LOO FEY? : A LINGUISTIC ETHNOGRAPHY OF BARGAINING IN THE DAKAR MARKETPLACE By CLAIRE HARTER A THESIS PRESENTED TO THE GRADUATE SCHOOL OF THE UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA 2015
2 Â© 2015 Claire Harter
3 ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS I am greatly indebted to the Center for African Studies and the Center for International Business Education and Research (CIBER) of the Warrington College of Business Administration at University of Florida, which jointly provided me the financial and academic opportunity to participate in the Research Tutorial Abroad in Dakar, Senegal under the advisement of Dr. Fiona McLaughlin. I thank Dr. Fiona McLaughlin who served as my supervisor, thesis chair, and academic advisor, and as the original inspiration for my desire to pursue a graduate degree in Linguistics; and Dr. Diana Boxer, who fueled my interest i n discourse analysis. I thank my Se negalese research assistant Pod Monique for her help with the actual interactions in the marketplace and with transcriptions of the recordings; as well as Oumar Ba and Arthur Dasylva, who volunteered to help me to transcribe multiple recordings. I give my sincere thanks to everyone who has been involved in the process of this thesis.
4 TABLE OF CONTENTS page ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS ................................ ................................ ............................... 3 LIST OF EXCERPTS ................................ ................................ ................................ ...... 6 LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS ................................ ................................ ............................. 7 ABSTRACT ................................ ................................ ................................ ..................... 8 CHAPTER 1 INTRODUCTION ................................ ................................ ................................ ...... 9 2 SOCIOLINGUISTIC BACKGROUND ................................ ................................ ...... 1 3 Linguistic ................................ ................................ ................................ ................. 13 Sociocultural ................................ ................................ ................................ ........... 15 3 METHODOLOGY ................................ ................................ ................................ ... 20 4 THEORETICAL BACKGROUND ................................ ................................ ............ 24 5 THE BARGAINING GENRE AND SPEECH EVENT ................................ .............. 30 The Speech Event ................................ ................................ ................................ .. 31 Communicative Purposes ................................ ................................ ....................... 36 Structure of the Bargaining Sequence ................................ ................................ .... 39 Pragmatic Compete nce ................................ ................................ .......................... 52 6 BARGAINING STRATEGIES ................................ ................................ .................. 55 Buyer Strategies ................................ ................................ ................................ ..... 56 From a Position of Superiority ................................ ................................ .......... 57 From a Position of Subordination ................................ ................................ ..... 60 Seller Strategies ................................ ................................ ................................ ..... 64 From a Position of Superiority ................................ ................................ .......... 64 From a Position of Subordination ................................ ................................ ..... 67 Discussion ................................ ................................ ................................ .............. 70 7 SUMMARY AND CONCLUSIONS ................................ ................................ .......... 73 Limitations ................................ ................................ ................................ ............... 75 Future Research ................................ ................................ ................................ ..... 76
5 APPENDIX A TRANSCRIPTION CONVENTIONS ................................ ................................ ....... 79 B COMPLETE TRANSCRIPT OF EXCE RPT 5.5 ................................ ...................... 80 LIST OF REFERENCES ................................ ................................ ............................... 87 BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH ................................ ................................ ............................ 92
6 LIST OF EXCERPTS Excerpt page 2.1 Example of Urban Wolof ................................ ................................ ..................... 14 2.2 S uses kinship term ................................ ................................ ............................ 17 2.3 B uses kinship term ................................ ................................ ............................ 17 2.4 Reference to religious figure ................................ ................................ ............... 19 5.1 French used for prices ................................ ................................ ........................ 34 5.2 ................................ ................................ ....................... 37 5.3 Barg aining sequence 1 ................................ ................................ ....................... 42 5.4 Buying sequence ................................ ................................ ................................ 45 5.5 Bargaining sequence 2 ................................ ................................ ....................... 46 6.1 B demonstrates low demand ................................ ................................ .............. 57 6.2 B compares prices ................................ ................................ .............................. 58 6.3 ................................ ................................ ........................ 59 6.4 B exerts cultural pressure ................................ ................................ ................... 59 6.5 B asks for lower price ................................ ................................ ......................... 61 6.6 B ex plains offer ................................ ................................ ................................ ... 61 6.7 B asks for a favor ................................ ................................ ................................ 62 6.8 S compares glasses ................................ ................................ ........................... 64 6.9 S compares skirts ................................ ................................ ............................... 65 6.10 S lowers price ................................ ................................ ................................ ..... 66 6.11 S adds gift ................................ ................................ ................................ .......... 67 6.12 S explains price ................................ ................................ ................................ .. 68 6.13 S approves size ................................ ................................ ................................ .. 69 6.14 S compliments appearance ................................ ................................ ................ 69
7 LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS B Buyer in a given interaction. CFA CommunautÃ© FinanciÃ¨re Africaine (African Financial Community) . African countries guaranteed by the French treasury. HLM Habitations Ã Loyer ModÃ©rÃ© (Affordable Rent Housing). Neighborhood and location of the large fabric market MarchÃ© HLM. Always abbreviated. S Seller in a given interaction. SPEAKING Attributes of a speech event a s defined by Hymes (1986/2009): setting, participants, ends, act seq uence, key, instrumentalities, n orms, and genre.
8 Abstract of Thesis Presented to the Graduate School of the University of Florida in Partial Fulfillment of the R equirements for the Degree of Master of Arts LOO FEY? : A LINGUISTIC ETHNOGRAPHY OF BARGAINING IN THE DAKAR MARKETPLACE By Claire Harter May 2015 Chair: Fiona Mc Laughlin Member : Diana Boxer Major: Linguistics The study here presents an ethnography of bargaining in the markets of Dakar, Senegal. Linguistic data collected in summer 2014 serves as a basis for a discussion of the structure of the bargaining sequence in the Dakar marketplace. The paper looks at the idea of genre, using communicative purpose and sequential stages to delineate the bargaining genre and speech event in the Senegalese context . Further, the study examines specific barga ining strategies in the Dakar market context that are used by both cons umer and shopkeeper from the perspective of power negotiation. I posit here that interactants use bargaining strategies, from either a position of superiority or of subordination, in order to gain the advantage in the specific bargaining speech event. This paper seeks to discuss and analyze recorded data and, subsequently, to make several theo retical suppositions about pragmatic competence of language users in the marketplace. These goals are the driving force of the study throughout.
9 CHAPTER 1 INTRODUCTI ON EH METRE HUIT CENT LA BOO JÃ‹L HUIT CENT LA BOO JÃ‹L eight hundred, any one you take is eight hundred, any one you take!) cries the seller from his street side stand in the market that is piled high with beautiful fabrics of all colors an d styles, each several meters long and billowing in the wind as potential customers unfold and examine them. The seller is one among thousands currently negotiating for sales in MarchÃ© HLM, located in Dakar, Senegal, the westernmost city on the African mai nland . Ah! Rafet na, Loo fey? Bii bu nice Bii motif bu bees la tey ji la waac tha t just arrived today.) The seller speaks with a smooth, easy rhythm, coming around Huit cent la, reminds Huit cent, TÃ©emeer rekk, lan nga wax ? Just five hundred, what did you say?) Thus another bargaining sequence begins in MarchÃ© HLM, as heralded by the two different prices suggested by seller and buyer respectively. Thousands of such sequences occur every day in markets across Dakar , where bargaining is a fundamental part of marketplace discourse. While in the United States negotiation is mostly limited to ' big ticket items' such as houses and cars, in Senegal bargaining for clothes, food, toiletries, transportation and other commodities is a common speech event and one that is important to the communal culture. Within Dakar, there are only a
10 few contexts in which it is inappropriate to bargain (restaurants and malls, for example); everywhere else, residents of Dakar negotiate on products and services. Prices are flexible, and waxaale (bargaining) is an expected speech event; the dress a seller sold to another woman five minutes ago for ten thousand CFA francs ($20) might be yours right now for five thousand francs ($10) 1 . Buyer and seller mutually agree upon the price at the time of purchase. The word waxaale, composed of the verb wax 'speak' plus the verbal extension aale indicating a secondary action performed along with another activity (where the secondary action is speaking), itself indicates the complexity of the Dakarois bargaining process. Waxaale is a highly involved linguis tic and social process composed of multiple speech acts within the speech event (cf. Hymes 1974), where the power play begins as soon as the participants greet each other. This study focuses on the waxaale genre itself as well as requirements for competenc e in the genre. Competence includes the use of various bargaining strategies; both buyers and sellers must use these strategies in the marketplace to reach a mutually acceptable price while conforming to cultural expectations and socially constructed norms . The study aims to define the boundaries and expectations of the bargaining genre as it relates specifically to the Dakar marketplace. is continually created, negotiate d, and redefined in concrete acts between persons who 1 At the time that I performed my fieldwork in May 2014, the conversion rate between the Africa n Financial Community (CFA) franc used in Sen egal and the US dollar was approximately 500 francs to the dollar . A fixed rate is maintained between the CFA franc and the euro; thus the rate of the CFA franc fluctuates depending on the status of the euro.
11 language as a social behavior becomes clear when examining waxaale in the discourse of the Dakar markets. Ther e is a vital relationship between Senegalese culture and the specific bargaining techniques performed in the Dakar marketplace. I argue here that both buyer and seller strategies as analyzed here center around bargaining power: both holding and relinquishi ng it in order to reach the desired outcome. The initial r esearch question in this study wa s the following: how do the two participants in a bargaining sequence, buyer and seller, use discourse strategies to reach their goals in the Dakar marketplace? Dis course strategies are used to demonstrate pragmatic competence and successfully participate in marketplace interactions. As part of answering this question, there were several aspects of the data to consider: first, I had to define these goals; second, I i nspect ed and categorized the multiple discourse strategies of interactants in the market, looking at linguistic and discursive features of the strategies via modified conversation analysis t ranscription. Throughout my discussions, I examine how the goals a nd the strategies are productively embedded in cultural and social context and how both can be explained within the specific context of Dakar's social, historical and linguistic environment. Looking at relevant marketplace data helps to illuminate these fa cets of the question as well as to answer the research question. The rest of the paper is organized as follows: Chapter 2 will provide a detailed background of the salient sociocultural and sociolinguistic facts about urban Senegal. Chapter 3 will discuss the specific methodology employed in this study for data collection and analysis. Chapter 4 will look back at previous literature that will prove relevant to the discussion of strategies in the Dakar marketplace. Following this
12 introduction to the material and its context, Chapter 5 will discuss the anatomy of the bargaining sequence and the w axaale speech event as a whole . Next, Chapter 6 will talk about the overarching goals of the bargaining transaction and provide the crucial investigation into strategies used by interactants in Dakar markets. Finally, Chapter 7 will conclude with some refl ections on the present research, what we can learn from it, and what we can do with it in the future.
13 CHAPTER 2 SOCIOLINGUISTIC BACKGROUND Linguistic Dakar is a city of approximately 3,026,000 people, according to the most recent national census (ANSD , populous city in Senegal and growing rapidly due to immigration primarily from rural areas as well as from other countries including Guinea and Mali. In this section, I will discuss some of the relevant linguistic information about Dakar and the primary Senegalese language (Wolof) as it is used there. Although my focus in the present research is not on the language of Dakar itself, the discussion of the language used in the Dakar marketplace is vital to contextualizing future chapters about the bargaining genre and strategies used in the bargaining process. Although there are numerous national languages (defined as any Senegalese to the official language, French (Senegalese Constitution, Art. 1), the country has long been undergoing 'Wolofization' ( Wioland & Calvet , 1967 ), an unofficial trend in language use as opposed to a lang uage policy. Senegal as a whole has seen movement away from usage of other national languages such as Pulaar or Sereer in favor of Wolof, and from rural varieties of Wolof in favor of urban varieties (McLaughlin , 2008). Immigrants to Dakar from rural areas and other countries must learn to speak Urban Wolof or risk exclusion on both linguistic and social levels. The primary language found in these data is thus Urban Wolof. Within this context of multilingualism in which almost every non native Wolofophone speaks two or more languages by necessit y (their own mother tongue,
14 generally another West African language such as Seereer or Pulaar, as well as Wolof), the waxaale data this research examines is sociolinguistically rich. Part of that richness comes from the fact that Urban Wolof incorporates b oth a colonial and an African language , embedding French lexical items in a Wolof grammar, though in my data there are some exceptions and changes to that pattern that I will not discuss in depth in this paper, as it is beyond the scope of th e present rese arch. In general, prices, colors and kinship terms tend to be in French. An example of Urban Wolof as incorporating both Fr ench and Wolof is shown in Excerpt 2. 1 below from MarchÃ© Sandaga (French represented in italics, Wolof in bold italics, English trans lation in plain text): 1 Excerpt 2. 1 Example of Urban Wolof 1 Buyer mm (1.3) waa mais (.) veste bi wÃ Ã±Ã±i ko ? mm (1.3) yeah but lower the price of the jacket 2 Seller veste bi ak j upe bi ? graawul mÃ«n na nekk quinze mille the jacket and the skirt? no problem , it can be fifteen thousand 3 Buyer non non j yow key wÃ Ã±Ã±i ko ba leegi ? no no I you haven't reduced the price yet The integration of the two languages into the Urban Wolof code is frequent and unmarked. Urban Wolof both reflects and affects urban identity in Dakar (McLaughlin 2001), and the use of this code in the marketplace is unmarked and therefore unexceptional. My investigation here, however, will not look at how French and Wolof ibid, p. 160), but rather will be restricted to an analysis of the discourse strategies within the code. 1 Jeffersonian notation, used for all transcription in this paper, is based on Standard English speech. As such, rising intonation as indicated by question marks may not indicate a question (e.g. lines 1 and 3 in this excerpt) and some questions actually en d in a period due to falling intonation. Though I do not discuss intonation in this paper, it is important to note that Senegalese intonation for interrogatives, declaratives and other types of statements can be quite different from Standard English intona tion. See Rialland & Robert (2001) for detailed discussion of intonation in Wolof.
