 government officials who both supported and opposed the U.S. position. A Jan. 12 story questions the facts presented by a U.S. spokesman for NATO R esolute Support following an American airstrike that killed at least 13 fighters ( Zbihullah & Mashal, 2018 ) . A March 18 Afghan government plan to take control of independently run shelters for abused women is challenged by aid workers concerned that the w appropriate care ( Kramer, 2018 ) . An April 4 story on civilians killed following a government strike has the central province and eyewitnesses ( Rahim & Mashal, 2018 ) . A May 17 story in which the Afghan government outs the withdrawal of the Taliban for Farah city in western Afghanistan is challenged by residents, who point out that the Taliban left without a shot being fired ( Fahim & Shah, 2018 ) . An Aug. 15 story contrasts an Afghan military claim that insurgents had been cleared from the main part of Ghazni with reporting on the ground , where there was still fighting ( Najim & Nordland, 2018 ) . An Aug. 17 story challenges the Austri a n ( Scheutze & Hauser, 2018 ) . Force killed six insurgents, which conflict with what i s generally known about ( Najim & Nordland, 2018 ) . A Sept questioned the methodology of a wide range of statistical information provi ded by the U.S. and Afghans, including how many troops the Afghans have, how much territory they control , and their infant mortality rates ( Nordland and Fahim, 2018 ). A Dec. 18 commentary who was charge d with the murder of a suspected Taliban bomb maker in violation of the Ackerman, 2018 ). The Journal in 2018 more often left government narratives unchallenged , with a few exceptions. An April 4 st ory did report challenges to the Afghan government narrative of an errant airstrike, though not in the same detail and breadth as the Times ( Nelson & Amiri, 2018 ). An Aug. 15 story questioned U.S. and Afghan accounts of the defense of Ghazni and said the

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46 a ttack raised doubts about progress of the Afghan security forces, though the doubts are unattributed ( Nelson, Totakhil, & Amiri, 2018 ). A Dec. 22 story relied on anonymous diplomats to question whether a Trump decision to pull large numbers of troops from Afghanistan was wise (Nelson, 2018). The unchallenged instances included the following: A Jan. 6 story on the withdrawal of U.S. aid to Pakistan repea while including one brief quote from Pakistan. It largely left U.S. assertions unchallenged (Shah, 2018). A Jan. 12 story on plans to send 1,000 combat advisers and more drones included the U.S. plan with no challenges or alternati ve voices on the merits of the plan (Youssef and Lubold, 2018). A May 17 story on the Taliban pullout of Farah quotes a U.S. spokesman and an Afghan Nelson, Totakhil, & Amiri, 2018 ), rather than question whether they faced opposition or how long the fighting continued, as the Times version did. A June 11 story on the Taliban declaring a short cease fire states that the group did not explain the move, nor did the brief story questio The Times

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47 CHAPTER 5 DISCUSSION One of the purposes of this exploratory study was to determine wh at how readers of two inent newspapers were presented with information during the Afghan War, both in the aftermath of the initial victory over the Taliban, and in 2018, when broad interest and attention in the conflict had long since flagged. The selection of frames indicated how the Times and Journal filtered the events and important aspects of the war to its readers, while the extent to which they questioned the veracity of government narratives was critical to whether they were fulfilling the watchdog role of journalism. The first question examined frames from an episodic and thematic perspective. The hypothesis that episodic coverage would give way to thematic coverage was based on the supposition that battlefield movements and the hunt for figures like Osama b in Laden would be of paramount interest. Once the fighting faded, there would be more time, and inc reasing freedom of movement on the ground, for journalists to look at Afghanistan from a holistic standpoint . This turned out not to be the case. Both newspapers devoted more thematic coverage to Afghanistan in early 2002. The Journal mostly gave up on the matic coverage in 2018 and its episodic coverage often consisted of s hort stories . Times coverage was mostly episodic in the strict sense that it derived from a breaking news event. However, many of those episodic stories were more than 1,000 words and pro vided ample context and background. The flagging thematic framing in 2002 and the Journal episodic frames in context. It is possible that a lack of broader understanding of events in Afghanista n may have contributed to the ensuing lack of public interest. The categorical framing data suggests that the newspapers may employ a greater variety of frames when a story is covered more extensively, as it was in early 2002. It also appears that,

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48 whi le dominant frames may remain, less frequent framing changes with time. The second question reviewed categorical frames with the expectation that and would dominate how the newspapers portrayed the conflict in early 2002, with a shift occurring as the year progressed. The expectation was that the military aspects of the war would understandably be at the forefront following the invasion and overthrow of the Taliban . That proved to be the case with the Times, which framed its stories in terms of the ground fight far more often than any other way. However, the expectation did not fully account for the amount of coverage devoted to Afghanistan at the start of 2002 and its subsequent decline. The Times and to a lesser extent the Journal had more multiple story days in the early going than they ever would later in the year or in 2018. While the Times more often utilized the frame, it was also more likely to employ the frame in the first six months of 2002, as well as Other, which often reflected human interest stories. None of the stories in the remainder of the year utilized the frame. The Times shifted more of its coverage to development in th e third quarter of 2002 at a time when the fighting had ebbed. The Journal in 2002 wrote fewer stories on Afghanistan overall than the Times , which general coverage of world affairs, but with a central focus on financia l matters. It most often employed the frame , but not as often as a percentage of its coverage as the Times. Terrorism was of little interest to the Journal , which was more likely to favor the frame and the frame , befitting its financial focus. By 2018, the Journal interest in Afghanistan narrowed considerably. Most of its stories employed a frame, which centered around coalition forces fighting the Taliban. One

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49 story used the frame; other t han that, there was no focused coverage of insurgent group attacks on civilians. The remainder employed the frame, usually in the context of U.S. relations with Afghanistan and Pakistan. The Times also favored the employ roughly evenly with and frames falling into the Other category. Stories framed through either or repr esented each of the front page stories on Afghanistan within the 2002 first quarter sample. That the newspaper would have six front page stories in a single constructed week devoted to Afghanistan indicates that the editors continued to view the sto ry as one of central importance to its readers. The single front page story in in the first quarter of 2002 sample, on the same dates as the Times except for the two substituted weekend days when the Journal editors viewed the story as less important to its readers at that stage. The Times devoted less space to Afghanistan stories but never buried them entirely, with one or two front page stories in seven of the eight weeks sampled within 2002 and 2018; the third qu arter of 2002 had a story on the front page of an inside section. The Journal continued to make Afghanistan an inside pages story throughout 2002 and 2018, with only three stories appearing on A.1 throughout the eight weeks. By mid 2002, the Journal had pu lled its chief defense staff writer and others out of Afghanistan and employed Ahmed Rashid as a contributor. Rashid would go on to cover the country extensively for year s afterward, but the lack of staff in the country, while not immediately attributable to placement, is another indicator of the lesser importan ce the editors placed on coverage of the war.

