Samba, Mulatas and the Social Meaning of Carnival

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Samba, Mulatas and the Social Meaning of Carnival
David De Souza, Corey Ann
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[Gainesville, Fla.]
University of Florida
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Doctorate ( Ph.D.)
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University of Florida
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Brazilian culture ( jstor )
Carnivals ( jstor )
Choreography ( jstor )
Dance ( jstor )
Dance rehearsal ( jstor )
Dance schools ( jstor )
Parades ( jstor )
Popular dance ( jstor )
Rehearsal ( jstor )
Samba ( jstor )
Anthropology -- Dissertations, Academic -- UF
anthropology -- bahia -- brazil -- carnival -- culture -- dance -- ethnography -- latinamerica -- mulata -- nationalism -- performance -- riodejaneiro -- samba -- sambaenredo
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Anthropology thesis, Ph.D.


Brazilian carnival is a multi-billion dollar cultural institution presenting idealized nationalist performances for the global mediascape. This research addresses the samba of Rio de Janeiros carnival as a meta-language for cultural ideologies relevant to the people of Rio de Janeiro (Cariocas), and to the Brazilian nation. By focusing on the passistas and other protagonists of the production of carnival, this project investigates racial, gendered and religious ideologies surrounding the construction of a nationalist symbol. Furthermore, this research proposes that carnival performances amplify, rather than invert, actual social relations found in Carioca society. Contrary to the theory of carnival as a performance of inversions, this paper contributes to a growing body of research promoting a performance-centered interpretation of nationalist ideology, highlighting the sacred aspects of carnival relevant to the productions main protagonists. This research incorporates original ethnographic fieldwork data collected in multiple sites, including: samba schools, night-clubs, academic workshops on samba held in elite Brazilian venues, carnival venues, and informal gatherings of research participants in Rio de Janeiro and Bahia, Brazil (June 2011 to May 2013). ( en )
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Thesis (Ph.D.)--University of Florida, 2015.
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by Corey Ann David De Souza.

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© 2015 Corey A. C. David De Souza


3 ACKNOWLEDGMENTS I thank my research partner, friend and soul mate Victor Souza for taking this journey with me. I thank my son, Rauã and my parents Heidi, Bill, Ken and Rebecca for their love, patience and support. I thank my advisor Dr. Faye Venetia Harrison for believi ng in me and taking me under her wing. I thank Drs. Joan Frosch, Florence Babb and Michael Heckenberger for joining my team and providing invaluab le insight, and Drs. Larry Crook and Welson Tremura for sharing their expertise , especially in defining music terms . I thank the passistas of Alegria da Zona Sul: Joyce, Priscilla, Danika, Vanessa , Mayara, Pelezinho, Batata; Vila Isabel: Milena and Gii; Acadêmicos da Rocinha; Mangueira: Rafaela Bastos, Marcia Anjo, Evelyn Bastos, Luciana Ferreira, Carla Valente; samba specialists at the Centro Cultural Cartola: Nilcemar Nogueira and Vinicius Natal ; Isnard Manso, Giovanni and all of the students and instructors at the Centro Cultural Carioca; sambistas o f Bahia Dona Dalva, Gerônimo, De ise, and instructors of the Es cola de Dança da FUNCEB for letting me into their world and for dancing with me.


4 TABLE OF CONTENTS page ACKNOWLEDGMENTS ................................ ................................ ................................ ............... 3 LIST OF FIGURES ................................ ................................ ................................ ......................... 7 LIST OF OBJECTS ................................ ................................ ................................ ......................... 9 BRAZILIAN PORT UGUESE TERMS ................................ ................................ ........................ 10 ABSTRACT ................................ ................................ ................................ ................................ ... 15 CHAPTER 1 INTRODUCTION ................................ ................................ ................................ .................. 16 2 RESEARCH METHODS ................................ ................................ ................................ ....... 24 2. 1 Overview ................................ ................................ ................................ ........................... 24 2.2 First Contact: Rio de Janeiro ................................ ................................ ............................ 27 2.3 Bahia ................................ ................................ ................................ ................................ . 34 3 THEORETICAL PERSPECTIVES ................................ ................................ ........................ 37 3.1 Performance Theory ................................ ................................ ................................ ......... 37 3.2 Finding Passistas ................................ ................................ ................................ ............... 42 3.2.1 Field Notes, July 2011. ................................ ................................ ........................... 42 3.2.2 Anthropology of the Body ................................ ................................ ...................... 43 3.3 Visual Anthropology, Autoethnography and Embodiment ................................ .............. 50 3.4 Samba through an Intersectional Lens ................................ ................................ .............. 53 3.5 Samba as Living Heritage ................................ ................................ ................................ . 57 4 IDENTIFYING THE SAMBA MATRIX ................................ ................................ .............. 63 4.1 What is Samba? ................................ ................................ ................................ ................ 63 4.2 Before Samba was Samba ................................ ................................ ................................ 63 4. 3 Syncopation: Occupying Negative Space ................................ ................................ ......... 71 4.4 Samba in Bahia ................................ ................................ ................................ ................. 73 4.5 Documenting Samba ................................ ................................ ................................ ......... 91 4.6 Samba Carioca ................................ ................................ ................................ .................. 92 4.7 Bota A baixo ................................ ................................ ................................ ...................... 99 4.8 Theme & Variations in Music & Movement ................................ ................................ .. 100 4.9 Dancing Samba ................................ ................................ ................................ ............... 104 4.10 Modernizing Forces ................................ ................................ ................................ ...... 108 4. 11 Rise of the Passista and the Professional Mulata ................................ ....................... 116