15 The relationshi p between specific speech acts, such as accu sations and depreciative jokes, and power is disc ussed extensively by Meyer ( 2008, 2010). As we will see in the marketplace discourse, linguistic play and performance are valid ways to gain power in Wo lof conversation. B oth deprecation of the listener as well as self Se negalese village rather than a large urban center as mine does, his findings are useful for a discussion of the relationship between culture and discourse in the strat egic acquisition of power in Senegalese discourse. Sociocultural In addition to the above linguistic information, the following facts about Senegalese culture and society serve to contextualize the study. Given the emphasis in the present research on the importance of cultural context, the discussion of cultural norms and expectations is crucial. This section discusses the salient cultural background of Dakar, Senegal, including a brief discussion of waxaale in Senegal; ideas on personal relationships and social networks, substantial discourse, and the exchange of favors; and finally, the role of religion in Senegalese society. All of these cultural aspects will prove relevant to the discussion of the bargaining genre. Waxaale is a traditional and recogniz able activity in the Senegalese marketplace. MarchÃ© Kermel, one of the oldest markets in Dakar, reaches back to colonial times, and many rural markets go back further. Along with being an age old tradition, bargaining is also an activity that draws thousan ds of people to interact throughout the day. In paying) shops , along with more unofficial outlets such as itinerant
16 merchants laden with yoke like contraptions, m akeshift stalls throughout the marketplace, and blankets piled high with jewelry or shoes next to the road. The market is an important social space as well as business center. As Meyer discusses, the e individuals convene not only to participate in economic transactions but also to meet with and make acquaintances. Bargaining is an important event in Senegalese society because it serves as a catalyst for social interaction in addition to being a facili tator of financial transactions. I will define the specific parameters of the bargaining, or waxaale , genre in Chapter 5. Kinship and interpersonal relationships play a large role in Senegalese culture, which indicates in part the non economic purposes of bargaining discussed above. A well ), which expresses the highly communal nature of Senegalese society. This proverb points at the emphasis in Senegalese society on maintaining relationships with family members and friends; it points to the importance of social interaction and one of the reasons why marketplace bargaining is so prevalent in Senegal. As a sociocultural value, community is one of the most important, and even relaxa tion in Senegal is often performed in a group, such as drinking ataaya (Senegalese tea) in the afternoon or sitting on the porch to while the evening away. Kinship and relationships among family members and friends is a vital concept in Senegalese culture . The Wolof word mbokk , bokk indicating the Senegalese idea of kin as sharing ancestors or common parentage. Although I do not discuss these in depth in Chapter 6 when looking at bargaining strategies in the marketplace , it is worth mentioning here that kinship terms (almost
17 always in French, as mentioned above) are commonly found in marketplace discourse, as in the following excerpts from HLM and Sandaga markets r espectively: Excerpt 2. 2 S uses kinship term Seller maman loo bÃ«gg? mother , what do you want? Excerpt 2. 3 B uses kinship term Buyer tonton nak waxal uncle , what do you say? Well formed and substantial discourse is also an important aspect of Senegalese society. In traditional Senegalese cultures including both Wolof and Jola, the ability to speak skillfully and meaningfully is important, employing ideophones and metaphors as relevant when narrating a story or describing an event (Moreau , 19 98). However, while it is important to speak well, it is also important not to speak too much, as Sosseh points wax [speech making] occurs in quantity in any gathering, it is bound to disrupt the peace, o r lead to a misunderstanding 1987, p. 21). As part of the bargaining process, speech making should be limited and purposeful, as attested in my data. This idea becomes important in my discussion of the bargaining genre and compete nce in the use of bargaining strategies. Another element of Senegalese social interaction is that of exchanging favors. Since several of the cultural bargaining strategies focus on favors, this phenomenon in Senegal is important to understand. Given the so cial hierarchy in Senegal, the relationships among members of society are complex. In the traditional caste system, l ower members defer to higher members and, as a result, may receive favors (often
18 material). As Irvine mentions in her disc ussion of Wolof g reetings , mutual obligation implies prestige, respect, and political power, it also implies the obligation to contribute to the support of low status persons. Thus high rank means a financial burden, while 1989, p. 175). Whereas traditionally in Wolof society caste has been an important determiner of social order, however, bargaining sequences in the Dakar market do not refer ove rtly to this kind of hierarchical sociolinguistic strategies referring back to this historical importance of exchanging favors (which I will discuss in Chapter 6) a re employed to shift the bargaining power in one direction or the other. Finally, religion is a fundamental aspect of Senegalese culture that cannot be overlooked in a review of the cultural context of the bargaining genre. Islam has been an embedded par t of the culture since the eleventh century, and Christianity was introduced in the seventeenth century (Diouf , 2001); currently, the population is about 94% Muslim, 5% Christian (mostly Roman Catholic), and 1% indigenous beliefs (CIA 2014 ) . According to a recent study performed by the Pew Forum on Religion & Public Life (2010), surveyed population (n=1000) stating that religion is very important in their lives 2 . This statistic is an impo rtant one because it highlights the central role of religion in Senegalese culture. Religion is apparent in various aspects of the linguistic landscape of Dakar, such as in graffiti and bumper stickers, as well as in verbal discussions. As 2 in your life very important, somewhat important, not too importa
19 McLaughlin & Vil la communication au sein de la sphÃ¨re publique sÃ©nÃ©galaise (Religion permeates all aspects of communication at the heart of the Senegalese and in particula r, the Wolof public sphere). An example of this prevalence in the public sphere includes overt statements of religiosity (in this case, references to both Yalla (Allah) and SÃ© riÃ± Fallu (Serigne Fallou, a leader of the Mouride movement) in the marketplace , such as in the following excerpt : Excerpt 2. 4 Reference to religious figure 1 Buyer affa ire bi des Ya lla na barakeel may the rest of your merchandise be blessed 2 barke SÃ© riÃ± Fallu by the grace of Serigne Fallou 3 Seller amiin waay Ã±ungi waaj al mÃ ggal SÃ© riÃ± Fallu a men . we are preparing for the religious celebration of Serigne Fallou 4 < Ã±un luÃ±u am > SÃ© riÃ± Fallu tax whatever we have is thanks to Serigne Fallou 5 Buyer > jaajÃ«fati jaaj Ã«f < thanks again , thanks This example shows religion used as part of a parting ritual in the marketplace. Religion also plays an important role in cultural strategies used in the marketplace, as I will discuss in Chapter 6.
20 CHAPTER 3 METHODOLOGY When transcribing t he data I used a modified conversation analysis method with Jeffersonian conventions (s ee Appendix A ). With this method I made sure to include all pauses, both brief and long, in the transcription, along with intonation and speed. I marked all pauses as ei nearest 0.5 seconds; thus a pause of 0.3 seconds is indicated as (0.5), a pause of 1.7 seconds as (1.5), and so on. I chose to use these indications because while silence is not insignificant in the corpus, it is not my primary focus in the present research. I decided instead to concentrate on transcribing the linguistic and paralinguistic information such as intonation, which in Urban Wolof is markedly different than in Standard American English (as mentioned in Chapter 2), rather than for timing pauses to the exact tenth of a second. The data here are drawn from a corpus of audio recordings that I made in May 2014 while doing research in Dakar, Senegal for two weeks. I originally recorded 2 hours and 36 minutes of data in three markets, but only transcribed and analyzed 2 hours and 5 minutes due to quality issues (inaudibility or prolonged silence) with the remaining 31 minutes. Within these data, I counted 15 complete bargaining sequences 1 , as I will define in Chapter 5 in my delineation of the barga ining genre , along with multiple incomplete sequences, occurring between 12 total s ellers and 19 total bu yers. The interactions are primarily in Urban Wolof and, on a few marked occasions, 1 Sequences in which interactants complete d all stages, even when the transaction was unsuccessful, count ed ed conversely, were instances when interactants skip ped stages of the bargaining genre, such as when the buyer inquired about an item then moved on without engaging in waxaale . The stages of the genre will be defined and discussed in depth in Chapter 5.
21 Senegalese French. The data c omprise interactions between buyer and seller, which often include utterances by interactants not involved in a given transaction such as other customers and bystanders, along with two ethnographic interviews with shop owners: one in Urban Wolof, one in Senegalese French . I had a Senegalese research assistant who spoke fluent Urban Wolof as well as French and who accompanied me on my data collec tion travels to help explain the purpose of my recordings to and facilitate research with the buyers and sellers. Within the parameters of the specific markets, the selection of a particular individual for a recording was essentially random. We required co nsent from the participants to record their transactions, so if the buyer or seller did not agree to be recorded, I had to wait for another opportunity with other participants. We used audio rather than written consent, as previously arranged according to study guidelines 2 . When participants did not agree, The recordings were performed either by myself or by my research assistant with a Sony Linear PCM M10 digital recorder while standing or sitting as clo se to the actual interaction as possible without disturbing the interactants. Part of the quality issues with the 31 minutes not analyzed in t his paper involved a trial and error period during which we held the recorder too far away from the participants of the bargaining sequence, not wanting to intrude on or affect the interaction. For the most part, however, given that there are multiple cust omers at any given time in any given shop or at any given stall, 2 This study was carried out as a Re search Tutorial Abroad with Dr. Fiona McLaughlin as Principal Center for International Business Education and Research of the Warrington College of Business Admin istration .
22 we found that the buyers were not ov erly bothered by our presence. S ince bargaining is sequences without issue when the sellers allowed us to remain in their shops. There were (and are) numerous markets in Dakar, and thus numerous possibilities for field sites. I chose to focus on a few specific well known markets which contain hundreds of shops and receive thousa nds of visitors every day of the week, my goal being to capture as much variation in bargaining sequences as possible. 1 hour 9 minutes (55.2%) of the data comes from MarchÃ© Sandaga, 43 minutes (34.4%) of the data comes from MarchÃ© TilÃ¨ne, and 13 minutes ( 10.4%) of the data comes from MarchÃ© HLM. MarchÃ© Sandaga is an immense market in the Plateau district of Dakar that houses the Fabrique Artisanale (Artisanal Warehouse) along with thousands of stalls and shop s of all kinds; MarchÃ© TilÃ¨ne is nearby and is b est known for its food options, though it has numerous shops of other types. MarchÃ© HLM is the most renowned fabric market in the city and is located in the district of Grand Dakar. All three markets have enclosed shops , street sellers and marchands ambula nts ( itinerant merchants ). During the course of data collection, I attempted to record transactions primarily inside shops in order to avoid as much background noise as possible. The recordings are, however, by no means restricted to the shop environment: I recorded transactions as the opportunity arose, whether the seller's location was inside an established shop or on the ground next to a major road, or somewhere in between. The amount of time (including both complete and incomplete bargaining sequences) broken down into interactants by gender is as follows: 81 minutes (64.8%) male seller/female buyer, 28 minutes (22.4%) female seller/male buyer, 13 minutes
23 (10.4%) female seller/female buyer, 3 minutes (2.4%) male seller/male buyer, in addition to ethnogr aphic interviews with two independent male vendors. As can be seen, there is a paucity of female vendors in the corpus, even though on several days we set out specifically searching to augment that aspect of the data; there are only 2 female sellers in my corpus in comparison to 9 male sellers. I do not therefore look at gender in this study as it relates to bargaining strategies in the Dakar marketplace. By way of explanation for the lack of data from female sellers, the well known (both in Sen egal and elsewhere) Les femmes sont compliquÃ©es are complicated), provided by my Senegalese research assistant, will have to suffice. I discovered that, in general, male vendors were more willing to be recorded while female vendors were more suspicious of my motives. For example, at one point in MarchÃ© Sandaga I approached a female seller to ask if I could record transactions at her stall; she reluctantly agreed after several minutes of detailed discussion about my graduate research, only for me to be placed off to the side where I could hardly hear the transactions at all. This experience, though there were exceptions, was generally the case more with women than with men. In general, more women than men (vendors) told seller to record.