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50 The Times record on challenging government assertions later or immediately identified as deemed misleading or inaccurate was mixed . Although al Qaida and the Taliban are both U.S. enemies and can be accurately referred to as such in that narrow context, they are and were very Al phrase used in the 2002 sample. In the 2018 sample, there were only two references, which in both instances cited the events of 2001. Qaida has disappeared. The gr oup resurrected itself in the 2010s and counts about 20,000 affiliated members worldwide, roughly 800 of whom are located in Afghanistan, Pakistan , or India (Hoffman, 2018) . In the interim between the greater focus on the war i n 2002 and the years of flagging attention since, the proliferation of militant groups worldwide several of who m were fighting each other made the error of lumping Qaida and the Taliban together more apparent. Perhaps this was due to unfamiliarity with the two groups on the part of some journalists. Had the Times not done so in 2002, it would have provided readers with a better idea of the complexity the U.S. and its coalition partners were facing. The same can be said for the stories which let slide th e ideas that a well trained Afghan army was possible within a couple of these assertions, there would be little reason for Americans to think that the war would t urn into That said, Times report ers in 2002 did at times provide a harbinger of things to come. John Burns, who would spend 40 years with the Times and was generally considered one of the best modern foreign correspon dents among his peers , had won a Pulitzer Prize for his coverage of the Taliban in 1997 and covered Islamic affairs for years before the war started . He left his

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51 Predator drone strike on villagers there. He found no evidence that the dead were al Qaida members, or anything more than poor, longtime residents of the village. He did learn that one of the dead men just happened to be the same height and build as bin L aden. He talked with errant bombing and missile strikes by the United States may squander the overwhelming appreciation that America earned . Earlier confident claims from government sources that senior Qaida operatives were killed became The same day, an analysis piece pointed out the inconsistency in the the war and what reporters like Burns were seeing on the ground. C.J. Chivers, a former Marine who has since reported extensively on the war and criticized its conduct, teamed with Elizabeth Becker on Jan. 4, 2002, to provide ample reporting from the groun premature. Examples like those could have at least planted a seed in the minds of readers that leaving Afghanistan would be no simple matter. But these examples of questioning the government more By 2018, the Times , perhaps hardened by the mistakes it admitted to years ago in Iraq and sharing the skepticism of the American public on how the Afghan war had been handled, questioned official narrativ es regularly, whether from the U.S., the Kabul government, the Taliban , or even Europe. It flat out told readers that the U.S. was misleading them in one headline , through the statistics it used to measure progress. In multiple instances, they went to or t alked with Afghans in villages to confirm official accounts of battles and found conflicting versions on a scale they did attempt in 2002, with a few

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52 exceptions like the story by Burns. That may be a factor of familiarity with the country and improved c ommunications methods in 2018 . But it also may be more indicative of what is expected out of Times conflict zone reporters now, in comparison to 2002. The Journal made no attempt to untangle the government narrative conflating Qaida and the Taliban until i t did in a big way on Aug. 2, 2002. A 4,143 word story very long by daily journalism standards detailed the cultural rifts that almost le d the Taliban to kick bin Laden out of the country (Cullison and Higgins, 2002). A U.S. strike on an al Qaida targe t in Afghanistan in 1998 prevented that , after it made turning out bin Laden in the face of a U.S. attack politically infeasible, the report stated. s. The Journal , which supported the Bush related editorials, viewing progress in Afghanistan as speedy in June. In a July editorial, it reasserted the view of broad progress and parroted th e need for an Afghan army the exact size as what the U.S. government wanted. The Journal did challenge official accounts in 2018, mostly related to what happened on the battlefield. But it still missed a lot, which may have been related to how little s pace Afghanistan coverage was allocated compared to the Times . A story on plans to send 1,000 combat advisers and more drones to Afghanistan reads a lot like the stories about Afghan troop numbers in 2002 there is nothing to suggest why the numbers were chosen and how the plans would work.

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53 CHAPTER 6 CONCLUSION The New York Times and The Wall Street Journal have considerable influence on how news events are interpreted, not just among the public but by other journalists. Together the two media outlets reach across the American political spectrum. The results support the idea that war framing within the same media outlets changes over time, at least initially, as it did during successive quarters of 2002 in both the Times and Journal. The story of Afghanistan was most forc es engage with the Taliban and other adversaries. The Times frames in 2018 but also utilized other frames that broadened its reporting. The Journal lack of emphasis on Afghanistan. The Journal was also less likely to report in depth on Afghanistan than the Times in 2018. While each outlet primarily utilized episodic framing, the Times in 2018 more often included context wh ile the Journal often reported little beyond the facts of breaking news. A reliance on such episodic battlefield oriented frames may also be due, in part, to the realities on the ground for reporters, and both the choices and time constraints that editors dealt with stateside. Reporters were confronted with working with unfamiliar translators, gutted infrastructure, logistical hurdles, and ever looming deadlines in getting their stories out. In some cases, it may take all day driving on a dirt road to get to an interview, which leaves little time to find a way to send a story on deadline, let alone write it. As interest waned in Afghanistan, editors had to balance with rising interest in other issues and parts of the world when determining how much space an d depth to devote to the story.

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54 Nevertheless, by focusing too much on episodic battlefield framing, media leave readers Afghanistan to become a peaceful stat e with a government able to provide nationwide security 20 th century and the Afghan Soviet War, has demonstrated a deeply ingrained resistance to foreign inter vention. American success was always going to be more complicated than simply winning an invasion. No one would suggest ignoring the fighting when covering war. But if too much coverage is about the importance of explosions and body counts, reader fatigu e sets in, they get bored and move to the next story; and if the fighting subsides, there is little reason to remain interested when what is made salient through framing, particularly early on, is too thoroughly filtered through battlefield actions. By tha public that other aspects of a conflict matter. accountable. The record as a watchdog was uneven in 2002, but it took that job on much more aggressively in 2018, while the Journal was more likely, notably in two Republican Times missed what it did in 2002. But Afghani stan was a relatively new story and subject matter for many journalists on the ground. In such cases, reporters may lose the forest for the trees as they attempt to report the latest developments. There is a long tradition of governments obfuscating, spin ning, or downright making things up in war. Competent, experienced war reporters know this and challenge misleading or inaccurate narratives. But as newsrooms cut back in the 21 st century amid falling revenues,

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55 newspaper chains turn to education and healt h reporters, among others, to fill in abroad on temporary assignments. Experienced editors of conflict journalism should be there to guide reporters who are new to such coverage. But assignment editors are increasingly stretched to edit more copy, due to c uts or complete disappearance of copy editing desks at most newspapers, all while trying to balance immediate website story posts, social media, and management concerns. Well before 2018, much of the American public had lost interest in Afghanistan. Looki ng back at the reporting of 2002, there is nothing to suggest that America would be in for a fight that would last nearly double the length of the Afghan Soviet War. The failure to challenge , at times gave readers a simplistic understanding of the war and Afghanistan. The bulk of the but were nevertheless conflated as one. Calls for an Afghan security force of 60,000 70,000 how the U.S. and its allies would address the corruption within the ranks that would follow. That isn depth, informative journalism from both Times and Journal reporters. But comparatively little reporting was devoted to building institutions, reconstruction after decades of war, and economic development. The sp ace editors chose to devote to Afghanistan also dropped rapidly after the first part of 2002. With the short term operation that would taper off once the remaining al Qaida and Taliban fighters were for 18 years. But doing so might have pr ovided the public with a more complete picture of the