5 5 CONFLICTING COSMOLOGIES ................................ ................................ ...................... 127 5.1 Dance and the Sacred Body ................................ ................................ ............................ 127 5.2 Dancing Outside the Lines ................................ ................................ .............................. 134 6 VISUAL DATA ................................ ................................ ................................ .................... 140 6.1 Videos ................................ ................................ ................................ ............................. 140 6.2 Photographs ................................ ................................ ................................ .................... 150 7 THE REHEARSAL SPACE ................................ ................................ ................................ . 154 7.1 In the Dance Laboratory ................................ ................................ ................................ . 154 7.1.1 Field Notes: September 17, 2012 ................................ ................................ ......... 154 7.1.2 Becoming a Passista ................................ ................................ ............................. 155 7.2 What is Rehearsal? ................................ ................................ ................................ ......... 156 7.3 What is Choreography? ................................ ................................ ................................ .. 158 7. 4 Building a Performance ................................ ................................ ................................ .. 160 7.5 Learning to Samba ................................ ................................ ................................ .......... 163 7.6 The Rehearsal Season ................................ ................................ ................................ ..... 164 7.6 .1 Field Notes: September 22, 2012 (Rehearsal at Mangeuira Samba School) ........ 165 7.6 .2 Rehearsal or Performance? ................................ ................................ ................... 167 7.7 Improvising Choreography ................................ ................................ ............................. 169 7.7 .1 Field Notes: July 27, 2012 ................................ ................................ .................... 171 7.7 .2 Negotiation ................................ ................................ ................................ ........... 172 7.7 .3 Fiel d Notes: October 1, 2012 ................................ ................................ ................ 172 7.7 .4 Playing the Field ................................ ................................ ................................ ... 173 7.7 .5 Field Notes: October 13, 2012 ................................ ................................ .............. 174 7.7 .6 Invitation to Choreograph ................................ ................................ ..................... 175 7.7 .7 Field Notes: October 15, 2012 ................................ ................................ .............. 176 7.7 .8 Field Notes: Sunday, October 21, 2012 ................................ ................................ 177 7.7 .9 Making Enemies ................................ ................................ ................................ ... 179 7.7 .10 Field Notes: Monday, October 22, 2012 ................................ ............................ 179 7.7 .11 Field Notes: Saturday, October 27, 2012 ................................ ........................... 183 7.7 .12 Seeking an Elite School ................................ ................................ ...................... 185 7.7 .13 Field Notes: Saturday, October 27, 2012 cont. ................................ .................. 185 7.7 .14 Not such a Good Idea ................................ ................................ ......................... 186 7.7 .15 Field Notes: Sunday, October 28, 2012. ................................ ............................. 186 7.7 .16 Field Notes: Monday, October 29, 2012 ................................ ............................ 187 7.7 .17 Field Notes: Monday, October 29, 2012, continued: ................................ ......... 188 7.8 Joining the Upper Division ................................ ................................ ............................. 189 7.8 .1 Field Notes: November 2, 2012 ................................ ................................ ............ 189 7.8 .2 Crunch Time ................................ ................................ ................................ ......... 193 7.8 .3 Field Notes: January 11, 2013 ................................ ................................ .............. 195


6 8 CARNIVAL PARADE ................................ ................................ ................................ ......... 196 8.1 Down to the Wire ................................ ................................ ................................ ............ 201 8.2 Ta king the Stage ................................ ................................ ................................ ............. 205 8.3 Round Two ................................ ................................ ................................ ..................... 207 8.4 Aftermath ................................ ................................ ................................ ........................ 210 8.5 Parade of Champions ................................ ................................ ................................ ...... 215 9 CONCLUSION ................................ ................................ ................................ ..................... 218 APPENDIX: SAMBA SCHOOLS ................................ ................................ .............................. 224 LIST OF REFERENCES ................................ ................................ ................................ ............. 226 Articles & Books ................................ ................................ ................................ .................. 226 Audio Visual (CDs, DVDs & Websites) ................................ ................................ .............. 236 Public Events & Interviews ................................ ................................ ................................ .. 237 BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH ................................ ................................ ................................ ....... 240