24 CHAPTER 4 THEORETICAL BACKGROUND One of the most important theoretical concepts in the present research is the definition of genre as it pertains to the marketplace. There exist various definitions of the Bhatia , 1993; Biber , 2012; Rose , 2012 ; Tardy , 2013 ), an d each of these definitions is useful in different ways. For the purposes of this paper, however, I adopt 2012, p. 255); a given genre is therefore designated by its communicat ive purposes and specific ( 1986/ 2009, p. 587). In the context of the specific category of bargaining in the marketplace case bargaining in the broader Seneg alese context , such as haggling over the price of a car . The theoretical approach to this study is the ethnograp hy of communication, that is, the application of ethnographic methods to the communication patt erns of a group (Golombek , 2015 ). the ethnography of speaking, including his SPEAKING grid, is crucial in the discussion of the bargaining genre. Dakar marketplace is a textbook example of this term and I wil l be using it to refer to the setting in which the bargaining speech event takes place. An individual belongs to multiple communities of practice, and the identity that is relevant depends on the activity in which he is engaged (Wardhaugh , 2 006 ). For examp le, one person may be a student
25 engagement among the participants, a joint negotia ted enterprise, and a shared , 2009, p. 700). To ugh , 2006, p. 127). These definitions are useful for a discussion about bargaining in Dakar, as they circumscribe the speech event and specify the setting and participants of the event. As mentioned in Chapter 1, numerous sociological and sociolinguistic s tudies investigate the bargaining phenomenon in field sites all over the world including rural Mexico (Beals , 1975), urban Syria (Rabo , 2005), and countries all over Africa such as Cameroon (Connell , 2009) and Kenya (Rono , 2001). While some of these studies look at sociolinguistic concepts such as linguistic performance and language attitudes in relation to buyer seller interactions ( Little , 2002; Ogunsiji , 2001), the majority of them do not look at strategies from a discou rse analysis perspective. Rather, the researchers look at bargaining strategies from a quantitative rather than qualitative perspective; for example, Sosseh's (1987) doctoral dissertation is a quantitative study with similar data to the present research, l present research. A nota ble exception to the quantitative approach in mark paper on Moroccan bargaining interactions, in which he uses speech act theory to
26 because this res earch aims to do the same kind of discourse analytic work to look at Dakarois bargaining on the speech act and speech event level while taking cultural context into account. Ultimately, Chakrani concludes that cultural context is crucial to speech act anal 2007, p. 50). Although I do not carry out a formal speech act analysis in the present thesis as Chakrani does in his research , I do take a similar stance in stating that cultural context is an important element of understanding the bargaining genre and strategies used by buyers and sellers in the marketplace. This study takes an ethnography of communication approach to data collection and analysis, an approach that means, at its core, that awa reness of the social context surrounding the discourse is crucial. Cultural context is highly relevant here, particularly given that it is a primary factor in the ethnography of co mmunication approach (Schiffrin, 1994, p. 137; Hymes , 1974). For this reason I have discussed the sociolinguistic background of the Dakar marke tplace in Chapter 2. Blommaert states that studying the identical, the way in which they get inse rted in social actions may differ significant and, consequently, there may be huge difference in what these [...] forms do ( 2005, p. 71). Senegalese cultural norms (such as the importance of family or the formalism of obligation) shed li ght on the bargaining interactions, and must therefore be included as part of the research. Since ideas of constructing power and mutual obligation are important in this context, I consider as salient the discussions of Meyer (2010) and Dia (2011), among o thers, on discourse and power relations in the Senegalese context.
27 To discuss the discourse strategies of buyers in the Dakar marketplace, an motivation for variou s strategies used by both buyer and seller in the Dakar discussion of power as used in the Dakar marketplace. For the purposes of this study l definition of power from his work on bargaining theory, where he states [the gap between the minimum p rice the seller will take for the object/service and the 2000, linguistic exchange as negotiation of symbolic power is also useful here, as the discourse of the marketplace here can be viewed not only as negotiation of products but also negotiation of power through language. A number of researchers have looked at soc iolinguistic data in Dakar ( McLaughlin , 2001 , on Urban/Dakar Wolof; Dreyfus & Juil lard, 2004 , on multilingualism; V ersluys, 2010 , on languages and identity in Senegal). Each of these authors looks at language and social identity in Dakar in different contexts. What I see here is a gap in domains examined: while these researchers have looked thoroughly at language use i n the urban Senegalese setting, they have not yet scrutinized marketplace discourse. Meyer (2010) looks at conversational organization and culture in Wolof social space. I use these works in the present study to discuss Senegalese culture and how the strat egies of bargaining in the Dakar marketplace fit into the cultural framework.
28 Bargaining as a social and linguistic activity has a basic structure in which certain linguistic and discursive forms index certain social forms ( Ochs , 1996, p. 406), though of c ourse the exact content of the speech event can vary depending on the individual interaction at hand. The goal here is to find out the relationship between the linguistic form and the social form as it pertains to the Dakar marketplace specifically, and wh at these linguistic forms are doing for the speaker in terms of negotiation and practical outcomes. While it focuses primary on language choice in the mar ketplace, Alo & Soneye's article is useful to this study in that it discusses some of the linguistic s tructure of the bargaining process in the urban African context. Although their article is useful in this respect, however, their view of the social purpose of bargaining needs to be addressed, given the altogether different position I take here. Alo & Son eye view the 2014, p. 43). While the economic relationship is important and will be my prima ry focus in Chapter 6 on bargaining strategies, there is much more to the relationship than this; there are also cultural constraints involved in the bargaining process that make it more than simply a monetary transaction. I will discuss the goals of and c onstraints on the bargaining genre further in Chapter 5. A last conceptual framework that is useful for the present research and particularly to the discussion in Chapt g the course of a social interaction, interlocutors align 1981, p. 128). In the discussion of discourse
29 strategies in the Dakar mark etplace, footing is relevant because it points to the way in which the interaction is framed (i.e. as a bar gaining sequence). Meyer points out that power, but also in re gard to other dimensions such as identity, loyalties, personality, world 2010, p. 188). This concept of positioning and re positioning within a single transaction will become particularly importan t in the discussion of the bargaining genre. My hypothesis going into the study is that there is an important relationship between certain speech acts ( such as complaints and humorous self denigration ) as part of both buyer and seller strategies in the marketplace, and the ultimate purpose of the transaction, which is both economic and social in nature. I will focus in the following two chapters (5 and 6) on the goal of waxaale transactions as economic and its constraints as cultural, and strategies within the bargaining sequence as including both economic and cultural elements. As I have mentioned and will discuss further in future chapters, the cultural context of the Dakar marketplace is crucial to un derstanding the full significance of waxaale .
30 CHAPTER 5 THE BARGAINING GENRE AND SPEECH EVENT Give n the preceding theoretical and sociolinguistic background, we can dive now into an investigation of the bargaining genre as it takes place in the Dakar marketplace community of practice. Before looking at this specific speech event , however, there is an important question to be addressed, as different authors appear to have different answers for it (as I discussed briefly in Chapter 4): what is genre ? For the purposes of the present research, I will use the definition provided by Koester and Handford of genre as oriente definition of the ( 1986/2009, p. 587). T hese two terms are very similar , but it is important to distinguish between them for the purposes of this paper: here, when referring to the aspects that Hymes discusses in his SPEAKIN[G] grid (i.e. setting, participants, goals, act sequence, key, instrumentalities, and norms). While Hymes also has a conceptualization of genre within his discussion of speech events, I wil l leave this overlap in terminology aside and focus SPEAKING grid as a useful means of defining the bargaining situation. Because of the way in which Hymes discusses the idea here between a specific speech event that has recognizable features including the setting and participants as discussed by Hymes (1986/200 genre genre encompasses all speech events that share the same communicative purposes
31 and stages as discussed by Koester and Handford (2012); I will di scuss the communicative purpose(s) and stages of bargaining in detail in this chapter. As Bax ideals, 2011, p. 60, emphasis by Bax). they describe waxaale in its ideal (that is, theoretical) form, and can from there be used to talk about and analyze actual instances of the genre from real data as recorded in the Dakar marketplace. The Speech Event mnemonic SPEAKIN[G] to describe the components, represented by the mnemonic acronym SPE AKING: s etting/scene, p articipants, e nds (goals), a ct sequence, k ey (tone), i nstrumentalities, n orms, and g enre ( 1986/2009, p. 596). These eight aspects of the speech event are vital to the ethnography of communication approach, and I will explore the firs t seven of them here Setting and scene , often used interchangeably in English speech, refer to two different aspects of the speech event theory: setting refers to the time and 1986/2009, p. 591). The setting of bargaining in this discussi on is the marketplace in Dakar such as MarchÃ© HLM or Sandaga, two field sites I used for my corpus. The scene is the cultural context, in which
32 b oth vendo rs and customers have a mutual and, crucially, unspoken understanding of the haggling procedure. Par ticipants place . Within the event, a one on one interaction between the seller and the buyer, participants take turns as speaker/addressor and hearer/addressee respectively. As because both buyer and seller position themselves as such in the bargaining process by using the terminology of the marketplace to show where they stand with regard to the addressee. The ends , or goals, of the speech event are for both participants to get a fair price but also to establish equ itable social relations ; that is, the goal for the buyer is not t cheat the bu yer and risk losing that buyer as a custom er forever. While the over arching community goal is for customer and vendor to meet in the middle on price as well as to walk away on good terms, the participants each have a specific idea of what a fair price should be. T hus diplomacy is required on both sides, even as both intera ctants in a given transaction strive for economic gain. Hymes differentiates between individual goals ( p. 592) and community outcomes ( p. 593), a relevant distinction here. The act sequence of bargaining in the Dakar marketplace follows a predictable patt ern. I will go into much more detail about this pattern in the next section of this
33 (2012) discussion suggests. I will also provide excerpts as examples of each of th ese stages. Alo & Soneye auction) and shop transaction namely: 1) salutation, 2) enquiry, 3) investigation, 4) bargaining, 5) 2014, p. 45). In fact, I find a more useful breakdown of the sequence to be the one I will enumerate in the following paragraph, as it is most commonly attested in altogether. I will explain some of the reasoning behind this omission later in this chapter. Although Irvine 1989, p. 168), it seems that in truth, the gr eeting is frequently excluded in the marketplace encounter. The linguistic Chapter 6, such as the bargaining strategies employed by buyers and sellers. The first requir ed step in the encounter according to the present research is the investigation of a specific object of interest by the buyer. Subsequently, bargaining over the object in question begins. The bargaining stage can actually be broken down into two parts, whi ch may occur multiple times before the end of the stage: the offer for an item and the discussion of the object or price; that is, the strategies and reasoning used to change the offer. Within the bargaining stage, then, the two interactants suggest prices and use bargaining strategies until a mutually agreeable price is reached. There may or may not be parting words as part of the conclusion (i.e. the conclusion may be vocal or silent as the customer moves on from the transaction). There are thus four mand atory stages according to my study.
34 The key p. 593). As Hymes states, an act can be identical in terms of participants, message form, and other aspects, but differ in key. Certainly in the case of bargaining, key varies based on the relationship between the participants and on the specific bargaining situation itself. The buyer and seller may, by turns, vary in their stylistic strategies, using a playful or serious man ner, or a certain tone of voice, to get the desired outcome to the speech event. Unlike the other aspects of a speech event, key can vary by individual interaction even when the two interactions are categorized as belonging to the same speech event such as waxaale. The channel and forms of speech employed for bargaining, referred to in the mnemonic as instrumentalities (Wardhaugh , 2006, p. 248), are relatively consistent in the context of the Dakar markets with regard to language and language variety . Barg aining in the marketplace always occurs orally and face to face, as expected in a highly oral society such as Senegal, and most frequently occurs in Urban Wolof, a hybrid language composed of Wolof with French mixed in. Wolof is the majority native languag e in Dakar, and French is the former colonial language, used frequently for kinship terms (as discussed in Chapter 2) and for prices in the marketplace in most instances , as in the following example: Excerpt 5 . 1 French used for prices 1 Buyer: huit cent de laa am (2.0) mais yow doma jaay lii I have eight hundred 2 ((background conversation, seller+other; 11.5)) 3 Buyer: < mille francs > Ã§a baaxul. (0.5) mille francs laa am a I have a thousand francs
35 In 5.1 we see that the French numbers are embedded in the Wolof grammar, as mille francs [F] laa am whole and of my observations of the Dakar marketplace; there were several different interactants who used Wolof numbers, both male and female, but each of these instances was marked. I do not pursue the meaning of the use of Wolof rather than French for numbers in this paper since they are few and far between, but note only that their usage is much more narrow. McLaughlin observes that low and round numbers are more likely to be in Wolof, so that 30 would be more likely to appear in Wolof than 15, 742, for example (personal communication, February 8, 2015). The nor ms properties that at tach to speaking and also to how these may be viewed by someone 2006, p. 248). Given my position as a short term visitor to Senegal with only six mont hs of experience ther e , I do not feel equipped to differentiate the norms of the bargaining situation from the norms of other linguistic interactions; however, further research as the b argaining speech event that are unique from other events in the Seneg alese cultural context. Steiner, who spent extensive time in Dakar performing research for his alternate i 1994, p. 72).
