Citation
Social Maintenance and Cultural Continuity --- Folk Religion among the Tu in Northwestern China

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Title:
Social Maintenance and Cultural Continuity --- Folk Religion among the Tu in Northwestern China
Creator:
Xing, Haiyan
Publisher:
University of Florida
Publication Date:
Language:
English

Thesis/Dissertation Information

Degree:
Doctorate ( Ph.D.)
Degree Grantor:
University of Florida
Degree Disciplines:
Anthropology
Committee Chair:
SHIH,CHUAN-KANG
Committee Co-Chair:
MURRAY,GERALD
Committee Members:
HARRISON,FAYE V
WANG,RICHARD G

Subjects

Subjects / Keywords:
china
folk
religion
tu

Notes

General Note:
This dissertation contains an ethnographic study of the folk religion of the Tu, an ethnic minority in Northwest China. Viewed by many Tu as the "soul" of their culture, folk religious beliefs and practices permeate all aspects of their lives at the personal, familial, and community levels. Every Tu is socially encouraged to participate in the group's religious rituals and pageants. As a result of cross-cultural contact during the past centuries, the Tu have also borrowed elements of Buddhism from the Tibetans and of Daoism from the Han. Whereas most Tu people will at different times participate comfortably in the rituals of all three religious traditions to fulfill various spiritual and practical needs, their native folk religion is nonetheless the primary vehicle for maintaining social order and ethnic solidarity. Tu folk religion encourages conformity to established social codes. The dissertation first examines the subjective meanings and internal functions of the folk religious system within the community. It then analyzes the interrelationships -- both competitive and confrontational -- among the three different religious systems in which the Tu participate. It also discusses in detail the gender dynamics that occur within the folk religious tradition. Finally, and of great importance, it analyzes the impact that the shifting policies of the Chinese State -- from religious suppression during the Cultural Revolution to active governmental support of religious institutions in recent years -- have had on the folk religion of the Tu. This dissertation provides a new interpretation of the impact of popular religion on the social life of a Chinese minority group. It also documents the important phenomenon of religious pluralism, the manner in which individuals comfortably shift between rituals of different religions. This dissertation is concerned with the following specific research questions: What kind of interactions and symbiotic relations have emerged between different religions in Tu society? How do religious practices contribute to village and family autonomy? How does the folk religion help the Tu people identify unique features of their culture, and thus maintain their status as a culturally distinct ethnic group? How do inter-ethnic relations contribute to religious pluralism among the Tu? How does the folk religion influence behavior toward the natural environment, and how do the Tu respond to an environmental crisis in religious ways? What are the functions of religious rituals and organization in managing and protecting natural resources? How does the folk religion affect issues of gender roles and social status among the Tu? How do Tu women help to shape, create, and change the private and public worlds in which they live? How does the folk religion relate to issues of political power and how do changes in government policy influence the folk faith? What kind of negotiation exists between religious authorities and political authorities? By addressing the above questions, the author attempts to contribute not only to our understanding of the religious landscape of a particular minority community, but also to the literature dealing with the relationships between religious dynamics and dynamics of ethnicity, gender and State power.

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UFRGP
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All applicable rights reserved by the source institution and holding location.
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12/31/2017

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SOCIALMAINTENANCEANDCULTURALCONTINUITYFOLKRELIGIONAMONGTHETUINNORTHWESTCHINAByHAIYANXINGADISSERTATIONPRESENTEDTOTHEGRADUATESCHOOLOFTHEUNIVERSITYOFFLORIDAINPARTIALFULFILLMENTOFTHEREQUIREMENTSFORTHEDEGREEOFDOCTOROFPHILOSOPHYUNIVERSITYOFFLORIDA2015

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c2015HaiyanXing

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ACKNOWLEDGMENTS ThewritingofthisdissertationhasbeenoneofthemostsignicantacademicchallengesIhaveeverhadtoface.Withoutthesupport,patience,andguidanceofnumerouspeople,thisstudywouldnothavebeencompleted.Iwouldliketothankthemembersofmycommitteefortheirextremepatienceinthefaceofnumerousobstacles.Firstandforemost,mygreatestthanksgotomyadvisor,Dr.Chuan-kangShih,ashiswisdom,knowledge,andcommitmenttothehigheststandardsinspiredandmotivatedme.ThisdissertationwouldnothavebeenpossiblewithoutDr.Shih'shelp,support,andpatience.IamgratefulforhisencouragementandeffortstopromotemystudiesandresearchattheUniversityofFlorida.IwouldalsoliketoexpressmydeepestgratitudetoDr.GeraldMurray,forhisexcellentguidance,caring,andpatience.Iamparticularlyappreciativeofhisgenerousavailability,keeninterest,andencouragement.IamdeeplyindebtedtoDr.FayeHarrison,whohasbeenawonderfulcommitteememberthroughoutthedurationofthisresearch.Iwouldliketothankherforherimmenseinterestinmytopicofresearchandthevaluablesuggestionsonthegender-relatedissuesofmyresearch.IamhighlythankfultoDr.RichardWangforhisvaluablesuggestionsonmyresearchandforprovidingmewithmaterialandlinksthatwereextremelyhelpfulduringmydissertationwriting.IwouldalsoliketoacknowledgetheenrollmentandnancialsupportofFordFoundationInternationalFellowshipsProgramandUniversityofFlorida,whichprovidedmethepreciousopportunitytostudyanthropologyattheUniversityofFloridathebestplaceformetoextendmyacademicdevelopment.IamindebtedtomanyotherindividualsandorganizationsfortheirassistanceandcooperationincarryingoutthisresearchandwishIcouldacknowledgeeveryoneofyouwhohavecontributedinthiswaybyname. 3

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Finally,Iwouldlovetothankmyparents,myfamily,andmyfriendsforsupportingmeovertheyears. 4

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TABLEOFCONTENTS page ACKNOWLEDGMENTS .................................. 3 LISTOFTABLES ...................................... 9 LISTOFFIGURES ..................................... 10 ABSTRACT ......................................... 12 CHAPTER 1INTRODUCTION ................................... 14 1.1LiteratureReview ................................ 15 1.1.1TheDenitionandLimitationsoftheTermPopular/FolkReligion 15 1.1.1.1Folkbeliefvs.folkreligion .................. 15 1.1.1.2Institutionreligionvs.folkreligion ............. 19 1.1.2ResearchontheReligiousRelationship ............... 20 1.1.2.1Religiousconict,exclusionismandtolerance ....... 21 1.1.2.2Religiouspluralismandreligiouseconomy ........ 22 1.1.2.3Syncretism .......................... 23 1.1.3ResearchonEthnicFolkReligioninChina .............. 25 1.1.3.1ResearchontheminoritiesethnicgroupsinChina .... 26 1.1.3.2StudiesontheTu ...................... 28 1.2TheHistoryandCulturalBackgroundoftheTu ............... 30 1.2.1TheHistoryandPopulationDistributionoftheTu .......... 30 1.2.1.1TuinHuzhu .......................... 30 1.2.1.2TuinMinhe .......................... 33 1.2.1.3TuinTongren ......................... 34 1.2.1.4Tuinotherareas ....................... 36 1.2.2Language,Customs,andLifestyle .................. 37 1.3Fieldwork:DataandMethods ......................... 39 1.4SummaryoftheDissertation ......................... 42 2MULTI-RELIGIONSAMONGTHETU ....................... 48 2.1ThePopularityandInuenceofTibetanBuddhism ............. 48 2.2TheDisseminationandDeclineofDaoism .................. 55 2.3TheCompetitionbetweenDifferentReligiousTraditions .......... 60 2.4BeliefinthePoweroftheNumberThreetheHarmonyamongtheMultipleReligionsoftheTu ............................... 68 3MULTIFUNCTIONALSPIRITSANDSHAREDWORLD:THEFOLK-RELIGIOUSPANTHEONOFTHETU .............................. 74 3.1TheDragonKing ................................ 74 5

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3.1.1DragonKingsinHuzhu ......................... 75 3.1.1.1Dazhuangdragonking ................... 76 3.1.1.2Nianxiandragonking .................... 78 3.1.1.3Yaomadragonking ..................... 78 3.1.2DutiesofDragonKings ........................ 80 3.1.3TerritoriesofDragonKings ....................... 84 3.1.4ChangesoftheBeliefinDragonKings ................ 87 3.2NiangniangtheFemaleDeityfromDaoism ................ 92 3.2.1SpiritualPowerofNiangniang ..................... 95 3.2.2TheOriginofNiangniang ....................... 98 3.2.3TaboosandDestinyoftheNiangniangTemples ........... 103 3.3TheNidangABuddhistGuardian ..................... 105 3.4AncestralSpiritsDeitiesoftheFamily ................... 110 3.4.1LemusangMuleKing ........................ 111 3.4.2JiujianSanba(BlackTiger),ChilieSang(DragonKing)andOthers 113 3.5NatureWorship ................................. 115 3.5.1WorshipofMountainDeity ....................... 115 3.5.2AnimalWorship ............................. 116 3.5.3KitchenGodWorship .......................... 118 3.6Conclusion ................................... 119 4RITUALCYCLEANDETHNICIDENTITY:RELIGIOUSSITES,ORGANIZATIONSANDSPECIALISTS ................................. 124 4.1ReligiousSites ................................. 124 4.1.1VillageTemple ............................. 125 4.1.2TheBenkang .............................. 130 4.1.3TheLashize ............................... 133 4.1.4MarnyiStones .............................. 136 4.2FolkReligiousOrganizations ......................... 136 4.3ReligiousSpecialistsandModeofSuccession ............... 141 4.3.1TheBoShamaninHuzhu ...................... 141 4.3.2TheShidianzengtheSpokesmanoftheLocalDeities ....... 147 4.3.3TheBenbenzi .............................. 151 5FOLKRELIGIONANDECOLOGYINCOMMUNITYLIFE ............ 156 5.1DailyReligiousLifeoftheTu ......................... 156 5.1.1ChantingManiScriptures ....................... 157 5.1.2TheZhuanguolaRitual(WalkingaroundGuola) ........... 158 5.1.3ZuoRangni(PracticingRangni) .................... 159 5.2ReligiousFestivalsandAgriculturalEcologicalSystem ........... 162 5.2.1Weidasang:WelcomeDeitiesandCelebratetheLunarNewYear 163 5.2.2TheBiangbianghui:EntertainingtheDeities ............. 167 5.2.3TheZhuanshanjing:MakeHarmonyamongSpirits,NatureandHumanBeings ............................. 170 6

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5.2.4TheXiejiang:ThankingtheSpiritsandHostingaReceptionforCropProtection ............................. 176 5.3Healing,DivinationandTaboo ......................... 178 5.3.1OpinionsonSoulsandSoulRetrieval ................ 179 5.3.2EvilSpiritsandDiseases ........................ 180 5.3.3ShamanMadebyDiseases ...................... 183 5.3.4Taboos .................................. 188 6WOMENANDFOLKRELIGION .......................... 192 6.1GenderRolesamongtheTu .......................... 192 6.1.1GenderinDailyLife .......................... 193 6.1.2WomeninRitesofPassage ...................... 197 6.1.2.1Thecryingmarriageandwedding ............. 197 6.1.2.2Pregnancyandfertility .................... 200 6.1.2.3Long-lifeceremoniesandcryingfunerals ......... 202 6.2GenderinOralTradition ............................ 207 6.2.1FemaleHeroesinLegendandFolklore ................ 207 6.2.2KinshipTerminologyandtheRoleoftheMaternalUncle ...... 209 6.3FemalesinFolkReligion ............................ 211 6.3.1ReligiousLivesandtheSocializationofTuWomen ......... 212 6.3.2RitualsandTaboo ........................... 214 6.3.3FemaleGods,TheMaoguishenandWomen ............. 218 6.4ChangesinTuWomen'sSocialStatus .................... 221 7FOLKRELIGIONANDTHESTATE ........................ 230 7.1TheCommunistPartyofChina'sPolicytowardEthnicityandReligion ... 230 7.1.1MaoistChina .............................. 231 7.1.2Post-MaoEra .............................. 232 7.1.3EthnicPolicy .............................. 235 7.2TheTuFolkReligiousRevival ......................... 241 7.2.1PopularAttachmenttoReligiousBelief ................ 241 7.2.2TheInvolvementofStatePower .................... 242 7.3TheLegalizationofFolkReligion ....................... 246 7.3.1ObtainingtheLegalStatusofVillageTemplesbyApplyingforConservationandProtectionofHistoricalMonuments ............... 246 7.3.2TheLegalizationofTempleFairActivities .............. 248 7.4TheCompetitionamongVillageTemplesandtheInuenceofLocalElites 248 8CONCLUSION .................................... 252 APPENDIX ......................................... 267 AGLOSSARYOFTERMS ............................... 267 BTHELISTOFFESTIVALSOFTUNATIONALITY .................. 272 7

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REFERENCES ....................................... 274 BIOGRAPHICALSKETCH ................................ 284 8

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LISTOFTABLES Table page A-1ThelistoffestivalofTuNationality ......................... 272 9

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LISTOFFIGURES Figure page 1-1LocationofQinghaiandTupopulationdistribution ................ 27 1-2MapofHuzhuCounty,QinghaiProvince,China .................. 31 1-3PopulationdistributionofTuNationalityinHuzhu ................. 32 2-1YouningMonasteryinHuzhuCounty,QinghaiProvince,China ......... 51 2-2Daoistsstandinginfrontofthefolkreligioustemple ................ 56 3-1Thespirituallittersfordragonkings. ........................ 76 3-2chumashenandhuimashen ............................. 79 3-3Thefashenjianritualbyshidianzeng. ........................ 82 3-4Threespiritualspearsfordragonkings. ...................... 87 3-5Differentdeitiesareworshippedtogether ..................... 91 3-6Differentdeitiesenshrinedinthesamehall .................... 94 3-7JijialingniangnianginDongshan .......................... 100 3-8Spirituallittersandstatuesofniangniang ..................... 102 3-9Ahallofnidangandwallpaintingofnidang .................... 107 3-10FamilydeitiesworshippedontheroofofTupeople'shouses. .......... 111 4-1DragonKingTemples,xiazhenandawallpainting ................ 127 4-2Thebenkangandcaca ............................... 132 4-3Thelashizeintwovillages .............................. 134 4-4Amiaoguanandalaozhe .............................. 140 4-5TheboispracticingritualinNajiaVillageTemple. ................. 143 4-6Thefashenjianritualbyshidianzeng. ........................ 148 4-7Abenbenzichantingscripturesinthevillagetemplewithhisassistant. ..... 152 5-1Tuwomenparticipatingreligiousactivities ..................... 158 5-2Zuorangni. ...................................... 161 5-3Theweisang ..................................... 163 10

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5-4Theritualofbiangbianghui. ............................. 168 5-5Theteamofzhuanshanjing. ............................. 172 5-6Thexiazhen ...................................... 175 5-7ThexiejiangritualinaDragonKingTemple .................... 177 6-1DaoistspresidingtheTufuneralrituals. ...................... 203 6-2Womenchangingintotraditionalcostumestoattendzhuanshanjing. ...... 216 7-1Thebenkang,expressedasacommunitycenterforelders ........... 240 11

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AbstractofDissertationPresentedtotheGraduateSchooloftheUniversityofFloridainPartialFulllmentoftheRequirementsfortheDegreeofDoctorofPhilosophySOCIALMAINTENANCEANDCULTURALCONTINUITYFOLKRELIGIONAMONGTHETUINNORTHWESTCHINAByHaiyanXingDecember2015Chair:Chuan-kangShihMajor:AnthropologyThisdissertationcontainsanethnographicstudyofthefolkreligionoftheTu,anethnicminorityinNorthwestChina.ViewedbymanyTuasthesouloftheirculture,folkreligiousbeliefsandpracticespermeateallaspectsoftheirlivesatthepersonal,familial,andcommunitylevels.EveryTuissociallyencouragedtoparticipateinthegroup'sreligiousritualsandpageants.Asaresultofcross-culturalcontactduringthepastcenturies,theTuhavealsoborrowedelementsofBuddhismfromtheTibetansandofDaoismfromtheHan.WhereasmostTupeoplewillatdifferenttimesparticipatecomfortablyintheritualsofallthreereligioustraditionstofulllvariousspiritualandpracticalneeds,theirnativefolkreligionisnonethelesstheprimaryvehicleformaintainingsocialorderandethnicsolidarity.Tufolkreligionencouragesconformitytoestablishedsocialcodes.Thedissertationrstexaminesthesubjectivemeaningsandinternalfunctionsofthefolkreligioussystemwithinthecommunity.ItthenanalyzestheinterrelationshipsbothcompetitiveandconfrontationalamongthethreedifferentreligioussystemsinwhichtheTuparticipate.Italsodiscussesindetailthegenderdynamicsthatoccurwithinthefolkreligioustradition.Finally,andofgreatimportance,itanalyzestheimpactthattheshiftingpoliciesoftheChineseStatefromreligioussuppressionduringtheCulturalRevolutiontoactivegovernmentalsupportofreligiousinstitutionsinrecentyearshavehadonthefolkreligionoftheTu. 12

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ThisdissertationprovidesanewinterpretationoftheimpactofpopularreligiononthesociallifeofaChineseminoritygroup.Italsodocumentstheimportantphenomenonofreligiouspluralism,themannerinwhichindividualscomfortablyshiftbetweenritualsofdifferentreligions.Thisdissertationisconcernedwiththefollowingspecicresearchquestions:WhatkindofinteractionsandsymbioticrelationshaveemergedbetweendifferentreligionsinTusociety?Howdoreligiouspracticescontributetovillageandfamilyautonomy?HowdoesthefolkreligionhelptheTupeopleidentifyuniquefeaturesoftheirculture,andthusmaintaintheirstatusasaculturallydistinctethnicgroup?Howdointer-ethnicrelationscontributetoreligiouspluralismamongtheTu?Howdoesthefolkreligioninuencebehaviortowardthenaturalenvironment,andhowdotheTurespondtoanenvironmentalcrisisinreligiousways?Whatarethefunctionsofreligiousritualsandorganizationinmanagingandprotectingnaturalresources?HowdoesthefolkreligionaffectissuesofgenderrolesandsocialstatusamongtheTu?HowdoTuwomenhelptoshape,create,andchangetheprivateandpublicworldsinwhichtheylive?Howdoesthefolkreligionrelatetoissuesofpoliticalpowerandhowdochangesingovernmentpolicyinuencethefolkfaith?Whatkindofnegotiationexistsbetweenreligiousauthoritiesandpoliticalauthorities?Byaddressingtheabovequestions,theauthorattemptstocontributenotonlytoourunderstandingofthereligiouslandscapeofaparticularminoritycommunity,butalsototheliteraturedealingwiththerelationshipsbetweenreligiousdynamicsanddynamicsofethnicity,genderandStatepower. 13

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CHAPTER1INTRODUCTIONThisdissertationdescribesandanalyzesthefolkreligionpracticedbytheTuethnicminoritygroupinNorthwestChina.Morespecically,thisprojectwillrstexplorethesubjectivemeaningsandinternalfunctionsofthefolkreligioussystemwithintheminoritycommunityitself.TheTuareoneofthe55ethnicminoritygroupsthathavebeenofciallyrecognizedbytheChinesegovernment.ViewedlocallyasthesoulofTuculture,folkreligiousbeliefsandpracticespermeateallaspectsoflife.Aswillbeshowninthesepages,religionamongtheTuservesimportantpersonal,familial,andcommunitypurposes.Thefolkdeitiesserveasintermediariesbetweenthosewhoveneratethemandlocalpoliticalauthorities.Richfestivalsandcolorfulritualsmaintaintheinternalsocialorderandgoverntheformationandoperationofcommunityculturalmodels.Inmyresearch,Iwillexplorethefollowingquestions:WhatkindoffolkreligioussystemexistsamongtheTu?HowdoesfolkreligionhelptheTupeopleidentifyuniquefeaturesoftheircultureandmaintaintheirstatusasaculturallydistinctethnicgroup?Howdoesfolkreligioninuencebehaviortowardthenaturalenvironment,andhowdotheTurespondtoenvironmentalcrisesinreligiousways?Howdoreligiouspracticescontributetovillageandfamilyautonomy?HowdoesfolkreligionaffectissuesofgenderrolesandthesocialstatusofwomenamongtheTu?Weshallseethatintheirlonghistoryofculturalcross-fertilization,theTuhaveborrowedelementsofBuddhismfromtheTibetansandelementsofDaoismfromtheHanChinese.WhereasmostTupeoplewillparticipatecomfortablyintheritualsofallthreereligioustraditionsatdifferenttimestomeettheirspiritualandpracticalneeds,theirfolkreligionservesastheprincipalvehicleformaintainingsocialorderbyencouragingconformitytoestablishedsocialcodes.Participationinreligiousritualsandpageantsevenhasaquasi-compulsorydimension.Inaddition,folkreligiousbeliefsand 14

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practicesinteractwithotherfeaturesofsociety;thus,religiousritualsnotonlysurvive,butalsodevelopandchangeasaresultofthisinteraction.IwillalsodocumenttheimportantphenomenonofreligiouspluralismthemannerinwhichtheTushiftbetweenritualsofdifferentreligions.Iwillalsoanalyzetheinterrelationships,bothcompetitiveandconfrontational,amongthethreedifferentreligioussystems.Amongtheresearchquestionstobeansweredhereare:WhatkindofreligiousecologyexistsinTusocietythatis,howdoestheirfolkreligionguidetheirinteractionwiththenaturalenvironment?Howdointer-ethnicrelationscontributetoreligiouspluralismamongtheTu?Howdoesfolkreligionrelatetoissuesofpoliticalpower,andhowdochangesingovernmentpolicyinuencethefolkreligion?Whatkindofnegotiationtakesplacebetweenreligiousauthoritiesandpoliticalauthorities?Inshort,thepotentialsignicanceofthisresearchliesnotonlyincontributingtoourunderstandingofthereligiouslandscapeofaparticularminoritycommunity,butalsoincontributingtotheliteratureontherelationshipsbetweenreligiousdynamicsanddynamicsofethnicity,genderandstatepower. 1.1LiteratureReview 1.1.1TheDenitionandLimitationsoftheTermPopular/FolkReligionForcenturieswesternsinologistsandanthropologistshavebeenresearchingorcommentingonfolkreligioninChina,especiallyonthefolkreligionoftheHanChinese.Muchofthisresearchhasbeenpreoccupiedwithdenitionsofpopular/folkreligion.ScholarshavedebatedwhetherthereexistsanofcialreligionthatisdistinctfromtheteachingsofDaoism,BuddhismandConfucianismanissuethathasbeenthesubjectofanimateddebateamonginternationalscholars. 1.1.1.1Folkbeliefvs.folkreligionThetermfolkbeliefinitiallyappearedinthe1890sinBritishandAmericanacademicjournalsdealingwithanthropologyandfolklore( Hoke 1892 ; Pinches 1892 ).SomescholarsofclassicalreligiousstudiesclaimthatChinesefolkbeliefblends 15

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polytheism,animism,superstitionandwitchcraft,andthatfolkbeliefsandpracticescanthereforebeassociatedonlywithprimitiveculturebutnotwithinstitutionalizedreligions( Frazer [1918]2002 ; Tylor 1871 ).Laterscholarshavepointedoutthatfolkbeliefdoesnothaveitsownwrittenclassicsororiginaccounts.Sincefolkbeliefsandritualsderivefromancientsymbolsbutarenotperformedbyinstitutionalizedreligiousspecialists,folkpracticescannot,intheirview,beconsideredabonadereligion.(Aswillbearguedbelow,wedisagreewiththisposition.)Onthewhole,thefolkritualsofChineseethnicgroupsembodythegroup'scorevalues.ThesesystemsofpopularbeliefsandritualsthroughoutChinahavebeeninformedbyconceptsthataredeeplyembeddedinChineseculture,suchasYin-Yangprinciples,beliefsconcerninglocalspirits,andattitudestowardpopularcharismaticspecialistssuchaslocalshamansreferredtoasWu.Chinesescholarsstartedtoclassifyfolkbeliefasaformofsuperstitionabout100yearsago,andthereisatendencytodenereligionintermsofspiritbeliefs,downplayingtheelementsofritualsandspecialists.Fromananthropologicalpointofviewallreligionshavemultiplecomponents:spiritbeliefs,ritualstointeractwiththespirits,andspecialistexpertswhoarebelievedbypeopletohavemoreknowledgeabout,andperhapsmoreskillincontactingandinuencing,thespirits.Spiritbeliefsareonlyoneelementinthecomplexwhichanthropologistsrefertoasreligion.Inthepast,theacademicandpoliticalmainstreambelievedthatfolkbeliefsshouldbeeradicated.Butnowpopularreligionisviewedasatopicworthyofresearchandevenofgovernmentalsupportundertherubricofculturalheritage.ArichrangeofstudiesofChinesereligiousbeliefsandpracticeshasnowcoalescedintoarecognizedeldofresearch.IncontemporaryChina,researchintofolkreligionisfoundinstudiesthatfocusontopicssuchasthesocialfunctionsoffolkbeliefsingeneral,therelationshipbetweenreligionandculture,religiousandsocialchanges,therelationshipbetweensocialism 16

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andreligion,andthepresentstatusoffolkbeliefs( Gao 1998 ; Jin 1989 ; Song 1990 ; Wu 1996 ).ManyscholarsnowrecognizethatChinesefolkbeliefandpracticeswithrespecttothespiritworlddoinfactconstituteapopularorfolkreligion.AccordingtoafolksurveyinFujian,theDutchsinologistDeGrootwroteTheReligiousSystemofChina,ItsAncientForms,Evolution,HistoryandPresentAspect,Manners,CustomsandSocialInstitutionsConnectedTherewith,arguingthatChinesefolkbeliefandritualcomplexescanindeedbecalledareligion.ScholarstendtomakeadistinctionbetweenfolkcultureandelitecultureinChinesetradition;inthatlightfolkreligionisoftenviewedasthereligionofthelowerclasses( Yang 1961 )Anthropologicalstudiesoffolkreligionhavebeguntondrelationshipsbetweenreligionandmanyaspectsofsociallife.Somescholarsmaintainthat,sinceafolkreligionrepresentsthepopularpracticesandbeliefsofthemassesitthusfulllsapowerfulfunctionofsocialintegration( Cohen 1987 ; Dean 1993 ).ManyofthesestudiesbyscholarsofChinahave,inthislight,focusedresearchonancestorandclanrituals.AgreatdealofresearchonthereligiouspracticesofChinesefamiliesorclansnowemphasizestheroleoffolkreligioninmaintainingsocialsolidaritywithinkingroups( Ahern 1973 ; Baker 1979 ; Hsu 1948 ; Yang 1961 ).Otherstudieshaveinsteademphasizedculturaldifferencesandstruggles,andthereforesituatefolkreligionintheframeworkofsocialconicts( Bell 1989 ; Gates&Weller 1987 ; Sangren 1984 ).Needham( 1956 )ontheotherhandanalyzedthecosmologyreectedinfolkreligionandclaimedthatthepopularviewsoftheorganizationalstructureofChinesesocietycanbeviewedintermsoftheFiveElementsandYing-Yang.Inshort,scholarshaveinterpretedtheculturalandsocialstatusoffolkreligionfromavarietyofperspectives.MostofthesescholarshaveacknowledgedthatChina(includingHongKongandTaiwan)doeshavemultiplepopularreligioustraditionsthatinteractwithotheraspectsofsociallife.ArthurWolf'seditedvolume,ReligionandRitualinChineseSociety( 1974 ) 17

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wasthecontinuationoftheworkofDeGroot( 18921892-1910 )andC.K.Yang(1961)andprovidedacomprehensivemethodologyforresearchingChinesereligions.Wolfbelievedthatghosts,ancestorsanddeities(apowerfulbenevolentspirit,whethermaleorfemale)infolkreligionarethesymbolsofoutsiders,insidersandofcials,respectively;suchstudieshavepositedarelationshipbetweentheworldofspiritsandtheworldofhumans( Wolf 1974 ).In1987,theModernChinaJournalpublishedaspecialissue,HegemonyandChineseFolkIdeologies( Gates&Weller 1987 ).Inthatissue,folkbeliefswereconsideredtobeafolkideology,andtherelationshipbetweenfolkandofcialbeliefsandritualswasexaminedintermsoftheemergingresearchthemesofculturalhegemonyandstrugglesforculturalautonomy.Sincethen,otherethnographershaverevealedhowChinesefolkreligionhasbeenexpressedthroughcognitivestructures( Sangren 1987 )orthroughcommunityperformanceofdynasticrituals( Feuchtwang 1992 ).Thesetheoriesfallwithintheframeworkofsymbolicanthropology,asintroducedinPierreBourdieu'stheoreticalattemptstoconnectculturesandindividuals( Bourdieu 1977 ).ThestudyofsymbolicanthropologyamongsuchscholarshasmadeasignicantcontributiontothestudyofChinesepopular/folkreligion.Insummary,earlyresearchbyscholarsfromtheWestandfromtheOrientitselfsoughttolinkreligiontosociallife,byidentifyingthewaysinwhichpeopleutilizereligiontonegotiatetheirinterpersonalrelationshipandtheirrelationshiptonature.UnliketheresidentsoftheHanareas,whereinvolvementinreligionissomewhatoptional,researchamongtheTuprovidesevidenceofstrongsocialpressureformembersoftheethnicgrouptobecomeinvolvedinthepublicpracticesoftheirreligioussystem.Thisfolkreligionisintheprocessofbeingrevivedandstrengthenedatthepresenttime,inpartthroughgovernmentsupportofethniccustomsandheritage,andhasproveditstenacitythroughtime.FortheremainderofthisdissertationIwillusethetermfolkreligiontorefertotheclearlydelineatedcomplexofbeliefsandpracticethatgroupssuchastheTu 18

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have,todistinguishitfromthelessclearlydenedpopularreligiousbeliefsandpracticesoftheHanpeople. 1.1.1.2Institutionreligionvs.folkreligionIngeneral,thetermpopular/folkreligionhastwomeaningswhenreferringtoChina.First,itreferstothereligionpracticedbymostofChinesepeople.Amongthemostcommonreligiouspracticesare(1)theritesthatgovernthevenerationandcareofthespiritsintherealmofthedead,(2)theritualofconsultingaspiritmediumtodiagnoseandcuresicknessortodealwithothermisfortunesorproblems,and(3)thetraditionalfestivalsintheyearlycycle.Scholarswhouseitinthesecondsensearereferringtothereligionofthelowerclassesasopposedtothatoftheelite.C.K.YangdividesChinesereligionsintotwodistinctparts:institutionalanddiffused.Theformer,suchBuddhismorDaoism,isasystemofreligiouslifethatconsistsofanindependenttheologyorcosmology,symbolicworship(ofgods,lesserspiritsandtheirimages),andanindependentorganizationofclergytodevelopformaltheologicalteachingsandtoofciateatrituals.Thelatterdiffusedreligionisdenedasareligionwithitstheology,clergy,worshipobjectsandritualsdiffusedorembeddedintosecularsocialinstitutionswhereinformalpopularreligionispracticed( Yang 1961 ).Inotherwords,asasystemwithitsownseparatestructuresandaspecializedhierarchy,institutionalreligionissomewhatautonomouswithrespecttoothersocialinstitutions,whereasfolkreligionsareembeddedmoredeeplyintoothersocialinstitutions.Scholarsdisagreeonthedistinctionbetweenpopularandelitereligion.DavidJohnsonadmitsthattheboundariesoftworealmsappeartooverlap,butthedistinctionremainsverypowerfulintermsoftheirrespectiveeffectsonaudiences,demandsonperformers,anddifferencesbetweenthewrittenandvernacularlanguageusedinliturgyandoperaperformance( Johnson 1995 ).PatriciaEbreypointsoutthedifcultyindescribingpopularreligionbecauseofalackofwrittensourcesandtheabsenceofanorganizedpriesthood,aswellasthecomplexinteractionbetweenpopularreligionand 19

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theotherthreeinstitutionalreligions( Ebrey&Gregory 1993 ).Moreover,thebiasesofwrittenrecordsalsomakeitdifculttoarriveatanoverallpictureofpopularpractices,andtendstoreinforcethebeliefthattherewasalargegapbetweenpopularandelitepractices( Ebrey&Gregory 1993 ; Hansen 1990 ; vonGlahn 2004 ).Otherscholarshavechallengedthedistinctionbetweenthelay/popular/diffusedreligionandinstitutionalreligionsbyhighlightingtheimportanceofongoingsocialexperienceininformingandmodifyingallreligiousbeliefsandpractices,notmerelythoseofpopularreligion( Sangren 1987 ; Gates&Weller 1987 ).Inotherwords,livedsocialexperiencehasapotentialforgeneratingsocialchangeandforinuencingthecontentofanyreligion,whetheritbediffusedreligionorinstitutionalreligion.Thedifferencebetweenthetwomaythereforeinsomecasesbemurky.Studiessuchasthesethusavoidthepitfallsofmakinganarticialdisjuncturebetweenpopularandinstitutionalreligion;theyrecognizethatinstitutionalandpopularreligionarebothpartofasingleculturalsystem.TheyemphasizethatitisnotadeityorashrinebutrathercommunalritualthatisthemostimportantelementinChinesereligion.Theirconcernislesswiththecontentofspiritbeliefsthatwiththesocialimpactofcollectiverituals.Becauseofthecomplex,broadandambiguousinteractionbetweenpopularandinstitutionalreligion,somescholarshavequestionedtheterminologyofpopularreligion,includingKennethDean,EdwardDavisandVonGlahn.TheyclaimthatscholarsofChinesepopularculturemustcontinuetorethinkreligionandritualinChinaandtoseekanothermodelthatwillanalyzethesyncreticandmultipleformsofpopularreligiouspracticesinChina( Dean 1998 ).Actually,basedonthebreadthandtheheavylevelofsyncretismfoundinpopularreligion,manyscholarshaveagreedonthedifcultyofpreciselydelineatingitsboundaries. 1.1.2ResearchontheReligiousRelationshipReligiousdiversityhasbeenafactthroughoutworldhistory( Gross 1999 ; Smith 1976 ).AnthropologicalstudiesofreligionbeganInthelatenineteenthcenturywith 20

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theseminalworksofMaxMuller,W.RobertsonSmith,EdwardB.Tylor,andSirJamesG.Frazer.Religionhasfunctioned,indifferenttimesandplaces,asbothasourceofintergroupconictandasavehicleforresolvingconict.Differentscholarshaveaccordinglystudieddifferentaspectsofthesequestions,thusprovidingamultifacetedviewoftheshiftingfunctionsofreligion.Themainthemesinthosestudiesincludereligionandconict/peace,religiousexclusionism,religioustoleranceandreligiouspluralism. 1.1.2.1Religiousconict,exclusionismandtoleranceTheroleofreligioninfosteringconicthasbecomeincreasinglyapparentandthisaspectofreligionasapromoterofviolencehasbecomeagrowingeldofstudy.TherehavebeenreligiousandethnicconictsintheMiddleEast,Europe,andSoutheastAsiaforcenturies.Especiallyafter9/11,religiouslanguageandmetaphorshaveacquiredanewsignicance( Hogan&Lehrke 2009 ).Therearemanystudiesofreligiousconict,includingworkonthetheoryofreligiousconict( Bock 2001 ; Cavanaugh 2009 ; Schlee 2008 ; deRidder 2010 )andethnicandreligiousconict( Janke 1994 ; Schlee 2008 ; Sharma 2009 ).Sincetheconnectionsbetweenreligionandconictarecomplex,itisnotsurprisingthatdifferentscholarsholddifferentopinions.Thetheologicalpremisesofsomereligioussystemsareexclusivistincharacter,assertingthatadherencetoaparticularreligionistheonlypathtosalvation.Historically,theologiesthatarebasedonreligiousexclusivismhavebeenusedtojustifywarsofreligion,forcedconversion,bansoninterreligiousfellowshipandintermarriage,andthepersecutionofreligiousminorities.Somescholarshavechallengedexclusivisttheologiesbyexaminingthephenomenonofinter-religiouspluralismwithinseveralmajorfaithtraditions.Theyarguethatthepresenceofreligiouspluralismevenwithinasinglefaithsystempresentsaninsurmountablechallengetotherationalityoftheologiesbasedonexclusivereligiousbelief( Baldwin&Thune 2008 ).JeroenRidderandotherscholarschallengethesimplisticclassicationofreligionasasourceofconict( deRidder 21

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2010 ).Thosescholarsholdthatreligionisnotusuallythesoleorevenprimarycauseofconict.Accordingtothem,despitetheassociationwithwar,religioncanalsobeavehicleofintergroupreconciliation.Thereisstrongevidenceofthepotentialforreligiontogeneratepeaceandjusticeinconict-riddensocieties( Breweretal. 2010 ; Smock 2006 ),andinterfaithdialoguehasbeenfoundtobeanotherformofreligiouspeacemaking( Brahm 2005 ).Instarkcontrasttomanypartsoftheworldwhereincompatiblereligiousbeliefsystemshavebeenthesourceofconictandatrocities,threereligioustraditions(thenativefolkreligion,TibetanBuddhism,andDaoism)havepeacefullyco-existedamongtheTuforcenturies.IwilldiscussingreatdetailtheharmoniousreligiouspluralismoftheTu.MyanalysisoftheTucaseshowsclearlythatreligiousexclusionisbynomeansuniversal.ThereligiouslifeoftheTudemonstratesdramaticallythatinterreligioustoleranceispossible.Myconclusionisthatsymbiosisandcompromisecanguideadherentsofdifferentreligioustraditionstowardspeace.Inthissense,religioncanplayaroleas`bridgingsocialcapital'inpeaceprocesses( Breweretal. 2011 ,62). 1.1.2.2ReligiouspluralismandreligiouseconomyReligiouscoexistencehasbeenfoundinmanysocietiesinthepastandcontinuestobepresentinthemodernworld.Therehavebeenanthologiesofresearchonreligiouspluralism( Coward 1985 ; Silk 2007 ),religiouspluralismandidentity( Platvoet&vanderToorn 1995 );andonreligiouspluralismintheIslamicworld( Jackson 2005 )andinAfrica( Chakanza&Ross 1992 ).Moreover,religiouspluralism,toparaphraseoneacademicstudy,goesbeyondmeretoleration( Rouner 1984 ; Sachedina 2001 ).Thetheoryofreligiouseconomywasdevelopedtoexplainwhyandhowreligionschange.Theconsequencesofreligiousmarketstructuresarenowasignicantresearchtopic( Chaves&Cann 1992 ; Finke&Iannacoone 1993 ; Finke&Stark 1988 1989 1992 ; Iannacoone 1991 1992 ; Stark 1985 ; Stark&Bainbridge 1985 ; Stark&McCann 22

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1993 ).Religiousconsumption1isexpectedtobegreaterinafree,competitivemarketthaninamonopolisticoroligopolisticreligioussociety.BasedonAmericandata,somestudiesindicatethatreligiouspluralismhasapositiveimpact,indicativeofanongoingparadigmshiftinthesociologyofreligion( Stark&McCann 1993 ; Warner 1993 ).Accordingtootherstudies,however,thepluralismofreligioussuppliersisaproductofthepluralismofreligiouspreferencesandthenumberofpotentialadherentswithinanenvironment.Thispluralismofsuppliers,inturn,producesapluralismofreligiousconsumers( Blauetal. 1992 ; Breault 1989 ; Landetal. 1991 ).Inmystudy,Iwillevaluatethetheoryofthereligiouseconomy,religiouspersonsandorganizationsinteractingwithinamarketframeworkofcompetinggroupsandideologies( Stark 2007 ).Toanticipatetheconclusion,Iwillshowthatreligiouspluralismmaylead,nottocompetition,buttocooperation.Iwillargueaccordinglythatsocietalandtheologicalchangeispossibletoovercomereligiousdifferencesandconicts. 1.1.2.3SyncretismSyncretismistheborrowing,combining,oradaptingofelementsfromdiversesources.InherresearchonChinesereligion,JudithA.Berlinghassurveyedearlypatternsofreligiousinteraction,aswellassectarianismandsyncretism,withinChinesereligion.IndoingsosheoffersabroaddenitionofsyncretismfortheChinesereligiouslandscape.Accordingtoher,syncretismistheborrowing,afrmation,orintegrationofconcepts,symbols,orpracticesofonereligioustraditionintoanotherbyaprocessofselectionandreconciliation( Berling 1980 ).FollowingBerling'sstudy,KennethDeanalsoapproachesChinesepopularreligionfromtheperspectiveofsyncretism.Hecoinedthetermthesyncreticeldtodescribethereservoiroftheculturalpotentialoflocal 1Becauseindividualsandsocietieshavedifferentbeliefs,norms,commitments,andexpressiveneeds,consumptionchoicecanhelptoexpressthesedifferences.Inthisexplanationsofmodels,thebelieversasrationalconsumersandreligiousorganizationsasclubsorrmsthatcollectivelyconstituteareligiousmarket( Minkler&Cosgel 2004 ). 23

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communalreligion.EdwardL.DavisdrawsonDean'ssyncreticeld,markedbytheongoingtensionbetweenefcacyandhierarchyandDuara'sculturalnexusofpower,whichisdenedasthesetofsegmentaryhierarchies(lineages),territorialhierarchies(templecults),interpersonalnetworks(patron-client,master-disciple,relationship),andvoluntaryassociations( Davis 2001 ).Itcanbeviewedasareligiousnexusbecauseallsecularhierarchies,networks,andassociationsmayconvergeanddivergearoundtemples,altars,andmonasteries.InsightsderivedfromthesestudieshelpustoseetheimportanceofsyncretismasaconceptusefulinunderstandingtheChinesereligiouslandscape,andespeciallytheinteractionthatoccursbetweendifferentreligions.Syncretismndsfullexpressioninfolkreligion.MostoftheelementsthatwereadaptedandabsorbedintofolkreligioncanbetracedtotheThreeTeachings.TufolkreligionalsodrawsinsightsfromTibetanBuddhismandDaoismabouthellandtheafterlifeandtheconceptsofmeritandkarma.WewillalsonotetheadoptionofDaoistdeitiesintothepantheonofTufolkreligion.ThetheoryofreligiousecologywasformulatedbyDuanQitointerprettherelationshipsamongseveralreligions.Itreferstotheinteractionofelementsfromvariousreligions,whichisanalogoustotheinteractionofelementsinanaturalecologicalsysteminwhichdifferentaspectsofasystemconstraineachotherastheymaintainmutualbalance.Inotherwords,insuchareligiousecologyeachelementoftheconstituentreligionshasitsproperplaceandisanelementinthemarketthatoffersreligiousoptionstomeettheneedsofdifferentpeople.Bythesametoken,however,ifpeoplearticiallymakeinappropriateinterventions,thebalanceofthereligiousecologycanbeupset.QipointedoutthatbecauseofChina'slopsidedreligiousecology,ChristianityhasspreadrapidlyinChinasincetheChineseStateopenedthecountrytoreform.TheacademicdebateonreligiousecologyhasthusbecomeinextricablylinkedtotheissueoftherelationshipbetweenpoliticsandreligioninChina.ThesedebatesentailreectiononthediscourseofChina'sAnti-FeudalSuperstitionorAnti-Religion 24

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Campaign.Thetheoreticalfoundationofreligiousecologypresupposesknowledgeoflocaltraditionsinordertodetectandavoidthedangerofculturaldiscontinuityandtheupsettingofthebalanceofculturalecology.OneelementofcontinuityisprovidedbythebeliefsandpracticesofChinesetraditionalreligions,especiallyfolkreligions.SuchmaintenanceofcontinuityisanimportantingredientofidentityandcitizenshipinChinesecivilsociety.Anthropologicalresearchhascontributedseveraltheoreticalparadigmsforthestudyofreligion,fromfunctionalismandsecularizationtoreligiousmarkettheory.Thesedifferenttheorieshavebeenusedtointerprettherelationshipsbetweenreligionandsocietyindifferenthistoricalperiods.ChinesereligionischaracterizedbydiversityamongdifferentgroupswithinChinawithrespecttotheirbackgrounds,cultures,andsocialandpoliticalsituations.TodealwithsuchdiversityinthecontextofChinesefolkreligions,itwillbeusefultoviewthesetraditionsinthecontextofdifferentanthropologicaltheories.Thegoalwillbetogenerateatheoreticalplatformwithstrongexplanatorypower.ThemajorcontributionthatthisstudyofTureligionwillhopefullymakewillbeasacasestudyininterreligioustolerance.Itwillalsobeacasestudyinthemannerinwhichreligionsinteractwithandinuenceeachother. 1.1.3ResearchonEthnicFolkReligioninChinaChinaisamultiethniccountry.Mostofitsminorityethnicgroupshavetheirownfolkreligions.Overthelasthundredyears,themodernistic(nationalist)discoursehastreatedfolkbeliefsorfolksectsasfeudalsuperstitionsorhistoricalrelics,andhasconsequentlyinjectedananti-religiousbiasintomuchofthediscourseaboutChinesemodernization.Despitethisanti-religiousbias,sincethe1920s,ChineseethnographershaveconductedaseriesofsystematicinvestigationsofreligiousbeliefsofethnicgroupsinsouthernChinaandhavecollectedahugeamountofvaluabledata. 25

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1.1.3.1ResearchontheminoritiesethnicgroupsinChinaThe1950sproducedahighpointincomprehensiveinvestigationsofthesocial,historicalandculturalstatusofChina'sethnicgroups.Atthattime,numerousinvestigativereportsonfolkbeliefswerepublishedbytheFiveCollectionsoftheStateEthnicAffairsCommissionandbecamethecornerstoneofethnographicresearch.Fromthe1950stothe1970s,folkbeliefswerethetargetoftheCulturalRevolutionandpoliticalcriticism.Butacademicresearchintothesebeliefswasstillpermitted.Withpost-MaoistchangesinChina,however,theexistenceofethnicminoritieswasvalidatedandtheyhavebecomeanobjectofacademicresearch.Sincethe1980s,thereligiousbeliefsofethnicgroupshavebeenofciallyprotectedundertherubricofethniccultureandhavereceivedfarmoreattentionthanHanpopularbeliefs.Folkbeliefshaverevivedsincethe1980s;theyhaveattractedmorescholarlyattentionandhavebecometheobjectofacademicinvestigation.ThemoderaterevivaloffolkbeliefsincontemporaryChinahasstimulatedlocalizedself-consciousnesswithrespecttoethnicbeliefs.Inaddition,theinternationalvalueplacedonIntangibleCulturalHeritagehasledtomorefavorableattitudestotherelationshipbetweenfolkbeliefsandChinesesociety.Thereforeethnicbeliefshaveonceagainbecomeanintegralpartofdailylifeamongminoritygroups.Broadlyspeaking,theseacademicstudieshavecreatedacertainprotectionoffolkbeliefsasvaluableethnictraditions(IntangibleCulturalHeritage),andtothereconstructionoffolkbeliefsasanintegralpartoflife( Gao 1997 ; Tan 1993 ). 26

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A BFigure1-1. A.ThelocationofQinghaiProvinceinChina;B.populationdistributionofTuNationalityinQinghaiProvince. 27

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AnthropologistshavedevotedconsiderableattentiontostudiesofminorityreligionsinChina( Shao 2004 ; Shih 2010 ; Yuan&Teng 2008 ; Zhou 2003 ).Amongthestudies,themostrepresentativecontaindetailedinterpretationsandanalysesoftheorigins,doctrinesandorganizationsoffolkreligioussubgroups( Ma&Han 1992 )andthecollectionofdataonfolk(secret)religions( Li 1990 ; Lu 2000 ; Pu 1991 ).Thesestudieshaverevealedthecontoursofcertainfolk(secret)religionsthathadbeenconcealedbyhistory.Ananalysisofthiscorpusofreligiousliteraturepermitsabettercomprehensionofdiffusedfolkbeliefsanddemonstratestheexistenceofanorganizedfolksociety.MostoftheacademicscholarshipconsistsofdescriptiveratherthantheoreticalanalysisofChineseminorityreligions.StudiesofthereligiousbeliefsoftheTuarefurthermorescatteredandfragmented;thereisasyetnocorpusofholisticintegratedresearchonTureligion.Inmydissertation,IwilltrytoframethediscussionofTureligioninanappropriatesocialandpoliticalcontexttodrawaportraitofaChineseminority'sfolkreligiousecologyinthebroadercontextofmodernChina.IalsohopetodocumenthowthenewrelationshipbetweentheStateandreligionwasformedinthecontextofthelocaleconomy,societyandpolitics.Myhopeisthatthisdiscussionwillleadtofurtherresearchanddeeperunderstandingofminoritysocieties. 1.1.3.2StudiesontheTuInthelate19thandearly20thcenturies,bothChineseandWesternscholarscarriedoutresearchontheTu.TheCatholicmissionary,LouisSchramwastherstWesternscholartostudytheTuinthe1950s.SchramtraveledtotheTuareasandusedparticipantobservationandinterviewsinhisresearch,eventuallypublishingaseriesofarticlestitledTheMonguorsoftheKansu-TibetanFrontier(PartI,IIandIII)( Schram 1954 1957 1961 ).HedescribedtheTu'sreligioustraditionsinthesecondpartofhisbook.AlthoughSchramwasnotananthropologist,hekeptextensiveeldnotesthatareinvaluableinunderstandingthehistoryofthefolkreligionoftheTu.After1980the 28

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volumeofresearchonTufolkreligionincreasedsubstantially( E 2002 ; Fan 1997 ; Li&Li 1998 ; Ren&Li 1998 ; Zhao 2007 ).WiththegrowthofscholarlyliteratureonTibetanBuddhisminthelast15years,mostofthestudiesfocusonTibetanBuddhismamongtheTu( Tang 1996 ; Wen 2002 ; Zhai 2001 2003c ),includingtheroleTibetantemplesinTuhistory( Fang 1990 ; Qin 1994 )andthelivingBuddhasystemoftheYouningTemple( )( Pu 1985 ; Zhang 1990 ).Severalscholarshaveinvestigatedanimism( Liu 1993 ; SangjiRenqian 2004 2006 ; Xinetal. 2006 ; Yang 2007 ),andtotemisminvolving,forexample,theuseoftheconsecratedspear-lengthdivinatoryrodsthatwillbediscussedinthesepages( Jin 2006 ; Yang&Yang 2005 ; Xu 2004 ).Therehavealsobeenstudiesofreligiousspecialistsandrituals( Cai 2007 ; Deng&Sang 2002 ; E 2004 ; Lv 1985 ),ancestorworship( Deng&Sang 2002 ; E 2006 ; Sang 2002 ),theworshipofthekitchengod( Li 2006 ),andspecialistrolessurroundingfolkbeliefs( Yang 2007 ).Inshort,Tureligiousbeliefsandpracticeshavebeentheobjectofafairamountofscholarlyresearch.ThisearliercorpusofresearchontheTu,especiallyonTureligions,willprovideavaluableframeofreferenceformystudy.However,mostoftheresearchhasbeendescriptiveincharacter.TherehasbeenupuntilnownocomprehensiveandsystemicstudyoftheentireTureligiouslandscapethatdescribeshowTufolkreligioninteractswithotherelementsofTusociety.MyintenthasbeentomapouttheTufolkreligiouslandscapeandanalyzethemannerinwhichTufolkreligionhasinteractedwithBuddhismandDaoism,ontheonehand,andhowontheotherhandtheirsyncreticreligioustraditionshaveinteractedwithotherelementsofTusocialandpoliticallife.MydissertationwillalsoventureintotheoreticallyinformedanalysisaboutreligiouspluralismandreligiousdiversityinChineseminoritysocietyasawhole. 29

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1.2TheHistoryandCulturalBackgroundoftheTu 1.2.1TheHistoryandPopulationDistributionoftheTuTheTuethnicgroup( )isoneof56ethnicgroupsofciallyrecognizedbythePeople'sRepublicofChina.InthepasttheTucalledthemselvesMonguor,Menggu'rKongandChahanMenggu'r.TupeoplewerecalledTuRen( )orTuMin( )bytheHanChinese,Huiandothernationalities,andHuo'erbyTibetans.TheyareknownasMonguororMangghuerinWesternpublications.Accordingtothenationalcensusof2010,theTunumbered289,595peopledistributedthroughoutthenorthwestregionsofChina,withahigherconcentrationintheHuzhu,Minhe,andDatongTuautonomouscounties,LeduCountyandTongrenCountyoftheHuangnanTibetanNationalityAutonomousPrefectureinQinghaiProvince.TherearealsosmallpocketsofTulivinginTianzhu,Yongdeng,andZhuonicountiesinGansuProvince.Distributedindifferentareas,withvariousdifferencesincustoms,dialects,andfestivals,theywereclassiedastheTuethnicgroup(TuZu, )bytheChineseGovernmentin1953.BelowisabreakdownoftheTuindifferentregionsandtheirpopulationdistribution. 1.2.1.1TuinHuzhuSituatedbetweenthegeographiccoordinates3630'3709'Nand10146'10245'E,HuzhuistheonlyautonomouscountyoftheTuethnicgroupthatislocatedinthenortheasternpartofQinghaiProvince.Withatotalareaof3,425squarekilometers,HuzhuCountyextends86kmfromwesttoeastand64kmfromnorthtosouth.Huzhuhasatotalpopulationof380,000inhabitants,ofwhichtheminoritypopulationnumbers101,100(26.60%).Thelatterconsistsof11minorityethnicgroups,includingtheTu,Tibetans,theHui,Mongolians,andManchu.Administratively,HuzhuCountyhaseighttownsand11townships(town-leveldivisions),includingfourminoritytownsandtownships.Onthesub-level,thecountyhas294administrativevillagesand2,015advancedagriculturalproducers'cooperatives. 30

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Figure1-2. MapofHuzhuCounty,QinghaiProvince,China HuzhuCountyislocatedatthesouthernfootoftheeastsectionoftheQilianMountains,whichisthecontiguousareaoftheLoessPlateauandQinghai-TibetPlateau,atanaverageelevationof2,700m.Theelevationishigherinthenorththanthesouth.Huzhu'sterrainconsistsofmountainscrisscrossedbyravinesandgullies,andsixnaturalrivers,alltributariesoftheHuangshuiRiver.Becauseoftheterrainandgeographiclocation,theaveragetemperatureforthewholeyearis3.4C.TheclimateofHuzhuinspringiswindy;insummerthetemperatureiscoolandrefreshing.Autumnisrainyandwinteriscoldwithsomesnow.QingshilingMountain,thename 31

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Figure1-3. PopulationdistributionofTuNationalityinHuzhu fortheeasternpartoftheQilianMountainsislocatedacrossthewholecountyfromnorthwesttosoutheast.HuzhuisthereforenaturallydividedintotwogeographicalunitsbyQingshilingMountain,whichrunsfromnorthwesttosoutheast.ThesetwoseparategeographicalunitsarecalledQianshan(thesouthernsection)andHoushan(thenorthernpart,referredtoasthebackofthemountain).ChiliebuPeak,alsoknownasDragonKingPeakinMandarin,locatedinthemiddleofQingshilingMountain,isveneratedasaspirituallypowerfulmountainandfunctionsasanimportantritualsitefortheTu,Tibetan,andethnicallymixedgroupsofHanpeopleinHuzhu. 32

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AsthemajorityethnicgroupoftheAutonomousCounty,theTupopulationisdistributedacrossalltownsandtownships,butareconcentratedmainlyinWushi,Danma,Donggou,Dongshan,Weiyuan,Hongaizigou,Songduo,andTaiziTown(orTownship).Accordingtothe2011census,theTupopulationinHuzhuCountywas70,481(18.19%ofthetotalpopulationofHuzhuand36.2%ofthetotalpopulationofTupeopleinQinghaiProvince).Wesee,therefore,thatHuzhuisthelargestTu-inhabitedareainChina.TheTupeopleinHuzhuengageprimarilyinagriculturalproduction;theyalsopracticeanimalhusbandryaswell.TheTu-inhabitedareasareforthemostpartlocatedinthecentralpartofHuzhuandinothermajorgrain-producingareas.Theirchiefcropsincludewheat,highlandbarley,rapeseedplants,andpotatoes.Theirprincipallivestockarehorses,cattle,sheep,andpigs.ItisinterestingtonotethatdifferentsubgroupsoftheTulivingindifferentpartsoftheHuzhuareahavedevelopedtheirowndistinctiveculturalcharacteristicsintermsoftraditionaldress,language,andotherculturaldomains. 1.2.1.2TuinMinheMinheCountyinHaidongCity,QinghaiProvince,containsthesecondlargestclusterofTu.ItislocatedattheeasternedgeofQinghaiProvinceandsharesacommonborderwithGansuProvince.TheareaofMinheis1,890.82sq.km,andthetotalpopulationis351,000,ofwhichHanChinesecomprisesthemajorityandtheTucompriseabout12%(2011Census).AccordingtotheMinheCountyAnnals,theareawasthehomeoftheQiangpeoplebeforetheQin(221BC)andHandynasties(206BCAD),andwasincorporatedbythecentralgovernmentofChinaduringthoseperiods.DuringtheperiodofEmperorWuDioftheHanDynasty,thecentralgovernmentsetupthecountygovernmentfortheHuangshuiRivervalley,includingtheMinhearea.Fromthatpointon,Minhebecameoneofthemainarteriesofpolitical,economicandculturecontactbetweentheQinghai-TibetPlateauandthecentralplains. 33

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TheclothingofTuwomeninMinhediffersslightlyfromtheclothingwornbytheTuinHuzhu.ThewomeninMinhewearmostlygreencoatsandreddresses,whiletheTumenwearlonggowns,similartotheclothingwhichtheHanpeopleworeduringtheQingDynasty(1644-1912).Accordingtooraltradition,theancestorsoftheTupeopleinMinhelivedmainlyintheZhaomuchuanarea,anddescendedfromlocalswhohadintermarriedwiththetroopsofoneofGenghisKhan'sgenerals,Gerilite.ItissaidthattheZhaomuchuanCavescontainrelicsofMongoliantroopsatthattimeandaresacredtothelocals.Atpresent,someoftheTupeopleintheSanchuanRegionofMinhebelievethattheirancestorswereMongolianandstagemajorceremoniesinwhichtheypouroutwinetowardtheeast,wheretheMongolslived,asademonstrationoftheirknowledgeoftheirorigins.InviewoftheagriculturallychallenginggeographicalconditionsinwesternChina,theTuinMinhetraditionallyfocusedonanimalhusbandry.Butnow,mostareengagedinbothagricultureandanimalhusbandry.ThelanguageoftheMinheTuhasbeenheavilyinuencedbythelocalHanChinesedialects.Asaresult,intheirdailyconversation,theirnativelanguagehasincorporatedmanylexicalitemsfromHanChinese.Despitethis,theTuinMinhehavenoproblemcommunicatingwiththeTuinHuzhu. 1.2.1.3TuinTongrenTongrenCountyis181kmfromthecapitalcity,Xining,andislocatedinthesoutheasternpartofQinghaiinthenortheasternsectionoftheHuangnanAutonomousTibetanPrefecture.Tongrenconsistsoftwotownsandtentownshipsandcoversanareaof3,275squarekilometers.Thepopulationis80,300.LocatedatthetransitionzoneoftheLoessPlateauandtheTibet-QinghaiPlateau,Tongrenhasalwaysbeenpopulatedbynomads.AccordingtohistoricaldocumentsfromtheHanDynasty,TongrentraditionallyfellunderthepoliticalpowerandinuenceofTibet.FromtheYuanandMingdynasties,LongwuMonasterywastheseatofthelargesttheocraticsysteminQinghai,asystemthatlasteduntiltheQingDynasty.In 34

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1929,thecentralgovernmentofChinasetupacounty-levelgovernmentinTongren.LongwuMonasterywasestablishedastheadministrativecenterinthefthyearoftheDadePeriodintheYuanDynasty(1301A.D.).Initially,LongwubelongedtotheSakyasectofTibetanBuddhism,whichlaterbecametheGelugsect.ThemonasterylaterbecamethelargestinsouthQinghaiandadministereddozensofsmallermonasteriessuchasNiangduhu,Guomari,WutunShangzhuang,andXiazhuang.ThetemplenowhostsfourmonasteryschoolsofExotericBuddhism,EsotericBuddhism,MedicalBuddhism,andAstronomy.,Themonasteryhasalsohostedmorethan20livingBuddhas,andthefamousEighteenNangqian(18mansionsforthelivingBuddha).IntheAmdoTibetanRegion,theinuenceoftheLongwuMonasteryissecondonlytothatoftheTa'erMonasteryandtheLabrangMonastery.TheTuofTongrenresidemostlyinvillagessuchasGasari,Guomari,andWutongandspeaktheirowndialect,whichisquitedifferentfromtheTudialectsinHuzhuandMinhe.ThisdialecthasmanysimilaritieswiththelanguageoftheBaoanethnicgroup( ),whosememberspracticeIslam.WhenoutsideoftheirvillagestheseTuspeakTibetanorHanChinese.TheyspeakTuwithintheirfamilies.ThisoccursbecausetheTuofTongrencameundertheinuenceofTibetancultureandthereforealsospeakTibetan.TheyhavealsobeenheavilyinuencedbyTibetanBuddhism.ManyTufamiliesmaketheirlivingpracticingtheRegongArttraditionandhavebecomewellknownfortheircraftsmanshipinproducingTangkas2andsculptures.Theyholddifferentopinionsregardingtheirownethnicorigins.SomebelievethattheyarethedescendantsofearliergenerationsofTu;however,othersmaintainthattheirancestorswereTibetan. 2ThisisaTibetanBuddhistpaintingorembroideryoncottonorsilk,usuallydepictingaBuddhistdeityorscene,usedforteachingandmeditation. 35

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1.2.1.4TuinotherareasBesideslivinginthethreeabovementionedareas(Huzhu,Minhe,andTongren),therearealsoTuwhoresideinDatongCountyandLeduCounty..Datong,asanadministeredcountyofXiningCity,islocatedinnortheastQinghaiandsharesacommonborderwithHuzhu.LeduCountyislocatedineasternQinghaiandborderswithMinhetothesoutheastandwithHuzhutothenorthwest.DatongandLeduarealsolocatedinthetransitionzonefromtheLoessPlateautotheTibet-QinghaiPlateau.ArchaeologicalndsinSunjiazhaiVillageandChangningTownofDatongincludedance-patternedpaintedpotterybowlsproducedbytheNeolithicMajiayaoCulturemorethan5,000yearsago.AlsoinDatongarewell-preservedrelicsoftheGreatWallatitshighestelevation,datingfromtheMingDynasty.TheTupeopleinDatongcompriseonlyabout8%ofthetotalpopulationofthecounty.LeduCountyisthelocationofthelargeQutanMonastery,whichwasoriginallyestablishedduringtheMingDynastyintheHanChinesearchitecturalstyle.AlsolocatedthereistheLiuwanpaintedpotteryburialground,whichisrepresentativeofMajiayaoCulture.TheTupeopleinDatongandLedustillpreserveanumberofhistoricalandtraditionalethniccharacteristics,andafewoldpeoplespeakalmostthesamelanguageastheHuzhuTupeople.However,forthemostpart,becausetheyhavelivedamongHanChinese,themajorityofyoungpeoplenolongerlearntospeaktheirethniclanguage.Allinall,althoughtheTuareresidentiallydispersedintomanydifferentregions,theymaintainmanyculturalsimilaritiesandhaveonthewholepreservedtheirfolkreligion.However,atthesametime,thereareregionalculturaldifferencesbetweenthem.Forexample,theTuwholiveindifferentregionsspeakdifferentdialectsoftheTulanguageandobservedifferentfestivalsandcustoms. 36

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1.2.2Language,Customs,andLifestyleTheTulanguagebelongstotheMongoliangroupoftheAltaicPhylum.ItsbasicvocabularyisthesameasorsimilartotheMongolianlanguage.ThereareactuallythreemaindialectsthatareidentiedasdialectsofTu:Huzhu,Minhe,andNiandhu/Baoan.Historically,theTupeopleneverhadawrittenlanguageoftheirown,buttheyareabletowriteinChinese.CurrentlytheyusethecharactersofanewwrittensystembasedontheChinesePhoneticAlphabetcreatedbyaTulinguistLi,Keyu,in1979.Duetotheirdispersionintodifferentgeographicalenvironmentsandtheirlinguisticinteractionswithotherethnicgroups,substantialregionalvariationshavearisenintheTulanguage.SinceHuzhuCountyislargelymountainousandrelativelyinaccessible,mostoftheTupeopletherelivetogetherinethnicallyhomogeneouscommunities.ForthatreasontheTufromtheHuzhuareahavesucceededinretainingtheirethniclanguage.NowmostHuzhuTupeoplecanspeaktheirnativelanguage,andtheirchildrenarebilingual.TheyspeaktheTulanguageathomebutspeakMandarinatschool.TheneighboringDatongareaofHuzhuisatandtransportationiseasyandconvenient;theyhavethereforehadregularinteractionwithHanChineseandtheirlanguagereectsthisinteraction.TheTulanguageinDatongisonthevergeofpossibleextinction.OnlysomeelderlypeoplecanspeakuentTu,butmostoftheyoungpeoplehaveneverlearnedtheTulanguageexceptforafewsimplewords.Thethirdgenerationthoseborninthisareaafterthe1990sareunabletospeakanyTuwords.TheyspeakonlythelocalHanChinesedialectandMandarin.Incontrast,theTulanguageintheTongrenarearemainsrelativelyintact.However,theTongrenTucannotcommunicatewiththeTufromHuzhuandMinhebecausetheirlanguagehasdivergedsubstantiallyfromtheHuzhuandMinhedialects,exceptforafewwords.IammemberoftheTuethnicgroup.IconductedeldworkintheTongrenareamanytimes,butbecauseIcouldnotunderstandtheirdialect,IhadtocommunicatewiththembyusingthelocalHanChinesedialect,orbyndinglocalstohelpwithtranslation. 37