7 LIST OF FIGURES Figure page 4 1 City of Cachoeira as viewed from São Félix, located on the opposite side of the Paraguaçu River. Photo by Author 2011. ................................ ................................ .......... 75 4 2 Casa do Samba de Roda de Dona Dalva. Photo by Author 2011. ................................ ..... 78 4 3 Sisters of Our Lady of the Good Death dressed in white pose with school children who have come to visit the sisterhood. Photo by Corey Souza, 2012. .............................. 83 4 4 Baianas cariocas women in Rio de Janeiro dress as baianas for the section of their samba school. These are rehearsal costumes, whereas the performance costumes include large, brightl y colored skirts. Photo courtesy of Victor Souza, 2013. ................................ ................................ ................................ ....................... 84 4 5 Tourists in Salvador take pictures as baianas and baianos. Photo by Author 2013. .......... 85 4 6 Oswaldo Santos da Silva (center) with two other members of the Filhos do Caquende. Photo by Author, 2011. ................................ ................................ .................... 89 4 7 Samba de roda practiced at private party in Cachoeira. Music performed by Filhos do Caquende. Photo by Author, 2011. ................................ ................................ .............. 90 4 8 Mangueira Samba School. Photo by Author 2012. ................................ ............................ 94 4 9 Cartola Cultural Center. Photo by Author 2012. ................................ ............................... 94 4 10 Dance professors Kadu Vieira & Viviane Soares of the Centro Cultural Carioca teaching a workshop in samba de gafieira . Photo courtesy of Kadu Vieira, 2013. ......... 1 07 4 11 afro on display in Pelourinho. Photo by Author. 2013. ................................ ................................ ................................ ................... 111 4 12 Magary and Kalinde perform at Praça Pedro Arcanjo in Pelourinho. Photo by the Author, 2012. ................................ ................................ ................................ ................... 116 4 13 Passistas of Salgueiro Samba School at rehearsal. Photo Courtesy of Evelyn Meirelles, 2013. ................................ ................................ ................................ ............... 120 4 14 Passista and professional mulata Rafaela Bastos. Photo courtesy of Rafaela Bastos 2012. ................................ ................................ ................................ ................................ . 122 5 1 Evelyn Mereilles, passista of Salgueiro Samba School inTraditional passista show Costume. Photo courtesy of Evelyn Meirelles, 2011 ................................ ....................... 130 7 1 Raiani Ivo and other passistas of Samba School Alegria da Zona Sul, rehearsing at Bola Preta. Photo courtesy of Victor Souza 2012. ................................ ........................... 157


8 7 2 Passistas of Acadêmicos da Rocinha perform at the quadra . October 2012. Photo courtesy of Victor Souza. ................................ ................................ ................................ . 181 7 3 Marking spacing for performance at final selection of samba enredo for Alegria da Zona Sul . Photo courtesy of Victor Souza 2012. ................................ ............................. 189 7 4 Vila Isabel street rehearsal. Photo courtesy of Victor Souza. ................................ .......... 194 8 1 Fans cheer for Vila Isabel in the Sambódromo. Photo courtesy of Victor Souza, 2013. ................................ ................................ ................................ ................................ . 196 8 2 Vila Isabel lined up and ready to enter the Sambódromo . Photo courtesy of Victor Souza. ................................ ................................ ................................ ............................... 204 8 3 Milena & male passista getting ready to enter the Sambódromo . Photo courtesy of Victor Souza 2013. ................................ ................................ ................................ ........... 208 8 4 Milena & Gii after the parade. Photo by Author 2013. ................................ ................... 210 8 5 announcement of their win. Photo by Author 2013. ... 213 8 6 quadra following announcement of their w in. Photos by author. ................................ ................................ ................................ ..... 214


9 LIST OF OBJECTS Object page 6 1 Rocinha Final Samba Selection. ................................ ................................ ...................... 140 6 2 Mangueira at Cacique de Ramos. ................................ ................................ .................... 143 6 3 Alegria da Zona Sul: Final Samba Selection. ................................ ................................ .. 145 6 4 Samba Pira ................................ ................................ ................................ ....................... 148 6 5 Day Parade ................................ ................................ ................................ ...... 150 6 6 G.R.E.S. Alegria da Zona Sul 2012 2013 ................................ ................................ ........ 151 6 7 G.R.E.S. Estação Primeira da Mangueira 2011 2012 ................................ ...................... 151 6 8 G.R.E.S. Unidos da Vila Isabel 2012 2013 ................................ ................................ ..... 151 6 9 G.R.E.S. Acadêmicos da Rocinha ................................ ................................ ................... 151 6 10 Carnival Vignettes Recorded at Citibank Music Hall ................................ ...................... 151 6 11 Rio de Janeiro 2011 201 3 ................................ ................................ .............................. 152 6 12 ................................ ................................ ............................ 152 6 13 Cachoeira, Bahia 2011 2013 ................................ ................................ ............................ 152 6 14 Magary Lord ................................ ................................ ................................ .................... 152 6 15 Salvador, Bahia ................................ ................................ ................................ ................ 152


10 BRAZILIAN PORTUGUESE TERMS Afoxé Afro Brazilian rhythm of northeastern Brazil; a secular manifestation of candomblé; a percussive instrument composed of a gourd wrapped in a net threaded with beads. Ala Wing or section of a samba school. Axé Yoruban term for life force, also a genre of popular music from Salvador, Bahia, which appeared in the 1980s Baiana Bahian woman and general term for female street vendors of typical Bahian foods, such as acarajé , also refers to a specific wi ng ( ala ) of the samba schools of Rio de Janeiro, whose members represent the crucial rola of Bahian women in the foundation of samba carioca. Babalorixá Also known as pai de santo , or male priest of candomblé Bateria Group of percussion instruments in an samba school. Bateria is also used as a term for a drum set. Batucada Refer to the percussive heavy style of samba played by the bateria (group of percussion instruments in a samba school). By extension batucada can refer to (generally) loud sounding dru mming. Batuque G eneral reference to rhythms and dances of Africans and their descend ents during the colonial period. Oc casionally used to refer to contemporary batucada. Bicha S lang for homosexual man or transvestite. Bolero S yle of L atin ballroom dance characterized by a slow tempo Bossa Nova Brazilian music genre that appeared in the 1950s, characterized by slower tempo (than that of the samba) and produced with emphasis on the voice and guitar, as opposed to the sounds of the batucada or other percussive elements. It is often recognized as a fusion of samba and American jazz. Cabrocha M ulatta Cachaça S ugar cane liquor Calango Type of lizard, also a rural form of samba Candomblé Afro Brazilian religion developed as a result of colonization; cogna te forms found in the Caribbean, South, Central and North America include: santeria; vudoo or vodun; umbanda.