36 All of these norms can also be viewed as c that require experien ce in the marketplace. Hymes makes it clear that norms are important for successful participation in the bargaining speech event. As I will discuss at the end of this chapter, the ability to participate in a speech event without breaking any unspoken rules is an important part of communicative competence, whic h indicates whether someone understands th e genre within context or not. Communicative Purposes Now that we have looked thoroughly at the speech event of bargaining in the Wh here for because it gives us a wider perspective on the bargaining speech event. First, I will discuss the communicative purposes of the bargaining genre, and in the next section I will go through the specific sequence of spee ch acts, or stages, required to qualify as an instantiation of the genre. As mentioned previously, the overall purpose of the transaction as compared to goals for each individual in the bargaining ge nre may be different. In this case, the overarching purpose of waxaale is to create the price of the item through linguistic acts. determined by the interaction betw een a specific buyer and seller at a particular time in a particular place. Aside from this abstract purpose of the genre there is also the goal
37 on the part of participants to gain bargaining power and ultimately make a solid sale or purchase while adherin g to social norms and retaining good interpersonal relations. As Koester and Handford genre they see themselves 2012, p. 257). In other words, evidence of individual goals in these transactions must come from the data where participants show either through the performance of the act sequence or through othe Gumperz 1992) that t hey define themselves as participants in the bargaining genre. For example, several buyers in the corpus, before beginning to bargain, refer overtly to the bargaining process: Excerpt 5. 2 Reference to 1 Buyer: bÃ«gguma la bÃ«gguma kii ko forcer (.) leegi naÃ±u waxaale I don't want you to force it. now we bargain 2 (3.4) 3 leegi (.) veste bi yaangi ma koy jaaye sept mille now, the vest, you are selling it to me for seven thousand This reference to the process itself is a clear cut example of a contextualization waxaale (line 1). The buyer also takes a specific stance here within the bargaining interaction, as discussed in ( you sell it to me ). This act of positioning is part of the idea of footing that Goffman (1981) discusses and that is c rucial to the bargaining genre. T he position that the interactants take through their speech delineates the role of each participant in the interaction. In this case and in others, we can see how the participant views herself in relation to other participants within the speech event based on such linguist ic cues.
38 As I have emphasized previously, both economic and social goals are important in this community of practice; however, economic goals are easier to pinpoint, as they are more concrete. Recall that Muthoo defines bargaining power as the given inter 2000, between the minimum price the seller will take for a given item in a given transaction and the maximum price the buyer will pay for the same item. The surplus gained by e is the monetary gain that sellers receive by selling an item at a higher price than the he monetary gain that the buyer receives by buying an item at a lower price than the highest price term in the context of the discussion of bargaining power, I pre fer not to use the terms buyer economic and cultural goals, and ess in the transaction. As a primary goal of the bargaining transaction for both buyer and seller in the Dakar marketplace, social advantage is also crucial to the bargaining genre. Due to the nature of the study, however, I was not able to triangulate th e exact ways in which the idea of interpersonal relations is important to the transaction (for example via further ethnographic interview); I can only say for certain that it is significant to the genre. Further, the importance of social interaction in Sen egalese society constrains the primary goal of gaining bargaining power. Buyers and sellers use specific types of strategies from certain positions in order to accomplish their goals within these social
39 constraints, and these strategies succeed in the Daka r marketplace where they might not succeed in another cultural context due to the nature of social norms in urban Senegal. The genre is also constrained in the sense that it follows a specific structure, as I will discuss in Chapter 6. Structure of the Ba rgaining Sequence In this section, I will first give two different complete bargaining sequences, investigation, 2) offer(s), 3) discussion, and 4) conclusion. To begin thi s discussion, I will first identify and descr ibe each stage in turn, noting that the bargaining genre as I discuss it here is specific to the Senegalese context; Orr (2007) gives a very different analysis of bargaining as genre in the traditional Chinese l ocal market , for example . The idea of genre is highly specific according to culture, which is why as I have discussed in various chapters the cultural and historical context of a given society is crucial to understanding a given genre and speech event. Aft er going over the stages of the Senegalese bargaining genre, I will then give an example from my corpus of a exchanged), using excerpts from the transcript to explain each of the stages along the way. Following this discussion, I will give another example from my corpus, this one different in multiple ways, including that the transaction ends in success (money and item(s) exchanged). Using these examples will help us to better und erstand and construct the operational definition of the bargaining genre. address the greeting, which is actually optional, and appears to be skipped most frequently when there is no official/physical entrance required such as when customers
40 are approaching an outside stall or stand versus entering a shop with a door. The apparently unnecessary nature of the greeting in the bargaining genr e contrasts with statement in he greeting is a necessary opening to every encounter, and can in fact be used as a 1989, p. 168). While in most Senegalese sociocultural contexts this st atement appears to be true, I argue that the lack of an overt fused into the first required stage (investigation). Given the structured nature of the bargaining seque nce, the inquiry about the product suffices to fulfill the social requirement of greeting as Irvine discusses it, thus suiting the constraints of the genre and orienting towards the goal of economic and social advantage. Moving on now we can discuss the f irst required stage, which is investigation of the product. This is the point of the transaction during which the customer looks at various possibilities and ultimately settles on a single object for waxaale . At the end of this stage, the idea is for the b oriented towards a specific object with the goal of entering into the bargainin g stages directly afterwards. The investigation stage looks much different in the Dakar marketplace than it might in, for ex ample, a flea market in the United States, in which a customer may pick up multiple items and ask the seller what each one costs before putting the item down and moving on. In Senegal, once a particular product is specified, buyer and seller expect to maintain focus on that product and move to the next sta ge. these two stages are important to the genre, both in terms of quantity and quality. It is
41 during the two bargaining st ages that buyer and seller begin the determination of the price that will ultimately be paid for the given item. While the other stages of the bargaining sequence are essential to the genre (i.e. they are the context that is socially and linguistically req uired for bargaining to take place), it is these steps that actually meet the communicative purposes of the bargaining genre: namely, to find a price that is agreeable to both customer and vendor. This bargaining stage is divided into two parts (arbitraril y ordered as second and third respect ively): offers and discussion. T he discussion comprises everything that is not a direct naming of price, thus it includes the bargaining strategies that I will discuss in Chapter 6 along with any other speech acts that give reasons why the price should be raised or lowered respectively. The fourth required stage, conclusion, is (as implied in the name) the end of the bargaining sequence. During this stage, the customer completes the bargaining stage and leaves the sho p whether they have made an exchange or not (depending on the success of the transaction). There may or may not be linguistic signaling by the buyer that she plans to depart. In the first example that follows, the buyer leaves the unsuccessful transaction without speaking, while in the second example, both parties make remarks to conclude the successful transaction . Now that we understand the four required stages of the bargaining sequence as well as the optional nature of greetings in the bargaining seque nce, I will return to the example at the very beginning of this thesis. The anecdote described there comes from the following excerpt, in which a female buyer and a male seller engage in a bargaining sequence over the price of several meters of fabric. Alt hough the transaction was ultimately unsuccessful, due to the apparently inflexible disparity between the two
42 a prime example of the genre. This excerpt comes from a recording in MarchÃ© HLM on main throughways of the market. The full transcript of the bargaining sequence, from start to finish, is below, followed by a complete analys is of its four stages: Excerpt 5. 3 Bargaining sequence 1 1 Buyer: ah! (.) rafet na ah this is pretty 2 Seller: loo fey? bii bu nice (.) dafa rafet how much will you pay ? this is nice , 3 (4.5) 4 bi i motif bu bees la tey ji la wac c (.) metre this is a new pattern, just arrived today. a meter 5 huit cent lay jaar (.) huit cent costs eight hundred eight hundred 6 Buyer: huit cent. tÃ©emeer? (.) tÃ©emeer rekk lan nga wax eight hundred. five hundred? just five hundred , what did you say ? 7 Seller: ahn? huh? 8 Buyer: tÃ©emeer rekk lan nga wax just five hundred , what did you say ? 9 Seller: tÃ©emÃ©er rekk? just five hundred? 10 Buyer: lan nga wax what did you say ? 11 Seller: huit cent tÃ©emÃ©er ak jurÃ³om benn fukk eight hundred , eight hundred 12 (2.5) 13 Seller: dÃ©ggoo olof (.) w dÃ©ggoo olof (.) dÃ© ggoo olof. you don't understand wolof (x3) 14 tÃ©emÃ©er ak jurÃ³om benn fukk. eight hundred. 15 (2.5) 16 Buyer: tÃ©emÃ©er ak Ã±aar fukk nak? how about six hundred? 17 Seller: tÃ©emÃ©er ak Ã±aar fukk dafa ndaw!
43 six hundred is really low! 18 >lii ma ko jÃ«nde Ã«pp na tÃ©emÃ©er ak Ã±aar fukk< I bought it for more than six hundred 19 Ã«pp na six cent? it was more than six hundred 21 >lii sax jaarul loolu< even this one costs more 22 sincÃ¨rement parler ma nala jaay tÃ©emÃ©er ak (0.7) jurÃ³om fukk speaking sincerely , I can sell it to you for seven hundred fifty 23 >tÃ©emÃ©er ak jurÃ³om fukk< man nala ko waÃ±Ã±i loolu seven hundred fifty , I can decrease it to that 24 Buyer: waa deux mille cinq cent laa yor dal= yeah I have twenty five hundred right now 25 Seller: =ahn? ( ) huh? 26 Buyer: deux mille cinq cent [laa yor I have twenty five hundred right now 27 Seller: [ahn? (.) ahn? huh? huh? 28 Buyer: deux mille cinq cent laa yor I have twenty five hundred right now 29 (2.0) 30 Seller: begg naa begg naa begg naa la def clian torop nak (1.0) hm? I want I want I want you to be my customer too hm? 31 (3.5) 32 yepp a nice (.) (foo jÃ«l dekk??) (.) ahn? (.) everything is nice ( ) huh? 33 will you not increase two hundred ? (1.0) 34 deux cent francs qui est diffÃ©rent avec vous avec (0.5) avec elle two hundred francs that is different with you with with her This bargaining sequence is not the model bargaining sequence by any means, but it is informative for our purposes in that it is a complete bargaining sequence that takes place betwe en a single buyer and seller in the marketplace, and it shows how all of the
44 As mentioned, I will go through the four stages of the bargaining genre chronologically. In order, the stages of this particular bargaining sequence are as follows: the investigation occurs from lines 1 5. The bargaining stages, both multiple offers and di scussion, occur in lines 6 33. The conclusion is silent on the part of the 34 signifies the failed end of the transaction for the seller as the buyer walks away to (presumably) We can see from Excerpt 5.3 Completion does not require the successful e xc hange of goods and money; rather, it requires the inclusion of all four stages as defined above, the most vital b eing the two bargaining stages as implied by the name of the genre. Although the greeting may be skipped over and fused linguistically into the investigation stage as I have discussed, o have taken place. In Excerpt 5.3 , the bargaining section is lengthy compared to the rest of the excerpt (here it compr ises two thirds of the transcription), which is relatively typical throughout my corpus and typical of the speech event, if not the genre 1 . To understand the essential nature of the bargaining stage, compare the seller and buyer agree on a price without the exchange of price offers or discussion (strategies or e xplanation) of those offers ( MarchÃ© Sandaga): 1 I only looked a t this particular speech event, namely waxaale in the Dakar marketplace, so I cannot say whether other types of bargaining in urban Senegal, such as bargaining for houses or cars, have a similar proportion of bargaining to investigation and conclus ion within a given transaction.
45 Excerpt 5. 4 Buying sequence 1 Buyer: un (.) deux (.) trois (.) q uatre (.) cinq (.) six (0.5) sept (1.0) one two three four five six seven 2 huit (0.5) neuf eight nine 3 (3.0) 4 Seller: dix anh? ten , right ? 5 Buyer: waaw yes 6 (4.5) 7 Buyer: dix mille cinq cent ten thousand five hundred 8 Seller: ahn? (0.5) dix mille [cinq cent waaw= huh? ten thousand five hundred , yes . 9 Buyer: [>dix mille cinq cent< ten thousand five hundred 10 Seller: =waaw yes There are several attested sequences similar to this one in my corpus, in which the stages of investigation and inquiry occur, but whether because the customer is agreeable to the price as is or because the customer has established a specific price for spe cific merchandise in a previous transaction, the bargaining stages do not occur and thus the sequence as a whole does not qualify as a member of the bargaining genre, although other aspects of the genre such as the investigation stage or the correct commun icative purpose may be present. As I will discuss in Chapter 6, strategies are an important part of the bargaining genre that do not belong to a single stage but that can in fact belong to any stages starting with investigation and ending with the conclus ion. We can see examples of ba rgaining strategies in Excerpt 5.3 in line 4, lines 17 19, and line 30, among others.