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56 ultimately mean in terms of blood and dollars. ture. Should that happen, way. Using a broader set of categorical frames, while taking the time to explain how and why a conflict exists could mean that more readers stay in engaged over time. Short of that, scholars who attempt similar framing studies as this one may have little reason to expect vastly different results. In terms of framing theory, this study suggests that the choices made by media to employ e pisodic or thematic framing may be influenced more by the perception of greater interest in a opportunity to gain expertise on Afghanistan over the past decades, which should enable them to write thematic stories with more background and analysis. But the Times and Journal both employed thematic framing far more at the start of 2002, when they were publishing more total stories on Afghanistan, than at the end of t he year or in 2018. This study also adds to the body of framing research by reinforcing the idea that framing changes over time. An Iraq War study found that framing shifted within a six week window ; while remained dominant, this study found that secondary frames changed during different parts of each year reviewed. It also complements examine categorical frames but found that the tone of reporting changed over time in Afghanistan from 2001 to 2011. Limi tations and future research. The two newspapers were chosen for their generally recognized quality and impact, but other news organizations, notably The Associated Press and

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57 broadcast outlets, impacted U.S. perception of the war in Afghanistan. Although th e constructed week sample conformed to practices of previous academic studies , a single story has the power to significantly impact perception and even affect change . Any sample within a qualitative study risks leaving such a story out. The sample relied o n four constructed weeks for each annual period, which multiple studies have stated is sufficient for a news content analysis. However, it is possible that the inclusion of additional weeks could affect the percentages of frames employed by the newspapers. A larger sample could provide a point of comparison for the findings in this study. There is little qualitative research on the Afghanistan War and this thesis provides a stepping stone for work examining whether reporting challenged ideas and facts prese nted by government, military, and other official sources that were found to be inaccurate or factually misleading. Th is study did not attempt to analyze sourcing, whether by frequency or prominence of elite (government, senior military, official spokespeop elite sources, or by examining their placement within stories. Further research could also evaluate stories from the same time period within the context of indexing theory to determine whether the comments and opinions of offic ial sources were crowding out dissenting and alternative voices. The categorical frames selected have each been used in prior studies, but any such categorization does have a subjective component. Other studies have looked at categorical frames from differ ent perspectives. This study was written from the perspective of an American with a war journalism background, and researchers with different backgrounds might take the same stories and find them to be framed differently. There is so little research on med ia coverage of Afghanistan beyond the first 10 years that any number of future research avenues could be taken on the subject. Dari, Pashtun, and Arabic speakers could analyze how the same

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58 Afghanistan related stories were framed within the Islamic world. A lso, more years could be incorporated into a framing study to gain a fuller picture of the years between the beginning of the war and now. This study relied on content published in print and evaluated its prominence based on where it was placed within a ne wspaper. The internet versions of these stories may have been given more prominence and may have been edited, which in turn could affect their framing. A future study could examine differences between the play given to the same Afghanistan stories in print versus online. As this thesis was being written, the U.S. and the Taliban were reported to be nearing a peace deal , which will likely mean more coverage from world media outlets of the conflict than in recent years. Beyond news outlets, the growth of so cial media and the internet allows for analysis of messaging from the Taliban and other anti coalition groups.

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59 APPENDIX A CODEBOOK Search period s : Published between Jan. 1 and Dec. 31, 2002; Jan. 1 and Dec. 31, 2018 Selection process: 1. Use timeanddate.com to find monthly calendars for 2002 and 2018. 2. Assign numbers to each week for 2002 and 2018, separating each quarter into 13 weeks. Create a space for each day of the week during those quarters. 3. Using the ProQuest U S Major Dailies database, 2002 and 2018 separately for both the Times and Journal . 4. Eliminate all stories less than 200 words; letters to the editor; obituaries, terrorism stories not focused on Afghanistan. 5. Read headlines for relevancy to Afg hanistan; if not discernible, open full to text to determine inclusion. 6. Download all relevant stories into spreadsheet files with tabs separating each year and publication. 7. Use random.org to create eight artificially constructed weeks. Place each number u nder The Wall Street Journal and determine if at least one story ran that particular day. If it did not, obtain another random number until a story is selected. Use random dates within the quarter for Saturdays and Sundays in 2002 and Sundays in 2018 for t he Journal. Match the random dates to The New York Times . If there is no story on that particular day, obtain another random number until a story is selected. a. The days included in this study for the Times in 2002 included the following : First Quarter: Sunday, Feb. 17; Monday, Mar . 18; Tuesday, Feb. 26; Wednesday, Feb. 6; Thursday, Feb. 28; Friday, Jan. 4; Saturday, Jan. 12. Second Quarter: Sunday, May 26; Monday, May 6; Tuesday, Apr. 2; Wednesday, Apr. 17; Thursday, May 30; Friday, Apr. 19; Sat urday, June 1. Third Quarter: Sunday , Aug. 25 ; Monday , Sept. 23 ; Tuesday, July 9 ; Wednesday, July 3 ; Thursday, Aug. 8 ; Friday, Sept. 27 ; Saturday, Aug. 10 . Fourth Quarter: Sunday, Dec. 22 ; Monday, Oct. 28 ; Tuesday, Dec. 5 ; Wednesday, Nov. 13 ; Thursday, Oct . 31 ; Friday, Oct. 4 ; Saturday, Nov. 9 . b. The days included in this study for the Times in 2018 included the following: First Quarter: Sunday, March 18 ; Monday, Jan. 22 ; Tuesday, Mar. 13 ; Wednesday, Feb. 14 ; Thursday, Jan. 25 ; Friday, Jan. 12 ; Saturday, Jan.6 . Second Quarter: Sunday, June 10 ; Monday, June 25 ; Tuesday, May 1 ; Wednesday, April 4 ; Thursday, May 17 ; Friday, June 8 ; Saturday, June 16. Third Quarter: Sunday, Sept. 9 ; Monday, Aug. 20 ; Tuesday, Aug. 28; Wednesday, Aug. 15 ; Thursday, July 26 ; Friday, Aug. 17 ; Saturday, July 28 .