11 Capoeira Afro Brazilian dance form and martial art, originally evolved as a form of self defense amongst Africans and African descendents in Brazi l during the colonial period. It is now an internationally recognized sport, dance and martial art. Carioca O f or pertaining to Rio de Janeiro. Cavaquinho A small stringed instrument, similar to the ukelele Choro it is an instrumenta l popular music genre appearing in the mid 19 th century of Brazil. Chula A style of samba characterized by call and response singing in the northeast. Côco it is a style of samba characterized by a fusion of African and indigenou s Brazilian rhythms and dances. Ensaio however the ensaios of large samba organizations and many local bands are often promoted and sold as formal shows Entrudo Pre Lenten public spectacle and precursor to the modern carnival , characterized by pranks and mischief making. Fado Portuguese folk music Favela S lum or ghetto Forró Music and dance genre of originating northeastern Brazil, it is commonly practiced in ballroom dance studios a nd popular dance and music venue s all over the country. Frevo Carnival music originating in the northeast of Brazil. Espiritismo Also known as Kardecismo after the French founder of spiritism Allan Kardec. Similar to North American spiritualism, the practice involves the use of mediums, belief in a supreme god, as well as a spirit world that interacts with the world of the living. Gringo /a F oreigner Ialorixá A lso known as a mãe de santo or femal e priestess of candomblé Intérprete I nterpreter, title of the lead singer of the samba enredo of samba sch ools in Rio de Janeiro. It is also a general reference for any singer . Kardecismo See espiritismo above.


12 Lundu Afro Brazilian dance and music form related to the Spanish fandango and traditional Bantu movements and rhythms. Lundu was a precursor to the ch oro, maxixe and later, samba. Mãe de Santo See Ialorixá Malandro Ruffian or thug. Maxixe A lternative name for tango brasileiro, music and ballroom dance style developed in Rio de Janeiro in the mid 19 th century. It is a precursor to the samba de gafieira . Mestre Sala The official master of ceremonies of the Portuguese court, the term later was used to indicate a professional events planner of the 19 th century carnival balls, and eventually, the name for the male component of the flag bearing couple essentia l to each and every samba school of Rio de Janeiro: mestre sala & porta bandeira . Miudinho Traditional manner of dancing samba and common to most samba styles. The step involves small gliding movements of the feet across the floor. Moda 19 th century Portu eguse music of the elite, in the form of romantic ballads Modinha Brazilian variation of the Portuguese moda . Mulato/a M ulatto / mulatta, man/woman of mixed African and European descent. Mulatice Mulata ness, term coined by anthropologist Natasha Pravaz. Pagode Term originally referred to a festive gathering where samba was played (much like the term batuque, or even samba), in the 1980s it came to indicate a new commercial form of samba practiced in Rio de Janeiro, and later, Salvador as well, albeit with regional variations. Pai de Santo Babalorixá Pandeiro Membranophone instrument structured like a tambourine, but with a leather or synthetic skin over its center. Partido Alto One of three critical forms of samba carioca recognized as intangible The form involves two singers who preform a lyrical duel. Passista V irtuoso samba dancer of the samba schools of Rio de Janeiro Porta Bandeira Flag bearer of the samba schools of Rio de Janeiro


13 Quilombo During the colonial period, e scaped Africans formed free communities in the interior. Brazilian quilombos are similar to Jamaican Maroon settlements or palenques for the C imarrones (Maroons) of Spanish America. Quadra school, or other concrete surface intended for recreational use. Rasteira Sweep of the leg, used in capoeira and some versions of samba to knock an opponent off balance. Rebola r To gyrate the hips Roda C ircle or wheel Roda de Samba Form of samba practiced with musicians sitting around a table. Samba de Caboclo Form of samba practiced in some cadnomblé houses, usually at the close of the ceremony. Samba de Gafieira Ballroom samba first appearing in Rio de Janeiro in the early 20 th century. Precursors include the maxixe and the lundu . Samba de Quadra Sambas composed at the quadra (samba school). Samba de Roda Form of samba native t o Bahia, where dancers form a circle and take turns dancing in the center of the circle. Samba de Terreiro Samba practiced in conjunction with candomblé practices, typically following formal religious ceremonies. Samba de Veio V ariation of rural samba. Sam ba Duro V ariation of rural samba. Samba Enredo March style samba essential to the carnival parades and samba schools of Rio de Janeiro. Samba Funk Samba variation mixed with elements of American funk. Samba Reggae Form of samba native to Salvador, Bahia, first appearing in the 1980s. Samba Rock Samba mixed with elements of rock and roll. Sambadeira Woman who dances or practices samba. Sambista Person who practices or performs samba. Saudades Nostalgia; longing


14 Semba Angolan dance and music style, involves the use of the umbigada or belly bump. Senzala Soltinho Form of ballroom dance similar to American swing, used for even 4/4 rock rhythms. Surdo A large base drum essential to many types of Brazilian music, such as samba enredo , pagode, samba reggae and axé Tango Brasileiro A lternative name for maxixe, music and ballroom dance style developed in Rio de Janeiro in the mid 19 th century. It is a precursor to the samba de gafieira. Terreiro but often used to refer to the location where candomblé is practiced. Tia A unt Timbau Similar to West African djembe drum and the atabaque, but with a nylon membrane (Crook 2005). The timbau originated in Salvador with the development of samba reggae and axé music. Umbigada Belly bump, gesture used in some forms of samba to indicate which dancer should be next to enter the circle Viola Of European origin, the viola is similar to an acoustic guitar in shape, but usually smaller. The viola is has 8 12 strin gs, as opposed to the 6 stringed guitar. Violão Guitar Zouk Brazilian zouk (different from the Carribbean carnival zouk) is a modern partner dance similar to the lambada.