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Interestingly,theTulanguageinTongrenisalmostexactlythesameasthelanguageoftheBaoan,asmallminorityethnicgroupthatpracticesIslam.Actually,theBaoanlivedinTongreninpastcenturiesbutlatermovedtoLinxiainGansuProvincebecauseofethnicconict.InotherregionstheTulanguagewasstronglyinuencedbytheChinesedialectsspokenbylocalHan,bytheTibetanlanguage,andbyotherdialectstowhichtheTuwereconstantlyexposed.Atpresent,theTupeopleareengagedmainlyinagricultureandareinvolvedinanimalhusbandryasasecondarypursuit,specializinginsheepbreeding.Tuvillagesareclose-knitcommunitiesmadeupofextendedfamilies.Mostvillagesarelocatedatthefootofahillandinproximitytoariver.ItisworthmentioningthattheclothinganddecorationsoftheTuarebrightandcolorfulandhavedistinctivestyles.Bothmenandwomenprefertoweardelicatelyembroideredclotheswithhighcollars.Theyconsidertherainbowtobeasymbolofhappiness.Awoman'sdresswillthereforeusuallyhavevecolors.FurthermoreembroideryisverypopularintheTuareas;Tuwomenareknownfortheirskillinthatactivity.Inaddition,theTuareveryhospitable.Theybelievethatthevisitofguestsisthecomingofhappiness,sotheywilltakegreatpainstoentertainvisitorswithgreatenthusiasm.Ifguestsforsomereasoncannotdrink,theywillatleastdiptheirngerandipthreedropsofwinetoexpresstheirgratitude.TheTuhavemultiple,livelyentertainmentactivities;theyarerenownedfortheirtalentinsinginganddancing.TheTualsohavemanycolorfulfolkfestivals;theynotonlysharesomefestivalswiththeHanChinese,butalsohavetheirowndistinctethnicfestivalswithspeciccharacteristics.Ateachfestival,numerousreligiousritualsoccur(ThesewillbedescribedindetailinChapter 3 ).TheTuritesofpassage,markingdifferenttransitionsinthelifecycle,alsohavemanydistinctivecharacteristics.Thisisparticularlytrueofmarriagesandfunerals. 38

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1.3Fieldwork:DataandMethodsTheresearchunderlyingthisdissertationwascarriedoutinHuzhuCountyinQinghaiprovince,NorthwestChina.TheTuconstitute40%ofthepopulationinHuzhuCounty,thoughinsomevillagesthepercentageofTuexceeds74%.IamamemberoftheTu(Mongour)andmyhometownisinDatongCounty,30kmfromHuzhu.Since2002,IhavemadeseveralvisitstotheHuzhuTuandhavepaidparticularattentiontotheroleofreligioninlocallife.Formydissertation,IconductedintensiveeldworkfromJune2012toJuly2013.Icollectedhistoricaldocuments,publicationsfromthelibraryandofcialdocumentsfromthelocalcountygovernment.InmyresearchIalsoemployedethnographicmethodssuchasparticipantobservation,keyinformantinterviewing,aswellassurveyresearchincludingquestionnairesandstatisticalanalysis.Iconductedparticipantobservationandinterviewsinreligiouscenters,homes,villages,governmentofces,organizations,andatpublicsocialevents.Iparticipatedinreligiousrituals,festivals,weddingsandfunerals.Inotonlyobservedexternalbehaviors,butIalsoelicitedpeople'sopinionsabouttheirreligioustraditions.ThoughIwillgointogreatdetailonsomeofthepatternsinlaterchapters,theinformationcanbesummarizedisasfollows.TheTureligioustraditionishundredsofyearsold.Inthislonghistoricalperiod,thechangesthathaveoccurredinChina'spoliticalandsocialinstitutionshaveexertedanimpactontherelationshipbetweenreligionandtheChineseState.ThesechangeshavealsoexertedanimpactontheTu'sethnicidentity.Theirfolkreligionalsoguidestheirbehaviortowardthenaturalenvironmentandthusplaysanimportantroleinlocalecology.Someethno-historiographiesandotherhistoricalarchiveshavevaluableinformationaboutTuhistoryandsociety.Ithereforecollectedhistoricaldocuments,includingofcialdocumentsfromthelocalmuseum,fromofcialinstitutionsandfromlocalgovernmentalofces.IcollecteddataontheecologyoftheTuareas,includinginformationonclimateandgeology,waterresources,andotherecologicalresources. 39

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IcollectedeconomicinformationfromtheannualgovernmentalreportswrittenabouttheTu,includinginformationonthegovernment'ssocioeconomicdevelopmentpolicies,majorindustries,agriculture,andotherdocuments.Ialsorevieweddocumentsthatdiscussedthegovernment'spolicywithrespecttoreligion.Inaddition,Itookeldnotes,recordedaudiotapesandvideotapes,madetranscriptsofconversations,anddidlibraryresearchconsultingbooks,articles,andethnographieswrittenabouttheTu.IwasparticularlyinterestedingatheringrsthandinformationonthereligiouslandscapeandthefolkreligiousbeliefsandpracticesinthedifferentTuareas.IcarriedoutparticipantobservationinseveralTucommunitiesinHuzhucounty,Qinghaiprovince,northwestChina.InAugust2012,IwenttoHuzhuandconductedanin-depthsurveyonthereligioussitesofdifferentreligioustraditions.Iwenttovillagetemples,TibetanBuddhisttemples,DaoistshrinesandotherholysitesintheTuareas.Throughstatisticalsurveys,IcollecteddataonthenumberandsizeofallreligiousplacesinHuzhu.Threeresearchassistantshelpedmetocarryoutthiswork.Inaddition,Iattendedandcollecteddatapertainingtoreligiousrituals,festivals,andoraltraditions.ThereligiousritualsandfestivalsIattendedincludedthenadun( )inMinghe,thebiangbianghui( )andtheguanjinghui( )inHuzhu,theanzhao3( )inDatongandotherfestivalslikechaoshanhui( )andzhuanshanjing( ).Participantobservationwasmymainmethodofresearchinthiscontext.Ifocusedonreligiouselementsintheannualfestivalcycleanddocumentedtherelationshipsamongdifferentreligioustraditions.Whileobservingtheseimportantevents,Itookparticularnoteoftheroleofthetownandcountygovernmentsinthesereligiousrituals,tounderstandthelocaldynamicsoftheinteractionbetweenreligionandtheChineseState.Iusedmyownsocialnetwork 3TheanzhaoisanoldfolksonganddanceformthatisverypopularinTuareas.Thewordsanzhaosuoluoluoareoftenrepeatedinthesong,givingititsname. 40

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tointerviewlocalcadres4andreligiousleaderstoobtaininformationaboutthepossibleuseofreligionasavehicleofsocialcontrol.Intheseinterviews,Ilearnedhowthedifferentreligionsnegotiatewitheachotherandwiththelocalgovernment.Inaddition,IstudiedritesofpassageamongtheTu,particularlyweddingsandfunerals.IalsoobservedtherolesofwomeninritualsandtherelationsbetweenfolkreligionandgenderamongtheTu.Atthesametime,IvisitedreligioussitesandordinaryvillagestoinvestigatethehistoryofgenderdynamicsandthedifferentialrolesofmenandwomeninreligiousperformanceintheTuareas.Ialsousedinterviewsandparticipantobservationtolearnaboutdifferencesamongfolkreligion,Daoism,andTibetanBuddhismwithrespecttoculturallymandatedgenderrolesinTureligiouslife.Ipaidparticularattentiontocertaintaboosagainstfemalereligiousparticipation,tabooswhichwillbediscussedinsomedetailinalaterchapterofthedissertation.SincetheTudonothaveawritingsystem,theiroraltraditionisthemostimportantsourceforexploringtheirreligioushistory.Ibeganrecordingoralaccountsin2002,includingfolkstories,myths,legends,epics,andsongs.TheseaccountswereelicitedbothinHanChineseandintheTulanguageitself.Ialsoexploredtherelationshipbetweenreligionandtheenvironment.InthatcontextIobservedhowthethreereligionsinteractwitheachotherastheyexertanimpactonthebehavioroftheTuwithrespecttotheirnaturalenvironment.IresidedinHuzhuforeightmonthstointerviewmonks,Daoistpriests,shamansandothermembersoffolkreligiousorganizations.Throughinterviewswiththeseinformants,Ilearnedlocalopinionsaboutreligioustraditionsandcollecteddetailedinformationabouttheirlifeexperiencesandpersonalhistories.Atthesametime,Imaderepeatvisitstoseveralfamiliesandadministeredaquestionnairetothem.Though 4AnofcialmemberatdifferentlevelsoftheChinesegovernment,suchasmayorinvillage,presidentinCounty.etc. 41

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qualitativeinterviews,Iendeavoredtounderstandhownatureisconceptualizedandvaluedinthedifferentreligioussystemsandhowtheirreligionaffectstheirresponsetoenvironmentaldilemmas.Insummary,theobservationofeverydaypracticesconstitutedadailypartofmyresearch.ItallowedmetouncoverdetailsofTuidentitiesandtotracefascinatinginteractionsamongthethreedifferentreligioustraditions.Theobservationstookplaceinreligioussites,homes,villages,governmentofcesandorganizations,andatpublicevents.Basedonmyresearchquestions,vekindsofdatawerecollectedabouttheTu:religioushistory,ethnicityandreligiouslandscape,ecologyandreligion,genderandreligion,andsocial/politicalpowerandreligion.Inconclusion,itismyconvictionthatastudyofthelivingknowledgeoftheChinesepeopleparticularlythroughanalysisofpopularreligiousbeliefs,andthestudyofthefolkreligionofaspecicChineseminoritycommunity,willgenerateunderstandingofthesocialpsychologyofitsbelievers.Butbeyondaphenomenologicalunderstandingofthesubjectiveunderstandingofbelievers,aninvestigationinformedbysociologicalandanthropologicaltheorycanplacefolkreligioninabroaderconceptualframeworkthatidentiesthefunctionofreligiousbeliefsandpracticesasavehicleofculturalcontinuity,ontheonehand,andontheotherhandasadomainthathasbeenusedinChinaasavehicleforconstructingharmonioussocialrelationsbetweenlocalreligiouscommunitiesandthenation-state. 1.4SummaryoftheDissertationMydissertationconsistsofeightchapters,includingtheintroductionandconclusion.Severalchapterswillbeprincipallydescriptiveandpartiallyanalytical.Chapter 2 presentsageneralpictureofthereligiouspluralismamongtheTu.ThroughadescriptionofthecomplexreligioussystemaharmoniousblendofTibetanBuddhism,Daoism,andfolkbeliefs,thechapterprovidesessentialhistoricalinformation.MultiplereligionscoexistwithintheTutraditioninaharmoniousbutsometimescontradictoryway.Ialsodetailedshowinghowcompetitionamongthedifferentreligious 42

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powerstillexistsandhasenhancedtherevivaloffolkreligiontosomeextent.InHuzhu,folkreligionoccupiesaprivilegedposition;itnotonlymaintainsthetraditionalcultureinrituallife,butisalsotheprincipalmechanismbywhichtheTumaintaintheirsystemofsocialorder.Chapter 3 providesanoverviewoffolkreligionintheTuareas,givingparticularattentiontotheconceptofmultifunctionalsprits.Thechapterincludesadetailedethnographyofbeliefsconcerningtheoriginoffolkdeities,aswellasdiscussionsofnatureworship,cosmologyandthemannerinwhichthepolytheisticbeliefsystemofTuvillagersdiffersfromthatoftheconceptofsininthemonotheisticreligionsoftheWest.InTufolkreligion,deitiesandevilspiritsarebothsupernaturalbeingswhoinuencethelivesofhumans.Thewarsbetweenthempreservethevitalityofthefolkreligion;theevilspiritscausemisfortuneordisaster,whilethebenevolentdeitiesmeetpeople'sneeds,helpthemsolveproblems,andrestoretheoriginalorderofsociety.Anysocialorpoliticaldisorderisinterpretedasaresultoftheangerofthedeities.Moreover,thesimultaneousparticipationoftheTuinmultiplereligioustraditionsdemonstratesanattitudeofreligioustolerance.Nomatterwhattraditionthedeitiesderivefrom,aslongasthedeitiesareabletobringthembenets,theTuworshipthem.ThebeliefsoftheTupeopleareinthissenseveryutilitarianandmalleable.Chapter 4 providesadetailedethnographyoftheTufolkreligiouslandscape,payingparticularattentiontoitsreligioussites,specialistsandorganization.Bydiscussionthefunctionofreligioussites,thispapershowsthatvillagetemplesandthebenkang5( )arenotonlyassacredplacesforthespirituallifeofthelocalpeople,butarealsocentersoflocalpolitical,economic,culturalandsocialdynamicsrichinsymbolicmeanings.Thisethnographyorreligioussitesisfollowedbyadescription 5Itisasmallreligioussquaredpavilionandislocatedattheintersectionnearvillagesforkeepsbadweatheranddisastersaway 43

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oftherolesofdifferentreligiousspecialists.Thebo( )istheshamaninHuzhu.Asintermediariesbetweenthespiritualandmaterialworlds,theshidianzeng( ,thespecialistwhocommunicateswithdeities)areakindofspiritmedium.Theshidianzengcommunicatewithspiritsusingconsecratedsword-likerods,whichareusedastheiconicrepresentationsoflocaldeitiesandareusuallyhousedinvillagetemples.Thebenbenzi( )arespiritualpractitionerswhohavestudiedTibetanBuddhism(Nyingmasect)butarenotmonks.TheyhavealsoplayedaroleinshapingthedevelopmentoftheTufolkreligion.Thereligiousorganization,qingmiaohui6( ),playsanimportantroleinfolkreligiousactivitiesandrituals,andisresponsiblefortheenforcementoflaw.Tosomeextent,theinformaladministrativefunctionsofqing-miaohuihaveamorepowerfulimpactonlocallifethanthefunctionsofformalvillagegovernment.Inshort,thischaptershowsthatTufolkreligionisalogicalbeliefsystemthathasanintegratedorganizationandstructure.Chapter 5 examinesthefolkreligiousfestivalsandritualsoftheTuandthewaysinwhichfolkreligionaffectscommunitylifeandthelocalnaturalenvironment.BecauseoftheadversenaturalconditionsandtheshortageofcultivatedlandandwaterresourcesintheTuareas,conictsoftenariseamongthevillages.Thisecologicalcrisisprovokesaninter-religiousdialogueandcollaborationinform,contentandconsciousness.Moreover,IarguethatdailyreligiousritualsgiveexternalexpressiontointernalreligiousbeliefsrootedinthemindsandheartsoftheTupeople.Folkreligionsimperceptiblyinuencepeople'smoralvaluesaswellastheirgeneralideology.Inaddition,theirdistinctivefestivalsandritualsstrengthentheinternalinteractionamongmembersofanethnicgroupandthushaveanimpactontheirself-consciousnessasadistinctethnicgroup.Thebiangbianghuipraystothespiritstowardoffcalamitiesandtosend 6AkindoforganizationofthetemplefairbuthashighauthorityinTucommunity,andalsoprotectsgreenshootsofgrain. 44

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downblessings;thelocalspiritsareentertainedbytheshaman'sritualanddance.ThezhuanshanjingistheGodPageantCeremonyduringtheFestival.Theparadethatoccursinthecourseofthisceremonypubliclydelineatestheterritoryoccupiedbyeverydragongod.Thexiazhen( )andchapai( )aretworitualsthepetitionlocalspiritstoprotectthepeopleagainsttheHailDisaster.Thexiejiang( )istheend-of-the-yearritualtothankthespiritsfortheirprotectionforthecrops.Intheserituals,allthevillagershavetoabidebythevillage'sregulations.Theyareobligedtomaintainharmoniousrelationshipswithinthefamilyandthecommunity.Thuswecanseethatfolkreligionfunctionstopromoteharmoniousrelationshipswithinthelocalpopulation.Furthermorethereverencefornaturethatisexpressedinvariousceremoniesalsoencouragespeopletohaveaharmoniousrelationshipwiththenaturalenvironment.Chapter 6 examinesgenderdynamicsinthecontextoffolkreligion.IrstshowthatTuwomenoccupyalowsocialpositionandhavelessfreedomthanmenwhenitcomestodecisionsconcerningmarriageandeducation.Theyareallowedlessfreedomtoexpressthemselvesandhavelessdecision-makingpowerinfamilymatters.Afterthis,Idiscusshowthewoman'sroleinTufolkreligionisabundleofcontradictions:femalesupernaturalbeings,includingtheindigenousgoddessnamedSanxiaoniangniang( )andJinshanniangniang( ),standoutasaneffectivechallengetothepatriarchalTusociety.Atthesametime,IpointoutthatintheTuoraltradition,womenemergeashavingaparadoxicalpowerinthereligiousworldthatcontrastswiththeirrelativepowerlessnessinordinarysociallife.Forexample,inclassicaltextsandfolktraditions,thedualcharacteroftheTufemalereappearsintherolesofthewife(good,benevolent,dutiful,andcontrolled)andmother(fertileandpowerful,butdangerousanduncontrolled).ItisobviousthatthestructuralcentralityofthematernalroleinTuideologyconictswiththestructuralmarginalizationofwomeninmanydomainsofsocialandpoliticallife.ThishascreatedamongtheTuadualisticandinternallycontradictoryideologyregardingtheroleoffemales. 45

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Chapter 7 examinestheinteractionbetweenfolkreligion,governmentpolicywithrespecttoreligionandthepoweroftheChinesestate.Inthischapter,IrstdiscussthechangesthathavetakenplaceinthepolicyoftheChineseCommunistgovernmentregardingreligion.TufolkreligionwasoncebannedasfeudalsuperstitioninChina.Butithasbeenrevivedinthelasttwodecades.FolkreligionhasplayedseveralrolesinthedevelopmentofpoliticalawarenessintraditionalTusociety.ForinstancetheChinesStatehasattemptedtorecruitfolkreligiontojustifypoliticalpower,toestablishadministrativeauthority,andtomaintainsocialorder.InsomeTuvillages,thegovernmentaladministratorsarealsothereligiousinterpreters,emittingjudgmentsinthenameofthevillagedeity.InthischapterIalsolookattheinteractionbetweenfolkreligionandTibetanBuddhismandDaoism.Ishowthatinadditiontotheprocessofinternalculturalcross-fertilization,thereligiouspluralismoftheTuisalsoinpartanoutcomeoftheirexternalpoliticalenvironment.Chapter 8 recapitulatesandsummarizesthekeypointsofmydissertation.AlthoughdifferenttraditionssuchasTibetanBuddhismandDaoismmingleseamlesslyinthedailypracticeoftheTu,therearespeciclocalspiritbeliefs,rituals,andspecialistsassociatedwithTufolkreligion,asdistinctfromthoseofBuddhismandDaoism,thatservetointegrateandgiveadistinctcharactertolocalculture.TheTuhavetraditionallyhadaclosedcommunity.Asdistinctfromtheformaladministrativeterritorialdivision,Tucultureisdividedintodiscreteworshippingcirclesthatcenterondistinctlocaldeities.TheTukinshipsystemandcommunitystructureasexpressedinlocalfolkreligionhashadanimportantinuenceonlocalpoliticalpower.Religioussymbols,objectsandideasarethemeansofconstruction,maintenance,andtransmissionoftheselocalculturalidentitiesthatarequiteautonomousofformaladministrativestructures.Inshort,itishopedthatmystudyofTufolkreligionwillprovideinsightintotherelationshipbetweenfolkreligionandethnicidentityontheonehand,andontheotherhandthemannerin 46

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whichfolkreligionmediatestherelationshipbetweenaparticularethnicgroupandthenation-stateatlarge. 47

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CHAPTER2MULTI-RELIGIONSAMONGTHETUTheTupeoplepointoutthattheyhavebeenuniversallyreligiousfromtraditionaltimes.Asweshallseeinthischapter,theirreligionisacomplexsyncreticsystem,aharmoniousblendofTibetanBuddhism,Daoismandautochthonousfolkbeliefs.TheancestorsoftheTupracticedanindigenousfolkreligion,buttheybegantoacceptelementsofBuddhismandDaoisminthefthcentury.TheyadoptedTibetanBuddhismandTibetanBonReligioninthemiddleoftheseventhcentury.ThustheevolutionofTufolkreligionhasbeensignicantlyinuencedbyexposuretothosetworeligions.Intermsoftheirspiritbeliefs,theTuhaveincorporatedspiritsfromotherethnicgroupsthroughinteractionswiththem.Theircurrentbeliefsystemisthuscharacterizedbygreatdiversity.ThereligionscurrentlypracticedbytheTuarenoweitheravariantofTibetanBuddhismorafolkreligionthatincorporateselementsofBuddhism,butthatalsohasmanytracesofDaoism.ThesepageswillfocusontheTufolkreligion,discussingBuddhisminsofarasithasinuencedthefolkreligion.Wewillseethatthedevelopment,survival,andevolutionofTufolkreligioncannotbeunderstoodapartfromTibetanBuddhism.Inthischapter,IwilldiscusstheprotectordeitiesoftheTibetanBuddhistsystemandthehistoricalremnantsofDaoisminTuareas;Ialsodiscusstherelationshipamongthethreereligions,thesymbolicmeaningofthenumberthree,andthephenomenonofreligiouspluralismamongtheTu. 2.1ThePopularityandInuenceofTibetanBuddhismTibetanBuddhismisapowerfulreligionwithalonghistoryintheTuregion.ItwasintroducedandwaswidelydisseminatedthroughtheregionoftheTuandhashadasignicantimpactonTufolkreligion.Thisinuenceisnotonlyreectedinthespiritbeingswhoseimagesarehousedinvillagetemples;itcanalsobeseenintheparticipationofTibetanmonksinvariouspublicreligiousritesandactivities.YouNing 48

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Si( ,Youningmonastery)isthemostimportantBuddhisttempleinHuzhu.Itssui-generissystemofprotectordeitiesreectsthemutualintegrationofTufolkreligionandTibetanBuddhism.Thedifferentstatusattributedtodifferentspirits,however,alsoreectssometensionsandconictsthathavesurfaced,particularlyintimespast.WiththedevelopmentofTibetanBuddhismaftertheMingDynasty,andasaresultofgenerationsofclosecontactwithTibetansandMongolians,nearlyalloftheTubelieveinthespiritsandritualsofTibetanBuddhism.Inthepast,TuareaswerehometoahugenumberofTibetanBuddhistmonasteriesandproducedmanyeminentmonks.FortheTu,templesarebothsitesforreligiousactivityandforeducationalandculturalevents.TherehavebeeneminentBuddhistmonksamongtheTu.TheyarehighlyrespectedintellectualswhohavetransmittedelementsofTibetanBuddhistculturetotheirethnicgroup.Thus,TibetanBuddhismhashadapowerfulinuenceontheTuandhaspermeatedtheirsociety.Forexample,itiscommonforaTufamilytosendasonintoaTibetanmonasterytobeamonkiftheyhavemorethantwochildren.AndmostTufamilieshaveamanigan( ),whichisacolorfullydecoratedwoodenpillarinthecenteroftheiryards.ItisasymbolofTibetanBuddhism,withprayersprintedontheagasanofferingtoBuddha.Morethan40templesserveascentersofBuddhistactivitiesinTuareas.YouNingSi(Youningmonastery)wasconstructedintheMingDynastyin1604.ItbelongstotheGelugSectofTibetanBuddhismandhashadadeepinuenceontheTubeliefsystem.YouNingSi,alsoknownasGonlungJampaLingMonastery,islocatedinSitanVillage,35kilometersfromthecapitalofHuzhuCounty.AccordingtotheYouNingSiAnnals,theearliestdecisiontoconstructaGelugtemplewasmadebytheThirdDalaiLamaSonamGyatso(1543-1588).In1584,theThirdDalaiLamastoppedbythelocationofcurrentYouNingSionthewaytoInnerMongoliaandjudgedthesitetobeageographictreasureground.HepubliclypromisedtoconstructaTibetanBuddhisttemplethere. 49

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However,theThirdDalaiLamapassedawayinInnerMongolia.In1602,theFourthDalaiLama(1589-1662),whohadbeenreincarnatedinInnerMongolia,passedthroughthesameplaceonthewaytohisenthronementceremonyinTibet.Thechiefsof13localtribesrequestedtheFourthDalaiLamatoconstructatempletohonorthecommitmentmadebytheThirdDalaiLama.TheFourthDalaiLamagrantedtheirrequest.HesenttheFourthPanchenLamaandtheSeventhGyatsoRinpochelivingBuddhatoHuzhuQinghaitosupervisetheconstructionofYouNingSithefollowingyear.Undercontinuousexpansion,thetemplereacheditspeakintheearlyMingDynastyandearlyQingDynasty.Atthattime,YouNingSiincludedmorethan2,000buildingsofscripturehallsanddormitoriesformonks,morethan7,700monks,fourBuddhistschoolsofExotericBuddhism,TantricBuddhism,Kalachakra(wheeloftime),andMedicine,andalargenumberofafliatedtemples.BecauseYouNingSihadforty-nineafliatedtemplesintheHuangbeiRegionandEastQilianMountains,ithasbeenhonoredastheMotherofAlltheTemplesinHuangbei.InYouNingSi,thereisacomplicatedlivingBuddhasystemwithmorethan20livingBuddhas,includingnineminorincarnationlineagesandvemajorincarnationlineages.TheseareChangkya(ZhangjiaLivingBuddha),Thuken(TuguanLivingBuddha),Chusang(QuezangLivingBuddha),Sumpa(SongbuLivingBuddha)andWangfoLivingBuddha(namedafterthebirthplacesoftherstofthem).AlltheincarnatedlivingBuddhasofthosevemajorincarnationlineageswereprocientinTibetan,Chinese,Mongolian,Manchu,andBuddhistclassicsandcomposedmanyliteraryworks.BythetimeoftheimperialgovernmentofQingDynasty,allofthemhadsignicantpowerthroughouttheTibetanBuddhistworld.TheyreceivedthehonorictitleofKhutukhtu,aphonetictranscriptionfromMongolianmeaningapersonwithalonglife,suggestingimmortality.DuringtheNationalDivisionthatoccurredintheQingDynastyandthesubsequentperiodoftheRepublicofChinainMainlandChina,theChangkyaLivingBuddhahadalwaysbeenconsideredthereligiousleaderinInnerMongolianareasand 50

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Figure2-1. YouningMonasteryinHuzhuCounty,QinghaiProvince,China honoredalongwiththeDalaiLama,thePanchenLamaandtheJebtsundambaKhutuktuasoneoftheFourSaintsoftheYellowSect.SomeofthelivingBuddhasinYouNingSiareofTuethnicityandothersareTibetan,butallofthemwereincarnatedinHuzhuorinneighboringregions.InadditiontotheirachievementsinTibetanBuddhism,theyalsoenjoyhighpoliticalstatuslocally,andsomeofthemoccupythepoliticalpositionsofProvincialCPPCC1ViceChairman,County-levelorCPPCCViceChairman.ThisisevidenceofthepowerandinuenceofTibetanBuddhisminTuareas. 1CPPCC:ChinesePeople'sPoliticalConsultativeConference. 51

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YouNingSihasitsownuniquepantheonofprotectordeitiesthatillustratesthemutualintegration,theconictsandtheco-evolutionofTufolkreligionandTibetanBuddhism.Thesystemoffourprotectordeitiesthemuleking,thebahaer,thedan-jian( ,aprotectordeityofTibetanBuddhism)andthenidang( )isdifferentfromthecomplexfoundinTibetanBuddhisttemplesinotherareas.TherstthreedeitiesarewidelyworshippedintheTibetanBuddhistsystem,butthenidangisadeitypeculiartoHuzhu.ThemonksidentifythenidangasadescendantofthatmixedgroupwhoseancestorswerelocalTu(descendantsofTuyuhun, )whointermarriedwithafolloweroftheMongoliangeneral,Gerilite( ).Accordingtolegend,mightyGerilitehadperformednumerousgloriousfeatsandwastransformedintoapowerfulspirithiddenintherocksofGuolongMountain.Later,underthesupervisionoftheFourthPanchenLamaandtheSeventhGyatsoRinpochelivingBuddha,onthewaytopresideovertheconstructionofYouNingSi,theSeventhJiaseLivingBuddhaencounteredthespiritofGerilite.Hehonoredhimwithhisgoldstatueandtheposthumoustitleofthenidang,thusconferringonhimthestatusofalocalprotectordeity.AnotherversionsaysthatthenidangwasoriginallyMongolian.Overalongperiodoftime,theTuhavecometoworshiphimandtoregardhimastheirancestor.ForthatreasonthestatueofthenidanginthetemplewearsaMongolianhat.TheentirecomplexofYouNingSiisbuiltonmountainsfacingsouth.ItconsistsofschoolsinTantricBuddhism,ExotericBuddhism,andothers,ofcialresidencesoflivingBuddha,anddormitoriesformonksinresidence.AllofthebuildingsharmoniouslyintegrateHanandTibetanarchitecturalstyles.AttheroadcrossingintoYouNingSi,ahugebenkang( ,anopenairshrine)standsnexttoasmallcourtyardwherethenidanghasbeenenshrinedtoprotectYouNingSi.Onthehillside,aseparategroupofbuildingsreferredtoastheshanshendian( ,theHalloftheMountainDeity)istheofcialsitewhereritualsforthenidangtakeplace.TheoutsidewallsarepaintedmaroonanddecoratedwithTibetanBuddhistthemes.Likethatofmanyvillagetemples,thedoor 52

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ofthemainhallispaintedredandtheupperpartofthedoorconsistsofwoodcarvings.Becauseofthesteepnessofthemountain,thereisonlyanarrowaisleinsteadofacourtyardbetweenthefrontgateandthehall.Worshippershavedecoratedthetopoftheoutsidewallswithplasticowers,colorfulChhatra(Buddhistcanopies),andritualdivinationrodsatthecorner.LocalpeoplesaythatthefunctionscarriedoutbythenidangenshrinedinYouNingSiarethesameasthoseofthenidangthatareenshrinedbyvillagersintheirowncommunities.Whenfacingdisaster,localpeoplecomeheretoprayforblessings.Thenidangisinfactthemaindeityworshippedbythevillagers.(Somevillagesinsteadworshipbahaer.BothnidangandbahaerareguardiansoftheYouNingSi.)Thenidang,whichisacategoryofspiritratherthanasinglespirit,iswidelyworshippedamongtheTu,eachcommunityhavingitsownnidang.ButthegureofthenidangalsohasbeenharmoniouslymergedintothelocalTibetanBuddhistsystemandhonoredbyBuddhiststhemselvesasalocalprotectordeity.ThenidangprotectsTibetanBuddhisttemplesinadditiontolocaltemples.However,thenidanginTibetanBuddhismalsoperformsfunctionsofcommunicationwiththespiritworldanddivination.Forinstance,itisconsiderednormaltodrawsacredlotsforpurposesofdivinationinlocaltemplesandDaoisttemplesbutnotinTibetanBuddhisttemples;however,inYouNingSi,peoplealsodrawsacredlotsinthemainhall,theshanshendian.DuringmyvisitiIn2003,IspokewithaTibetanBuddhistLamawhowasinchargeofcaringforthenidanghall.OnthetableoftheshrineIsawthepotholdingthedivinatorylots.ButtheLamatoldmethatitwasbetternottodrawlots;hesaiditwasenoughtoburnincenseandkowtowiftherewerenospecialproblemstoaddress.Answeringmyquestionsaboutdrawingsacredlotsintheshanshendian,theLamatoldmethatthespiritualpowerofthenidangtherewasunusuallyefcaciousinhelpingpeoplewhofaceddisastertodriveawaytheevilandtokeepthemsafe. 53

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Duringritualsinwhichnidangisinvokedtohelppeople,aniqiang2,willcommunicatewithnidangtolearnwhathascausedthecalamityandhowtoavertit.However,unliketheshidianzenginvillagetemples,theroleoftheniqiangmustbeundertakenbymonksinTibetanBuddhisttemples.IntroducedbytheLamasthere,inYouNingSi,onlyonewasselectedtobetheniqiangamongmorethan200Lamas.Inthepast,whentheLamawasspirituallycommunicatingwithnidang,alltheothermajorLamaswouldofferhada3( )tohimandbumpheadswithhim(aritualofTibetanBuddhism),sincehewasviewedastherepresentativeofthisdeityintroducedfromTuculture.Inaddition,inlargeBuddhistmemorialrituals,theLama,a(TibetanBuddhistmonk,invokesalltheprotectordeitieswithspecicscriptures.Forexample,theychantscripturesforbahaerontheseconddayofeachlunarmonth,andfornidangontheeighthdayofeachlunarmonth.ThisincorporationofaTudeityintoritualsbyBuddhistLamasillustratesthedynamicrelationbetweenlocalfolkreligionandTibetanBuddhism.FurthermoreelementsofTibetanBuddhismhavealsobecomeapartoflocalfolkreligiousactivitiesinHuzhu.Thishadresultedinaharmoniouscoexistenceofthetworeligions,whichenterintoconstantcontactandinteractionwitheachother.Forexample,localdeitiesandTibetanBuddhistdeitiesareenshrinedinthesamevillagetemples.Andinmanyfolkreligiousrituals,TibetanBuddhistmonksareinvitedtochantscriptures.ThelocalTuacknowledgeTibetanBuddhismasapartoftheirreligioustraditions,butBuddhistmonksdonotdirectlyperformhealingandfortunetelling.ThesefunctionsarelefttothespecialistoftheTufolkreligion.Intheviewoflocals,Buddhist 2Thepersonwhocommunicateswithspirits,similartotheshidianzeng(Usuallyheshakesthespiritualspeartocommunicatewithfolkdeities)inTu.3Thisisawhitesilk,traditionalceremonialscarf,aboutameterlong,usedinethnicgroupswhereTi-betanBuddhismispracticed. 54

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ritualshaveimportantsymbolicmeaning.ButinthenalanalysislocalTuspiritsarebelievedtohavemorepowertointerveneinpracticalaffairs.Insummary,TibetanBuddhismwasintroducedandwidelydisseminatedthroughtheregionoftheTuandhashadasignicantimpactontheevolutionofTufolkreligion.YouNingSi,whichhasrisenandfallennumeroustimesinitslonghistory,holdsthehighestreligiousstatusintheTibetanBuddhistareasofNorthwestChina.IthasexertedaprofoundinuenceontheTufolkreligion,thoughthecurrentsizeofthetempleisnotaslargeaswhenitwasatitshistoricalpeak.TherehasthusbeenanintimateinteractionbetweenTufolkreligionandTibetanBuddhismandthetwohavebecomeintegrated.TheTupeopleacceptandco-existwithotherreligions.Thereisaconstantprocessofnegotiation,whichhasresultedinreligioussymbiosisandcompromise. 2.2TheDisseminationandDeclineofDaoismTheTupeoplealsoacceptedelementsofDaoismastheycameincontactwithHanChineseinanearlierperiodofChinesehistory.Accordingtothehistoricalrecords,DaoismwasimportedintoTuareasaroundthetimeoftheMingDynasty.Overtheyears,TufolkreligionhasabsorbedandassimilatedelementsofDaoism.LocalDaoisminturnhasalsoabsorbedandassimilatedelementsofTufolkreligion.ThemutualinuencesandinteractionsbetweenDaoismandTufolkreligionareextensiveandspanavarietyofdomains,theseincludeboththestructureofthepantheonandtheliturgicalrituals.ThecontemporaryfolkreligionoftheTuretainsalargenumberofDaoistelements:includingscriptures,ritualsandeventheclothingofthereligiousspecialists.TheinuenceofDaoismcanbeseeneverywhere.Daoistdecorations,theelementsofYin-YangEightDiagrams( )andrepresentationsoftheEightImmortals( )arefoundeverywhereinTuvillagetemples.IalsofoundthatmostofthesacredwritingsusedbylocalfolkreligiousspecialisthadactuallycomefromDaoistclassicsandphilosophicalworks;somehadevenbeencopieddirectlyfromDaoistscripturaltexts.Moreover,thefolkreligionborrowedtheconceptsandimages 55

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Figure2-2. Daoistsstandinginfrontofthefolkreligioustemple ofsomeDaoistdeitiesandadaptedthemtolocalreligiousbelief.Forexample,thespecialistsofTufolkreligiondonthehatoftheDaoistreligiousspecialists.ThishatiscalledWuFoGuan,meaningveBuddhacrowns,sinceitisdecoratedwithimagesofvespirits,threeofwhicharefromDaoism.ThesethreeareYuHuang( ,theJadeEmperor),theniangniang( ,theQueenMotheroftheWesternHeavens)andthegodofthunder.ItshouldbepointedoutthattheinuenceofBuddhismandDaoismonthefolkreligionoftheTuvariesbyarea.IntheHuzhuandTongrenregions,TibetanBuddhismhadtheheaviestimpactonTufolkreligion.OntheotherhandclearhistoricalinuencesofDaoismcanbeseeninthescripturesandthecustomsofthemastersinthevariantofTufolkreligionfoundintheDatongandMinheregions.InthoseplacesDaoismplaysanimportantroleinthereligiouslifeoftheTu;itcanbeseeninseveralrituals 56

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suchasthoseassociatedwithbuildinghouses,organizingweddingsandfunerals,andothers.MuchofthefolkreligiouspracticeintheseTuareasfollowsDaoistritual,andemphasizestheYin-yangandtheconceptoftheFive-Elementsintheirrituals.InsomeTuvillages,peoplestillbringinDaoistprieststopresideoverimportantlifecyclerituals.AtypicalexampleoccursintheDonghevillageinHuzhu.TodayeveryfamilytherestillcallsonaDaoistpriesttoleadfuneralrituals.IhavemetsuchaDaoistpriestandwitnessedtheprocess.ThatparticularDaoistisHanChineseandcomesfromanothervillage.Heledthechantingintheritual,andescortedthefamilymemberstothelocaltempletopray.HetoldmethathehasbeendoingthisritualforTufamiliesintheareaformanyyears.TheelementsoffolkreligionandofDaoismareoftendifculttodistinguishfromeachother.TheHanChineseareaalsohasitsownfolkreligionapartfromDaoism.ButitismuchclosertoDaoism,andHanpeopleexpectthattheirfolkdeitieswillbeadmittedtotheformalDaoistsystem.ButintheTuarea,theprocessworkssomewhatinreverse.ItisDaoistbeliefsandpracticesthatareincorporatedintothelocalfolkreligion,thusintegratingDaoistandlocalfolkreligion;ahybridfolkreligionhasemerged,withastrongDaoiststrain.InTuareasDaoistdeitieshavebeenpartiallytransformedandhavetakenontheformoflocaldeitieswithTucharacteristics.TheimpactofTibetanBuddhismdiffersinthatregard.AlthoughTibetanBuddhismhasspreadwidelyinTuareas,comesintocontactwithTufolkreligion,andremainsstrongamongtheTu,therehasnotbeenthesameincorporationofTibetanBuddhismintotheTufolkreligionitself;TibetanBuddhismmaintainsacertaindistanceandarelativeindependence.ItistruethatsomeTudeitiesareadmittedintothepantheonofprotectivedeitiesininlocalTibetanBuddhistsites.ButonthewholetheretendstobeacompetitionbetweenthedeitiesofTibetanBuddhismandthefolkreligiousdeitieshousedinthelocalvillagetemples;unlikethedeitiesofDaoism.Tibetandeitiesin 57

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theseparticularcommunitiesareneverfullyabsorbedorintegratedintotheTureligioussystem.Despitethis,incomparisonwithTibetanBuddhism,theinuenceofDaoismonTureligionisparadoxicallymuchlesssignicantinotherregions.ThereisnoauthenticDaoism,forexample,inTuareasinHuzhu.Atpresent,DaoistpriestscanbefoundonlyinneighboringHanvillages.IhaveheardsomeTuinthatareaafrmthattheydonotbelieveinDaoism.ThestrongerinuenceofBuddhisminthisareastemsnotonlyfromthefactthatTibetanculturewasstrongerthanthatoftheHanChineseinthisareainthepast,butalsofromfactorsrelatedtotherecentdeclineofDaoismintheseareas.Accordingtoofcialdocuments,Buddhismhassome13,000templesand200,000monksandnunsthroughoutChina,whereasDaoismcurrentlyhasapproximately1,500templesand25,000priestsandnunsinChina(2006)4.DuringtheCulturalRevolution,manyDaoisttemplesweredestroyed,andDaoistmonks,nunsandpriestswereimprisonedorsenttolaborcamps.TheCommunistgovernmentconsideredDaoistpracticestobeaformofsuperstition,andprohibitedthem.Asaresult,DaoistpracticeinitspublicformswaspracticallyeliminatedonMainlandChina.Since1980,DaoistpracticehasonceagainbecomeapartoftheChineseculturallandscape,andhasspreadtoothercountries.ButinmostTuareas,Daoismhasnotexperiencedsucharevival.ItispossiblethatDaoismdidnotourishalsobecausetheDaoistconceptofnatureclashedwiththeconceptofculture,whichtheclassicalConfuciansheldinhighesteem.Thedistinctionisconsideredunnaturalandarticial.Daoistsontheotherhandtendedtowardaniconoclasticviewofsocialforms,soimportantinConfuciancosmology.BuddhistsincontrasttendedtoaccommodatetoChinesesocialforms,adaptingtolocalcultureratherthanstandingapartfromit.ThereforeDaoismremained 4 http://www.chinese-embassy.org.za/eng/zgjj/ssysz/Society/t247490.htm 58

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moreprivateandexclusiveandperhapswasevenstigmatizedsociallyandthuswentsomewhatunderground.Itisonlynowenjoyinganewfreedomofexpression.Buddhism(includingTibetanBuddhism)incontrastwasacceptedbyChina,notonlybecauseoftheopen-mindedandall-inclusivecharacteroftheChinesenation,butalsobecauseBuddhismhasrichandcolorfulelementsthatsupplementandmesheasilywithChinesetraditionalculture.AspecialcongurationhasemergedinTheHehuangregion,whichishometotheTupeopleofHuzhu.Ithasbeenamulti-ethniczonethroughouthistory.Differentethnicgroupshavemigratedintoandoutoftheregionatdifferenttimes,andthesemultipleinuenceshaveshapedtheevolutionofTuculture.AlthoughthesizeofDaoisttemplesandthepopulationofDaoistsislessthanthoseofBuddhism,DaoismremainsimportantinthereligiouslifeoftheChinesepeoplehereandakeycomponentinvillagereligion( Xie 2006 ).Similarly,localDaoismherecontinuestobeimportantinthereligiouslifeoftheTu.IthasbeeninuencedbyTufolkreligionandincorporatesshamanism,animism,andmanyfolkdeitiesandtraditions.Therefore,amongtheTu,Lamaism(TibetanBuddhism)occupiestheprivilegedposition,andhasbeenanoverwhelminginuenceinthecountryoftheMonguorsbutnotwithstandingtheconditionsfavoringLamaism,theMonguorsareferventadherentsofshamanism,andoccasionallyofDaoism( Schram 1957 ,6).Inshort,theworshipofsecondarygodsisnotseenasbeinginconictwithanindividual'sprincipalreligion.Thus,althoughBuddhismhasinmanyregardshadagreaterinuenceonTufolkreligionthanDaoism,DaoistelementscontinuetobeoneofthecornerstonesofTufolkreligion.AfteritsdisseminationintoTuareasandthroughcontinuousprocessesoflocaladaptation,elementsofDaoismmadetheirwayintothelocalfolkreligioussystemandinuencedtheformofthatfolksystem.Moreover,althoughTibetanBuddhismhasaveryhighsocialstandinginHuzhuandTongren,inTuareassuchasMinheandDatongcounties,DaoismismorepopularthanTibetan 59

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Buddhism.InmanyTuvillages,aBuddhistmonasteryandaDaoisttemplecoexist.ThoughonthesurfaceitappearsthatDaoismhasdeclinedinHuzhuareas,inactualityithasbeeninternalizedintoseveralcentralfeaturesofthelocalfolkreligion. 2.3TheCompetitionbetweenDifferentReligiousTraditionsTherehasbeenmuchdiscussionabouthowreligionfostersconictandviolenceparticularlyinthecontextofethnicnationalism.EricBrahmsaid,atthedawnofthetwenty-rstcentury,acasualglanceatworldaffairswouldsuggestthatreligionisatthecoreofmuchofthestrifearoundtheglobe.Often,religionisacontentiousissue( Brahm 2005 ,3).Ananthropologicalperspectiveshouldthereforebeappliedtoexploretheinteractionsofreligion,conictandpeace.InChina,religiousdiversityhasalonghistoryandtradition,andmultiplereligionshaveco-existedamongtheTuforcenturies.Therelationshipbetweenthedifferentreligioustraditionsdoeshaveelementsofcompetition,butmuchmoreprominentaretheelementsofcooperationthathavepermitteddifferentreligioussystemstoachievesymbioticcompromise.Localmechanismsofreligiouspluralismhavebecomeapartofthelocalsocioculturalcontext.Wehaveseenthat,Intheprocessoftheirhistoricalandculturalevolution,theTuhaveadoptedelementsofBuddhismfromtheTibetansandofDaoismfromtheHan,inadditiontotheirownfolkbeliefsandrituals,includingawidelypracticedformofshamanism.ThoughTibetanBuddhismandtheDaoismplayaroleinthereligiouslifeoftheTu,however,theirfolkreligionplaysamuchmorefundamentalroleintheirlives.BecausemanyTupeopleliveinthemountains,theyworshiptheirownlocalmountaindeitieswhoarebelievedtoprotectthemfromnaturaldisasters.AspointedoutbySchram,theFamilyGodisalsoreveredinallhouseholdsasthefamilyprotector.Shamans,Kurtains,andotherspecialistswhobecomepossessedbybenevolentspiritsarecalledontodefendthelocalpopulationagainstevilspirits.Thoseprotectordeitiesareghters;theythereforeusealltheweaponsbettingthejob( Schram 1957 ).UndertheinuenceoftheHanpeople,theTualsoveneratetheirancestorsandpayhomage 60

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totheGodofWealth,theKitchenGod,theDoorGodandothers.InshortthereligionoftheTuisanextremelycomplexsyncreticsystem,inwhichelementsfrommultiplereligionscoexistinaharmoniousbutoccasionallycontradictoryway.Itiscommonforcompetitiontoexistamongexclusivistreligionsthatclaimuniquedivineoriginandconsiderotherreligionstobefalseorevendemonic.ThoughTibetanBuddhism,Daoismandfolkreligionhavenoneofthesemilitantlyexclusivistelements,itisnonethelessunderstandablethatsomelevelofcompetitionorconictdidinfactariseasthesethreereligionscameintocontact.Tupeoplecomfortablyincorporateelementsofthreedifferentreligioustraditionsintotheirlives,butthereisobviousdisparityamongthespiritbeingsintermsofthepowersattributedtothem.Thereiscertainlyevidencethatunderneaththesurfaceharmonythereisasecretcontestbetweenthem.WhenanewforeignreligionhasspreadtotheTuarea,ithasnotalwaysbeeneasilyacceptedbythelocalpeople.Penetrationandincorporationoftheseotherreligiouselementsdevelopedslowlyandsubtly.Thecompetitioncanperhapsbesummarizedasfollows.Whereasthepromotersofforeignreligionswanttoexpandtheacceptanceoftheirtraditions,practitionersofindigenousreligiontrytomaintainthepoweroftheirowntraditions.Thereoccurs,therefore,aconstantinteractionandsomewhathiddencompetition.AmongtheTutheresultofthiscompetitionhasbeentheemergenceofacompromisearrangement.Itisinterestingtonotethattherearetwoseparateattitudesconcerningthepowerattributedtothespiritsofthetworeligions.InmyinvestigationIdiscoveredthatmostofthelocalpeopleconsideredtheirlocaldeitiestobemorepowerfulandthereforeofhigherstatusthantheTibetanBuddhistdeities.Thespiritsoffolkreligionsingeneralarevaluedmorefortheirutilitarianpurposesinthepresentlifethanfortheirabilitytoredeempeopleforafuturelifeafterdeath.TheTubelievethattheirlocalspiritscanhelpthemsolveproblemsandavertdisastersthroughtheinterventionsofshamans.TibetanBuddhism,incontrast,focusesonpreparingfortheafterlifeandonphilosophical 61

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questionsaboutthesoul,allofwhicharefeltasremotefromthereallifeconcernsoflocalpeople.LocalpeopleinfacthaveonlysupercialknowledgeofTibetanBuddhismandaremoreinclinedtomakeofferingstothelocalspiritsthattheybelievearemorelikelytomeettheirimmediateneeds.Therefore,formostTuvillagers,thelocalspiritssuchasthedragonkings,theniangniangandthenidang,playamoreimportantroleintheirreligiouslivesthantheBuddhaofTibetanBuddhism.Itisbelievedthat,unliketheinstrumentallymoreusefullocaldeitiessuchasthedragonking,theniangniangandnidang,Buddhadoesnotgetinvolvedinthesolutionoftheirproblems.Localdeitiescanprotectpeoplefromdiseaseanddisaster,bringgoodluckandwealthandsolvetheirimmediateproblems.SakyamuniBuddhaandtheJadeEmperorofDaoismaretooremotetobestowspecicblessingsonparticularpeople,althoughthepeopledoworshipthem.TheyplaceagreaterpriorityonveneratingdragonkingsortheniangniangthanJeTsongkhapa(thefamousteacherthatledtoGelugSectofTibetanBuddhism)orGuanyin( ,GoddessofMercy)Venerationoftheseremotespiritbeingsisplacedatalowerlevelofpriority.Incontrast,intheTibetanBuddhisttemples,theoppositebeliefprevails.LamasinYouningMonasterybelievethatBuddhaishigherthananyofthelocaldeities,somuchsothattheycannotbeworshippedtogether.Accordingtothem,TibetanBuddhismisthehigherreligionanddeservesmoreritualattention.Dragonkings,Niangniangandotherlocaldeitiesshould,intheirview,behousedseparately.IaskedaLamahowtheyconsideredtheprotectordeitiesthatcamefromthefolkreligion.Heansweredthat,ProtectordeitiesareatthelowestlevelinthesystemofTibetanBuddhism.Astheguardians,theyareresponsibletoprotectthesitesofTibetanBuddhism.Wemonksarepractitionersofasystemwithmuchhigherstatusthanthatoftheprotectordeities.Soweonlyneedtoburnincenseandbutterlampsfortheselesserspirits,butwedonotneedtokowtowtothen. 62

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TheinterviewrevealedthatevenBuddhistLamasbelieveintheexistencelocaldeities,suchasdragonkingsandtheniangniang(femalelocaldeityinTuareas),andtreatthemwithanopen,tolerantattitude,eventhoughthedeitiesdonotbelongtothesystemofTibetanBuddhism.TheLamasalsoparticipateinreligiousactivitiesrelatedtotheselocaldeities,buttheydonotofferthelocalspiritsthesameofferingsthatareprofferedtotheBuddhistdeities.Intheirmind,thefemaledeityDolmafromTibetanBuddhismisofhigherstatusthanthelocalfemalespirit,theniangniang,OfferingscanbemadetotheDragonKingandtheniangniang,butitmustbedoneseparately,neverinthemainhallwithJeTsongkhapaandotherspiritsofBuddhism,consideredtobehigher,TheLamasregardthelocaldeitiesasBodhisattvaatalowerlevel.EvenintheprotectordeitysystemofYouNingSi,theytoldmethattheMuleKingfromTibetanBuddhismholdsahigherstatusthanthenidangoftheTu,thoughbothlltheroleofprotectors.ItistruethatinsomeTuvillagesitiscustomarytohaveLamasfromTibetanBuddhisttemplesofciateinlocalritualsinadditiontolocalbo( )andshidianzeng( ).However,insomefolkritualsthereisatabooagainstinvolvingTibetanBuddhismandDaoism.Insomevillages'biangbianghui( ),itispermittedtoinviteDaoistpriests,butnotLamas.IaskedsomelocalelderswhyandwastoldthattheDragonKingwouldbeoffendedifLamaswereinvited.WhenIaskedwhytheDragonKingwouldbeangry,theeldersrecountedthefollowinglegend: Attheverybeginning,thelocalbeliefwasshamanismandtheworshippeddeitywastheDragonKing.Later,ThukenHutuktu(TuguanLivingBuddhaofYouningMonastery)cameandsettledonthismountain.Afterhesettleddown,hewasexcessivelyhappytodancewithjoyandscatterthesoilforfun.ButhedidnotrealizethathehadthrownsoilontheheadofDragonKingandmadetheKingangry.Thenallthegrainsweredestroyedbyheavyrainandthepeoplehadnoharvestforthreeyearsinarow.ThukenHutuktucamebacktotelltheDragonKing,Idonotdemandanyrightsagainstyouinthesemountains,butyoustilldonotallowagoodharvest.Idonotappreciatethewayyoudoingthis.Theenmitywassparkedbetweenthetwoatthattime,andthatiswhyLamasarenotinvitedtothebiangbianghui. 63

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Inaddition,thebiangbianghuiinDazhuangkeepsTibetanBuddhistmonksawayfromreligiousactivities,becauseofasimilarfolklegend: Alongtimeago,thedanjianhadanunhappyhistoryofghtingwiththeheihu( ,BlackTiger,alocaldeityoffolkreligion).Atthattime,thedanjianrodeagoatashismount,andheldasteelmaceinhislefthandandagolddiamondinhisrighthand.Buttheheihusaidthathewouldliketokillthegoatandmakeadrumwiththegoatskin.Finally,theheihuwontheghtingandthenthedanjianstoppedparticipatinginreligiousactivities.Itisapparentthatlocalpeopleattributemutualantipathytothespiritsofthetwodifferentreligions.SuchfolklegendshelpclarifywhyconictsandcontradictionsbetweenthespiritsofdifferenttraditionsarosefromtheearliesttimeofTibetanBuddhistdisseminationintoTuareas.InanotherTucommunity,MinheCounty,asimilarconictalsoprevailsbetweenthetworeligions.Thoughnotaswidelypracticedasthefolkreligion,DaoismismorepopularthanTibetanBuddhismintheMinhearea.ButTibetanBuddhistspecialistsconstantlyattemptedtointerferewithlocalfolkreligionandDaoism.Inthesummerof2010,whenIdidmyeldworkinMinhe,Ifoundacertaindegreeofcompetitionamongthespecialistsofthesedifferentreligions.ZhuJiaSi( )isthebiggestTibetanBuddhismtempleinZhujiaVillageinMinhe.ZhuLama( )(alamawholivedintheearlypartofthe20thcentury)wasafamousTibetanBuddhistmonkinMinheandenjoyedgreatprestigeinhishometown.AsarepresentativeofthepowerofTibetanBuddhism,theZhuLamahasalargesayinthecelebrationofthelocalnadun( )Festival.Previously,villagenadunwereheldinaverydisorderlyway-severalnadunmighthavebeenheldonthesameday.ThiscontinueduntilZhuLamacarefullyarrangeddifferentdatesforeachvillage( Stuart&Hu 1993 ,16).AnotherpopularstorynarratedhowtheDaoistdeitytheerlangshen( )spreadtotheMinheTuareaandhowthetraditionofthenadunfestivaloriginated: 64

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Inthepast,theTuofSanchuanoftensuffereddisasters.Sincethedeityofheavenwasangry,therewasnotonedropofrainthroughouttheentireyear;droughtcausedthefailureofcrops,andinautumntheywereunabletocollectevenahandfulofgrass.Thenthefala( ,afolkreligiousshaman)wasinvitedtofastenboardsandbuildaltarstoprayforhelpfromtheheavens.LedbyanimportantLama,localpeoplecarried108volumesofTibetanBuddhistscripturesganzhuer( )fromtheWenjiavillagetemple,performedceremoniesallaroundthemountains,andprayedfortheblessingsoftheBuddhaforagoodharvest.Butitseemsthatnoneofthesesupplicationswassuccessful.LatersomepeoplehadawoodenimageoftheerlangshenbroughtfromSichuanprovincetoMinhe.AndallthevillagesinSanchuanbuiltashrineandmadeavow:ifyoublessuswithanabundantautumnharvest,weshallkillsheepandchickens,drapeyouwithallsortsofcoloredvestments,beatdrumsandgongs,andpraiseyouforyourfavors.Remarkablythatyearaveryabundantharvestwasproduced.AfterwardstheTucommunitieshadbumperharvestseveryyearandtheythuscontinuetoperformthenadunceremony.That'showthenadunstarted( Ma 2005 ,108)( Stuart&Hu 1993 ,16).Actually,aftertheErlangShenwasintroducedintoMinhe,ithasbecomealocalfolkdeity.ButsinceDaoismwasalsoprosperinginMinhe,localpeoplecalltheDaoistpriestsfashi( ),todistinguishthemfromfala(shaman).Bothofthesetworeligiousspecialistsperforminthenadunfestivalbutindifferentphases:thefashiisinchargeoftheoverallritual,andfaladancesduringthelaststageoftheritual.Theseperformancesillustratethesyncretismthatincorporateselementsofdifferentreligionsintothesameceremony.ThefolkreligioustempleandtheTibetanmonasteryarelocatedinthesamevillage.HoweverthepromotersofTibetanBuddhismhavetriedtoexercisepowerandhaveconstantlyattemptedtointerferewiththelocalfolkreligionandeventocontrolit.WhenIvisitedthelocaltemple,ErlangShenMiao( )inZhujiaVillage,IwassurprisedtondaBuddhistmonktakingcareofthistempleasdoorkeeper.IsubsequentlylearnedthattheTibetanmonasteryZhuJiaSi( )inthissamevillagehadinvestedagreatdealofmoneyfortherenovationofthistempleinZhuLama'sname.Themonasterythereforeassignedthismonktotakecareofthetemple.Atthesametime,somelocalpeopletoldmethatwhilerenovatingthetemple,awell-knownLamadonated 65

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asumofmoneyandinvitedsomeTibetanBuddhistmonkstothezhuangzangritual( ,thatis,llingtheinsideofstatuesofthedeitytoliberateitsspiritualpower),andthosemonksstronglyrecommendedthatthejingzang( ,Buddhistscripts)beputinsideofthestatuesofthedeity,whichtheythendid.However,somelocaleldersweredissatised,becausetheirfolkreligiouscustomwastollthestatueswiththehunzang( ,animalorgans).Theseeldersfearedthatjingzang(Buddhistscripts)wouldrenderthestatuepowerless.Theyrapidlyorganizedthemselvestopreventthismodication.Theyattributedthefailureofcropsinthatyeartothelossofpowerbythelocaldeity.Finally,afteraprotracteddispute,anothermajorritualwasheldthefollowingyeartollthestatueoncemorewithanimalorgansinaccordancewithfolkreligioustradition.Thisanecdoteillustrates,ontheonehand,patternsofcompetitionbetweenTibetanBuddhismandvillagefolkreligion.Butitalsoillustrateslocalbeliefinthesuperiorinstrumentalpowerofvillagefolkreligionandtheutilityofghtingforthepreservationoffolkreligiouspractices.Similarly,theritualforselectinganewshaman(lawa, )inTongrenTuareaalsoshowshowelementsofTibetanBuddhismhavebecomeincorporatedintothefolkreligion.InTongren,tobeaqualiedshamanapersonhastocomefromacertainshamanicfamily.ButinadditionthepersonalsorequiresacerticationceremonyfromTibetanBuddhism.Inordertoinherittheroleoflawa,aprospectiveshamanhastopassaqualifyingexamintheTibetanBuddhisttemple.Whentheoldlawapassesaway,oneofhissonswillreplacehim.ButtheheirhastobersttestedbythelivingBuddhainLongwumonasteryinTongren.Hewillbecertiedonlyifhepassesthetest.Otherwisethevillagersthemselveswilldoubtthathepossessesthespiritualpowertobealawa.ItissaidthatinadministeringthetestthelivingBuddhainsertssomestrangequestionsthatcanbeansweredonlybysomeonewithspiritualpowerwhohasbeeninstructedbyoracles. 66

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Ontheonehand,weseethattheinteractionandcompetitionamongthosereligionsleadstoanimbalanceinthelocallyperceivedpowerofthedifferentreligions.WhileBuddhistmonksarecommoninmostvillages,Daoistpriestsandshamanshavebecomeveryfewandservethewholearea.TheDaoistprieststakechargeofdiversefunctionsthatincludeweddings,funerals,andlookingaftertheshrines,whereastheshaman'sprimaryfunctionistoserveasatrancemediumduringthenaduncelebrationandsometimesduringthetreatmentofillness.( Stuart&Hu 1991 1992a b )Ontheotherhand,thecompetitionamongthedifferentreligioustraditionshasunleashedaprocessofresistancethattosomeextentenhancestherevivaloffolkreligion.Thusitcanbeseenthatasthesethreereligionscameintocontact,competitionorconictwasboundtoensue.TheTupeopleacceptedelementsofDaoism,TibetanBuddhism,alongwiththereligiouselementsbasedontheiroriginalfolkreligion.Buttheyhavenotabandonedtheoriginalformofthefolkreligion.However,duringthelengthyprocessofcompetitionandcompromiseamongthesereligions,theinitialconictshavebeenresolvedandthereiscurrentlyadegreeofharmoniouscoexistence.Atpresenteachofthereligionsincorporatessomeelementsoftheothers.InmostTuregions,somefolkreligiousspiritshavebeenincludedinthepantheonofTibetanBuddhistprotectordeities.Forexample,thefourprotectordeitiesincludethedan-jianProtectorandthenidang,aswellastheshidianzenginvillagetemples,whichcommunicatesspirituallywiththeheihu,thedragonking,andsometimesdanjian.Thisillustrateshowreligiouspluralismcancomeabout.Itseemstoindicatethatsocietalandtheologicalchangearenecessaryprerequisitestoovercomingdifferencesbetweendifferentreligions,orfordealingwithconictsbetweenthereligions.Inthenextsection,Iwillfollowuponthisthemeanddocumentamodeofinterreligiousdialogueinmulti-religioussettingsamongtheTuthatsuccessfullymaintainstheco-existenceofthedifferentreligioustraditions.Hopefullythiscanbeseenasapossibleoptionfortheresolutionofreligiousconictandthepromotionofsocialpeace. 67

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2.4BeliefinthePoweroftheNumberThreetheHarmonyamongtheMultipleReligionsoftheTuInanimisticandreligiousheroaccounts,multipledeitiesalmostalwayscoexist.Platvoetreservesthetermreligiouspluralismforthatculturaland/orreligiousideology,orattitude,whichpositivelywelcomesencountersamongreligions( Platvoet&vanderToorn 1995 ,3).Indeed,thatsituationofco-existenceofreligionshasbeenfoundinmanysocietiesinthepastandaswellasinthepresent.AmongChina'sminorityethnicgroups,pluralityofbeliefsiscommonplace( He 2009 ; Kang 2009 ; Gao 2008 ; Shih 2010 ; Wang 2010 ; Wickeri&Tam 2011 ; Zou 2008 ).InthehistoryofChina,BuddhismandDaoismhave,aswehaveseenamongtheTu,exercisedanimportantinuenceontheevolutionoffolkreligion.Differentreligionscanharmoniouslyco-exist(Cohen1992).Overtheyears,ChinesefolkreligionhasabsorbedandassimilatedelementsofBuddhismandDaoism;andtheselatterreligionsinturnhaveabsorbedandassimilatedelementsofChinesefolkreligion.Eachoftencallsonspecialistsoftheothertraditionstoperformitsritualsandtoorganizeevents( Feuchtwang 2001 ).IntheTu'scase,althoughtherehavebeencompetitiveandsometimesevenconfrontationalundertones,thethreereligioustraditionshaveco-existedpeacefullyforalongtime.Thephrasehonoringnumbercanbeusedasaconceptualframeworkforinterpretingreligiouspluralism.Itrefersnotonlytoreligiousdiversity,butalsototheconditionofharmoniousco-existenceamongadherentsofdifferentreligionsorreligiousdenominations.DespiteambiguitiesweknowthattheimagesandfunctionsofthedeitiesofTufolkreligionareinextricablylinkedtothoseofTibetanBuddhismandDaoism.ThedegreetowhichthesetworeligionshaveinuencedTufolkreligiondiffers,butbothreligionsharmoniouslycoexistwithinTufolkreligion,sharingspacewithintheTureligiousbeliefsystem.Undertheinuenceofmultiplereligions,theTuhaveadoptedmanysymbolicconcepts,suchasthenumberThree( )intheircosmology.The 68

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symbolofNumberThreeishighlysignicantandhascometohavemeaninginvariousaspectsoflifeandcultureamongtheTu.Threeisnotonlyaluckynumber;italsohasmanymeaningsandmagicalpowerfortheTu.First,itstandsforthethreereligionsconsistingofTibetanBuddhism,Daoismandfolkreligion.Second,itmeanshappiness,luck,andharmony.ThreealsorepresentsHeaven,theearth,andhumanbeings;anditisthesymbolofgoodfortune,wealth,andlongevity.ThereforethenumberthreeishighlysignicantamongtheTu.AsacoreelementofTuculture,religionhasplayedanimportantroleinhelpingtheTutopreservetheirethnicidentity,traditions,andcustomsforcenturies.InTufolkcustom,thereisaseriesofsymbolicactivitiesrelatedtothenumberthree.Forexample,toservedinnertohonoredguests,therearethreesteps:hostsprovidehotteaandsteamedbreadsastherstcourse,stir-frieddishesandboiledmeatasthesecond,andcookedwheatfoodasthelast.ThetraditionalTufolkritualofdrinkingalsoutilizesthenumberthree.Hostsproposethreetoastsofwinetowelcometheirguests,andthenproposethreemoretoaststoguestsuponleaving.Whenhostsofferwinetotheirguests,theguestsshoulddipangerintothewineandsplashittowardtheskythreetimes.ThatindicatestheirrespecttotheHeaven,earthandancestors.Intheconstructionofhouses,thenumberofroomsmustbethreeoramultipleofthree.Moreover,thenumberofbuttonsonmourningapparelisalsoamultipleofthree.TherearemanystylizedexpressionsaboutthenumberthreeintheoraltraditionoftheTu,suchasinnarrativepoems,knownasQijiayanxi5( ),andespeciallyintheSongofHuoni6(thesongofthesheep).Intheseaccountstheheroesorheroinestriumphafterthreetribulations.IntheTuoriginmyth,theTuancestorisathree-year-oldboy.InapopularTuseriesofmythicalstoriesofthreebrothers,thebrothersgooutto 5ThelongestheroicepicpoemamongtheTu6IntheTulanguage,itmeansthesheep. 69