46 Finally, as we can see from line 34, the seller strategically discusses the difference in until it becomes clear that the buyer is no longer interested in his products (that is, until she has physically left the stall). Thus strategies are an important part of the genre but not tethered to a single stage. Contrasted with Excerpt 5.3 above is t he following s uc cessful transaction (Excerpt 5.5 ), recorded at the interior of a shop in MarchÃ© Sandaga on May 23, 2014 between a male seller and a female buyer. Note that this transaction is much longer than the one in Excerpt 5.3 , which is in la rge part because while Excerpt 5.3 was a failed transaction and the bargaining portion was only a few lines long, the bargaining section of the suc ce ssful transaction in Excerpt 5.5 below extends for much longer and goes from lines 7 to 73 and includes multiple bar gaining strategies, as I will discuss in Chapter 6. Given that the complete transcript is more than six pages long, I eliminated several short sets of dialogue here as indicated below lines 15, 31 , and 40 in order to focus on the four stages of the bargain ing sequence and its analysis. The complete sequence as originally transcribed can b e found in Appendix B. Excerpt 5. 5 Bargaining sequence 2 1 Buyer1 : bi rafet na de ( ). (0.5) bu gatt, bu gatt this one is pretty ( ). the short one, the short one 2 Seller: bu noir bi [ak bu marron bi t he black one and the brown one . 3 Buyer1 : [ waaw bu gatt bi rafet na yes the short one is pretty 4 Seller: waaw y es . 5 (2.5) 6 Buyer 2 : waaw (0.2) wax ma prix bu jaadu yow tamit y es . t ell me a fair price , come on! 7 Seller: Â°Ã±aata nga fayÂ° h ow much will you pay ?
47 8 Ã±aata nga fay (1.0) h ow much will you pay ? 9 Buyer 2 : Ã±aa : ri yi? for both ? 10 Seller: waaw y es . 11 Buyer 2 : benn quatre mille baax na? one for f our thousand is good? 12 Seller: ndaw na torop (.) ndaw na torop= t . 13 Buyer 2 : = benn quatre mille baaxul? one for f 14 (0.5) 15 Seller: waaw jÃ«lal bii bi bayyiko sept mille (0.5) bayyiko sept mille 16 doo ma waÃ±Ã±il rekk ? 17 Seller: waÃ±Ã±il naa la kay I have indeed lowered it 18 xam nga yow jupe bi nga jÃ«nd dÃ©mb yow rekk yaa ko am you know the skirt you bought yesterday , you are the only one who has it 19 Buyer 2 : man kesse . just me? 20 Seller: dama la ko dencaloon I had saved it for you 21 dama la ko dencaloon de (hhh) I had saved it for you 22 Buyer2 muy bu noir bi (.) boobu dafa rafet de this black one (.) this one is pretty 23 Seller: boobu dafa rafet (.) dama la ko dencaloon rekk this one is pretty I just had saved it for you 24 ma duggalal la ko ci mbuus, eh? should I put it in a plastic bag for you? 25 Buyer 2 : doo ma wax Ã±aata la ba pare = won't you tell me how much it is first ? 26 Seller: = waaw jox ma douze mille Ã±oom Ã±aar grawul douze mille yes . give me twelve thousand , both of them , no big deal , twelve thousand 27 (1.5) waaw loolu nak baax na torop yes , that price is really good 28 baax na baax na torop
48 29 Buyer 2 : ( ) 30 Seller: jelal VERT bi ak gris bi Ã±oom Ã± aar take the green one and the grey one , those two 30 (1.0) bii nii gris bi like this, the grey 31 Buyer 2 : dama ko natt (0.5) nii I tried it on like this one 32 Buyer 2: jaay ma ko li ma l a ko wax sell it to me at the price I told you 33 Seller: amiin amiin amiin amen amen amen 3 4 Buyer2: loo ma koy jaaye? how much will you sell it to me for? 3 5 Seller: bayyil ko dix mille rekk grawul leave it at just ten thousand , no big deal 3 6 Ã±aar yÃ«pp douze mille moo ci normal for both , twelve thousand is the normal price 3 7 loolu pour yow rekk la that (price) is just for you 3 8 Buyer2: dÃ©edÃ© et baax na neuf mille baax na yow tamit no , nine thousand is good , come on now 3 9 ak lii nu fii jÃ«nd lepp nak with everything we bought here 40 dÃ© gg nga li ma la wax you understand what I said ? 41 Seller: neuf mille ak neuf mille ak dix mille benn la rekk walla? nine thousand an nine thousand and ten thousand are the same right? 42 Buyer 2 : waaw moo tax nga man Ã±u may mille francs yi= yes that's why you should be able to give us the thousand francs 43 Seller: d ix mille moom wax dÃ« gg Yalla baax na ten thousand, God is my witness, that is a good price 44 jÃ pp ci rekk loolu moom poor yow la (2.0) take the deal, it's just for you 45 def ko loolu rekk dix mille just do it. ten thousand 46 Â°mille francs rekk passe laÂ° thousand francs is just for the pass
49 47 bayyil caaxaan bi prix normal bi mooy douze mille sans caaxaan stop playing. the normal price is twelve thousand, no joke 48 Buyer 2 : [Â°xanaa yowÂ° don't you 49 Seller: [bii nii sept ] mille francs laa koy jaaye ma jox la ko cinq mille this one costs seven thousand but I'm selling it to you for five thousand 50 Buyer 2 : ban ci? which one? 51 Seller: bu marron bi (.) boobu sept mille lay jaar the brown one, I sell that one for seven thousand 52 mais bee cinq mille la but that one is five thousand 53 Buyer 2 : waxal rekk loolu baax na yow tamit please just say that's a good price , come on 54 Seller: pourtant lii ma la wax baax na de but what I've told you is good 55 Buyer 2 : moom (.) daÃ±uy passer mille francs yi Ã±ibbi? we need the thousand francs for transportation to get home 56 (1.0) ma jox la ko I will give you it 57 Seller: indil grawul give it no problem 58 yore ay million ba pare di waxaale you have millions but still you bargain 59 [bawol bawol nga rekk you're just a Baol 60 Buyer 2 : [millions fan? ] amiin millions where? a men This excerpt is a complex and complete example of the bargaining sequence that shows the multiple steps of the bargaining genre as I have described them. I will, as in the discussion of Excerpt 5.3 , go over the transaction step by step, pointing out various salient aspects and discussing the stages of this particular transaction that make it a recognizable member of the bargaining genre as discussed earlier in this chapter. The first sta ge, the investigation, takes place lines 1 6. Interestingly, the buyer is not involved verbally in the initial discussion at all, but another female speaker instead
50 takes the role of investigator, commenting on the article of clothing that the buyer then t akes up for bargaining. Whether this woman is a friend or another customer is unclear, but she helps the buyer to choose a specific shirt as the object of waxaale . It is only at the end of the investigation, in line 6, that B picks up the thread of dialogu e and proceeds into the bargaining process. After the investigation is over, we move to the next two stages for which the ing phase occurs from lines 7 56 , and it is during these lines that the two interlocking sta ges of offer and discussion take place. These stages occur multiple times in the same transaction unlike the other two stages, as discussed previously, and indeed we see multiple occurrences of price offers and discussions of these offers as well as strate gies to change the price within this transaction. For example, B makes an offer of eight thousand CFA francs for both or one for four thousand he proceeds to make a counter offer of seve n thousand francs in line 15 for one of the transaction, for example in line 35 for ten thousand CFA francs and in line 38 for nine thousand francs by S and B respect ively. The subsequent discussion in lines 36 47 is this transaction. It is important to note that there is almost always more than one offer being discussed at o ne time, except at the very beginning when only one party has mad e an offer (as in lines 7 14). B oth B and S make a case for their offer within the discussion at
51 in line 60 when S states that ten his witness). I will discuss bargaining strategies such as this one in more detail in neuf mille ak fran cs). The simultaneous offer and counter offer between B and S, as well as the bargaining genre so complex. The final stage in this excerpt that qualifies it as a member of the bargaining genre is the conclusion, to which both seller and buyer contribute verbally in lines 57 60 . es the end cceptance . Although there have been imperatives by both B and S, for example in line 32 jaay ma ko li ma l a ko wax th e price I told you) or in line 4 , the crucial imperative that ends the thousand francs and ending the bargaining stage. T hroughout this excerpt, we have seen how the steps in the discussion between the two primary interlocutors all match up with the previous definition of the bargaining genre. Based on the communicative purpose that has been fulfilled here, in addition to th e four stages (investigation, offer, discussion, and conclusion), we therefore determine
52 also take place in the marketp lace. As Koester and Handford discursive practices outlined above and the stages discussed here interact to construct 2012, p. 262). Based on this discussion I hypot hesize that the participant s themselves construct genre. Participants act a certain way based on the genre they believe themselves to be performing , thus simultaneously constructing and performing the genre of marketplace bargaining . I discuss this hypothe sis further below. P ragmatic Competence (1986/2009) SPEAKING grid including setting and participants as well as in terms of nation of communicative purposes and sequence of speech acts, we can move onto the discussion of the implication of what it means to have delineated the bargaining genre so clearly. Crucially, the iden tification of this genre can come from both the etic (o utsider, as in this paper) and emic (insider) perspective (terminology from Pike, 1954, p. 8). In other words, the participants in the community of practice themselves can identify the bargaining genre as a central part of changing or accepting a certain footing in relation to the other interlocutors. There are multiple social and linguistic constraints on the transaction that are important to the waxaale process in the Dak ar marketplace and to understanding the linguistic and social nature of waxaale. As I have discussed already in this chapter, these constraints are part of the recognizable structure of the bargaining genre, and are known to knowledgeable members of Senega lese society who participate in the Dakar
53 marketplace. Conforming to these constraints, as is the case with any genre, is required in order to achieve the communicative purposes of the genre. Such conformity e ntails communicative, or p ragmatic , competence , a concept orig inally developed by Hymes the ability to perceive and judge features and sentences not only as deviations, but also as positively marked with respect to a style, genre, setting, source, f ( 1964, pp. 36 37). As part of this pragmatic competence, members of a community of practice such as the Dakar marketplace are able to identify the bargaining genre and participate in it according to the norms, goals and stages that ha ve been delineated in this chapter along with other unspoken rules learned through interaction . Thus an important aspect of the genre is its ability to be recognized as such, through various features that have been discussed here. While other genres may ta ke place in the marketplace setting such as conversation or advertising, bargaining is distinctive to the point that some waxaale before or during the bargaining process , as in the example I gave earlier. I mentioned before that communicative competence is a way in which we can determine whether someone understands the genre within its cultural context. As an example of communicative in competence, Steiner discusses the bargaining scenario in which Senegalese sellers interacts with tourists. In this case, there is often an issue of cultural and generic misunderstanding on the part of the tourist who does not understand the rules and norms of the bargaining speech event: They may, for example, be un aware that bids must alternate in fairly rapid succession, that backward moves are forbidden, that accepted bids must be honored, that one not ought not to break off an interchange that is moving actively ahead, and so on. ( 1994, p. 72)
54 The imp ortant thing to note about communicative competence is that it is learned not through school but via socialization and interactions with others in the community of practice . The norms are both constructed and reinforced through linguistic behaviors through interactive encounters in the marketplace rather than lessons in the classroom.
55 CHAPTER 6 BARGAINING STRATEGIES Now that we have looked at the nature of the bargaining genre as delineated by specific communicative purposes and ordered stages, we can lo ok at how interactants in the marketplace demonstrate their competence in this genre by using particular bargaining strategies. These strategies aim to fulfill the purposes of the genre while staying within cultural and generic constraints. As mentioned in (1991/2014) discussion of language as symbolic power is useful in this discussion of bargaining strategies. As Bourdieu discusses, the tools that interactants use (bargaining strategies in this context) allow them to gain bargaining power if wielded competently marketplace, this transaction is material as well as linguistic. In this chapter, I look at the strategies that both members of the bargaining transaction, buyer and seller, use to achieve their goals. While I focus primarily on the economic goal in the discussion of the strategies, there are also important social motivations involved in the use of bargaining strategies and the structure of the b argaining sequence overall, as I discussed in Chapter 5. The overarching goal in such a transaction is to decrease social distance as well as to gain bargaining power as defined by Muthoo (2000). My focus here is the discussion of the specific strategies t hat buyers and sellers employ to reach this dual goal while staying within the constraints of the bargaining genre discussed in Chapter 5. I posit here that bargaining strategies, whether employed by buyer or seller, come from a) a position of strength or interactant aims, through the use of various strategies, at the intimidation or sympathy
56 of the recipient respectively in order to achieve increased bargaining power within the transaction. The position of weakness should not, however, be mistaken for the loss or lack of power , but rather a stance taken strategically by the interlocutor. U ltimately, what I call subordinati on) can give the user more bargaining power. In this chapter, I will first discuss buyer strategies, then look at seller strategies, and finally compare and contrast some of the strategies used by buyers and sellers in the marketplace. In the last section I will also attempt to address the purpose of bargaining, which I touched on briefly in the last chapter, as it relates to some of the bargaining strategies seen here. Both buyer and seller employ economic and cultural strategies in their transactions, th e latter type of strategy made salient by the cultural background discussed in Chapter 2. Throughout this discussion, I will use examples from my 2014 Dakar market corpus. These excerpts illustrate the strategies that interactants use in the waxaale proces s. Buyer Strategies As mentioned above, there are two primary approaches to buyer discourse in the marketplace: the first from a position of superiority and the other from a position of subordination, both of which have the potential to grant bargaining p ower to the user. I will examine strategies from these two positions in turn, using excerpts from the data to illustrate my claims in looking at economic and cultural strategies used by the buyer. I will also explore a sociolinguistically contextualized explanation for the cultural strategies as suggeste d by the cultural background of the Dakar marketplace. In this section as well as the one that follows, Seller Strategies, strategies are outlined using
57 superiority. In this type of strategy, B attempts to exert power over S by starting in a position of advantage. From a Position of Superiority Starting from a position of superiority, there are two types of strategies common to buyers: economic and cultural. The economic strat demand for the good or service will decrease, and originally proposed by Marshall 1920, p. 33). B uses this principle to imply that her demand for the given product is low, and that therefore S should lower the price to increase demand for it. following excerpt, is at the heart of the first strategy: (I) B shows a lack of need for/interest in the product. Excer pt 6.1 below is an example of such dis course taken from a recorded transaction in MarchÃ© Sandaga (En glish translations in italics, emphasis in bold ): Excerpt 6. 1 B demonstrates low demand 1 BuyerA dama doon jÃ«nd ci biir (1.5) dix sept mille laa yor I was just shopping inside. I have only seventeen thousand 2 sula neex e nga jox ma ko sula neexul tamit graawul 3 (.) parce que lii amul benn problem dama ko because there is no problem here , I just 4 romb mane dama b Ã« ggoon j Ã« nd si yeen (.) passed by and wanted to buy at your shop 5 amuma benn fÃªte amuma dara!