15 Abstract of Dissertation Presented to the Graduate School of the University of Flor ida in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy SAMBA, MULATAS AND THE SOCIAL MEANING OF CARNIVAL By Corey Souza August 2015 Chair: Faye Venetia Harrison Major: Anthropology Brazilian carnival is a multi billion dollar cultural institution presenting idealized nationalist performances for the global mediascape. This research addresses the samba of Rio de language for cultural ideologies relevant t o the people of Rio de Janeiro (Cariocas), and to the Brazilian nation. By focusing on the passistas and other protagonists of the production of carnival, this project investigates racial, gendered and religious ideologies surrounding the construction of a nationalist symbol. Furthermore, this research proposes that carnival performances amplify, rather than invert, actual social relations found in Carioca society. Contrary to the theory of carnival as a performance of inversions, this dissertation contr ibutes to a growing body of research promoting a performance centered interpretation of nationalist ideology, highlighting the sacred aspects of carnival relevant to the dwork data collected in multiple sites, including: samba schools, night clubs, academic workshops on samba held in elite Brazilian venues, carnival venues, and informal gatherings of research participants in Rio de Janeiro and Bahia, Brazil (June 2011 Ma y 2013).


16 CHAPTER 1 INTRODUCTION Dancers absorb history by learning to dance . Stuart Hodes Transforming Dance History As a performing artis t, I am drawn equally to the so well as popular forms of dance. As an academi c, I seek to understand this distinction between high and low art, associated with popular and elite forms of entertainment. It is the goal of this research, to illuminate a critical feature of cultural consumption, appreciation and production, that is, u nderstanding the political histories that inform popular media. This research navigates the field of samba as a technical genre of performing arts embedded in a specific historical narrative. In post colonial nations, like the United States or Brazil, we c an actually read the history of cultural and political domination through not only the bodies that dance, but by the way in which society at large receives or interprets those choreographies. In 2003, UNESCO formed a committee whose sole purpose is to prom ote the protection of intangible cultural heritage, which includes performing arts, like dance. In its mission cultural manifestation itself but rather the w ealth of knowledge and skills that is transmitted through it from one generation to the next (UNESCO 2012). The UNESCO project was specifically designed to counteract the detrimental e ffects of colonization on the cultural practices of colonized people. During the colonial period, the culture of enslaved Africans and indigenous societies were often violently repressed, and occasionally appropriated by Europea n culture, in process es known as cultural imperialism and cultural hegemony . These processes inspired the foundation of the fields of cultural and post colonial studies.


17 In contemporary society , the chronicle of cultural imperialism is so complex, that delin eating a defensible position within the field of cultural production can b e mind boggling. Although this research intersects with problems put forth by Marxist scholars, such as the collective amnesia perpetuating commodity fetishism, and post national identity and representation, the true focu s of this work is to elucidate the dancing body, the female form in particular, whose skin, bones, organs and muscle tissue not only carry the imprint of Western expansion and modernization, but communicate that story through precise gestures and choreogra phies. Three major questions driving this research are: How have mulatas come to represent the quintessential Brazilian self in the global mediascape? How is it that the theory of carnival as a liminal space in which social roles are inverted became the dominant academic interpretation? How can mulatas work towards real (as opposed to symbolic) valorization of their work as cultivators of intangible heritage ? The first question launched this investigation, as I tried to understand how marginalized social actors represent an idealized image of Brazilianness. Mulatas , women of mixed African and European descent, find themselves at the bottom of the socioeconomic ladder (Lovell 1994), yet are upheld as stars of this major national event. The connection betwee n mulatas and passistas (virtuoso samba dancers) is so strong that the two terms become interchangeable in the field of samba in Rio de Janeiro and carnival. Furthermore, the role of mulata is nolonger merely a social or rac ial identity, rather it has beco me a professional category. The term passista describes a specific group of dancers within the samba schools of Rio de Janeiro, and is the dominant term used throughout the dissertation. Although passistas can be either male or female, it is the female passista that dominates popular consciousness and nationalist representation. Female p assistas are most often also mulatas


18 (mixed race) , and professional mulatas are usually passistas , although not necessarily mixed race. In this sense, race becomes a beha vior or practice as opposed to an identity associated with a specific skin tone. This question connects the micro process of individual cultural production with the meso epartments of cultural affairs and tourism, and global media) . Furthermore, the first research question developed another, which remained a permanent fixture throughout the investigation: Are scantily clad women, wearing ridiculously high heels and gyratin g their reproductive organs for the benefit of global media consumption reiterating their own social, political and economic domination, or are they the bastions of independence and resistance to that power? Numerous scholars have recognized the role of sa mba and carnival within the nationalist agenda of the Vargas regime (1930 1945) in terms of the transformist hegemony as described by Bracket Williams, whereby [D]omination worked partly by appropriation and resignifica tion . . . particular cultural eleme nts become incorporated (accom modated) into nationalist versions of complex of the dominant groups[.]( apud Wade 2010: 93). Other researchers have placed samba an d Afro Brazilian cultural orga nizations as centerpieces in Brazilian political movements, actively fighting for popular interests (Winant 1992: 187; Nogueira 2007). The second major research question regarding liminality and inversion evolved throughout the cour se of the field research and speaks to varied experiences of spirituality expressed through participation in carnival. The dominant popular interpretation of carnival as a part of a Catholic worldview holds that the event marks a period of bachnalian revel ry and profanity. Following carnivals of medieval Europe, which had their own roots in pagan ritual,