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60 Fourth Quarter: Sunday, Oct. 21 ; Monday, Dec. 10 ; Tuesday, Dec. 18 ; Wednesday, Nov. 28 ; Thursday, Dec. 6 ; Friday, Dec. 21 ; Saturday, Dec. 22 . c. The days included in this study for the Journal in 2002 included the following: First Quarter: Sunday, Feb. 20 ; Monday, Mar. 18 ; Tuesday, Feb. 26 ; Wednesda y , Feb. 6 ; Thursday, Feb. 28 ; Friday, Jan. 4 ; Saturday, March 5 . Second Quarter: Sunday, Apr. 18 ; Monday, May 13 ; Tuesday, Apr. 2 Wednesday, Apr. 17 ; Thursday, June 6 ; Friday, Apr. 19 ; Saturday, June 24 . Third Quarter: Sunday, Aug. 2 ; Monday, Sept. 16 ; Tuesday, July 9 ; Wednesday, Sept. 17 ; Thursday, July 18 ; Friday, Sept. 27 ; Saturday, July 16 . Fourth Quarter: Sunday, Oct. 7 ; Monday, Dec. 9 ; Tuesday, Dec. 3 ; Wed nesday, Nov. 13 ; Thursday, Oct. 31 ; Friday, Nov. 22 ; Saturday, Nov. 19 . d. The days included in this study for the Journal in 2018 included the following: First Quarter: Sunday, Mar . 1 ; Monday, Jan. 22 ; Tuesday, Mar. 6 ; Wednesday, Feb. 14 ; Thursday, Jan. 25 ; Friday, Jan. 12 ; Saturday, Jan. 6 . Second Quarter: Sunday, June 9 ; Monday, June 11 ; Tuesday, May 1 ; Wednesday, Apr. 4 ; Thursday, May 17 ; Friday, June 15 ; Saturday, June 16 . Third Quarter: Sunday, Sept. 8 ; Monday, Aug. 20 ; Tuesday, Aug. 28 ; Wednesday, Aug. 15 ; Thursday, July 26 ; Friday, Aug. 17 ; Saturday, July 28 . Fourth Quarter: Sunday, Oct. 19 ; Monday, Dec. 3 ; Tuesday, Dec. 18 ; Wednesday, Nov. 28 ; Thursday, Dec. 6 ; Friday, Dec. 21 ; Saturday, Dec. 22 . 8. Download full text and citatio ns from all stories on those days from ProQuest into Microsoft Word documents . 9. Move selected stories from full spreadsheet into a new spreadsheet containing the sampled stories. Information includes headline, byline, summary, date of publication, placement in paper. 10. Read each of the sample d stories in their entirety, including headline and all body text. 11. Add column Episodic/Thematic to spreadsheet. If a story is primarily event oriented, i.e. breaking news, mark the story with an E fol lowing review. If it is primarily analysis with broader context, mark with a T . 12. A dd column Frame, marking each story as B(Battle), T(Terrorism), D(Development), P(Politics and Policy) , or O(Other). 13. Battle include s troop and military movements, engageme nts between coalition forces and combatants , and building the Afghan security force apparatus. This include s the hunt for Osama b in Laden, Taliban leader Mullah Omar, and particularly in 2018, other senior commanders within militant groups operating in Afg hanistan; 14. which is distinguished from the frame by including any attacks by insurgent groups on civilians, or anyone other than coalition forces; particularly in 2002, result of capture in Afghanistan;

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61 15. Development, which includes rebuilding, infrastructure , and the economy ; these stories could be transformed int o an economically modernized state. 16. Policy and P olitics, includ ing within Afghanistan, the U.S. NATO coalition, Pakistan , and other stakeholder nations. This frame included stories on good governance, corruption, foreign government influence, and the creation of the new Afghan government, as well as U.S. and coalition policy in regard to the country. 17. anecdotal leads for larger themes. 18. Add column Placement, noting wh ether a story made the front page or the front of a section; 19. A dd column Challenge . Instances of statements and assumptions that appeared inaccurate or misleading, whether quoted by officials or asserted by journalists, were cross referenced with additiona l research material to determine if that was actually the case. It was also noted whether the story attempted to challenge these statements by providing alternative viewpoints, data, or other factual material.

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62 APPENDIX B SAMPLED STORIES The New York Times 2002 Jan. March Rai, S. (2002, January 4). Long Reach of War in Afghanistan. The New York Times . p. W1. Retrieved from http://www.nytimes.com Burns, J. (2002, January 4). Taliban Ex Envoy Detained And Questioned in Pakistan. The New York Times , p. A14. Retrieved from http://www.nytimes.com Onishi, N. and Dao, J. (2002, January 4). Taliban Leaders May Be Escaping, U.S. Officials Say. The New York Times , p. A1. Retrieved from http://www.nytimes.com Finn, R. (2002, January 4). Clearing the Mines, One Precarious Step at a Time. The New York Times , p. B2. Retrieved from http://www.nytimes.com Waldman, A. (2002, January 4). Rabbani Holds Court in Kabul . The New York Times , p. A14. Retrieved from http://www.nytimes.com Chivers, C.J. & Becker, E. (2002, January 4). Aid Groups Say Warlords Steal As Needy Wait. The New York Times , p. A1. Retrieved from http://www.nytimes.com Stille, A. (2002, January 12). W hat Is America's Place In the World Now? The New York Times , p. B7. Retrieved from http://www.nytimes .com Brinkley, D. (2002, January 12). Eisenhower in Kabul. The New York Times , p. A15. Retrieved from http://www.nytimes.com Seelye, K. (2002, January 12). First 'Unlawful Combatants' Seized in Afghanistan Arrive at U.S. Base in Cuba. The New York Times , p. A7. Retrieved from http://www.nytimes.com Secretary Powell to Visit Afghanistan Next Week (2002, January 12). The New York Times , p. A7. Retrieved from h ttp://www.nytimes.com Burns, J. (2002, February 6). Afghan Flag Is Unfurled As Dark Threats Swirl. The New York Times , p. A11. Retrieved from http://www.nytimes.com Johnston, D. (2002, February 6). Lindh Coerced After Capture, Lawyers Assert. The New York Times , p. A1. Retrieved from http://www.nytimes.com Rohde, D. & Risen, J. (2002, February 6). Long Vanished U.S. Student, And a Clue on a Kabul Floor. The New York Times , p. A1. Retrieved from http://www.nytimes.com