58 In this utterance, B implies that the item is of little value to her because she has no urgent need of this purchase; she does not need the item since there are no social events coming up for which she would need new clothes (line 5). According to this nar rative, she was in the area for other shopping purposes (line 1) and has dropped by the shop at the end of her market excursion (line 4), but has no pressing need to be there. S must thus prove through his own strategic discourse that the item is worth mor e than the seventeen thousand CFA francs the buyer is offering. Note that in mentioning the shopping she has already done, B also gives an explanation for why she only has limited funds to offer for the item. Economic deprivation is a different type of str ategy that comes from the position of subordination, an approach that I will discuss shortly. Another example of strategy (I) is when B compares markets or shops at which she can shop for the same item and how much less she could pay for it at the other l ocation. This version of the strategy is shown in Excerpt 6.2 below (MarchÃ© Sandaga): Excerpt 6. 2 B compares prices 1 Buyer Cheikh waÃ±Ã±i ko (.) man d'habitude xoolal? Cheikh lower it me , normally listen 2 fii nii (.) nga may jaaye here , you sell me 3 jeans dafa cher damay dem bag G rand Y off expensive jeans , then I go to Grand Yoff 4 jÃ«nde fa jean cinq mille and buy five thousand franc jeans this particular vendor, if not necessarily the lack of need for the product itself as in (I ). A cultural strategy also emerges from the position of superiority, as follows: (II) B exerts cultural pressure on S. As discussed in Chapter 2, there are multiple cultural
59 situation. Cultural pressure can be brought to bear in kinship terms (here in English, though kinship terms are frequently attested in French, as previously dis cussed) as simply as in Excerpt 6.3 (male B/female S , TilÃ¨ne ): Excerpt 6. 3 1 BuyerC sama sister la sama sister la she is my sister , she is my sister following excerpt. B uses cultural pressure in multiple ways, not only through references to interpersonal relationships, but also through citations of religious belief and the n of why Excerpt 6. 4 B exerts cultural pressure 1 BuyerD lii laa yore Yalla bu Ã±u tiim xam na ko (1.5) this is what I have on me , god only knows 2 man duma duma duma waxantu me I I talk without meaning 3 yow boo me xam du tey you have known me for a long time As discussed earlier, cultural context is vital to understanding these strategies naturally depends on the culture, and it is clear from this excerpt that there are certain values in Senegalese culture that resonate specifically with interlocutors in the Dakar marketplace. B can therefore use these cultural values as a lever to gain bargaining power in a transaction with S.
60 In line 1, B assures the vendor that she is telling the truth by invoking the name Yalla bu Ã±u tiim statement. This invocation is especially meaningful giv en the prevalence of religion in Senegal and the number of Senegalese who associate themselves with religious faith, as discussed in Chapter 2. The use of a religious oath elevates the discourse and, in lii laa yore via the heft of religion in this particular cultural context. In lines 2 and 3, B invokes two other important aspects of Senegalese culture respectively: the importance of well formed and substantial discourse, and the im portance of social networks. As discussed in Chapter 2, these are both values central to achieve her goal in the transaction. By mentioning the long time that she and S have known each other, B brings to bear the cultural pressure that, she hopes, will allow her to gain bargaining power in the process. Note that this type of discourse may be used regardless of how long a relationship has actually been cultivated, ju st as kinship terms may be used whether or not the speaker is related to or even a close friend of the hearer. Unlike the invocation of Yalla, the use of references to interpersonal relations is more common and therefore, arguably, less meaningful aside fr om its use as a cultural strategy for bargaining power within the transaction. From a Position of Subordination Having looked at buyer strategies that come from a position of superiority, we now look at those strategies that come from the opposite perspec tive: those that seek to
61 primary strategies emerge in this situation: (III) the economic and (IV) the cultural. The economic strategy uses a different tactic from its cou nterpart discussed earlier, as it originates from the opposite position: (III) B presents a narrative of economic deficiency. There are several ways of making this assertion: B may state that she has a certain (limited) amoun t of money in her wallet as in 6 . 1 line 1 sept mille laa d statement in the marketplace that I will quote later on little to no money at all, whether in her p ocket or at the bank, although this may be a temporary situation. Finally, there is the statement that the speaker does have money left, but it has already been allotted for another purpose, generally for public transportation. This is the type of economic deficienc y seen i n 6.5 and 6. 6 : Excerpt 6. 5 B asks for lower price 1 BuyerE mungi nii pas bi ma yorewoon here i t i s the fare that I had on me 2 deux mille moo ci des (.) ak lii (1.0) jeex na two thousand is what remains 3 bi may Ã±Ã«w indiwuma auto when I ca me , I bring a car Excerpt 6. 6 B explains offer 1 BuyerF dÃ©edÃ©et xoolal= no look 2 Seller =may naa la deux mille francs two thousand francs 3 BuyerF bayyil Ã±u passer ko Ã±ibbi let it go so we can pay to get home In Excerpt 6. 5 , the buyer states that she cannot pay the higher price that the seller demands; she needs the two tho usand francs to get home. In 6. 6 , B is haggling
62 with S; he wants to sell the item for 10,000 francs while she wants to buy it for 9,000 francs. She uses the economic strategy to explain why she cannot pay him the higher price. The cultural strategy in the data that emerges from the position of subordin ation B asks for a favor from S in return for another favor in the future. This strategy is assigned to the category of subordination or t, we will see the other side of this strategy and its function in the bargaining genre, from the side k at Ex cerpt 6. 7 from a transaction in the TilÃ¨ne market to see what this strategy entails for B ( the m u lines 2 4 is a foreign student for whom Buyer G is buying gifts and Ã±uy two buyers interacting with Seller K): Excerpt 6. 7 B asks for a favor 1 BuyerG xam na Ã± u du prix mais danga Ã±uy jappale we know it's not the right price , but you have to help us 2 et si bÃ©s bu defe mu Ã±Ã«w N dakaaru and if some day she comes to Dakar 3 SellerK dina Ã±Ã«w bu nexee Yalla she will come , God willing 4 BuyerG fii lay Ã±Ã«w she will come here 5 cadeau yi laadoon jox yÃ«pp soxna sii moo Ã±uy jappale all the gifts we bought here , this is the lady who has helped us 6 suÃ±u maman bu baax la she is our good hearted mother The buyer in Excerpt 6. 7 uses the Senegalese concept of mutual obligation and favor exchange to gain bargaining power. Because of her generosity, he says, the seller
63 nationality is not stated over tly) and make money from that transaction. Reciprocity is culturally significant and useful for marketplace discourse. In order to receive a favor (that is, a lower price than normal) from the seller, the B must subordinate himself to S; he does so here by asking for a favor and stating that he will perform one in return. In line 1, B says (you have to help us). Subsequently, in lines 2 and business wh en she comes back to Senegal. off here: the chances of a foreigner coming back to that same seller is less than a Senegalese person coming back to the same seller, but if in fact the foreigner does come back, the February 8, 2015). This strategy is effective within the discourse of the marketplace insofar as it allows the buyer to gain bargaining power , the primary communicative purpose as disc ussed in Chapter 5. B summarizes the relationship b etween himself and S in lines 5 6: he states that good relationship this way, he positions S clearly as the patron and himself as the recipient of this generosity. An interesting aspect of this utterance is that B speaks in the third person about S, saying that moo speech resembles the public praise of a gÃ©wÃ«l for his patron, the relationship between gÃ©wÃ«l (griot/praise singer) and gÃ©er (noble) being an important caste rela tionship in traditional Wolof society (see Irvine 1975 for more information). Given the cultural background of gift giving and favor exchange in Senegal, this rhetoric assigning B and
64 S a given status is an important part of the strategy that grants B barg aining power in this transaction as well as in future transactions with this particular S. Seller Strategies Sellers, too, can use economic and cultural strategies, as attested in my data, and they can also start from positions of superiority or subordina tion to gain bargaining power within their marketplace transactions. As I will show, there are striking similarities between B and S strategies, although specific strategies differ in form depending on which interactant is making use of them. As in the pre vious section, I will use excerpts from my corpus to illustrate these strategies and show how they serve the function of lending bargaining power to the user, in this case the seller. From a Position of Superiority To begin this examination of S strategie s, I examine two strategies that stem from a position of superiority: an economic strategy, which I will discuss first, as well as a cultural strategy involving the exchange of favors that stands in counterpoint to the ssed above. The following is one of the primary economic strategies used by sellers: (V) S compares and contrasts his own wares to justify a given price. To use this strategy, sellers take the product in whi ch B is interested and contrast it with a similar , but not identical, piece of merchandise from comparison. Examples abound in the marketplace, a s shown in the excerpts below (6. 8 and 6. 9 , Sandaga): Excerpt 6. 8 S compares glasses 1 Buyer: sept cent Â°baax naÂ° seven hundred is good
65 2 (1.5) 3 SellerH: xoolal verre u xale mooy jaar loolu 4 Buyer: ( ) verre u xale ana difference bi? ( ) 5 SellerH: mille cinq cent defal mille cinq cent fifteen hundred , do fifteen hundred Excerpt 6. 9 S compares skirts 1 SellerI: no no yooyu gÃ«nul seer no no those are not more expensive 2 bii moo gÃ«n a seer (.) yii this one is more expensive , these 3 xanaa xamoo yu gatt yi sax moo gÃ«n a seer indeed , the short ones are even more expensive 4 Ã§a depend ci qualitÃ© bi rekk it just depends on the quality These two examples come from sellers of differing types of merchandise (H from a streetside sunglas ses vendor and I from a clothing shop owner), but both use this product is a good one. According to thi s strategy, there is always a reason that S is reasonable to offer this skirt or purse for 10,000 CFA francs; it is more fashionable, higher quality, or otherwise more desirable in some way. The cultural strategy of superiority involves imparting a favor t o B by lowering the price of the desired item, often allegedly because B is a friend, a friend of a friend, or a loyal customer. The strategy is simply the following: (VI) S demonstrates benevolence in the transaction. The important factor in this strategy is the magnanimity shown by S; he is lowering the price not due to any economic or cultural strategy employed by B, but because he sees himself as in a position of power and therefore able to lower the price (or otherwise perform a benevolent action in th e context of the transaction, such as add
66 the basic economic goal of the transaction, is that she controls the favor given, which ion through a strategic cultural move. We can look at 6.10 to see this strategy in action (Sandaga): Excerpt 6 . 10 S lowers price 1 Buyer: danga ma newoon cinq mille sax you told me five thousand 2 SellerJ: loolu moom prix normal la xam nga yow moom that is the regular price , you know that 3 duma la wax Ã±aari prix I am not telling you two prices 4 su nekkoon keneen dinaa wax if it were someone else , I would say 5 vingt mille Ã±u waxaale 6 mais dama lay wax rekk li muy gÃ«nne best price is 7 dix mille francs la (1.0) leegi jupe bi ten thousand now the skirt 8 cinq mille xam nga muy quinze mille five thousand, you know that makes fifteen thousand leaving the hearer to speculate as to the reason f or his generosity. Meyer states that 2010, p. 187). In this case, S as the speaker uses this strategy of positive politeness to gain bargaining p ower over B by lowering the price of the item. seller is in a position (of power) to do the buyer a favor, whereas the buyer is in a position of weakness, in terms of soc ial status relations, and must ask for such a favor,
67 as we saw in the discussion of (IV). Another example of this strategy is 6. 11 , which come s from the same transaction as E xcerpt 6. 7 (recall that moo foreign student on whose behalf Buye r G is purchasing the items): Excerpt 6. 11 S adds gift 1 BuyerG1: waaw baax na yes , it's good 2 SellerK: ndax xam nga dama bÃ«gg moo bÃ©g because you know I want her to be happy 3 dama ci boole benn porte clÃ© pour cadeau I'm throwing in a keychain as a gift 4 BuyerG1: merci merci thank you , thank you 5 BuyerG2: merci thank you 6 BuyerG1: rafet na lool jÃ«rÃ«jÃ«f it's pretty , thank you S here uses a position of superiority to establish herself as a reliable vendor to whom these buyers can return in the future, since she both lowered the price and added a free porte clÃ© (keychain) into the deal. Since bargaining in Dakar is not only about the completion of individual transactions, but about interpersonal relations, this S strategy as well as the related B strategy is important to discussing the bargaining genre . I will return to strategies (IV) and (VI ) at the end of this chapter. From a Position of Subordination The final strategic category to be discussed here is that of the seller from a position of weakness. S may use a strategy of economic deprivation, which in principle is almost identical to the corresponding B strategy (III), as se en here: (VII) S presents a narrative of economic deficiency. The narrative for S tends to involve different reasons for the economic deficiency than for B, however. Whereas B may mention a need for
68 transportation money or state of being a student , S often brings up the original cost of the merchandise or the fact that this job is his livelihood. The following is an example of w hat this strategy looks like (6. 12 , HLM): Excerpt 6. 12 S explains price 1 SellerL: tÃ©emÃ©er ak jurÃ³om benn fukk. eigh t hundred. 2 (2.5) 3 Buyer: tÃ©emÃ©er ak Ã±aar fukk nak? how about six hundred? 4 SellerL: tÃ©emÃ©er ak Ã±aar fukk dafa ndaw! six hundred is really low! 5 > lii ma ko jÃ«nde Ã«pp na tÃ©emÃ©er ak Ã±aar fukk < I bought it for more than six hundred. 6 Ã«pp na six cent ? it was more than six hundred. 7 >lii sax jaarul loolu< even this one costs more. 8 sincÃ¨rement parler manna a jaay speaking sincerely I can sell it to you for 9 tÃ©emÃ©er ak (0.7) jurÃ³om fukk seven hundred fifty 10 >tÃ©emÃ©er ak jurÃ³om fukk< manna a ko waÃ±Ã±i loolu seven hundred fifty , I can decrease it to that subsequently offers to lower the price of the merchandise to 750 CFA francs but will not go lower than that price. Ultimately, in this particular transaction, B moves on without buying anything from S; there is a gap between the maximum price B is willing to pay (600 francs) and the minimum price S is willing to take (750 francs), given the fact that estion, according to the narrative he laid out in line 5.