19 carne vale (farewell to flesh) accompanied the observance of Lent, which was characterized by mediation, fasting and repentance (Turner 1987). Lent takes p lace approximately 46 days prior to (Gulevich 2001). Carnival takes on many forms throughout Latin America and the Caribbean, but always involves parades in celeb ration of national, or community identity. The North American equivalent is known as Fat Tuesday, or Mardi Gras . liminality and communitas through ritual practice has been applied in many cultural scenarios to understand the creation of a chaotic atmosphere, where social norms are suspended. New scholarship on Brazilian carnival shows that certain aspects of the socioeconomic hierarchy are reinforced through the production of the event, thereby concretizing social roles, while simultaneously undermining others. Furthermore, the experience of carnival as a profane practice ignores the rich history of Afro descendent spiritual heritage embedded in the event. Lastly, the question of how to move b e yond symbolic r ecognition of passistas ( mulatas ) contributions to Brazilian heritage towards concrete valorization is outlined by recognizing individuals whose resources have been devoted to civic engagement, developing pedagogy for the discipline and professional deve lopment of their field. What once was a sacred practice, or mere pastime, is now a full fledged international industry, and it will take tremendous efforts on the part of local artists to protect themselves and the next generation of entertainers from havi ng their talents appropriated without economic returns. It is encouraging, however, that the sambas of Bahia and Rio de Janeiro have, in the last decade, received recognition by UNESCO (Bahia) and the Brazilian Institute of National Historic and Artistic P atrimony ( Bahia and Rio de Janeiro ) as intangible heritage, thus garnering state support for its documentation and dissimenation as legitimate culture.


20 C hapter 2 describes the research methods employed throughout this project, the selection thereof owing fielty first and foremost to the mechanisms necessary for learning the dance. P rimacy was placed on the body as instrument for data collection throughout the entire research process both in the traditional sense of observation through the eyes and ears (Ko nopinski 2014) , as well as through absorption of choreography, that is, history and identity , through the body (Daniel 2005; 2011) . Data collection and processing was largely autoe thnographic. Not only did I internalize complex narratives of Brazilian identity through movement, my interactions with the research collaborators also produced potent sites of intercultural dialogue (Ellis 2003 ) . Rather than avoid the controversies presen ted by my positionality as a foreign white researcher in a largely black community, I allow moments of tension between myself and research collaborators to reveal when and how race and gender present salient social barriers. e thical implications of a white, North American dancer performing movements derived from the self defense and/or spritiual manifestations of Africans and th e re always at the surface of my quer y , as I delved deeper into the world of samba . Chapter 3 illustrat es the theoretical perspectives critical to this project by first demonstrating how performance theory calls our attention to historical narratives . A nthropologists have done a grea t deal of work to unravel the performances of daily life (Goffman 1959 , Bourdieu 1977; Foucault 1984 ) and demonstrate how seemingly insignificant activities reveal collective histories, subconscious behaviors, and the influence of structural power (Wolf 19 90) on each and every member of society. It seems, however, t hat much of anthropology has shi ed away from the same significance reaped of formal performance in


21 contemporary urban societies , leaving the field to fine arts scholars, performance theorists and ethnomusicologists, who may not have the benefit of a strong background in social theory required of the anthr opologist. Likewise, anthropologist s , although far removed from the armchair approaches of their 19 t h century predecessors, often lack the somatic knowledge acquired through advanced practice of a particular art form. At times , it appears we are all shouting the same phrases, albeit in diffe rent languages, across artificial borders known as academic disci plines. Both anthropologists and performing artists have been notorious for crossing, and at times, breaking boundaries, and this work constitutes my attempt in that direction: to encourage interdisciplinary research between artists , anthropologists and so cial theorists so that we might better understand the collective psychology in contemporary society. Lastly, Chapter 3 highlights the importance of critical race and gender studies, which likewise, have everything to do with performance. Chapter 4 provide s an overview of sam ba history and critical developments in its form and practice, beginning with the colonial period through the present. This section highlights regional variations, while concentrating on the major foci of samba production, both geograph ically (Bahia and Rio de Janeiro) and temporally (car nival , rehearsals and other social gatherings ). A major theme to have emerged throughout this investigation is the dichotomous symbolism of the female passista : her prestige as a sacred feature of a secu lar world and her lived experience as a marginal member of society. This conundrum led to deeper questions about 2005) , despite the effects of global capital ism on popular culture. After numerous interviews with dancers claiming somtheing akin to enlightenment through samba, and despite the Catholics