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63 Excerpt From Lawyers' Filing for Lindh: 'Threatened Him With Death' (2002, February 6). The New York Times , p. A12. Retrieved from http://www.nytimes.com Kifner, J. (2002, February 17). A Question for Afghanistan: Who's the Proxy Here? The New York Times , p. D3. Retrieved from http://www.nytime s.com Kannapell, A. (2002, February 17). Front Lines. The New York Times , p. A2. Retrieved from http://www.nytimes.com Burns, J. (2002, February 17). U.S. Leapt Before Looking, Angry Villagers Say. The New York Times , p. A18. Retrieved from http://www.nyti mes.com Shanker, T. (2002, February 26). U.S. Analysts Find No Sign Bin Laden Had Nuclear Arms. The New York Times , p. A1. Retrieved from http://www.nytimes.com Schmitt, E. (2002, February 26). Top General Defends Raids In Which 16 Afghans Died. The New Yo rk Times , p. A17. Retrieved from http://www.nytimes.com A More Secure Afghanistan (2002, February 26). The New York Times , p. A24. Retrieved from http://www.nytimes.com Davidson, O. & Mahallati, M. (2002, February 28). To Rebuild Afghanistan, Look Next Doo r. The New York Times , p. A27. Retrieved from http://www.nytimes.com Chivers, C.J. & Rohde, D. (2002, March 18). A Dutiful Recruit's Notebook: Lesson by Lesson Toward Jihad. The New York Times , p. A15. Retrieved from http://www.nytimes.com Burns, J. (2002, March 18). U.S. Planning New Operations to Root Out Scattered Afghan Holdouts. The New York Times , p. A12. Retrieved from http://www.nytimes.com Chivers, C.J. & Rohde, D. (2002, March 18). Turning Out Guerrillas and Terrorists to Wage a Holy War. The New York Times , p. A1. Retrieved from http://www.nytimes.com Nieves, E. (2002, March 18). A Cousin, Also a Convert to Islam, Calls Lindh a 'True Hero' and Says He Is Innocent. The New York Times , p. A13. Retrieved from http://www.nytimes.com April June Seely e, K. (2002, April 2). No Need to Tie Lindh to Deaths, Judge Rules. The New York Times , p. A13. Retrieved from http://www.nytimes.com Filkins, D. (2002, April 2). Qaeda and Taliban May Ply Pakistan's Porous Frontier The New York Times , p. A1. Retrieved fro m http://www.nytimes.com Seelye, K. (2002, April 17). Detainees Gave Information On Lindh, Prosecutors Suggest. The New York Times , p. A12. Retrieved from http://www.nytimes.com

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64 Filkins D. & Schmitt, E. (2002, April 17). British Commandos in a High Altitude Operation to Hunt Taliban and Al Qaeda. The New York Times , p. A12. Retrieved from http://www.nytimes.com Afghanistan's Marshall Plan (2002, April 17). The New York Times , p. A26. Ret rieved from http://www.nytimes.com Dao, J. (2002, April 19). U.S. Error Kills 4 Canadians in Afghanistan. The New York Times , p. A15. Retrieved from http://www.nytimes.com Filkins, D. (2002, April 19). A Symbol of Peaceful Times Touches Afghan Soil at Last . The New York Times , p. A12. Retrieved from http://www.nytimes.com Krauss, C. (2002, April 19). Resolute, but Concerned. The New York Times , p. A15. Retrieved from http://www.nytimes.com Gall, C. (2002, May 6). From Hilltop Perch, British Troops Watch for Holdouts. The New York Times . Retrieved from http://www.nytimes.com Schmitt, E. & Shanker, T. (2002, May 6). U.S. Sees Hunts for Al Qaeda In Pakistan Lasting Into Fall. The New York Times . Retrieved from http://www.nytimes.com Schmemann, S. (2002, May 26). After Months of War, Long Fights Still to Wage. The New York Times . Retrieved from http://www.nytimes.com Rohde, D. (2002, May 26). Afghan Leader Expected to Get Extended Term. The New Y ork Times . Retrieved from http://www.nytimes.com Gall, C. (2002, May 30). On Taliban's Old Turf, A Campaign of Disruption. The New York Times , p. A12. Retrieved from http://www.nytimes.com Dao, J. (2002, May 30). Afghan Warlord May Team Up With Al Qaeda an d Taliban. The New York Times , p. A12. Retrieved from http://www.nytimes.com Seelye, K. (2002, June 1). U.S. Argues War Detainee Shouldn't See A Lawyer. The New York Times , p. A10. Retrieved from http://www.nytimes.com Dao, J. (2002, June 1). New U.S. Comm ander At Helm in Afghanistan. The New York Times , p. A4. Retrieved from http://www.nytimes.com Dao, J. (2002, June 1). G.I.'s Mistakenly Attack Friendly Afghan Soldiers, Killing 3. The New York Times , p. A4. Retrieved from http://www.nytimes.com July Sep t.

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65 Gall, C. & Schmitt, E. (2002, July 3). Shocked Afghans Criticize U.S. Strike; Toll Is Some 40 Dead and 100 Wounded. The New York Times , A3. Retrieved from http://www.nytimes.com Bohlen, C. (2002, July 9). Her Guidebook Inspired a Play, And She Fights f or a Nation's Soul. The New York Times , p. E1. Retrieved from http://www.nytimes.com Gall, C. (2002, July 9). Afghan Ally of U.S. Sees Pilot Error in Attack. The New York Times , p. A8. Retrieved from http://www.nytimes.com Fisher, I. (2002, August 8). 4 Ki lled as Suspects in Afghan Border Area. The New York Times , p. A16. Retrieved from http://www.nytimes.com Fisher, I. (2002, August 10). Big Blast Kills 21 Afghans; Link to Terror Is Suspected. The New York Times , A6. Retrieved from http://www.nytimes.com F isher, I. (2002, August 25). Ready to Rebuild, Afghans Await Promised Aid. The New York Times , A10. Retrieved from http://www.nytimes.com Shanker, T. & Burns, J. (2002, August 25). State Department Will Take Over Security for Afghan Leader. The New York Ti mes , p. A10. Retrieved from http://www.nytimes.com Brooke, J. (2002, September 23). Cradle of Taliban Reverts to Cradle of Commerce. The New York Times , p. A4. Retrieved from http://www.nytimes.com Cooper, M. (2002, September 23). Mayor of New York Drops B y For a Visit With the U.S. Troops. The New York Times , p. A14. Retrieved from http://www.nytimes.com Dao, J. (2002, September 27). Powell Urges Nations to Fulfill Afghan Aid Pledges. The New York Times , p. A19. Retrieved from http://www.nytimes.com Schmitt, E. & Shanker, T. (2002, September 27). War Game Is Said to Show Shortages of Some Weapons. The New York Times , p. A19. Retrieved from http://www.nytimes.com Oct. Dec. Gall, C. (2002, October 4). 3 Killed in Renewed Fighting Between Afghan Groups . The New York Times , p. A16. Retrieved from http://www.nytimes.com Seelye, K. (2002, October 28). Court to Hear Arguments in Groundbreaking Case of U.S. Citizen Seized With Taliban. The New York Times , p. A13. Retrieved from http://www.nytimes.com Rohde, D. (2002, October 28). Afghans Lead World Again In Poppy Crop. The New York Times , p. A8. Retrieved from http://www.nytimes.com