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completeworkassignedbytheirfather,andhavetofacethreedifcultsituations,tobehelpedbyaspiritonlyafterhavingfacedthethird.Theimportanceattributedtothenumberthreeisalsotheresultofethnicintegrationintothereligionsandsocietiesoftheseregions.SothenumberthreerepresentstheTu,TibetanandHanChinese,andthisideaappearsinTuoraltradition,whichdealswiththenatureofethnicrelationshipsthroughouttheirhistory.Forexample,inthefamousnarrativepoemHuoni,thenumberthreeisrepeatedlychanted:TherearethreepotsandstovesUpper,middleandlowerTheupperpotisTibetanThemiddlepotisTuThelowerpotisHanTherearemanyeventswiththenumberthreeinthisepic,suchasthreemountainsgolden,silver,andjade;threegodsthedragonking,thegodofheaven,andthemountaingod.Tufolkreligionhasalwaysbeeninclusive,andhashandledrelationswiththeothertworeligions;ithassomewhatmeldedthreereligionsintoone.Moreover,withoutexcludinganydeities,Tufolkreligionhasintegratedawidevarietyoffolkbeliefs(withtheiraccompanyingspirits)andsolocalpeoplecanfreelychoosethespiritsinwhomtheywishtobelieve.Throughintentionallystrengtheningandbroadeningthespecialspiritualfunctionsofdeities,aspectrumofdeitieswithTucharacteristicshasbeenformed.Atrstglanceitseemsdisordered,butareligiousorderandasetofrulesgivingitstabilityarehiddenbehindwhatatrstseemschaotic.Thestructureoffolksongsisalsorepeatedthreetimes,especiallythesanqisanluoling( ,Three-up-three-downMelody).AllthesefeaturesshowthattheethniccultureandidentityoftheTureectthislonghistoricalprocessundertheinuenceofTibetanandHancultures.Thecultofthemagicnumberthreereectsthemulti-culturaloriginofTuandillustrateshowTuidentityhasbeenforgedinthecontextofinteractionamongmultiplegroups. 70

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Furthermore,theoverallshapeoflocalreligiouslifehasbeengovernedbytheco-existenceofthreereligioustraditions.ThusthereligiousspecialistsfromTibetanBuddhism,Daoismandfolkbeliefallappearatimportantritesofpassagesuchasbirthceremonies,weddings,andfunerals.TheTupeoplealmostequallywelcomeLamas,geomanticspecialists,thebo(Shaman)andbenbenzi.InTusociety,allreligiousspecialistsmaintaintheirownsocialstatusandfullltheirfunctionsinthesamerituals( Wen 2002 ).Inthislight,themostmajesticceremonyforTupeopleistheritualperformedtogetherbyLamas,Daoists,andshamans.Especiallyatfunerals,Fo-Fa-Seng7( )ThreeCoursesofScripturesarechantedtoreleasethesoulsfromdeathandsuffering.TibetanBuddhists,ShamansandDaoistpriestseachreciteonechant.EChongrong,aTuscholar,hasnotedthatthecoexistenceofmultiplereligionsisillustratedinthereligioussite,thelashize8( E 2002 ).TheconstructionofthelashizeispresidedoverbyLamasorgeomanticspecialists,whichineffectmeansthatspecialistsbothofTibetanBuddhismandDaoismareincluded.Moreover,thelashizecontainswillowbranches,whitestonesandarrows,whichareelementsoffolkbelief.OnceagainweseethattheoriginalfolkreligiouscultureoftheTuhaslongbeenintegratingwithTibetanBuddhistcultureandDaoistculture( E 2002 ).Butintegrationhasoccurrednotonlyamongdifferentreligions,butalsobetweenTureligionandotheraspectsofsociallife.Asapartoftraditionalculture,thereligiouslifeoftheTureectsthehistoricaltradition,thesocialstructure,theeconomicproduction,thelifehabits,thesocialconceptsandotheraspectsofTulife.Thisintegrationhasinuencedthematerialculture,spiritualculture,andalsothesecularcultureofthisethnicgroup. 7TibetanBuddhism,DaoismandFolkreligion8Itisaholysiteusuallylocatedonamountaintopforworshippingthemountaindeities. 71

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AccordingtoDr.PaulKnitterweneedamodelfordialoguethatmanagesconictamongreligions.Hepositsthatreligiouspluralismneednotbeaproblem(orevenathreat),butcanberatherapromiseofasituationthatispotentiallyenrichingandthatcanbeviewedasaprovidentialblessing( Knitter 2002 ).ThecaseoftheTuisofpotentialrelevancehere.Itcanprovideanethnographicallydocumentedparadigmtoillustratehowmechanismsofsymbiosisandcompromisecandefuseinterreligioustensionsthatcouldcausefutureconict(orthatmaysurvivefrompreviousconicts).TheethnographicallydocumentedThreeinOnepatternsdiscussedaboveindicatethatreligiouscoexistenceisnotanidealisticfantasy,butcanoccurinreality.Itcontinuestoexistincontemporarysocietyunderparticularconditions.TheTu'scaseshowsthatinterreligioustoleranceispossibleandthatreligiousexclusivityisnotuniversal.Moreover,religiouspluralismnotonlyshapestheidentityofapersonorgroup;italsohelpcomplexsocietiesshareapublicculturalarena.ThesymboloftheNumberThree,whichinTuculturecameasaresultoflengthycoexistence,communication,andintegrationamongmultiplecultures,isalsoasymbolof,andanunspokenruleabout,seekingcommongroundfordifferentreligions.AnumberofreligioustraditionsincludingDaoism,TibetanBuddhism,andfolkreligionhaveinteractedwiththeState,andthesenowformthereligiouslandscapeoftheTu.Thismulti-religiouslandscapeleadstoaworldviewcenteredsymbolicallyonthenumberThree.ThismagicnumbersymbolizestheharmoniousintegrationofTibetanBuddhism,ChineseDaoismandtheshenjiao( ),thefolkreligionofChinesevillages.Itcanbeseenthattheirreligion.dominatedasitisbythepowerfulnumberthree,reectsthehistoricalpeculiaritiesoftheTuandthusdistinguishesTuidentityfromthatofothergroups.Theseandotherculturalfeaturesareusedasmarkersofethnicidentity.Theyalsoformpartoftheprocessoftheshapingofethnicboundaries.Thestructureofonehousewiththreeroomsrepresentingthethreereligionsinonewasformedin 72

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thecontextofdynamicinteractionswithinamultiethnicandpluralsociety.ItisanaptmetaphorofthemulticulturalnatureofChinesesocietyasawhole.Toconcludethischapter,theChineseworshipofdeitiesiscloselyrelatedtoeverydaylife.WhenwelookattherelationshipbetweenthehumanandthespiritualinChineseculture,weseeacontrastwithWesternreligion,whichplacesGod,lesserspirits(suchasangelsanddemons),andhumanbeingsatthreeindependentlevels,withGodasthehighestandhumanbeingsasthelowest.UndertheWesternpattern,humanbeingsinevitablyaredrawnintoastrongersenseofawetowardsGod,theSupremeBeing.Chinesereligioustraditions,whichdonotincludetheconceptofaSupremeBeingwhocreatedtheworldandoverseestheconductofeachhuman,followadifferentpattern.Chinesefolkreligionunfoldswithinananimistworldinwhicheveryonehasaplaceandinwhichmultiplespiritbeingscoexistwithhumansandbecomeinvolvedintheworld.ThoughdifferentChinesereligionshavedifferentdeitieswithdifferentfunctions,thesedeitiescoexistwitheachother.TheinteractionbetweenhumanbeingsandthespiritworldofChinesereligions,inshort,emphasizesthecoexistence,andcommunicationsbetweenthetwoworlds.UnliketraditionsofexclusionaryWesternmonotheism,noneofthesedistinctreligionstriestoexcludeoreliminatetheothers,eventhougheachgivesemphasistotheworshipofoneparticularsetofdeities.ThefolkreligionoftheTu,inshort,illustratesthemannerinwhichthecoexistenceofvariousdeitiesfromdifferenttraditions,havingbecomeaprominentfeatureofChinesereligion,couldserveasareligiouslyintegrativetemplateinothersocietiesaswell. 73

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CHAPTER3MULTIFUNCTIONALSPIRITSANDSHAREDWORLD:THEFOLK-RELIGIOUSPANTHEONOFTHETUThefolkreligionwhichhasbeentransmittedacrossgenerationsbytheTuhashadanimpactonthepolitical,economic,andculturaldevelopmentofTusociety,inadditiontoaddressingtheiremotionalandreligiousneeds.ThefolktheologyoftheTufocusesonfourtypesofspiritbeingsthatwillbediscussedinthischapter:dragonkings,femaledeities,ancestors,andpersoniednaturalforces.IncontrasttothemonotheisticreligionsoftheWest,inTutheologythereisnoSupremeBeingwhoisthesolesourceofpowerandwhocreatedalltheotherlesserspirits.TheTuvillagersinsteadfocustheirattentiononlocalspiritswithimmediateutilitarianfunctions.Adistinctionismadebetweenbenevolentspiritsandharmfulspirits.Theinteractionamongthesespiritsenhancesthevitalityofthefolkreligion.Harmfulspiritscausemisfortuneordisaster.Benevolentspirits,ontheotherhand,aresymbolsofpowerandmoralrulewhomeetpeople'sneeds,helpthemsolveproblems,andrestoresocialorder.Iwillrefertothesebenevolentspiritsasdeities.Inthischapter,IwilldiscussthevarietyofdeitiesandtheirfunctionsamongtheTu. 3.1TheDragonKingThelongwang( ,dragonking)isbyfarthemostprominentspiritbeinginthepantheonofTufolkreligion.Thedragonkingtempleislikewisecentraltothevillages'religiousrituals.Alongwingisbestunderstoodasatypeofspirit,ratherthanthepropernameofasinglespirit.Eachcommunityhasitslongwang.InHuzhuCounty,thelongwanghasclearauthority.Intermsoftheiriconographicrepresentation,thelongwanginTuareawereintimespastneithertheriomorphic(i.e.depictedasanimals)noranthropomorphic.Theywereinsteadoftenrepresentedmoreabstractlyaswoodenlittersandspear-likerodsratherthanasanimalsorhumans.Thisstilloccursinsomeinstancesinthepresent.(InthistheydifferfromthelongwanginHanareas.Asforitsfunctions,thelongwangnotonlyprotectsthelocalvillagethathasalongwang 74

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miao( ,dragonkingtemple),butalsooverseesothervillages,whichbelongtothistemple.Thisbroadterritorialchargeofthelongwangparallelsthegeographicaladministrativedivision,bestowingaspiritualvalidationofsortsontheciviladministrativedivisionoftheterritory.AccordingtoTulegend,theoriginaldragonkingcamefromtheChilibu1(MountainoftheDragon).InChinesemythologythedragonhasanimportantfunctionasaraingod.InthatlighttheHanveneratethedragoninthecontextofritualstobringrain.IntheTuregion,however,thedragonkingisnotonlyaraingod,butalsothedeityassociatedwithdiseaseanddisasterandwithgoodandbadfortune.Thedragonkingisentrustedwithprotectingthevillage,andwithsettlingneighborhooddisputes,amongotherthings.Whetherfortuneisgoodorbad,whethertheireconomybringsprotsorloss,whethertheharvestsareabundantofpoor,thevillagersveneratetheirdragonking.Tuvillagesthatveneratethedragonkingwillbuildatempleatthehighestplaceornearthemainroadsthatleadtotheoutsideworld,inhopesthatthedeitywillprotecttheirvillage.Thistemplewillnotonlybeacenterofreligiousactivitiesbutalsoagatheringplaceforvillagepublicaffairs.AnexaminationofseveraldragonkingtemplesinHuzhuwillinadditionhelpusseehowTufolkreligionsexistsalongsideofotherreligionsandadaptstothem. 3.1.1DragonKingsinHuzhuAsthemajorprotectorofthevillage,thedragonkingisalsothemajorfocusofcollectiveworship.CultactivitiesthatoriginatedonthevillagesofYaoma,DazhuangandNianxianhavespreadtoneighboringvillagesandtowns. 1ThisisthetermintheTulanguage,aswellasthelocalHanpeoplecallitlongwangShan( ). 75

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A BFigure3-1. Thespirituallittersfordragonkings. 3.1.1.1DazhuangdragonkingThevillageofDazhuanghasatotalareaof9.68squarekilometers,anaverageelevationof2,600meters,andisonlyvekilometersfromtheseatofHuzhuCounty. 76

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About30householdscontainingatotalofabout150people,mostlyTu,liveinthisvillage.Theannualaveragetemperatureofthisvillageis2-3degreeCelsiusandtheaverageannualprecipitationisabout550mm.DazhuangVillagesitsinashallowmountainareasuitableforforestryandanimalhusbandry.InthevillagecenterstandsavillagedragonkingtemplenamedGuangFuSi(GuangfuMonastery).Accordingtorecords,GuangfuSiwasbuiltduringthereignofEmperorGuangxuoftheQingDynasty(18751908),andlaterrepairedandpaintedin19842.AlthoughknownasSi(Monastery),therearenoLamas(Tibetanmonks),anditfunctionsmoreasafolkreligioustemple.AlthoughimagesofGuanyinBodhisattva,ManjushriandSakyamuniBuddhaarefoundinthemainhalloftheDazhuangdragonkingTemple,threedragonkings'(Red,BlackandWhiteoccupyanevenhigherposition.Theyarehousedintransportablelitterswithclothcoverings.Accordingtothevillagers,thosethreedragonkingsarebrothers.Thereddragonkingistheeldest,withthehigheststatus.Thestatueresemblesamansittingonasofawithhandsinhislapandlledwithheart.3Theblackdragonking(thesecondoldest)andthewhitedragonking(theyoungest)areenshrinedintheShenJiao( ,awoodenlitterforhousingspirits)withinscriptionsengravedonalargewoodboardwhichisalsolledwiththeheartandiscoveredwithcolorfulsilk.NooneispermittedtoopenthelittertoseethefacesofthedragonkingsexceptonNewYear'sEve.Whenthetempleguardiansweepsthetempleandthelitter,he(andonlyhe)isallowedtoseetheirfaces.ThevillagersrespectfullycallthedragonkingsFoye( ,Buddha).Inaddition,TibetanBuddhistprayerwheels,Tangkapaintings,andpicturesofthePanchenLamaandDalaiLamaarealsofoundinthistemple. 2ThedatasourcescamefromtheAdministrationofCulturalHeritageinHuzhuCounty,QinghaiProvince,China,2012.3Thisconsistsofcrops,birds,snakes,bonesofanimalsandBuddhistscripts,dependingontheritual. 77

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3.1.1.2NianxiandragonkingTherearenorecordsoftheconstructionoftheoriginaldragontempleinthevillageofNianxian.In1957thetemplewasburneddowninanattemptbytheCulturalRevolutiontoeradicatesuperstition.Butitwasrebuiltinthe1980s.ThisdragonkingtempleisslightlydifferentfromthetemplesinDazhuang.SakyamuniBuddha,Twodragonkings,andCaiShen( ,theDeityofWealth),arehousedinthetemple.Thereisnolitterforthedragonkings,whoareinsteadhousewithinshenjian( ,consecratedspear-lengthdiviningrods)madeofironandusedtocommunicatewithspirits.ThistemplehasalsoadoptedseveraldecorativethemesfromTibetanBuddhism.Ontopofthemaingate,aconsecratedvasestandsnearave-coloredclothcurtainthatiscommonlyseeninTibetanmonasteries.Inthemainhallcorridor,threebronzeprayerwheels,alsoofTibetanBuddhistorigin,standoneachsideofthepillars.Insidethedoorofthemainhallisanincensetableontopofwhichisalargecoveredglassbox.InsidetheboxisaTangka(aBuddhistpainting)coveredbyacurtain;thisissaidtobethedragonking'sportrait.AndonthetwosidesoftheTangka,twodivinationspearsstandonthetable.Outsidethebox,somesmallTangkashangonthewall;theoneaboveisSakyamuniBuddha,theoneonthefarrightisTsongkhapaandtheoneontheleftisthegodofwealth.ThepresenceoftheseobjectsinaTutempleillustratesthesyncreticincorporationofTibetanBuddhistthemesintoTufolkreligion. 3.1.1.3YaomadragonkingThedragonkingtempleofYaomawasbuiltduringthereignofEmperorGuangxu,intheQingDynasty(AD1844).SimilartothedragonkingtempleinDazhuang,ithousesthelittersofthreedragonkings.Accordingtolocaloraltradition,originallytherewerevedragonkingsintheYaomatemple.ButvillagersfromNajiastoletwoofthem,leavingonlythreedragonsinYaoma.SubsequentlyvillagersfromDazhuangstoleanotheroneofthem.AftertheYaomavillagersretrievedit,thevillagersofDazhuang 78

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stoleitbackagain.Afterseveralroundsofthievery,thisissueremainsunresolved;Yaomavillagershadtomakeanotherelderdragonstatuefortheirtemple.ThustheYaomatemplestillhousesthreedragonkings.ThevillagersofYaomaboastthattheirvillagetempleistheoriginalhomeofthedragonkingsandthatthedragonkingsofothervillageswerestolenfromtheirtemple. A B C DFigure3-2. A&C.chumashen;B&D.huimashen. UnlikethevillagesofDazhuangandNianxian,YaomadoesnotdisplayastatueofSakyamuniorTibetanBuddhistprayerwheelsaroundthemainhall.Thetemple'smawangye( ,thehorsedeity'shall)isassociatedwithlivestockandanimalhusbandry,reminiscentofthetimewhentheTuwerenomadsandhorseswere 79

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importantintheirlives.mawangyeusedtobeenshrinedinearliertemplesofthepast.AnexceptionisthevillageofYaoma,whereseveraldragonkingtemplesinthetownofWushihaveawallpaintingofmawangyedepictingtwopeopleholdingtwohorses.Thesehorsespiritsarecalledchumashen( ,ahorsespiritwhoprotectspeopleleavinghome)andhuimashen( ,ahorsespiritwhoreceivesthosereturninghome).ThesacricesofferedtomawangyeinthosedragonkingtemplesremindusofthenomadiclifeoftheTuancestors.ButwhentheTuabandonedtheirnomadiclifestyleforanagriculturalone,horsesbecamelessimportant;itisthereforeraretoencountermawangyeinnewervillagetemples.TheYaomadragontemple,inthatsense,hasretainedmoreelementsfromthedistantpast.Theobservationsmadeonreligioussyncretisminthepreviouschapterarerelevanthereaswell.WecanseethateachofthethreedragontemplesindifferentvillagescombineelementsofTufolkreligionwithelementsofotherreligions.AlthoughthedragonkingtemplesinDazhuangandNianxianshowheavyinuencesfromTibetanBuddhism,thosetemplesdonotactuallybelongtoanybranchofTibetanBuddhism.Moreover,themultifunctionaldragonkingsintheTuareasbecomeinvolvedinpracticalmattersofpersonalinteresttovillagers,somewhatremotefromthemoreabstractconcernsofclassicalTibetanBuddhism.VillagedragonkingsbecomeinvolvedinthedailylifeofTuvillagers. 3.1.2DutiesofDragonKingsAlthoughdifferentrepresentationsofthedragonkingarefoundatdifferentreligioussites,allofthedragonkingsareexpectedtodriveawaydiseaseandevilspirits,toensuresafetyandgoodluckandabovealltoprotectagriculture.Indryweather,theprimaryresponsibilityofthedragonkingistobringrain.Toachievethis,threedragonkingsontheirlittersarebroughtoutofthetempleandcarriedbyateamofyoungmentotheplacewheretheritualistobeperformed.Somevillagersgotoanearbyspring,whereasotherstravelallthewaytodistantQinghaiLake.Anold 80

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villagertoldmethatinthepast,theyoungmenwhocarriedthelittershadtowalkverylongdistancesandweresoakedwithsweatbythetimetheyarrivedattheirdestination;theprocessofprayingforrainisthereforeassociatedwithstrenuousphysicaleffort.IntheTuareas,theritualinwhichthevillagersprayforrainiscalledjiuzi4.Itbeginswiththeconstructionofatentandtheselectionofpeoplewhocanperformtheceremonialchant.Duringthejiuziritual,somepeoplesingspecicsongswhileotherpeoplekneelinprayerbeforethedragonking'slitter.Severalvillagerswalkbarefootonthestonesintheriverwhilecarryingthelittersontheirshoulders,nomatterhowcoldtheweatherorhowsharpthestones.Thenvillagersputthelitteronthegroundandwaitforrain.Theydonotcarrythelittersbacktothetempleuntilitrains.Sometimestheyhavetowaitfortwoweeksoramonth.Somevillagerssaid,Itworkedbetterinthepastbutthereisnoguaranteenow.Inthepastwejustwalkedtothebridgenearthevillage.Nowwehavetowalkmuchfartheriftheritualdoesn'twork.Anotherimportanttaskforthedragonkingsconcernsthediagnosisofillnesses.Whenvillagersgetsick,theyrstcometothetempletoasktheshidianzengtoaskfortheinterventionofthedragonkings.Ifthedragonkingsaysthereisnoneedtogotothehospital,theshidianzengsimplychantsscriptstosupplicateinbehalfofthesickperson.Ifthedragonkingsaysthatthesickpersonshouldgotothehospital,theywillfollowthiscommand.Toaskthedragonkingtohealthesickperson,thefamilyisrequiredtoputfreshowersandofferingsontheincenseburnertableattheirhome.Toaskthedragonkingtohealthesickperson,thefamilyisrequiredtoputfreshowersandofferingsontheincenseburnertableattheirhome.Hemustthenassignfourpeopletobringthelitterorthespecialconsecratedspearusedfordivinationfromthetempletotheirhome.(Iwillhenceforthrefertothisasthesacredspear.)Thosefourpeoplemustbeclean,meaningthattheyhavenotbeentofuneralsorhospitalsinthepastweek. 4IntheTulanguage,thismeanstoprayfortherain. 81

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Figure3-3. Thefashenjianritualbyshidianzeng. Toinvokethedragonking,theymustrstproceedtothemainhallwheretheylightthelampsandkneeldowntopray.Thentheycarrythelitterorconsecratedsacredspeartothecourtyardofthefamilyofthesickperson.Thereligiousspecialistalsocomestothefamilywithlittersorsacredspearsandtriestocommunicatewiththespiritstodiagnosetheillness.Toobtainadiagnosis,thepatient'sfamilymemberskneelontheground,andthefourpeoplecarryingthelitterstandatthecenterofthecourtyard.Theshidianzengfacesthelitterandasksyesornoquestionsaboutthesicknessandhowtocureit.Iftheanswerfromthedragonkingisyes,thefourpeoplecarryingthelittertakeastepforward.Iftheanswerisno,thefourtakeastepbackward.Itisbelievedthattheirmovementsarecontrolledbythespirits.Sometimes,theshidianzengholdsthesacredspearandinstructsarespectedmaleeldertoaskquestionsofthedragonking,suchaswhethertheyneedtochantscripts 82

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andifso,whichones.Again,theonlyanswerstothequestionsareyesorno.Iftheanswerisyes,thesacredspearshakesintensely.Otherwise,theydonot.Afterseveralroundsofquestions,thefamilyofthepatienthastheanswerstheyneedonhowtotreatthepatient'sillness.Infact,itisnotcleartoanobserverwhetherthemovementoftheandtheshakingofthesacredspeararemadebythepeopleholdingthem.AccordingtotheTu,itisthespiritswhomaketheshidianzengmove.Ihaveobservedmanytimesthatthepeoplecarryingthelittermoveatexactlythesamepace.WhenIaskedthepeoplethatcarrythelitterhowtheyareabledothis,theyansweredthatsomepoweremanatingfromthelitterforcedthemtomovespontaneouslyforwardorbackward.Inthe1980s,thesetworitualsofdiagnosisandhealingwerestillpopularinmanyvillagesinHuzhu.Asthevillagershavebecomebetterinformedaboutmodernmedicalapproachestodisease,thesedivinatoryritualshavebecomelesscommon.However,villagersstillaskthespiritsforguidanceontheoccasionofimportantfamilyeventssuchasamarriageorbuildingandmovingintoanewhome.Moreover,beforeyoungpeopleleavethevillageinsearchofemployment,theygotothetempleandaskablessingofthelocaldeityforthemselvesandtheirfamilies.Whentheyearnmoneyandcomebackhome,theygotothetempleagaintoofferthanks.Thedragonkingsalsoofferothertypesofprophecyanddivination.Forexample,ifaperson'spropertyislostorstolen,hemaycometothetempletoprayforinstructionsonwheretolookforit,inhopesthatthedragonkingscanhelpthemrecovertheirproperty.Thevillagersalsoconsultwiththespiritsbeforenamingtheirnewbornchildren.Theritualforascertainingnamesissimilartotheritualofdiagnosisandhealing.Theparentsoreldersinthefamilyreadthenamesthattheyareconsideringonebyone.Ifthespiritlikesthename,thelittermovesforwardorthedivinatoryspearshakes.OneknowledgeableresidentofDazhuangvillage,HuZongxiang,saidthatinhisarea,thevillagersinvitethedragonkingstohelpthemwithspecialeventssuchassettingaweddingdate,constructingahome,andplanningafuneralceremony. 83

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Accordingtohim,thedragonkingsareextremelybusy.IaskedhimifthevillagerspraytoShakyamuniBuddhaforhelp.Hesaid,no,thattheyonlyburnincenseforShakyamuni.Ithenasked,So,youfeelthedragonkingismorepowerful,right?Helaughedandsaid,Thedragonkingmanagesthelocalsandistheprotectorofthelocals.AndShakyamuniistheleaderofworldBuddhism.Therefore,althoughBuddhaisworshipedinthelocaltemple,thedragonkingsaregivenmoreritualattention.Becauseheismoreinvolvedintheirdailylives,venerationofthedragonkingisviewedbytheTuashavinggreaterutilitythanvenerationofBuddha. 3.1.3TerritoriesofDragonKingsThoughthedragonkingsareseenasbeingmorepowerfultosolvepracticalproblemsthantheBuddha,eachdragonking,atleastasunderstoodbytheTu,nonethelessoperateswithinalimitedterritory.Thedragonkingisrstandforemosttheprotectorofthevillagewherehisshrineislocated.Butheisalsoresponsiblefortheprotectionofneighboringvillagesaswell.ThisgeographicalchargeparallelstheterritorialdivisionsestablishedbythelocalChinesegovernmentandsubtlygivesquasi-spiritualsupporttotheseadministrativedivisions.Forexample,thedragonkingsofDazhuangareinchargeofvevillages:Huayuan,Qiazi,Kouzi,LamaguanandDazhuangitself.Thoughsomevillageshavetheirownvillagetemple,theyperformsomereligiousceremoniesatthedragonkingtempleofDazhuang.Moreover,whenthereareimportantevents,thevillagersinallvevillagestakepartintheritualsperformedintheDazhuangtemple.Theconverseisnottrue;thevillagersofDazhuangdonotgotothetemplesoftheotherfourvillages.TheseareseenasbeingsimplesubsidiariesoftheDazhuangtemple.ThedragonkinginNianxianisconceptualizedasbeingthesamespiritastheonehousedintheDazhuangtemple,butthisspirithasitsownterritory.The57-year-oldtempleguardian,Zhang,pointedouttomethatthereareseveraladministrativesubdivisionsofNianxianvillage,andthateachofthelocalcommunitiesoriginally 84

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veneratedthesamespirit.NowhoweveronlythevillagersoftherstcommunityofNianxianandtherstcommunityofLuoshaocontinuetoveneratethedragonkinginthistemple.Villagersintheothercommunitiesnowpayhomagetonidang(anotherlocaldeity).DuringmyresearchthevillagersfromtherstcommunityofNianxianpointedouttomethattheyhadoriginallyveneratednidanginthepastasothersinNianxiandid,butthattheylaterturnedtoworshipofthedragonkings.Theyexplainedthischangethroughthefollowinglegend. Alongtimeago,thevillagetemplesplitupbecauseofconictsamongvillagers.Thosethatleftthemaingroupdidnotyethaveadeityoftheirowntofollow.SomeoldervillagerswenttotheMountainofDragonKingsandprayedtothedragonkings,lamentingthattheydidnothavetheirdeitiesandaskingfortheirhelp.Atthatpointawhitehada(alongsilkritualscarf)ewdownfromthetopofthemountainandalightedontheshoulderofanoldervillager.Thevillagersweretoldthatthewhitehadawastheincarnationofadragonking.Fromthenon,ourcommunityhasworshippedthisdeity.AseniorshamanfromNajiavillageinHuzhuCountytoldmeanotherstory: Fivedragonbrothersstoppedbyourplace[Najia]andfoundthatthefengshui(wind-water,referringtotheorientationofbuildings)wasverygood.ForthatreasontheeldestofthedragonkingssettledherewhiletheothersewofftoDonggou.Later,thevillagershereinNajiainvited[actuallystole]anotherdragonkingtosettlehere.Istillremember,whenIwasyoung,thattheseconddragonkingedbacktohisoriginalcommunitybutwaslaterenticedtoreturnherebytheeldersinNajiawhopleadedandsucceededincapturingforthemselvesthepowerofthisdeity.Atpresentthisvillagehastheshrineofonedragonkingandthreefemaleniang-niang,aswellasaniconofGuanyinBuddhainthenorthwing.Thisisananalyticallyinterestingpointthatreectstheritualcontextinwhichinter-villagecompetitionoverdragonkingsplaysout: Itissaidthat,intheearliesttime,vedragonkings,whowerebrothers,ewtotheHuzhuareafromthedragonkingmountainandsettledthere.Theywerethensenttodifferentvillagesasprotectors.Butvillagersbeganstealingthedragonkingsfromeachother'scommunities,whichledtodifferencesinlocalbeliefs.ThedragontempleofDazhuangisagoodexample.Alongtimeago,thevillagersofDazhuangstolethedragonkingsfromYaoma,butlaterthedragonkingswerestolenbackbyYaomavillagers.LatertheYaoma 85

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villagersmadeanotherbrandnewlittertoenshrinethedragonkingandhidtheoriginalone.ThevillagersofDazhuangthentooktheElderDragon'slitterfromYaomatocourtandtheconictwaslegallydocumented.Asthegovernmenthadrelaxedthepolicyforreligionsbythattime,thePresidentoftheCourt,LiZongxing,sentatrucktocarrythelitterbacktoDazhuang,andtherethematterended.Butsincethen,thepeopleinYaomahavebeeninconstantconictwithDazhuangvillagersbecauseofthis.Similarly,thedragonkingtempleinDongshanvillagewasalsoinvolvedinconict.Inthepast,thevillagersofseveralcommunitiesofDongshanworshippedboththedragonkingsandGuanGong( ,LoadGuan)5.Butbecauseofdisagreementsamongthechiefrepresentativesofthecommunities,thespiritswereseparatedintodifferenttemples.Aftertheseparation,onecommunitystoppedveneratingGuanGongandkeptintheirtempleonlythelittersofthreedragonkingsandazhuozishen6( ,atablespirit)).ThusthebeliefindragonkingswasretainedbutinsomecommunitiesthebeliefinGuanGongwaseventuallyabandoned.Thelocaleldersexplainedthattenyearsago,theirchiefrepresentativegotintoanargumentwiththerichbossofacompanyfromanothercommunity.Thentheysomehowconvincedthevillagerstobuildseparatetemples.Accountsheardfromothervillagessupportthisversionofevents.Inter-communityorintra-communityconictsarethechiefcauseoftheemergenceofnewworshipsites.Thesemodicationsentailnochangeinthebasicbeliefsystem;theTuvillagersremainunitedunderthebeliefinthesamespiritsandintheuseofvillagetemplesasritualcenters.Ingeneral,therearenodiscrepancieswithregardtobeliefinthedragonkings.Whenthevillagehostsatemplefair,everyfamilycontributesaliterofhighlandbarley,aliterofwheatandhalfabottleofrapeseedoil.Theorganizingcommitteedoesnothavetogohousetohousetocollectthedonations;people 5AgeneralinthelateEasternHandynasty.Afterhisdeath,hebecameagureinChinesefolkreligionandisworshippedbymanyChinesepeople,especiallyinsouthernChina.6Thefamilydeityofsomeshamansisthesmalltable,andtheshamanspeciallycommunicateswithspiritsusingit. 86

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Figure3-4. Threespiritualspearsfordragonkings. voluntarilyprovidetheofferings.However,iftherearedisagreementsaboutwhohasritualauthoritywithinthecommunity,thentheremaybeaschismleadingtotheconstructionofseparatetemplestohousedifferentspirits.Inshortthecreationofnewreligioussites,thoughcausedbymanyfactors,isdrivenprincipallybycompetitionamongdifferentgroupeitherindifferentvillagesorevenwithinthesamevillage. 3.1.4ChangesoftheBeliefinDragonKingsThoughconictsdonotthemselvesleadtochangesinspiritbeliefandrituals,overtimetherearechangesthatgraduallyhaveoccurred.DuetothemultiplicityofdifferentreligioussystemsthathavecoexistedintheTuareas,therehasbeenaminglingoftraditions,amutualborrowingofspiritsandrituals.AmongtheTu,itisverycommonfordeitiesofdifferenttraditionstobehousedinthesamereligioussite.Forinstance,somelocaltemplesnotonlyenshrinedragonkingsbutalsohavepicturesoftheliving 87

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Buddhainthemainhall.InthedragonkingtempleinDongshan,therearethreeblack-and-whiteclothpaintingsdepictingthestoryoftheEightImmortalsinDaoism;thesepaintingshavebeenplacedabovethethreegatesofthemainhall.OnceIevensawanembroideryoftheGuanyinBuddhaofHanBuddhismandaportraitoftheMaitreyaBuddhainacrystalframeplacedatthecenterontheincense-burningtableinthedragontemple.IaskedthevillagersiftheyalsobelieveinGuanyinBuddha.No,theysaid,GuanyinBuddhaisnotcommonhere.However,someonestitchedabeautifulembroideryofGuanyinandsentittoushere.Weenshrineditasadeitybecausewedidnotwantittogetdirty.Insimilarfashion,atempleguardiantoldmethatheoncebroughttheportraitofBuddhafromYouningmonastery7andenshrinedithere.Visitorsoccasionallygiveportraitsofdifferentdeitiestothelocaltemplesasgifts;thelocalsgraciouslyaccepttheportraitandndaproperplaceforit.Theyneverrejectanygiftthatreectsthereligiousbeliefsofothers.Anydeityistreatedassacred,regardlessoftheformwithwhichthedeityisdepicted.Villagersarewillingtondasuitablespottoplacethedeity.However,itisinterestingtonotethat,thoughtheportraitsofthedragonkingsandotherreligiousgodsarehousedinthesameroom,theportraitsandspacesallocatedtolocaldeitiesarebiggerthanthoseoftheothers.Ritualattentiontolocaldragonkingscontinuestobemuchstrongerandmorefrequentthanattentioninthespiritsofotherreligions.TheTuareverytolerantofandreceptivetodifferentreligioustraditions,andtheyneverconsiderotherreligionstobefalse.Ioftenheardmyinformantsclaimthatwebelieveinthedragonkings,astheybelieveintheirniangniang.Theirdeityalsohaspower.Referredtoashenotheism,thisbeliefthattherearemanypowerfulspiritsbutthateachsocietyorpersonchoosesoneforspecialveneration,hasbeenfoundin 7YouningMonasteryisthebiggestGelug(YellowHat)SectofTibetanBuddhismtempleinHuzhuCounty,andhasahighreligiousstatusinHehuangareaofQinghaiProvince.(IwillintroduceYoun-ingMonasteryindetailinalaterchapter.) 88

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manypartsoftheworld.DuringmyeldworkIencounterednoclearrulesabouttheplacementofshrines,exceptforthatofthevillage'sprimarydeity;othershrinesareplacedwithoutdistinctionofrank.Thisapparentrandomnessreectsthesyncretismthatcharacterizesfolkreligion.BecauseBuddhismandtraditionalChineseDaoismarebothpolytheistic,itisveryeasyforTutoacceptthevalidityofthesetworeligionandtoincorporateelementsfromthemintotheirownbeliefsystemandrituals,andeventondspacestohousethemintheirownvillagetemples.Inaddition,itisclearthattherearedifferencesamongdifferentChinesegroupsintermsofwhichdeitiesaregivenspecialworship.ButwecansaywithcondencethatbeliefinthelongwangisthemostprevalentfolkbeliefintheTuareas.Insomevillages,peopleworshipotherdeitiessuchastheniangniang,nidangandGuanGong,buttheystillhavetheimagesrepresentingdragonkingsinthetemplesforexample,thesacredspearusedfordivinationandtheengravingsofdragonsonthegates,thecastmetaldragonsontheroof,andthepaintingsonthewallandpillars.Sometimesthehada(ritualscarfs)inthetempleshavetheimageofdragons.Itshouldbepointedoutthattheimagesusedtorepresentdragonkingsarequitediverse.Someofthemarewoodsculpturesofwarrior-likegures,someareonlywoodboards,somearesacredspearsandsomehaveveryexplicitimagesofdragons(especiallyinthenewertemples).Forexample,inthedragonkingtempleinDongshanTown,ahugeglasspaintingwithagreenbackgroundhangsovertheshrine.Atthecenterofthepaintingisthesun,andtworeddragonsareyingoneachsideofthesun.Infrontoftheglass,threebutterlampsstandontheincensetableofthemainhall,andplasticowersandofferingssuchasfruitareonthetable.Inthistemple,therearenolittersorsacredspearstorepresentdragonkings.Notonlydotheyofferthedragonkingmodernmaterialssuchasglassandplastic,butalsotheimagesofthedragonsareobviouslymodern.Infact,inmostofthenewerdragonkingtemplesthatwererepairedorconstructedinthe1990s,theimagesofdragonsaremodernimages 89

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explicitlyrepresentingdragons,similartothedragonsinHanareas.ItwouldappearthattherehasbeenadiachronicshiftintheiconographyofspiritbeingssuchasthelongwangamongtheTu.Therehasbeenamovementfromabstractrepresentations(suchasthecloth-coveredsacredspears)toconcreterepresentationssuchasactualimagesofdragons.Therehavebeenothertransformationsaswellbesidesthosethatentailiconography.Ifaparticulardragonkingtemplehasalongerhistoryorisgeographicallymoredistantfromamoderncity,olderreligioustraditionsarepreservedmoretenaciously.Forinstance,theworshipperswillobservetraditionalritualsandcustoms;thepowerofreligiousspecialistswillbepassedontosonsasaninheritance,andtherewillbemoretaboosgoverningbehaviorinthetemple.Villagesthataregeographicallyremoteandeconomicallylessdevelopedwilltendtoretainmoretraditionalcharacteristicsintheirbeliefsandrituals.Forexample,theywillprohibitmarriedwomenfromenteringthemainhalloftemples,allowingthemtokneelandburnincenseonlyinthecourtyardoutsidethehall.Menwhohaverecentlybeentoahospitalorafuneralarealsobarredfromenteringthemainhallbecausethoselocationsareconsideredunclean.Someonewhohasrecentlybeentheremayangerthespiritsbyenteringthetemple.Conversely,thenewerdragonkingtempleshavefewertaboosandconvictionsconcerningbeliefinthespiritsgivesevidenceofhavingwaned.Forexample,thedragontempleinDongshanVillagenowallowsfemalestoenterthemainhall.Theopenandeasygoing67-year-oldtempleguardian,ZhaoChangshou,said,Fewerpeoplechantscriptsinthetemple.Abiangbiangisheldontherstdayofthetenthmonthofthelunarcalendar,butthereisnobo(akindofshaman)inourvillage.Wehavetoinviteabofromanothervillagefortheritual.Zhuanshanjingaparticular(religiousritual)hasalmostdisappeared,sincefewerpeoplebelieveinit. 90

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A BFigure3-5. A.WorshippedinBujiaVillage,thewallpaintingisBuddaandthespiritualspearonthetableisfordragonkings;B.thespiritualspearsfordifferentdeitiesareenshrinedtogether. 91

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ThesedevelopmentsindicatethattheTufolkreligionisexperiencingadynamicprocessofchange.Thatis,evenintheTu'straditionalethnicreligioussystem,thebeliefindragonkingsvariesinintensitybyregionanddegreeofsocio-economicdevelopment.Thecontentandformsofthebeliefhavechangedgreatly.Thereisgreateracceptanceofotherreligions,aharmoniouscoexistenceofdeitiesfromdifferenttraditions,andevenagrowingtendencytopositkinshiprelationsamongdifferentspirits.SomeTuseemtohavedilemmaconcerningtheissueofcommitmenttoparticularspirits.Forexample,wehaveseenthattheChinesedragonisoneofthekeyreligiousguresintheirfolkpantheon.Regardlessofhowaparticulardragonkingcametothem,theywilladoptsomematerialrepresentationofthedragonkingonwhichtofocus,whetheritbealitterorsomeotherobjectorportrait.Butatthesametime,theirbeliefinthespecialpowerofthedragonkingmaybeonthewane,sincetheynowalsoenshrineimagesofShakyamuniBuddha,GuanyinBuddhaandmanyotherdeitiesintheirtemples.Thisgestureoftolerancetowardotherspiritsmayeventuallyexertapossiblenegativeimpactonthestrengthoftheircommitmenttotheirprimaryspirit,thedragonking. 3.2NiangniangtheFemaleDeityfromDaoismThefemaleniangniang( )isapopulartypeofspiritveneratedinmanyTuvillages,thoughsomewhatlessprevalentthaninHanareas.TheHanveneratethreetypesofniangniang:PeopleinthehinterlandsofChinatendtoworshipJiutianNiangniang( ,HolyMotheroftheNineHeavens)andTaishanNiangniang( ,themountaindeities),whereaspeopleinthecoastalareasvenerateTianfeiNiangniang/Mazu( ,theoceandeity).ThereisanotherniangniangwhoinchargeoffertilityunderdifferentnamessuchasZisunNiangniang( )andSongziNiangniang( ),dependingonthearea.InadditiontothefertilityroleattributedtoherbytheHan,theniangniangintheTuareasisamulti-functionaldeity. 92

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Hermostimportantfunctionisprotectingcropsfromheavyrainandhail.Thelocalniangniangisalsoresponsibleforthediagnosisandcuringofillnesses.ItwassaidinTuareasthattheirniangniangcameoriginallyfromtheNiangniangoftheNineSkies.ThiswasafemaledeityinancientChinesemythology,laterincorporatedintotheritualsofDaoismasthedeitythathelpedpeopleindistressandpoverty.Sheisnowassociatedwiththedeliveryandprotectionofbabies.However,intheTuareas,thelocalniangniangisinchargeoflifeanddeath,ofhappinessanddisaster,andinchargeofensuringanabundantharvest.TheniangniangintheTuareasisdifferentInthisrespectfromtheniangniangintheHanareas.InHuzhuCounty,mostoftheniangniang'stemplesarelocatedinDanmaandDongshanTown.TheniangniangintheTuareasisrelatedtothemythsofThreeSistersandisoftenconsideredtobeafamilyofrelatedspirits.Sosometemplesveneratethreeniangniang,thoughsomevillagesvenerateonlyone.Regardlessofhowmanyniangniangreceivehomage,thedutiesofniangniangaresimilartothoseofthedragonkings.Forexample,theniangnianginHanareasinQinghaiProvinceislinkedtofertility,butintheTuareas,peopleasknotonlyforthesafedeliveryandprotectionofchildren;theyalsopraytotheirniangniangtoprotectthecropsandharvests,andcallonherforfortunetellingandhealing,andfordrivingawayoodsandothertypesofevil.Incasesofhealingandfortunetelling,theTurelyonreligiousspecialiststocommunicatewiththeniangniangandtoobtaininstructionsfromherthroughtheuseofsacreddivinationspears.Asistrueofthedragonkingtemples,eachniangniangtempleintheTuareashasitsownpeculiarfeatures.DongjiaisatypicalTuvillageinHuzhu;itsnamemeansDongFamily.IthasthisnamebecausemostpeoplelivingtherehavethesurnameDong.Thereareabout180householdsandapopulationof780,mostofwhomareTu.TheniangniangtempleinDongjiaisthecenterofreligiousactivitiesforthesurroundingvillages.ThistemplewasinitiallyconstructedintheQingdynastybutwasdestroyed 93

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Figure3-6. Differentdeitiesenshrinedinthesamehall,inwhichtherightwallpaintingisfromDaoism. duringtheCulturalRevolutioninthenameoftheanti-superstitioncampaign.Itwasdestroyedaround1958andwaseventuallyrebuiltin1992.Inadditiontoitsreligiousfunctions,itnowfunctionsasasocialcenterforelderlyresidents.Intermsofitsphysicalfeatures,thetempleconsistsofthemainhall,theentrancegate,thenorthwingandthesurroundingwalls.Themainhallfacestothewestofthreelargerooms,wheretheniangniangandthedragonkingsareenshrined.TheresidentsofDongjiatoldmethattherewereoriginallythreesistersdiscussedinthelegend,eachlivinginadifferentvillage.NowtheoldestsisterisenshrinedinTuguanandthesecondsisterinBahong.Asthetwoolderniangniangaremarried,theyaredepictedwearingphoenixcrownsandcoloredsilkembroideredrobesandsittingonmingjiao(exposedlitters).TheyoungestsisterisenshrinedinDongjia'sniangniangtemple.Itissaidthat 94

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shehasbeenreincarnatedmanytimesbuthasneverbeenmarried.Shecommittedsuicidewhenforcedtomarrysomebody.Becauseshewasstillavirgin,herstatueisnotshownpubliclyandishousedintheanjiao(hiddenlitter).Thetempleguardiantoldmethatinfactthereisnostatueinthelitterbutonlyapieceofwood.AnotherniangniangtempleisinBahong.Threeniangniangareenshrinedinside;inthemiddleistheeldestsisterwhoistheprimarydeity.Aconsecrateddivinationspearisalsointheshrine.Apaintingonthetemplewallshowstheniangniangtouringandpatrolling.Thisniangniangisverywellknownlocally.ManypeoplecometoseeherfromasfarawayasGansuprovinceandevenfromXinjiang,HeilongjiangandShanxiprovinces. 3.2.1SpiritualPowerofNiangniangLocalpeoplebelievethataniangnianghasgreatspiritualpower,andtheyrespectfullyaddresstheirniangniangasFoye(Buddha).TheTuconsiderthemostimportantfunctionoftheirlocalniangniangtobethatofprotectingcropsfromheavyrainandhail.Ontheonehand,theTufeardroughtafterplantingtheircropsandpraytothedragonkingsforrain.Ontheotherhand,theyalsofearthatheavyrainfallorhailwilldestroytheharvest.Sotheypraytotheirniangniangtoprotectthecropsfromexcessiverainorhail.Thedragonkingmakestherainfall.Theniangniangmakesitstop.InthecourtyardofDongjia'sniangniangtemple,ahugepothasbeenplacedupsidedownontheground.Thepotissaidtoprotectthecropsbydrawinguponthespiritualpoweroftheniangniang.Accordinglywheneverthehailorheavyrainscome,thepotwillbeplacedupsidedown.Thetempleguardianassuredme,Thispotisreallypowerful.Oneday,Iwentoutandfeltthataheavyshowerwascoming.Iranbackhereandbythentherainwasfalling.Iblewthewhiteconchandputthepotupsidedownontheground.Verysoonthecloudsclearedaway.Youcanseehowpowerfulthepotis.IfIhadnotbeenherewhentheheavyshowerorhailcame,itwouldhavedestroyedthecropsanditwouldhavebeenmyfault.Hesaidthatsometimesthepotbyitself 95

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sufcestostoptherain.Butatothertimestheniangniangisinvitedaswell.Whentheniangniangisinvited,fourpeoplechosenbythespiritscarryherlitterintothecourtyard.Thesefourpeoplearecalledmajiao8( ).Onceselected,themajiaoarenotallowedtoleavethevillageforanentireyear.Theyhavetostayathomeandruntothetempleassoonastheyhearthesoundofthewhiteconch,whichisasignthatsomethingimportantishappening.Inadditiontostoppingweatheremergencies,theniangniangisalsoresponsibleforthediagnosisandhealingofillness.Everysummer,twoolderniangniangstayinthetemple,andtheyoungestniangniangisinvitedtothefamilyforhealingandotherevents.Whenthesummerends,itistheturnoftheyoungestniangniangtostayinthetempleandtheolderniangniangcanleave.WhenIaskedwhytheyhavethisarrangement,thevillagerssaidthattheoldestniangniangisthemostpowerfulandhastostayinthetempletoprotectcropsfromheavyrainandhail.Localpeopleafrmedtheirbeliefinthepoweroftheniangniang.TheyevenpraytotheirniangniangwhentheirchildrentaketheCollegeEntranceExam.Manyvillagersstatedthattheyareveryfaithfultotheniangniangbecausetheyhaveseencasesinwhichpeoplehavebeenpunishedforneglectingtheniangniang.Thereisastorythatseveralyearsago,manyvillagerssufferedfromfacialacne.Afterconsultingtheniangniang,theyfoundthattheoorofthelitterthathousedtheniangnianghadrottedawayleavingtheniangnianguncomfortable.Shethereforeputacurseonthevillage.Assoonasthevillagersrepairedthelitter,theiracnehealed.Itwasalsoreportedthatsomepeoplecametopraytotheniangniangwhensomevillagerhadlostsomethingthroughtheft.Theniangnianginformedthemthat,ifthethiefreturnedthestolenitems,heorshewouldnotbepunished,butifthestolenitemswerenotreturned,heorshewouldbeinserioustrouble.Thestolenitemswerereturned 8Akindofreligiousassistant. 96

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becausethethiefwasafraidofthepunishment.Inaddition,thelocalpeopletakedelightinrecountingwhathappenedwiththeSecretaryoftheDepartmentofEducationfromTianzhuCounty,Gansuprovince.Hecametothetempletoaskforgivenessforamistakewhichhehadinadvertentlymade.Theniangniangtoldhimthroughashidianzengthathismistakecouldbeeasilycorrectedbyinvestinginandimprovinghissocialnetwork.Hefollowedtheniangniang'sinstructionandtheproblemwassolved.Helatercamebacktothetempleanddonated5000Chineseyuantotheniangniangasatokenofhisgratitude.Fromtheabovestories,itisclearthatthefemalespiritscalledniangniangplaymanydifferentrolesfortheTu.Peopleworshipthembecausetheyareviewedasverypowerfulspiritswithmultiplepracticalfunctions.Throughexamplessuchasthese,wealsocanseethatinTuculture,assomeonecommentedtome,peoplewouldratheroffendpeoplethanspirits.Iftheyoffendthespirits,theresultscanbereallyserious.Inshort,asistrueoftheirrelationtothedragonking,theTuapproachtheniangniangwithutilitarianandpracticalgoals,awareoftheirpotentialusefulnesstoindividualsandtoacommunity.WehavealludedearliertothecoexistenceofthedragonkingwithspiritsoftheTibetanBuddhistpantheon.Similarly,TibetanBuddhistbeliefsandritualscoexistwiththecultoftheniangniangandmayevenexertaninuenceonpeople'sperceptionofthespiritualpoweroftheniangniang.Thisisseeninaveryimportantritualreferredtoaszantan( ,cleansing).Attheendofeverysummer,villagersperformthiscleansingritualfortheircommunity'sniangniang.ThevillagerscarrythelittersoftheirniangniangtomeetthelivingBuddhainYouningMonastery.TheyexplaintotheBuddhathattheirniangnianghaveworkedhardallyearforthevillagersandhavebeensulliedbytheirinvolvementintherealworld.Azantanritualwillrestoretheircleanliness.Thisritualimpliesbeliefonthepartofthevillagersthattheniangnianghaveperhapslostsomeoftheirpowertostopbadweather.Theirpowerneedstobereplenishedviaacleansing 97

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ritualperformedinthecontextofTibetanBuddhism.ThisisaclearexampleofhowTibetanBuddhismhasbecomeintertwinedwithelementsoftheTufolkreligioussystem.Itisalsoworthmentioningthatthiszantanritualisneverheldinsummer.Therainsfallinthesummerandtheprotectivepresenceoftheniangniangisrequired.Azantanritualperformedatthattimewouldrequiretheniangniang'sabsencewhichofcoursecannotbepermitted.Thisonceagainillustratestheutilitariancharacteroftheniangniangcomplex.Thecleansingofaniangniangisdelayeduntilaftershehasdoneaserviceforthem.ThereisanoldsayinginChina,toclaspBuddha'sfeetwhenindireneed.Thatreferstothepracticeofattendingreligiouseventswithprayersandgiftstothespiritswhenthereisaneedforhelporforablessing.UnlikethetypicalHanChinese,however,theTudoperformregularreligiouspracticesintheirdailylife.Howevertheirreligiosityfocusesnotontheologicalorphilosophicalstudy.Theypaymoreattentiontopracticalrituals,suchasburningincensetoBuddhaortotheniangniang.IntheworldviewoftheTu,itismoreimportanttocarryoutritualspleasingtothespiritsthantolearndoctrine. 3.2.2TheOriginofNiangniangAsmentionedpreviously,aniangniangisalocalfemaledeitywithhumancharacteristics.OraltraditionsabouttheniangnianginparticularreectelementsinTusociety.TheTucommunityhasthecustomofhonoringjiujiu( ,maternaluncles).InTutraditionmaternaluncleshavehigherstatusthanpaternaluncles.Asanimportantlocaldeity,theniangniangisnoexception.SomeolderpeoplefromDongjiaVillagementionedthattheniangniangintheirtemplehasajiujiuwhowasarealperson. Inthepast,theproductionteamofpeasantswokeupandwenttoworkveryearly.Oneday,theoldmenwenttoplowtheeldswhentheyheardalittleboyknockonthedoorandshout,Openthedoor,openthedoor.Thenoneoldmangaveapieceofsteamedbreadtotheboywhenheheardtheboyshoutingagainthenextmorning.Thenwhentheyarrivedatthefarm,theyfoundagoldbabyintheeld,andthebabycalledthemanwhogavehimthebreadjiujiu.Later,thegoldbabywasputintothelitteroftheoldest 98

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niangniang.Andafterthat,fromgenerationtogeneration,allthefamilymembersfromthatmanwerejiujiuofniangniang.Itseemsfarfetchedtobelievethatspiritscanbethecousinsofmortals.However,thisispreciselythebeliefoftheTu.Intheirview,youngfemalesmusthavetheirownmaternalfamily,particularlyamaternaluncle,whentheymarry;otherwise,theyarescornedashomeless.Inritesofpassage,especiallyweddingsandfunerals,thejiujiuhasthehighestrankinthewholefamily.Attheengagementandweddingceremonies,thebride'sjiujiu,notherfather,givesthespeeches.Onthedayofwedding,thejiujiuistheguestofhonor.Ifheisnotsatisedwiththeweddingceremony,hecanbringthebridebacktoherhomeandcancelthemarriage.Atfunerals,ajiujiugivesashorteulogy.Ifhefeelsthatthefamilyhadnottreatedthedeceasedkindly,hemaycomplainaboutitatthefuneral.Thefamily,includingthespouseofthedead,mustapologizetohim.InthissensethestoryofthegoldbabyreectsthetraditionalsocialstructureoftheTu.Evenfemaledeitieshaveajiujiu.Soduringthebigeventattheniangniangtemple,peopleneedtoinvitethejiujiuofthevillageniangniangtotheritual.Forexample,ontheeighthdayofthelastlunarmonth,theritualofbiangbianghuibeginsafterthejiujiuhasbeenseated.Onthesixthandeighthdaysoftherstlunarmonth,villagersgotothejiujiu'shomewithgiftsandmoneytopayNewYearvisits.Thiscustomillustratesthelinksbetweenlocalkinshipstructuresandthefolkreligion.TheTuhaveadaptedtheirfolkritualstomakethemmeshwithprevailingkinshippractices. 99

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A BFigure3-7. A.ThespirituallitterofJijialingniangnianginDongshan;B.ThewallpaintedportraitsofJijialingniangnianginDongshan. Moreover,mostoftheTuwhoworshipniangniangalsoworshipgodsfromotherreligions,althoughsomeofthemdonotseeminterestedinDaoism.(Someeventoldmethattheydonotbelieveinit).Butasanelderlymansaidinaninterview:niangniangisjustourBuddha.Accordingtoourview,therearethreekindsofreligiousauthoritiesintheworld,ofwhichtherstistheLamaofYellowHatorBenbenzi(TibetanBuddhism),thesecondisLaoshifu(Daoist)andthethirdisourbelief,niangniang.Itisshenjiao(folkreligion).Iasked,Dothepeopleherebelieveinallthreereligions?Whichonehasthehigherrank?YellowHat,thebiggestone,heanswered.Intheiropinion,TibetanBuddhismisofthehighestrank;butinreallife,theypaythemostattentiontotheirshenjiao(folkreligion),andDaoismisignored.MostpeopleknowDaoistpriestsinHanvillages,butdonotinvitethemtoattendtheirtemplefairs.OnlyafewvillagesinviteDaoistprieststotheirfamilyevents.Therefore,thefactthattheoriginalspiritsofDaoismarepreservedbutthatlocalpeoplelackknowledgeofDaoismreectsthechangesthatcomeoverreligiousbeliefswhentheyareincorporatedintolocalvillagereligion.Thecaseoftheniangniangshowsthatintermsofobjectsofbelief,theTuhaveabsorbedthespiritbeliefsofotherethnicgroups.Recall:theniangniangisofHanorigin.Butthey 100

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haveincorporatedthisspiritintotheirownfolkpantheonandhavelostanymemoryoftheniangniang'sHanorigin.Inaddition,theniangniangtempleisfoundonlyintheTuvillagethatisadjacenttoaHanvillage,andthebeliefinniangniangisevenmorepopularinthoseHanareas.ThisisanotherindicationthattheniangniangwasimportedintoTureligionfromtheHanChinese.Sinceancienttimes,Chinahasbeenauniedmulti-ethniccountry,oneethnicgrouplivingcompactlyinasmallcommunitybutmixingwithothersinalargearea.TheHuzhuareaswheretheTuliveareregionsinwhichmultipleethnicgroupscoexistsometimesinconict,othertimesinharmony.TheproximityofneighboringTuandHanvillagesprovidesopportunitiesforsocial,culturalandeconomiccontact.ThisspecialhistoricalbackgroundofinteractionwithotherethnicgroupslaidthefoundationfortheemergenceTucultureandaccountstoalargedegreeforthediversityofTureligiousbelief.BecausetheTuhavetheirownlanguagebutnowrittencharacters,inthetransmissionorinheritanceofnationalculture,itwaseasyforthemtoabsorbelementsfromothercultures.Infact,otherethnicgroupsalsoattendTuritualsoreventssuchastemplefairs.Thismulti-ethniccommunicationandintegrationencouragespeopletolearneachother'scustoms,culturesandreligiousbeliefs.Thisleadstotheemergenceofanewintergenerationallytransmittedculturalsystem.TheimportanceofTubeliefintheniangniangreectsthispattern,sincetheniangniangbeliefisofHanorigin.ItwasonlyafterHanDaoismwasintroducedtoTuareasthattheniangniangcomplexenteredintothefolkreligionoftheTu. 101

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A BFigure3-8. A.ThespirituallittersofNajianiangniang;B.Thespiritualstatuesofniangniang. 102

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3.2.3TaboosandDestinyoftheNiangniangTemplesAsistrueofthedragonkingtemples,theniangniangtemplesinTuareasareveryimportantsitesforreligiousrituals.Theseincludethebiangbianghuiritualontheeighthdayofthelastmonthinthelunarcalendar,aswellasthechantingofscripturesontherstandfteenthdaysofeverymonth,plustheperformanceofafolkreligiouseventcalledrangni9.However,justaswiththebeliefindragonkings,therearemanyreligioustaboosassociatedwiththeniangniangtemple.Forexample,peoplewhohavejustattendedafuneralorhaverecentlygonetothehospitalcannotentertheniangniangtemple.Thereisalsoaspecialtabooonmarriedwomen.Insomereligiousrituals,theniangniangisbroughtfrominsidethetempleouttothetocourtyardstoreceiveworshipfromvillagersandtoobserveashamandanceintheirhonor.Whentheniangniangisintheprocessofexitingthetempleandthegongsandwhiteconchesaresounded,thestreetsmustbeempty.Itisabsolutelyforbiddenforwomentoencountertheniangniangwhensheisonthewayfromthetempletothecourtyards.Onlyafterthelittersoftheniangnianghavebeenplacedinthecourtyardscanwomenenter.Womenmustwalkbackwardstoavoidthelitters.Everywomanfearsthatifsherunsintothelitters,shewillbecursed.Butifawomanfromoutsideofthevillageaccidentallyencountersthelitter,thelitterwillturnawayandmoveback.Allourlocalwomenknowthattheyhavetokneelorbackawayorhidewhentheymeetniangniangbyaccident,saidmanyvillagers.Inadditiontherearemanylegendsabouttheniangniangthatillustrateherstrongpersonality,aswellasthejealousywhichshefeelstowardthebeautyofotherwomen.Itwasoftensaidthatgirlswhoaremorebeautifulthanthevillageniangniangwoulddie.Moreover,ifabeautifulwomanmarriedamaninsuchavillage,eveniftheyhave 9Onspecicdays,olderwomengatherinthetemplestofastandreadscriptsforthesafetyandhealthofallvillagersandfamilies. 103

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divorcedandthewomanhasmovedaway,theniangniangwillcontinuetomakeherlifedifcult.Inaninterviewavillagertoldme,Weknowalotofthingslikethat.Awomanwasdivorcedandmovedtoanotherplace,butlaterdiedintheearthquake.Thewomancontinued,Therearealotoftaboosinthistemple.ThepeopleinthisvillagearenotallowedtoenterintothetempleinshortsleevesbutmustweartraditionalTuclotheswithcolorfullongsleeves.Thewomenwhoarenot`clean',forexample,whoarehavingtheirperiod,donotstepintothetemple,anddonotevengetclosetothetemple.Thisisastrictlylocalrule.Itisbadtooffendorinsultaniangniang.Peoplewillgetsickorhaveanaccidentiftheybreaktherule.Fromsuchstoriesandconversations,weconcludedthattheniangniangisacharacterfullofcontradictions.Ontheonehand,likethedragonking,theniangniangisabenevolentmultifunctionaldeitywhocanhelplocalsinmanyways.Butontheotherhand,sheisalsoajealouswomanwhodoesnotlikecompetition.Infact,fromthejiujiuofniangniangtotaboosonwomen,folkreligiongivestotheniangniangmanyhumancharacteristicsreectingtraditionalTusocialstructureandideology.InTucommunities,thebeliefinniangnianghasexperiencedacycleofinitialgrowth,subsequentdeclineandeventualgradualrevival.Atonepointbeliefintheniangniangwasderidedassuperstitionbythegovernment.Manyvillagetemplesweredamagedandactivitiesrelatedtothebeliefinniangniangweresuspended.Thesetemplesareonceagaininuse.Likethetempleofthedragonkings,thetempleoftheniangniangwasdestroyedin1958.Itwassaidthatthesacreddivinationspearswerethrownbehindthemountainastrash.ThevillagersthoughtthattheserelicswereassociatedwithBuddha.Individualswhowereabletocommunicatewiththespiritworldrecoveredthesacredspears,broughtthemhome,andsealedtheminthewallswithmud.Nowthesacredspearshavebeenreturnedtothetemples.Thevillagersalsomentionedthatwhenagovernmentworkgroupcametotheirvillagestodestroythetemples,avillagerdug 104

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aholeinthemountainandhidtheniangniang'slitterinit.Themembersoftheworkgrouptorturedhimintotellingthemwhereitwas.Butjustbeforetheworkgroupwasgoingtodestroythelitter,anotherbravemanremovedthewoodenstatueofthedeity.Andthismanbuiltasmallhouse,wrappedandhungthestatuefromtheceilingbeamandworshippedthedeitysecretly.Soeveninthespecialperiodoftheanti-superstitioncampaign,thebeliefwasthreatened,butthevillagersprotectedandpreservedthestatuescontainingthespirits.Despitetheten-yearCulturalRevolution,beliefintheniangniangsurvived,albeitinmodiedformandonasmallerscale.Tosummarize,TufolkreligionwasaffectedbutnoteliminateddespitethreatsfromtherulersofthenewChina,especiallyduringtheCulturalRevolution.PoliticalpowerexerteditsnegativeimpactonTufolkreligion,butthereligionsurvived. 3.3TheNidangABuddhistGuardianThenidang( ,alsocallednidangfo)isthethirdtypeoflocaldeityintheTuregion.ItisparticularlypopularinthevillagesofNianxianandQiazigouinthecountyofHuzhu.Itissaidthatthenidangwasoriginallyalocalmountaindeity.Unlikethedragonkingandtheniangniang,thenidangbeliefisnotfoundoutsideoftheTufromHuzhuCounty.Thereisalegendaboutthenidang'sorigin: OneofGenghisKhan'sgeneralsnamedGeriliteledhistroopstotheareasnearHuzhuCounty,butstayedatSuobutan(whichtodayisthetownofDanma,which,meansMongoliaRiverbank),Thegeneraldiednotlongafter.HethenbecameadeityofunusualstrengthandsettledonthemountainofGuolongTemple(today'sYouningMonastery).WhenYouningMonasterywasbeingconstructed,GeriliteshowedhisdivinepowerbywearingMongolianclotheswhenhewenttothelivingBuddhaJiase.Hewasthenappointedasthelocalearthdeity.WhentheconstructionofYouningMonasterywascomplete,Gerilitewasnominatedasit'snidang,thelocalguardian,andwasenshrinedintheformofabronzestatue.Lateron,peopleinvitedTangkapaintingsandsculptureofnidangtobetheguardiandeityandworshippedthemintheirvillagetemples.Anoldman,SuDerongfromNianxianvillage,conrmedthisversion:ThenidanginourvillagetemplewasbroughtinfromYouningMonastery.Hewasoriginallya 105