22 who label the practice as profane, it is my conclusion that the spiritual, emotional and psychological power of samba endures in the face of a multi billion dollar industry , which I argue , has disfigured the practice. As Victor Turner proclaimed of the carnivals of the late 1980s, tirely cop Carna v al is by no means dead (1987: 124). Chapter 5 deals with these conflicted notions of expressions of spirit, profanity and authenticity. Chapters 6 provides visual data in the form of videos and photoraphs that are available for viewing as online media, accessible through th e links provided. Chapters 7 and 8 reveal the bulk of ethnographic data collected throughout the course of this research project, and are rife with field notes and anecdotes . The rehearsal process consumed more than 6 months of my time in the field and is the topic of Chapter 7 . The most fascinating discovery I made throughout this journey which admittedly , appears quite obvious in hindsi ght was that the identities communicated through formal performance are created through the rehearsal process. The rehearsal space is a field open for innovation, experimentation, evolution and rejection. Most of what goes on in rehearsal is not part of the formal performance, as kinesthetic, rhythmic and melodic concepts are tested for their efficacy exposed to broader audiences. Notably, the infiltration of the mass media and economic motives for live br oadcast of samba school rehearsals complicates this matter. Chapter 8 focuses on the performance event itself: carnival. Only through the many months of rehearsal training where dancers were expected to perform for hours on end, and into the wee hours of the morning, with feet crammed into strappy platform stilettos, shorts so tight you could barely sit and bra tops made of twisted steal was I able to contend with the physical demands of performing in carnival. Truly an endurance test, carnival was a se ries of sleepless


23 nights and a flurry of intense dancing interspersed with endless hours of waiting in the wings with monstrous costumes that required many helping hands to carry and assemble. I was just one of ninety passistas in a school of many thousand members working, watching and waiting for their moment to parade down the avenue in a sprint of glorious samba. To my dismay, the discomfort associated with the entire process left me with the sensation that carniva really any fun at all. I t w as j ust a whole lot of work. T rue joy, communion, spritiual and emotional bond created be tween me mbers of the samba world resides in the many m onths of rehearsals. Carnival i s the moment when performers give all of that joy to others. This sentiment was corrob orated by my researcher collaborators who assured me rehearsals are always more pleasurable than carnival itself. Chapter 9 is an attempt to resolve loose ends and find a close to this colorful journey. The entire experience has opened my eyes to the compl exity of describing people and their actions, even within such a niche group as samba school performers, or even more precisely, passistas of samba schools in Rio de Janeiro. The voices carried th roughout this text represent myriad cross sections of contem porary C arioca and Bahian society, each with their own justifications for being sambistas . Still, the unifying theme throughout, beyond the practice of samba itself, is the sense of supreme joy felt in the practice of samba . I n the depths of the puls ing bateri a , the sweat and confetti, everyone shares the enlightenment of samba.


24 CHAPTER 2 RESEARCH METHODS 2. 1 Overview This research has followed a commitment to feminist, post modern and engaged research methods (Abu Lughod 1990, Wolf 1996; Conquergood 2013). The project evolved through long term ethnographic research with recognition of the politics of location, intersectionality and multivocality that influence data collection and ethnographic production. This research explores the social meaning of Brazilian samba and carnival from the perspective of the passista , the quintessential samba dancer. Further objectives of this research project include: ascertaining the manner in which samba perfor mance contributes to the formation of collective memory, cultural and national identity; unpacking the controversial nature of the passista ; exploring the tensions between sacred and secular performances as they relate to carnival. Furthermore, this resear ch asks how passistas can increase valorization of their role as cultivators of intangible heritage. These research questions outline the articulations of race, class, and gender as embodied experience within the global community. The effects of macro econ omics on the micro processes of symbolic production informed the research qu estions outlined above, while recognition of the universal qualities of subaltern cultural production drove the selection of research methods. Participant observation gave way to o bservant participation as the primary form of data collec t i on technique as I, the researcher, became trained and entrenched in the cultural phenomenon in question. Thus, data collection and analysis were also largely autoethnographic. I maintain this approach as a powerful tool for understanding the


25 dynamics of intersectionality as I, personally encountered and, occasionally, transgressed various social categories. I avoid the polemic problem of trying to spea k for the subaltern, by instead, speaking for myself , however, transcribed dialogue from interviews can be found throughout the text . Informal interviews were conducted for the majority of my field research until significant rapport had been established w ith research participants in order to conduct semi formal, filmed interviews. A total of twenty six semi formal recorded i nterview s with samba performers were conducted throughout the course of this investigation with questions focused on tionship to the art of samba and participation in carnival: How did they get involved with the practice of samba? What is the importance of samba in their lives? How do they interpret the view of carnival as profane? Is spirituality a part of why they danc e? Why do they dance? Do they act as professional dancers or is this purely leisure? Do they feel their work is valued within and/or outside of the samba school? Do they feel the presence of sexism ( machismo ) within the practice of samba? How has tourism a ffected the practice? For those who perform as professionals, how much do they get paid? For those who have travelled internationally to perform samba, how were they treated by audiences in other countries? Do they ever get treated like prostitute s just be cause they are samba dancers? Have they had any formal dance training? Although interviews began with a basic list of questions, others experiences. Additional y , cert ain aspects of the field became apparent to me overtime, such as the relevance of choreography within the performance of samba and the controversy it presents .


26 majority of this dissertation, due t o the fact that many of the individuals maintain public profiles, and are be local, or even international, celebrities. A few individuals were given pseudonyms in order to protect their privacy. Visual anthropology was used throughout the project in order to document what could not be embodied, captured in fie ld notes or interviews, and served as a memory aid during the write up phase. My research partner and spouse , Victor Souza conducted most of the filming and photography, so that I was able to immerse myself fully in the activities of the field sites. The focus of this investigation was on the dance of the female passistas, so the video archives are important records, not only of the gestures and postures specific to their performance roles, but also th at of the male dancers whose movements I was not able to absorb into my own body. Although the basic samba step is the same for both men and women, there are numerous patterns of footwork, gestures of the head, leaps and turns characteristic of masculine s amba performance, which can be obse rved through the video links in C hapter 6. Although informed consent was obtained for all interviews (some of which were filmed, while others were recorded in audio only), I did not obtain informed consent for all images and video taken during rehearsals and performances. The decision to film and photograph events without consent was made after I had been in the field long enough to recognize that most of the research collaborators , as well as outside observers , engage in filming and photographing of themselves and others indiscriminantly 1 . Furthermore, much of the rehearsals and performances are already filmed by local media and made n 1 One exception to this practice was at Dona school in Cachoeira, Bahia, where the film and photorgraphy by outsiders was expressly prohibited in their rehearsal space.