69 Lastly, we see a cultural strategy employed by sellers from a position of subordination: (VIII) S gives B a merchandise related compliment. This strategy is not unique to Senegal; I have experience d and witnessed it in American stores as well, particularly when the seller/clerk makes a sales commission. While I have referred to than that of the other cultural strategies discussed in this chapter. An example of this strategy comes from excerpts 6.13 and 6.14 below (Sandaga): Excerpt 6. 13 S approves size 1 Other F du ndaw ci yow it's not too small for you? 2 Buyer non non (.) taille bi Ã±aata la? no no what's the size? 3 Seller it's not too small, the size is right Excerpt 6. 14 S compliments appearance 1 Buyer: bii rafet na this one is pretty 2 SellerN: waaw dafa rafet yes , In both of these excerpts, we see how this strategy is carried out: after B chooses a piece of merchandise (a pair of jeans in the first instance, a pair of glasses in the second), S . In 6. 13 S specifies that B has made a good selection in lthough the other customer present at the interaction questions the size, S assures B that she has made the right choice. This strategy relies on the positive feedback from S as an waaw dafa rafet
70 pretty) is, in fact, attested numerous separate times throughout my corpus as a means of performing this strategy. Discussion Now that we have looked at both sides of the interaction (S strategies in addition to B strategies, from both superior and subordinate positions ) for a total of eight different strategies both economic and cultural, we can move on to a discussion of the re lationship between the seller and buyer in the marketplace and how their strategies interact, particularly on the cultural and sociolinguistic level. As I have mentioned previously, both economic and social aspects of bargaining are important to defining t he genre. In this section, I elaborate on this idea through my discussion of the relationship between B and S strategies for gaining bargaining power in the marketplace. I mentioned earlier that bargaining is not only about the completion of individual tra nsactions, but also about successful and coherent social interaction as a whole. This concept as it connects to the use of bargaining strategies is vital to a complete understanding of the bargaining genre. To begin, we can look at the economic strategies (III) and (VII) to understand some of the social status manipulation that goes on in market transactions as it does in identical. Both provide a narrative of economic deprivation to the buyer or the seller, although each strategy has a different pattern of narrative: for buyers, the narrative often involves the requirement to save money for transportation or other needs, whereas the narrative for sellers generally has to do with the original price of the product at hand. Still, both strategies are fundamentally the same in that they speak to an economic lack on the part of the speaker. This strategy provides to the buyer or
71 seller the ability to take the low er role, whi ch as Irvine suggests, in her study of status 1989, p. 175). In the case of the marketplace, this turns out to be a lower or higher price for a given product depending on the interact ant taking the lower role. This pair of economic strategies can be contrasted the discussion of a pair of cultural strategies, again used by buyer and seller respectively. Strategies (IV) and (VI), he social relationship between buyer and seller. In (IV), B asks a favor from a position of subordination; in (VI), S grants a favor from a position of superiority. While these strategies look to be in opposition to one another, they are actually both used to gain bargaining power in the marketplace as well as to decrease social distance between the participants in the transaction. These two strategies can even show up within a single tra nsaction as shown in excerpts (6.7) and (6.11 ). Irvine posits that in 1989, p. 167) is represented by the way in which members of the interaction choose to lower or elevate themselve s through the appropriate linguistic forms. The same can be seen in the strategies used by buyers and sellers i n the marketplace. In excerpt (6.7 ) we see how the buyer strategy (IV) is used, when Buyer G asks for a decrease in the price in exchange for the future patronage of the Western student. Here Buyer G is specifical ly taking the subordinate role in order to receive this lower price as well as to cultivate a relationship with the seller for the future. Similarly, as previously mentioned, Seller K is
72 also trying to cultivate a relationship. W e can see via her use of strategy (VI) that her use of gift An important contrast to note here between the similar economic s trategies and the opposing cultural strategies discussed above is that while the economic strategies generally result directly in an economic gain for the speaker within the transaction, the cultural strategies result in a more far reaching cultural gain; that is, the speaker benefits on the broader social level, rather than on the level of the individual transaction. This contrast is crucial when discussing the goals of bargaining in the marketplace. While economic goals are part of bargaining, so are soci ocultural ones; they go together in the bargaining genre. Chakrani (2007) is relevant here, given his discussion of cultural context; he discovered that in the Morocco marketplace, understanding the full significance and persuasive force of a bargaining st rategy requires knowledge of the cultural context. While the cultural object of bargaining is not as clear as the economic one, it is certainly apparent from sociolinguistic study that there is indeed a cultural aspect to the bargaining process, as shown b y such strategies as (IV) and (VI).
73 CHAPTER 7 SUMMARY AND CONCLUSIONS As a frequent speech event in the urban Senegalese environment, bargaining is a good way to understand the cultural cosmos in which it exists (while, of course, cultural context is re quired to fully understand the bargaining speech event). Waxaale is an important genre in the Dakar sociolinguistic environment, as we have seen and analyzed here already. The bargaining genre is composed of specific communicative purposes and five particu lar stages that make it unique and recognizable both to the population that takes part in it as well as to researchers attempting to analyze it. In this paper, I looked at some of the theoretical and cultural background necessary to understand the bargain ing genre of the Dakar marketplace. I also discussed the methodology that I used to collect data in the field as well as to transcribe and ultimately analyze it. I then proceeded to delineate the genre itself and discuss some of the specific strategies use d by buyers and sellers in the marketplace community of practice and how these strategies are useful in their specific cultural context for attaining the economic and social goals of the interactants. The economic goal or a dvantage, was the primary focus of the paper as it is the most salient to pinpoint and define with concrete boundaries. While social motivations were considered in the course of my analysis, most obviously in my discussion of the cultural strategies in Cha pter 6, economic motivations were the most clearly delineated by interactants in waxaale as well as by interviewees in the discussion of the speech event. One shopkeeper stated in our Le waxaale, c de gagner un W axaale is good, it allows people to earn a little money). Although the
74 social aspect of bargaining is crucial to the genre, the limited nature of this study did not allow me to pursue this aspect in as much depth as it deserved ; as I will discuss below, there were several limitations to the study. In the discussion of the bargaining genre in Chapter 5 and strategies used in the marketplace, I focused on the connection between these two as a matter of s defined by Hymes (1964). Thi s idea of communicative or pragmatic competence is important to the present research because the buyer and seller both acknowledge that they are taking part in the bargaining genre and act accordingly. This behavior includes u sing bargaining strategies such as those I discussed in Chapter 6 including cultural and economic strategies from both subordinate and superior positions. Pragmatic competence, I posit, is the important factor in the use of these strategies, as it allows i nteractants to recognize the genre and proceed with the appropriate linguistic and social behavior within context. Throughout this paper, the idea of context has been crucial. Without cultural context, the linguistic signs (words) are devoid of meaning. A s Blommaert (2005) states, the meaning of what we say and do depends on what meaning has been constructed for those words and actions within our given sociocultural context. Thus I stress that the discussion of the bargaining genre in the Dakar marketplace , while familiar to those who have lived in environments with a similar haggling system such as China, Syria and other countries in Asia, is a unique phenomenon and must be studied and understood within a particular sociolinguistic and historical framework . While haggling exists in various forms throughout the world, the bargaining genre as discussed in the present research, and the strategies that comprise part of that
75 process, can be studied only within the Senegalese context. There are no universals in terms of genre, since each culture brings its own background to the speech event. This is why I take an ethnography of communication approach to the data here: this methodology emphasizes the importance of delving into the cultural and historical aspects o f the community of practice from which the genre emerges. Within this limited space and timeframe, my hope is that I have shown the importance of cultural context while defining the bargaining genre and some of the strategies used within this genre within the specific context of the Dakar marketplace. I came to several crucial conclusions during the course of this thesis, which I will recapitulate here. First, I found that the bargaining genre in Dakar comprises four main stages: 1) investigation, 2) offer (s), 3) discussion, and 4) conclusion. The second two stages, offer(s) and discussion, can take place multiple times throughout the bargaining sequence as buyer and seller come to an agreement. Contrary to other researchers including Irvine (1989) and Alo & Soneye (2014), I found that the greeting was not necessary in the Dakar marketplace. A final important conclusion that I made in this paper was that buyer and seller strategies are similar, and overlap in many ways, particularly on the cultural level. L imitations I spent appro ximately two weeks in Dakar. My fieldwork was limited in duration and I was not able to conduct follow up ethnographic interviews with most of the participants. Due to these limitation s , I could only make incomplete conclusions rega rding the concept of interpersonal relations and the social (as opposed to economic) goals of the bargaining genre. G iven my inability to triangulate with the majority of participants, this study runs the risk of making assumptions about the
76 motivations behind and reasons for using certain bargaining strategies in the marketplace. Additionally, i n the present research I was able only to skim the surface of the non economic motivation of bargaining, although this social aspect of bargaining is vital to understanding the genre. After recording buyer and seller in a given transaction, I did not interact with the participants again , with only two exceptions ; following up with the interactants in a bargaining sequence would have been useful to add t o the discussion about the communicative purposes of bargaining. Finally, my research looks only at bargaining in the urban environment and includes no data from rural markets . Future Research There is much research that could prove fruitful to the discus sion of the bargaining genre in the Dakar marketplace. The ultimate goal of bargaining in the Dakar marketplace is not only to capture the largest portion of the surplus, but also to create and strengthen social ties. As suggested b y Hendon, Hendon & Herbi g , waxaale follows the non suq to pursue and establish personal relationships rather than reach an agreement as speedily as possible ( 1996, p. 128), as juxtaposed and contrasted wi th the Western model of negotiation. While economic goals are also a factor in the bargaining process considered. The strategies as discussed in Chapter 6 employed by both buye r and seller therefore reflect the consideration of these ramifications. Future research could investigate the social obligations and goals delineated by the bargaining genre. Although the social aims of bargaining was not disambiguated in this paper, give n the long tradition of bargaining and haggling in Senegal, their importance cannot be overstated and thus deserves much deeper exploration and analysis.
77 Another avenue of scrutiny is the ways in which language is used in the Dakar marketplace, in the sam e way that Alo & Soneye (2014) examined language usage in the urban Nigerian setting. Again, although I touched on this briefly (stating, e.g., that French is often used for numbers and kinship terms), the language norms of the marketplace were outside the scope of the present research and thus should be investigated more thoroug hly elsewhere. McLaughlin (2001; 2008) has described and discussed Urban Wolof , and f uture studies could investigate the patterns of its usage in the marketplace. While I defined t he bargaining genre in Chapter 5 as having four distinct stages, I did not discuss why some transactions in my corpus succeeded (i.e. money and products were exchanged) and others, which appeared in many respects similar to the d had all stages as discussed in Chapter 5, failed (i.e. money and products were not exchanged). Future studies could look at some of the reasons or motivations behind failed transactions. This question would be a productive one for future research. Final ly, my thesis looked only at the bargaining genre as iterated in the urban Senegalese context. Irvine (1989) and Meyer (2008, 2010) have done extensive fieldwork in the rural context, and it is clear even from a cursory examination that urban and rural int eractions are different. F about the importance of the greeting, whereas I found in this thesis that the greeting was rarely necessary as a step in the bargaining sequence. The question arises, then, as to how the greeting is treated in the rural ba rgaining sequence, and whether rural for the bargaining encounter.