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66 Rohde, D. (2002, October 31). Kabul to Send Team to Check on Afghans Held at Guantanamo. The New York Times , p. A13. Retrieved from http://www.nytimes.com Rohde, D. (2002, October 31). Attacks on Schools for Girls Hint At Lingering Split in Afghanistan. The New York Times , p. A1. Retrieved from http://www.nytimes.com Lewis, N. (2002, November 9). Pentagon Seeks Source Of Photos Of Detainees. The New York Times , p. A13. Retrieved from http://www.nytimes.com Risen, J. & MacFarquhar, N. (2002, November 13). New Recording May Be Threat From bin Laden. The New York Times , p. A1. Retrieved from http://www.nytimes.com Rohde, D. (2002, Nov ember 13). Up to 4 Protesting Students Die In Clashes With Afghan Police. The New York Times , p. A18. Retrieved from http://www.nytimes.com Landler, M. (2002, December 3). Afghans Plan A New Army Of 70,000. The New York Times , p. A19. Retrieved from http:/ /www.nytimes.com Schmitt, E. (2002, December 22). Paratrooper From New Jersey Dies in Afghan Firefight Near Pakistan Border. The New York Times , A24. Retrieved from http://www.nytimes.com The Wall Street Journal 2002 Jan. Mar. Chazan, G. (2002, January 4 ). Afghan Finances, As They Are, Pose Problem for Minister. The Wall Street Journal , p. A6. Retrieved from http://www.wsj.com Cummins, C. (2002, January 4). What Should U.S. Do With Swelling Ranks of Prisoners? The Wall S treet Journal , p. A14. Retrieved from http://www.wsj.com Bravin, J. (2002, February 6). Taliban John Lindh Faces New Charges. The Wall Street Journal , p. B13. Retrieved from http://www.wsj.com Rethinking War (2002, February 6). The Wall Street Journal , p. A18. Retrieved from http://www.wsj.com Cummins, C. & Jaffe, G. (2002, February 20). U.S. Weighs Plan To Convey News Of Military Abroad. The Wall Street Journal , p. A24. Retrieved from http://www.wsj.com Jaffe, G. (2002, February 26). Pentagon Weighs Closur e of New Office Amid Concerns About Disinformation. The Wall Street Journal , p. A10. Retrieved from http://www.wsj.com Starr, S.F. & Strmecki, M. (2002, February 26). Time to Ditch the Northern Alliance. The Wall Street Journal , A24. Retrieved from http://www.wsj.com

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67 Jaffe, G. (2002, February 28). Limited Engagement: In Afghan Provinces, A Few GIs Struggle To Bring Aid, Order. The Wall Street Journal , p. A1. Retrieved from http://www.wsj.com Jaffe, G. (2002, March 5). U.S. Ca sualties Mount in Intense Fighting --As Ground Troops Confront Al Qaeda, Official Warns Of More Big Battles. The Wall Street Journal , p. A3. Retrieved from http://www.wsj.com Cummins, C. (2002, March 5). Troops of U.S. Allies Join in Afghanistan Assault. The Wall Street Journal , p. A8. Retrieved from http://www.wsj.com Bravin, J. (2002, March 18). Sept. 11 Disillusioned Lindh, But Fear Kept Him in Taliban, His Lawyers Say. The Wall Street Journal , p. A20. Retrieved from http://www.wsj.com April June Turkey Says It Will Lead Afghan Peacekeeping Force (2002, April 2). The Wall Street Journal , p. A18. Retrieved from http://www.wsj.com Bravin, J. & Cloud, D. (2002, April 2). U.S. Confirms Capture of bin Laden Aide, Who M ay Stand Before Military Tribunal. The Wall Street Journal , p. A12. Retrieved from http://www.wsj.com Champion, M. & Jaffe, G. (2002, April 17). British Marines Join U.S. in Afghanistan To Hunt for al Qaeda. The Wall Street Journal , p. A15. Retrieved from http://www.wsj.com Rashid, A. (2002, April 18). An Old Afghan King Returns to a New Nation...That Isn't Yet a Nation. The Wall Street Journal , p. A10. Retrieved from http://www.wsj.com Rogers, D. (2002, April 19). Afghan Refugees' Return Is Taxing Relief R esources. The Wall Street Journal , p. A5. Retrieved from http://www.wsj.com Rashid, A. (2002, May 13). Repression Is Rising in Central Asia In Campaign on Terror, U.S. Overlooks Crackdown But May See Strife Later. The Wall Street Journal , p. A13. Retrieved from http://www.wsj.com Rashid, A. (2002, June 6). A Shortage of Aid Could Hinder The Return of Afghan Democracy. The Wall Street Journal , p. A12. Retrieved from http://www.wsj.com Rashid, A. (2002, June 24). In Afghanistan's New Government, Disturbing Si gns of Divisiveness Cabinet Appointments Stir Rivalries That May Hinder Stability and War on Terror. The Wall Street Journal , p. A14. Retrieved from http://www.wsj.com July Sept. The Wall Street Journal , p. A18. Retri eved from http://www.wsj.com

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68 Peters, R. (2002, July 9). A Mob Hit in Kabul. The Wall Street Journal , p. A18. Retrieved from http://www.wsj.com Bravin, J. (2002, July 16). Lindh Agrees to Serve 20 Years In Plea Deal Backed by Bush. The Wall Street Journal , p. A4. Retrieved from http://www.wsj.com Rashid, A. (2002, July 18). Afghan Leader Challenges Warlords President's Efforts to Tame Factionalism Are Hindered By Shortage of Foreign Aid. The Wall Street Journal , p. A10. Retrieved from http://www.wsj.com Cu llison, A. & Higgins, A. (2002, August 2). Strained Alliance: Al Qaeda's Sour Days in Afghanistan --Fighters Mocked the Place; Taliban, in Turn, Nearly Booted Out bin Laden --A Fateful U.S. Missile Strike. The Wall Street Journal , p. A1. Retrieved from http://www.wsj.com Rogers, D. (2002, September 16). Bush Aides Bicker About Funds To Help Recovery in Afghanistan. The Wall Street Journal , p. A6. Retrieved from http://www.wsj.com Rashid, A. (2002, September 17). Warlord Becomes a Major Threat to Afghan Stability. The Wall Street Journal , p. A18. Retrieved from http://www.wsj.com Phillips, M. (2002, September 27). Powell Urges Nations to Fulfill Financial Pledges to Afghanistan. The Wall Street Journal , p. A4. Retrieved from http://www.wsj.com Oct. Dec. T he Road to Mazar e Sharif (2002, Oct. 7). The Wall Street Journal , p. A26. Retrieved from http://www.wsj.com Neumann, S. (2002, Oct. 31). Airlines Make Headway on Coveted Afghan Airspace. The Wall Street Journal , p. A17. Retrieved from http://www.wsj.com K ulish, N. (2002, November 13). New Audiotape Shows bin Laden Might Be Alive. The Wall Street Journal , p. A6. Retrieved from http://www.wsj.com The Wall Street Journal , p. A24. Retrieved from ht tp://www.wsj.com Cloud, D. (2002, November 22). A Senior Operative for al Qaeda Has Been Captured, U.S. Says. The Wall Street Journal , p. A5. Retrieved from http://www.wsj.com Rashid, A. (2002, December 3). Pentagon Plans Security Enclaves In Afghanistan -In Protecting Aid Workers, U.S. Shows New Emphasis On Aid and Reconstruction. The Wall Street Journal , p. A20. Retrieved from http://www.wsj.com