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MongoliangeneralandcommanderoftroopsintheYuanDynasty.Hewasthegodofwarandlaterbecameadeityhere.AswithotherfolkbeliefsamongtheTu,thenidangcomplexutilizesasymbolicsacredspear,andashidianzengcommunicatingwiththespiritsusesthesesacredspearstohelppeoplesolveproblems.Therangeofthenidang'sdutiesissimilartothoseofthedragonkingandtheniangniang.Heoffersblessingsforfavorableweather,forthesafetyofvillagersandlivestock,forfamiliesandbusinesstothrive,andforhealingthesick.Amongthese,healingisthemostsignicantfunctionofnidang.Whensomebodygetssick,theirfamilymemberswillgotothetempleandinvitetheshidianzengtocommunicatewiththespirits,sincethenidangisresponsibleforbestowingblessingsandforkeepingdevilsanddisastersaway.Whiletheshidianzengcommunicates,thefamilymembersburnaromaticplants,lightbutterlampsandkneel.Theshidianzengsmokeshisbodywithcypressincenseandrinseshismouth,andthenholdsthesacreddivinationspearofthenidangandasksforspiritualpower.Anothermanasksquestionsandobservesthemovementofthesacredspeartounderstandtheinstructionsfromthespiritworld.Ifthedivinationspearmovesupanddown,thestatementiscorrect,butifthespearshakes,thestatementiswrong.Inthenidiang'stemple,thehealingiscarriedoutduringaxiazhen(anexorcismritual,whichIwilldiscussindetailinChapter 4 ).TheTubelievethatmuchsicknessiscausedbyevilspiritsbutbelievethatghostsmakepeoplesickbyaccident.Thexiazhenisabletodriveawaycertaindevilsorghosts.Theyasktheshidianzengtocommunicatewiththespiritsandletthemknowthattheyhavealreadyhurtpeople,andduringthexiazhenritualtheysimplyaskthemtoleave;thereisnoattempttocaptureordestroythem.Theritualofxiazhencanalsobeusedbysorcererstomakeacurse.Theyusetheheadandbloodofawhitedogorwolfandburyadoughgurineonwhichiswrittenthebirthdateofthecursedperson.Thisisintendedtosickenorkillthevictim.Thisritualobviouslyhasitshistoricalrootsintheshamanismcomplex. 106

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A BFigure3-9. A.ThenidanghallinDonggouVillageandthestatuesofnidangiscoveredbyyellowcloth;B.Wallpaintingofnidang. Inaddition,anidiangisalsoisoneoftheguardiansofBuddhisminYouningMonastery.AttheintersectionoftheroadstoYouningMonastery,asmallhallstandslike 107

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aguard,andanidiangisenshrinedinside.AfterenteringYouningMonastery,besidesavarietyofTibetanBuddhismhallssittingonthehillside,thereisanothernidianghallinthemiddlepartofthemountain.TheLamasinYouningmonasterycallthistheHalloftheMountainDeityortheHalloftheGuardianforBuddhism.Similartowhatisseeninmanyvillagetemples,thegateofthisnidianghallispaintedredwithaHan-stylebricktop,butthewindowsareintypicalTibetanstyle.Becauseoftheslopeofthemountain,ithasnocourtyards,butonlyanarrowpathinfrontofthehalls,andthewalls.Insidethedimlylithall,astatuewithMongolianclothessitsontheincensetable,andaconsecrateddivinationspearcoveredwithredclothliesnexttoit.Theoutsidewallsofthehallaredecoratedwithplasticowers,acolorfulcanopyand,attheedgeisadivinationspear,whichappearstobenewandissimilartothespearusedinvillagerituals.ALama(calledBandiintheTulanguage)toldmethatanidiangisverypowerful.Peoplewillbehelpediftheyhavedifcultiesordisastersandpraytothenidiang.Ourconversationwasasfollows(XismeandBisBandi.): X: Whatistheprimarydutyofthisnidang? B: Forinstance,ifthereisadisasterorsomethingbadhappensinthefamily,peoplecomeheretoprayforhelp. X: SotheFoye(Shakyamuni)inthemainhalldoesnottakecareofthem? B: No.TheMountainDeitytakescareofallbadthings. X: Ifsomedisasterhappensinsomevillage,dothevillagerscomeheretoinvitethenidangtohelpthem? B: Yes.Theycomeheretoaskhimtodriveawaythedisaster. X: Howdoeshehelpthem? B: Whenthestatuearrivesatthevillage,someoneneedstofashen(establishthecommunicationwiththenidang)andaskthenidangthereasonforthedisasterandthenperformtherituals. X: Isthereanyspecicpersontodothis? B: Yes,itmustbeacertainman.Otherscannotdothis.Thus,thenidiangintheTibetanBuddhistmonasteryhasthesamecharacteristicsandfunctionsasfolkdeitiesinthevillage,includinghealingandpreventingdisaster, 108

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fortunetelling,andestablishingcommunicationbetweenthesupernaturalandthenaturalworlds.Onlyashidianzengcancommunicatewithanidianginthevillagetemple,butinYouningMonastery,someLamascandothataswell.ALamawhocancommunicatewithspiritsiscalledaniqiang(aTibetanwordsimilarinmeaningtoshidianzengintheTulanguage).Itwassaidthatinthepast,onlyoneLamacouldbeselectedtobetheniqiangfromthe200TibetanBuddhismmonks.Afterbecomingtheniqiang,wheneverthisLamacommunicateswithspirits,alllivingBuddhasandLamaswererequiredtoofferthehadascarftothisniqiangandhead-touch(inTibetanBuddhism,peopletoucheachotherwiththeirheadstoshowrespect),becauseatthatpointthispersonisnotaLamaanymorebuttherepresentativeofnidiang'sspirit.However,aniqianghasnotbeenintheYouningMonasteryforyears.Theybringinashidianzengfortheritualfromthenearbyvillageiftheyneedone.Inaddition,theTubelievethatwhenapersonisdead,ifthefamilyofthedeceasedcanentertainanidiang,thenthespiritofthedeadwillnothavetogotothenetherworldbutwillbereincarnatedintoanewbody.Afteradeath,familymembersgotoYouningmonasterytodonatemoneyandrequestLamastochantscriptsforthedeadandtoentertainthenidiang.Wecanseefromtheabovethatthenidiang,afolkdeity,wasincorporatedintotheTibetanBuddhistsystem.ButalthoughthenidianginYouningMonasteryistheguardianofTibetanBuddhism,itstillretainscharacteristicsofafolkspirit.Inthesummerof2012,IwentbacktonidianghallinYouningMonasteryandfoundacontainerofdivinatorylotsontheincense-burningtable.DrawinglotsisoftendoneinDaoistandshamanictemples,butrarelyinaTibetanBuddhistmonastery.IaskedtheLamahowthedivinatorylotswereused.Heansweredthatitisverycommonforpeopletocomehereanddrawlotsforfortunetelling.Headvisedmenottodrawlotsunlessthereisacrisisinmyfamily.Meanwhile,intheYouningmonastery,therearesacricialofferingstonidiangandLamaschantscriptsforthenidiangondesignateddays.Thereareseveralversionsofthescripts,anditusuallytakesahalfhourtonishchanting.TheLamassaidthat 109

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theychantspecicscriptstoguardiandeitiesincludingnidiang,andiftheymeetsomedifcultieswhileoutoftown,theywillbefollowedandblessedbythoseguardians.LocalvillagersalsooftengotoYouningmonasterytogivealmsandaskLamastochantPing'anJing( ,peaceandsafetyscript)andDuanchaJing( ,servingteascript)fornidiangintheirvillagetemples.TheLamaexplainedthatbecauseofspiritsandpeoplearetreatedinthesameway.Moreover,intheritualofTiaoguanjing(anannualTibetanBuddhismDharmaactivitywithLamasdancingtoentertainspirits)ofYouningMonastery,alltheguardiansattend.Likeniangniang,sometimesnidiangisalsocarriedtoYouningMonasterytoberituallypuried.Therefore,thereisharmoniousrelationshipbetweenfolkbeliefandTibetanBuddhism.ThecloseinteractionbetweenfolkreligionandTibetanBuddhismisthemostimportantfeatureofTureligiousecology. 3.4AncestralSpiritsDeitiesoftheFamilyThefamilydeityistheguardianspiritofthewholefamily.FormostTufamilies,especiallylargeones,nomatterhowmanydeitiesareenshrinedinthevillagetemple,thefamilydeitymustbeinthehome.UnlikethesituationintheHanmajority,familydeitiesandancestralspiritsareseparateentities.DifferentTufamilydeitiesareusuallyspiritssuchasdragonkings,blacktigers,mulekingsandothers.TheTualsobelieveinancestralspirits,butthesearebelievedtobelesspowerfulthanthefamilydeity.BoththefamilydeitiesandtheTu'sancestralspiritsblesstheirfamiliesandchildren,butafamilydeityistheguardianspiritandhasarelationshipwithareligiousspecialistinthefamily.Heprotectsthesafetyofthehouseholdanditsmembers.Sometimesthisdeityisthesameasthedeityofwarorofwealth.Unlikethelongwangortheniangniang,whoareenshrinedinvillagetemples,thefamilydeitiesareenshrinedontheroofoftheancestralhome. 110

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3.4.1LemusangMuleKingTherearemanykindsoffamilydeities.InTuareas,themostpopularfamilydeityisalemusang10,afemaledeitywhobringsgoodluck.ShewasoriginallyagodinTibetanBuddhism,responsibleforfortuneandfate.Thelemusang,alwayssitsonhermount,amulewithaneyeonitsleftbuttock.ForthatreasonsheisalsocalledMuleKing.ThelemusangisbothatutelarydeityworshippedbytheSakya,Kagyu,GelugschoolsofTibetanBuddhism,theBlackGodinRed-blackGodSystemfortheDalaiLama,andLhasa'spatrondeityaccordedspecialhonorsbyGelugSchool(YouningMonastery). A BFigure3-10. FamilydeitiesworshippedontheroofofTupeople'shouses. AccordingtotheChroniclesofYouningMonastery,thelemusangwasoriginallyinvestedasagodofTibetanBuddhismbyJiaselivingBuddha,followingtherequestofthefourthDalaiLama.Later,withthespreadofTibetanBuddhismandtheincreasingpopulationofTibetanBuddhistsamongtheTu,theMuleKingwasgraduallyacceptedandevolvedintothepatrondeityofvillagefamilies.Fromthere,thelemusangbecameanunusuallypowerfuldeity,theprotectorofBuddhistsites,villagesandfamilies,as 10ItisalsocalledPeldenLhamoinTibetanandtranslatedtoJixiangTiannvinMandarin. 111

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wellasoffortunetellinganddivination.OrdinarilythelemusangisportrayedasafemaledeityofwarinTibetanBuddhistTangkasandhastwodharmaimages:joyandanger.Whenhappy,sherepresentsbeautyandgoodfortune.Inthatcasesheisshownwithclearwhiteskin,largeearrings,braidedhairpiledhighonherhead,andacrownofowers.Shehaskindeyesandaslightsmile.Shewearsareddress,whiterobeandredbootsasshesitsonalotuspetal.Whenangry,herhairstandsonendandshehasfangs.Shewearsalionearringintherightearandasnakeearringintheleftear.Sheisbarefootandherskinisblue.Shesitssidewaysonhermule,whichiesthroughthethreerealms:heaven,hellandthehumanworld.ThebackgroundoftheTangkaportraysstrongwindsandhellre.AlthoughthelemusangoriginatedinTibetanBuddhism,theTurepresentherwithatraditionalTudivinationspearathome.SincetheTutreatherasalocaldeity,theyalsoinviteashidianzengtocommunicatewiththelemusangforimportanteventssuchashealing,choosingweddingorfuneraldates,usingahoroscopetotellifyoungcouplesarewellmatched,naminginfants,andjudgingthefengshuiofnewhouses.Whendisasterstrikes,thefamilyinvitesLamastochantscriptsofJixiangTiannvJing(lemusangsatisfyingwishes)toprayforhelp.Sometimes,inthevillage'sritualforprotectingtheharvest,thereligiousmastersmarchwithTangkaspaintedwithimagesoflemusangtowarnthevillagerstobecarefulwhenpasturingtheirlivestock.Basedonthisbelief,someTucallnewbornboyslamubaoandgirlslamusuo,bothofwhichareanattempttoensurethatthelemusangwillprotectthem.Duringthespringfestival,everyfamilythatworshipsalemusanggoestoYouningMonasteryandaskstheLamastochantscriptstotheirparticularfamilydeity.ThebeliefinlemusangisfoundinmanyotherethnicgroupsintheQinghai-TibetPlateau,includinginTibetanandHancommunities.ThisTubeliefhascombinedelementsofTibetanBuddhistcultureandtheirownfolkculturalresourcestoendowitwithititsspecialcharacteristics.SinceTibetanBuddhistculturepermeatedtheTu 112

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areas,ontheonehanditbroughtaboutchangesinlocalTuculture,includingfolkreligion.Ontheotherhand,TufolkreligionhasinturnledtochangesintheTibetanBuddhistculturalmodel.WiththeincorporationofTibetanBuddhism,thedeitiesoffolkbeliefshavebeenadaptedtolocalconditionsandhavebeenmodiedtoaccommodatethenewimages.Atthesametime,TibetanBuddhisminQinghaihasincorporatedsomefolkspiritsintoitsownsystemasgods,makingitsomewhatdifferentfromTibetanBuddhismfoundinotherregions.Wecansee,inthislight,thatthesharedbeliefinlemusangontheQinghai-TibetPlateauisevidenceoftheprofoundinteractionamongTu,TibetanandHancultures.Thisparticularbeliefalsoenhancesmutualrecognitionamongtheseethnicgroups( E 2008 ).Suchinter-religiouscontactsprovideanentrypointforunderstandingpatternsofcommunicationbetweendifferentareasandbetweendifferentethniccultures. 3.4.2JiujianSanba(BlackTiger),ChilieSang(DragonKing)andOthersAjiujiansanbaisanotherkindoffamilydeity,worshippedinsomeTufamiliesinHuzhu.Itissaidthatajiujiansanbawasoriginallyablacktigerspiritthatbelongstothecategoryofmountaindeities.Heisnowworshippedasafamilydeityrepresentedbyasacreddivinationspear.Theiconicrepresentationofblacktigerspiritslocatedindifferentfamilyhomesisquitesimilartothesacredspearusedinvillagetemples.Theiconofjiujiansanbaisa4-or5-foot-longironrodtippedwithironspearsateachend,tiedwithreligioussignsorotherobjectsandcoveredbyredsilkcloth.Ifdiseaseordisastercomestothefamily,itsmembersinviteashidianzengtopraytothefamilydeitytoteachthemhowtoeitheravoidorendthemisfortunes.InHuzhu,somefamiliesalsoworshipalongwang,adragonking,astheirfamilydeity,knownintheTulanguageaschiliesang.Thedutiesofthisdragonkingaresimilartothoseofdragonkingsinlocaltemples;blessingthefamilyanddrivingawaydemonsandmisfortune.However,thedutiesofthedragonkingsinhomesarelimitedtothespecichouseholdinwhichtheyareenshrined.Fewfamiliesworshipachiliesangin 113

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theformofspirituallittersinhouses,butinsteadutilizedivinatoryspearsasobjectsofveneration.Thesesacredspearsaresimilartothoseusedinvillagetemples.Inaclanorlargefamily,theiconofthefamilydeityislocatedinjustonehousehold.Eachmorningandevening,theeldersburnincenseandkneelinprayertothefamilydeity.Otherfamilymembersalsoprayinthedeity'sroom.Ifthefamilydeityislocatedinthehouseoftheoldestmale,otherfamilymemberscometothishouseontherstdayofeveryrstlunarmonthwithyakbutterandcypressincenseinadditiontothecustomaryofferingstopaytheirrespecttotheirfamilydeityandtotheirancestors.Fortheshidianzeng,theabilitytocommunicatewiththefamilydeitiesisaveryimportantskill.Theshidianzengmaybeamemberofthekingroupthatcalledhim,buthemusthaveadifferentsurname.Accordingtothelocals,thefamilydeitycanasktobemovedtoanotherhouse.Forexample,somepeoplemaysuddenlyreportweirdhappeningsintheirhome,andthenthroughthepoweroftheshidianzeng'sintervention,theylearnthatthefamilydeitywantstobemovedtoanotherhouseholdforafewweeks,months,oruptooneortwoyears.Sometimesthedeitywantstobeplacedinthevillagetemple.Accordingtothevillagers,whenashidianzengcontactsthedeityandthedeitymakesknownthisdemand,peoplemustacquiesceorfacepotentialdisaster.Sometimesthefamilypraystothefamilydeityforrain.Ifithasnotrainedforalongtime,somefamiliestaketheirdeitiestotheriversideorputabottleofwaterinfrontofthedeitieseithertobringrainortoprotecttheircropsfromharmfulweather,suchashail.Inaddition,smallhouseholdsworshipotherkindsoffamilydeities.AmongtheseareDanmenjia(TibetanBuddhismgod);KailuJiangjun(apath-ndinggeneral);BahaerSang(TibetanBuddhismgod),SanbaoFoandJiushiFo(HanChineseBuddhismgod),LvlianPusa(green-facedBuddha),BailianPusa(white-facedBuddha),BaimaTianjiang(whitehorsegeneral),YangtouHufa(agoat-headedgodfromTibetanBuddhism),NiutouHufa(abull-headedgodfromTibetanBuddhism).Butnomatterhowmanydifferentkindsoffamilydeitiestheyhave,thesymbolicmeaningsandritualpracticesare 114

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quitesimilar.Mostfamiliesburnincense,lightbutterlamps,andputthreebowlslledwithclearwaterastheykneelinfrontofthefamilydeityeveryday.Andfromgenerationtogeneration,whentheyrepairorreconstructthehouse,theroomforthedeityisalwayspreserved.ItisassumedthatallfamilydeitiesworshippedbyTuvillagersareresponsibleforblessingandprotectingthefamilymembersandforaddressingwhateverneedsarebroughttotheirattention.AccordingtoaTusaying,thedeitiesofafamilyarepasseddownthroughthegenerations.Theoldergenerationmustleavethedeitiestotheyoungergeneration;otherwiseitisbelievedthatthefamilywillhavebadluck.Aslongasthesefamilyspiritsmeetpeople'sneeds,theTuworshipthem. 3.5NatureWorshipNatureworship,whichreectshumancuriosityaboutnaturalphenomenathattheycannotexplain,isanimportantcomponentofTufolkreligion.TheTudonotonlyworshipthesun,moon,stars,sky,earth,mountains,riversandre,asistrueofotherethnicgroups,butalsofrogs,divinebirds,andmaoguishen( ,evilcatspirits).Thesepracticesarebasedonrespectforthenaturalworld.AccordingtoTucosmology,aneternallawgoverninghumanliferequiresallthingsinnaturetoliveinharmonyandtoourishtogether. 3.5.1WorshipofMountainDeityMostoftheTuintheHuzhuarealiveinthemountains.Inthecontextofthisparticularenvironmentandtheagriculturepracticedthere,theworshipofthemountaindeityiscentraltoTufolkreligion.TheancestorsofTu,inuencedbypolytheisticshamanism,createdmanymountaindeities.Asaresulttheimagesofthemountaindeitieshaveclearregionalfeatures.Thesemountainspiritscanbeferociousanimalsandghosts.Additionally,ritualstructuressuchaslashizeandbenkanghavebeenbuiltonmountaintopsorinvalleysassitesforworshippingmountaindeities. 115

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TheTuworshipthemountaindeitiesinhopesofabundantrainandagoodharvest.Theyofferfoodsuchasfruitandsteamedbuns;sometimestheysacricegoatsorotheranimals.longwangShan(DragonKingMountain)isthehighestmountaininHuzhu,andthebirthplaceofthelocaldragonking.WhenthelocalsconductritualsonDragonKingMountain,eminentTibetanBuddhistmonksareinvitedtochantscriptsandthevillagereligiousspecialistdancesuntiltherainscome.Sometime,villagerswilltakethelitterofalocaldeityfromthevillagetempletolongwangShantohelpthemountaindeityacquiremorepower.BecausethetopofthemountainisapureandsacredplacefortheTu,itcannotbedeled.Peoplearenotallowedtourinateordefecatethereoratthesprings.Therearemanyothertaboosrelatedtosuchnatureworship;pointingatthemoon,forexample,willcausethengertobecomeinfected.SomepeopleinHuzhustillrefrainfromkillingwolvesandbearsthatareconsideredmountainorfamilydeities.Inthissense,themountaindeitycomplexisquitesimilartothatofDaoismpracticedbyotherethnicgroups. 3.5.2AnimalWorshipAnimalworship,suchasfrogworship,wasoriginatedinTucultureofthedistantpast.Accordingtoalocaloriginmyth(FormationoftheWorld),afteraheavenlydeityshotagoldfrogwithagoldspearandputahandfulofsoilontheabdomenofthefrog,thesoilformedtheEarth.Whilecrying,laughingorjumping,frogscausedcloudstolltheskywithlightningaccompaniedbypealsofthunder,amesburstontheground,theearthshookandbuildingscollapsed.Itissaidthatafrogincarnatedfromaheavenlydeityreincarnatedasamaninapoorfamily,anddespitehispovertywasallowedtomarrythethirddaughterofthelocalheadmanbecauseofhisintelligence,wisdomandsupernaturalpower.Undertheinuenceofarcaneoraltraditions,thefrogbecamethesymbolofwisdomandbraveryfortheTu.Itisforbiddentohurtorkillfrogs,asthekilledfrogswillcomebacktolifeandpunishthepeoplewhohurtthem.Duringthespringfestival,whiledeep-fryingsteamedbuns,peopleformthedoughintotheshapeofa 116

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frogandputitonthetopofthekitchenrangetopreventaccidents.Moreover,onthedayoftheDragonBoatFestival,peopledonotcookanddonotcarrywaterfromrivers,becausefrogsurinateinrivers.Ifpeoplefrightenthefrogs,thefrogswillsendbadluck.Themaoguishen,andthesangmenshen( ,abirdspirit)aretwoharmful( )categoriesofanimalspirits.Themaoguishenisverytemperamental.Therearemanylegendsaboutit.Amaoguishenislocatedinhousesandlistenstoeverything.Peoplewithamaoguishenintheirhomehavetobecarefulwhattheysayathome.Itissaidthatthemaoguishenisexcessivelyprotectiveofthehome.Afamilythathasamaoguishendoesnotlendanythingtoothers;ifsomebodyborrowssomethingfromahouseholdwithamaoguishen,thespiritwillfollowtheborrowerandcauseillnessorbadluckorsomeothertroubleuntiltheitemisreturned.Amaoguishencanalsoobtainthingsthatitsfamilyneeds.Sincethemaoguishenisanevilspirit,villagerskeeptheirdistancefromfamiliesthatarerumoredtohavemaoguishen.Asaresultthedaughterofafamilybelievedtohaveamaoguishenasadomesticspiritwillhavedifcultyndingahusbandfromthevillage.However,nobodydarestooffendthatfamily.Therearenoimagesofmaoguishen;itisnotknownforcertainthatamaoguishenisevenacat.Itissaidthatsomepeople,particularlybutchers,areabletoseeamaoguishenandcancatchorkillit.Sometimes,whenamaoguishenismakingafamilymiserable,theyaskthevillage'sreligiousspecialisttochantscriptstodriveitaway.Theevilbirdspirit,sangmenshen,ishalf-deity(benevolent)andhalf-ghost(harmful).Accordingtolegend,aTibetanBuddhistmonkandhisdogwereridingahorsebutacrow(ormagpie)ewoverhimandhedied.Apasserbymadepaintingsoftheincidentandsoldthem.Sinceitwasbadluckthatamonkhaddied,peoplecalledthebirdsangmenshen(badluckspirit).Somepeopleboughtcopiesofthepaintingandmadeittheirfamilydeity.NowadaysintheTuareas,ifpeoplethinkothershavebroughtmisfortuneorbadlucktothem,theycallthosepeoplesangmenshen. 117

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3.5.3KitchenGodWorshipTheworshipofthezaoshen( ,kitchendeity)isanimportantpartofreworshipinTufolkreligion.Asitsnameimplies,thekitchendeityishousedandworshippedinkitchens.TheTubelievethatthekitchendeityistheirmainrepresentativeinthecourtoftheJadeEmperor,reportingeachyearontheirbehavior.Onoraroundthe23rddayofthelastmonthinthelunarcalendar,thekitchendeityreturnstotheheavenlypalaceandreportstotheJadeEmperor(thehighestdeityofDaoism)onwhatthefamilymembershavebeendoingallyear.TheJadeEmperordecideswhetherornottoconferblessingsontheworldbasedonthereport.Afterthespringfestival,thekitchendeitycomesbacktotheworld.Sotworituals,songzaoshen(sendingoffthekitchendeity)beforethespringfestivalandyingzaoshen(welcomingthekitchendeitybacktotheworld),areheldeveryyearinhopesthatthekitchendeitywillsendagoodreporttotheJadeEmperorandbringblessingsfromtheheavens.ItisaChinesefolkcustomforpeopletomakezaotang(akindofstickycandy)inthetwelfthlunarmonthtooffertothekitchendeity.ItishopedthatthecandywillmakehismouthtoostickytosendabadreporttotheJadeEmperor.ThekitchendeityoriginatedinDaoism;adapting,however,toTufolkreligion,thekitchendeityhasbecomeamulti-purposespirit.TheTuversionoftheritualisperformedonedaylaterthanthatoftheHanChinese,anddifferentactivitiesarecarriedout.ThereareseveraltaboosassociatedwithworshipofthekitchendeityamongtheTu.Scratchingordrawingonthetopofthekitchenrangeisnotallowed;dirtyitemscannotbethrownintothere,andothers.Thekitchendeitywillbecomeangryandsendbadluckifpeopleoffendhim.Inshort,undertheinuenceofHanDaoism,theworshipofthekitchendeityhasenteredTucultureandisthoughttobringtheTuahappylife,protectionfortheirfamiliesandlivestock,andwealth. 118

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3.6ConclusionThepantheonofTufolkreligionhasincorporatedvariousspiritsfromdifferentreligionsbuthasalsoretainedmanyofitsownancestralbeliefsandrituals,suchastheworshipofnatureandofanimals.TheotherreligionsthathavecontributedritualsandfestivalstoTufolkreligionareTibetanBuddhismandDaoism.AsalocalethnicvarietyofofChinesetraditionalreligion,however,Tufolkreligionhasretainedmanydistinctcharacteristics.Intherstplace,thecoexistenceinthesamepantheonofmultipledeitiesfromdifferentreligionsisasalientfeatureoftheTuspiritworld.TheTuareverytolerantofandreceptivetothespiritsofotherreligions.Anydeitythatcanpotentiallybringbenetsisworshipped.Furthermore,thesedistinctspiritscanalsobeplacedphysicallysidebyside.InTuvillagetemples,statuesfromdifferenttraditionsusuallyoccupythesamegeneralspace.Thepresenceoftwokindsofsupernaturalbeings,benevolentdeities( )andharmfulspirits( ),endowTufolkreligionwithacertainvitality.Theharmfulspiritscausemisfortuneordisasterwhilethebenevolentspirits,asthesymbolsofpowerandmoralrule,meetpeople'sneeds,helpthemsolveproblemsandrestoresocialorderwhenithasbeendisrupted.Buteventhoughthesespiritscanbeclassiedintogoodorbadcategories,theTustillworshipallofthem.Thewanshendian( ,thousandspiritshall)hasbeencreatedtoaccommodatethiscomplexspiritworld.Inthewanshendian,thereisabigblankplaqueinthemiddleofthemainhall.ThelocalTusaythat,Thisistheplaceforthousandsofdeities.Itisimpossibletowritedownalltheirnames.Theplaqueisblanksothatallofthemcanndtheirownplaceswhentheycome.Inshorttheworshipandvenerationofdifferentdeitiesisnotviewedasbeinginconictwithanindividual'schosenreligion.ThespiritsofTibetanBuddhismandDaoismareacceptedascomplementaryadjunctstothespiritsthatoriginatedamongtheTu. 119

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ThefactthatwanshendianissopopularintheTuareasillustratesthemannerinwhichsyncretismisanimportantfeatureofTufolkreligion.Secondly,inadditiontoitssyncreticpantheon,Tufolkreligionischaracterizedbyitsutilitarianandpracticalorientation.Aspreviouslydiscussed,thedragonkings,theniangniang,orthenidangandotherspiritsintheTufolkpantheonhavesimilarrolestoprotectcrops,dispeldiseasesandexorciseevils,toheal,toperformdivinationrituals,andeventoresolvesocialconicts.Inotherwords,thosedeitiesareintimatelyinvolvedinpeople'sreallives.Folkreligionnotonlysatisespeople'sspiritualneeds,butitcanalsoservepracticalfunctions.Inaddition,insalvation-basedreligions,suchasChristianityintheWest,deitiesorspiritsmakestrongethicaldemands.Theyrewardvirtueandpunishvice.CommunicationbetweenhumanandspiritsintheseWesterntraditionsisnotthroughshamans,butthroughworship.Iftheprayerisnotefcacious,itisnotbelievedthatthespiritsareincompetent,butthatthepeopleofferingprayersarestillsinful.TheTuconceptsarequitedifferentinthatregard.Theybelievethatthedeitieswhoservepeoplecanbecontrolled.Theyseedeitiesasunpredictablesuperpowersthatinuencepeople'sdailylivesatwill.Ifadeityisnolongerabletomeetpeople'sneeds,theTuusuallyturntootherdeities.Therearedifferencesamongthedeitieswhoworkinasinglegeographicalregionorfunctionaldomain.Thespiritsfacestrongcompetitionfromotherspirits.TheTuthereforepraytodifferentspiritsforprotectionandblessings;iftheritualfailstobringresults,theyconcludethatthespiritslackpowerandturntootherspirits.PrayerandotherritualsamongtheTu,inotherwords,arevehiclesforassertingcontroloverthespiritworld.Thisissomuchthecasethatsometimespeopleactuallypunishspiritswhodonotrespondtotheirpetitions.IdiscoveredthatthevillagersinHuzhucarriedtheirdragonkingtoanotherhallwhereSakyamuniisenshrinedandlockedthedoor.Theysaidthatthedragonkingwasnotansweringtheprayersforrain,sohehadtobepunished. 120

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Theyalsohaveanotherwayofpunishingadeitycalledshailongwang( ).Theyleftthedragonkingoutsideunderthehotsuntoremindhimofhisresponsibilityandtocoaxhimtobringmuch-neededrain.Sincethelocaleconomydependsontheweather,peopleassumethatthespiritsareobligedtohelpthem.Inthissenseitisasaferstrategyforthemtobelieveinawidevarietyofspirits.Ifonespiritdoesnothelpthem,theycanturntoothers.Torepeat:folkbeliefamongtheTuishighlyutilitarianandpractical.ThosewhopracticeamonotheisticreligionoftheWestworshipaSupremeBeingastheonlyultimatesourceofpower;invocationofsaintsandangelsinCatholicism,forexample,isanefforttogetthemtointervenewiththeSupremeBeing.Theyhavenopowerontheirown.ButinTutheologythereisnoSupremeBeingwhoisthesolesourceofpowerandwhocreatedalltheotherlesserspirits.Itisbelievedinsteadthatthemultiplespiritsdohaveanindependentoriginandindependentpowersontheirown.ThesamepatternalsoholdsinChineseBuddhistandDaoisttheology.TheJadeEmperor,forexample,isahighgodbuthedoesnothavethestatusasthesolecreatorandruleroftheworldasisthecasewiththeGodofJudaism,Christianity,andIslam.Thirdly,notonlyhasTufolkreligionbeeninuencedbyBuddhismandDaoism,buttheconverseisalsotrue,atleastatthelocallevel.Therearemanyzonesofintersectionbetweenfolkreligionandtheotherreligions.WehaveseenthatthereisnotonlycompetitionbetweenfolkreligionandTibetanBuddhism,butalsoconnections.TibetanBuddhismisreceptivetothespiritsandritualsoffolkreligionandthereisgoodevidencethat,atleastlocally,ithasbeeninuencedbythereligionoftheTu.Atthesametime,mutualcompromiseisanotherspecialfeatureoftheirmutualrelationship.Thereisalsoevidence,however,thatunderneaththesurfaceharmony,thereisasecretcompetitionbetweendifferentreligiousauthorities.Forinstance,formostTuvillagers,thedragonkings,niangniangandnidangholdhigherstatusintheirreligiouslivesandreceivemoreritualattentionthantheBuddhaofTibetanBuddhism.He 121

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isviewedasakinginthespiritworld,butnotaverypowerfulking.ThelocalTuacknowledgeTibetanBuddhismasapartoftheirbeliefandritualsystem,buttheBuddhalikeSakyamunidoesnotdirectlyperformhealingorfortunetelling.InTuopiniontheBuddhahasmoremajestyanddignity.Butlocaldeitieshavemorepragmaticpower.Unlikethemoreusefullocaldeitiessuchasthedragonking,theniangniangandthenidang,theBuddhaisnotbelievedtohavethepowertosolvetheirpracticalproblems.Localdeitiescanprotectpeoplefromdiseaseanddisaster,bringgoodluckandwealthandsolveotherproblems.SakyamuniBuddhaandtheJadeEmperorinDaoismaretooremotetobestowspecicblessingsonpeople,althoughthepeopleworshipthem.Insharpcontrast,LamasinYouningMonasterystronglyassertthatBuddhaishigherthanallotherlocaldeities,somuchsothattheycannotbeworshippedtogether.Ininterviews,someLamasmentionedthatthestatusofDroma(afemaledeityinTibetanBuddhism)ismuchhigherthanthatofniangniang,sotheycannotbehousedinthesameroom.Accordingtothem,TibetanBuddhismisasuperiorreligionthatdeserveshigherstatus.Thedragonkings,theniangniangandtheotherlocalTuspiritsshouldbehousedseparately.AlthoughTibetanBuddhismdoesnotrejectfolkdeities,andtheLamasareofteninvitedtoattendthefolkreligiousrituals,theystillthinkconsiderthespiritsofthefolkreligiouspantheontohavealowerstatus.Fourthlyandnally,theTu'scomplexreligioussystemisaproductofhistoricalchangesthathaveoccurredthroughthecenturies,changesthatarerelatedtothehistoryandevolvingethnicityoftheTu.TheTuarenotaunitaryindigenousethnicgroup.FromtheTuyuhunKingdomtotoday,theethniccompositionoftheTuhasbeenaffectedbywarandbycontactwithotherethnicgroups,especiallytheTibetansandtheHan.Inthecourseoftheirmigrationsandtheirmixturewithotherethnicgroups,theTuhavecometoacceptedelementsofDaoism,TibetanBuddhismandofotherreligionswithoutabandoningtheirowntraditionalbeliefs.Theirreligionhasevolvedinawaythatpermitsthecoexistenceofmultipletraditions.ConverselysomemythicalguresinTu 122

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folkculturehaveevenmadetheirwayintolocalTibetanBuddhismasinthecaseofthenidang,whoisnowgenerallythoughtofastheGuardianoftheTibetanBuddhistmonastery.Atthesametime,growingethnicconsciousnesshasitselfencouragedthedevelopmentoffolkreligions.AstheethnicidentityoftheTuhasundergonedynamichistoricalchange,religioussymbols,religiousparaphernalia,andreligiousbeliefshaveservedasvehiclesfortheconstruction,maintenance,andtransmissionofthatethnicidentity. 123

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CHAPTER4RITUALCYCLEANDETHNICIDENTITY:RELIGIOUSSITES,ORGANIZATIONSANDSPECIALISTSAsistrueofvirtuallyallreligions,inadditiontothespiritbeliefsdiscussedearlier,Tufolkreligionalsohassacredsites,religiousorganizations,andreligiousspecialists.AsforthesacredsitesoftheTu,asistrueofmostreligions,theyconsistofstructuresbuiltbyhumanhands,whethertheybeelaboratetemplesorsimplepilesofrocks.IntheworldoftheTu,villagetemplesarethemostpopularofsuchsites.Thelocaltempleisasociallyprominentinstitutionandinadditionllsanimportantadministrativefunctionasthecenteroftheannualritualcycle.Inadditiontotemples,therearealsosmallersitesreferredtoasbenkangandlashize.Thesearesacredplaceswherevillagerscanaskthespiritstoavertbadweatherandnaturaldisasters.Tureligioussitesprotectlocalpeopleandcropsandfunctionaswellascentersofreligiouslife.Intermsoforganization,therearekin-basedassociationsthatuniteallthemembersofalineage.Lodgedinthelocaltemple,thisassociationofvillagersisreferredtoastheqingmiaohuiandisthemostcommonreligiousorganizationfoundamongtheTu.Itplaysanimportantrolenotonlyinreligiousritualsbutalsoinlawenforcementandlocalpolitics.Thereisalsoawidevarietyofreligiousspecialists,includingthebo,theshidi-anzeng,themiaoguanandbenbenzi,allofwhomwillbedescribedinthischapter.Theseareallmalereligiousspecialistswhopracticedivinationandsorcery.Theyalsohaveceremonialandpoliticalrolesasvillageleaders.Inadditiontothesespecialists,allelderlymen,aswellasmembersoftempleorganizations.exercisesomeauthorityintheirvillage.ThepresentchapterwilldealwithallthreeofthesephenomenaamongtheTu:religioussites,religiousorganizations,andreligiousspecialists. 4.1ReligiousSitesWewillbeginwithadiscussionofthesiteswhereritualsarecarriedout.Templestohousespirits,oftenrepresentedbystatues,areamajorfeatureoftheTufolkreligious 124

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landscape.Suchsitesarescatteredindifferentgeographicalareasandcarryoutdifferentfunctions.Sometimesreligioussitesservenotonlyasplacesofworship,butalsoascentersofsocialwelfareactivity.Theycanbeclassiedasfollows. 4.1.1VillageTempleAlmosteveryTuvillagehasitsowntemple.Eachtemplehasitsownparticulararchitecturalstyleandsizeandcontainsstatues,paintings,orotherobjectsrepresentingvariousspirits.Thisphysicaldiversityisanaptreectionofthediversityofthevillagers'beliefs.Althoughdifferentvillagetempleshousedifferentspirits,alltempleshaveasimilarpurpose.Theyareplacesforvillagerstoworshipthespirits,toprayforgoodlivesandtosolveproblemsthathavearisen.Inaddition,thetemplesalsoserveasvenuesforcivicactivities.SimilartotraditionalChinesequadrangles,thevillagetemplesoftheTuusuallyconsistofdifferentbuildings,hallsandshrines.Thecharacteristicsofanyparticulartemplewilldependonwhenitwasconstructedandwhatlevelofnancialsupportitreceivedfromvillagers.Thelayoutandarrangementofavillagetemplewillreectdifferencesinthestatusofthedifferentspiritshousedthere.Generally,thetallestbuildingfacingthemaingateineachtempleisthemainhallwherethemostimportantvillagespiritisenshrined.Ittypicallyhasthewidthofthreehugerooms1.Thiscombinationofthreeroomsforthemainhallsymbolizestheritualimportanceofthenumberthree2inTuculture,amatterthatwasdiscussedinanearlierchapter.ThedragonkingtempleinthevillageofDazhuangisthelargestandmostextravagantlydecoratedandmostinuentialvillagetempleamongtheTu,itfacesnorthandhastwocourtyards,includinganewlyconstructedscreenwall,amaingate, 1Thestandardwidthofaroominanold-stylehouseis10Chinesefeet,thelengthofapurlin.2ThreehasthesymbolicmeaningsofTibetanBuddhism,DaoismandShamanism,Heaven,EarthandHuman-being,andHappiness,PositionandLongevity. 125

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amainhall,andhousesintheeastwingandthewestwing.Themainhall,constructedinatraditionalwood-and-earthstyle,hasthewidthofthreehugeroomsandisenteredthroughfourlargelatticedoors.Moreover,themainhallisrichlyornamentedwithcarvedbeamsandpaintedpillars,anditswallsarecoveredwithpaintingsofowers,birds,sh,andtheChineseknotthatisthesymbolofwealthandhappiness.Ononesideofthemainhall,thereisarowofshorterhousesusedtoplacethespiritsoftheearth,ofoxen,andofhorsesallofthemconsideredlesserspiritsincomparisontothedragonking.Thesehousesalsohavesomesimplewoodcarvingdecorations.Ontheothersideofthemainhall,arowofthreehouseshasbeenprovidedforthecaretakersofthetemple.TheLamas(TibetanBuddhistmonks)andthebenbenzi(atypeofvillagereligiousspecialist)livethereondayswhenreligiousritualsareperformed.Thesehousesaremoremodernandhavefewerwoodcarvingdecorations.Thepillarsinthemainhallarealsodecoratedwithdragonwoodcarvingsorpaintings.Inawindingcorridoraroundthemainhallare48prayerwheels,anelementclearlyborrowedfromTibetanBuddhism.Alltheelaboratedecorationsandwoodcarvingsgivesymbolictestimonytothemajestyofthespiritsandtotheirimportancetothepeople. 126

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A B C DFigure4-1. A.DragonKingTempleinYaomaVillage;B.DragonKingTempleinDonggouVillageandMiaoGuan;C.Thexiazheninavillagetemple;D.Wallpaintinginavillagetemple. ThedecorationsfoundonthegateofthevillagetemplereectsymbolicallythecomplexityofTufolkreligion.Themaingatesofthetemplearebrick-and-woodstructureswithpainteddoorleavesandtwolargeroundbronzedoorhandlesthataretiedwithtwostripsofcloth,sometimesred,sometimesofmanycolors.OntopofthegatearehollowTuwoodcarvings,whosecomplexitywilldependonthevillage'snancialresources.Thesimpleststyleoftemplehasonlyonestory,whereasthemostcomplexhassevenstories.Thecarvingsdepictdifferentthemessuchasdragons, 127

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peonies,continuouscloudpatternsandothers.Amongthesethemes,thedragonisthemostpopularmotif.Foralltypesoftemplesdragonkingtemples,niangniangtemples,ornidangtemplesdragonpatternsareindispensabledecorativeelements.Sometempleshavedragonsengravedontheirdoorbeamswiththedragonheadsinrelief.Sometempleshavepaperdragonagshangingonthedoorbeams.Therearealsodragonkingpaintingsonthewallsofthemainhall.Inaddition,sometempleshavewhitescreenwallsbehindthedoor,andpaintedonthosewallsareapairofdragonsandthesayingFengTiaoYuShun( )favorableweatherandtimelywindandrain.InthedragonkingtempleofCha'ergou,forexample,goldendragonsarepaintedontheblackceilingbeamandonthetwothickestpillars.Inthemainhalltherearepaintingsofdragonkingsontheeastwall.Butonbothsidesoftheshrinearewallpaintingsofotherspirits,includingamiaojiaye( ,aspiritinchargeofgreenshootsofgrains),achumashen,ahuimashenandamountainspirit.Attheendofthepillarcolonnade,twospiritsarepaintedonthewalls:ontheright,ared-facedmountainspiritwearsahat,andaspiritwitharedrobeanddragon-patternbootssitsonalargestonewithalong-handledbroadax.Ontheleft,anearthspiritwearsaChinesebowlerhat.Themaingateofthisvillagetempleisalsodecoratedwithreligiousguresandgoodlucksymbols.Facingoutside,paperdragonagshangbelowaTibetanBuddhistcalachakra(tenfoldpowerful)symbolthatstandsbetweentwowhiteelephantscarryingshankhas(whiteconches).Facinginside,thetopofthemaingatehasthreelargegridspaintedwithcolorfulowers.Thereareseveralwallpaintingsonbothsidesofthemaingate.Ononesideabare-chestedred-skinnedmilitaryofcerinblack-and-white-linedbootsstandswithalingpai( )signalinghisstatusatthewaistandatridentinhand.Ontheotherside,acivilserviceofcerinaredrobeandahatstandswithabookunderhisarm,abookathiswaistandawritingbrushinoneofhishands.Becausetherearesomanydifferentspiritsdepictedbysculpturesandpaintingsinthistemple,localpeoplecallthemainhallwanshendian. 128

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Inadditiontothemainhallandthemaingate,manytemplesalsohavecourtyards.Inthecourtyards,smallsquaregardensandbraziersforburningaromaticplantsserveasimportantsacricialspots.Abrazierstandsbetweenthegardenandthemaingateineachtemple.Somesimplevillagetempleshaveonlyabrazierwithnogardeninthecenterofthecourtyard.TheTubelievethatthecentersofthecourtyardsarespaceswherespiritsmaylive.Peoplethereforeusuallyburnincenseandkneelinthecenterofthecourtyardbeforesteppingintothemainhall.Ifthereisnogardenorbrazieratthecenterofthecourtyard,theremustatleastbeawoodenstakewithanupside-downtubweigheddownbyastonewrappedinredcloth,withsmalltubsandbottlessurroundingit.Thisisusedforthexiazhen(exorcismritual)describedinthelastchapter,anduncleanspiritssuchasdevilsandghostsarekeptunderthem.Somevillagetempleshavealargeupside-downjarandtwoironpotsnearthebrazier,whichisalsoawayofkeepinguncleanspiritsatadistance.Thelocaltempleisthesacredplacewhereimportantreligiousactivitiesandeventstakeplace.Moreover,thetempleistheprincipallocationatwhichcommunicationbetweenhumansandspiritsoccurs.Worshippersoftenrequestadvicefromthespiritthroughthevoiceofaspiritmedium.Therearemanyspecialreligiousritualsheldinthetemple,includingthebiangbianghui,manihui( )andrangni( )rituals,whichwillbediscussinChapter 5 .Butatthesametimethelocaltempleisalsoavenueforactivitiesinvolvinglocalpolitics,economy,cultureandsociety.Insomevillages,templeofcersactivelysolicitgovernmentalfunding.Sincethegovernmentprovidesspecialfundsforactivitiespromotingfolkcultureorthewelfareoftheelderly,templeofcerswilloftenapplyforfundsostensiblytoopenculturalactivitycentersorcommunityentertainmentroomsfortheelderly.Inactualfactthepurposeistorenovatethetemple.SeveralofthereligioussiteswhichIvisitedwerelledwithreligiousstatuesandpaintingsofvariousspirits.ButthesignsonthehallreadVillagerActivityCenter,OldPeople'sEntertainmentRoom, 129

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evenaPartyMemberActivityRoom.Thesesignsareintentionallydeceptive.Itisanopensecret,andthegovernmentisawareofthedeception.Undertheimpactofthisgovernmentsupport,however,thelocaltempleamongtheTuhasbecomemorethanavenueforreligiousactivities;itisalsoacommunitymeetingplaceandthesiteoffolkfestivals.Thosetemplesareapublicwelfareinstitutionintheeyesofthegovernmentandareligioussiteforthelocals.Forinstance,thelocalsoftenholdmeetingsinthetemplestotalkaboutpublicprojectssuchasirrigationsystems,programsforprovidingassistanceforthepoor,etc.ThisisactuallysomewhatinlinewithTutradition.TherehasbeenamongtheTualongstandingbeliefthatspiritinterventionsaffectmateriallifeandvillagerinteractions.Whenvillagershavehadtheneedtosettleadisagreement,theyhavetraditionallygatheredatthelocaltempletoaskthespiritsforassistanceinconictresolution.Childrenwhodonotrespecttheirparentsmaytraditionallybesenttothetempletoreceivepunishmentfromthespirits.FortheTu,itisadisgracetobepunishedinthelocaltemple.Thus,thelocaltemplehasalwayshadprominentsocialstatusandhasservedimportantsocialfunctions.Fromtimespastthevillagetempleshaveclearlybeennotonlysacredspiritualplaces,butalsoarevenueswherevarioustypesofsocial,communal,andpoliticalissuesarediscussedandresolved,andwherevarioustypesofsocialcontrolcanbeexertedoverdeviantcommunitymembers. 4.1.2TheBenkangAbenkangisasmallreligiousbuildingsimilartoasquaredpavilionandislocatedatintersectionsnearentrancestovillages.Thetypicalbenkanghaseightpillarsaroundanenclosedadobestructurewithoutdoorsorwindows.TheTubelievethatabenkangattractsspiritstosettleneartheirhometohelppreventbadweatherandnaturaldisasters.Italsoservesasalandmarkforavillage.Whenabenkangisbeingconstructed,alivingBuddhafromaTibetanBuddhisttempleaswellaslocalshamanswillbeinvitedtochantscripturesatthemomentof 130

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consecration.Thesespecialistsorganizetheconsecrationrituals.Thezhuanzang( ,whichmeanstoinstallvisceraintobenkang)isthemostimportantstepintheconsecrationprocess.Eachfamilyinthevillageisrequiredtodonatesomethingtosacrice,suchasalargenumberofcaca( ,one-Chinese-inch-tallBuddhastatuesmadeofclay),TibetanBuddhistscriptures,andconsecratedvasesforthezhuanzang.Atthebeginningofconstruction,arigidframeworkisrstconstructed,andpeopleputgold,silverandjewelry,preciousmedicalherbs,thevecereals,tealeaves,ve-coloredthreads,yakbutter,andotherappliancesinthevases.Thosevasesandthecacaareplacedinsidethebuilding.Atthenalstage,theyplastertheentirebuildingwithmud.Thezhuanzangritualrequiresvetosixdaysofnonstopwork.Theworkersalternatelayersofnesandandscripturesorcaca.Onevillageheadstatedthatthisritualrequirestheparticipationofeveryoneinthecommunityandtheworkmustnotstopuntilitisnished;otherwisethespiritualpowerofthebenkangwouldbereduced.Oncethebenkangiscompleted,thelivingBuddhaisinvitedtochantscripturestosoothethespirits.Thelocalpeopleburnaromaticplants,kneelandchantthesutraoftheSixTruestWords,pronouncedOmManiPadmeHum( ),toprayforthesuccessoftheconsecrationceremony.Fromthatmomentonthebenkangisalegitimatenewworshipsiteforvillagers.Everydayatfourorveo'clockinthemorning,Tuvillagerscometothebenkangtoburnaromaticplantsandtosayprayers.AsininBuddhistsites,thisistheequivalentoftheirmorningreligiousclass.Theyholdamani(astrandoftheTibetanBuddhistrosary)inonehandandwalkclockwisearoundthebenkangseveraltimes.Ifanyoneinthevillagegetssick,thefamilymemberscometothebenkangtocircleitandtoprayfortherecoveryoftheillperson.Unlikevillagetemples,whereentryisrestricted,anyonecanwalkaroundthebenkangandpray. 131

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A B C DFigure4-2. A,B&C:benkang;D.caca. TheTubelievethatthebenkang,beingthedwellingplaceofspirits,hasgreatspiritualpower.Itprotectsavillagefromdemons.Itisthereforethevillagers'responsibilitynottodestroyordamageit;theresidentspiritswillpunishtothosewhodo.Accordingtoanoften-toldstoryaboutthebenkanginthevillageofDongjia,severalyearsagoyoungvillagerswenttolargecitiestoearnmoney.Someoftheminjuredtheirarmsorlegs.ThevillageeldersthencalledonthehelpofalivingBuddhafromYouningTempletohelpthem.ThelivingBuddhatoldthemthatthewaterchannelinthewestofthevillagewastoodeepandwasbringingbadlucktothevillagers.Peoplefollowedhisinstructionstoplantsometreesalongthechannelandtoconstructabenkangnear 132

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it.Afterthattheemigrantswerenotharmed.Whenanoldmantoldmethisstory,hestopped,wide-eyed,Thinkaboutit.Thefoye(livingBuddha)assuredmeaboutthepowerofthebenkang.Icouldseeinhiseyesthedeepreverencewhichhefeltforthefoye.Inshort,thebenkangisacommonfolkreligioussiteintheTuareas.However,fromtheinitialprocessofconstructiontotheplacingofritualparaphernaliawithinthebenkang,itshowstheinuenceofTibetanBuddhism.Sincetheshamanisalsodeeplyinvolvedintheentireprocessofbuildingabenkang,andthepragmaticfunctionsofthebenkangcorrespondmoretofolkreligiousfunctionsratherthantothoseofofcialTibetanBuddhism,thereareclearmanifestationsofsyncretisminthebenkangcomplex. 4.1.3TheLashizeAlashizeisanothersacredsite,usuallylocatedonamountaintop,forworshippingmountainspirits.ItisaverypopulartypeofreligioussiteamongtheTibetans,Mongolians,YuguandHanChineseinNorthwestChina.TheMongoliansandHanChinesecallitebo,butTibetansandTucallitlashizeormaoji.Incontrasttothebenkang,whichislocatedclosetovillages,thelashizeisusuallyconstructedondistantmountains.Butoccasionallysomecommunitiesbuildalashizeneartheirvillageforaspecicreason.Butbecausepeoplethinkthatspiritsoftenchoosetotravelthroughmountainpasses,thelashizeisusuallylocatedinamountainpassoronthetopofamountain.Whileconstructingalashize,ashidianzengisinvitedtodiscusswiththespiritsthelocationofthestructureandthetimingofitsconsecration.LamasfromTibetanBuddhisttemplesareinvitedtoofciateattheactualconsecrationritual.Beforetheconstruction,peopledigadeepholetoburyscriptures,animalheads,thevegrains,andtealeaves.Theythenpropupasquarewoodenframeontheground,pilestonesaroundit,insertabowandarrow,andhangcolorfulprayeragsofhadascarfsandsatincloth.Afterthelashizeiscompleted,localpeoplecometoburn 133

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aromaticplants.Worshipinthelashizetakesplaceatxedtimessuchastherstdayofthelunaryear. A BFigure4-3. A.ThelashizeonthemountaintopofDadongshanVillage;B.ThelashizeattheentryofDazhuangVillage. TheTubelievethatthesmokeproducedbyburningaromaticplantscanlinkheavenandearth.Theyalsomaintainthatthescentofburningpinenotonlysoothespeoplebutalsogivesapleasantaromatothehallwherethemountainspiritdwells.SotheyperformanimportantritualontherstdayofeveryyearintheChineselunarcalendar.Theritualiscalledweidasang( ).3Thegoalofthisritualistopleasethemountainspiritsandmotivatethemtosenddownhappiness.AfterdinneronNewYear'sEve,theentirecommunitywalksupthemountainfortheweidasang;everyonewantstoreachthetopinhopesofacquiringgoodluck.However,becausetherearesomanyworshippers,therearemanyaccidentalres.Localofcialstoldme,MountDadongisthehighestmountaininHuzhuCounty.Toomanypeoplegotothelashize 3Theweidasang(burningtherstroundofaromaticplant)isalarge-scaleritualperformedintheearlymorningontherstday.Theyignitepinebranches,Artemisiaargyiandotherleavestoproducestrongsmoke,andthrowonfriedhighlandbarleypowder,yakbutter,tealeaves,sugarandotheritems. 134

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theretoburnsacricialpaperandaromaticplants.Asaresult,thenearbyforestburneddown,andeventhelashizegotburnttotheground.Thatcausedaconsiderableloss.Sincethelashizeisasacredplacelledwithmysteriouspowers,peopletrytoavoidgivingoffense.Forexample,itisforbiddentotouchthesacricesthathavebeenoffered.Ifsomeonetakesthefruitandsteamedbunsbackhome,itisfearedthatacalamitywilloccur.Offendingthespiritsofalashizecancauseseriousmentalillness.Defecationorurinationarealsonotallowednearlashize.Anoldshaman,MaDeliangfromYaomavillage,toldmethatawomanwhourinatednearlashizebecameinsaneanddied.ItwassaidinthetownofHualinthattherewasapieceoflandwithseedlingsonwhichasimplelashizewasconstructedwithbranches.Thelandownercomplainedthatthelashizehadtakenoverhisland.Hebulldozeditandplantedseedlings.Shortlythereafterhissonwaskilledinacaraccidentonhiswaytowork.Localpeopleassumedthatthelandownerhadenragedthespirits.AfterthisincidentalivingBuddhafromYouningTemplewenttoHualin.ThesacredlitterofthelocalspiritprecededthelivingBuddhaandotherpeopleastheymadetheirwaytothebulldozedlashize.Manyseedlingsweredestroyedwhenthepeoplefollowingthelittertrampledthem.Thelandownercomplainedtohisuncle,whowasthechiefofpolice.Thechiefandotherpolicemenarrivedtomediate.Atthesuggestionofthevillagehead,thepeoplecarryingthesacredlitterwerenotned,butthetemplecustodianhadtoreimbursethelandownerforthemarketpriceoftheseedlings:680Chineseyuan.Themoneywassenttothelandowner'sparents.However,afterlearningthattheindemnitywasconnectedtoalocaldeity,theparentsdonatedthemoneybacktothetempleforincenseburningandbutterlamps.Thisstoryillustrateshowlocalpeopleoftenassociatemisfortunewithangryspirits,andthinkthatviolatorsofsacredplaceswillbepunishedbythespirits.Solocalpeoplerespectthetaboossurroundingthelashizeandmaintaintheupkeepofthesacredplaces. 135

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4.1.4MarnyiStonesAnothersmallsiteforfolkreligiousworshipisthemanishi( ,marnyistone)inthemountainsnearTuvillages.TheworshipofmarnyistoneswasoriginallyborrowedfromTibetanBuddhism.Thispracticeisalsoquitepopularamongotherminorities,suchasinYuguandMongolia.ThepracticeisthoughttohavebeenadoptedbytheTualongwithTibetanBuddhism.Thisstructureconsistsofheapsofstonesengravedwithscriptsoricons.Smallermoundshavebrancheswithprayeragsorsacreddivinationswordsinsertedintothem.Thefunctionofthemarnyistonesistoprotectpassersbyandnearbyvillages.Sowhilewalkingbymarnyistones,peopleusuallychanttheSutraoftheSixTruestWords(OmManiPadmeHum),andsometimesaddadditionalstonestothepileofmarnyistones.Therefore,overtimethepileofmarnyistonesmaybecomehigher. 4.2FolkReligiousOrganizationsReligionsnotonlyhavephysicalsites,suchasthosedescribedabove,butalsopatternsoforganization.Folkreligionisdeeplyembeddedinfamilyandpersonallife,andisstitchedintothefabricofTusociety,ratherthanstandingapartasaseparatechurch.VillagetempleassociationsbasedonkinshipandlineageconnectionsareacommonformoffolkreligiousorganizationamongtheTu.Theqingmiaohuiisthemostimportantreligiousorganizationamongthem,afliatedwithvillagetemplesandplayingacrucialroleintheevolutionandspreadoffolkreligiouspractices.Itstypicalresponsibilitiesincludeappointmentofreligiousleaders,thedeterminationandelectionofmembership,andorganizationofreligiousritualsandevents.Inasense,theqingmiaohuiismorepowerfulthanvillageadministrativecommittees.Theelectedmembersofaqingmiaohuiaredividedintotwolevels.Atthehigherlevelisthehead,theqingmiaotou.Underthehead,atalowerorganizationallevel,areeightlaozheandtwelvetuqiu.Alloftheseofcialsaremale.Theqingmiaohuiattheheadiselectedbythewholevillageeveryyear.Heisavillagerrespectedforhisnoblecharacterandhighprestige.Thelaozheandthetuqiualsohaveauthority,though 136

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lessthanthatoftheqingmiaohui.Theyfollowtheinstructionsoftheqingmiaotou.Thelaozheareeldermaleswithpowerwhoaremembersofthecommitteeoftheqingmiaohui.Thetuqiu( )ontheotherhandareyoungmaleswhoserveasreligiousassistants.Whenvotingforthemembersofqingmiaohui,eachfamilytakesonepositionontheqingmiaohui,andthepositioncanbeeitherlaozheortuqiu.Thelaozhe( ,elderlymen)areknownfortheirhighsocialreputation,religiousdevotion,andfairness.Theytendtobemembersoftemplemanagementgroupsinchargeofburningincenseandpaperghostmoney.Theypresideoverreligiousactivities,formulatetherulestoprotectgreenshootsofgrainsandpunishrule-breakers.Atthesametime,villagersselectqualiedmenbetweentwentyandftyyearsofagetotaketurnsservingastuqiu,beginninginMayonthelunarcalendar.Theirjobistoassistthetemplecustodiansandthelaozhe,tocallvillagerstogethertodiscussreligiousrituals,toassistthelaozheinenforcingdecisionsandrules,tocollectnes,andtoresolvedisputesbetweenvillagers.Aftertheritualofxiejiang( ),whichisheldaftertheharvestinSeptember,thetaboosprotectinggreenshootsarelifted,andtheresponsibilityofthetuqiuisterminated.Thebo( )aremalereligiousspecialistswhopracticedivinationandsorcery.Theyarenotmembersoftheqingmiaohui,buttheyareafliatedwithitandalsohaveotherleadershiprolesinthevillage.Inadditionallelderlymalevillagersofhighstatusandallmembersoforganizationsthatmanagetempleaffairshaveinuenceinthevillage.Themiaoguan( ),thevillagetemplecustodian,isaparticularlyimportantperson.Themiaoguan'sresponsibilityistokeepthetemplesrituallysafe.Itisalsohisresponsibilitytoburnincenseandtoworshipspiritsonbehalfofthevillagers.Thecustodiansalsoacceptdonationsfromworshippers.Fifty-six-year-oldMaZongqingwasthemiaoguaninHualinvillageforalmostayear.Beforebeingselected,heandhissonranaprotableblacksmith'sshopthatearnedabout30,000Chineseyuanannually.Afterhewasselectedasmiaoguan,hehadtoserveinthetemple.Sincehissondidnothaveenoughskillstoruntheshop,theycloseditandtheson 137

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wenttoworkinapotassiumfertilizerfactoryinanothercity.Masaidthatheforfeited30,000yuanbecauseofthejobinthetemple.However,hewashappytoaccepttheassignment,sincethatwasthewillofthespirits.Heindicatedthattheworkattemplewasverydifcult;hehadtogetupat4:00everymorningtowipealtarsandtables,tolighttheyak-butterlamps,toputoutwaterbowlsandtocleanthecourtyard.Thesetaskstookhimanhourandahalfeachday.Hehadtowashhishandsmorethantentimesadayforburningincense.Hesaidthatthatwasnotaproblemduringthesummer.Butinwinterhishandsgotfrostbitten.Anothermiaoguanwas53-year-oldHaZhiyu,fromGuanGongTempleinDongshanVillage.Hewasuneducated.WhenIaskedhimhowhehadbecomethetemplecustodian,hesaidthatthespiritshadselectedhiminthecourseofaritual.Hastatedthattenyearsago,heprayedforGuanGongtochooseagooddaytoconstructahouse,butdidnotreceiveanycommunication.LaterhewasnotiedbyashidianzengthatGuanGonghadselectedhimtobethemiaoguan.Hehadnowayoutandbythetimeofourconversationhehadbeenthetemplecustodianfortenyears.Hisdutiesweresimilartothoseofothermiaoguan:burningaromaticplantsandincense,kneelingindailyprayer,andotherduties.Themiaoguanisallowedhavedinnerathomeifthedailyworkroutinehasbeencompleted,buthehastocomeback.Inaddition,heisnotallowedtotouchwomen'shands,muchlesshavesexualintercourse.Masaid,itfeelslikeaone-yearsentencetobeatemplecustodian.Hewasplanningtonishhisone-yearcommitmentontheLabaFestival(theeighthdayofthelastlunarmonth)anddidnotwanttoextendhiswork.Butheadded:thereisnochoiceifthespiritselectsme.However,herepeatedlyexpressedhiseagernesstoseeanendtotempleduties;hewasupsetthathehadhadtoclosehisshopandloseincome.Accordingtothevillagehead,Thetemplecustodiansselectedbyspiritsarecompetentpeoplefromprosperousfamilieswhoarewelloffnancially. 138

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Insomevillagetemples,themiaoguanplaytheroleofreligiousspecialists,althoughtheydonothavespiritualpower.Forexample,theyhavetopaycloseattentiontotheweather.Oncecloudscomeandhailorheavyrainsareexpected,theywillperformtheanzhiritual( ,settingdown).Fortheanzhitheysometimesburnincense,takethedivinationspearsfromthetempleintothecourtyard,andblowbili(whiteconches)toaskthespiritstostopthebadweather.Themajiao,thefouryoungmenselectedbythespiritstocarrythespirituallitter,arethemiaoguan'sassistants.Wheneverthemiaoguanblowsthewhiteconch,theymustrushtothetempletoassisthiminstoppingtherainorhail.Likethemiaoguan,themajiaoarechosenbyspiritsandmuststayintheirvillagetoprotectthecropsforatleastayear.Iaskedwhatwouldhappenifamajiaodidnotarrive.Impossible.Theyhavetobehere.Iftheyarenotpresentandthecropsaredestroyed,theymusttaketheresponsibilityfortheloss,answeredthetemplemiaoguan.Themiaoguaniseitherelectedbyvillagersorappointedbythespiritsandisrequiredtoliveinthetempleallyear.Amiaoguanmayofciateforanextendedperiodoftime,buthecanresignandrequesttheelectionofhisreplacement.Peopleelectanewmiaoguanontheseventhdayofthetwelfthmonthofthelunarcalendar.Onthatdayvillagerscommunicatewithspiritsandchoosefouryoungmentocarryasacredlittertoselectthemiaoguanwhileothersholdagsandbeatgongsanddrums.Theygotothemostprominentfamilyinthevillagetoaskamaleinthisfamilytobethetemplecustodian.Atthisrequest,thefamilyhastopreparealargeroundwheatcakeandabagofteatogreetthelocaldeity.Theyareallowedtobegthedeitytoletthemoffthejob.Inthatcasethesefouryoungmencarrythelittertothenextfamilyuntilafamilyagreestoletamalememberbethenewtemplecustodian.Afterthenewmiaoguanisconrmedontheeighthdayoftherstlunarmonth,theoldmiaoguanhandsoverthekeystothetemple.Ittakesseveraldaystonishthisprocess. 139

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A BFigure4-4. A.Amiaoguanandalaozheintheritualofbiangbianghui;B.AmiaoguaninDongshanVillage. Amiaoguanchosenbythespiritshasthesameresponsibilityasoneelectedbyvillagers.However,hedoesnotknowhowlonghehastoserve.Usuallyheservesforat 140