78 Future research comparing and contrasting the bargaining sequence in rural and urban settings would shed further light on this inquiry and help to situate the discussion of the bargaining genre in the Dakar marketplace.
79 APPENDIX A TRANSCRIPTION CONVENTI ONS The following symbols are consistent throughout the paper. These conventions are updated system (cf. pp. 1377 1383) . [ word ] Brackets Start and end point of overlap in utterances. word = Equal sign Adjacent utterances with no pause. (# .# ) Numbers in parentheses Elapsed time by tenths of seconds. (.) Brief pause, usually less than 0.2 seconds. . Falling pitch or intonation. ? Rising pitch or intonation. , Temporary rise or fall in intonation. wor Hyphen Abrupt halt or interruption in utterance. > word < Right/left caret Indicates that the enclosed speech was delivered more rapidly than usual for the speaker. < word > Left/right caret Indicates that the enclosed speech was delivered more slowly than usual for the speaker. Â° word Â° Degree sign Whisper, soft speech, or reduced volume. CAPS Upper case Shouting, loud speech, or increased volume. underscore Underscoring Indicates relative stress. wo:::rd Colons Prolongation of the previous sound. (hhh) Audible exhalation , including laugh . (.hhh) Audible inhalation. ( word ) Parentheses Speech which is unclear. (( action )) Double parentheses ( ) Speech that is incomprehensible to transcriber.
80 APPENDIX B COMPLETE TRANSCRIPT OF EXCERPT 5.5 N.B.: The meaning of r ising/falling intonation in Urban Wolof does not always match the meaning of such intonation in Standard English. While the original Wolof transcription uses Jeffersonian conventions to show the actu al intonation of the spoken utterances , the English translation (in italics) uses conventional American English punctuation marks to make the translation easier to parse. 1 Seller : NO NO yooyu gÃ«nul seer de bii moo gÃ«n a seer (.) yii n o no , those are not more expensive . t his one is more expensive, these 2 xanaa xamoo yu gatt yi sax moo gÃ«n a seer y ou know that the shorter ones are even more expensive . 3 Ã§a depend ci qualitÃ© bi rekk It just depends on the quality . 4 yu gatt yi am na yoo xam ne soo faye dix mille ma man la ko jaay? t he short ones , you know , if you pay ten thousand I can sell it to you 5 Buyer1 : bi rafet na de ( ). (0.5) bu gatt, bu gatt this one is pretty ( ) . the short one, the short one 6 Seller: bu noir bi [ak bu marron bi t he black one and the brown one . 7 Buyer1 : [ waaw bu gatt bi rafet na yes the short one is pretty 8 Seller: waaw y es . 9 (2.5) 10 Buyer 2 : waaw (0.2) wax ma prix bu jaadu yow tamit y es . t ell me a fair price , come on ! 11 Seller: Â°Ã±aata nga fayÂ° h ow much will you pay ? 12 Ã±aata nga fay (1.0) h ow much will you pay ? 13 Buyer 2 : Ã±aa : ri yi. f or both ? 14 Seller: waaw y es . 15 Buyer 2 : benn quatre mille baax na? one for f our thousand is good? 16 Seller: ndaw na torop (.) ndaw na torop= t way too low . 17 Buyer 2 : = benn quatre mille baaxul? one for f our
81 18 (0.5) 19 Seller: waaw jÃ«lal bii bi bayyiko sept mille (0.5) bayyiko sept mille y es , take this one , let it go for seven thousand , let it go for seven thousand 20 sa xarit nga jaay na ko six mille y ou are my friend , I sold this for six thousand . 21 Buyer2: sama (.) sama ban xarit nga ko jaay? my which one of my friends did you sell it to? 22 loo jÃ«nde bii? how much did you pay for this one? 23 Seller : jÃ«lul bii beneen la jÃ«l she didn't take this one , she took another one 24 Buyer2: ne na beneen bi la jÃ«l he said you took the other one 25 yow xam nga suÃ±u waa klass yi ko jend yÃ«pp you know all our classmates who bought this one 26 Seller : xam nga yooyu yÃ«pp ( ) man ( kay ) do you know all those ( ) 27 wax nanu ma ko dÃ©mb rekk am na ko fii Ã±Ã«w they told me yesterday there was someone in here 28 Buyer2: Ã©lÃ¨ve yi ko jÃ« nd bari na tey there's a lot of students who bought it today 29 doo ma waÃ±Ã±il rekk ? 30 Seller: waÃ±Ã±il naa la kay I have indeed lowered it 31 xam nga yow jupe bi nga jÃ«nd dÃ©mb yow rekk yaa ko am you know the skirt you bought yesterday , you are the only one who has it 32 Buyer 2 : man kesse . just me? 33 Seller: dama la ko dencaloon I had saved it for you 34 dama la ko dencaloon de (hhh) I had saved it for you 35 Buyer2 muy bu noir bi (.) boobu dafa rafet de this black one (.) this one is pretty 36 Seller: boobu dafa rafet (.) dama la ko dencaloon rekk this one is pretty I just had saved it for you 37 ma duggalal la ko ci mbuus, eh? should I put it in a plastic bag for you? 38 Buyer 2 : doo ma wax Ã±aata la ba pare =
82 won't you tell me how much it is first ? 39 Seller: = waaw jox ma douze mille Ã±oom Ã±aar grawul douze mille yes . give me twelve thousand , both of them , no big deal , twelve thousand 40 (1.5) waaw loolu nak baax na torop yes , that price is really good 41 baax na baax na torop good 42 Buyer 2 : ( ) 43 Seller: jelal VERT bi ak gris bi Ã±oom Ã± aar take the green one and the grey one , those two 44 (1.0) bii nii gris bi like this, the grey 45 Buyer 2 : dama ko natt (0.5) nii I tried it on like this one 46 M Seller1: dafa jot (0.5) bii nii, ahn? does it fit ? like this one, right? 47 pourtant dafa rafet de xoolal dafay moulewu quoi but it's pretty , look , it's not too tight 48 sol bu njekk bi moo tax it's because this is the first time you're wearing it 49 mais soo ko solate day bayyi but when you wear it again , it will become more loose 50 Buyer2: maam jaara Mrs Jarra 51 M Seller1: bii dafa rafet day moulewu quoi moo tax this one is pretty , it's supposed to fit tight , that's why 52 Buyer1 : lu muy jaar what's the price ? 53 Seller: boobu sept mille that one is seven thousand 54 Buyer1 : xoolal danga may wax prix bu normal dÃ«gg nga look , tell me a normal price , do you understand ? 55 Seller: Ã±oo far ( ) we're in this together ( ) 56 Buyer1 : xoolal mais man ( ) look but I ( ) 57 Buyer 2: jaay ma ko li ma la ko wax sell it to me at the price I told you 58 Seller: amiin amiin amiin amen amen amen
83 59 Buyer2: loo ma koy jaaye? how much will you sell it to me for? 60 Seller: bayyil ko dix mille rekk grawul leave it at just ten thousand , no big deal 61 Ã±aar yÃ«pp douze mille moo ci normal for both , twelve thousand is the normal price 62 loolu pour yow rekk la that (price) is just for you 63 Buyer2: dÃ©edÃ© et baax na neuf mille baax na yow tamit no , nine thousand is good , come on now 64 ak lii nu fii jÃ«nd lepp nak with everything we bought here 65 dÃ© gg nga li ma la wax you understand what I said ? 66 lemal bii fold this one 67 mille francs xanaa a thousand francs at least 68 Seller: dÃ©edÃ©et deux mille la leegi tegg ci mille francs grawul no now add a thousand francs 69 Buyer 2 : mille francs rekk may nu ko nu passe ko only a thousand francs , let us keep it so we can use it for transportation 70 Ã±ibbi rekk just to get home 71 neuf mille baax na yow tamit ( ) jÃ«nde nine thousand is good ( ) buy 72 Seller: jox ko dix mille rekk grawul= just give ten thousand 73 Buyer 2 : =dÃ©edÃ©et neuf mille laa lay jox I'm giving you nine thousand 74 Seller: neuf mille dafa ndaw (.) jox ma dix mille rekk= nine thousand is small give me just ten thousand 75 Buyer 2 : = neuf mille laa yore yow tamit! I have nine thousand, come on 76 mille francs yi, daÃ±u koy passer Ã±ibbi! the thousand francs is to get home 77 Seller: neuf mille ak neuf mille ak dix mille benn la rekk walla? nine thousand an nine thousand and ten thousand are the same right? 78 Buyer 2 : waaw moo tax nga man Ã±u may mille francs yi= yes that's why you should be able to give us the thousand francs
84 79 Seller : =may naa la deux mille francs I gave you two thousand francs 80 Buyer2: dÃ©edÃ©et xoolal= no look 81 Seller : =may naa la deux mille francs two thousand francs 82 Buyer2: bayyil Ã±u passer ko Ã±ibbi let it go so we can pay to get home 83 Seller: dix mille moom wax dÃ« gg Yalla baax na ten thousand, God is my witness, that is a good price 84 jÃ pp ci rekk loolu moom poor yow la (2.0) take the deal, it's just for you 85 def ko loolu rekk dix mille just do it. ten thousand 86 Â°mille francs rekk passe laÂ° thousand francs is just for the pass 87 bayyil caaxaan bi prix normal bi mooy douze mille sans caaxaan stop playing. the normal price is twelve thousand, no joke 88 Buyer 2 : [Â°xanaa yowÂ° don't you 89 Seller: [bii nii sept ] mille francs laa koy jaaye ma jox la ko cinq mille this one costs seven thousand but I'm selling it to you for five thousand 90 Buyer 2 : ban ci? which one? 91 Seller: bu marron bi (.) boobu sept mille lay jaar the brown one, I sell that one for seven thousand 92 mais bee cinq mille la but that one is five thousand 93 Buyer 2 : waxal rekk loolu baax na yow tamit please just say that's a good price , come on 94 Seller: pourtant lii ma la wax baax na de but what I've told you is good 95 Buyer 2 : moom (.) daÃ±uy passer mille francs yi Ã±ibbi? we need the thousand francs for transportation to get home 96 (1.0) ma jox la ko I will give you it 97 Seller: indil grawul give it no problem 98 yore ay million ba pare di waxaale you have millions but still you bargain
85 99 [bawol bawol nga rekk you're just a Baol 100 Buyer 2 : [millions fan? ] amiin millions where? a men 101 (2.5) 102 Me: thank you 103 (6 .0) ((background noise)) 104 Seller2: bii rafet na de this one is pretty 105 Buyer3: nga ne ma jÃ«nd bi? are you saying I should buy this one? 106 yee dal moo gÃ«n the other ones are bigger 107 comme bii ma jÃ«nd jÃ«nd na bu blanc like the one I bought, she bought the white one 108 Seller : doo jÃ«lale bii would you take this one with it ? 109 pourtant bii dafa rafet you know , this one is pretty 110 Seller2: pourtant japp naa la de you know , it looks good on you 111 Buyer3: Ã±aata lay jaar how much does it cost ? 112 Seller : trois mille three thousand 113 Seller2: yaangi may:: Seenabu lu mu wax de you're giving Seenabu something to talk about 114 yaangi ko maay lu mu wax de you're giving her something to talk about 115 ((laughter)) 116 Buyer3: (hhh) kii moo bon what a bad boy 117 Kaolack laa jÃ«m (0.5) ak tangaay bi I'm headed to Kaolack , with the heat 118 Seller2: Â°aah Kaolack lay jÃ«mÂ° to Kaolack 119 Buyer2: rouge bi moo daq, ? (0.5) rouge bi moo daq . the red is better, right? the red is better 120 Buyer3: mere naa la I'm mad at you
86 121 Seller : deet waay bu wax loolu no don't say that 122 Buyer3: mere naa la I'm mad at you 123 Buyer2: yow lii lan la? ay la ( x) hey, what is this? is i t ( x) 124 Seller : waaw ay la ( x) am na gris clair gris foncÃ© yes it's the ( x) there is light grey , dark grey 125 Buyer2: amul noir waaye? there's no black? 126 Seller : no boobu amul noir no that one , there is no black 127 (7.5) 128 Buyer3: yow (.) fooy jÃ«m dangay Ã±ibbi. where are you going ? are you going home ? 129 Buyer2: waaw naÃ±u dem yes , we're going
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92 BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH Claire Harter spent two years as a graduate student in the Department of Linguistics at University of Florida with research interests in sociolinguistics, discourse assistant from fall 2013 to spring 2015. She graduated with a Master of Arts from the University of Florida College of Liberal Arts & Sciences in the spring of 2015.