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69 Cloud, D. (2002, December 9). U.S. Gets Insight Into Terror Plans. The Wall Street Journal , p. A5. Retrieve d from http://www.wsj.com The New York Times 2018 Jan. March 2018 Mashal , M. & Masood, S. (2018, January 6). U.S. Cuts Off Pakistan, Gambling in Afghan War. The New York Times , p. A9. Retrieved from http://www.nytimes.com Pakistan, the Ever Troublesome Ally (2018, January 6). The New York Times , p. A18. Retrieved from http://www.nytimes.com Mashal, M. (2018, January 12). In Afghanistan, a Battle to Make Government Younger. The New York Times , p. A4. Retrieved from http://www.nytimes.com Zbihullah, G. & Mashal, M. (2018, January 12). U.S. Bombs Allied Militia After Clash, Afghans Say. The New York Times , p. A5. Retrieved from http://www.nytim es.com Mashal, M. & Faizi, F. (2018, January 22). Extended Siege on Afghan Hotel Caps Violent 24 Hours in Region. The New York Times , p. A1. Retrieved from http://www.nytimes.com Zbihullah, G. & Mashal, M. (2018, Janu ary 25). 5 Killed as ISIS Storms A Charity in Afghanistan. The New York Times , p. A7. Retrieved from http://www.nytimes.com Masood, S. (2018, January 25). U.S. Strike Kills Militants In Pakistan. The New York Times , p . A10. Retrieved from http://www.nytimes.com Ihsanullah, T.M. & Khan, I. (2018, February 14). Taliban No. 2 In Pakistan Is Said to Die In U.S. Strike. The New York Times , p. A7. Retrieved from http://www.nytimes.com Cooper, H. (2018, March 13). U.S. Officials Brace for Return of Terrorist Safe Havens to Afghanistan. The New York Times , p. A8. Retrieved from http://www.nytimes.com Mashal, M. & Shah, T. (2018, March 13). Afghan Security Worsens As Taliban Briefly Take District in Restive West. The New York Times , p. A8. Retrieved from http://www.nytimes.com Kramer, A. (2018, March 18). Afghan Shelter Plan A larms Aid Workers. The New York Times , p. A11. Retrieved from http://www.nytimes.com April June Rahim, N. & Mashal , M. (2018, April 4). Civilians Killed in Anti Taliban Strike, Afghans Say. The New York Times , p. A8. Retrieved from http://www.nytimes.com

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70 Mashal, M. & Abed, F. (2018, May 1). The Deadliest Day for Journalists in A fghanistan Since at Least 2002. The New York Times , p. A6. Retrieved from http://www.nytimes.com Mashal, M. (2018, May 1). A Documenter of Afghan Victims Becomes One. The New York Times , p. A1. Retrieved from http://www.nytimes.com Fahim, A. & Shah, T. (2018, May 17). Insurgents Retreat From Afghan City After a Violent Siege. The New York Times , p. A9. Retrieved from http://www.nytimes.com Ma shal, M. (2018, June 8). Afghan President Declares Brief Cease Fire With Taliban for Holy Days. The New York Times , p. A11. Retrieved from http://www.nytimes.com Mashal, M. (2018, June 10). Taliban Offer Brief Lull in Afghan War. The New York Times , p. A8. Retrieved from http://www.nytimes.com Ihsanullah, T.M. (2018, June 16). American Drone Strike Kills Leader of Pakistani Taliban, Pakistan Says. The New York Times , p. A6. Retrie ved from http://www.nytimes.com Mashal, M. (2018, June 16). Peaceful Strides in Afghanistan. The New York Times , p. A1. Retrieved from http://www.nytimes.com Ur Rehman, Z. & Abi Habib, M. (2018, June 25). After Strike, The Taliban In Pakistan Pick a Leader. The New York Times , p. A6. Retrieved from http://www.nytimes.com July Sept. Anderson, C. & Palko K. (2018, July 26). Student Blocks Afghan's Deportation by Refusing to Sit Down on Flight. The New York Times , p. A10. Retrieved from http://www.nytimes.com Anderson, C. & Palko K. (2018, July 26) . Act of Defiance, Caught on Tape, Stirs a Debate on Deportation. The New York Times , p. A6. Retrieved from http://www.nytimes.com Najim, R. & Nordland, R. (2018, August 15). Afghan Army's Last Stand at Base Offers Lo ok at Perilous Conditions. The New York Times , p. A7. Retrieved from http://www.nytimes.com Mashal, M. & Faizi , F. (2018, August 17). Suicide Attack Ends Afghan Dream of Better Life. The New York Times , p. A1. Retrieved from http://www.nytimes.com Scheutze, C. & Hauser, C. (2018, August 17. Gay Afghan Boy Denied Asylum. The N ew York Times , p. A10. Retrieved from http://www.nytimes.com Nordland, R. & Fahim, A. (2018, August 20). Call for Cease Fire By Afghan President As Taliban Mulls Reset. The New York Times , p. A5. Retrieved from http://www.nytimes.com

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71 Najim, R. & Nordland, R. (2018, August 28). 6 Killed in Airstrike on Afghan Tajik Border. The New York Times , p. A9. Retrieved from http://www.nytimes.com Nordl and, R. & Fahim, A. (2018, September 9). How the U.S. Government Misleads the Public on Afghanistan. The New York Times , p. A14. Retrieved from http://www.nytimes.com Oct. Dec. Mashal, M., Fahim, A. & Faizi, F. (2018 , October 21). Afghans Vote for Parliament on Day of Violence and Complications. The New York Times , p. A8. Retrieved from http://www.nytimes.com Anderson, C. (2018, October 21). Sweden Indicts Protester of Afghan's D eportation. The New York Times , p. A4. Retrieved from http://www.nytimes.com Azadzoi, N. & Nordland, R. (2018, November 28). 3 U.S. Soldiers Die in Taliban Attack: Why the Fight Drags On in Afghanistan. The New York T imes , p. A10. Retrieved from http://www.nytimes.com Nordland, R. (2018, December 6.). U.S. Accuses Supplier of Food to Troops of Violating Sanctions on Iran. The New York Times , p. A13. Retrieved from http://www.nytimes.com Fahim, A. (2018, December 10). Afghanistan Suspends Five Soccer Officials Accused of Physical and Sexual Abuse. The New York Times , p. A8. Retrieved from http://www.nytime s.com Mashal, M. (2018, December 18). Path to Talks With Taliban, But Obstacle Still Remains. The New York Times , p. A10. Retrieved from http://www.nytimes.com Ackerman, E. (2018, Dec ember 18). War Heroes Are Not Above the Law. The New York Times , p. A23. Retrieved from http://www.nytimes.com Gibbons Neff, T. & Mashal, M. (2018, December 21). In Abrupt Shift, Trump Halves Size of U.S. Force in Afghanis tan. The New York Times , p. A1. Retrieved from http://www.nytimes.com Cooper, H. (2018, December 22). In a Snap, U.S. Military Policy Turns Inward and Echoes Across the Globe. The New York Times , p. A7. Retrieved from http://www.nytimes.com Mashal, M. (2018, December 22). In Afghanistan, Alarm and a Sense of Betrayal by the U.S. The New York Times , p. A6. Retrieved from http://www.nytimes.com Daniel, V . (2018, December 22). A Refresher About a War 18 Years Old. The New York Times , p. A6. Retrieved from http://www.nytimes.com The Wall Street Journal 2018