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leastoneyear,oratmostthreetoveyears.Itissaidthatoncetheyareselected,theyhavetotaketheresponsibility;otherwise,misfortunewillbefalltheirfamilies.Aritualisheldattheendofeachyeartoselectthenextmiaoguan,thenextshidianzengandthepeopletodotheroutinework.Allthevillagersunderstandthatthepeopleselectedbythespirithavetostayinthevillageincasesomeoneneedstocommunicatewithspirits.Manytemplecustodiansarere-electedifthevillagersndthemcompetent,andespeciallyifthelocalspiritsgiveindicationsoflikingthem.Somemiaoguanhoweverarereplacedbeforeoneyearhaselapsedbecauseoftheirincompetence.Ifamiaoguanisselectedtwice,peoplegivehimaspecialhatandahadascarfforthehonor,buttheworkoftemplecustodianisunpaid.TheTubelieveinthespiritsandobeytheordersofthetemplecustodians,whoarebelievedtorepresentthewillofthespirits.Conversely,theyplacelittlestockinwhatgovernmentofcialssay.Somevillagerstoldmethattheyfollowthesecularvillageheadonlywhentheyareinthemoodtodoso.Especiallyintempleaffairs,governmentofcialscannotinterveneindisagreements.Butiftheheadofthetempleasksthedisagreeingpartiestostop,theywill. 4.3ReligiousSpecialistsandModeofSuccessionElectedmembersoftheabove-discussedreligiousassociationsexerciseauthoritybyvirtueoftheirorganizationalroles.Thereligiousspecialistsincontrasthaveauthoritybecauseoftheirowninherentpowers.Asmediatorsbetweenthehumanandspiritworlds,religiousspecialistsarebelievedtohavesupernaturalpowers.IntheTuarea,thereareseveralkindsofspecialistsbo,shidianzengandbenbenzi.Villageswithtemplesmusthavereligiousspecialistswhoplaymultiplerolesinreligiousrituals,localreligiouslifeandeveninlocalpolitics. 4.3.1TheBoShamaninHuzhuTheboistheshamaninHuzhu.Heplaysimportantrolesinallfolkritualsonbehalfofindividualsandgroupsasanintermediaryormessengerbetweenthehumanand 141

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spiritworlds.ThetermboisalsothenameoftheshamanicdancingorritualactivitiesthatoccurinHuzhuareas.WithitsstrongrootsinTutradition,shamanisticritualisthesoulofthefolkreligiousfestival.InHuzhu,theTuconsiderthebotobetheprincipalintermediarybetweenhumansandspirits.Thebocanalsobeasurrogatestand-inforthespirits.Villagersofteninvitethebotocommunicatewithspiritsintimesofcrisis,inhopesofreceivingsomeinstructionsoradvicefromthespirits,orinhopesofhealingthesickordrivingdisasterawaythroughsomeritual.Thebohasspecialclothingandritualparaphernalia.Therearetwokindsofouttsforthebo.OneisquitesimilartothatwornbyaDaoistpriestadarkbluerobe,aathat,andaone-sidedsheepskindruminhand.Theotherouttisalongtunicwithbigredowerpatternsandacolorfulcrown,paintedwithportraitsofdragonkingsandniangniang.Sometimesthebowearsbraidsofhempropeandholdsaone-sidedsheepskindrum.Hesometimesfastensabellatthewaist.Itissaidthatthebowasoriginallyafemale;buttheyarenowallmales.Intheseareas,itisinterestingtonotethatthelongtunicandarticialbraidsareassociatedwithafemalespirit.Aswithothershamans,aone-sidedsheepskindrumisthemostimportantpieceofritualequipment.Moreovereverybohastwosmalldivinatorytoolsmadeoframoroxhorns.IdiscoveredthatthescripturesandtextsusedbytheboinmanyvillagetempleswereoriginallyDaoistscriptureswithslightmodications.Thebo'smostimportanttaskistoofciateintheannualbiangbianghui,Huzhu'slargestfestival.Itspurposeistothankthespiritswithgiftsandtoprayfortheircontinuedprotection.Intheritual,localpeopleinviteandtransportalltheconsecratedstatuesandlitterstoaspecicplaceandthereoffersacricestothem.Astheintermediary,theboacceptsallofferingsonbehalfofthespiritsandinturntransmitsinformationorordersfromthespirits.Thetiaobo( )isthebo'sceremonialdanceduringthebiangbianghui.Thebobelievesthat,whenheentersatrancestate,heispossessedbyaspirit.Theparticulardancewhichtheboperformsdependsonthespiritsthatwere 142

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Figure4-5. TheboispracticingritualinNajiaVillageTemple. invited,andhewearsadifferentouttforeachspiritwhoarrives.Hiscolorfulcrownalsorepresentsdifferentspirits.Whilechantingtexts,thebodoesnotwearanyhatorcrown.Heburnssacricialpaperandkneelsinprayer,andonlythendonsthecrown.Afterthat,hestopsdancingandanswersquestionsposedtothespirits.Whilespiritsarepossessingthebodyofthebo,heshakesandsitsonthetableatthecenterofthespotwheretheritualisoccurring.Thereheacceptspeople'sprayers,andcommunicatesmessagesfromthespiritsasheperformsdivinatoryritualsanddictatesoraclestothepeople.Sometimes,toshowthepowerofspirits,thebooffersabloodsacricebystabbinghimselftodriveawayevilspiritsorghosts.Indailylife,theboisanordinarypeasantorherdsman;onlyinfolkfestivalsorimportantreligiousritualsdotheyassumetheirreligiousrole.Inaninterview,abo 143

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namedMaDeliangtoldmethathismostcommonritualtaskisdivinationforthevillagers,helpingthemlocatelostlivestock,choosingagooddayforaweddingorthebestdaytostartbuildinganewhouse.Theboisalsoashamanicdoctor.Thefamiliesofpeoplewhohavehadastrokeorsuffermentalillnessaskthebofordiagnosisandtreatmentsinceintheiropiniontheseparticularailmentsmaybetheresultofhavingoffendedthespirits.Sotheyasktheshamanstodriveawayalluncleanforcesandtoplacatethespirits.Thus,athirdfunctionoftheboistoexorciseevilspirits.Asmentionedearlier,theTuliveindifferentcommunitiesacrossHuzhu,MinheandTongrencountiesinQinghaiProvince.TherearecommonalitiesinTufolkreligionacrossthesecommunities,buteachhasitsowncharacteristics.ParalleltotheboinHuzhu,therearedifferentshamansindifferentTucommunities,suchasthefala( ,shaman)inMinheandthelawainTongren.Theygointoatranceduringspecialritualsandfunctionasamediumbetweenhumanbeingsandspirits.Danceanddramaareelementsintheircustomaryshamanicperformances.Animportanttaskoftheirsistodriveevilspiritsawayfromsacricialrituals.MinheCountyisthesecond-largestTucommunityinQinghaiProvince.AsistrueinHuzhu,everyvillagehasitsowntemple(s)andfala.Everyfamilybelievesinthepowerofthefala,justaspeopleinHuzhubelieveinthebo.Astherepresentativeofthelocaldeity,thefala'sfunctionistospeakforthedeity,toperformdivinationritualsandtocollectsacricialofferings.ThefalainMinhedecorateshimselfwithasteelswordandshortstakes.Buttheone-sidedsheepskindrumisthefala'smostimportantpieceofritualequipment.Butunlikethebo,thefalawearsashortredgownwithblackripplepatternsandabeltaroundthewaist.Theouttlookslikesomethingthatamartialartsactorwouldwear.Onspecialdayssuchastheritualsofthenadunfestival,eachfalapierceshischeeksanddanceswhileholdinganancientsteelhalberd.Hefoamsatthemouthwhenaspiritpossesseshim.Thenhedancestowardsthesacricialofferings,touchesthem 144

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withhissword,andthendestroysthesacricialmoney,ceremonialcanopyandotherofferingswiththehalberdorsword,nallydeclaringtothevillagersthatthespirithasreceivedtheofferingsandhasblessedthemfortheyear.Somefalastillpiercetheirmouthswithfoot-longironrodsinsacricialrituals.Unlikethebo,thefaladoesnotrunthroughoutthewholeperformance.Hesimplyrepresentsthespiritinthelaststep.SinceDaoismhasspreadinMinhe,localpeoplecalltheDaoistpriestsfashi,todistinguishthemfromthefala,theTushamans.IntheTongrenTuareas,shamansarecalledlawa( )inTibetanorfashi( )inChinese.IncontrasttoHuzhuandMinhe,thetermlawareferstoshamanswhodealwithmountainspirits,notfamilyspirits.Indailylife,thelawadofarmingorleavethevillagetowork.Forreligiousfestivalsorrituals,thelawareturntotheirvillages.InTongren,therearemanyfestivalsrelatedtoshamans,suchastheJunefestivalinsummerandthewutu( )festivalinwinter.Duringthefestivals,peopleoffersacricesandthankthespiritsforfavorsreceived,andthelawaperformsritualstocommunicatewithspirits.BloodsacriceisanimportantpracticebytheshamansinTongren.Inthisritual,thelawawearsaTibetanrobeandahatwithapaintingofveBuddhasandholdsaatdrumwhichhebeatswithadrumstickofbirchbranches.Thelawastriketheirownheadsuntiltheybleed,andthenwipethebloodontotheTangkawithitsspiritportraits.Thisisdonetoshowrespecttoandtocommunicationwiththespirits.Inmyeldwork,Ioncesawacertainlawastabhisheadwithnailstodrawbloodforasacrice.DuringtheritualsinTongren,therearenopriestsfromotherreligions.Thelawaaretheonlyorganizersandthedirectors.Thespiritstalktovillagersthroughthelawaanddirecttheceremony.Inshort,bo,falaandlawaarepart-timeShamansindifferentTuareas.Theroleofshamanisusuallypasseddownfromfathertoson.InHuzhu,thebo'sfamilysetsupashrinetotheirfamilyspiritssuchasblacktigers,niangnianganddragonkings.Theinheritanceoftheroleofboistransmittedthroughthemaleline,andseveralrituals 145

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areneededforsomeonetobecomearecognizedbo.Eachbotransmitstothemalesinhisfamilyandcommunityknowledgeaboutreligioustraditionandrituals.Thesearetaughteventoyoungboys.ThoughfewpeopleintheTuareascanreadandwrite,theboteachpotentialheirshowtoofciateatreligiousritualsandrehearseswiththemthebiangbianghuidances.Theoldbo,MaDeliang,hasthreesons,allofthemtrainedbythefather(Onlytheyoungest,hasbecomeashaman).Tobeacceptedbythecommunityasabo,however,itisnotenoughfortheyoungpersontopossesstheknowledgeinhishead;hemustdemonstratespecialtalentinhisoutwardbehaviortoconvincepeoplethatheistrulyabo.TobecomeafalainMinhe,apersonmustinherittheroleinhisfamily,inadditiontodemonstratingspiritualpowerandtalent.Inmyinvestigationin2012,ayoungfaladescribedhisinitiation.Hisfatherisafamousshamanandbeganteachinghissonearly.Severalyearsago,therewasareligiousritualtowhichhisfatherdidnotbringhim.Butrightbeforetheritualbegan,theboysuddenlyrantoamountainneartheirvillage.Hisbrothersandseveralyoungmenfromthevillagechasedhimbutcouldnotcatchhim.Whenhearrivedattheritualsite,hisfathertoldeverybodythathissonwasarealfala.Thevillagersthenceforthacceptedhisstatusasshamanhavingwitnessedhispower.InTongren,acquisitionofthestatusofshamanpresupposesnotonlymembershipinashaman'sfamily;theprospectiveshamanalsomustgothroughaninitiationceremonystronglyinuencedbyTibetanBuddhism.ThatinitiationritualrequirestheprospectiveshamantopassaqualifyingexamintheTibetanBuddhisttemple.Whentheoldlawapassesaway,oneofhissonswillreplacehim.ButtheheirhastobetestedbythelivingBuddhainLongwumonasteryinTongren,andhewillbecertiedonlyifhepassesthetest.Otherwisevillagerswilldoubtthathehasthespiritualpowerrequiredofalawa.Itissaidthataspartofthistest,thelivingBuddhaaskssomestrangequestionsthatcanbeansweredonlybysomeonewithgenuinespiritualpowerwhohasbeeninstructedbyoracles. 146

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Inconclusion,manyTufamilieshavepracticedshamanismasdescribedbySchram:ThefactswereallgatheredduringthetenyearsIlivedamongtheMonguors,andwerecheckedmanytimesbyshamans,chiefsandeldersofvillages,menandwomen,andchildrenintheschools,allofwhomhadattendedshamanistritestheirwholelifelong.( Schram 1957 )Moreover,theTushamansinthedifferentTuareashaveslightlydifferentprocedures,buttheyareauthenticatedinstrikinglysimilarways.Forexample,besidesservingasatrancemediumduringtheharvestcelebration,allofthemregulateandcontrolcommunityaffairsbyusingthepoweroffolkspiritstofacilitatefarmingandtoharmonizeinterpersonalrelationships.Whenthereisconictamongvillagers,thoseshamansintervenetosettleit.Inlocalpeople'sopinion,thespiritsalwaysupholdjustice,soitisverynormalthatinaparticularritual,thebo,falaorlawawillgiveawarningthataspiritcanseeandheareverythingandwillpunishthosewhobreaktherules.Thespiritsareevenbelievedtopunishvillagersforwrongdoingindealingwithparents.AsdistinctfromTibetanBuddhismandDaoism,theshamanicelementinfolkreligionplaysaprominentroleinthereligiouslivesoftheTu. 4.3.2TheShidianzengtheSpokesmanoftheLocalDeitiesTheshidianzengisanimportantspiritmediuminTufolkreligion,andconsequentlyenjoyhighreligiousstatus.Asintermediariesbetweenthespiritualandnaturalworlds,themostimportantfunctionofshidianzengistofashen( )ortofashen-jian( )4tocommunicatewithspiritsusingsacreddivinationspears,whicharethelocalrepresentationsofthespiritsandareplacedinvillagetemples.TherearenofemaleshidianzengamongtheTu;thelocalassumptionappearstobethatonlymalescancommunicatewithspirits. 4Thefameanstoholdorshake;theshenjianisthesacredspearusedfordivination.Whenincom-municationwithspirits,shidianzengshakethesacredspearforthemessagesfromthedeities. 147

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Figure4-6. Thefashenjianritualbyshidianzeng. Thelocalpeoplebelievethatitishardforordinarypeopletocommunicatewithspirits;onlytheshidianzengcansummonthem.Therefore,almosteveryTuvillagetemplehasitsownshidianzeng.Forthefewtemplesthatdonot,thevillagersinviteshidianzengfromtheneighboringvillagestoofciateatrituals.Indailylife,theshidianzengisanordinarypeasantwhodoesnotnecessarilyknowhowtosingordance.Butinreligiousritualsorimportantfestivals,theshidianzengarecalledintocommunicatewiththespirits.Thevillagersasksomequestionsofthespiritandshidianzengshakesthesacreddivinationspeartoansweryesorno.Therearenorequirementsofspecialclothesorcostumesfortheshidianzeng.Astheycommunicatewithaspirit,theysimplyholdandshakeorvibratethedivinationspear,andthemiaoguanorthebointerprettheinstructionsfromthewaythespearshakes. 148

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Ifthecommunicationofashidianzengissuccessful,heshakesthespear.Itissaidthatthisindicateslossofcontrol.Ioncesawashidianzengwalkindifferentdirectionsledbyadivinationspear.Hestoppedwalkingattheplacewherethexiazhenwastooccur,wheresomebodyhadburiedsomething.Itwasunclearwhetherhewasdirectedbysomespiritualpowerorwasactingonhisown.Iinterviewedseveralshidianzengandaskedthemwhatitwasliketotalktospirits.Theysaidthattheywerenotalwayssuccessful;butwhentheywere,theycouldtellthatspiritshadpossessedthem.Forexample,sometimestheyheardbeesbuzzing.Sometimestheirbodiesbecameoverheatedandstartedtoshake.Theyemphasizedthatitwasexhaustingtofashen,andsometimestheyhadtogiveup.Whilepossessedbyspirits,theyforgetwhotheyare.Afterfashentheyreturntonormalanddonotrememberwhathasjusthappened.Thelocalpeoplebelievethatshidianzengaregenuinelypossessedandhavebeenchosenbyaparticularspiritforthecommunicationofmessages.Theroleoftheshidianzengisnotidenticalwiththatofthebo.Theboisaclassofshamancapableofcontrollingforcesinthespiritworld,andabomustbetrainedtolearnhowtobecomepossessed.However,theshidianzengappearstobeentirelyunderthecontrolofforcesinthespiritworld.Forexample,ononeoccasionacertainpersonsawastrangethingduringaritual.Hesuddenlystartedbabbling,gesticulating,andactingstrangely.Hethendeclaredhimselftobepossessedbyaspirit.Inaddition,thebohasknowledgeoflocalreligiousdynamicsandofthereligiousconditionofotherpeople.Thestatusofaboishereditary.Heistrainedbyfamilymembersandeventuallyinitiated.Incontrast,theprocessofbecomingashidianzengissurroundedwithmoreambiguityandmystery.Becomingashidianzengisnotamatteroffamilyinheritancebutoccursrandomly.Localpeoplethinkthatthespiritsthemselvesaretheoneswhochoosewhichmenwillbetheirspokesmen.Justastheroleofshidianzengisnotinheritedfromthefamily,soalsonofamilyisrequiredtoprovideasuccessortotheshidianzeng.Afterashidianzenghasdied,the 149

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spiritsmaychooseanotheronefromadifferentfamily.Mostmenwhoarechosentobeshidianzengareknowntohavespecialabilitiesorhaverecoveredfromaseriousillness.Inaword,somethingunpredictableandmysteriouswillhavehappenedbeforeapersonbecomesashidianzeng.SuDerong,a74-year-oldvillager,toldmethatthewordshidianreferstolocalspirits,andthatzengisaTibetanword5thatmeanstobegrabbed.Theshidianzengarethuspeoplewhohavebeengrabbedbyaspirit.Hementionedthatinthepast,therehadbeennoshidianzenginHualin,butthatlater,thelocalfemaleniangniangchoseamantobethenewshidianzeng.Afteraninitiationritual,themembersofhiscommunitywillbelievethatthatmanisspeakingthewordsofthatparticularspirit.In2011,Isawaritualinwhichashidianzengwastobechosen,buttheritualwasunsuccessful.Atthattime,theshidianzengstartedcommunicatingwithspiritsandwasholdingawoodenspear.Hedrewacircleandaskedtheyoungpeopletolineup.Theshidianzengsuddenlystoppedmovingandeveryonewasdismissed.Weweretoldthatsomevillagershadprotestedthatthisritualwasunfairtotheyoungpeoplewhowereworkingoutsideofthevillage.Theysaidthatifanewshidianzengwerechosenwithoutallyoungmalespresent,theonechosenwouldnothavefullspiritualpower.Itseemsinotherwordsthatthereishumaninterventionintheselection,thoughitwasnotknownwhohadobjected.Isuspectedthattheprotesterswerethefamiliesoftheyoungpeoplewhohademigratedtoworkelsewhere.Theorganizersoftheritualweresuspectedofwantingtheirownrelativestobechosen.Thereisalogictothesuspicion.Becauseofthemysterythatsurroundsthem,shidianzengenjoycertainprivilegesinalocalcommunity.Forinstance,wheninvitingashidianzengtocommunicatewithspirits,peoplealwayssendhimtealeaves,foodorothergifts.Thus,forsimplematerialreasonspeoplemightwantoneoftheirrelatives 5IlaterconrmedthatzengdoeshavethemeaningofgrabbingintheTibetanlanguage. 150

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tobethelocalshidianzeng.Butdespitetheirprivilegesshidianzengalsohavetotakeextraprecautions.Theymustavoidfunerals,hospitalsandfamilieswithneonatestoavoidharmtothemselvesandoffensestothespirits.Moreover,shidianzengmusthaveenoughpubliccredibilitytoinstructpeoplehowtotellrightfromwrong,toresolvedisagreements,andheadofffuturetroublebyreceivinginstructionsfromaspirit..Inshort,theprocessofbecomingaboorashidianzengcanbesummedupasfollows.First,hebreakswithhiseverydaylife.Second,hehasanear-deathexperience.Third,heacquiresasenseofconnectednesstothespiritworld.Duringanillness,hemakesaspiritualjourneyandcommunicateswithaspirit,andafterherecovershereceivespowerfromallthespiritsorancestors.ThesespecialistsmustprovetheirpreternaturalpowertothepublicthrougharitualorbypassingthequalifyingexamintheTibetanBuddhisttemple.Thereafter,theboandtheshidianzengusetheirpreternaturalpowerstosolveproblems.Asadiviner,theshidianzengcandeterminewhetherwitchcraftorsorceryisresponsibleforanafiction.Thebohelpspeopletodriveoffevilspirits,toprotectagriculture,andtorecoverfromsickness. 4.3.3TheBenbenziInadditiontotheboandtheshidianzengwhocommunicatewiththespirits,Tufolkreligionalsoassignsspecialistsreferredtoasbenbenzitoworkinvillagetemplesasorganizersoftheritualsdirectedtowardthespirits.Theyplaydifferentrolesintheseritualsandingeneralfacilitatethesmoothoperationofthelocalfolkreligioussystem.ThelastkindofreligiousspecialistthatwewilldiscussinTuvillagesaretheben-benzi.TheycanbeidentiedasspiritualadeptswhohavestudiedTibetanBuddhismandhaveenoughknowledgetotakechargeofchantingBuddhistscripturesduringfolkrituals.Thebenbenziarethusreligioussemi-professionalsbutnotfull-edgedmonks.TheyspendashorttimestudyingscripturesinaTibetanBuddhisttempleandacquirebasiclearningabouttheritualsandceremonialproceduresofTibetanBuddhism.Intheirreligiousrole,thebenbenziwearahabitsimilartothoseofmonks.Thatincludesthe 151

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Figure4-7. Abenbenzichantingscripturesinthevillagetemplewithhisassistant. kasaya(apatchworkoutervestment)andusereligiousparaphernaliasimilartothoseofmonks,buttheydonotundergothetonsureritual.Unlikemostvillagers,thebenbenzicanread,write,andknowledgeablychantscriptures.Mostofthemcantellfortunesandengageindivinationaswell.Indailylife,however,thebenbenziareordinaryfarmers.TheTupreservethecustomofinvitingTibetanBuddhistmonkstochantscripturesforspecialoccasionssuchasweddingsandfunerals.However,ifthiswouldbeunacceptablyexpensiveorifvillagersliveagreatdistancefromTibetanBuddhisttemples,anacceptablealternativeistoinviteavillagebenbenzitochantthescripturesortoofciateattherituals.Inasense,thebenbenziarealternativestomonks.Unliketheboandtheshidianzeng,however,thebenbenzirolehasnomysteriousaurasurroundingit.Theyarenotintermediariesbetweenspiritsandhumans,nordoestheirinitiationconferonthemanyspecialsupernaturalpowerorauthority. 152

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Tosumupandconcludethischapter,wehaveshownhowreligioussites,religiousspecialistsandreligiousorganizationsllsignicantfunctionsinthelivesoftheTu.ThefolkbeliefandritualsystemoftheTuconstitutesastabilizinginuencewithintheTucommunity.Thearchitecturalelementsofthevillagetemples,alongwiththeirdecorativedragonpatterns,areingeniouslycombinedwithotherreligiouspatterns.TheirdiverseoriginsreecttheharmonythatexistsbetweenthefolkreligionoftheTuandotherreligions.IfavillageisstronglyinuencedbyTibetanBuddhism,thevillagetemplewillhavethecharacteristicredwalls,whitedecorationsandtrapezoidalwindowsfoundintheTibetanstyle,etc.EvenifinaparticularvillagethereislittleinuencefromTibetanBuddhism,atminimumtherewillbelargecurtainsmadeofve-coloredprayeragsaswellasBuddhistprayerwheelssurroundingthevillagetemples.Atthesametime,itiscommonfordragonkingtemplestodisplayapairofdragonsonthetopofthemainhallwithakalashaorsomeotherBuddhistartifactbetweenthem.Daoistsymbolsarealsopresent,betheywoodcarvingsorcolorfulpaintingsoftheEightImmortalsofDaoistlegendoraTaiChidiagram(diagramoftheuniverse).SuchitemsdemonstrateaninuencefromDaoism.Suchsyncreticblendingofelementsfromdifferentreligionsis,fromananthropologicalperspective,perhapsthemostsalientfeatureoftheTufolkreligion.Afolkreligionnotonlyhasitsphysicalstructuresbutitsspecialistsaswell.ThereisanimpressivevarietyofTureligiousspecialistswhoareinchargeofmaintaining,interpretinganddisseminatingtheTufolkreligion.Tureligiousspecialistsareviewedashavingpower,bothsupernaturalandpersonal.Theauthoritywhichtheythereforeenjoypermitsthemtopreservelocalreligioustraditionsandtotransmitthesebeliefsandritualsacrossgenerations.ThesegmentedorganizationofTusocietiesiswellreectedinthemultitudeofhigherdeities,lessernaturespiritsandancestralspirits.ThedifferentritualsperformedatshrinesorinotherpublicplacestocommunicatewithdeitiesandlesserspiritshelpspreservesocialharmonyamongtheTu.UnlikeDaoist 153

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andBuddhisttemples,thelocalTutemplesareestablishedandentirelyadministeredbyvillagecommunities.TheonlytypeofprofessionalclergythatfunctionamongtheTuareTibetanBuddhistmonksandDaoistpriests.Thefala,theshidianzeng,thebenbenzi,andotherfolkspecialistsareinchargeofmostritualsinornearvillagetemples.Becausethesefolkspecialistsareordinaryvillagers,theyenjoythelocalcredibilitytoshapeastheythemselvesareinturnshapedbylocaltradition.WehavealsodiscussedtheunintendedimpactofStatesupportforlocalTutemples.OntheonehandtheStateattemptstoexertsomecontroloverreligion.OntheotherhandpeopledevelopstrategiestomanipulatetheState.Thesizeofalocaltemplewillreectthelevelofeconomicwell-beinginthecommunity.Thelargerthetemple,themoreworshippersitwillattract.Alargernumberofworshipperswillbringinmoremoneyandsacricialofferingsandcausethetempletoourish.Thisself-reinforcingcyclecreatesapositivecorrelationbetweenthepowerattributedtospiritsandtheprosperityoftemples.ItisthenancialsupportoftheStatewhichoftenallowssometemplestoprospermorethanothers.Smallertemples,incontrast,havefewerworshippersanddonorsandarethusconsideredtohavelessspiritualpower.Ininterviews,somepeoplecomplainedaboutthetempleinDazhuang.Theyarerichandsupportedgenerouslybythegovernment.Sotheyaremoredeveloped.Itislogicalthatthespiritswillgivethembetterprotection.Ourvillageissmallandpoor,sothespiritsarereluctanttostayhere.Interestingly,theyanthropomorphizethespiritsasdespisingthepoorandfavoringtherich.Wehavealsoseenhowfolkreligiousorganizationssuchasqingmiaohuinotonlyplayanimportantroleinfolkreligiousactivitiesandrituals,butalsotakeresponsibilityfortheenforcementoflawsandforimplementationoftheinstructionsemanatingfromthepoliticalsector.Thevillagegovernmentcommitteesaretheofcialorganizations.Theqingmiaohuiincontrastarenon-governmentalorganizations.However,becauseoftheirlocalreligiouspower,thoseinchargeofqingmiaohuiaremoreinuentialthan 154

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localgovernmentbureaucrats.Forexample,ifavillagerfailstoprovideforhisparents,orisguiltyofgamblingorvandalism,theqingmiaohuicommitteecanimposeaneorevenimposephysicalpunishmentinthenameofthespirits.Incontrast,ofcialgovernmentorganizationsatvillagelevelusuallyrestrictthemselvesmoretotheeconomicdevelopmentofthecommunityandtopromulgatinggovernmentpolicies,deliveringgovernmentwelfare,buildingroadsandpublicfacilitiesandthelike.Itistheunofcialfolkreligiouscommittee,thevillageqingmiaohui,whosemembershavetheinformalpowertointerveneininteractionsnotonlybetweenvillagefamiliesbutevenwithinasinglefamily. 155

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CHAPTER5FOLKRELIGIONANDECOLOGYINCOMMUNITYLIFETheanthropologyofreligionhasoftencenteredonsocioculturalphenomenathatarewidelyidentiedbyordinarypeopleasbeingreligiousincharacter:myths,rituals,magic,beliefsaboutgodsanddivinebeings,taboos,andsymbols.TheseelementsareallwovenintoTufamilialandsociallife,andtheirfolk-religioncanthusbecharacterizedisbeingwovendeeplyintothefabricoftheirsocialorganization.ReligionalsoentersintotherealmofconictresolutionamongtheTu.BecauseofadversenaturalconditionsandtheshortageofcultivablelandandwaterresourcesintheTuareas,conictsoftenariseamongvillages.Thisecologicalstressprovokesthemobilization,atleastamongtheTu,ofreligiousdynamicsthatintheendcreatedialogueandcollaboration.Religiousritualandorganizationhavebecomecloselyrelatedtoecologicalconcernspertainingtosuchmattersasirrigationanddeforestation.TheinvolvementofTufolk-religioninthesemattersendowsitwithanimportantroleinpreventingconictsandinresolvingthemwhentheyoccur.Inthischapter,IwillexplorethedailyreligiouslifeoftheTuandexaminesomespecicritualssuchasbiangbianghui,zhuanshanjing,xiejiangandhealingceremonies.Inthoseritualsallvillagersareremindedoftheneedtoabidebyvillageregulationsandareencouragedtomaintainharmoniousfamilyandcommunityrelationships.TheseritualsalsostrengthentheinternalinteractionamongtheTuandintensifytheirconsciousnessoftheirstatusasadistinctethnicgroups.WeshallexaminethemannerinwhichTureligiousbeliefandpracticepromotereverencefornatureandenhancepeople'scommitmenttoprotectingthenaturalenvironment.Indoingthisitalsoenhancestheharmonyoftherelationshipsamonglocalpeople. 5.1DailyReligiousLifeoftheTuDailyreligiousritualsgiveexternalexpressiontointernalbeliefsthatarerootedintheheartsoftheTu.Thosereligiouspractices,threetypesofwhichIwilldescribe, 156

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enablepeoplenotonlytomaintaintheirinnerpsychologicalequilibriumbutalsotomaintainastableexternalsocialorder. 5.1.1ChantingManiScripturesChantingmaniisanobligatorymorningandeveningreligiouspracticeforTuelders.ThetermmaniisalsousedfortheSanskritSutraoftheSixTruestWords,pronouncedOmManiPadmeHum,takenfromTibetanBuddhism.ThereisabeliefthateachofthesixwordsfromthisTibetanBuddhistMantrahelpspeopletooverpoweroneofthesixdeleteriousemotionsandbringsthemclosertobodhiprajna,thehigheststageofenlightenment.ItisfurtherrequiredtoprayforhelpfromAvalokitesvara(thegoddessofmercy)bychantingtheSixWords.InTibetanesotericBuddhism,peoplebelievethesewords(mani)havethespiritualabilityofsummoningandembodimentinanalmostautomaticwaytoactualizeaslongastheychantdevoutlyandcontinuouslywithappropriatedeepmeditationandmindfultraining( Zhai 2003b ).However,fortheTu,chantingmaniisnotonlyaprayertotheBuddhainTibetanBuddhism;moreimportantly,theypraytothelocalspiritsinordertoconnectwiththemthroughmani.Theyalsousethisprayertoquietthemind.Afterwakingupintheearlymorning,itiscustomarytoburnaromaticplantsinthecourtyards,offerclearwatertotheshrines,andworshipthespirits.Thechantingofthemaniwilloccurafterthat.Whenthedayends,facingthearomaticplantbrazier,theykneelandchantmanitoofferprayersandgivethanksfortheirsafetyandpeace.TheTuvillageeldersoftencarrywiththemsmallspinningprayerwheelsintheirdailyrounds.Thispermitsthemtoconstantlychantmaniscriptureandtodevotetheirbodies,wordsandactionstotheBuddha.Sometimestheygotothelocaltemple,spinalltheprayerwheels,andchantthemani.Somefamiliesholdmanihui(manimeetings),followingtheoraclesofspiritshousedinvillagetemples,inwhichtheyinviteotherelderstochantscripturestogetherforseveraldaysandtodistributemoneyorfoodtothevillagers.Duringthemanihui,besidesmaniscriptures,theyalsochantothershort 157

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scriptures.Villagetemplesalsoregularlyholdmanihuiandinviteelderstothesession.TheTubelievethatthefrequencywithwhichmaniisreadgivesproofoftheirdevotiontothelocalspiritsandtotheBuddha.Thisdevotion,itisbelieved,willleadtogreaterpeaceandhappinessandtoevengreaterblessings. 5.1.2TheZhuanguolaRitual(WalkingaroundGuola)TheTibetanwordguolameansspinningandduringzhuanjing( ,spinningscriptures)rituals,peoplewalkclockwisearoundsacredplacesinprayer.Oneofthemostimportantdailyreligiousactivities,itisheldattheearlierdescribedbenkangshrinesorinvillagetemples,aswellasinTibetanBuddhisttemplesnearby.Peopleperformingthezhuanguolaritualarealmostalwayselders,butyoungpeoplemayalsoattendaftercompletingtheirhouseworktasks.Thereisnospeciedtimeofdayornumberofroundsforthisritualarenotlimited,soonthecountryroadsofTuareas,peopleareoftenseenwalkingaroundbenkang. A BFigure5-1. A.AnoldmanchantingManiScriptures;B.Tuwomenbeingzhuanguolainavillagetemple. 158

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Thelocalpeoplethinkthatscripturescanbeeitherchantedwhilewalkingaroundorbyspinningthescriptures.Forthatreasonpeoplewrapscriptures1intoprayerwheelsofdifferentsizes.Itissaidthatwhentheprayerwheelspinsaroundonetime,thepersonisconsideredtohavechantedthescripturesinsideonce.Chantingthescripturesandspinningthemarebelievedtobeequalintheirvalue.Additionally,theTubelievethatholymountains,lakesandBuddhisttemplesarealsosourcesofblessingandprotection.Theybelievethattheblessingswillcomeiftheywalkawholeround.Atadesignatedtime,theycarryfoodandwaterastheywalkaroundthosesacredplaceswhilespinningthemaniprayerwheelsandchantingmaniscriptures.Peoplearefreetowalkaslongastheywanttowalk.Forseveraldays,evenseveralmonths,thepeopleprostratethemselvestomeasurethelengthofthesacredplaceswiththeirbodies.ItisobviousthattheritualsofchantingmaniandperformingthezhuanguolaritualamongtheTuwereoriginallyfromTibetanBuddhism,buttheobjectsofzhuan(walkingaround)arenotonlyTibetanBuddhisttemples,butalsovillagetemplesandbenkang.WethuscanseethatthegeneralpracticebytheTuofincorporatingelementsfromotherreligionsisdoneinamanner,whichendowstheexogenouselementswithTucharacteristics. 5.1.3ZuoRangni(PracticingRangni)Therangniisagroupfast.Thepeoplewhoperformrangniareforthemostpartelders,butsometimesincludeyoungwomenwhowanttohavechildrenandpeoplewithchronicillness.Topreparearangni,thevillagetemplecustodianandsomecapablevillagerscollectdonations,purchasenecessities,inviteLamas,recruitwomentocookinthetemplesandinvitepeopletotherangni.Onthedayoftheritual,participantsgatheratvillagetemplesatthespeciedtimeandfastforseveraldaysinordertoprayforanswerstotheirrequests.Therangniisusuallyabouttwoweekslong.Duringtheritual,theparticipantseatonlyonemealperday,andthefoodisprovidedbythevillagers.Itis 1UsuallytheyareTibetanBuddhismscriptures. 159

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saidthatparticipantscanaccumulatemeritandhappinessfortheirfamilieseverytimetheyperformrangni.Interestingly,alocalspiritsuchasadragonkingoraniangniangsetsthedateofrangni,buttheritualiscarriedoutandthescriptischantedbyLamas.Intherangni,LamasfromnearbyBuddhisttemplesareinvitedtothelocaltempletotakechargeofthechantingritual.Aweekbeforerangni,participantsbegintoavoidmeatandspicyfoodssuchasgarlicandgreenonions.Ontheeveofrangni,peoplebringsimplebedclothestothemainhallofthevillagetemplewheretherangniwillbeheld.Whentherangnibegins,theparticipantseatabreakfastprovidedinthevillagetemple,thenkneelorsittolistentotheLamasteachingscriptures,chantmaniandkowtow.Everyonechantsscripturessilentlyandmeditates.Fromthatmomenton,lunchistheonlypermittedmealandtheparticipantscontinuetolistentoscripturesuntiltheritualends.Therangniusuallybeginsinthefthandsixthmonthsofthelunarcalendar.Anentirerangnitakes16daysdividedintoperiodsoftwodayseach.Notallparticipantsarehardyenoughtolastfortheentire16daysandquitaftercompletingseveralperiods.Ontheearlymorningofthe16thday,aclosingceremony,thedaohuotan( ),isheld.Ahuotan( )isatypeofsquareearthenplatformthatholdswheat,highlandbarley,rapeseeds,sesameseeds,barley,peasandotherlocalcrops.Lamassprinklemeltedyakbutteronthecrops,thenburnthemandpray.Participantsinrangnikneelonthegroundandchantmani.Theendofthedaohuotansignalsthecompletionofthatyear'srangni.Theleaderofthenextyear'srangniisalsoelectedinthisceremony.WethusseethatreligiousactivitiesareanintegralpartofTudailylife.Frommorningtonight,theyengageinavarietyofreligiousbehaviors.Turnerdenedritualasprescribedformalbehaviorforoccasionsnotgivenovertotechnologicalroutine,havingreferencetobeliefsinmysticalbeingsandpowers( Turner 1967 ,19).Throughactivitiessuchaszhuanguolaandrangnifasting,peopleexaminetheirwordsandbehaviorsandtheirrelationshipswithspiritstobringtranquilitytotheirmindsandtostructuretheirdaily 160

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Figure5-2. Zuorangni. life.ThesedailyreligiousritualsgiveexternalexpressiontoinnerreligiousbeliefsrootedintheheartsoftheTu.ThistraditionalTuculturalmechanism,however,withfolkbeliefasitsspiritualcoreandwithrituallifeasthetransmitterofitsinheritedculture,alsosetsotherboundsonTudailylife.Asymbolisthesmallestunitofritualthatstillretainsthespecicpropertiesofritualbehavior;itisastorageunitlledwithavastamountofinformation( Turner 1968 ,1-2).Thusfolkreligionsimperceptiblyinuencepeople'smoralvalues,ideologyandtheirmeasuresofvalueandoftheirownaccomplishments.Suchconsciousnessontheonehandembodiesaspecialhistoricalandculturalmeaning.Ontheotherhanditalsorelatestocontemporaryissuesinlocallifeandmakesitpossibletoconstructanecologicalethicthataffectsothernon-religiousareasoflife.Moreover,thesereligiouseventsgiveusinsightintothepermeationandparticipationofTibetanBuddhisminlocalfolkrituals.Therangniritualisanindicationofthehighlevelofmutualadaptationbetweenthetworeligions. 161

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5.2ReligiousFestivalsandAgriculturalEcologicalSystemInanindigenoussociety,thereisoftenacomplexrelationshipbetweentheenvironmentandtraditionalreligion.Suchinteractionshaveattractedthescholarlyattentionofgeographers,ecologistsandanthropologists.Asanimportantcomponentofalargeannualfestival,individualritualsgiveexpressiontospecicconcernswithinthelargerpicture.ThissectionexaminesTufolkfestivalsandritualsandarguesthattheritualcycleparallelstheregularitiesandtherepetitiveannualcyclesfoundinnature.Moreover,thecosmologyoftheTufolkreligionpursuesaharmoniousinteractionbetweenhumanbeingsandnature.ThefolkfestivalsoftheTustartonthelunarNewYear'sEveandlastthroughtheendoftheyear,whichconstitutesacompletefarmingcycle.Withtheirstrongvitality,therichandcolorfulfestivals,withtheircomponentrituals,helppreservetheinnerorderofTusocietyandgiveshapetotheculturalmodelsofthecommunity.TherearelocalecologicalandgeographicalparticularitieswhichaffectfarmingandanimalhusbandryamongtheTuofHuzhu.Tufolkreligionaddressestheseculturaldomainsofcropsandlivestock,andindeedmanyfestivalsandritualsaretimedtomeshwiththefarmingcycle.DuringTufestivalsthemostimportantritualsarethoseofweidasang,biang-bianghui,zhuanshanjingandxiejiang.Theseareasetofcelebrationsandspecialritualsperformedinhonorofdifferentspirits.Thebiangbianghuiisaprayertowardoffcalamity,tobringdownblessings,andtoentertainthelocalspiritsthoughtheshaman'sdanceperformance.ThezhuanshanjingistheGodPageantCeremony,aprocessionthatpubliclydemarcatestheterritoryunderthetutelageofeverylocaldragonking.Thexiazhenandchapaiareritualsinwhichpeopleasklocalspiritsforprotectionagainstdamagebyhail.Andthexiejiangistheritualatendoftheyeartothankthespiritsandtorequestfromthemprotectionofthecrops. 162

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5.2.1Weidasang:WelcomeDeitiesandCelebratetheLunarNewYearTheweidasang( )isacommonritualamongTibetanBuddhists.Thewordsang( ),ofTibetanorigin,alludestopuricationviacleansing,eliminationandexpulsion.Atthetimeoftheweisang(weimeanstoburn,andsangmeansaromaticplants),peopleburndrycedarbranchesandsweetgrassincense,andsprinklefoodsuchaszanba( ,roastedbarleyour),tealeaves,cropsandwater.Thedualmeaningofweisangisthuspuricationandworship.AsdescribedintheBuddhistscriptures,spiritsareimmaterialandarethusnottoeatordrinkthingsfromthehumanworld.Buttheydoenjoy,asitwere,thebanquetswhilesmellingtheincenseofsang,whichiscalledzhisainTibetanandshiwei( )inChinese.Somonksandpeopleworshipspiritsintheweisangritualbyburningaromaticplantsintemplesandonmountaintops.Itissaidthatthesmokeandincensefromthesangnotonlybringpleasuretohumans,butmoreimportantly,pleasethespirits.IntheTuareas,asangburningaltarcanbefoundinalmosteveryhousehold,monasteryandvillagetemple.Ontherstandfteenthdayofeachlunarmonthandonallotherauspiciousdays,peopleriserearlytoperformtheweisangritualtoworshipthespirits. A BFigure5-3. A&B.Theweisang(burningaromaticplant) 163

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Theweidasang,aTuritualforworshippingheavenandmountainspirits,isdifferentfromandmoreimportantthantheweisangritual.Itisassociatedwithworshipofthegodofheaven,Tenggeer( )2.AccordingtotheTu,Tenggeerisnottheskyitself,butratheraspiritassociatedwiththesky.Sointheearlymorningontherstdayofeverylunaryear,peoplebringofferingsandmeetatthetopofthehighestmountainneartheirvillagetoperformtheweidasangritual.Itisthoughtthatthehighestplaceisthebestlocationfortheweidasang,andtherstpersontoarriveisconsideredthemostfortunate.Afterarrivingatthetop,peopleburnapileofsang(cypressandcedarbranches)nearalashize(amountainshrinedescribedearlier)andrushtosprinklefoodandwineonthesangpile.Kneelingonthegroundandthrowingfengma( )3intothesky,peoplechantscripturestoprayforhappinessandforprotectionfromdisasterswhilethesmokeofburningsangrisesintothesky.Sinceitisdifcultforpeopletoclimbhighmountains,youngmenusuallyrepresenttheirfamiliesataweidasang,butsomedevoutwomenalsoweartraditionalouttsandattend.Moreover,theweidasangisapubertyritualforyoungpeoplesinceitisalsoaphysicalandpsychologicaltest.Aftertheritual,peoplebringsacricestovillagetemplesandtotheirownfamilyspirithallstopayaNewYear'scallonbothspiritsandancestors.Atthelashizeandbenkangshrinesneartheirvillages,peoplehangnewBuddhistsutrastreamers,putmoremanistones,performweisang,andthenwalkclockwisearoundtheshrines.Alongwiththeweidasangritual,aseriesofotherritualsandeventsintheNewYearnotonlyexpresstheTu'srespectforandworshipofthesky,theearthandnature,butalsoshowgratitudetothelocalspirits.OnthelunarNewYear'sDaytheTuholdagrandritualtowelcometheskygod.OnNewYear'sEve,theTuriseveryearlyinthemorningtocleantheirhousesand 2IntheTulanguage,thismeansthesky.3Thisisasmallcolorfulsquarepieceofpaperwiththeimageofahorseprintedonit.Sinceitisverylightandcanriseupintheairwiththebreeze,localpeoplethrowthemintotheairintheritualforsacrice. 164

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courtyards,toafxqianma( ,paperswithsacredsymbolsforgoodfortune)aswellasSpringFestivalcouplets.Latertheyprepareafamilyreuniondinnerandatdusktheyoffersacricesatancestralgraves.InordertowelcometheKitchenGod,housewivessmearmudontheshrinesoftheKitchenGodanddrawtriangulardotswithour,lightthegod'slanterns,offersteamedbreads,andsprinkleouronthehousebeams.Intheevening,peopleperformtheritualofdacutan( )todriveawaydemons.Inthisritualvinegar,cypressincenseandthevecerealsaremixedwithhalfabasinofboiledwater.Burningredlimerocksareaddedtoimbuethewatervaporwithacidincense.Peoplecarrythehotbasinaroundallthecornersoftheirhousesandlivestockpensandthendumpthewateroutside.Thisissaidtoexpeldemonsandghosts,healdiseasesandbringgoodfortuneandhealthtothefamilythatperformstheritual.Later,infamilyshrines,theolderpeoplelightyakbutterlamps,offercleanwaterandfood,burnincenseandpraytoallthespiritsfortheprotectionoftheirfamilies.Afterdinnertheyopenthegatestowelcomeandworshipthespirits.Withreburningatthecentersofthecourtyards,peoplecloseandopenthemaingatesthreetimes,spreadmilkteainalldirections,setoffrecrackersandgetdownontheirkneestopray.Atthistime,allthehouseholdsinthevillagesareablazewithlightsandresoundwiththenoiseofrecrackersasthesmokefromthesangswirlsabout.Thenextmorning,peopletiehadascarvestotheirlivestockforgoodluck.Afterfeedingthem,peoplesetoffrecrackerstodrivetheanimalsawayandtoobservewheretheyrun.Itisbelievedthatthedirectioninwhichtheyrunwillleadtoaplacewithabundantwaterandlushgrass,abeliefthatreectstheTu'snomadicpast.TheTutraditionallytakegoodcareoftheirlivestockandhaveastrongoraltraditionofepicnarrativepoems,storiesandfolksongsabouthorses,cattleandsheep.ThesecondandthirddaysoftherstlunarmontharethedaysonwhichtheTuworshipthelocalspiritsthatprotecttheirvillages.Onthosedays,theybringofferings 165

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totheirvillagetemplesunderthedirectionoftemplecustodians.Inadditiontheshid-ianzengusessacreddivinationshidianzengtolistenrespectfullytothespiritsforinstructionsforthecomingyear.Atthattime,whilethecrowdpraysandchantsBuddhistscripturesandthesix-syllableSanskritmantra(Ommanipadmehum),theshidianzengshakesthespearstorevealthespirit'smessage.Avenerableoldmanoffershadaandredsilk,andthenasksimportantquestionsaboutthecomingyear.Theintensityofthespearshakingindicatestheanswer.Theanswerispositiveifitshakesviolently,butnegativeifitshakesonlyslightly.Thenpeopleblowwhiteconches,beatdrumsandgongs,setoffrecrackersandwelcomethespirits.Afterthisritual,thefamilieswhohaveprayedtospiritstaketurnsofferingNewYearbanquetstoeveryoneintheirvillagetocelebratethefestival.Ontheeveningofthefteenthdayoftherstlunarmonth,everyhouseholdlightsanoddnumberofbonresinfrontofthemaingateoftheirhouseforeverybodytojumpoverinordertodriveawaybadluckanddemons.Theremustbelitandcarriedfromthekitchen.Accordingtolegend,Tenggeer(thegodofheaven)wasonceangryandsenttheFireDeity,Galepurihan,toburnallTuvillagesonthefteenthdayoftherstlunarmonth.TheKitchenGodbecameanxious.HesecretlyaskedallTutolightresinfrontoftheirhousesandthentojumpovertheres.WhenGalepurihancametosetres,hesawallthevillagesburningandpeoplestrugglingintheres.HethenreportedbacktoTenggeerthathehadalreadypunishedtheTuwithre.TheTuescapedfromthedisasterandcontinuedthecustomofjumpingoverres.Afterthisday,TutakebacktheirofferingsandnishcelebratingtheLunarNewYear.Fromtheserituals,weseethatTuhaveretainedtraditionalritualsthatreecttheiranimalhusbandrypast.Manyreligiousthemesarederivedfromananimismfocusedonnatureworshipandbeliefinspiritsandghostsassociatedwithnature.Allofthisiscloselyintermingledwithotherlocalcustomsandwithdailylifeinthevillage. 166

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5.2.2TheBiangbianghui:EntertainingtheDeitiesThebiangbianghui( )isatraditionalfestivalintheHuzhuarea,usuallyheldinthesecondandthirdmonthsofthelunarcalendar,whichistheplantingseasonforseveralcrops.Thehighpointofthefestivalisthetiaobiangbiang( ,sorcerydance)topraiseandthankthespiritsandtoprayforthecontinuedprotectionoftheircropsandtheirlives.Thebo,theshamanicspecialistdiscussedinanearlierchapter,dancesinthisritualatwhichheistheofciant.ThevillagestendtoholdthebiangbianghuiinthemonthsfollowingtheLunarSpringFestival.Themainactivitiesofthebiangbianghuiconsistoferectingprayerags,settingupaltars,andinviting,entertainingandinstallingthespirits.Abiangbianghuilaststhreedaysandhastwoimportantevents:xiaobo( )anddabo( ).Thedayofpreparationthatprecedesthefestivalisxiaobo(smallbo).Onthatday,Tufamiliestakesomefoodtothevillagetempleandhaveasmallrecreationalmeeting.Onthenextday,theclimaxofthebiangbianghuiisthedabo(bigbo).Onthatdayeveryonegoestothetempletowatchtheshamanicdanceofthebo.Inthepreparatoryphase,themembersofthetemplefaircommittee(qingmiaohui)setuptentsandtablesonwhichincenseisburned.Thesacreddivinationspearsandthelittersofthedragonkingsandniangniangareplacedinthetents.Thentheboinstructspeopletohoistprayeragsandsetupaltars.Theythenbuildafangan( )abigwoodenpole,ontopofwhicharetwolargepiecesofbread,symbolizingthesunandmoon.Peoplehangliangdan(( ),bagsofcroup,candy,peanutandwalnutseed)onthefangan.Whenthebiangbianghuiisnished,thebothrowthoseliangdanintothesky,andpeoplecompetetopickthemupsinceitisbelievedthatthepersonwhocanpickupthelargestnumberofliangdanwillberewardedwithgoodluckinthefuture. 167

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A BFigure5-4. Theritualofbiangbianghui. Thepostsoftheprayeragsarethirtyfourchi( )andeightcun( )tall4.Thirtythreechiprotrudeabovethegroundwhileonechiandeightcunremainundertheground;thissymbolizesthatheavenhasthirtythreeoorsandhellhaseighteen.Thepostsareheldinplacebyseverallongropesfromwhichhangcolorfulpaperagsandsacricialofferings.Onthetopofeachpost,atwo-prongedforkisplaced,withonesteamedbunpiercedbyeachprongandalooparoundthefork.ThisrepresentsNanTianMen( ),thesoutherngateofheaven.Downbelowthegate,apaperagcalledwanshentai( )servesasthealtarforthousandsofspiritsandisusedtoattractthem.Whenthepreparationsaredone,thebofacesthepostsandsprinklesclearwaterwithcypressbranchesasaninvitationtothespiritstocomeandenjoytheofferings.Thentheritualdancersbegindancingandbeatingdrumstoentertainthespirits.Thepurposeistocreateanatmosphereinwhichbothhumansandspiritsenjoythemselves. 4zhang,chiandcunareunitsinChineselinealmeasurement.1zhang( )=10chi=100cun,and1cun=10/3centimeters. 168

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Therearebetweenthreeandnineritualdancers;thenumberisdecidedaheadoftimebydivination.Ifaspiritdesignatesmorethanthemaximumnumberthatthevillagecanprovide,thenadditionaldancerswillbeinvitedfromothervillages.Duringtheperformance,thebowearsacolorfulgownandholdsasingle-sidedsheepskindrumtodance.Movingtotherhythmofthedrum,theboperformsmanycomplexstuntswithseveralphases.Duringtheintermissions,thebotellsjokesandisrewardedwithheartylaughsfromtheaudience,whoenjoytheamusementasmuchasthespiritsdo.Besidesthedanceperformance,theboperformsdiagnosticandhealingritualsforlocalpeople.Inaddition,thebosummonsthespiritsviaaprocedureinwhichheputsasmallporcelainbottleonthehandleofasquarecontainer,anobjectshapedlikeacupordipperthatcontainsgrain.Hetheninsertssevensticksofincensetosummonthespiritofalittleboytoentertainthespirits.Itisknownthataspirithasbeensuccessfullysummonedifthebottlefallsdown.Soduringthebiangbianghui,allfamiliessupplytheirmalechildrenwithredsackslledwithgarlic,vegrainsandvestripsofcoloredclothtopreventtheirspiritsfrombeinglostwhenthespiritsarebeingsummoned.Thenightbeforethebiangbianghuiends,thebotakesdownthepostswiththeprayeragsandburnsallthepaperprayeragsanddragonags.Peoplescrambletogettheofferingsonthepoststoprayforsafetyandhappiness.Itissaidthatthefamilythattakesthesteamedbunsonthetopwillhaveanewbornson,sopeoplewithoutsonsareeagertocompeteforthetopbuns.Whenalltheritualsarenished,allthosewhohaveparticipatedsendthesacredlittersandspearsbacktotheirvillagetemples.Theatmosphereatthispointisquitejoyfulandupbeat.Besidestheofferingofsacrices,abiangbianghuiincludesothersocialactivitiessuchasfund-raisingbeforethefestival(forwhichtheboandtheoldermalesareresponsible)andtheegggame.Intheegggametwopeopletaketwoeggsandrubtheeggsagainsteachother;whoever'seggbreakslosesthegame,andthewinnerndsthenextperson,withwhomhewillagaincompeteinthegame.Whenthegameis 169

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over,thegroundislledwithbrokeneggshells.TheTubelievethatthebrokeneggshellsarelikehailstones,sothegamehassymbolicmeaningforkeepingeviloutoftheirlivesandforprotectingtheircropagainstdamaginghail.Therefore,insomevillagesthebiangbianghuialsoiscalledtheeggmeeting.Inshort,theannualfestivalsoftheTuareelementsintheirbroaderreligiousculture.Thefestivalsinvolvetemples,masks,dramas,symbolsandcustoms.Notonlydotheycontainalltheclassicelementsoffestivalselsewhere,buttheseTufestivalsplaceparticularemphasisonthereligiouselements.Fromthebiangbianghuiwecanseenotonlythatfolkreligiousritualsfunctiontoinvite,entertainandthankspirits,butalsoaredirectlyrelatedtoagriculturalproduction.Religiousconceptsareintricatelyentwinedwithideasaboutnatureandinteractionwithlocalecologicalsystems.Inthenalanalysisthepurposeofthebiangbianghuiistocreateharmonybetweenhumansandspirits.Theparticipantsusereligiousdancesandritualstomotivatethespiritstowardoffcalamitiesandtosendblessings.Theenergiesofspiritsareunleashedandharnessedforthebenetofspeciclocationsandsocialgroups.Followingthebiangbianghui,otherritualstakeplaceatdesignatedpointsintheagriculturalcyclefromplantingtoharvest.Thepurposeofallsuchritualsistomobilizethepowerofspiritstoprotectcrops.Theseritualmeasuresareviewedasessentialtothesuccessoflocalagriculture. 5.2.3TheZhuanshanjing:MakeHarmonyamongSpirits,NatureandHumanBeingsThezhuanshanjingritualisheldinthefthandsixthmonthsofthelunarcalendar,monthswhicharecrucialforthegrowthofcrops.Weather,ofcourse,playsanimportantroleinguaranteeingagoodharvest.Therefore,becauseitentailsprayingtotheraingodsandmountaingodsforgoodweather,thezhuanshanjingisamajoreventforthoseTuwhopracticeagricultureintheHuzhuarea.Duringazhuanshanjing,twoimportantritualsreecttheinterconnectednessofthenatural,humanandspiritworlds:xiazhen 170

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( ,theritualagainstthedamagefromhail)andchapai( ,aritualforguaranteeingharmonyinthefamilyandcommunity).TheTubelievethatwheatsproutsneedthemostprotectionatthisvulnerabletime,soeveryvillageholdsaseriesoffolkreligiousactivitiestoprotectthegreenshoots.Theritualunfoldsinthefollowingstages.Therststagebeginswithachantingofthescripturesfortheprotectionofgreenshoots.Inthefourthlunarmonth,theorganizersoftheqingmiaohuiineachvillagechooseanauspiciousdaytoworshipinthevillagetemple,invitingvillagespecialistslikethebenbenziortheLamasfromTibetanBuddhisttemplestochantscripturesforthegrowingcrops.Allvillagersattendtheritualcarryingsacredlitters,spearsandscripturesaroundthemountainswhilebeatinggongsanddrums.Duringtheritual,peopleidentifytheterritoryunderthetutelageofeachlocalspirit.VillagerstransportthestatuesoftheirspiritsandtheBuddhistscripturestothetopofthemountainsnearthevillage.Theythenmarchinaprocessionwhilebeatinggongsanddrumsandchantingscriptures.Thepurposeoftheprocessionistopraytothespiritsforfavorableweatherandtofendoffwind,hailandfrost.Theprecisedateofthezhuanshanjingissetbyanoraclefromthespiritsbutisalwayscarriedoutsometimeinthefthandsixthlunarmonths.Intheearlymorningofzhuanshanjing,eachhouseholdhastodesignateatleastonemaletocarrythescriptures;themorecultivatedlandsitowns,themoremalesithastodesignate.Iftheheadofahouseholdisoutofthevillageorabsentforotherreasons,hissonshavetoassumetheresponsibility.Ifthereisonlyonesonwhoistooyoungtoattendorifallthesonsareabsent,thehouseholdhastoaskarelativetosubstituteorpaytheorganizingcommitteeoftheqingmiaohuiforawaiver.Generallymalesarenotallowedtorefusetoparticipateinzhuanshanjing.Whenpeopletakepartinthisritual,theyarelettingthecommunityknowthattheyareresponsiblefortheritual,thussatisfyingsocialexpectations.However,therearetaboosonmarriedwomenwhocannotattend,thoughyounggirlsareallowed. 171

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Figure5-5. Theteamofzhuanshanjing. Onthedayoftheritual,ateamoffourmalescarryingthelitterofadragonkingoraniangniangwalkinfront,followedbyagroupofpeoplecarryingthesacredagsoftheirvillagetemple.Anotherlargegroupofpeoplefollow,eachofwhomcarriesavolumeofscriptures.TheBuddhistscripturesarewritteninTibetanonlongnarrowpaper,putbetweentwolathes,andwrappedinayellowhadascarf.Thosescripturesareveneratedandstoredinthevillagetemple,buttheyarebroughtoutfortheprocessionduringthezhuanshanjing.Therouteofthezhuanshanjingisalongthemountainridgesclosetothevillageandmakesonefullroundoftheboundaryofthevillage.Theteamstopsateachimportantmountainpassandpeaktochantscripturesandtohavetheshidianzengcommunicatewiththespiritsinhopesofkeepingdevilsandmisfortuneawayfromthevillage.Theprocessionthencontinuesuntilithasmadeacompleteroundofthevillage. 172

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Sincethelandsofavillagearescatteredamongthemountains,ittakesaboutveorsixhourstocompletetheritual.Thoseintheprocessionstoptohavelunchonamountainpeakinthemiddleoftheritual.Itisvillagewomenwhopreparethefoodandhotteafortheirfamiliesforthelunchbreakofthezhuanshanjing.Thisprovideswomenarareopportunitytobecomeinvolvedinaritual.Indailylife,womenareprohibitedfromenteringtheirvillagetempleandcannotlookatrepresentationsofspirits.However,onthedayofthezhuanshanjingtheyareallowedtoparticipate.Forthistheydressupintraditionalouttsandparticipatesolemnlyinthisshort-termactivity.Assoonastheprocessionarrivesattheplacedesignatedforlunch,thewomenhandthefoodtotheirfamilymembersandthenkneeltoworshipthesacredlitterandscriptures.Afterthelunchbreak,theprocessionmovesonandthewomenreturnhome.Becauseofitsphysicalandmentaldemands,theritualisalsoconsideredariteofpassageforTuyouth.SinceTuareasinHuzhuareathighelevationsofcoldtemperature,thecropsarevulnerabletodrought,ood,hail,frost,andpests.Ofthese,hailistheworstdanger.TheTuhavetwofolk-religiousstrategiesforpreventinghailstorms.Oneistobuildabenkangneartheentrancestothevillageoronhigherground.Theywillwalkclockwisearoundthebenkangeverydayaskingthespiritstoprotectthegreenshootsofgrainandtomaketheirlivessafeandhappy.Sometimesreligiousspecialistsretrievethesacreddivinationspearsandrushtothebenkangtochantiftheysensethatahailstormisapproaching.Theotherwaytopreventhailisthroughperformanceofthechapaiandxiazhenritualsduringthezhuanshanjinginthefthorsixmonthofthelunarcalendar.Inthechapairitualashidianzengidentiesvespotsinthefourcardinaldirectionsandthemiddlepoint.Hetheninsertswoodpostsintothegroundatthosespots.Thebenbenziaretheninvitedtochantscripturesasaprayertothethundergodtostopthehail.ThepostsaretiedwithDaoistagsorothersymbolsaredrawnonthem;itissaidthatthe 173

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postsandsymbolskeephailstormsawayandensurehealthycrops.Likechapai,thepurposeofxiazhenistopreventhail.However,thelocationsforxiazhenritualsarealwaysinorclosetovillagetemples.Apitisdugintheground,andthenzhenwu( ,spiritualitemstoblocktheactionofevilforces)suchasblackbowls,cypresspiecesandknivesareburiedinthepitforprotectionfromdisasters.Atthesametime,aseriesofactivitiestoprotectgrowingcropsisinitiated.Manyrulesmustbefollowedduringthecourseofthezhuanshanjingritual.Thelocalsusetheritualtoinparttopreventharmtothelocalecology.Forinstancesitisforbiddentopastureanimalsinornearelds,totramplegrowingcrops,tocutdowntrees,ortorazebuildings.Inaddition,duringthissensitivetimepeoplemustnotquarrelorght,especiallymarriedcouples,lestthegrowthofthecropsbeweakened.Anyvillagerwhoviolatestheseruleswillbereprimandedinaccordancewiththeseriousnessoftheinfraction.Villageeldersortheqingmiaotou( ,theheadofthevillage'sritualcommittee)willissueawarningtothepersonorobligehimorhertodocommunityserviceoreventopayanetothevillagetemple.ThesetabooshavelongexistedasunwrittenregulationsfortheprotectionofgrowingcropsamongtheTu.Allvillagersmustcomplyandthusprotectharmonywiththeenvironmentatbothfamilyandcommunitylevels.Punishmentwillbeissuedtovillagerswhosemisbehaviorcouldbringdisastertotheharvest.SomescholarshavecomparedthezhuanshanjingritualtoasimilarritualamongTibetans,theongkor(BumperHarvest)festival,intermsoftheirreligiouscontent,formandmeaning( Zhai 2003c ).Fromtheabovewecanseethatfolkmechanismsexisttomaintainbalancebetweenthehumancommunityandthenon-humanenvironmentthroughreligiousregulatorymeasures,includingthezhuanshanjingritual.Thisritualisperformedwithinandalongthevillageboundaries,reinforcingsolidarityinthevillageandgivingvalidationtounwrittenvillagelaw.ThecarryingofscripturesintheprocessionalongthemountainsisaculturalphenomenoninwhichareligiousactivityistailoredtotheTu'sagricultural 174

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Figure5-6. Thexiazhen modeofproduction.Traditionally,societyhasastronghandinmarkingtransitionsviaritesofpassages,ensuringthatitsmembersknowtheiridentity,theirplaceandtheirresponsibilities.Platvoet( 1995 )spokeof...ritualbehavior,inparticularofgroupswithadistinctivereligious,ethnicorotheridentitywhichuseritualstopursuestrategicendsadintraandadextra.GrouprepresentationintheformofreligiousideasshowstheadaptationofTutotheirfragilenaturalenvironment.Tufolkreligionmaintainssocialorderinthevillage,coordinatesproduction(suchaswaterusesequenceinelds),andorganizesandimplementsfestivalactivities.Thus,thosereligiousritualsandreligiousregulations,undertheexternalthemeofsupplicatingthespiritsforabundantharvestsandthelike,serveseverallatentmaterialfunctions.Oneisthesocialfunctionofenhancingcommunitystabilityandharmony;anotheristheconcretematerialfunction 175