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72 Jan. March Shah, S. (2018, January 6). World News : Pakistan Official Warns Alliance With U.S. Is Over. The Wall Street Journal , p. A7. Retrieved from http://www.wsj.com Youssef, N. & Lubold, G. (2018, January 12). World News: U.S. Plans to Beef Up Afghanistan Role --P entagon to reallocate drones and hardware, send in around 1,000 more combat advisers. The Wall Street Journal , p. A6. Retrieved from http://www.wsj.com Amiri , E. & Nelson, C. (2018, January 22). World News: Attackers Kill 19 At Afghan Hotel. The Wall Street Journal , p. A6. Retrieved from http://www.wsj.com World News: World Watch Charity attack kills 3. The Wall Street Journa l , p. A6. Retrieved from http://www.wsj.com Gordon, M. (2018, February 14). U.S. News: Risks Abroad Detailed In Report. The Wall Street Journal , p. A4. Retrieved from http://www.wsj.com Nelson, C. & Totakhil, H. (2018, March 1). World News: Afghan Leader Offers Opening to Talks With Taliban. The Wall Street Journal , p. A11. Retrieved from http://www.wsj.com World News: World Watch US backs Kabul's appro ach to government. (2018, March 6). The Wall Street Journal , p. A8. Retrieved from http://www.wsj.com April June Nelson, C. & Amiri, E. (2018, April 4). World News: Kabul Denies Strike on Prayer Gathering. The Wall St reet Journal , p. A6. Retrieved from http://www.wsj.com Nelson, C., Totakhil, H., & Amiri, E. (2018, May 1). World News: Attacks Leave 10 Afghan Journalists Dead --Years of war have made the country one of the most dange rous for the media. The Wall Street Journal , p. A6. Retrieved from http://www.wsj.com Nelson, C., Totakhil, H., & Amiri, E. (2018, May 1 7 ). World News: Taliban Quit Attempt To Seize Afghan City. The Wall Street Journal , p. A9. Retrieved from http://www.wsj.com Nelson, C., (2018, June 11) World News: World Watch push for cease fire. The Wall Street Journal , p. A10. Retrieved from http://www.wsj.com Dhune , S. (2018, June 15). East is East: Pakistan's Pashtuns Take On the Army -and Terrorists. The Wall Street Journal , p. A15. Retrieved from http://www.wsj.com Shah, S. & Amiri, E. (2018, June 16). World News: Head of Paki stani Taliban Killed by U.S. --Fazlullah's group and its splinters behind shooting of Malala and assault on school. The Wall Street Journal , p. A7. Retrieved from http://www.wsj.com

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73 Phillips, M., Nelson, C., & Totakhil, H. (2018, June 9). World News: U.S., Afghan Forces Push Against ISIS. The Wall Street Journal , p. A9. Retrieved from http://www.wsj.com July Sept. Donati, J. & Nissenbaum , D. (2018, July 26). World News: U.S. Envoy, Taliban Discuss Afghan Peace. The Wall Street Journal , p. A7. Retrieved from http://www.wsj.com --Resigned to Endless War --Now four decades into the struggle against Islamic extremism, the U.S. has stopped looking for an exit from the Middle East. The Wall Street Journal , p. C4. Retrieved from http://www.wsj.com Nelson, C., Totakhil, H., & Amiri, E. ( 2018, August 15). World News: Afghan City Gauges Taliban's Toll --Doubts raised by the time and effort the government needed to turn back insurgents. The Wall Street Journal , p. A9. Retrieved from http://www.wsj.com Tot akhil, H. & Nelson, C. (2018, August 17). World News: Afghan Training Facility Hit. The Wall Street Journal , p. A7. Retrieved from http://www.wsj.com Nelson, C., Totakhil, H., & Amiri, E. (2018, August 20). World News: Af ghan President Proposes Cease Fire. The Wall Street Journal , p. A6. Retrieved from http://www.wsj.com World News: World Watch (2018, August 28). The Wall Street Journal , p. A16. Retrieved from http://www.wsj.com Nelson, C. (2018, September 8). World News: Mattis Visits Afghan Capital. The Wall Street Journal , p. A7. Retrieved from http://www.wsj.com Oct. Dec. Nelson, C. & Amiri, E. (2018, Oct. 19). Wo rld News: A Top Afghan Leader Slain By Taliban. The Wall Street Journal , p. A7. Retrieved from http://www.wsj.com Amiri, E. (2018, Nov. 28). World News: Afghan Bombing Kills Three Americans. The Wall Street Journal , p. A7 . Retrieved from http://www.wsj.com Shah, S., Yousafzai, S. & Nelson, C. (2018, December 3). World News: Taliban Commander Killed in U.S. Strike --Abdul Manan's death comes as the U.S. holds talks with the insurgent group. The Wall Street Journal , p. A8. Retrieved from http://www.wsj.com Phillips, M. (2018, December 6). Afghan Battles Set Negotiating Table --U.S. commanders see still violent fighting as means to strengthen hand in peace talks. The Wall Street Journal , p. A1. Retrieved from http://www.wsj.com Nelson, C. & Fitch, A. (2018, December 18). World News: U.S. Seeks to Spur Afghan Peace Efforts --American envoy meets with Taliban officials as Washington presses air campaign. The Wall Street Journal , p. A8. Retr ieved from http://www.wsj.com

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74 Lubold, G. & Donati, J. (2018, December 21). U.S. News: Next Troop Drawdown: Afghanistan. The Wall Street Journal , p. A4. Retrieved from http://www.wsj.com Nelson, C. (2018, December 22). World News: U.S. Troop Cuts Alter Calculus in Kabul --Move could upset calibrated uses of force, disrupt nascent talks with Taliban. The Wall Street Journal , p. A7. Retri eved from http://www.wsj.com

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82 BIOGRAPH ICAL SKETCH Erik Slavin is the bureau chief for Europe and the Middle East for Stars and Stripes , a daily newspaper and website covering the U.S. military around the world. The newspaper is authorized by the Defense Department but operates under congressional mandate censoring or managing its content by government officials. Slavin manages a team of 24 journalists scattered from England to Afghanistan . Prior to his current job, Slavin worked as interim bureau chief, Asia Pacific, as well as a reporter at Stars and Stripes in Tokyo, Seoul , and Okinawa. His reporting also included long term assignments to Iraq in 2005, 2007 , and 2011. Prior to working at Stars and Stri pes including covering the financial industry on Capitol Hill and as a daily reporter and editor in a in 1997 . He was close to graduating with his 1999. This thesis cap ped his 22 year graduate program with a Master of Arts in Mass Communication from the University of Florida. Slavin speaks English and p assable Japanese , and currently lives in southwest Germany.