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oftemporarilyprotectingtreesduringthegrowingseasonandthuspreventingoratleastslowingdownenvironmentaldegradation. 5.2.4TheXiejiang:ThankingtheSpiritsandHostingaReceptionforCropProtectionThexiejiangritualoccursasthelastfolkreligiousritualintheagriculturalyear.Ontheninthdayoftheninthmonthofthelunarcalendar,afterallcropshavebeenharvestedandallagriculturalactivitieshaveended,villagersgetreadytothankthespiritsviathexiejiang.Intheearlymorningofthatday,villagerscarrysacredlittersandsacreddivinationspearstothecrestsofthenearbymountains.Alamaorabenbenziisinvitedtochantscriptures,andaboorashidianzengarecalledintocommunicatewithandthankthespirits.Thetemplecustodiansandvillageelderskneelandofferfoodtothankthespiritsforprotectingthecrops.Assoonastheprayershavebeencompleted,villagerspulloutallthewoodpoststhathadbeeninsertedintothegroundduringtheearlierchapairitualandstoretheminthevillagetemples.Allritualsrelatedtothecropshavebynowbeencompletedandthebehavioraltaboosthatwerefollowedtoprotectthecropsduringtheirvulnerablegrowingperiodsarelifted.Fromthatmomenton,peopleareallowedtograzesheepandcattleonfarmland,tofelltreesandtoteardownhouses.Afterthesacredlittersanddivinationspearshavebeenreturnedtothevillagetemple,villagersterminatethexiejiangritualbysacricingatleastonesheeptothespirits.Villagerswhoneedadditionalhelporwhoareparticularlyintentonthankingthespiritswillofferthesacricialsheep.Onthedayofthexiejiang,thetemplecustodianrecitesabriefprayer,butchersthesheep,anddistributesthemeattothevillagers.Thelocalselectanewcommitteetoorganizenextyear'stemplefair.Thenewcommitteeacceptstheresponsibilityofcarefullycarryingouttheresponsibilitiesofthecommitteeuntiltheninthlunarmonthofthenextyear.Thusweseethatbehavioralperformanceduringrituals,whichisthatritualisusuallyregardedasamodeofcommunication 176

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associatedwiththeconcernsandpracticeofreligion,andritualisdenedastheperformanceofmoreorlessinvariantsequencesofformalactsandutterancesnotencodedbytheperformers( Rappaport 1992 ,249).Thisdescriptionofritualandanalysisofitssocialandmaterialfunctionshelpustoavoidsuccumbingtothemisleadingtendencytoplacesoleemphasisondescribingspiritbeliefswhenwediscussreligion.AndinthecaseoftheTu,theyearlyritualroundofpetitionsandsacricialofferingstothespiritsiscloselylinkedtolocalfarmingandlivestockraising. A BFigure5-7. A&B.ThexiejiangritualoftheDragonKingTempleinDazhuangVillage. Toconcludethissection,theTuofHuzhuliveinafragileecosystemcharacterizedbyhighaltitude,lowprecipitationandscarcityofnaturalresources.Intimespasttheymadetheirlivingbyanimalhusbandryandonlylaterturnedtofarming.Inthisevolutionaryshift,theTuhadtoestablishanewtypeofharmonywithnature.However,itisdifculttopreventexcessivehumanexploitationofthenaturalenvironmentonlythroughmoralinjunctions.Thusaseriesofmeasuresutilizinglocalspiritbeliefsandritualsarosetodeterpeople,outoffearofoffendingthespirits,againstengagingincertainecologicallyharmfulbehaviors.Theannualagriculturalcyclehasbeentheguidingframework.Theannualsequenceofritualsisthuslinkedtotheannualagriculturalcycle,asreligiousritualsandothertraditionalculturalpracticesalign 177

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themselveswiththeseasonalcycleofcropsandlivestock.Reverenceforspiritsisthusharnessedtothetaskofprotectingcropsthroughmandatorycollectiveritualssuchasthosedescribedhere.Asaresultofthislinkagebetweenreligionandthematerialenvironment,notonlyisthereasenseofecologicalethicsbeingfostered.Thissubmissivereverencefortheenvironment,becauseitisexpressedincollectiverituals,alsofunctionstomaintainsocialorder.ForindividualswithinanethniccommunitysuchasthatoftheTu,ritualsgiveexpressionaswelltosentimentsofethnicsolidaritywhichcanpersistthroughoutcenturies.AsKuutmahaspointedout,afestivalpreparesthecommunicativesceneryformanifestationsofethnicityandculturalsolidaritywiththespecialobjectiveoffosteringaparticulargroupidentity( Kuutma 1998 ,12).Thus,theabovementionedfestivalscloselylinkindividualstotheirethnicidentity.Asashaperofcollectiveconsciousness,thefestivalritualsoftheTuarealsoinpartshapedbyhistoricalandexogenousculturalfactors.Mostimportantly,onceadistinctethnicgrouphasemerged,itwilltendtotakeontheappearanceofsomethingnatural.Ethnicsentimentsbegintofunctionasanautonomousforceandasaprinciplethatcanatleastinparthaveanimpactonthecourseofsociallife( Comaroff 1987 ).Thevarioustaboosthatfunctionasunwrittenlawsenhancethesolidarityoffamilies,neighborhoodharmonyandsocialstability.Thatis,atthesametimethattheysatisfythespiritualneedsofahumangroup,divinationrituals,healingrituals,andotherritualsalsoservemultiplesocialfunctions. 5.3Healing,DivinationandTabooInancientChina,thegureofthewu( ,amaleorfemalespirithealer)wasassociatedwithissuesoflife,death,naturalandhumandisasters,exorcisms,healingandsimilaractivities.BeforetheShangDynasty(c.1600BCc.1046BC),healingartsresidedinthehandsofwuyi( ).Thoughtheliteraturesometimesreferstothemaswitchdoctors,thispejorativetermhasbeenreplacedinmostanthropologicalwritingsbythetermspirithealer.Thewucommunicateswithspiritsthroughrituals.InChina's 178

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minorityethnicgroups,folkreligionhaslongbeenrelatedtothehealingpracticesofthewu.InTufolkreligion,muchpowerisattributedtofolksspecialists,suchasrepellingevilandretrievingsoulsinritualsinvolvingillnessandhealing.Thewuhealersclaimtobetherepresentativesofspiritsandtocommunicatewiththemtodiagnoseandhealtheirpatients.Whereasmodernmedicinebasesdiagnosisandtreatmentonpathologicalagentsthataffectthehumanbody,theTuseeillnessastheresultofthebreakdownofharmonybetweenhumansandnatureoramonghumans.Inthislighttheyoftenturntothespiritsforhealing.Theproceduresofwuhealingconsistofpraying,conjuringupthepresenceofspirits,beingpossessedbyspiritsandsendingthespiritsoffoncehealinghastakenplace.Inthissection,IexplainhowfolkreligionintheTuareasfunctionsinthedomainofhealing,howtheTuactwithrespecttowuhealing,andhowthesepracticeshavechangedovertime. 5.3.1OpinionsonSoulsandSoulRetrievalTheTubelievethateverypersonhasasoul.Ifthesoulleavesthebodythepersonfacesillnessordeath,theTuthereforewanttoavoidtemporarilylosingtheirsouls.Whenapersonisdepressedandhasnoappetite,heorshethoughttohavelosthisorhersoul.Insuchcasesthesoulmustbecalledbackandretrieved.Whensomeoneisfrightened,someoneelsemustgrabahandfulofsoilimmediatelyandplaceitonthechestofthefrightenedpersoninordertokeepthesoulinthebody.Itismostimportantforadultstoprotectchildren'ssouls,becausechildrenaretooyoungtoprotectthemselves.Therefore,whenachildissick,theparentsbelievethatthesoulofthechildmayhaveleftthebodyandtheytrytocallitback.ThereareavarietyofsoulretrievalmethodsinTusociety.Themotheristhepersonmostqualiedtocallbackherchild'ssoul.Todothis,sheusesabowlofclearwatertomakethreecirclesoverthechild'sheadwhilechanting,andthendumpsthewateroutsidebeforecomingbackandcallingthechildbyhisorhernickname.Ifthe 179

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childanswers,itmeansthesoulhasreturnedandthechildwillrecover.Inthisritual,sometimesthewatercanbereplacedwithaChinesesteamedbun.Ifanadult'ssoulislost,thereligiousspecialistinthevillagewillbeinvitedtocallthesoulbackusingaseriesofcomplexrituals.TheTualsobelievethatsouls,unlikebodies,areimmortal.Afterdeath,thesoulmustndanotherbodythroughreincarnation;otherwise,thesoulbecomesanevilorharmfulspirit.Evilspiritslurkinginavillagearebelievedtobringsicknessanddeath.Peoplewhohavebeensickforalongtimeorhavedevelopedamentalillnessarebelievedtohavelosttheirsoulsortobeundertheinuenceofspecicspirits.Therearemanywaystodriveawayevilspirits.Forexample,underthesupervisionoftheshaman,peopleofferbowlslledwithwheatorsteamedbreadtothespiritstoinducethemtoleave.Peoplecanalsoissuesymbolicpunishmentstodangerousspiritsbyburyingwaterjars,millstones,oranimalheadsatthelocationshauntedbythespirits.Inanothersymbolicgesture,theymaycrackwhipstofrightenthespiritsaway. 5.3.2EvilSpiritsandDiseasesTheTubelievethatpeoplemaygetsickwhensomeharmoniousnaturalrelationhasbeenbroken.Therearetwoagentsthatcausedisease:(1)evilspiritsorotheruncleanthingsand(2)rupturesintheinterpersonalrelationshipsofthesickperson.TheTuemphasizetheneedforharmonybetweenhumanbeingsandnature.Thisemphasisderivestheirbeliefinanimismandnatureworship.Theytreatnaturewithreverenceandbelievethatitissacred.Ifthenaturalenvironmenthasbeensomehowpolluted,thespiritsabidingtherewillleave,openingthewayforevilspiritstothreatenpeople'shealth.Inaddition,dependingonthestrengthofanindividual'sbelief,peoplegiverreligiousmeaningtoharmonioussocialrelationsandsentimentsofsolidaritywithotherTu.Ifsomebodyviolatesmoralnorms,hurtsothermembersofthecommunity,ordisruptssocialharmony,heorshemustbepunished.Otherwisethereisariskofdiseaseor 180

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somethingevenworse.Inthissense,violationofsocialharmonycausesharmthroughthesubsequentinterventionofhostilespirits.ManyevilspiritsarebelievedbytheTutobethesoulsofpeoplewhohavediedunnaturaldeaths.Thereisalsobeliefintheharmfuleffectsofspecicspirits,suchasmaoguishen( ,cat-ghostspirits)thatactwithevilintent.AccordingtotheTu,offendingsuchevilspiritscancausemisfortune.Furthermore,itisdangeroustostayinburialgroundsorinplaceswhereunusualdeathshaveoccurred.Suchplacesarehauntedbyevilspirits,anditiseasytobegrabbedbyevils.Thepossessedpeopleoftentalkinanonsensicalorstrangeway.However,afterbeingsuccessfullytreatedbyaspirithealer,theydonotrememberwhattheysaidwhilepossessed.Atothertimesanevilspiritevilbringmisfortunetoafamilyorkilllivestock.TheTuhavetheirownspecialmethodsfortreatingpossessedpeopleandforexpellingevilspirits.Iftheillnessisnotserious,familymemberscancallthesoulsbackontheirown.Otherwiseitisnecessarytorecruitthehelpofreligiousspecialistssuchasaboorashidianzeng.Whilediagnosingandhealing,thebochangesintocleanclothesbeforekneelingandprayingtohisfamilydeityasheburnsincense.Eachbohashisownancestralbookfordivination.Hechantsthespecicscripturesandtossesox-horngua( ,divinatorylots)threetimes,andthenlooksfortheproperritualwordsinthebookthatwillsolvetheproblems.Theboinformsthefamilyastowhytheevilspirithaspossessedtheperson.Healsoinformsthemoftheritualswhichtheymustperformortheherbalmedicineswhichtheymustbuyfortheperson.Ifthehealingritualworks,thefamilymustcomebacktothankthebo.Sometimespeoplesufferfromdiseasesbecausetheyhaveoffendedthelocalspirits.Localspiritscancuresickpeopleandmakehealthypeoplesick.Iftreatedwithindifference,thespiritscaninictaseriousillnessonapersonsuchasatotallossofconsciousness.Atthistime,affectedpersonsneedtohaveasacreddivination 181

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spearorevensacredlitterwithspiritsbroughttotheirhome.Theymustalsorequestashidianzengtocommunicatewithspiritstoprovidesuggestionsforhealing.Inthesummerof2012,anelderlymantoldmethatthewifeofajudiciaryofcerfromaneighboringvillagesufferedfromastrangediseasethatnoonehadbeenabletocure.ShewassurprisinglyhealedbyafolkprescriptionconsistingofthreeitemsgivenbyaspiritintheDongjiaTemple.Thehusbandisajudicialofcer,saidthiselderlyman,butheisalwaystherstonetodonatemoney,burnincenseandprayintheearlymorningoftheLabaFestival(theeighthdayofthetwelfthmonthoflunarcalendar).Thisillustratesthatevengovernmentofcialsbelievethatdiseasescanbecausedbyhostileorneglectedspirits.Suchspirit-causeddiseasescannotalwaysbetreatedbymodernmedicine.AtthesametimebeliefsintheharmfulpotentialofghostsandhostilespiritsarelinkedtothemoralnormsofTusecularsociety.Tushamanistichealingisnotonlylinkedtoarcanespiritbeliefsonthepartofindividuals;itisalsolinkedtopatients'interpersonalrelationships.Peopleoftenblamediseasesonthesocialbehaviorofthepatientsortheirfamily.Inaninterview,Ilearnedthatawomanwhohadurinatedatareligioussite,alashize,wasafictedwithaseriousmentaldiseaseanddied.Aboexplainedthatsheviolatedthetabooagainstpollutingsacredspacewherespiritsdwellandwaspossessedbyamaoguishen.Inanothercase,oneofmyfriendsallowedmetoaccompanyhimonavisittotheboforhisbackache.Atourrequest,theboburnedincense,divinedwithhisspecialtools,andthentoldusthatthediseasewastheresultofmyfriendhavingcheatedonhiswife,sincetheverdictthatcamefromthebo'sancestralbookwasthataturtledovehasoccupiedthenestofthephoenix.Myfriendwasastoundedbythecorrectdivinationandhurriedlypaidtheshaman300yuanRMB.ThisexampleclearlyillustratesthattheTuhavetheirownunderstandingofdisease,especiallytheonesrelatedtothebreakingofsocialrules.Tufolkreligionpursuesharmony,not 182

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onlybetweenhumansandthespiritworld,butalsobetweenhumansandnature,andbetweenhumanswithinthesamecommunity. 5.3.3ShamanMadebyDiseasesThepathogenictheoriesofTupopularbeliefattributediseases,especiallypersistentphysicalormentaldiseases,toinvisiblesupernaturalpowers.Aspartoftheirdiagnosticandhealinginterventions,shamansbecomeprocientinmassagetherapyandacupuncture,writingoutherbalprescriptionsusingtheirknowledgeoftraditionalChinesemedicine.Suchdocumentswrittenoutbyshamansmayprescriberecuresorthesprinklingofwaterboiledwithhighlandbarley,whichisbelievedtohavethepowertowashdiseasesaway( E 2009 ).Tobecomeashaman,onehastohaverecoveredfromsomeunusualdiseaseandtohavereceivedaswellsomeotherindicationsfromthespiritsthatheisbeingcalledtobeashaman.Manyshamanstookuptheircraftafterrecoveringfromanillness.Therecoveryendowedthemwiththespiritualpowerrequiredofashaman.Inthatlight,Ihavea60-year-oldrelativenamesJiangwholivesinDatongCounty.Shenearlydiedfromaseriousdisease.AfterrecoveringsheannouncedthatsheistherepresentativeofJiutianNiangniang,alocalspirit.Fromthenonshebegandiagnosingandhealingsickpeople,andbecamewellknowninherareaforherhealingskills.Herhusband,Yang,toldmehowshebecameashaman: Thatwasmorethansometwentyyearsago.Intheafternoonofthatday,whilechattingwithusintheroom,shesuddenlybecamementallyderangedandlostcontrolofherself.Sheannouncedthatshewasgoingtokillourtwodaughters.Thenforthreedaysinarow,shebeganshoutingearlyinthemorning.Somethinglikeblackrustappearedonhermouthandteeth.Itwouldreappearevenafterwewipeditoffwithacloth.Herbodywasasstiffasacorpse.Itookhertothehospitalintownwithabout3000Yuaninmypocket.Firstadoctortoldmethatitwasnotabigdealandinvitedmetobringherinside.ButshebeganyellingateveryoneandIthoughtshewasdying.ThenthedoctorsuggestedthatIndashamantohealher.Iwastooangrytoshout 183

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atthedoctors,Youdidnothingbutalmostkillher.FinallyIpaid15Yuanintotal,andbroughtherbackhomebycarriage.Onthewaybackhome,weranintoavillagerwiththesurnameJi.Hehelpedmendashamanformywife.Ialsorequestedhelpfromabrotherofmywife'sgrandfather,whoisaDaoist.Atthattime,shetookoffallherclothes,laydownonabed,andbeganshoutingnonsensicalwordstotheeffectthatablueghostwasinsideher.Theshaman,invitedbyJifromWushigouvillage,pulledherdownonthegroundfromthebed,putabigkitchenknifeonherstomachandsteppedontheknifetoexpeltheghost.Thesethingscontinuedhappeningforseveralyearsbeforeshegotbacktonormal.Anelderlymansaidthatmywifehadbeenpossessedbyaniangniangduringaritualthathadbeenheldthatyear.Inthatritualwhichbeganinthevillagetemple,fouryoungmencarriedthesacredlitter,intendingtogotothemountaintop.Butthelitterinsteadledthemdirectlytomyhouse.ArichandpoliticallypowerfulvillageelderwiththesurnameLiudidnotbelievemywifewaspossessedbyaniangniang.Heclaimedinsteadthathewasactuallytherepresentativeoftheniangniangandforciblytookthetabletofniangniangfromourhousetohisownfamilyhome.Andguesswhathappened:hissondiedthefollowingyearandaseriesofaccidentshappenedtohisfamilyintheyearfollowingthat.Thenallthevillagersrealizedthathewasafakerepresentativeandtheysentthetabletbacktoourhouse.Ithasbeenenshrinedandveneratedtheresincethen.IaskedJiangwhatshewasfeelingduringallthistime.Shesaidthatshedidnotrememberanythingaboutthatyear,thoughevennowshesometimesstartedtocryassoonasshefeltaburningsensationinherheartandhadapremonitionthatsomethingbadwasgoingtohappen.Shecouldnotpreventherselffromcrying.Atrst,thesacredtabletoftheniangnianghadbeenhousedintheroomnexttothepigsty.Jiangfuriouslyobjectedthatitwouldmaketheniangniangdirty.Herhusbandhadtobuildanewroomfacingthecentralroomtoenshrinetheniangniang.AfterthatsheprayedandburnedincenseontherstandthefthdaysofeachmonthoftheChineselunarcalendar.Bynowshehasrecoveredfromthementaldisorderandhasamoreprosperouslife,sincemanypeoplenowcometoaskforhelpandbringhergifts.Ononeoccasionsheallowedmetotakealookinsidetheshrineroombecausewewererelatives.Iobserved 184

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thattheroomwastallerthanotherroomstoreecttheniangniang'shigherstatus.Inthemiddleoftheroom,againstthewall,stoodaritualtablewithasmallred-paintedcabinet.Thatistheseatorsacredlitteroftheniangniang.Inthecabinetweresatincloths,anembroideredhatandapairofembroideredshoes.Shetoldmethatordinarilynobodyisallowedtolookinsidetheshrine,butsheallowedmetheprivilege.Shealsoshowedmesomesmallembroideredgreensatinshoesforthree-inchlotusfeetandanumberofsachetsofferedbypeoplewhohadrequestedherhelp.Onthetablestoodasacredbronzemirrorthathadthepowertoexposeandexpelevilspirits.Onthatsametablewasasmallshenjian,thespearusedfordivination,wrappedinclothandtiedwithbellsandsachets,whichshebringsoutwhensheishealingpatients.Peopleoftenbringcookingoil,incense,tealeavesandmoneywhentheycometoaskJiangtodiagnoseandhealanillness.Shehasearnedthereputationofbeingapowerfulhealer.Somanypeoplecometoherhomefromfarandnearthatsheoftenhasnotimeevenformeals.TwoexamplesofJiang'shealingarestilltalkedaboutbylocals: 1 Afemalecollegestudentsufferedfromastrangedisease.Shecriedwheneversomebodywaswithher,andranaroundbecausenobodycouldsootheher.ThenJianghealedher.ShenowvisitstowishJiangwelleveryChineseNewYearfestival.Iaskedhowshewasgothealed.Jianganswered,Ijustdrovethedirtyevilspiritsaway. 2 Amaleneighbor,astudentwiththesurnameQiwhowasastudentattheShaanxiUniversityofScienceandTechnology,sufferedfromamedicallyinexplicabledisease.Hewouldlockhimselfinaroomwithallthecurtainsclosedandrefusedcontactwithanyone.Jianghealedhimafterhewassuspendedfromschoolforayear.Herecoveredandgraduatedwithagoodjoboffer.Fromthesecases,weseethatpeopleprefertoturntothespiritswhenmodernmedicinecannotcureadisease.Ithasbeenobservedthat,forshamanichealing,avarietyoftreatmentsareusedanddifferentspiritsarecalledonforhelp.Amongthesespiritsaretheshaman'sfamilyspirit,thedragonkingsoflocalvillagetemples, 185

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theniangniang,thelemusang,andthedanjiansang.Jianghasnowbecomeoldandprovidestreatmentonlyinherhome.AnothershamanwiththesurnameWangtoldmethathebelievesthattherearethreetypesofreligiousspecialistorthreehierarchs.TherstisthelamaandthebenbenziassociatedwithTibetanBuddhism.ThesecondistheDaoistpriest.Thethirdisthesanxiaoniangniang,associatedwithTufolkreligion.Thislatterworkswithfolkreligiousspiritstohealdiseases.Wangalsomentionedanancestralfourth-generationdivinationbookthathadbeenhandeddowntohimandthatheusedforhealingandfortunetelling.HestoppedhealingpatientsandpassingdownhisdivinationandhealingskillstoyoungergenerationsafterhisancestralbookwasburnedduringtheCulturalRevolution.Withthecentralgovernment'simprovedprogramforprovidingmodernmedicalservices,theTuhavebegunvisitingphysiciansratherthanshamanswhenill.Sincethe1990s,ruralpeoplehavebeenenrolledinanewsystemofhealthinsurance.Theyneedtopayonlytwentyorthirtyyuanandhavetherighttobereimbursedforthemajorityoftheiradditionalbills,especiallyforseriousdiseases.WhileIwasconductinganinvestigationinDonggou,atownofHuzhuCounty,in2004,avillageofcialtoldmethathisjobatthattimewastoimplementtheruralcooperativemedicalservice.Theannualper-personenrollmentfeewasonly10yuan,andtheprogramwouldreimburseupto90%ofallmedicalbills.Whentheprogramwasrstlaunched,however,manypeoplewereunfamiliarwithmodernmedicineandmistrustedtheprogram.Thosethatwereingoodhealthandhadnomedicalproblemswereunwillingtopaythe10yuan.Becauseofthismistrustandlackofcooperation,theofcialwasunabletosuccessfullyimplementtheprogram.Hewouldoftenarguewiththevillagerstonoeffect.ButwhenIrevisitedthistownin2013,thesameofcialtoldmethatbynowpeoplerealizedthat,thankstothehealth 186

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insuranceprogram,theywouldnotsuffernancialpressureiftheysawdoctors.Theannualenrollmentfeeisnow40yuan,butpeoplepaythisfeepromptlyandvoluntarily.Underthesecircumstances,theTunowhaveadifferentattitudetowardsmodernmedicine.Inthepast,mostTulivedinremotemountainousareas.Theyhadlittleincome;andtransportationfacilitieswereremoteandinconvenient.Itwaslogisticallydifcultandnanciallyburdensometovisitdoctorsintown.TheTuthereforepreferredtovisitalocalshamantodiagnoseandhealtheirillnesses.Inthewakeofeconomicdevelopment,however,theTunowhaveaccesstomoderntechnologyandimprovededucation.Theireyeshavebeenopenedtonewoptions.Withanexpandedroadsystem,moderntransportationnowofferseasyaccesstohospitals.Localgovernmentshavesetuplocalclinicsforrapiddiagnosisandtreatment.Consequently,morepeoplenowseekmedicaltreatmentinclinicsorhospitals.In2013,Iaskedavillageriftheycontinuetoaskaniangniangforhelpwhensick.Helaughedandsaid,Nowmorepeopletrustmodernscienceandtechnology.Ifapatientisdying,itistoolatetoinvokethehelpofaniangniang.TheTuhavegraduallyacceptedthenewmedicalprogramandwillvisitdoctorsinhospitals.Theynowunderstandtheadvantagesofthenationwidehealthinsurancesystem.ModernmedicinehasgraduallyreplacedshamanictreatmentinTuareas.ManyTu,however,atthesametimethattheypayformodernmedicinalservices,willcontinuetopraytothespiritsforhelpintheirillnesses.Shamanscontinuetotransmitmessagesfromthespiritsandtellpatientsandtheirfamilymembersthattheirillnesshasoccurredbecausetheyhaveviolatedsocialnormsordisruptedcommunityharmony.Theyarestilltoldthat,iftheywishtobefullycured,theymustcorrecttheirmistakesandfollowtheinstructionsgivenbythespirits.Myeldworkdataindicatesthatmanyshamanshaveceasedtheirhealingactivities.Theyrestricttheirshamanicactivitiestootherlocalritualsnotassociatedwithhealing.Inthepast,theshamansderivedincomeprincipallyfromhealingpatients:thepatients 187

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wouldoffersomethingtotheshamaninreturnforhisservices.Theseofferingswerethemainsourceoftheshaman'sincome.Moreover,manyoldshamanslearnedhealingskillswhentheywereveryyoungandstartedtotreatpatientswhentheywereonly17or18yearsold.However,duringtheCulturalRevolution,shamanichealingwasregardedasafeudalisticsuperstitionandwasoutlawed;andshamanswereseverelypersecuted.Today,thoughthepersecutionhasceased,mostpeopleareeconomicallybetteroffandprefertoseedoctorsinhospitals.Youngerpeoplethereforeseenopointinlearningshamanichealing,anditisnolongertransmittedintergenerationally.Asaresult,therearenowfewershamansinTuvillages. 5.3.4TaboosAtabooisaprohibitionagainstcertaintypesofbehaviorgeneratedbyreligiousfears.InTuculture,therearetaboosassociatedwithreligioussitesandtaboosassociatedwithdailysociallife.RootedintheTu'straditionalreverencefornature,folkreligiousbeliefhelpstoimbuehumanrelationshipswithkindnessandetiquette.Itcontributestothemaintenanceofethnicsolidaritybyconceptsofrewardforgoodsocialbehaviorandpreternaturalpunishmentforinappropriatesocialbehavior.TheTubelieveinpurityandpollution.Therearemanytaboosthatsurroundvillagetemples,shrinesandothersacredplaces.Thespaces,objectsandrepresentationsofbenevolentspiritsmustbekeptpure;inaddition,thespaces,objectsandrepresentationsofharmfulspiritsareviewedasuncleanandshouldbeavoided.Touchinganuncleanspacecancausecontaminationandmisfortune.Ifuncleanspiritsenterapurespace,itwillbepolluted.Sotherearetaboosspecicallyaimedatpreventingevilspiritsfromcontaminatingpurespaces.Inconformitywiththisbeliefinthecontaminatingpowerofuncleanspirits,anumberofplacesareidentiedaspollutedbyevilspiritsandthereforedangerous.Amongthedangerousplacesarehospitals,placeswheremaoguishen(hostilecatspirits)areworshipped,burialgrounds,andhouseholdsthathavehadfunerals.Thereisalocal 188

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peoplebelievethatwomenstandatthegateofdeathwhilegivingbirth.Aroomwhereachildhasbeendeliveredisthereforethoughttobepollutedandthebloodassociatedwithchildbirthisviewedashighlypolluted.Peoplewhohaverecentlyvisitedsuchplacesareforbiddentoenterfolkreligioussitestoparticipateinritualsthere.Becausetheyfearthatevilspiritsoftenstalkandpossesspeople,theTuarecarefultokeepevilspiritsatadistance.Durkheimcategorizedallsocietiesassacredorprofane,oraspureorpolluted( EmileDurkheim&Swain 1954 ).Itisbelievedthatpuritycanmaintainthematerialandspiritualorderandcandispenselifeandhealthtohumanbeingsandalloftheirreverendcharacters;ontheotherhand,pollutionistheprofaneenchanterwiththeevilanduncleanpowertoproducechaosandcausediseaseanddeaths.MaryDouglasisalsoconcernedwiththemoralorderandcentersonthesocialcontrolsystemasthepresenceofsymbols( Douglas 1966 ).InthislighttheTualsodistinguishthepurefromthepollutedandhavecreatedprotectivereligioustaboos.TheTu'sreligioustaboosforreligioussitesincludenoalcoholorsmoking,andnobuilding,climbing,urinatingordefecatingatthesesites.Turnerstatedthatsymbolsinstigatesocialactionandaredeterminableinuencesincliningpersonsandgroupstoaction( Turner 1967 ,36).FortheTu,purityandpollutionhavespecicmeanings,andthoseritualsarestorehousesofmeaningfulsymbolsbywhichinformationisrevealedandregardedasauthoritative,asdealingwiththecrucialvaluesofthecommunity( Turner 1968 ,2).Inadditiontotaboosregardingsacredplaces,theTualsohavemanytaboosregardingdailylife,mostofwhicharerelatedtothebeliefinandworshipofnaturespirits.Thesetaboosservetoprotecttheharmonybetweenhumansandnatureaswellasharmonywithinacommunity.Forexample,becauseofbeliefssurroundingthespiritsofnature,therespirit,andthewaterspirit,itisprohibitedtopointatthesunandthemoonwithone'sngers,toburndirtythingssuchasbones,fur,garlicskins,andplastics,toputfeetintostoves,andtourinateordefecateinriversor 189

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springs.Inagriculturalproductionandconstruction,theTuarecarefulintheiruseofnaturalresources,sincetheyareconvincedofthevalueofestablishingandpreservingharmonywithnature.Moreover,inthepasttheTuwerenomadswhoreliedonhorsesfortransportation.Theythereforesurroundlivestockwithtaboos.Forexample,itisnotallowedtourinateanddefecateinthelivestockpens,ortoeathorses,donkeys,mulesandotherodd-toedungulates.SeveraltaboosinTuareasstoppeoplefromexcessivelumberextractionandlandreclamation,therebywardingoffsomepotentiallyharmfulimpactsofrapideconomicdevelopment.Tomaintainharmoniousinterpersonalrelations,theTuareurgednottoquarrelortobeatchildreninfrontofguests,ortoenteryoungwomen'sbedroomswithoutpermission,ortoservegueststeaorwineincrackedcupsorglasses,ortosinghua'er( ,lovesongs)athome,inthevillage,orinfrontoffamilymembers.Whensomethingspecialisoccurringinafamily,theTuputapinebranchorinsertasquarepieceofredpaperabovethemaingatetostopguestsfromentering.Suchspecialeventsincludeabirth,thecompletionofaBuddhistactivity,ortheoccurrenceofaninfectiousdisease.Ifanybodyviolatesthesetaboos,misfortuneorevendeathcouldbetheresult.AllofthesetabooscenteronpreservingharmonyasthecorevalueofTuculture.Toconcludethischapter:ManyscholarscharacterizeChinesefolkreligionaspracticalandutilitarian.C.KYangpointedoutthatthebiggestdifferencebetweenChineseandWesternreligionisthatWesternreligioncombinescomprehensivemoralnormsandsupernaturalbeliefinasinglesystem,while,inChinesereligionthereisaquitealargegapbetweenthesystemofmoralnormsandthesystemofsupernaturalbelief( Yang 1961 ).TheethnographyoftheTu,however,forcesustobecautionswithsuchageneralization.InTufolkculture,spirits(throughthevoicesofshamans)dodealwithmoralbehavior.Theyoftenblamediseasesonimpropersocialbehaviororonsomeviolationoftheharmonybetweenhumansandnature.Suchfolkregulations 190

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haveastrongsocialcontrolfunctionwhichdoesbydenitionentailmoralnormsandvillagersmustobeyconventionalcustoms.WeseethereforethatTufolkreligionsdoesinfactinuencepeople'smoralvaluesandthebehavioralstandardsthatderivefromsuchvalues. 191

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CHAPTER6WOMENANDFOLKRELIGIONAsfeministtheorybecameaninuentialforceintheeldofanthropology,anewinterestinexploringgender,asitrelatestoethnicity,religion,andotherlifedomains,fromacross-culturalperspectivehasgeneratedmanyimportantquestions.SusanMollerOkinaskedtheprovocativequestionofwhethermulticulturalismisbadforwomen( Okin 1999 2005 ; Shachar 2001 );afeministapproachtomulticulturalismhasaccordinglybeendevelopedalongwithresearchonminoritieswithinminorities( Eisenberg&SpinnerHalev 2005 ).SomescholarshavestudiedChina'sethnicminorities( Shih 2010 ; Du 2007 )touchingontheissueofwomen'srolesinthereligionsofthoseethnicgroups.Intheprocesstheyhaveconstructednewandmorecomprehensiveframeworksforunderstandinginteractionsbetweengenderandreligion.Whileconductingmyeldwork,Ifoundthatmalesandfemaleshavedifferentrolesintheirfolkreligion,andthatTuwomen,especiallymarriedones,havealowerreligiousstatusandarehenceexcludedfrommanyreligiousrituals.Similarly,indailylifemenappeartohavemoreprivilegesandahighersocialstatusthanwomen.However,isthisreallytrue?Isthereligiousstatusofwomenrelatedtotheirgeneralsocialstatus?Dogendernormsandprohibitionsdeterminewhatisandisnottabooinwomen'sreligiousactivities?WhatcausalfactorsdeterminethegeneralstatusofwomeninTulifeinsideandoutsidethereligiousdomain?ThischapterwillexploretheissueofthestatusofTuwomenandthemannerinwhichthatstatusisaffectedbydifferentsocialfactors.ItwillalsoexamineTuwomen'sreectionsontheirexperiences,theirreligioustraditions,andtheeffectofgenderontheirperspectives. 6.1GenderRolesamongtheTuMoresoperhapsthanwomeninmostotherruralareasinChina,theTuhaveadeeplyhelddualistic(andinternallysomewhatcontradictory)ideologyconcerninggender.TheroleofTuwomeninactualeverydaypracticecontrastsdramaticallywith 192

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theirroleinreligiousactivities.Asforthegeneralplaceofwomen,undertheinuenceofreligion,economicsandotherfactors,theTuhavecreatedasuigenerisnotionofthefemale.InordertounderstandwhatfactorsdetermineTuwomen'ssocialstatus,andhowwomenhelptoshape,create,andchangetheprivateandpublicworldsinwhichtheylive,inthissectionIwilldiscussthegendersystemintraditionalTusociety.Iwillfocusongenderasitrelatestothreelifedomains:dailylife,ritesofpassage,andoraltradition. 6.1.1GenderinDailyLifeLikemostwomeninruralChina,Tuwomenoccupyasubordinatesocialpositionandhavemorerestrictedrightsofspeechandlessdecision-makingpowerinfamilymattersthanmendo.Moreover,particularlyinreligiousmatters,thestatusofunmarriedgirlsisdifferentfromthatofmarriedwomen.AsistrueofmostcommunitiesinWesternChina,Tuvillagesareclose-knitcommunitiesmadeupofextendedfamilies.TheTu'sprincipaleconomicactivityisagriculture;theyareinvolvedtoamuchalesserextentinanimalhusbandry.Manyvillagersdependexclusivelyonagriculturefortheirlivelihood.BecausetraditionalvillagerssuchastheTuhavenoaccesstomodernagriculturalequipment,muchoftheheavierfarmworksurpassesthephysicalcapacitiesofmostwomen.Therefore,asheadofthehousehold,thehusbandistheprincipalsourceofincome.Thiseconomicdivisionoflaborexertsaheavyimpactonsocialstatus.Thehusbandandfather,whodoesmostoftheheavyagriculturallabor,istheheadofthefamilyandwivesanddaughtersaresubordinate.Marriedwomeninparticulararerestrictedwhenitcomestocertainkindsofinterpersonalrelations.Mencanfurthermoreearnincomethroughemploymentinsmallcitiesoraspart-timefactoryworkers.HusbandsamongtheTumayleavethevillagetoearnmoneyduringthesummer,whichistheoffseasonwithrespecttoagriculturallabor.Thosewhoemigrateseasonallywillreturnhomeforplantingorharvesting. 193

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Whilethemenareabsent,mostofthewomenstayathomeperformingdomesticchores.Inthemorning,aTuwifeisexpectedtocleantheoorandthefurnitureandtopreparebreakfast.Afterwards,dependingontheseason,shemayweedthewheateld,cooklunchanddinnerandfeedtheanimals.AsKeraderhaspointedout,theTuare...patrilinealinorganization,asareallMonguorconsanguinealinstitutions.Marriageispatrilocal,andthelevirateispracticed( Krader 1955 ,887).(Leviraterulesobligeawidowtomarryabrotherofherdeceasedhusband.)Thoughthemaledoestheheavyagriculturallabor,Tuwiveshavetraditionallyassistedwiththefarmwork,inadditiontotheirroleoftakingcareofthehome,raisingthechildren,andmakingclothesandshoesforthefamilymembers.Theyhavelessfreedomthanmenwhenitcomestomakingdecisionsaboutmarriageandschooling.Likeotherformsofornamentation,clothingspeakstoagroupandisanimportantsymboloftraditionalsocialstatus.Tuwomendisplaytheirmaritalstatusintwoways:hairstyleandclothing.Tysickpointedoutthathairstylemayhaveoriginatedasasymboloffertility;bothhusbandsandwivesstillusehairstylestoconveytheirmaritalstatus( Tysick 2007 ).Atmarriagethereisacomplicatedandsolemnchangingoffemalehairstyleinthecontextofareligiousceremonytomarkthetransitionfromanunmarriedgirltoawife.AllTubridesmustchangetheirhairstylesontheoccasionoftheirwedding,achangewhichhasimportantsymbolicmeaning.IntraditionalTusociety,thereweresevenoreightalternativehairstylesformarriedwomen.Therewerealsoseveraltypesofspecialhatswhichindicatedthemarriedstatusofawoman.AsTusocietyhasbeguntomodernize,themorecomplicatedhairstyleshavedisappeared.However,theritualofhairstylechanginghassurvived;marriedwomencannowsportasimplehairstyleunderneathabrocadedfelthat.Theritualisperformedintwophases:beforethebrideleavesherparentalhome,andthenuponarrivalatthegroom's.Intherstphase,thebridemustsitinthepresenceofscriptures.Thetableinthecentralroomofherhouseisdecoratedwithnineobjectsbelievedtobring 194

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goodfortune:scriptures,acypressbranch,abutterlamp,milk,apairofredchopsticks,tea,grain,andwool.Thenashijin1( )singsthesongofyijie2( )inthefrontsectionofthecentralroomandwavesbrowncloths.Themotherofthebrideandsomeolderwomenhelpthebridearrangehernewhairstyle.Oncethebridehasarrivedatthegroom'shome,hernewhusbandwillhelphiswifecombherhairthreetimes.Thissignieshernewstatusasamarriedwoman,andaunionhasbeenestablishedbetweenthetwofamilies.Thegroomthenhastoproceedtotheshrineofthekitchengod.Awomanwhohasbeenappointedinadvancewillonceagainchangethebride'shairstyle,dressthebrideinherweddingclothesandconductaritualinvolvingthebride'smouth.Thewomanwhoassiststhebridewavesarollingpininfrontofthebride,symbolicallywarningthebridetokeepquietandavoidcausingtroubleinhernewfamily.Inthisritual,thebridemustkeepsilentuntilafemalerelativeofthegroomoncemorechangesherhairstyle.Thiscustomremindsthebrideoftheimportanceofthinkingbeforespeakingtohergroom'sfamily.ThecolorofherclothingisalsousedtoindicatethemaritalstatusofaTufemale.Themostcommoncolors(red,black,andwhite)symbolizethreebodilyexcretions:blood,excrement,andmilk( Tysick 2007 ).InTuarea,unmarriedwomenusuallywearredtrousers,butmarriedwomen'strousersmustbeblackorbrown.Youngwomentieabrightlycoloredsasharoundthewaist,andthesleevesoftheirrobesarerainbowsofblack,green,yellow,white,blue,orangeandred.Incontrast,olderwomendonotwearbrightlycoloredjacketsorembroideredwaistbands.Thechangeinclothingsignalsthechangefromsingletomarried,whichconstitutesanimportantchangeinawoman'ssocialandfamilialstatus. 1InTusociety,thenashijinisthepersonwhosingsanddancesforthebride'sfamily.2TherearenearlytwentykindsofsongsperformedatTuweddings,oneofwhichistheyijie. 195

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Aftertheyhavechangedtheirclothingandhairstyle,Tuwomenmustabidebynewrulesoffamilyetiquette.Forexample,atdinner,wives(unlesstheyarequiteelderly)arenotallowedtositonthekang( ),thehardsurfaceofabedwhichisalsousedasaseat.Wivesareexpectedtoservetheirhusbandsandhisfamilymembers;theystandinfrontofthekangandrellplatesthroughoutthemeal.Somewiveseataloneinthekitchen.Ingeneral,thehusband'smotheristhehighest-rankingwomaninthefamily,followedbyherunmarrieddaughter.Thedaughter-in-lawisatthebottomofthisfemalestatushierarchy.Daughters-in-lawinruralareasalmostalwaysndthemselvesisolatedinanunfamiliarenvironment.Inshort,theTuidentifymaritalstatusandgiveexternalremindersofthisstatusinavarietyofways.Atthesametimethattheyindicatemaritalstatus,thesemandatoryhairstylesandclothingcolorsalsosubtlysignifythevalueplacedonfertilityandtheroleofmother.Asnotedabove,theweddingritualsinTufolkreligiongivesymbolicexpressiontothebride'snewidentityandtothenewsetofrulesbywhichshemustabideasawife.Intherstritual,thebrideisrequiredtositatatableonwhichavarietyofreligiousitemshavebeenplaced.Thissigniesthatasawifesheenjoysanewkindofspiritualpower.Thesecondritualisheldinthekitchen;thebridehastoworshipthekitchengodofhernewhome.Sheisallowedtotalkassoonasshehasbeengivenhernewhairstyle.Theseritualsindicatethathernewmaritalstatushasbeenapprovedbythespiritsandthathernewfemaleidentityhasreceivedreligiousratication.Indailylifethestatusofthebridewillbesubordinatetothatofherhusbandandtoothermalesandshewillhavelittlesayineconomicdecision-making,education,orotherfamilymatters.Howeverinthemarriageriteofpassageitself,herroleasawomanhasbeenrituallyelevatedandvalidated. 196

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6.1.2WomeninRitesofPassageInsomerituals,particularlyritesofpassage,theroleofwomeniscentral.Tuwomenaretheoneswhosingfolksongsatweddingceremoniesandwhowailandcrytoaccompanythemusicplayedatfunerals.Iftheritualscelebratinglifetransitionscanbeseenakindofperformance,inthosemomentswomenplaythestarrole,whilemenaresupportingactors. 6.1.2.1ThecryingmarriageandweddingTheweddingcustomsoftheTuhavealonghistory.AsistrueamongtheHanChineseingeneral,theTutraditionalweddingceremonyisdividedintoseveralsteps.Thestepsincludethemarriageproposal,theengagement,theexchangeofbetrothalgifts,andtheconcludingsteps,theweddingceremonyitselfwithitsbanquet.AsisalsotrueamongtheHan,aftermarriagethebridegoestoliveinthegroom'shouseandbecomesanewmemberofhisfamily.However,theweddingtraditionsoftheTualsohavesomeuniquefeaturesentailingaseriesofreligiousritualsandperformancesofsonganddance.Intherstplace,amatchmakerisrequired,eveniftheyoungcouplechoseeachotherforromanticreasonsinsteadofhavingtheirmarriagearrangedbytheirparents.Itisthegroom'sparentswhousuallyinviteamatchmakertogotothebride'sfamilytoofferthemarriageproposal.Afterthebride'sfamilyagrees,theywillinvitethehouseholdheadsoftheirownclanaswellasthegroom'sunclestoanengagementbanquet.Thegroom'sfamilyisexpectedtopreparegiftsforthebanquetsuchastea,alcoholicbeverages,hadas,steamedbuns,andpartofthebetrothalgift.Thenthematchmakerandgroom'sunclesendbetrothalgiftstothebride'sfamilyinbatches.Usuallythesebetrothalgiftsincludemoney,fabrics,andjewelry.Thebulkofthebetrothalgiftisgiventhreemonthsbeforethewedding.Afterthat,thegroom'sfamilywillaskaDaoistpriestorshamantochooseanauspiciousdayfortheweddingceremony.Obviously,inthe 197

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ceremoniesofbetrothal,animportantformalityistheexchangeofgoods,whichisregardedascompensationtothebride'skingroupforthelossofthebride.Thedaybeforetheweddingceremony,thebride'sfamilyhoststhebanquetformarryingadaughterattheirhome.Theycallitthemaze( ,theritualatthebride'shome).Thehouseholdsinthebride'sclans,aswellasother,relatives,friends,andneighborswillsendgiftsandattendthisbanquet.Attheoutset,theTuweddingbeginswithwomen'sritualsongsanddances.ThemostpopularsongsareCryingaboutGettingMarried,QuestioningandAnswering,andComplainingtotheMatchmaker.Thesongsthemselves,aswellasthewayinwhichtheyareperformed,depicttheTuwoman'seconomicandsocialobligations.Intheevening,thegroom'sfamilysendstwoeloquentnashijinastheirrepresentativestohelpthemacquireawifefortheirson.Theywillgowithgiftstothebride'sfamilytoaskforthebride'shandinmarriage.Thegiftsincludeapparel,jewelryforthebride,andonewhiteewe3.Thebride'sfamilyfeignsreluctancetoopenthedoortothenashijin.Whenthenashijinarriveoutsidethebride'shouse,younggirls(theTucallthemagu4)fromthebride'svillagesingtraditionalsongsandpourwateronthenashijinfromabovethedoorasagoodlucktoken.Thegroomthenoffershadatothebride'sparentsandworshipsthelocalgodandBuddha.Heisthenentertainedwithteaanddinneronthekang.Onthesameday,thereareritualisticcryingandsingingperformancesbybothmotheranddaughter.Accompaniedbyfemalerelatives,thebrideandhermothercryovergettingmarriedtoreafrmthebondbetweenthebrideandherfamilyandtoexpressthebride'sapprehensionabouthernewlife.Thelyricsindicatethatthemotherisreminiscingaboutpastgoodtimeswithherdaughter.Shetellsherhowtoplayasuccessfulroleas 3InopinionoftheTu,whiteistheluckiestcolor,aswhiteisasymbolofpurityandwealth.4Thewordagu( )isaformofaddressforafemaleintheTuareas. 198

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awifewhenshearrivesathernewhome.Thedaughterthensingsaplaintivesongtohermotherabouthowshedoesnotwanttoleaveherfamilyandissoworriedabouthernewlife.Hereagain,womenarecentraltotheweddingritual.Afterthat,theagugirlsgatheratthewindowandsingtheweddingmelody.Assoonasthenashijinhavetakentheirseats,thebride'sadultfemalerelativesgatheroutsideofthehouseandsingComplainingtotheMatchmaker,makingfunofthenashijin.Theythenpullhimoutintothecourtyardandteasehim.Theythenrushintothehouseanddragthenashijintothecourtyardorthrashingoortodanceanzhaointhecourtyarduntildawnthenextday.Thisinteractionbetweentheaguandnashijinsymbolizesconict;itgivesritualexpressiontofeelingsofhostilitybetweenthetwokingroupsthroughsociallysanctionedchannels.Thegroom'sfamilytakesthisingoodspirits.Alltheseactivitiesareplayful,butthedominantrolewhichthebride'sfamilyplaysintheseeventsreectswomen'sspecialstatusatthetimeofmarriage.Onthesecondday,afterdressingandputtingonhermakeupthebridewillgotothegroom'sfamily,accompaniedbythenashijinandherfamilymembers.Beforeshesetsoffonthejourney,whichistraditionallymadeonhorseback,thebride'srelativesscatterabundleofredchopsticksinthecourtyard.Thenthebride'sbrotherscarrythebride,dressedinherweddinggarments,onawhiteoraredblanketaroundthecourtyardinthreecircles;hermotheralsoaccompaniesher.Afterthatthebridemountsherhorse.Whenthepartyleaves,thebride'smotherthrowsclothesthatthebrideusedtowearoverthewall,signifyingthatherdaughterisnowmarried.Whenthebridearrivesatthedoorofthegroom'shouse,thegroomwelcomesherwithalcoholicbeveragesandwhitehadascarvesandhelpsherdownoffthehorse.Thegroom'srelativescarrydollsmadeofredclothintothecourtyard,andthenewcouplefollowsthemintothehome.Thislattercustomgivesexpressiontoessentialelementsinmarriedlife:pregnancyandchildbirth. 199

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Thenextmorningaformalweddingceremonyisheldatthegroom'shouse.Onthedayprecedingtheceremony,thegroom'sfamilyholdsafarewellritualtowhichallofthebride'srelativesandfriendsareinvited.Aromaticplantsareburnedatthecenterofthecourtyard.Insidevariousritualofferings,lightedbutterlamps,andclearwaterareofferedtothefamily'sspiritsintheroomwhichhousesthefamily'sdomesticshrine.Alltherelatives,friendsandneighborsofthegroom'sfamilywillsendgiftsandattendabanquet.Meanwhile,thebride'sfamilymembers,whowillhavecometothegroom'shome,displaythebetrothalgifts,theclothesmadeforthewedding,andthedowry.Thisritualatthehomeofthegroom'sfamilyisthemomentatwhichthebrideisformallyadmittedintohernewrole.Theritualsperformedbeforetheweddingwassimplepreparationsforthistransition.Anthropologistsconsideranengagementasatimeoftransitionthatisofspecialimportanceforwomen,particularlyinsocietieswithpatrilinealclanssuchasarefoundinmostofChina.Anengagedwomanlearnsacceptablebehaviorforthenewstagethatsheisabouttoenter,learningabouthowtoliveasamarriedperson.Theriteofcryingrelievesthestressassociatedwithalifechangeandprovidesinstructioninhowtosucceedinthenewrole.Theexpressionoffamilyemotioncanbeseenastheprimaryfunctionofritualcrying.TheweddingceremonyoftheTumarksawoman'sentryintoanewstageoflifeinwhichmotherhoodwillbetheprincipalgoal. 6.1.2.2PregnancyandfertilityWhenthisgoalisreached,intheformofpregnancy,variousritualsoccur.Fromananthropologicalperspective,childbirthritualscanbeconsideredasasymbolicexpressionoftheinvisiblebondsbetweenparentsandchildren.Theseritualsalsostresstherelationshipbetweenthehusbandandthewifeandherkin,whichisstrengthenedwhenthechildisborn.TheperinatalpracticesoftheTugiveexpressiontoanambivalentattitudetowardschildbirth.Ontheonehand,abirthistobecelebratedbecauseitbringsanewlifeandamemberofanewgenerationintothefamily.Onthe 200

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otherhand,birthisconsideredinauspiciousbecausethebloodthatspillsoutduringchildbirthisbelievedtobepolluted.Theambivalencewarrantsdiscussion.Atthesametimethattheyvaluefertility,theTubelievethatmenstrualbloodisalsounclean.ItisforthisreasonthatmarriedwomenarebarredfrommanyTutemples.Inmanyvillages,itisbelievedthatwomencanseeevilandcantellwhenarestlessspiritistroublingafamily.Uponmarriageandespeciallyaftergivingbirth,womenareconsideredtobedangerousandpotentiallydestructive.Theyareconsequentlyrestrictedandrelegatedtoalowsocialposition.Sinceunmarriedgirls,ontheotherhand,aredenedaspure,theyenjoyarelativelyhighstatus.Inmyeldwork,manypeopletoldmethatunmarriedgirlscantakepartinthetraditionalritualofzhuanshanjing(themountainritualdescribedinanearlierchapter),butoncetheygetmarried,theycannolongerjoinintheprocessionbecausethegodofthemountainwouldbedispleased.TheTualsofearthatpregnancycanbepotentiallyharmfultothosearoundthepregnantwomanandthatthebloodthatowsduringchildbirthisinherentlyharmful.Forthisreason,pregnantwomenarenotallowedtoparticipateinreligiousrituals,toapproachthestatueofagod,ortoattendweddings.Ifapregnantwomandies,hercorpseisalsoviewedasparticularlydangerousbytheTu.Ifthatwomandiesduringchildbirth,shemustbecremated.Ifsuchwomenwereburiedinfamilygraves,itisfearedthattheirghostscouldbringdiseasetothefamilyand,indeed,totheentirevillage.Insomeareas,ifawomanwhodiesinchildbirthalreadyhadchildren,herbodywillbeburied,butneverintheancestralgraveyard.Ifachildlesswomandiesinchildbirth,insteadofcremation,thecorpsemayinsteadbeplacedintoasimplecofnandpushedintotheYellowRiverorthebodywillbedisposedofinthewilderness.Pregnantwomenthereforeliveunderanominouscloud;pregnancyamongtheTuisnotajoyfulperiod.TheTuhaveamuletstoprotectaneonateintheperiodimmediatelyfollowingbirth.Onlywomenareinvitedtothepostpartummealthatistraditionallyheld.Malerelatives 201

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arenotallowedtogointotheneonate'sroom.Usually,apieceofredclothishungonthedoortothedeliveryroominordertokeepstrangersout.Allofthesetransitionsarerituallymarked.Women'sdangerouspowerisexpressedbytheseritualpractices,andthisdangerouspowerisultimatelyconstrainedbyreligiouslawsthatplacewomenunderthecontrolofmen. 6.1.2.3Long-lifeceremoniesandcryingfuneralsBesidesthemarriageandchildbirthritualswhichwehavediscussed,deathisaperiodalsomarkedbyritualsinmosthumancultures.Afuneralisaritualformourninganddisposalofremains;thesecustomsvarywidelybyreligionandbyculture.TherearedifferentfuneralcustomsindifferentTuareas,butcertaincoreproceduresarefollowedbymost.Thedisposalofremainsmaybedonebyinhumation,cremation,orwaterburial.InhumationprevailsinDatongandMinhe,butinHuzhucremationismorecommonthanburial.Waterburialisusuallypracticedonlyintheeventofanunnaturaldeath.Tuburialcustomsvarybythetypeofdeath,ontheonehand,andontheotherbythestatusofthedefunctduringhisorherlife.Theelderlywhodieofnaturalcauseshaveformalfunerals,buttheTutakeadifferentapproachtothosewhodieofunnaturalcauses.Generally,thebodyofadeadchildwhohasdiedanaturaldeathwillbetakentoaremoteareaandleftintheopentobeeatenbybirds.SmallchildrenwhodieanunnaturaldeatharethrownintotheYellowRiver.Inthecaseofanunmarriedyoungpersonwhodies,andapregnantwomenwhohasdied,thecorpseisalsotossedintotheYellowRiverorburnedwithvirtuallynoceremony. 202

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A BFigure6-1. DaoistspresidingtheTufuneralrituals. However,therearefuneralceremoniesforpeoplewhodieofnaturalcauses,especiallytheelderly.MostTufuneralsareconductedwithacombinationofBuddhistrites,Daoistrites,andfolkreligiousrituals.Ayinyang( ,Daoistpriest)isoften 203

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invitedtochoosetheauspiciousdayandhourandtheidealplaceforburial.Thedeceased'soffspringwillinviteTibetanBuddhistmonks,Daoistpriestsandfashi( ,specialistsofthefolkreligion)tochantdifferentscripturesforseveraldaystoreleasethesoulofthedeceasedfrompurgatory.Theformalfuneralceremonyconsistsoftheheshoucai( ,celebrationforthecofn)andkusang( ,wailing).Theheshoucaiisthepre-ritualforpreparingthecofnandcelebratingsomeone'slonglifeandispreferablyheldwhilethepersonisstillalive,whilekusangisaritualofcrying/wailingattheactualfuneral.Inbothrituals,thefemaleTuhaveaprominentrole.InTubeliefs.apersonisthoughttoneedahousetoliveinafterdeath.Forthisreason,theTuwhohavepassed60yearsofageareexpectedtopreparecofnsforthemselvesandtheirspouse.Thecofn,calledzuo'er( ,thechair),isamandatorygiftgivenatthelong-lifeceremonyfortheelderlyTuinHuzhu.Thezuo'ercofnisdifferentfromthetypeofcofninHanareas;itresemblesatwo-oorwoodenhollowbuildingwithcarveddoors,windows,andaroof.Onthebackofazuo'er,awoodenboardcanbedrawnoutandre-insertedsothatthefamilycanbindthepersonthatpassedawayinasittingpostureandputhimorherintothecofn.Attheburialground,thepersoninthecofniscarriedoutandputonthepyre,thecofnischoppedup,andthedeadpersonandcofnareburnedtogether.Oncesuchacofnhasbeenprepared,itsownerknowsthatheorshehasahomeintheotherworld.Whenazuo'eriscompletelybuilt,amagnicentlong-lifeceremonyisheldinthehomeoftheowner.Alloftherelativesoftheelderlycouplewillgototheirhousetocelebratewiththemandoffergiftsoftea,liquor,steamedbread,hada,andclothes.Daughterspreparetheburialclothes,orshouyi5( ).Onthedayoftheceremony,adaughter(agu),bringstheshouyitothehomeofherparentsandusestheredclothtodecoratetheinsideofthecofn.Thedaughternailstheredclothto 5Shouyi,literallytranslatedaslong-lifedresses. 204

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theinsidesurfaces,similartodecoratingthewallsofaroom,andthenputswalnuts,Chinesedatesandothersmallitemsintothecofn.Thisritualiscalledbiaocai( ,decorationforcofn).Afterthebiaocairitual,thefamilyservesabanquettotheguests.Thebenbenziandlamasareinvitedtochantscriptures.ElderlyTuattachgreatimportancetotheirlong-lifeceremonies.DevoutTuwomeninparticularregardtheceremonyasthemostsignicantsignofasuccessfullife,sincetheceremoniesnotonlyacknowledgetheircontributiontotheirfamilies,butalsoassisttheminpreparingforthetransitiontothenextworldwithpeaceofmind.Itisamatterofgreatregretforsomeonenottohaveadaughtertodecoratethezuo'ercofn.Inthiscasetheelderlypersonmayasktheirniecestotakechargeofthedecoration.Afteranelderlypersondies,afamilymemberofthedeceasedmustinformthematernaluncleofthedeadperson,becausethematernaluncleisthemostrespectedgureamongtheTu.Withouthisapproval,weddingsandfuneralscannotbeheld.Afterinformingthematernaluncle,hisorherfamilywillholdaformalfuneral.Duringthefuneral,beforeofferingthebanquettotherelatives,adultdaughterscryandwailtoexpresstheirsorrow.Thewayinwhichtheysingandcryisnotonlyanemotionalexpression,butalsoatypeofperformance.Thiscryingbyfemalesdemonstratestheritualpowerthatisattributedtowomen.Bysingingandcrying,awomancanaddherpersonaltouchtothetraditionalperformancetoattractattention,ventheremotions,andeventocomplainaboutherownfamilyandthatofherhusband.Inthatsensethewomenarenotonlycryingforthedeceased.Theyarealsotakingadvantageofasociallysanctionedmomentforexpressingtheirownsuffering.Thefamilymembersofthedeceasedcannotstopthewomenfromcrying.VanGennepsaidthatdeathritualsemphasizeliminalitymorethanotherritesofpassageandsuggeststhatthisisbecausedeathisthemostpowerfulandmysteriousofthechangesofstatethatpunctuatethehumanlifecycle( vanGennep 1960 ).Onthesespecialoccasions,thecustomsoftheTudemonstratetheirwillingnesstoyieldtofemale 205

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power.Thisperformance,whichisenactedonlybywomen,ispasseddownfrommothertodaughterbywordofmouth.UnliketheHanChinese,theTudonotwearwhiteasasymbolofdeath;allmarriedfemaleswillwearabluerobeinsteadasasymbolofthedeceasedduringafuneralceremony.Blueisthesymboliccolorofmystery,andblueclothesareusedtraditionallytodressthebodyofthedeceased.Moreover,allfemalefamilymembersarerequiredtoaddressthedeceasedastheirparents.Theycallthemaledeceasedmyfather(A-Ba)andcallthefemaledeceasedmymother(A-Ma).Thus,throughtheircryingduringfunerals,femalefamilymembersofthesamegenerationwhomayhaveverydifferentrelationstothedeceasedbecomedaughters.Inaddition,allmarriedwomenwearspecialbluerobesforcryingatweddingsandfunerals.Withthiskindofperformancebehavior,theTuwomenexpresstheiremotionsbyritualcrying.ForTuwomen,thenarrativecontentplaysanimportantroleintwospecicoccasionsoftheirlivesandwillbeconstrained,divertedandregulatedbythespiritualresources( Zhai&Bai 2010 ).Inshort,funerarycustomscomprisethecomplexofbeliefsandpracticesusedbyaculturetorememberthedead,fromintermentitselftomonuments,prayers,andritualsintheirhonor.Eachculturemarkstheseritesinitsownway.FortheTu,cryingsongsatweddingsandfuneralsareacrucialwayofemphasizingthegreatersocialsignicanceofthematrilinealrelativesinthekinshipsystematcertainmomentsinthelifecycle.AlthoughinordinarydailylifeTuwomenhaveapositioninthefamilysubordinatetothatofmen,intheseritualmomentstheTuwomenareaccordedmoreimportantrolesthanTumen.And,whenweexamineTuoraltradition,weseethatinoralnarrativesTuwomenplayadifferentroleevenindailylife,enjoyingahigherstatusthanthatofTumenevenincertainnon-ritualcontexts.ThecurrentlysubordinatepositionofTuwomen,inshort,maybearecentdevelopment,notnecessarilyafeatureofTucultureatitsorigins. 206

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6.2GenderinOralTraditionAusefulstrategywhichanthropologistshaveusedtounderstandtheculturalassumptionsandunderstandingsofnon-literatepeopleisthestudyoftheirmythology,religiousbeliefs,andtheceremonieswhichgiveexpressiontothesebeliefs.Allofthesearelinkedtotheoraltraditionsofagroup.Theanalysisofsuchoraltraditionsisalsoagatewaytounderstandingtheethnicidentityofthegroup.Intheprevioussection,IdescribedthesubordinateroleoftheTufemalevisavistheTumale,atleastindailylife.IfweexaminetheoraltraditionsoftheTu,however,wegaininsightintoanotherpicture,oneinwhichwecandetectdomainsinwhichfemales,atleastinthepast,exercisedgreaterpower. 6.2.1FemaleHeroesinLegendandFolkloreTuoraltraditionisembodiedinproverbs,riddles,tales,myths,legendsandepics;itistherepositoryofthecommunity'scorevalues,philosophies,mysteries,ritualsand,mostimportantly,collectivememory.Tuoraltraditionshavebeenpreservedinavarietyofstyles.Inmostcases,thewomenarethepreserversoftheseoraltraditions,anindicationofthepowerwhichtheysubtlycontinuetoexercise.ThefairytalesthatarerecountedintheoraltraditionsofChina'sethnicminoritiesoftenfeaturemightymaleheroes.ButthefolkloreoftheTuisrepletewiththedeedsofstrongandingeniousheroines.FolkstoriesandfairytalesaboutwomenmakeupalargeproportionoftheTuoraltradition;mostnotableamongthesearethetalesofheroines.Quitebeyondaccountsoftheirskillsinthetraditionalfemaleartsofembroideryandperforming,theheroinesofTufolkloreareoftenwiseandfearlessinsituationsinwhichothertraditionsattributepowertomalegures.InmanyTustories,womendefeatdevilsthataretormentinginnocentvillagers;thewomeninsuchaccountsreceiveassistancefromoneoranotherinvisiblesupernaturalpower.Suchstoriesoftendepictwomenasmorepowerfulandmoreresourcefulthanmen.Forexample,inthestoryNayindeAGu,achieftainkidnapsandimprisonstheheroine,SisterA-Li,and 207

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killsherbrother.Allthemalesinthevillagearehelplessinthefaceofthismurder,butwiththehelpofathree-leggedhorse'smagicpower,SisterA-Liisabletoescape.OlderwomeninparticulararefavorablydepictedinTuoraltradition.Inthistradition,post-menopausalwomencommonlygivebirth.Forinstance,inFrogSon-in-Law( ),anoldwomanwaseagertogivebirth.Sheprayeddayandnight.Oneday,achildcameoutofoneofherngers.InBlackHorseorZhangSanGe( ),thesonsanddaughtersofanoldwomanwiththelastnameZhangareeatenbyadevil.Thewoman'sblackhorsegivesbirthtoaboycalledZhangSanGe,whothenkillsthedevilforherandrescuesherchildren.Inanothertypeoffolkstoryabeleagueredheroineovercomesherdifcultieswithassistancefromthespirits,inarecurringthemeinTufolkloreaboutwomenbeingabletocountondivinehelp.Womenwhoarepastchildbearingagehavethesupernaturalpowertoacquirewhattheydesirewithsupportofforcesinthenaturalworld.ThetraditionalsongsoftheTualsoprovideevidenceofwomen'smysteriouspower.Fromthissong,AnaniMoyang( ,Mothers'Appearance),wecanseetherelationshipbetweenmothersandthefemalegoddessniangniang:AnaniMoyangWhatdoesmotherlooklike?Motherisbeautiful,Motherisasbeautifulasniangniang.Beautiful,beautiful,Motherisasbeautifulasniangniang.Oraltraditionsandexpressionsareusedtoshareknowledge,culturalandsocialvalues,andcollectivememory.ContrarytotherigidgenderhierarchyofcontemporaryTusociety,Tuoraltraditiongrantsthefemalehighcosmologicalstatus.ThereismuchevidenceintheoraltraditionthatillustratesthepowerofTuwomenvis-a-visthereligiousworldanditsspirits,despitetheirparadoxicallowerstatusandvulnerabilityinsociety.ThereisasimilarthemethatappearsinMongolianstories:Thereisanoldwomaninheavenwhohasaskinsackcontainingthewind.Ifsheisangry,sheopenshersack 208

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andthewindblowsontheearth.Ifsheistrulyfurious,sheopensthesackwiderandwiderandthewindbecomesstronger.Whensheisingoodspirits,sheclosesthesackandthewindstop.Thus,peopleshouldbecarefulnottowillfullyoffendtheoldwoman( Nassen-Bayer&Stuart 1992 ,329).ThereisabundantevidenceinsuchoraltraditionsthatinthepastTuwomenwerealwaysportrayedashavingpowertoinuencethespiritsorashavingbeenendowedwithdifferenttypesofpreternaturalpower.BeliefsaboutfemalefertilityhavealsohadapsychologicalimpactontheTu.Itisclearinmanyaccountsthatthestructuralcentralityoftheroleofthemotherhasinuencedthegroup'scollectiveconsciousness.OnecanalmostseeatypeofcollectiveschizophreniawhichcausestheTutoviewfemalesincontradictoryways.Thepowerfulimagesofwomeninoraltraditionarecompletelydifferentfromtherealityofwomen'ssubordinatepositionindaytodaysociallife. 6.2.2KinshipTerminologyandtheRoleoftheMaternalUncleOraltraditionisapowerfulforcefortheintergenerationaltransmissionofculturallyshapedunderstandings.Asanembodimentoflivingoraltradition,kinshipterminologyinparticularrevealstheoperationoffamilialnormsthatgoverntraditionalTuculture.KinshipterminologyamongtheTuconsistentlyemphasizestheimportanceoffemalelinks.Forexample,usedinthebroadestsense,thetermofaddressA-Gu,whichasatermofreferencemeansauntonthefather'sside,isalsousedgenericallyasafriendlytermofaddresstoallyounggirlsandeventofemalestrangers.A-Yiisanothersuchterm.Asakintermofreferenceitreferstothewifeofanuncle,butitisalsousedmorebroadlytoaddresssistersofthewifeoftheuncle,orthemotherofbrothers-in-law.AllfemalecousinsareaddressedasGu-jiuA-ji.TheseformsofaddressinwhichasingletermisappliedtoalargevarietyoffemalesareconnectedtothestructureoftheheavilypatriarchalclansysteminTusociety.Thebroadapplicationofasingletermtomultiplecategoriesoffemalesreectsthebroadrolesofwomenwithinfamilies.ThewideusageofA-Gulumpsallfemalesofthesamegenerationorevenofdifferentgenerationswithin 209

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thesameterm.Thereisnosuchgenericformofaddressforanequallywidevarietyofmalekin.ThejiujiuisaparticularlyimportantgureinTulife.Hemustgivepermissionforweddingsandfunerals.Atthewedding,thebrotherofthebride'smother(herjiujiu)isthemosthonoredguestandtakesprecedenceoverallotherrelativesofhisgenerationonthegroom'sside.Heisaccordedaritualrolethatisevenmoreimportantthanthatofthebride'sfatherandofherpatrilateraluncles(thebrothersofthebride'sfather).Infuneralsthejiujiuofthedeceasedrepresentsthewidow'ssideofthefamily.Whensomeonedies,afamilymemberofthedeceasedmustinformthematernaluncleasthemostrespectedfamilymemberandastheguzhu( ,theoriginoffamilygenes).AccordingtotheTu,thesoulofthedeceasedpersoncannotbereleasedfrompurgatorywithoutthepermissionoftheguzhu.Ingroupsfollowingamatrilocalpostmaritalresidencesystem,husbandslivewiththefamiliesoftheirwives.Thejiujiu,whoweretheheadsofsuchfamilies,weretheauthorityguresthatraisedtheirsisters'children.Undertheinuenceofthisculturallegacy,eventodaythejiujiu'swordscontinuetoenjoyspecialauthority,andheisthepersonwhomakesthefuneralarrangementsandadvisesthebereaved.Ifthejiujiuhaspassedaway,thenamemberofhisfamilytakesontheresponsibility.InthatlightthetraditionalfuneralsongssuchasMeetingA-Jiu[thetermofaddressforjiujiu]toMourntheDeatharesunginhonorofthejiujiu,TheTutothisverydaystillsingTheLegendofYoungMenwhoMarryOut( )andTheStoryofAColorfulCase( )inwhichwomenmarrytheirsons-in-law.Itisnotaslipofthetonguetosay,marryinason-in-lawandmarryoutadaughter.Tumarriageisnowpatrilocal,withthebridegoingtolivewiththefamilyofthegroom.Buttheseoraltraditionssuggestthatitmayhaveoriginatedasamatrilocalsysteminwhichmaleslivedwiththefamiliesoftheirwivesandinwhichrelativesofone'smotherconsequentlyexercisedgreaterpower.Thetraditionalrespectthatone 210

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continuestoseetodayforone'smaternaljiujiu,especiallyincertainrituals,reectsthisrespectforthematernallineofdescent.Tuoraltraditionhasthuspreservedanelementofmatricentricsocialstructurethroughthegenerations.Toconclude,inancienttimes,theTuwerenomadsandthegenderdivisionoflaborwaslesssharpthanintoday'sagriculturalsetting.Thehighregardfortheprocreativeroleofwomenelevatedtheirsocialstatus.Overtime,however,astheTubecameagriculturalistsandinteractedwithotherethnicgroups,particularlytheHan,absorbingmanyoftheircustoms,genderdifferencesbecamemorepronounced.ThesocialstatusofwomendeclinedwhentheTuacceptedConfucianculturefromtheHan.Theynowperformaseriesofweddingritualstoidentifythemarriedwoman'snewsocialstatusassubordinatetothatofherhusband.Customssuchasdistinctivehairstyles,dress,andgarmentsstressthesocialbondsbetweenhusbandandwifeandtheirkingroupsandtheincorporationofthebrideintothefamilyofherhusband.Therefore,astarkerawarenessnowexistsamongtheTuofmale-femaleroledifferencesinwhichthewomanisgenerallysubordinate.Tuwomenthushaveconictingimagesoftheirstatusintheirreal-lifeworldandintheworldofthespirits.Suchdualityemergesinthedifferencebetweentheroleofthesubmissiveandweakwifegureandtheroleofthedangerousmothergureparticularlyduringpregnancy. 6.3FemalesinFolkReligionEachculturedevelopsitsownviewsofsimilaritiesanddifferencesbetweenthetwogenders.TheTuarenoexception.Theyhaveconstructedaculture-specicmodelofmale-femaledifferences.InthischapterwewillexaminehowTuwomenexpressthedifferentrolesthathavebeenculturallyassignedtothemintheanthropologicaldomainsoffamilylifeandreligiousritual.Weshallseethat,thoughwomenoccupyasubordinatestatusincontemporaryvillagelife,thismaybearecentdevelopment.Withinthemythologicalrealm,thefemalegureofthegoddessisfullyrecognizedinTuritual 211

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practices,eveninBuddhistmonasterieslocatedinTuareas.Thestructuralcentralityofthematernalrolehasinuencedtheircosmology. 6.3.1ReligiousLivesandtheSocializationofTuWomenTheTuwomenareactiveinthereligiouslifeoftheircommunity.ThereligiouslifeoftheMonguorsisveryintensive,andnotasupercialveneerthatscalesoffeasily.Indeed,ithasnotonlyaprivateandafamilycharacteristic,butasocialandcompulsoryaspectaswell( Schram 1957 ,163).ButthereligiousstatusofaTuwomenchangesatdifferentphasesofherlifecycle.Assoonasababyisborn,thefamilyinviteslamasorotherreligiousspecialiststonamethebabyandtoholdaritualtothankthespirits.Thoughgreetedritually,however,youngchildren,whethermaleorfemale,havefewrightsandobligationsintermsoftheirreligiouspractice.Astheyentertheirteens,theabsenceofgenderdistinctionscontinues.UnmarriedyoungmenandwomenenjoythesamestatusinthecategoriesofTufolkreligion.Younggirlsareallowedtoparticipateinreligiousactivitieswiththemaleeldersoftheirfamilies,cleaningsacredobjects,goingtothevillagetemplesfortraditionalshamanictreatment,orattendinggrandworshipritualssuchastheearliermentionedzhuanshanjingandtheweisang.Theyareevenallowedtostandinforandcompletethetasksofthemaleelderswhoareabsentbecauseoftheirworkoutsideofthevillage.However,asTufemalesmature,theybecometheobjectofmorereligioustaboos.Thersttaboosaccompanytheonsetofmenarche;menstruatinggirlsandwomencannotentertemplesorotherreligioussites.Onherweddingday,awoman'sreligiousstatusplummetsevenfurther.Barredfrommanyplacesofworship,amarriedwomanhasfewopportunitiestoworshipthelocalspirits,exceptforritualssuchasbiang-bianghuithatareopentoall.Indailylife,theyonlykowtowandprayatasubstantialdifferencefromvillagetemples.Theycannotevenentertheirfamily'sshrineroom,lesttheyoffendthespiritsandbringmisfortune.Theonlythingthattheycandoiszhuanguola,towalkclockwisearoundthebenkangashechantsscripturaltextsand 212

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manipulatesprayerbeads.However,mostmarriedwomenaretoobusywithhouseworktoparticipateinthezhuanguolaritual.Andasstatedearlier,pregnantTuwomenarecompletelyexcludedfromreligiousactivities.TheTuconsiderthatchildrenaregiftsfromthespirits.Iftherearenobirthswithinthreeyearsofawedding,awifewillintensifyherworshipofthespirits.SomewomenmightembroiderreligiousdecorationsanddonatetheembroiderytotheirvillagetemplesortoBuddhistmonasteriesinthehopeofbecomingpregnant.Theymightalsocompletearangni(fasting)ritualandconfesstotheirmistakesornegligence.Womenwhohavehadmiscarriagespraytothespiritsforblessings.Eventhoughtheyareprohibitedfromenteringreligioussites,theyremainquiteadamantintheirreligiouspractices.ThereligiousstatusofTuwomenimproveslaterinlife,astheybecomegrandmothers.TheChinesescholarZhaiCunminghasnotedthatthearrivalofgrandchildrensignalsanewstageinawoman'slife.Bythensheunderstandsreligiousdoctrineandetiquette,mayparticipateinandorganizereligiousactivities,andcanmodelappropriatereligiousbehavior( Zhai 2003a ).TheTubelievethatmenstrualbloodisunclean,sotherearemanytaboosforwomenatthisphase.Butwhenwomenexperiencemenopause,farfewerreligioustaboosapplytothemespeciallywhentheyhavegrandchildren.Freedfromhouseworktheolderwomen'smaintasksaretotakecareoftheirgrandchildrenandtochantmani,zhuanguolaandtopracticetherangnifast.Asforthezhuanguola,whenwomenperformthisritual,assoonastheynishoneround,theymarkoffoneprayerbead.Oneyuanman( ,afullcircuit)consistsof2,700rounds,andthecompletionof108yuanmanisbelievedtoreleasethesoulofthepersonwhonishedtheyuanmanfrompurgatoryandguaranteesbeingreincarnatedintoahappylife.Womenaremoreenthusiasticaboutchantingmaniscripturesandpracticingtherangnifast.Amanihuiisheldannually.Duringthisritual,allelderlywomengototheirvillagetemplewheretheyfastfromdawntodusk,chantscriptures 213

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andprayforblessings.Whenthereisadisasterintheirvillagesuchasanearthquakeorlandslide,elderlyTuwomengatherinthevillagetempletorecitethemanijing( ).Throughrangnifastingandmanihui,Tuwomenalsoseekcomfortinthespiritualworld.Sodailyreligiouspracticeisanimportantpartofthelivesofolderwomen,astheyenjoyarelativelyhigherstatusinbothreligiousandfamilylife. 6.3.2RitualsandTabooAlthoughTuwomenareordinarilybarredfromtemples,therearespecialdayswhenthetabooagainstviewingthespiritsisliftedandTuwomenareallowedtoseethespirituallitters,divinationspears,andstatuesoflocalspiritsoutsidethevillagetemples.Theearlierdescribedzhuanshanjinginthefthmonthofthelunarcalendar,theprocessionwhichcirclesthevillageandthesurroundingmountainregions,providesanopportunityforTuwomentobeinvolvedincommunityreligiousevents.Marriedwomenareprohibitedfromattendingmostphasesoftheritualbutcanstillveneratetheconsecratedlittersanddivinationspearsatonespecicpointduringtheperformance.Becausethezhuanshanjing,thevillageprocession,beginsearlyinthemorningandlastsuntil5or6o'clockintheevening,ittiresoutthemenwhomustcarrylittersandspearsandchantscripturesallday.Whenthementaketheirlunchbreakonamountaintop,womenhaveanopportunitytogazeuponthespirits.In2012IjoinedagroupofwomenwhowerebringinglunchandIwasabletoobservethem.Qiao,a38-year-oldwomanfromthevillageofDanmainHuzhuCounty,wasmarriedto42-year-oldfromthevillageofDonggou.Theynowhaveadaughterandason.ThedaughterofQiaoandSuhadjustgraduatedfrommiddleschoolandhadpassedthehighschoolentrancetestforminorities,andtheirsonwasinthefthgrade.Suwasworkingoutsidethetown,sotheirchildrenwereamongthoseinvolvedintheprocessionofzhuanshanjing.Qiaopreparedanddeliveredthefoodforthechildrenandthensheherselfwasabletoveneratethespiritsatnoon. 214

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Earlythatmorning,Qiaoputonabeautifultraditionalcostumeandselectedappropriategarmentsforme.Shetoldmethatshehadnothadmanychancestoseethefoye(spirits),andsincethiswasanimportantday,wehadtodressupandbeontime.Shecarriedtwotraditionalcostumeswrappedinapinkscarf,aswellasathermosofhotteaandasmalltwo-sidedembroideredbag.Onesideofthebagwaslledwithcypressincensetoburnforthespirits,andtheothersidecontainedstir-friedhighlandbarleyour.Thezhuanshanjingritualitselfisnottooelaborate,consideringthatonlythreevillagesareinvolved,buttheprocessionlastedsevenoreighthourstopassallvemountains.Theteamdepartedfromthevillagetempleatnineo'clockinthemorningandarrivedatthemountaintopbehindthevillagearoundtwoo'clockintheafternoon.Bythen,womenwereburningaromaticplantstoattractthespiritsandwereservinglunchandteatotheirfamilymembers.Itwasasunnyandhotday.Weclimbedtothemountaintop.Becausethemountainslopewassosteep,itwasdifcultforustocarryallofourfoodandofferings.Sowehadtostopseveraltimes.Qiaokepttryingtorushusalong,sincethespiritwaslodgedclosetothemountaintop.Ittookusaboutonehourtoarrivethere,butwewerenotdisappointed.Thebeautyofthelandscapewasspectacular,coveredbycolorfulblossomsandgreengrass.IfeltasthoughIwaslookingatanoilpainting,withrollingmountains,goldenrapeowersandhighlandeldsofbarley.Atthetopofthemountainwasasmallatopenareawithmoundsofdifferentsizes;amoundnearthecenteroftheareawasthelargest.Thesemoundsareerectedassitestopetitionthemountainspiritstopreventhailandprotectthegrowingcrops.Bythenwomenfromthevillageswerearriving.Allwerewearingtraditionalcostumesandcarryingaromaticplantsforburning,aswellasthermosesofhottea.AsQiaodid,someofthemchangedtheirclothesbeforetheprocessionofvillagemenarrivedthere;theyhadkepttheirritualcostumescleanbycarryingthem.Thecostumes,beingmadepartlyofleatherorfur,wereheavyandtoohottowearduringtheclimb.I 215

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Figure6-2. Womenchangingintotraditionalcostumestoattendzhuanshanjing. conversedwithQiaoandtheotherwomen.Theywereexcited,tellingmethattheywereallowedtoapproachthespiritsinthismanneronlytwiceayear.Afterhalfanhour,whenwecouldhearthedistantsoundofdrumsandgongs,QiaoandIputonthetraditionalclothing.Whentheteamappeared,thewomentooktheirhatsoffandkneltindeferencetothespirits.Inoticedthat,besidesthethreeshidianzengholdingthesacredspearsthatrepresentedthespirits,severalmenwerecarryinggold-rimmedblacksacredagsprintedwithTibetancharactersorwithportraitsoftheguardianspiritsinthevillagetemples.Otherpeopleontheteamwerebeatingdrums,gongs,andsmallcymbals.Oncearrived,whiletheteamwaswalkingaroundthelashizerockshrineandthemounds,thewomendarednotraisetheirheadsorlook 216

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atthespiritsbutinsteadkeptkowtowing(touchingtheirforeheadstothegroundinaprostrateposition)andchantingmaniscriptures.Aftermakingtworoundsofthesite,theprocessionofmeninsertedtheswordsintothebiggestmoundandplacedscripturesupontheothersmallermounds.Themenandchildrenthenlookedfortheirmothersorotherfemalerelativesandtookalunchbreak.Nowitwasthetimeforthewomentoworshipthespirits'litters,spears,andscriptures.IaskedQiaohowlongthebreakwouldbe,andshesaidthatitdependedonindicationsthatthespiritwouldgive.Sometimesthebreakwasonehourlong,sometimestwo.Afterabouthalfanhour,whenthewhiteconchwassounded,Qiaotoldmethatthespiritwasleaving.Allthepeoplefromtheprocessiongottogether.Thewomenhurriedtotakeofftheirhatsandchantscripturesandtokneelinprayer.Astheteamheadedtothenextmountaintop,thewomenallstayedbehind.Theyweregladthattheirhopesofgazingonthespirithadbeenrealized.Anotheropportunityforfemaleinvolvementinritualisduringthebiangbianghui,whenthestatuesofthespiritsarecarriedfromthetemplehallstobeworshippedinbigtentserectedinthemiddleofthetemplecourtyards.Iftheshamans,orbo,aredancing,thesacredlittersandspearsareplacedontablesatthecenterofthecourtyards,topermitthespiritstoobservetheirperformance.Atthosetimes,womenarepermittedtoworshipinfrontofthetentsandtables.Inshort,althoughtherearereligioustaboosrestrictingtheparticipationofTuwomeninrituals,localfolkreligioustraditiondoesnotcompletelybarthem.Besidestheabovementionedrituals,intimesofcalamity,elderTuwomenareconsideredtohavespecialspiritualpowerandareallowedtorecitethemanijing.AndwhentheTuoffersacricestotheKitchenGodintheirfamilyhomes,onlymarriedwomenwithchildrenareallowedtoofciateinthefamilyritual.Thematernalroleatthismomentisseenasbeingpowerfulandsymbolic.SuchritualsgivetheTuwomenavenueinwhichtheyare 217

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involvedinreligiouseventsandareallowedtoapproachthelocalspirits.Womenonthewholehighlyvaluesuchmoments. 6.3.3FemaleGods,TheMaoguishenandWomenWithintheTufolkpantheon,femalespiritsareaccordedanimportantplaceandarepubliclyveneratedinallTurituals.Womanasasymbolisoftenassociatedwithsomeofthedeepest,mostcompellingandmosttenacioustheologicalandmythologicalstructuresinareligion,andthesestructuresimprintthelivesofwomeninthatreligion( Sered 2007 ,194).InTufolkreligion,theniangniangstandsoutasthemostimportantfemalespiritwithmanyimportantpracticalcontributionstoTulife.Sheenjoysthesamestatureasmalespiritsinthefolkpantheon.Thesefemalespiritsenjoysuchprominenceinreligiousritualsbecausetheyareviewedashavingpowertocontrolmanyeventsthatoccurintheworld.Insomereligiousrituals,theTushamansdoncolorfuldressesandlongarticialhairplaitswhentheycarryoutritualdances,becausetheyareimpersonatingfemalespirits.IfwecompareTubeliefwithfolkreligiousbeliefsinHanareas,itisinterestingtonotethatTufemalespiritsareviewedasmuchmorepowerfulthantheirfemalecounterpartsinthefolkpantheonsoftheHan.Inaddition,thecultofthemaoguishencanbeseenasanindicationthatsomeTuwomenseekaggressivepowerinthespiritworldinrevengeforbeingtreatedunfairlyathome.Asmentionedearlier,themaoguishenisanevilcatspiritthatissecretlyworshippedinTuareas,particularlybywomen.TheTupopulationatlargedoesnotworshipmaoguishenintheirhomes,butsomewomensecretlydo.Myinvestigationrevealedthatthesemaoguishenworshipperstendtobewomenwhoaremistreatedathomeorwhoresenttheirmothers-in-law.Buttheirhusbandsusuallykeepsilentaboutthedealingsoftheirwifewiththisdangerousspirit;thehusbandssimplypretendnottoknow. 218

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Itissaidthatawomancanrecruitamaoguishenintoherservicebykillinganoldcatandthenhangingitsheadonthehousebeamforforty-ninedays.Themaogu-ishenmayhavelittlespiritualpowerwhenitisrstcreated..Butasawomandevoteemakesmoreofferingstohermaoguishen,itincreasinglyacquiresthepowertostealhouseholdobjectsorsmallamountsofmoneyandoffertheseitemstotheworshipperascompensationforherveneration.Itisimportantforthedevoteetoappeasehermaoguishenbyofferingthesamemealseatenbyfamilymembersbeforethefamilydinner;amaoguishenwhoisslightedinthismattermightbringsicknessorothertroubles.ItisrareforAmaoguishenvoluntarilytoleavethehomeinwhichitisvenerated.Onrareoccasionsitmightdecidetomoveinwithanotherfamilyortobereincarnatedinafuturegeneration.Iftheworshipperdies,anotherwomaninthefamilymustcontinuetomaketheofferings.Iftherearenootherwomeninthefamily,oneofthesurvivingmenhastotakeontheresponsibility.Itisbelievedthatadisastercouldoccurifamaoguishenlearnsthatitshostfamilywantsittoleave.OneoftheTuvillagerstoldmethatmaoguishenreallydoexist;theytaketheformofacatthatsleepsduringthedaybutturnsintoahumanpersonatnight.Ithasthesamevoiceasinvisibleforcessuchasthewind.Peopleknowthatamaoguisheniswalkingaboutinthevillagelookingaforbodytopossessifweirdthingsbegintohappen,suchasanunexplaineddecreaseintheamountofgrainorrewoodortheunexplaineddisappearanceofmeat.Theintervieweessaidthatamaoguishenisabletoeavesdroponalltheconversationswithinthefamily,andthatamorepowerfulmaoguishencanhearevenhearwhateveryoneinthevillageissaying.Irememberthatthefamilyofoneofmyrelativesworshippedamaoguishen,thoughfewpeopleknew,saidoneinterviewee.Onedayavillagervisitedarelativeandknockedonthedoorrepeatedly,untilnallyabeautifulchildopenedthedoorandledhimintothecourtyard.Thefemalerelativesteppedoutofthehouseandexplainedthat 219

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shedidnotheartheknock.Thevillagersaid,`Ihavebeenknockingforquiteawhile.Iwasnallyinvitedinbyyourchild.'Therelativejustreplied,`Ohreally?'Afterashortconversation,thevillagerreturnedhomeandsuddenlyrememberedthatthewomanwhomhevisitedhadnochildrenatall.Somedayslater,hevisitedtherelativeagainandtriedtoseetheroomthatthecutechildsleptinandfoundthattheroomwasacleanstorageareawithoutanybed.Fromthenon,villagerswereafraidofthemaoguishenandkepttheirdistancefromthisfamily.Afteraperiodoftime,ononesnowynightthefamilymovedoutofthevillage.Hereisaconversationaboutmaoguishen: Q: Whatkindofdisasteriscausedbyamaoguishen?Isitadisease? A: Itcouldbeadisease,oracaraccident,orsomethingelse. Q: Isitpossibleforamaoguishentoleavetheworshipperandlodgewithsomeotherfamilywhiletheworshipperisstillmakingofferings?Isthewoman'sfamilystatushigherifsheworshipsmaoguishen?Isherhusbandafraidofher? A: Itdependsonhowotherfamilymemberstreatthatwoman.Amaogu-ishenconsidersitselfamemberofthefamilyanddoesnothurtotherpeopleinthathousehold.However,ifitfeelsthatithasbeenmistreated,itmayswitchtoanotherwomanwhowantstoworshipit. Q: Isthestatusofawomaninherfamilyhigherifsheworshipsamaogu-ishen? A: Notreally.Thewomanismoretolerantandconciliatorywhileworshippingamaoguishen,becauseherworshipmustremainsecret.However,oncesheisunderamaoguishen'sprotection,awomanwillnolongerbebullied,nordoesshehavetoworryaboutherdailyneeds. Q: Well,doothervillagersrealizethatawomanisworshippingamaogu-ishen? A: Herworshipisalwaysdoneinsecrettopreventitfrombeingdiscovered.Ifitisdiscovered,thefamilywouldbeharassedanddrivenoffbyothervillagers,sinceitisregardedasbeingincommunicationwithevilspirits,andthisdestroysthereputationofthefamily. Q: Whatwouldhappentoafamilyifthepresenceofamaoguishenisdiscovered? 220

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A: Alltherelativesandfriendswillbreakofftheirrelationshipswiththefamily.Andthefamilywillhavetomovetoaplacewheretheyarenotknown. Q: Butthereseemstobenoreasonforawomantowanttohurtotherpeopleinherfamily.Domanywomenworshipmaoguishen? A: Thereareafewpeoplemakingofferingstomaoguishen;say,atmostonefamilyineachvillage.Actuallymanyfamiliesareframedasbeingmaoguishenworshippersandareforcedtomoveoutofthevillages.Callingsomebodyamaoguishenworshipperisaninsultthatimpliesthatapersonissinister,cunninganddishonest.Itisverydifcultforyoungwomentondahusbandiftheyareknownasworshippersofmaoguishen.Especiallyintimespast,whenthesocialstatusofwomenwasverylow,suchyoungwomenhadtomarrymenfromfaraway.Fromthis,wecanseethatthoughitisviewedasanevilspirit,womenworshipamaoguishentogainmorecontrolovertheirlives.ItisdifcultforTuwomentoachieveequaltreatmentwithmen.EspeciallyintraditionalChinesesociety,womenhadnoalternativebuttoremaininasubordinateposition.Therefore,manywomenresortedtomagicandsorceryasaformofresistanceandrevenge.Thosewhoresortedtotheworshipofamaoguishendidsoinordertoobtainmaterialadvantages.Nowadays,TumalesaremuchmoretolerantintheirgeneraltreatmentofwomenandthestatusofTuwomeneveninfolk-religiouspracticehaschanged.However,manyofthecustomarytaboosrestrictingthebehaviorofwomeninTusocietyremaininplace. 6.4ChangesinTuWomen'sSocialStatusInearlyanthropologicalstudiesconcerninggender,muchattentionwasdirectedtotheprocreativeandeconomiccapacitiesofwomentheirsexuality(orlackofit),theirfertility,andtheirphysicaltnesstoworkoutsidethehome.Somesocialtheoristsstudiedwomen'srolesinsociety;EdwinArdenerandMaryDouglaspositeddominantandmutedmodelstointerpretthehostilitythatwomenhaveencounteredandtomodifythefocusonmalesthatwasfoundinmuchoftheliterature.SuchgenderanalysisisimportanttotheunderstandingofsociallifeinChina.WiththedevelopmentofthemarketeconomyandtourisminChina,improvementinthe 221

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statusofTuwomenhasbeendrivenbyseveralfactors.InthetraditionalpatrilinealkingroupsoftheTu,statusisinuencedbyone'spositionamongone'sconsanguinealkinratherthanone'smaritalstatus.Ifamanviolatesprevailingvirilocalresidencenormsandlivesinsteadwithhiswife'sfamily,hisstatusisnobetterthanthatofadaughter-in-lawlivingwithherhusband'sfamily.Heisrequiredtodoarduoushouseworkandhasfewerprivilegesthanmalesbornintohiswife'sfamily.Similarly,thefamilystatusofdaughtersishigherthanthatofdaughters-in-law.Thistraditionalattitudetowardsthelowstatusofdaughters-in-lawhasbeenafeatureofkinshipnotonlyamongtheTubutamongtheHanChineseaswell.AlthoughthesocialstatusofTuwomenisnowimprovingbecauseofbettereducationalandemploymentopportunities,oldergenerationsareconcernedthatTuwomenwilllosetheirtraditionalvirtue.Inthefollowingconversation,Disanoldman,Cisthemayorofthevillage,andIamX. X: Comparedtothepast,isthereanychangeinthesocialstatusofwomenamongtheTu? D: Muchhigher! X: Anyexamples? D: TeacherZhangofWangjiaVillagetoldme,forexample,thatadaughter-in-lawwaswatchingTVwithoutgettinguptoofferherseattoherfather-in-lawwhenhecameintheroom.Thisneverhappenedinthepast. C: Inthepast,adaughter-in-lawwasnotallowedtositinthesameroomwithherfather-in-law.Thewomenwerenotallowedtositonthekang,noteventheedgeofakang. D: Inthepast,itwasnotpossibleformydaughter-in-lawtositonthesofawhiletherewereguestsinthehome.Sheneededtotakecareofthekitchen,preparethemeal,andservetheguests.Inthepast,shestayedinthekitchenandatetheleftoversorcookedsomethingelsetoeat.Butnowshesitswithguests.Totallydifferent!Iaskedifthesechangesweretheconsequenceofgirlsbeingbettereducated,andDacknowledgedthatgirlsnowknowmoreabouttheworld.Intheolddays,girlsonlydidfarmwork,butgirlsofthepresentgenerationeithergotocollegeorseekjobsincities.Hetoldme,Nowmanyyoungwomenseekjobsincities.Theirparentscannotgeteven 222

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abagoftea6.SomegirlsworkoutsidethehomeandgetmarriedwithoutanytraditionalTurituals,andtheirparentsnolongerreceivebetrothalgifts.Besidespreparingformarriages,brides'familiesstillhavesavings.However,todaymorewomenhavejobsandtheychoosetheirownhusbands.Someofthemgetmarriedwithoutengagementceremoniesorweddings,sotheirparentshavenoopportunitytorequirebetrothalgiftsormoney.Dcomplained,Ifagirlhasbeenawayfromhomeforacoupleofyearsandbringsachildback,isittopossibletothrowherandthechildoutofthehouse?Itisnolongeracceptabletocriticizesuchbehavior.OnegirlinourvillagewenttoXinjiangwithayoungmanattheageofseventeen.Aftereightyears,thegirlcamebackhomewiththemanandtheirchild.Whataretheparentssupposedtodo?Howcantheyaskforgiftsormoney?Hepaused,However,itisstillbettertohavedaughtersnow.Myneighboronlyhasagirlandhadadoptedason-in-lawtomarryintoandlivewiththeirfamily.Thatisgreatforthemsincethemandoesnotdrinkanywineandworkshardonthefarm.Nowtheyhaveacar.Iaskedhimifsons-in-lawwhomarryinandlivewiththeirwife'sfamilyhavelowerstatusthansons.Heansweredbrusquely,Yes,theydo.Theadoptedsons-in-lawcannotconsiderthemselvesequaltothesons.Justaswithdaughters-in-law,theyhavetonishallthehouseworkandfarmworkintimewithoutplayingmahjongordrinkingwine.(D'stwosonsdonothelptheirparentswithhousework.)ItwouldbebestifIhadadaughtertohelpmywife,saidD.Headdedthatadaughterwouldassistparentswithhousework,buthedidnotexpectsons,muchlesshimself,todoanyofthework.Thisstrictandcleargenderdivisionoflaborreectsthebeliefinmen'shigherstatus.Attheendoftheinterview,Iaskedhimiftheoldideaabouthavingsonshadchanged.He 6Teaisoneofthemostimportantengagementgifts. 223

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laughed.Nowit'sbettertohavetwodaughters.Onecanbringinason-in-lawtolivewithus,andtheothercangoofftomarryaveryrichman.Fromtheaboveinterview,itisclearthatthechangeofwomen'sstatuswithinthefamilyhasbeeninuencedbyseveralfactors.Firstly,thestructureofthelaborforceamongtheTuhaschanged.IntraditionalTusociety,householdincomewasproducedfromfarming,andthemale-femaledivisionoflaborwasclear.Duetothemountainousenvironment,mostofthelandwasheavilysloped,sopeoplewereunabletousefarmmachineryeveniftheyhadaccesstoit.Traditionalfarmworkdependedonanimaltractionfromhorsesoroxenandrequiredalargelaborforce.Undertheseconditions,maleshadaphysicaladvantageoverfemales.Malesdidmostofthefarmworkandfemalestookcareofthecooking,housework,children,andoldermembersofthefamily.However,overthepasttwentyyearstheeconomicunderpinningsofTulifehavechanged.Inordertoprotectthenaturalenvironmentofthehighlands,thecentralgovernmentofChinaimplementedanewpolicy,ReconvertingLandfromFarmingtoForestry,inQinghaiandneighboringprovinces.Afterfarmworkwasprohibitedontheirsteepelds,villagersweremadetoplanttreesinreturnforgrainandmoney.Sincetreesrequirelittlelaborwhiletheyaregrowing,theresultwasalargepoolofsurpluslabor.Sincebothmenandwomencaneasilyndworkinthecitynow,thegenderdivisionoflaborthatprevailedintheagriculturaleconomyisbecomingathingofthepast.Urbanemigrationisnowstrong.Withthegrowingdemandfortemporarylabortokeeppacewiththegrowingmarketeconomyinurbanareas,manymaleswhoformerlyworkedonfarmsemigratedandeasilyfoundjobsasconstructionworkersandjanitorsinthenearbycityofXining.Someolderadultswithchildrenwhoareoldenoughtocareforthemselvesalsolookforworkinlargercities.Youngmigrantworkersbringnewsaboutjobsbacktothevillageandpersuadetheirfriendstofreethemselvesfromtheeconomicrestrictionsoflifeinthemountainsandtoworkincitieswheretheycanearnseveraltimestheamountthattheycanearnbyworkingtheland.Eventhoughthey 224

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ownmoreproductiveplotsontheplains,afewvillagershaverentedouttheirlandsandsoughtjobsincities.Consequently,manyTuhomeshavebecomeemptynestsforunattendedelderlypeopleandchildren.Womenalsocaneasilyndjobsservingtablesinrestaurantsandothersuchjobs.Therefore,morewomenarenownanciallyindependent,whichpermitsthemtoenhancetheirownsenseofindependenceandpersonalachievementandintheprocessmoveupintermsoftheirsocialstatusandtheirpositionintheirownfamilies.ImprovementinthequalityofeducationhasalsomadeiteasierforTuwomentondjobs.IntraditionalTusociety,girlsreceivedlesseducationthantheirbrothers.Parentsassumedthattheirdaughtersdidnotneedaneducationbecausetheywereexpectedtomarry;itwasmoreimportantforthemtostayathomeandlearnneedlework.Moreover,schoolingcouldbeexpensive,whichfurtherdisinclinedmanyparentsfromeducatingtheirdaughters.However,fromthe1990sonwardthecentralgovernmentofChinabeganenactingmandatorynationwidenine-yearcompulsoryeducationforallschool-agedboysandgirls.InthewordsofDengXiaoping,Educationshouldbegearedtomodernization,theworldandthefuture.Parentswhofailedtosendtheirchildrentoschoolwereexcludedfrompreferentialpoliciesandsubsidiesinsupportofagriculture.Thisnine-yearcompulsoryeducationisfreeofcharge.Andamiddleschooldiplomaisnowtheminimumrequirementforcityemployment.WiththesupportandencouragementoftheChineseState,parentsnowsendtheirdaughterstoschool,atleastthroughmiddleschool.Manyofthesegirlsaresuccessfulintheirstudiesandpasshighschoolandevencollegeentranceexams.Despiteresearchshowingthatgender-basededucationalinequalitypersistsinChina'sruralareas( Feng 2005 ; Qian 1999 ; ye 2007 ),moreTugirlsthaneverareattendingschool.MostTufamiliesnowaspirefortheirdaughterstoleavethevillageandtogotothecitytoattendcollegeoruniversityandeventuallytoleadabetterlifethantheirparents.Meanwhile,becauseoftheirwillingnesstoworkforlowwages,thereisagreat 225

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demandforgirlsintheurbancateringindustry,householdservice,andotherserviceindustries.Suchenhancedjobopportunitiesincitieshaveincreasedtheincomeofmanyyoungwomenandenhancedtheirabilitytospeaktheirmindathome.AnotherfactordrivingchangesinthesocialstatusofTuwomenisthedevelopmentofruraltourismbyurbanChinesetourists.ItisnowmucheasierforTuwomentondtemporaryjobssuchascookingforaJoyousFarmer'sHouse7( )neartheirvillageoraswaitressesinruralrestaurantsthatcatertotourists.Toescapeurbanpollution,manyChinesevacationinthecountryside,wheretheycanalsoenjoyobservingfolkcustoms.Tourisminruralareas,includingtheTuareas,hasbecomepopularandhasproducedmorejobsandincome.ThegrowthoftourismalsoallowsTuwomentodisplaytheirtalentforembroidery,whichhasbecomewidelyadmiredforitsbrightcolors,beautifulpatterns,anddelicateworkmanship.Inthepast,embroiderywasperformedbygirlssimplyaspartoftheirmaritaldowry.Butnowthisembroideryhasbecomeverypopularinthelocaltouristmarket.Inordertopromotelocalbusiness,localmunicipalgovernmentshaveencouragedandorganizedvillagerstoproducetraditionalembroideryobjects,suchassachetsandhandbags.SomeTufamilieshavealsoturnedtheirhomesintoinnscateringtotouristsseekingaruralexperience.Theinnsofferlocalorganicfood,aswellastraditionalgamesandperformances.InthevillageofXiaozhuanginHuzhuCounty,anentiretraditionalvillagehasbeenconstructedfortourists.Becauseoftheirinvolvementinthisnewtourism,manyTuwomenarenowearningmorethanmen;somewomenevenrunthefamilybusiness.Thesechangeshaveradicallyalteredthetraditionaldomesticarrangementinwhichmenweretheprincipalorsoleincome-earnersinafamily.Andthishasofcoursealsoenhancedthestatusofwomenwithintheirownfamilies. 7Thisisfarm-basedtourismthatincludesfamilyactivitiessuchascornmazesandhauntedhayrides. 226

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NewinformationcommunicationtechnologiessuchastelevisionandtheInternethavealsostimulatedchangesintheroleofTuwomeninsociety.Everyhouseholdhasatelevision,andeveryindividualnowhasacellphone;Tuvillagersarethusabletoobtainup-to-dateinformation.Havingbeenexposedtoideasbroughthomebytheirchildrenwhoattendcollegeorwhoworkincities,Tumothershavelearnedmoreabouttheoutsideworldandhavebeenabletocomparetheirlivestothoseofwomeninotherplaces.AtaeldworksiteinanoldTuvillage,IwatchedagroupofwomenrehearseaperformancefortheNewYearFestival.MyeldworkassistantwasadanceteacherattheQinghaiProvincialArtCollege.Assoonasthewomendiscoveredthis,theyaskedhimtoperformashortdanceroutine.WhenIaskedthemwhatkindofdancetheywantedhimtodo,theyunanimouslysaidGangnamStylebyPsy,atotallymodernandcurrentlypopularnon-traditionalurbandance.ItwasthelastanswerthatIhadexpectedtohearfromtheresidentsofaremoteTuvillageatmorethan3,000metersofaltitude.Modernculture,includingWesternculture,hasinltratedTusociety.Thoughmanytraditionalcorevalueshavesurvived,theoverallculturalmilieuofTucommunitiesisintheprocessofrapidchange.Atthesametime,theChineseStatehasenactedaseriesofwelfarepoliciesforelderlypeopleinruralareas,suchasanold-ageinsurancesystemthathastakeneffectinmostvillages.Atacertainpointinthelifecycle,apersondoesnothavetopayforanyinsurancepremium,butinsteadreceives85Chineseyuaneverymonth.Iftheyhadpreviouslypaidforaninsurancepremium,theyarecompensatedevenmore.AnelderlyTuwomantoldmethatmorevillagerswerewillingtopayaninsurancepolicy,sinceitisdifcultforoldpeople(especiallyoldwomen)tosupportthemselves,especiallyiftheirchildrendonotpitchin.Shealsosaidthat85yuanpermonthcouldcoverlivingexpenses,sincethegrainthattheystillgrowwillfeedthemandthenewhealthinsurancepolicywillcovertheirmedicalcosts. 227

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Inthepast,parentsalwayslivedwithoneoftheirmarriedsons.Thecustomwasforallincometobehandedovertotheoldestmaninthehousehold,usuallythefather.Theoldestmanwouldthendistributethemoneytohischildrenfordailyexpensesortuitionfees.AccordingtoChinesetraditionalvalues,thesonisinturnresponsiblefortakingcareofhisparentsandeventuallygivingthemaproperburial.However,alongwithalltheabovementionedsocialchanges,someyoungpeoplenolongerwanttolivewiththeirparentsoreventotakecareofthem.ElderlyTucitesuchexamplestolamentthedeclineofsocietyandthelossoftraditionalvirtues.Theycomplainthatasyoungpeopleearnmoremoney,theyalsocomeundertheinuenceofanewculturethatfailstoteachdeferencetoelders.Afterworkingorstudyingincities,manyyoungTualsobelievethatbecomingmodernentailsabandoningtheTulanguageandrespectforTutraditions.Thecustomaryformalitiesbetweenyoungpeopleandeldershavebeenbroken,asseenintheelevationofthedomesticstatusofdaughters-in-law,nolongerunderthecontroloftheirmothers-in-law.MyresearchindicatesclearlythatthemobilityofthepopulationandmoderninformationtechnologyhavetransformedTusociety.NotonlyhavethepersonalattitudesofyoungTuchanged,butsoalsohastheirattitudetotraditionalTucultureandtorelationswithinthefamily.Obviously,allofthishasbroughtaboutanimprovementofthestatusofTuwomenintheirfamiliesandinsociety.However,intheirreligiouslife,andinmostpublicrituals,theystilloccupyalowerstatusthanthatofmen.Asafemaleresearcher,Iexperiencedthisinmyeldwork.Forexample,doctorsandteachersenjoypreferentialtreatmentinTucommunities,sincedoctorssavelivesandteachersimpartknowledgeandwisdom.Asauniversityscholar,Ireceivedpreferentialtreatmentfromvillagers;Iwasallowedtoeatmealsanddrinkteawithvillageeldersduringmyeldwork.Asamarriedwoman,however,Iwasnotallowedtoentermostofthevillagetemples.Religioustaboosrestrictingthebehavioroffemalescontinuetooperatedespiteallotherchanges. 228

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Toconcludethischapter:Okinarguesthataconcernforthepreservationofculturaldiversityshouldnotovershadowthediscriminatorynatureofgenderrolesinmanytraditionalminoritycultures,that,attheveryleast,`culture'shouldnotbeusedasanexcuseforrollingbackthewomen'srightsmovement( Okin 2005 ).Chinesewomenwereguaranteedequalsocial,economic,andpoliticalrightsasmenin1950.SomeChinesemaleexpertshaveevenclaimed,Chinesewomenhaveachievedcompleteliberationand,therefore,theyhavenoproblemsatall.However,inminorityethnicgroupsliketheTu,myresearchclearlysuggestthatthelevelingofgenderdistinctionsthathasoccurredinmanyotherdomainshasnotyetoccurredinthedomainoffolkreligion. 229

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CHAPTER7FOLKRELIGIONANDTHESTATETherelationshipbetweenreligionandtheStateinChinahasbeencharacterizedbydramaticchange.ThischapterwilllookattheshiftingrelationshipbetweenTufolkreligionandtheChineseState.ItwillexamineinparticularthemannerinwhichtheStatehasutilizedreligionasavehicleforshapingpoliticalattitudesbyjustifyingpoliticalpower,establishingadministrativeauthority,andmaintainingsocialorder. 7.1TheCommunistPartyofChina'sPolicytowardEthnicityandReligionTheStateIntraditionalChinadevelopedstronglinkswiththereligionthatprevailedataparticulartime.Forcenturies,Chinesepoliticswereembeddedinreligion.DuringtheearlyperiodofChinesehistory,thekingwasconsideredtobetheintermediarybetweenthehumanandheavenlyrealms.TheconsiderableexpendituresoftimeandresourcesdevotedtosacricialritualsanddivinationintheShang(c.1600BCc.1046BC)courtsuggestthattheauthorityofthekingdependedinpartonthisroleasintermediary( Jones 2005 ).TheearlyZhou(1046-256BCE)eliteswerechieyconcernedwiththeiraristocraticancestors,thepowerfulrulinggods,whoinvolvedthemselvesinpoliticalmatters,whilethecommonpeopleweremoreconcernedwithlesserspirit,demons,andghoststhatwerebelievedtoinhabittheworldandtospecializeincausingtroubleforhumans.Asthecenturiespassed,governmentalpolicybeganencouragingagreatervarietyofreligiouspracticestosupporttheState.DuringChina'sMiddleAges,afterConfucianismhadfallenoutofpoliticalfavor,Buddhismreplaceditasthediscoursethatframedinternationalrelations.BythelateQingperiod(16441912),themajorreligioustraditionswereinastateofdecayandthoroughdilutioninlocalformsofreligiouspracticeandaprocessofrenewalusheredinbystatepoliciesandlocalelite( Goossaert 2005 ,19).However,aspointedoutbyDuBois,Religionwaspartofthe 230

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governmentitwasneverintendedtobeindependent.Religionsthatwerenottetheredtostatecontrolwerebannedbylaw,andpersecutedwithoutmercy( DuBois 2011 ). 7.1.1MaoistChinaAfterthefoundingoftheNewChina(1949),thereligiouspolicyoftheStatebecameparticularlyunstable.Thegovernmentdidn?tdirectlyprohibitanyparticularreligionsbefore1949,asidefromoccasionalanti-religiousactivitymotivatedbydomesticpoliticalconcerns.Becausethegoalsandbeliefsystemsofcommunismandreligionaredifferent,however,andbecausetheChinesecommunistsareatheists,thecommunistswereanti-religioustothecore.From1949on,inadditiontochangingtheeconomicstructureofruralareas,thecommunistgovernmentlaunchedaseriesofanti-feudalismcampaigns.Religionwasviewedasemblematicoffeudalismandforeigncolonialismintheinitialpost-liberationperiod.Duringthe10yearsCulturalRevolution,theChineseCommunistParty(CCP),controlledbyradicalMaoists,adoptedarigorousanti-religiouspolicy.Religiousbeliefandpracticewerebannedasbackwardsandsuperstitious.Manymonasteries,temples,andmosquesweredestroyed;traditionalreligiouspracticessuchasfortunetellingandfengshui1( )wereweakened.TheCulturalRevolution,asnotedbyThurston,ledtolossofculture,andofspiritualvalues;lossofhopeandideals;lossoftime,truthandoflife...( Thurston 1988 ,605-606).TheCulturalRevolutionhadadirectnegativeeffectontraditionalreligiouscultureinChina.Ofcourse,Tufolkreligionwasnotimmunetothisdisaster;manyTustillrememberhowreligiousspecialistsweredenouncedatRedGuardrallies.Inthelate1970s,thepolicywasrelaxed,especiallyafterthedeathofMaoin1976,whentheStatebegantopermitreligiousactivities.Traditionalreligiouspracticesresurfaced,particularlyinthecountryside( Morrison 1984 ,244).Sincethe1980s, 1ItisaChinesephilosophicalsystemofharmonizingeveryonewiththesurroundingenvironment. 231

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theConstitutionofthePeople'sRepublicofChinaguaranteedfreedomofreligion,andtoleranceofreligiousexpressionhasbeenpermitted.In1982,thestateofcialattitudetowardsreligionwasenshrinedinDocument192.ThisdocumentgavemoreconsiderationtothehistoricalbackgroundofreligioninChina,andacknowledgedtheexistenceofreligionanditsroleinthedevelopmentofhumansociety.Moreover,theChineseCommunistPartynowallowsreligiouspracticeandbeliefandthusanewspacehasappearedforreligionofallsortstoblossom.However,asMorrisonhaspointedout,theCCPneverthelessstillviewsreligionfromadogmaticMarxistperspectiveandconstructsitsreligiouspolicyontraditionalMarxiststereotypes( Morrison 1984 ,246).Thegovernment'sunderstandingofreligionanditsultimategoalsofdenyingorsuppressingreligionarebasicallyidenticaltoearliercommunistgoals;onlythetimetableandthemethodologydiffer( Morrison 1984 ,246).Thus,inthepost-Maoera,statepoliciestowardreligioninMao'sChinahavetraversedthreeperiods:cooperation,vacillation,andprohibition( Lai 2006 ).Theeventsofthisperiod(the1980s)revivedthehistoricalconictbetweenStateauthoritiesandreligiousmovements. 7.1.2Post-MaoEraThenewatmosphereintroducedbythereformpoliciescreatedfertilegroundfortherevivalofreligioninpost-modernChina.Centralandlocalgovernmentswereencouragedtorestoretemplesandtopromotetherestorationoflocalfestivalsandfolkritualstoattractforeignvisitorsandthusbringinmuch-neededtouristrevenue.InDecember2004,theChinesegovernmentannouncedanewsetofrulesthatguaranteedreligiousbeliefasahumanright.Itisnoexaggerationtoafrmthatreligion 2Document19:InConcerningourCountry'sBasicStandpointandPolicyonReligiousQuestionsDuringtheSocialistPeriod. 232

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nowenjoysmorefreedomandinfactnowreceivesstrongactivesupportfromtheChinesegovernment.Inthisprocess,theChinesegovernmenthasopenlyacknowledgedthatreligionhasexistedandwillcontinuetoexistaspartofhumancivilization( Chan 2004 ,344).Butthegovernment'spolicydoesnotaddressthethornyandembarrassingissueofreligionbecausesuchadiscussionwouldchallengetheparty'sfundamentalinterpretationofreligion( Chan 2004 ,344).Moreover,thegovernmenthasrepeatedlyemphasizedthatreligionmustbemutuallycompatiblewithsocialistsociety,meaningthatreligionmustadapttotheChinesesocialistsocietyinwhichitexists,andChinesesocialistsocietymustadjusttothepresenceofreligion.Guidedbysuchassumptions,therefore,thegovernmentallowsthepublicexpressionofreligiousbeliefsandthepublicpracticeofreligiousritualsonlyaslongasreligionremainsunderStatecontrol.China'scommunistleadershavebecomeawareoftheinuencethatreligionexertsininternationalaffairsanditsimportanceinpeople'spersonallives,Theyhavethereforepermittedreligionbuthavesoughttobringitundertheirsystemofcontrol.TheReligiousAffairsBureau(RAB)ischargedwiththedetailedsupervisionofreligiousactivitiesandisunderthecontroloftheUnitedFrontWorkDepartmentoftheChineseCommunistParty'sCentralCommittee(CCPCC).ThisdepartmentisalsoresponsibleforrelationswithethnicminoritiesandfortheintegrationofallminoritiesintothenewChinesesociety.TheseorganizationscloselyresemblethecentralandlocalagenciesintheimperialgovernmentforcontroloftheBuddhistsandDaoists( Dillon 2001 ,11).Inordertomaintainahandinthenormaloperationofreligiousactivities,thegovernmenthasalsoestablishedmanyIslamic,Buddhist,andDaoistassociations.Bycontrollingtheleadershipoftheseofciallyrecognizedreligions,theCommunistPartyineffectcontrolstheorganizationofreligion.Aspartofthisstrategy,somereligiousleadersareelectedasdeputiestotheNationalPeople'sCongressandareevenmembersoftheCPPCC;othersareappointedtoseniorpostsincentralor 233

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localgovernmentsandparticipateintherunningofnationalaffairs.Thismethodofcooptationestablishesastronglinkbetweencentralandlocalauthoritiesandlocalreligiousauthorities.Inaddition,thegovernmentofciallyrecognizespatrioticreligiousorganizations,whicharethemselvescrucialtotheCCP'scontroloverreligiousbelievers.Thus,fromtheabove,wecanseethatofcialStatepolicytowardreligionhasbeeninastateofux,especiallyforthepastthirtyyears.DuringtheradicalphaseofCommunistcontrol(theCulturalRevolution),anti-religiouspolicywasrigorous,andreligiousbeliefandpracticeswerebannedbecausetheywereregardedasbackwardandsuperstitious.Butinthemorelenientperiodofthelate1970s,thepolicywasrelaxed,leadingtoagreatertoleranceofreligiousexpressionwhichbegan1980s.TherehasbeenamassivegovernmentallyfundedprogramtorebuildBuddhistandDaoisttemplessincethemid-1980s.Ingeneral,afterthereformandopeningup,theChineseStatehasintervenedlessindailylife,aslongaspeopledonotthreatentheauthorityofthegovernment.CoxarguesChina'sreligiouspolicycontinuestoupholdtheMarxistgoaloftheeventualdemiseofreligionwhileembracingamorepragmaticandtolerantapproachtofreedomofreligion( Cox 2007 ,374).Somescholarsbelievethatthepolicycanbecomparedtotheproverbialhalf-glassofwater.Mostwouldlikelyagreethatgiventhealmostcompleteabsenceofreligiousfreedomtwentyyearsago,tohavetheglasshalffulltodaydemonstratesremarkableprogress.Perhapsmoreimportantly,theglasscontinuestoll( Chen 2003 ,465).Inaword,themodernChinesestatehasradicallyaltereditsofcialpolicytowardsthepublicexpressionofreligion.Since1978,theConstitutionofthePeople'sRepublicofChinahasguaranteedfreedomofreligion.Today'smoretolerantreligiouspolicyinChinacanbeseenasreectingandextendingahistoricalpatterninheritedfrompreviousregimesanddynasties( Chen 2003 ,466).AsImentionedabove,duringtheCulturalRevolutionreligionwasbannedasfeudalsuperstition,andTufolkreligious 234

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templeswereconscated,religiousimagesdestroyed,andtheactivitiesreligiousspecialistsprohibited.However,theTudidtheirbesttoprotectthestatuesoftheirspiritsandcontinuedtopracticetheirreligioninsecret.Thegovernmenthassincethenceasedintheireffortstomicromanagepopularlifeandconsciousness.ThepopularityofafemalefolkgoddesstodaytheniangniangillustratestheremarkablerebirthoflocalfolkreligioninTuareassincetheCulturalRevolution.AsanintegralpartofChineseculture,Buddhism,Daoism,Christianity,andIslamreceivelegalandnancialsupportfromthegovernment,althoughthefreedomtheyenjoyislimited.Evenfolkreligioustraditions,suchasthoseoftheTu,alsoenjoyanewfreedomundertheofcialguiseofsupportingthefolktraditionsofethnicminorities.Suchfolkreligionsdonotenjoytheprestigeoftheofciallyrecognizedreligions.Butontheotherhandneitheraretheysubjecttothesamedegreeofmonitoringbygovernmentofcials. 7.1.3EthnicPolicyQuiteapartfromtheregulationofreligion,theChineseStatehasalsoregulatedthestatusofethnicminorities.TheseethnicpoliciesoftheCPP,thoughnotexplicitlydealingwithreligion,havehadasignicantinuenceonfolkreligioninChina'sminorityareas.Chinaisapoliticallyuniedbutethnicallydiversenation.Ethnicissueshavethereforealwaysaffectedthelong-termpeaceandstabilityofthecountryandthewellbeingofthepeople.Inanefforttomitigatetensionswithethnicminorities,theCPCundertookalengthyprocessofdesigningasystemofregionalautonomyforethnicminorities.AftertheNewChinawasfounded(1949),theCPCenactedpoliciestowardethnicminorities.Thephraseself-determinationofethnicminoritiesappearsinmanyofcialdocuments.Thoughtheinternationalcommunityremainsskeptical,itmustbeclearlystatedthattheCPPCChasimplementedseveraloftheParty'sprogressiveethnicandreligiouspoliciesandenergeticallypromotedethnicunityandreligiousharmony. 235

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Asapoliticallyexpedientmarriagebetweeneconomicandpoliticalconsiderations,bothdomainsaretakenintoconsiderationintheformulationofChina'sethnicpolicy.TheestablishmentofethnicregionalautonomyinChinahasallowedforgreatexibilityintermsbothoflocaleconomicdevelopmentandofthepromotionoflocalethnicculture.Therearethreelevelsofregionalautonomygiventoethnicminorities:provincial,municipalandcounty.Theselevelshavecontributedtotheremarkablerecentdevelopmentofethnicminoritygroups,especiallyintermsofeconomyandeducation.CPPethnicpolicyisbasedontheassumptionthatthecustomsofallnationalminoritiesshouldberespected.Thisassertionprovidesde-factoprotectionforfolkreligion,sincealmostalloffolkreligiousritualscanbe(andhavebeen)denedbyChineseauthoritiesaspartofethnicculture.Localgovernmentsviewthedevelopmentofacreativetourismindustryinethnicareasasavehicleforsimultaneousimprovementsineconomic,culturalandsocialdomains.Ethnictourismhasbecomeahighpriorityintheformulationoflocaldevelopmentpolicy.ThepromotionofvisitsbyChinesetourists,mostlyHan,toethnicminorityvillageshasbecomeafocalpointoflocaldevelopmentalplanning.Inthepast,economicdevelopmentinTuareaswasconsistentlyslow;inrecentyears,however,thecentralandlocalgovernmentshavedesignedavarietyofpreferentialpoliciestosupportethnicminoritygroupsinordertoencouragethedevelopmentofthelocaleconomyandTusociety.Inadditiontotheprioritygiventothedevelopmentoflocalindustryandagriculture,thegovernmentalsohastakenstepstoenhancethetourismsector.Animportantelementinthiseffortistheencouragementoflocalethnicgroupstomarkettheirethniccultureandcustomsasavehicleforattractingtourists.Towardthisend,localgovernmentshaveincreasedinvestmentinfacilitiesrelatedtoindigenousfolkcultureinhopesofattractingtourists;thisinvestmentindirectlypromotesthedevelopmentoflocalfolkreligion. 236

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In2012,ImetMayorShiinthevillageofDongjia,whowasborninthe1980s.Astherepresentativeofthelocalgovernment,hegavemedetailedinformationaboutthefolkcultureprojectinDongjia.HetoldmethataseriesoffolktouristprojectshavebeengraduallydevelopedinHuzhuCountytoimprovethelocaleconomy.InDongjia,thelocalgovernmentissuedaninterest-freeloanof200,000ChineseYuantoeachfamilyandhastrainedsevenfamiliestopromotefolktouristculture.Inaddition,asiconicpublicsymbolsoflocalculture,twobenkang(theearlier-discussedsmalloutdoorshrines)andoneeldforlunziqiu3( )competitionshadbeenunderconstructioninthenewlyconstructedplaza.Heexplainedthatthevillagershadchosentheseelementsastheirlandmarks,butthatthelocalgovernmentprovidedthefunding.MyconversationwithMayorShirevealedseveralinterestingelementsintheinteractionbetweenthelocalgovernmentandtheindigenouspopulation.(XismeandSisMayorShi.) X: Fromyourpointofview,withyourspecialstatusasagovernmentofcial,doyoufeelanytensionsassociatedwithethnicandreligiousrelationsinlocalcommunities? S: No.Itisonthewholequiteharmonious.Wedonothaveanyethnictensionslocally,sincethelocalTuandHanareveryinclusiveandtolerant.Also,thenumberofintermarriagesbetweenHanandTuislarge.TheHanspousesgenerallyfollowthecustomsoftheTu,particularlywhenthereisalargepopulationofTuinavillage.SomeHandonotsharetheTu'sreligiousbeliefs,but,asmembersofthesamecommunity,theyparticipateinreligiousactivities. X: BeingaHancadre,howdoyoudealwithaffairsrelatedtoTureligion? S: Itdoesn'tmatterthatIamHan.Theyorganizetheirownactivitiesanddonotpreventmefromobserving.SinceIdonotsharetheirreligiousbeliefs,theyalsodonotmindifIdonotkowtow,burnincense,ordonatemoney. X: ButintheimmediateaftermathoftheCulturalRevolution,religiouspolicyremainedstrict,andmanygovernmentofcialsdismissedTu 3lunziqiuisatraditionalsportwithdistinctTucharacteristics.Itinvolvesthewheelsofacarriage. 237

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religiousbeliefasaformoffeudalsuperstition.Howaboutthesituationnow? S: Nowthatattitudeisamatterofthepast.Butwestilltrytoprovideappropriateguidanceconcerningeffectivemedicaltreatment.Forexample,weprovideinformationondiseasepreventionandontheimplementationofhealthinsurancepolicies.Wetrytoencouragesickvillagersnottogotothetemple,buttoseethedoctorinstead,sinceitisquitepossibleforsomepatientstodelaymedicaltreatmentiftheyaskforhealingintemples.Atthispoint,peoplehaveonthewholeacceptedthegovernment'sadviceandvisitdoctorsiftheyaresick.Nowpeoplewillgotothevillagetemplesforotherpurposestodivinethebestdirectionofagatebeforeconstruction,topraytondlostobjects,tochooseadateformarriage.Inotherwords,wehaveseenthattheuseofvillagetemplesformedicalpurposesisgettingweakerandweaker.WhenIaskedabouttherelationshipbetweengovernmentofcialsandlocalpeople,hesaidthatrelationsweresatisfactorybutthatitwouldbedifcultforalocalpersontorequestanappointmentwithahigherlevelofcialtoappealforsomekindofhelp.Ithenaskedwhypeoplewouldaskforsuchanappointment.Heansweredthatthecentralgovernmenthasenactedmanypoliciestobenetruralpeople,butthatthereareoftenproblemswiththeimplementation.Thesepoliciesincludenancialaidforsingle-parentfamilies,preferentialtreatmentformilitaryfamilies,andveformsofguaranteedassistance(food,housing,medicalcare,clothing,andburialexpenses)forelderlypersonswhochildlessandinrm,inadditiontoassistanceforthedisabledandorphans.Localgovernmentssingleoutpoorhouseholdstoreceivepovertyalleviationfunds.Butsomeoftherecipienthouseholdsareviewedlocallyasbeingpooronlybecauseofthelazinessofthefamilymembers.Thisangerspeoplewhoconsiderthemselveshardworkingbutdonotreceiveassistance.Theyask,Sluggardscangetmoneyfromthegovernments.Whycan'twe?Suchdisputesarenoteasytosettle.Inaddition,currentpolicyrequiresthevillagegovernmenttochooseonelow-incomehouseholdtoreceivetheminimumlivingguaranteefromthegovernmenteachyear.Thechoice,however,itinevitablyverydifcult.Infact,thelivingstandardofsome 238

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villagesisalreadyadequate,buteveninsuchwell-offvillagesonehouseholdmustbeselectedasthelow-incomebeneciary.Incontrast,somevillageshavemanyverypoorhouseholdsfromwhichonlyoneischosentoreceivebenets.Thispolicygeneratesmuchdissatisfactionandmanyconicts.Moreover,regionalgovernmentsprovidedifferenttypesoffundstolocalvillagersforlivingexpenseseitherafterdisastersorduringperiodsofhousingconstruction.Thedisasterreliefpolicyallowslocaldisastersurvivorstodeclaretheirlossesandapplyforcompensationfromthegovernment.Atthepresenttime,thecompensationissentdirectlytothevillagecommitteesanddistributedbyvillagecadres.Indistributingthecompensation,somevillagecadresshowpartialitytotheirownrelatives.Regionalgovernmentsalsoprovidemonetaryincentivesforlocalpeopletobuyconstructionmaterialsfortheirhouses.However,somevillagecadresdistributethemoneyirresponsiblywithoutrationalplanning.Therearemanyconictsbetweengovernmentofcialsandvillagersthataregeneratedbysuchirregularitiesintheimplementationofnancialsupportpolicies.Thenewreligiouspolicyincontrasthasbeenimplementedwithoutmajorconicts.TheTuagreethatthepresentreligiouspolicyisagreatimprovement,especiallyforprojectsaimedattheprotectionofintangibleculturalheritage.Manylocalshamansandotherreligiousgureshavebeennamedastherecipientsifthesefundsundertherubricofsupportforintangibleculturalheritage.Theyareunderstandablydelightedwhentheyreceivemorethan2,000Chineseyuanpermonthingovernmentsubsidies.WhileIwasinterviewingashaman,MaDeliangofYaomaVillage,heproudlyinformedmethathehadagovernmentlicense(TheCerticateoftheSuccessor)andwasreceivingregularmonthlycompensation.Consequently,hisyoungestson,whoatrsthadrefusedtofollowinhisfather'sshamanicfootsteps,hassuddenlydroppedhisoppositiontoinheritinghisfather'sposition.Heisnowparticipatinginreligiousactivitiesandactivelylearningthecraftofshaman,fullywillingtobecomehisfather'ssuccessor. 239

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Figure7-1. Thebenkang,expressedasacommunitycenterforelders Suchgovernmentsupporthasthusbeeninstrumentalintherevivaloffolkreligion.Thegovernment,whichformerlyrestrictedreligioussubsidiestotheveofciallyrecognizedreligions,nowalsosupportsfolkreligionintheminorityareas,thoughnotinthesameway.Itisredenedassupportforethnicdiversity.Inordertodeveloptourismbythecommercializationoftraditionalfolkpractices,thecentralgovernmentnowtakesstepstoprotectanddeveloplocalethniccultures.Alllevelsofgovernmentexamineandapproveprojectsandinvestinconstructionrelatedtofolkreligioninavarietyofways.Thisincludesredeningreligioussitesasactivitycentersforeldersknowingfullwellthattheyareprincipallyusedforreligiousactivities.Suchsupportisenthusiasticallywelcomedbylocalcommunities.Itbecamecleartomethatthegovernmentisawareofandrespectsthereligiousactivitiesofvillagersandfolkculture. 240

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Particularlyinminorityareas,manygovernmentofcialsthemselvesaremembersofthelocalethnicminoritycommunity.Theyidentifywiththeirethniccultureandhaveinternalizeditsfolkreligionalthough,asmembersoftheCommunistParty,theykeeptheirreligiousbeliefstothemselves.Thefavorableattitudewhichtheydisplaytowardstheirfolkreligionisfullyrecognizedandacceptedbytheirsuperiors.Intheimplementationofreligiouspolicysuchethniccadresareemotionallypartialtothelocalreligioustraditionandenforcethepolicyonfolkreligiousaffairsinavarietyofways. 7.2TheTuFolkReligiousRevivalAfterthereformswhichbeganinthe1980s,Tufolkreligionhasexperiencedarevival.Especiallyinthelasttwodecades,manyfolkreligiousritualshaveenjoyedwidesupportfromlocalgovernments,whichdenesuchsupportasameansofpreservingthelocalethnicculturaldiversity,whichinturnattractsmoretourists.Since1980,thereconstructionofmanylocaltemplesandreligioussiteshasreceivednancialsupportfromthegovernmentundertherubricofcommunityentertainment.Thefollowingparagraphswillexplorethefactorswhichhavegivenmomentumtothisshift. 7.2.1PopularAttachmenttoReligiousBeliefFolkreligiousbeliefsaredeeplyrootedinthemindsandheartsofmanyoftheTu,particularlyamongtheoldergeneration.Frombirthtodeath,theTuareconstantlyexposedtothepresenceoffolkreligionintheirlives.DuringtheEradicatingSuperstitionsMovementoftheCulturalRevolution,countlessvillagetemplesandreligiousmonumentsweredestroyed,religiousactivitieswereforbidden,andreligiousspecialistsweredenouncedandpersecuted.However,manybelieverscontinuedtoprayandworshipintheirhomes.Inmyinterviews,severaleldersrecalledthatduringtheCulturalRevolutionthevillagershadbeeninstructedtodestroytheirstatues.Butinthedarkofnight,manypeoplecourageouslyandsecretlyhidthestatuesinthemountainsorinthewallsoftheirhomes.Duringthisperiodofreligioussuppression,villagerscontinuedtopraytothespiritsinsecretforprotectionandblessingswhileathomeor 241

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whileworkingintheelds.Whenthepolicywasrescinded,thepeoplerestoredthestatuestothetemples.Eventoday,thepoweroffolkreligionremains.FolkreligiousbeliefhasneverbeeneradicatedfromthelifeoftheTu.TheTuliveintight-knitcommunitiescenteredonasingleclan,andthissettlementpatternhashelpedthemtoworshiptheirfamilydeity.Religioninuencestheethicsofdailylifeandvillagerulesandcustomsviarituals,festivals,andothercelebrations.ThesepublicmanifestationsofTuethnicity,particularlyintheformoffolkreligiousrituals,notonlyappeasethespiritsworshippedbytheTubutalsoshapetheculturalidentityofthisethnicgroup. 7.2.2TheInvolvementofStatePowerTheconstitutionofthePeople'sRepublicofChinahascodiedtheprincipleofgovernmentalsupportforreligion,includingnowthereligionsofethnicminorities.TheStateAdministrationforReligiousAffairscontrolsChina'sveofciallyrecognizedreligionsandensuresthattheregisteredreligiousorganizationssupportandcarryoutthepolicyprioritiesofthegovernment.Thereis,forexample,aLivingBuddhaContactSystem4andTempleManagementCommittee5inTibetanBuddhisttemplesinHuzhu.ItseemsparadoxicallythatethnicminorityreligionsescapethisstrictcontrolbytheChineseState;however,thegovernmentcontinuestointerveneinlocalreligiousgatherings,andsometimesthepoliticallyinuentialtemplemanagementcommitteebecomesinvolvedinlocalreligiousrituals.NewRuralConstructionisalandmarkprojectdevelopedinChinatopromoteurbanizationandtomodifyandrationalizethelayoutofruralsettlementsinordertoimprovepeople'slivingstandards.Insomeruralareas,thegovernmentrepairshouses, 4OnecountygovernorispairedwithaLivingBuddha,andtheyneedtocontacteachotherregularlytoexchangeinformation.5Itisanon-ofcialTibetantempleorganizationundertheguidanceoflocalgovernment,butallthemem-bersaremonks. 242

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reconstructstoilets,connectstapwatersystems,anddeliversinternetservices.Insomeareascharacterizedbyexceptionallydifcultenvironmentalconditions,thegovernmentevenresettlesresidentsintomorehospitablelocations.SuchNewRuralConstructionprojectsinTuareasreconstructormodifyoldhouses,painttheexteriorwallsinuniformcolors,andconstructcentralsquaresorplazas.Withgovernmentsupport,multi-functionalplazaswithbasketballcourtsandtnessfacilitieshavebeenbuiltinmostTuvillages.Thesenewplazashavebecomeveryimportantspaces,fortheyprovidenotonlyapublicspaceforrecreationalandpoliticalgatherings,butarealsousedasnewcentersofreligiousactivities.Peoplecanrest,entertainfriendsorcongregate,andonfestivaldaysorholidays,theycanusetheseplazastoholdpopularentertainmentactivities.Newvillageadministrativeofcesarebuiltnexttotheplazas,sovillageofcialscaneasilyconvenevillagemeetings.Withthedevelopmentoftheethnictourismeconomy,theplazaswereconstructedwithaniconiclandmarkbuilding,decoratedwithcharacteristicallyTumotifsandcolors.Asmentionedpreviously,benkangaretraditionalsitesofreligiousworshipinTuareasandimportantsitesofdailyreligiousactivities.AccordingtoTucustom,eachvillageshouldhaveitsownbenkang.Ontheonehand,abenkangistraditionallyconstructedattheentrancetoavillageinordertodrivehostilespiritsawayandprotectvillagers;ontheotherhand,abenkangisalsotheplaceforvillagers'dailyactivationofzhuanguola.Butinthelate1950s,whichwastheperiodofharshestgovernmentalanti-religiouspolicy,thebenkangweredenouncedasrelicsoffeudalsuperstitionanddemolished.Whenthereligiouspolicychangedinthe1980s,somebenkangwererepairedorreconstructed.InthewakeoftheNewRuralConstructionmovement,thelocalgovernmentsincollaborationwiththeTuchosethebenkangasaniconiclandmarkbuilding.Large-scalereconstructionsofthebenkangweredonewithgovernmentsupport.Inthismannerthegovernment'snewlyconstructedpublicspacesineffectturnedintoreligiouscenters. 243

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DongjiaisatypicalTuvillageinHuzhuCounty.WhenIwasdoingmyeldworktherein2013,anewplaza,decoratedwithethnicmotifs,wasbeingconstructed.Atthecenteroftheplazawasahugebenkang,insteadofabasketballcourtortnessfacility.Iaskedavillageofcialwhysuchahugebenkangwasbeingbuilt.Heanswered,DongjiaispurelyaTunationalityvillage.ThegovernmentiswillingtobuildatypeofPlateauTouristCountytodevelopfolk-customtourism.Sotheyinvested800,000Chineseyuaninconstructingthisplazaasonepartoftheprojecttoconstructanethnicfolkculturalvillage,includingtherepairofanydilapidatedhousesinthevillage.Heexplainedthatastagewasbeingbuiltnexttothebenkangsothatvillagerscoulddanceanzhaoandplaylunziqiu(apopularTusport).Heemphasizedthattheconstructionofthebenkangwasdonebyvolunteerlaborfromallthevillagers,withnancialsupportfromthegovernment.Theoldbenkangneartheplazahadfallenintodisrepairovertheyearsbutwasalsobeingrebuiltwithfundingfromthelocalgovernment.Inadditiontotheplazasandbenkang,thegovernmentprovidesfundstorepairandrenovatevillagetemplesbyaddingactivityandentertainmentroomsfortheelderly.ThedailyroutineofTuelderscentersonreligiousactivities,sothereconstructionofsuchelderlyactivityroomsisconsideredtobeaformofsocialwelfareeffort.ThefollowingconversationabouttherenovationofthevillagetempletookplaceinDongjia(hereIamXandtheintervieweeisA). X: Doyouknowhowmanyyearsthetemplehasbeenhere? A: Thetemplewastreatedasfeudalsuperstitionandwasdestroyedin1958,butwasreconstructedseveralyearsagoinanefforttoconstructanactivityroomforelders.Thiswaspermittedbythelocalgovernmentafterenactmentofthepolicyofrestoringthefreedomofreligiousbeliefs. X: Well,thepermissionwasfortheactivityroom,buttheconstructionisatemple.Astatueofsomedeityisrequiredinthetemple,right? A: Yes,butthestatuewasoriginallyintheoldtemple.Thegovernmentnanciallysupportedtheconstructionofthebasicfacilities,suchasthehouseandwindows. X: Wasn'tthestatuedestroyedin1958? 244

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A: No.Thestatueofourniangniangwashiddensecretlyatthattime,sinceourniangniangisrepresentedbyawoodenstickthatisdifferentfromotherniangniangwhoarerepresentedbyofsacredlitters.Thewoodenstickhasaholeinitthatisforthezhuangzangritual[llinginspecicthingstostimulatethespiritofthestatue].IntheneighboringvillageBahong,theyhaveaconsecratedstatueoftheirniangniang.Butourniangniangisrepresentedbyawoodenstickandwaseasytohide. X: Okay.Wholledinthezang[thesacreditemsstuffedintothewoodstick]? A: Thezangwereinsertedinthepast.Nobodyknowswhodidthat.Nownobodydarestoopentheholetoseewhatisinside.Thevillageheadtoldmethat,Justasthisprojectisbeingcompletedinourvillage,manyplazasandactivityroomsforeldershavebeenconstructedinothervillages.Someofthemarepurelyforreligiousactivities.Governmentofcialsknowthisbutdonotobject.Hecontinued,Nomatterhowbigorsmalltheirissuesare,villagersalwaysliketostopbytheirvillagetemplestoaskforhelporsuggestions.Becausethetemplesaresopopular,peoplewillwelcomeitifthegroundisleveledandpartiallyplantedwithlawns,andifotherbasicfacilitiesareconstructed.Thisconversationalertedmetothefactthatlocalgovernmentofcialshavemanywaysofenforcingtheirpolicies.Forexample,aspartofprovidingsocialwelfareforelders,theyconstructactivitycentersandroomsinwhichtocarryoutactivitiesmandatedbythecentralgovernment,inadditiontoprovidingfacilitiesforlocalpeople.Localofcialsgenerallydonotinterferewithwhatthevillagersdointhecenters;governmentfundingisnotusedtoconstructstatuesofdeities.Thevillagersareawareofthesocialwelfarepolicy,andeveryoneissatised.TheState'sinuenceonfolkreligiondependsonthebehavioroflocalvillage-basedgovernmentofcials.Theirtreatmentoffolkreligionaffectstheoutcome.VillagecommitteesarethebasicunitsofpoliticalorganizationsintheTuareas,andcommitteemembersareelecteddirectlybyvillagerstoserveaspart-timeadministrativecadres.MostofthesevillagecadresarelocalTu,butoccasionallytheyarefromotherethnicgroups.Allofthemsupportfolkreligion,eveniftheyareCommunistPartymembers. 245

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Theirbasicattitudeisnowoneofacceptanceoflocalcustoms;therefore,theywillevenparticipatethemselvesinreligiousactivities.Inthesameway,thereisalsosomeparticipationinreligiousactivitiesbygovernmentofcialsatthetownlevel;theseofcialsarethehighlyeducatedofcialstatecadreswhosejobitistoenforceStatepolicies.Sincetheyhavedirectresponsibilityformanagementofvillagecommitteesofvillageaffairs,thesecadrestakeintoaccounttheneedsofthelocalpeople,aregoodatcommunicatingwiththem,andforthemostpartunderstandtheneedforlocalreligiousactivities.Usuallytheyparticipateintheactivitiesthemselves.SuchlocalgovernmentsupporthasbeenanimportantfactorintherevivalofTufolkreligion.ItillustratesthateventhepoweroftheStatecanbeandhasbeenharnessedinsupportofthevillagers'religiousneeds. 7.3TheLegalizationofFolkReligionThede-factolegalizationoffolkreligionundertheguiseofpromotingethniccustomshasenhancedtherevivalofthesefolkreligions.Buttheystilllackofcialstatus.InChina,thevemajorreligions(Buddhism,Daoism,Islam,CatholicismandProtestantism)areintheRedZoneandreceiveofcialprotectionquareligionsincontemporaryChina.Incontrasttotheveofciallyrecognizedreligions,folkreligionhasnodenitelegalstatusandisthusintheGreyZone.Folkreligionthereforedoesnothavethesamelegalprotections.Effortshavebeenmadetondawaytoofciallylegalizefolkreligionandtocreatemoresocialspaceforpromotingitsrevival.Myresearchsuggestsseveralpossiblestrategiesinthisregard. 7.3.1ObtainingtheLegalStatusofVillageTemplesbyApplyingforConservationandProtectionofHistoricalMonumentsTuvillagetemplesareimportantvenuesformanydailyactivities.Villagetempleswereofciallyrecognizedasadministrativecentersformanaginglocalaffairsandthereforecanfunctionaswindowsforstatepower.Localleaderstriedtoconvertthetemplesintoadministrativecenters,leadingtoconstantnegotiationbetweenauthorities 246

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andlocalpeople.ThisgavedefactoassistancetotheprotectionanddevelopmentofTufolkreligion.In1982,theCulturalRelicsProtectionLawwaspassedintheFifthConferenceoftheChineseNationalPeople'sCongress.Article2ofthislawplacesthefollowingculturalrelicsundertheprotectionofthelawwithintheboundariesofthePeoplesRepublicofChina:sitesofancientculture,ancienttombs,ancientarchitecturalstructures,cavetemples,stonecarvings,andmuralsthatareofhistorical,artisticorscienticvalue6.Underthislaw,inmanyHanareasofChinahistoricallyimportanttempleshavebeendesignatedasprotectedculturalrelics.Inthesameway,Tueliteshaveappealedtothegovernmentandtheculturalrelicsmanagementdepartmentstoregistervillagetemplesasancientarchitecturalstructures,requestfundsforrepair,andtherebyobtainlegalstatusfortheselocaltemples.Ifithasalonghistory,afolkreligioustemplewillbequicklyrecognizedasanhistoricalandculturalrelic.SincemanyvillagetemplesintheTuareaswereconstructedintheMingorQingDynasty,andthemainhallsofthosetemplesarestillwellprotected,manyhavebeenenrolledintheconservationprogramsofancientarchitecture.Forexample,theDragonKingTempleinthevillageofDazhuanghasbeenrecognizedasacounty-levelculturalrelicandhasreceivedyearlymaintenancefundsfromthegovernment.Templesregisteredingovernmentrecordswillbeprotectedfromdemolition.Anotherwaytogainlegalizationistoattachthevillagetemplestooneofthevemajorreligions,usuallyeitherBuddhismorDaoism.IntheHanareas,smalltemplesaredeclaredassubordinatepartsofBuddhismorDaoisminordertorequesttheirofciallegalregistration.However,inethnicminorityareassuchasTucommunities,thetemplesareclearlylinkedtoethniccultureandarenotregisteredasbranchesofoneoftheofcialreligions.Thereisanotherwayofprotectingthem.Theyfallwithinthe 6 http://www.china.org.cn/english/environment/34304.htm ,8/21/2015. 247

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categoryofCulturalRelicsorFolkCustoms,andcanberegisteredassuchandthusachievelegalstatus.ItwasregistrationunderthisrubricthatachievedtheprotectionofmanyvillagetemplesamongtheTu. 7.3.2TheLegalizationofTempleFairActivitiesWiththeReformandOpeningUp,greatchangeshaveoccurredwithrespecttotheindustrializationofChina'sruralareas.Thepromotionoflocaleconomicactivitieshasmadethelegalizationoftemplefairspossible.Sometemplesholdcommodityfairsinthevicinityofthetemple,atotallylegalformofgathering.InthebiangbianghuiritualsofDonggouandYaoma,religiousactivitiesareheldinsidethevillagetemple,butmerchandisestallsarespreadalloverthesquareoutsidethetemple.Inthisway,templefestivalssuchasbiangbianghuifunctionnotonlyasreligiouseventsforvillagersbutalsoascommodityexchangefairs.Inrecentyears,manyfolkreligiousfestivalshavebeenapprovedandnanciallysupportedbylocalgovernments,andhaveattractedtouristsinterestedinfolkcustoms.HuzhutouristattractionssuchastheTuguhunMilitaryCamps,XiaozhuangFolkCustomPark,WesternChinaFolkCustomPark,andsimilarfolktouristprojectswerecarriedoutinordertoattractmoretourists,generaterevenue,andprovideawiderspaceforlocalculturalactivity.Thesewaysofgivingde-factorecognitiontofolkreligionhavecontributedtothefolkreligiousrevivalthathasbeenoccurring. 7.4TheCompetitionamongVillageTemplesandtheInuenceofLocalElitesInthepastreligionhasplayedanimportantroleintheorganizationoflocalpoliticalpower.Thetusi( ,nativechief)systemwasnotabrogatedintheTuareasuntil1931.ReligiousactivitiesarepartofthefamilyandsociallifeoftheMonguorsociety.Theirsocialorganizationiswovenintoareligiousenvironment.Thechiefsoffamilies,villages,andclansareitspromoters( Schram 2006 ,284-286).UnderthenativechiefsystemoftheTu,religionhadaverycloserelationshipwithlocalpoliticalpower.Inthatcontext 248

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religiouslifeservednotonlyprivateandfamilialfunctions,butalsohashadapublicandsomewhatcompulsorysocialdimension.Inrecentyearssocialpressuretowardreligiousparticipationhasbeenbuttressedbyeconomicinterestsgeneratedbythesurgeofculturaltourism.Religiousfestivalsandpracticescannowbeasourceofincreasedincome.Thisenhancestheinterestwhichpeoplefeelinparticipatinginreligiousactivities.Colorfulandcollectivereligiousactivitiesmakeitpossibleforafamilyoranentirevillagetoexhibititsstrengthandinuence.Tucommunitiesnowcompetewitheachotherfortheperformanceofcreativerituals.InthebiangbianghuiofDazhuangin2013,myeldworkassistant,Hu,toldmethathisfamilywasintendingtopubliclyoffermanyyardsofclothandothergoodsinthetempletoexpresstheirgratitudefortheirprosperityduringthepastyear.Inmakingsuchapublicofferingtheywouldalsobedemonstratingtheireconomicwell-beingtoothervillagers.Atthesitewherethebiangbianghuiwasenacted,Isawmanyvillagersbringswathesofclothandbottlesofwinealongwithfoodandmoneytooffertothespirits.Itseemedthatpeoplewereproudtobeabletooffersuchgiftsastokensoftheirgratitudeandasdemonstrationsoftheirprosperity.Asimilarcompetitiontakesplaceamongvillagetemplesindifferentcommunities.Theamountofincenseburnedinavillagetemple,aswellastheenthusiasmwithwhichitisperformed,reectstheeconomicdevelopmentofthevillage.Withanincreaseinincome,thevillagersrenovatetheirhousesandupgradetheirlifestyle.Theythendonatemoneytotheirvillagetemplestoacknowledgetheblessingswhichtheyhavereceivedfromthespirits.Themorewealthypeoplewhichavillagehas,thegreaterthenancialsecurityandexternalappearanceofthevillagetemple.Villagerstakeprideintheappearanceoftheirtemple.Conversely,ifthevillagersarepoor,thevillagetemplewillbesubstandardorinastateofdisrepair.Villagerswhohaveadifculttimemakingendsmeethaveneitherthetimenorthemoneytotakecareofthetemple. 249

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Enjoyingmuchmorefavorableeconomicconditions,thevillagesofHualinandDazhuanghavetempleshousedinmagnicentbuildingswithexquisitedecorations,setinlargeareas.ItissaidthatseveralsuccessfulbusinessmeninDazhuangdonatedagreatdealofmoneytothevillagetemple.AprosperousmanfromHualinwhoworksinBeijingraisedfundsthroughhiskinshipnetwork.Inshortvillagetempleshavebecomeostentatioussymbolsoftheeconomicwellbeingoftheresidentsofthevillage.Inthecompetitionforstatusthatthevillagetemplesrepresent,localeliteshaveplayedanimportantroleintermsofprovidingorraisingfunds.Suchprominentcontributorscanthereforebeviewedashavingplayedanimportantroleintheprotectionoffolkculture.Indoingsotheyhaveachievedahighstatusintheeyesofvillagers.Allyingwithsuchlocalelitesisalsoapathwaytoobtainingastrongervoiceandmorepowerinavillage.WhileinvestigatingtheTuareasofTongrenCounty,IlearnedthatthereconstructionofalocalvillagetemplecostmillionsofChineseyuanraisedbyaprofessorintheDepartmentofHistoryatQinghaiUniversityforNationalities.Theprofessorinquestioninsistedthatthevillagetempleshouldberenovatedaspartoftheprocessofpromotingethnicculture.Heraisedalargesumofmoneyanddesignedthenewtemplehimself.Apalatialtempleforthemountaindeitywasconstructed.Thisisonlyoneexampleofthemannerinwhichlocalprofessionalandeconomiceliteshaveplayedaroleintherevivaloffolkreligion.Inconclusion,scholarshaveanalyzedandinterpretedthereasonsfortherevivaloffolkreligion.Thisforcesustoreconsidersomevarietiesofsecularizationtheory,whichpositadeclineinreligionasaresultofeconomicmodernization.Itisundeniablethatinsomeplacesmodernizationhashadadampeninginuenceonreligion.InthecaseoftheTu,however,anincreaseinprosperityduetoinvolvementinthemodernworldhasledtoastrengtheningofreligioustraditions.Itmustbeemphasized,however,thatthemajorcausalfactorinlocalreligiouschangeinthiscase,therevivalofTufolkreligionhasbeen,notthecontributionsof 250

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wealthyvillagers,buttheeconomicsupportgivenbytheChineseState.InanycasetherevivaloffolkreligionincontemporaryChinesesocietyisanimportantsocialfactthatcaneasilybedocumentedinmanycommunities.AmongtheTu,folkreligionourished,declined,andthenrevived.Demolishedvillagetempleshavebeenrebuilt,andmanyfolkreligiousactivities,formerlyforbidden,arenowonceagainbeingcarriedout.Privateeconomicactorssuchaswealthyvillagerscancontributetoarevival,andthosewithculturalpowersuchasshamansandotherreligiousleaderscanalsopromotetherevivalofreligion.However,thedominantforceinthecaseoftheTuhasbeentheChineseState,whosepoweroncethreatenedtheexistenceofreligioninChinabutwhichisnowexercisingitsnancialandpoliticalpowertosupportreligions.InanalyzingtheriseandfallandsubsequentrevivalofreligionamongtheTu,wemustrecognizethattheprincipaldrivingforcehasbeenthepoweroftheStateandofitsshiftingpolicies. 251

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CHAPTER8CONCLUSIONAstudyoffolkreligioninruralChinageneratesinsightsnotonlyintothereligiouslivesofanethnicminoritylivinginruralChina,butalsointomanyaspectsofthesociallives.Thepracticeoffolkreligionmobilizesmechanismsthatcontributetosocialsolidarityinsuchareas.Folkreligionsdifferbyregionbutoftenfunctiontopreserveculturesvaluesandvillageorganizationalstructures.Thestudyoffolkreligionsthustakesusfarbeyondthesomewhatabstractdomainoffolkbeliefsandideologiesintoveryconcretedomains.Theseincludenotonlysocialorganization,butalsohealingtraditions,controlofweatherandcrops,andotherverypracticaldimensionsoflocallife.FortheTu,theirfolkreligionisacorefeatureoftheirlives.Itnotonlymaintainsthetraditionalculturecarriedoutinrituallife,butisamajormechanismformaintainingsocialorderandsolvingavarietyofpracticalproblems.Moreover,theanalysisofanethnicreligionalsogivesobserversinsightsintomanydistinctivedimensionsofthecultureoftheethnicminoritypracticingthereligion.UnderlyingthemultiplethemesthathavebeendealtwithinthesepagesisoneunifyingthemethatisatthecoreofTuculture:thequestforharmony.HarmonyisacentralthemenotonlyinthefolkreligionbutalsointhesocialandfamiliallivesoftheTu.Syncreticpluralismisanothersuchcorethemethatreoccursinmultipledomains.TheTuhaveahistoryofmigrationandofethnicinteractionwithotherethnicgroups.TheseintergroupcontactshavecontributedtothesyncretismandpluralismthatcharacterizesTufolkreligion.Andthereligioninturnhasfunctionedasavehicleforculturalstability.AlthoughcertaindetailsoftheethnicoriginsoftheTuarestilldisputed,itisunquestionablethattheirreligioustraditionshaveplayedanimportantroleinhelpingthemnotonlytocreatetheirethnicidentity,butalsotomaintainthisidentity,alongwiththeircharacteristictraditionsandcustoms,asthecenturieshavepassed. 252

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TheliteratureonthefolkreligionofChineseminoritiesisnotonlyofgeneralacademicinterest,butalsohaspotentiallypracticalimplicationsforoursharpeningthedenitionofreligionitself.Onecommonlyheldtraditionalviewrefusedtoconsiderfolkbelief,ritualsandsymbolsasabonadereligion.Criticshavetakentheoppositepositionandhaveinsistedthatasystemwiththoseelementsdoesindeedbydenitionconstituteareligion.Scholarswhorejectthestatusoffolkbeliefasareligionpointtotheabsenceofscripturesandformaltheologicaltexts.Theydonotconsiderfolkritualstobethefunctionalequivalentofworshipinchurches,mosques,synagogues,orBuddhisttemples.Folkbeliefsareseenasisolatedscatteredrelicsinheritedfromthedistantpast,notfull-edgedreligions.InthisviewfolkbeliefssuchasthosedescribedherearenotseenaselementsinareligionandcannotthereforepresumablybecomparedtoinstitutionalizedreligionssuchasChristianity,Islam,Buddhism,andDaoism,whicharenowofciallyrecognizedinChina.Fromananthropologicalperspective,however,wecandeneareligionasanyculturalcomplexthatentails(1)beliefinspirits,(2)ritualstointeractwiththosespirits,and(3)specialistswhoguidethecommunitywithrespecttospiritsandrituals.SincethefolktraditionsoftheTumostdenitelycontainallthreeoftheseconstituentelements,Tubeliefsandpracticesfromananthropologicalperspective,areasmuchofareligionasanyoftheworldreligionswhichhappentohaveadditionalelementssuchasscripturesandcomplexinstitutionalhierarchies.Culturalanthropologistsandsociologisthaveutilizedtheirobservationsofthefolkbeliefs,ritualsandsymbolsfoundinareligioussystemasavehicleforanalyzingtherelationshipbetweenculturalphenomenaandsocialphenomenainChinesesociety.C.K.YangdividesallChinesereligionsintotwocategories.Therstcomprisesinstitutionalreligionwithcompletewrittendoctrinesandreligiousorganizations.Thesecondincludemorediffusedreligionswithfolkbeliefsandrituals,butwithoutaconsolidatedwrittendoctrineoraninstitutionalized,formalizedorganizationalsystem.InChina,institutional 253

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religionsfeaturingBuddhismandDaoismhaveindependenttheologicalsystems,worshipritualsandorganizationalstructures,whichhaveclearboundariesandareseparatefromothersecularsocialorganizations.Diffusedreligionsontheotherhandincludetheimperialheavenworshippingceremony,familialancestralworship,andtheheroworshipofguardiandeitiescarriedoutwithinvariousprofessions.Inthecaseofadiffusedreligion,itstheology,regulations,ritualsandorganizationsareembeddedwithinsecularinstitutionandsocialorder.Thereisnoclearboundarybetweenreligionandtheseordinarynon-religioussecularinstitutions( Yang 1961 ).Tufolkreligion,however,doesnotteasilyintoeitherofthesetypesdenedbyYang.ItdoesnotfallintothecategoryofinstitutionalreligionasdenedbyYang.Butneitherisitsoembeddedinthenon-religiousdomainsofTulifethatitcannotbeanalyzedasadistinctsystem.ThefolkreligionoftheTuindeeddoeshaveitsowndistinctspiritbeliefsthatcanbeelicitedviainterviews,itsowndistinctobservableritualsanditsownorganizationalstructureinwhichshamansandotherspecialistsareatthecenter.Itdoesnothaveasystematizedwrittencorpusoftheologicaltexts,anditsspecialistsarenotorganizedintohierarchicalstructureswithformaltrainingandinitiationprocedures.Butitcannotforthatreasonbeejectedfromthecategoryreligion.TherearecertainuniversalfeaturessharedinthefolkreligionsfoundbothinTuareasandinotherHanareas.Forexample,bothsharepolytheistictendenciesfoundinautochthonousChinesereligionthatdirectworshipandsentimentstoavarietyofspiritsratherthantoasingledeitywho,asinthemonotheisticreligionsoftheWest,isconsideredsupremeoverallotherspiritsandisviewedastheonlyappropriateobjectofexclusiveworship.BoththeTuandtheHansharethispolytheisticinclination.However,TufolkreligionhasotherethnicandregionalcharacteristicsthatsetitapartfromHanfolkreligion.Tufolkreligionismorehighlyorganizedintoaninternallyconsistentseriesofbeliefsandpractices.Itisaninternallycohesivesystemwithclearlyarticulatedbeliefsandspecializedrituals,muchmoresothanisfoundinvillages 254

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practicingHanfolkreligion.Furthermore,inHanareasmostpopularlyveneratedspiritsarespecializedintheirfunction.ButthespiritsofTufolkreligionsaremulti-functional.Thistendencyissomarkedthatthefunctionsofdifferentspiritsmayoverlap,creatingrivalriesamongthespirits.WehavealsoseenthatTufolkreligionhasbeeninuencedbyotherreligions,particularlyBuddhismandDaoism,andisthusmarkedbysyncretism.Initssyncretictendencies,however,ithasacompleteinventoryofalltheelementsneededtodeneasystemanthropologicallyasareligion.Theseincludespiritbeingswhoareobjectsofbelief,religiousspecialists,religiousrituals,specialtimesinwhichtheseritualsarecalledfor,andspecialsiteswheretheritualsarecarriedout.Aswehaveseeninthesepages,Tufolkreligiondenesawiderangeoftimesassacredandcreatesmultiplespacesfortheperformanceofreligiousrituals.Thesacredtimesaredenedinthecontextofthelifepracticesofthepublic,includingthepredictableagriculturalcycleandtheunpredictableoccurrenceofillnessorothercrisesinthepersonallivesofpeople.TheTuarealsoquiteecumenicalandpracticalintermsofthespiritswhomtheywillapproachandvenerate.Wehavealreadydiscussedcertainhigh-statuslocaldeitiessuchasthedragonkingsandthemultiplevillageniangniangwhoarethemajorfocusofTuveneration.Butbesidestheseimportantspirits,almostanyotherspirit,evenonefromanothertradition,canbeworshipped.IftheTubelievethataparticularspiritcansolveaparticularproblem,theTuarenotconcernedwithitsorigins.Thereisnoformalrankingoffolkspiritsandlittletendencytorelegateaparticularspirittoaparticularfunctionaldomain.Noristhereadistinctionmadebetweenthespiritsoftheofcialstate-approvedreligionsandthefolkspiritsofTutradition.Throughprayerandtheofferingofsacricialgifts,peoplecommunicatewithallsortsofspiritsandcanasknotonlytheirownshamansforhelpbutalsoTibetanBuddhistslamasorDaoistpriests.AsthecarriersandcommunicatorsofTufolkreligion,however,theirownreligiousspecialists,includingthebo,thebenbenziandtheshidianzeng,aretheonesmost 255

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frequentlyconsulted.Theyaretheoneswhohavethemajorresponsibilityforestablishingaharmoniousrelationshipbetweenhumanbeingsandthespirits.Theydothisthroughthepracticeofaseriesofreligiousritualsthatwardoffevilspirits,illness,andnaturaldisasters.Theyalsomaintainthesacrednessofvariousfolkfestivalsandtransmitreligiousbeliefsandpracticesfromgenerationtogeneration.WithfamiliesandvillagesbeingthelocusofmostTufolkreligion,religiousactivitiessuchasburningincense,kowtowing,walkingaroundabenkangandchantingmaniareapartofdailylife.Religiousbeliefslodgedinthebrainhavebeenintegratedintobehaviorsthatoccurindailylife,muchmoresothanamongmanyreligiousbelieversoftheWestwhorelegatereligiouspracticestoonedayaweek.Turitualsareimbuedwithculturalunderstandingsthatmakethemrelevanttodailylife.Tufolkreligionpresupposesaconstantlinkagebetweenspiritbeliefsandtheordinaryeventsofdailylife.WehaveseenthattheTutakeapragmaticapproachtoreligion.InthissensetheydomakeageneraldistinctionbetweentheirowndeitiesandthoseofBuddhismandDaoism.However,thoughtheywilloccasionallygiveritualattentiontothelatter,theirownlocaldeitiesreceivemoreattention.TheTuareperfectlywillingtohonorthedeitiesofTibetanBuddhismandDaoism.Thosespirits,however,arenotseenashavingasmuchpragmaticdailyutility.Peopleusuallyrequesthelpinsteadfromtheirownlocalspiritswhomtheyconsidertobemorecloselyrelatedtotheirlivesandmorecapableofsolvingpracticalproblems.Marshalingtheirinvisiblepower,theselocalspiritsacttoreconcilepublicconicts,tomaintainfamilyharmony,andtomeettheneedsofindividualsforhealingandfordivination.TheTumakeade-factodistinctionintheirfolkpantheonbetweenbenevolentdeitiesandharmfulevilspirits.Thelatterbringmisfortunewhiletheformeraresymbolsofpositivepowerandmoralorder.Theconstantcombatbetweenthesetwotypesofspiritsimbuesfolkreligionwithacertainenergyandvigor.TheTuworshipthebenevolent 256

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spiritsandperformreligiousritualstosolveproblemsandtobringgoodfortunetotheirownlives,despitethecontraryeffortsofhostileevilspirits.Atthesametime,theTurecognizethateventhebehaviorofthegoodspiritshastobecriticallyevaluated.Theyapproachthesefriendlyspiritstocoaxthemintotheirservice,toexertasitwereatypeofcontroloverthem..Iftheirprayersfailtoproducethedesiredresult,peoplewillturnawayanddirectprayerstootherspirits.Theymayevenpunishtheineffectivespirits,forexample,byremovingtheirstatuefromitsplaceinthetempleandplacingitelsewhere.Intimesoftrouble,peopleprayforprotection.Ifonespiritdoesnotanswertheirprayers,theTuwillpraytoanother.IndoingthistheTuareinasensetryingtoenforcetheirpetitions.Atanyrate,asistrueofmostfolkreligioustraditionsstudiedbyanthropologists,thefolkreligionoftheTuishighlyutilitarianinitsgoals,concernedwiththepresentlife,notorientedtowardthesalvationoftheirsoulsinanafterlife.Thoughtheygivemoreattentiontotheirownspirits,thereisanecologicallysmoothblendingintheirbeliefsystemofthespiritsfrommultipletraditions.Thediversityofreligionsisawell-documentedhistoricalfact( Gross 1999 ; McKim 2012 ; Smith 1976 ).Intermsoftheoriginofthespirits,theTupantheonisaharmoniousblendofTibetanBuddhism,Daoism,andtheirownfolkreligion.Thethreetraditionsmingleseamlesslyindailylife.InclusivenessisacentralfeatureoftheTuapproachtothespiritworld.Thisinclusivenessdoesnotentailabandoningtheirownspiritsastheirprincipalinterlocutors.However,thegeneralizedattitudeofinclusivenesshasallowedfortheco-existenceofmultiplereligions.Thequestionofreligiouslydrivenconictisimportantintoday'sworld( Brahm 2005 ).However,asaminorityethnicgroupinChina,theTugivetheworldanexampleofpeacefulreligiouscoexistence.AsaresultofintergroupcontacttheTuhavecometoacceptelementsfromthreedifferentreligions(Folkreligion,TibetanBuddhismandDaoism).Althoughthosereligionsdonotdemandexclusiveworship,wehave 257

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seenthatacertainlevelofcompetitionarosewhentheyrstcameintocontact.AsreligionsthatwerealientotheTuintimespast,TibetanBuddhismandDaoismbothmadeeffortstoexpandtheirbeliefsandritualsintoTucommunities.Practitionersoftheindigenousfolkreligionacceptedelementsoftheoutsidereligionsatthesametimethattheircoreallegianceremainedwiththeirowntraditions.Religiousspecialistsfromthedifferenttraditionsholddifferentviewsabouttherelativepoweroftheirownspirits.TheTucontinuetobelieveinthegreaterinstrumentalpoweroftheirowndeitiestosolveproblemsthanthehigherstatusdeitiesofBuddhismandDaoism.InthismannermultiplereligionscoexistwithintheTutraditioninaharmoniousbutoccasionallycompetitiveway.Asapowerfulexternalreligion,TibetanBuddhismhaspenetratedeverycornerofTufolkreligion;however,thespreadofTibetanBuddhismandDaoismdidnotleadtoseriousconictwith(ordestructionof)thepre-existingfolkreligion.Thenegotiationbetweenthesereligionshasbeencontinuousandhasledtothecurrentsymbiosis.SuchinteractionbetweentheTufolkreligionandotherreligionshasinfusedfolkreligionwithinternalvariety.Ontheotherhand,therelationshipbetweenTufolkreligionandDaoismhasbeensomewhatmoretenuous.ComparedwiththeimpactofTibetanBuddhism,theimpactofDaoisminTuareasisratherweak.TheTudoinviteDaoistprieststoofciateatrituals,butonlyoccasionally.InHuzhuCounty,onlyahandfulofvillagesstillaskDaoistprieststopresideoverceremonialritesofpassage.Thoughthesetworeligionsdoco-existinTusociety,therestillexistsatacitcompetitionbetweenthem.ButevenwiththegreaterintegrationofBuddhistdeities,theTustillprefertheirownlocaldeities.SchraminvestigatedthebeliefsinTuareasin1950sandclaimedthat,Lamaism(TibetanBuddhism)occupiestheprivilegedposition,andhasbeenanoverwhelminginuenceinthecountryoftheMonguorsbutnotwithstandingtheconditionsfavoringLamaism,theMonguorsareferventadherentsofshamanism,and 258

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occasionallyofDaoism( Schram 1957 ,6).Thisgivesindependentvalidationtomyownobservationsontheinherentvitalityoffolkreligioustraditions.Ihavealsodiscussedthesymbolicimportanceofthenumberthree.IntheTuencounterwithTibetanandHancultures,dynamicsofcompromiseandcoexistenceledtotheemergenceofacosmicviewthatfocusesonthenumberthree,asacorefeatureoflocalworldview.ThenumberthreecanbeseenasrepresentingBuddhism,Daoismandfolkbelief.Atthesametime,threerepresentsthesky,theearthandthehumanbeing,aswellasthethreenationalitiesTibetan,HanandTu.ThestructureofThreeinOnehasbecomeacornerstoneofTuethnicidentityandisanimportantthemeintheviewwhichtheTuhaveoftheirownethnicity.ThisemphasisonthenumberthreealsodemonstratesthepluralisticandpolytheisticcharacteristicsofChinesefolkbeliefsonthewhole.Thisintegratedquasi-trinitarianmodeofthinkingsymbolizesthestrivingforthebalanceofpotentiallycompetitivepowersinthequestforharmony.TheimportanceofthenumberthreeasaculturalsymbolofTureligiouscultureistheresultofcenturiesofco-existence,whichhasledtotheintegrationofmultipleethnicgroupsalongtheHehuangCorridorofnationalities.Theprevailingculturalmodelofonehouseshouldconsistofthreeroomsseemstobeanaptparalleltotheconceptofthethreereligionsachievingaunityandcomplementarity.Suchanintegratedconceptualschemawasformedininteractionsanddialoguesamongmultipleethnicgroups.Athoughtstructurebasedonsuchanintegrativethemeisbenecialtopromotingintergroupcommunicationandeventualharmonyamongdifferentethnicgroups.Differentgroupswithdifferentculturescanlivetogetherwithoutconictsontheonehand,andontheotherhandwithoutanamalgamationwhichwouldweakentheinternalintegrityanddistinctivenessofeachofthegroups.AlthoughtheTuareopen-mindedandreceptivetoincorporatingelementsofseveralotherreligions,theyhaveneveradoptedelementsofIslamorChristianity.Accordingtodocumentaryrecords,someChristianmissionarieswereactiveamong 259

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theTuareabuttheirteachingswereneveradopted.SomeMuslimsalsolivewithTuinsomecommunities,butnoTuhaveconvertedtoIslam.OneimportantfactorthathaspreventedthespreadofChristianityandIslamamongtheTuisthemilitantlymonotheisticandexclusivistcharacterofthesereligions.TheyrejectanyotherdeitiesexceptGodorAllah.TheTupeoplewillnotrenouncetheirattentiontomultipledeitiesorconnethemselvestotheexclusivistmonotheisticdemandsofIslamandChristianity.ChineseBuddhismisapolytheisticreligion,thatveneratesmanyspiritsbutthathasnoconceptofapersonalSupremeBeingwhodemandsexclusiveritualattention.TheTuaremorecomfortablewiththistheologicalapproach.TheyacceptanyspiritintotheirfolkpantheonaslongasitisconsistentwiththetenetsofTufolkreligion.Amonotheisticdeitythatdemandsrejectionofallotherspiritsisnotconsistentwiththesetenets.ThereisanotherfeatureofBuddhismthatmakesitcompatiblewithTuorientation.AcorevalueofTucultureisthequestforharmony,whichisalsopresentintheMosoculturestudiedbyShih( Shih 2010 ).ThereisanotherethnicgroupinChina,theNuosunationality,thathavetheoppositeorientation:TheNuosuemphasisonthefullnessoflifeoftenledtofamilydynamicsthatfellshortofbeingfairlycalled`harmonious'.( Swancutt 2011 ,1042).TheTuandMosobothbelieveinBuddhism,givingthosetwoethnicgroupssimilarreligiouspracticesandgeneralculturalvalues.TheinteractionofTufolkreligionwithpoliticsandtheStatehasbeenanotherimportantphenomenondiscussedinthesepages.WehaveseenhowrecentStateinterventionshaveactuallyenhanced,inrecentyears,therevivalanddevelopmentofTufolkreligion.Therewereroughandperilousmoments,particularlyduringtheCulturalRevolution.ButintheconstantlyshiftinginteractionbetweenStatepowerandfolkreligion,thelatterhasneversuccumbednorlostitscharacter.EventodayInTucommunitiesfolkreligioncontinuestobeamorepowerfulthanlocalgovernmentinthelivesofordinarypeople.Thelocalspiritsaremuchmoreeffectivethangovernmentofcialsinreconcilingpublicconicts,maintainingfamilyharmony,healingthesick,and 260

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indivinationofthebestpathsforpeopletotakewhentheyareonsomecrossroad.Forthepastfewyears,therevivalofTufolkreligionhasdemonstrateditstenacity.Thoughfolkreligionstillhasnolegalidentityandremainsofciallymarginalized,itisinconstantnegotiationwiththeStateanditsofcials.Folkreligionhasfounditsownlivingspaceinthenewera.FolkreligionhadbeenexposedtothreatslongbeforethearrivaloftheCommunistgovernmentandtheCulturalRevolution.TheNewCultureMovementandtheMayFourthMovementintheearly1900shadalreadybeguntoplacefolkreligionundersiege.TheelitesoftheNewCultureMovementclaimedthatfolkreligionswerenomorethanfeudalsuperstition.Thisviewwasincorporatedintoofcialpolicystatements.Folkreligionwascaricatured,wasdenounced,andcameundersiege.Thingsgotworse,ofcourse,afterthefoundingoftheNewChinaundertheCommunistParty.ButundertheCommunistgovernmentshiftingpoliticalwindshaveledtodramaticzigzagsinChinesepolicytowardreligion.Asof1949,thecentralgovernmenthadalreadybegunlaunchingaseriesofsocialreformmovements.Althoughmostofthesereformmovementswerenotexplicitlyopposedtoreligion,religionswereaffected.IntheLandReformoftheearly1950s,inordertostrengthenthepowerofthenewregimeatthegrassrootslevel,theStatecrushedthepowerandinuenceoftraditionalclans.ThroughthePeople'sCommuneMovement,Statepowertookevendeeperrootandcompletelyeliminatedandreplacedthesocialpoweroftraditionalclanorganizationinthecountryside.TheseStateinterventionsweakenedthepoweroftheclan,whichinturnledtoadecreaseinfolkreligiousactivities.Thedecreaseoccurredbecauseintheruralcommunitylocalelitessuchassquiresandclaneldershadledthebuildingofvillagetemplesandweretheonestoorganizereligiousceremoniesandcelebrations.Religiouseventswereoftennancedbytheclans.GuidedbyMarxist-Leninistperspectives,thegovernmentofNewChinaadoptedatougheranti-religionpolicythanhadbeenthecasewiththegovernmentoftheRepublic 261

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ofChina.TheNewChinapermittedBuddhism,Daoism,Islam,andthetwomajorbranchesofChristianity,butalsoestablishedreligiousauthoritiesandpatrioticreligiousorganizationsthatforcedreligiousleaderstocutanytiestheymayhavehadwithcoreligionistsoutsideofChina.DuringtheCulturalRevolution,however,theEradicatingSuperstitionsMovementaimedatthedestructionofallreligions.RedGuardssmashedreligiousmonuments,burnedreligiousbooks,anddenouncedandpersecutedbelievers.Housesofworshipwereclosed,religiousactivitieswereprohibited,andreligionalmostdisappearedfrompublicsociallife.Folkreligioninparticularwasattackedasfeudalsuperstition.However,giventheinstabilityofthenationalpoliticalsituationandtheinabilityofthegovernmenttocontroltheentirecountrysidethroughoutChina,clanforcesstillsurvivedinremoteruralareas,includingthosepopulatedbyminoritynationalities.AlongwiththeReformandOpeningUpinthe1980s,thecentralgovernmentimplementedanewpolicytowardsreligionandreestablishedamutualrelationshipbetweenreligiousgroupsandpoliticalauthorities.Inordertoachievemodernization,thecentralgovernmentenactedaseriesofdevelopmentpoliciesanddevelopmentmeasuresthathaveinuencedthetraditionalmodeofproduction,socialstructure,cultureandeducationinminorityareas.Thoughmostwerenotdirectedatreligion,thesechangeshavealsohadastrongimpactonlocalreligion.WithachangeofmindandachangeofpolicyonthepartoftheChineseStatewithrespecttoreligion,theveofciallyrecognizedreligionswereallowedtoembarkonapathofhealthydevelopmentthatexplicitlyrecognizedthereligiouscharacteroftheseentities.Atthesametime,folkreligionhasrevivedandresurfaced.ButtheStatesupporthasbeendisguisedasaformofsupportingethniccustomsandethnicdiversity.InthiscontextfolkreligioninChinastillhasnolegalidentityandremainsmarginalized.BecausefolkreligionhasnotachievedfulllegalstatusinChina,themanagementoffolkreligionbytheChinesegovernmentremainssomewhatambiguousandambivalent. 262

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TheBureausofReligiousAffairsthatsupervisetheveapprovedreligionsarenotresponsibleforthemanagementofmattersrelatedtofolkreligion.Aconfusingmixofothergovernmentaldepartmentsdealwithminorityreligions.AmongthesearetheUnitedFrontWorkDepartments,theofcesdealingwithdifferentaspectsofculture,andtheSpiritualCivilizationOfce.Meanwhile,thelegalstatusoffolkreligioustemplesremainsambiguous.Therefore,itisdifculttondclearlegalsolutionstoconictsinvolvingfolk-religioustemples.Forexample,therightsandinterestsofvillagetemples,suchasland-userights,templeownershipsandnancialmanagement,andothersimilarrights,areneitherguaranteednorresolved.Suchambiguitiescauseconfusionandslowdownthefurtherdevelopmentoffolkreligion.SincetheReformandOpeningUp,withthediminishedcontrolofideologyandthegreatergovernmentalattentionpaidtoimprovementofthecountry'seconomyandofthegeneralqualityoflife,religiouslifehasonceagainbeganourishingintheTuareas.Wehavealreadydiscussedsomeinternalandexternalfactorsthathavecontributedtotherevivaloffolkreligion.Theinternalfactorisareassertionoftheimportanceofthepsychologicalandspiritualneedofthepopulation.TheexternalfactorisachangeinthebehavioroftheState.Statepowerthatwasoncedirectedtothedestructionofreligionhasnowbeendirectedtosupportofreligion,withintheconnes,ofcourse,ofrecognitionofthelegitimacyoftheCommunistgovernment.InTuareas,folkculturecannotbediscussedapartfromfolkreligion.ThetraditionalreligiousbeliefsremainthemajorcontextinwhichgovernmentsupportforTucultureisconceived.WhenthegovernmentofferstosupportthepreservationofTuculture,therstthingsthatarepopularlyrequestedaretheconstructionoftemplestoenshrinestatuesoflocaldeities,tosupportannualreligiousfestivals,toholdtemplefairsandotherrituals.IntheTuareasresolutionofconictsbeyondthefamilyisassumedtobetheresponsibilityoffolkreligiousorganizations,notlocalrepresentativesoftheState.Folkreligiousthemesarethesalientelementindiscussionsoflocalethnicculture.In 263

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somevillages,administratorsgoverninthenameofthevillagedeity.Thelocalreligiousspecialistsandauthoritiesusuallyhavemorepowerthanvillageofcials.Religiousgures,norgovernmentofcials,areinchargeofconictresolutionandofimportantdecisionsmadeabouteventsinthecommunity.TheactivityroomsthatthegovernmentnanceswithintemplesandotherTureligioussitesreectthisautonomy.Villagetemplesarenotonlythecenterofreligiousactivities,butalso,undergovernmentsupportforactivityrooms,arenowbecomingthecentersforpublicaffairs.However,thosewhohavemostsayinsuchactivitiesconcerningpublicaffairsareleadersofthereligiousorganizations.Localgovernmentofcialsdonotdirectlyinterveneintheaffairsoflocalreligiousorganizations,evenwhenthegovernmenthasnancedtheupgradingofatempleorthebuildingofabenkang.Thesereligiousorganizationshavelocalautonomy.Theyarenotafliatedwithnationalorotheroutsidereligiousorganizations.Inshort,theinvolvementoftheStateinthenancingoffolkreligioussiteshasnotledtoadecreaseintheautonomyoflocalreligiousactors.Meanwhile,inChina,effortstopromotelocaleconomicdevelopmenthavenoftentakentheformofSettinguptheCulturalStageandPuttingonanEconomicShow.Thisreferstoastrategyofdevelopingthelocaleconomybyhighlightinglocalculture,primarilyforChinesetourists.Localgovernmentsarenowmandatedtoidentifypicturesquelocalculturalidiosyncrasiesthatcoulddrawtouristsandintheprocessputwindintothesailsofthelocaleconomy.ThisStatepolicynotonlyattractstourists.ItalsobringsaboutachangeinlocalTuattitudesaswell.MoreandmorelocalTuarenowawareofthevalueoffolkreligionbothitsculturalvalueanditspotentialeconomicvalueandnowactivelyparticipateinreligiousactives.LocalelitesandTuscholarshavealsoparticipatedintherevivaloflocalreligiousactivities,andthemassesofordinaryTupeoplenowseemkeentotalkaboutthespecialfeaturesofTusocietyandtoreconrmtheirownpersonalethnicand 264

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culturalidentity.Inthisprocess,folkreligionhasreceivedunprecedentedattentionasthecentralelementinlocalTuculturebothbythegovernmentandbytheTuthemselves.Thereisanothersidetothestory,however,anotherforcethatendangerstherevivaloreventhesurvivalofbona-defolkreligion.Withglobalizationandthedevelopmentofthemarketeconomy,structuralchangesinthejobmarkethaveforcedruralworkerstomoveintocities.InthisprocesstheattitudesofyoungpeoplearebeingtransformedbycontactwithculturesalientothatoftheTu.Asaresult,traditionalfolkreligiousactivitieshavebeendifculttosustain.Theroleofshamaninparticularisseenbyyouthfulemigrantstobeamarginalrelicofarecedingpast.Fewtakeitseriouslyenoughtobeinterestedinpursuingit,oreveninparticipatingseriouslyinordinaryfolkrituals.Torecapitulate:theethnicminoritycultureoftheTuassumeditspresentshapeduringinteractionwithmanyChinesesubcultures.Itsreligioustraditionshavealso,asaresult,comeunderdiverseculturalinuences.Asproductsofculturalcross-fertilization,thestructureoftheTuspiritpantheonandthediversecontentTuritualsgiveclearevidenceofthemultiplesourcesfromwhichtheirethnicityhasbeenforged.Allthishasbeentheresultofadynamicprocessshapedbyhistoricalandculturalforces.TheTushowusthat,thoughChina'sethnicminoritiescontinuetomigrateandareforcedtoadapttheirlivestonewenvironments,itispossibleforthemtomaintaincontinuitywiththeirhistoricalandculturalpast.IwillconcludebysuggestingthatfolkreligionamongtheTuhasbeenthemostpowerfulweaponinthisstruggleforthepreservationoftheirethnicidentity.Butfarbeyondquestionsofidentity,theirreligionhasalsohelpedtheTutodealwiththeoverarchingpoweroftheState.TheirreligionwasonceatargetofStateaggression.ItisnowtheprincipalfeatureofTulifethatisdrawingspecialStatesupport.Thatis,overthecenturies,Tufolkreligioustraditionshavenotonlyaffectedthewaypeoplethinkabouttheirproductionpracticesandtheirsocialrelations.Thesereligioustraditionshavealsoformedasubtlecushiontobuffertheircontactwiththesuperstructureof 265

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theChineseState.ItishopedthatstudiesofChinesefolkreligionsuchasthepresentonewillgobeyondsimplydocumentingthegrassrootsrealityofaspecicethnicminority.TheycanalsogiveusinterestinginsightsintotheinteractionofalocalhumancommunitywiththeChinesenationatlargeand,inparticular,withtheChineseState. 266

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APPENDIXAGLOSSARYOFTERMS Agu( ):AtermoftenusedinaddressingfemalesamongtheTu.Anzhao( ):AtraditionalfolksonganddanceformthatispopularintheTuareas.Thetermreferstothewordsanzhaosuoluoluowhichareoftenrepeatedinthesong.Benbenzi( ):AcategoryofritualspecialistwhohasstudiedsomeelementsofTibetanBuddhismandisinchargeofchantingscripturaltextsinfolkreligiousrituals.TheBenbenziareTuspecialistswhohavereceivedsemi-professionaltrainingatBuddhisttemplesbutarenotBuddhistmonks.Biangbianghui( ):AtraditionalfestivalamongtheTu,usuallyheldinthesecondandthirdmonthsofthelunarcalendar,whichistheplantingseasonforgreencrops.Thehighpointofthefestivalistheritualdancethatisperformedtopraiseandrepaythedeitiesfortheprotectionwhichtheyhavegiveninthepasttocropsandtohumans.Biaocai( ):Afuneraryritualinwhichthecofnisdecorated.Bo( ):ThetermusedtodesignatetheshamaninHuzhuCounty.Heplaysimportantrolesinallfolkritualsonbehalfofindividualsandgroupsasanintermediaryormessengerbetweenthehumanandspiritworlds.ThetermboisalsousedtodesignateshamanicdancingorothershamanicactivitiesinHuzhucommunities.Chumashen( ):Thehorsedeitywhoisinvokedatthemomentofleavinghome.Duancha( ):Toserveteaceremoniously.Fala( ):ThetermusedintheMinheareatodesignatetheTuShamanwhoofciatesatfolkreligiousactivities.Fashen( ):Tocommunicatewithdeitiesthroughritualdancingorthroughotherritualactivities. 267

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Fashenjian( ):Tocommunicatewithdeitiesusingsacreddivinationarrows.Fameanstoholdorshakethesacredarrowwhenthereligiousspecialististransmittingmessagesfromthespirits.Fashi( ):ThetermusedbytheTutodesignateaDaoistpriest.Fo-Fa-Seng( ):AnacronymthatreferstothethreereligionspracticedbytheTu:Folkreligion,TibetanBuddhism,andDaoism.Guanyin( ):ThenameofthegoddessofMercy.Guzhu( ):Thetermreferringtotheoriginoffamilygenes.Hada( ):AlsonamedKhata;thisisawhitesilkceremonialscarf,aboutameterinlength,usedinethnicgroupswhopracticeTibetanBuddhism.Heshoucai( ):Aritualheldforelderlypeoplebeforetheirdeath,duringwhichtheircofnispreparedandprayersareofferedforthemtocontinuelivingalonglife.Hua'er( ):AtraditionalfolksongsungbyninedifferentethnicgroupsinNorthwestChina.Thelyricsareimprovisedbutfollowcertainrules.Thecontentisaboutlove,hardworkinthecountryside,orthejoyofsinging.Thesongsarealsoperformedduringcommunityevents,rituals,andotherlarge-scaleactivities.Huimashen( ):Thehorsedeitywhoisinvokedonreturninghomefromajourney.Jiuzi( ):AtraditionalTuritualinwhichprayersareofferedforrain.Kang( ):AtypeoftraditionallargebedfoundinTuhomes.Duringtheday,itisusedasaplaceforgueststositandforfamilymemberstohaveameal.Kusang( ):Afunerarywailingritual.Lawa( ):TheTuShamanintheTongrenareawhoofciatesduringtheWutuFestival.Laozhe( ):Anhonorictitlegiventoelderlymemberoflocalreligiousorganizationwhohaveapositivesocialreputationandwhoareknownfortheirreligiousdevotionandfairness. 268

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Lingpai( ):Atypeoffolk-religioustoken.Majiao( ):Anassistantofthetemplecustodian.Theyaretypicallyfouryoungmenselectedbythespiritsduringdivinationrituals.Mani( ):ThesutraoftheSixTruestWords,pronouncedOmManiPadmeHum.Itisusedasaprayerinseveralrituals.Manihui( ):AritualinwhichelderlyTuwomengatherinthevillagetempletorecitescripturaltexts.Theyfastfromdawntoduskandprayforblessings.Manijing( ):Atypeofscripturaltext,mostofthemadaptedfromTibetanBuddhistscriptures.Maoguishen( ):AnevilcatspiritsecretlyveneratedbysomeTuwomen.MarnyiStones( ):Aheapofatstone,rocks,andpebbleserectedneartheroadleadingtoavillage.Itfunctionsasasacredsiteusedforofferingprayers.Maze( ):TheTuweddingritualheldatthebride'shome.Miaojiaye( ):Alocaldeitywhoprotectsgrowingcrops.Nadun( ):AtraditionalTufestivalheldintheMinheareatocelebrateabumperharvest.Nashijin( ):Asingerwhofunctionsasamasterofceremoniesatweddings.Qijiayanxi( ):ItisthelongestheroicepicpoemamongtheTu.QijiayanxiisthenameofaTucultureheroinTuoriginaccounts.Qingmiaohui( ):AnelectedcommitteethatorganizestheannualTutemplefair.CommitteememberswieldgreatauthorityamongtheTu.Rangni( ):Atraditionalfastingritual.Sangmenshen( ):AlegendaryspiritbelievedbytheTutobehalf-deityandhalf-ghost.Heisfearedasasourceofmisfortunes.Sanqisanluoling( ):ApracticeofrisingandfallingthreetimesinTufolksongs. 269

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Shailongwang( ):Thepracticeofpunishingdragonkingsbyexposingtheirstatuestostrongsunlightbecauseoftheirfailuretobringrain.Shanshendian( ):Thenameforthehallwhereamountaindeityisenshrined.Shenjiao( ):AritualleaderinTufolkreligion.Shidianzeng( ):Thespokesmanforlocalspirits.Hisprincipalroleistoshakethesacreddivinationarrowtocommunicatemessagesfromthespirits.Shouyi( ):Ashroudinwhichacorpseiswrapped.Tiaoguanjing( ):AnannualTibetanBuddhismDharmaactivityinwhichLamasdanceinordertoentertainthespiritsinaTibetanBuddhistmonastery.Tuqiu( ):Areligiousassistantinfolkreligiousorganizations.Hisjobistoassistthetemplecustodianandthelaozheinenforcingdecisionsandrules,incollectingnes,andinresolvingdisputesamongvillagers.Tusi( ):AlocalTuchief.Wanshendian( ):Atraditionalwordreferringtothousandsofspirits.Weisang( ):Toburnaromaticplantforofferings.Peopleignitepinebranches,Artemisiaargyi,andotherleavestoproducestrongsmoke.Friedhighlandbarleypowder,yakbutter,tealeaves,sugar,andotheritemsarealsousedtohelpcreatesmoke.Weidasang( ):AlsonamedWeitousang( );thisisanimportantcommunityritualtoburntherstroundofaromaticplant(Weisang, )intheearlymorningoftherstdayoftheyear.Wutu( ):AtraditionalfestivalheldbytheTuintheTongrenarea,inwhichshamanicritualsareperformedforhealingillnessandexpellingevilspirits.Yinyang( ):Awell-knownDaoistsymbolthatrepresentstwoopposingforces.Thewhiteandblackelementsthatformacirclesymbolizethecomplementarity,interconnectedness,andinterdependenceofapparentlycontraryforces. 270

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Yuanman( ):Afolkreligiousconceptreferringtoexcellenceorperfectioninthepracticeofreligion.Zaoshen( ):TheKitchenGod.Zhuanguola( ):TowalkaroundGuola,whichreferstoscripturaltextsthataremadetospin.Itisalsothepracticeofwalkingclockwisearoundsacredplacesduringprayer.Zhuangzang( ):Folkreligiousritualinwhicharitualobjectislledwithobjectsthatwillactivateandunleashspiritualforces.Zhuanshanjing( ):AtraditionalTuritualinwhichpeoplewalkaroundthemountainswhilechantingscripturaltextsandofferingprayerstothespirits.Zuo'er( ):AtraditionalTucofn,constructedintheformofatwo-storywoodbuilding. 271

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APPENDIXBTHELISTOFFESTIVALSOFTUNATIONALITY TableA-1. ThelistoffestivalofTuNationality LunarMonthLunarDateNameandContentofFestivalsLocationsParticipants 1st1stWeidasang:WelcomingdeitiesandcelebratingtheLunarNewYearHuzhumountaintopsHan,Tibetan,andTu2nd&3rdOffersacricetoLashizeandworshipthelocaldeityAllTuvillagesandmountaintopsTufamiliesandclans8th&14thGuanJingHui:ReligiousdanceinaTibetanBuddhistmonasteryYouningMonasteryTibetanandTu15thLanternFestival:Ritualofexorcismandworshippingtheredeity;TuAnzhaodancingAllnon-MuslimvillagesinHuzhuHanandTu2nd-16thPrayergatheringYouningMonasteryTibetan,Tu2nd2ndBiangbianghui:shamanicdancetoentertainthedeitiesDazhuangandDonggouvillagetemplesTu4thBiangbianghui:shamanicdancetoentertainthedeitiesDongshanvillagetempleTu9thBiangbianghui:shamanicdancetoentertainthedeitiesChaergouvillagetempleTu3rd3rdBiangbianghui:shamanicdancetoentertainthedeitiesYaoma,Lifeng,NajiaAitouvillagetemplesTu12thBiangbianghui(alsoknownastheEggFestival):shamanicdancetoentertainthedeitiesDanmavillagetemple(SongdeCommunity)Tu18thBiangbianghui(alsoknownastheEggFestival):shamanicdancetoentertainthedeitiesDanmavillagetempleTu5th4th-8thZhuanshanjing:TheritualofXiazhen(againsthaildisasters)andChapai(forharmonyinthefamilyandcommunity)AllTuvillagesTu5thDragonBoatFestival:plantingwillowtreesinfrontoftheirgates,picnicking,andsingingfolksongsAllnon-MuslimvillagesinHuzhuAllpeopleinHuzhu5thQingmiaohui:Hiking,dancing,wrestling,asentertainingspiritsAllTuvillagesTu 272

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TableA-1.Continued: LunarMonthLunarDateNameandContentofFestivalsLocationsParticipants 6th2nd-9thPrayergatheringYouningMonasteryTibetan,Tu6thMantouSiHua'erFestival:FolksongperformanceandcompetitiontoentertainspiritsDanmaVillage;WufengTownAllpeopleinHuzhu8thGuanJingHui:ReligiousdanceinaTibetanBuddhistmonasteryYouningMonasteryTibetanandTu11thHua'erFestival:Folksongperformanceandcompetition;entertainmentofspiritsDanmaTownAllpeopleinHuzhu13thHua'erFestivalSongpanMonastery(DongheTown)AllpeopleinHuzhu7th1stHorseRacingFestivalGantanVillageTibetanandTu8th15thMid-AutumnFestivalAllnon-MuslimvillagesinHuzhuTibetanandTu9th9thXiejiang:Givingthankstothespirits,hostingareceptionforprotectionofthecropsTuvillagetemplesTu9thDoubleNinthFestival(ChungYeungFestival)AllpartsofHuzhuHan10th1stEatingdumplings,worshippingancestors(Changingintowintercoats)HanandTuvillagesinHuzhuHanandTu2ndWorshippingBahaerGuardianDeityYouningMonasteryTu15thWorshippingthePaldenLhamoGuardianDeityYouningMonasteryTibetanandHan19thBiangbianghui:shamanicdancetoentertainthedeitiesLangjiavillagetempleTu24thLightofferingstoworshipLamaTsongKhapaYouningMonasteryTibetanandTu12th8thBiangbianghui:shamanicdancetoentertainthedeitiesDongjiavillagetempleTu8thLabajie:eatingmixedrice,gettingicefromriversHanandTuvillagesinHuzhuHanandTu23thSeeingKitchenGodoffHanandTuvillagesinHuzhuHanandTu30thLunarNewYear'sEve:WelcomingandgreetingdeitiesandworshippingancestorsAllnon-MuslimvillagesinHuzhuHanTibetan,andTu 273

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BIOGRAPHICALSKETCH HaiyanXing,whowasborninQinghaiProvince,isafemalememberofTunationality,oneofthe55ofciallyrecognizedminorityethnicgroupsinChina.SheearnedherBachelorofSciencein1996andherMasterofArtsinfolklorein2005fromNorthwestUniversityforNationalitiesinChina.ShethenworkedasalecturerandthenanassociateprofessoratNorthwestUniversityforNationalitiesinChina.In2009,shestudiedabroadattheUniversityofFlorida,studyinganthropologywhilebeingsupportedbytheFordFoundationInternationalFellowshipsProgram.Inrecentyears,herlong-termresearchinterestshaveincludedculturaldiversity,ethnicity,andthereligionofthenorthwesternminoritiesinChina,especiallytheTu.ShehascompletedfourresearchprojectsinGansuProvinceandhaspublishedabookandthirteenjournalarticlesinChinese.SheearnedherMasterofArtsinanthropologyandDoctorofPhilosophyinanthropologyfromtheUniversityofFloridain2011and2015,respectively. 284