27 situations where filmmaker s and photographer s reap direct economic benefits off of the images they capture without any reward (neither conomic nor mere acknowledgment) for the f ilmed or photographed subject. For example, i n my case, I may gain indirect economic benefit through the use of these images in that they further my career as an anthropologist, but that is controversy I have accepted given the openness of the practice within this particular field of cultural activit y, and again, the fact that it is practiced by the research collaborators themselves. Lastly, all those interviewed who also maintain Facebook accounts (that is, most of them), gave me express permission to download images from their Facebook pages for use within the publication of my dissertation. Archival research provided historical perspectives on the contemporary phenomenon in question. Dissertation field research was multi s i t ed, ta k ing place (June July 2011 and June 2012 May 2013) within and amongs t samba schools in Rio de Jane iro. During this time roughly 10 weeks were spent in Bahia for a comparative perspective of the samba and carnival of the northeast. This work also built upon my at the Federal University of Bahia (2005 2007 ). 2.2 First Contact : Rio de Janeiro I conducted preliminary field research at Mangueira Samba School and the Centro Cultural Cartola in the Mangueira favela (slum) complex of Rio de Janeiro. Mangueira was chosen due to its notoriety as the longest running samba school in existence, its exclusive title of Super Champion of Carnival, and as an inspiration from Mexican artist academic s illuminative study of Mangueira (1991 ) . Although I was able to establish a working relationship with Nilcemar Nogeuira, granddaughter of , and Rafaela Bastos, passista of Mangueira, and attended


28 events sponsored by Mangueira Samba School, I was not able to become a member of the school or allowed direct access to much of the sc hool s adminstrative personnel. After renting a room in the favela neighborhood of Cantagalo, overlooking the elite neighborhoods of Ipanema and Copacabana, I was invited to join a lower division school known as Alegr ia da Zona Sul . The invitation came fro m my landlady , Elis ângela Jesus Sena, a Bahian woma n who had grown up in Rio de Janeiro. She worked part time as a tour guide for a local agency and part time subletting shacks to gringos like myself, 2 She also independently provided favela tours, which I opted to take with my parents when they came to visit for carnival. The favela is characterized by narrow corridors of cement or mud, and makeshift houses of plywood, brick and plastic. Open sewage and rats are common. I was familiar with the conditions prior to arrival and was pleased to find that the kitchinet I rent ed had solid w alls lined with clean tile, a window, mini fridge, air mattress and hot plate. Only after I had been living there for three days did I realize that the foot of my stairwell was a point for drug sales and the nighbor directly beneath me had recently investe d in a mega sound system. Also, the roof of my building was a launch point for many a pipa (kite) by local kids almost ever single day. At least , the room was located on t he first tier of homes made acce ssible by an alley l e a d ing directly to the elevator c onnecting the favela with the metro station General Osório and the rest of Ipanema and Copacabana . The favela itself has become a domain for entertainment, social science research and humanitarian projects. Films like City of God (2002) and Elite Squad ( 2007) 2 All dialogue and text translations were made by the author unless otherwise indicated.


29 highlight the various layers of violence and corruption that ex ist between the Brazilian polic e and gang leaders that is enacted in the geography of the favela . Conversely, films like Favela Rising (2005) reveal the favela as a space of creative production. Favela tours in Rio de Janeiro started to emerge in the 1990s, and by 2006, the favela Rocinha had become an official tourist destination. According to Freire four favelas in Rio de Janeiro, 99 % of favela tourists are foreigners, and there is a strong resistance to favela tourism by the Brazilian elite. elevator before leading them through the winding alleys of the fa vela proper. She described the changes seen in the favela since the installation of the pacification police in 2009: less open violenc e, but continued sale of drugs despite police presence . She also showed us the numbers written on houses marked for demoli tion so that developers could move in and build highrises. This was common as Brazil prepared for the World Cup (2014) and continues as the city of Rio de Janeiro readies itself for the World Olympics in 2016. She took us to the very peak of the hill, a tr ue forest, and pointed to bullet riddled trees from past gang battle s . At one point, Elisângela instructed my parents and I to enter a cave, the other side of which opened up into a free fall down the side of the small mountain. This moment in the tour act ually terrified me, si nce a careless slip could mean death. Elisângela explianed that this was the escape route used by bandits fleeing the police. The bandits knew where to jump to flee safely, while police would either back down or fall down. I was great ful when she helped us out of the cave , only to be stricken with grief as we were shown the ki l ling yard. At what otherwise appeared to be a


30 playgr ound, we were told was the site A microwave is when a suspected traito r or other enemy is surrounded by tires before they were covered in gasoline and lit on fire. Elisângela also showed us the abandoned home of a friend of hers, located less than a hundred yards from the killing yard. She explained that her friend had to mo ve, because her children were growing up mentally unstable due to having heard so many tortured screams of the dying. During the course of my field research, Elisângela made an independent run for vereadora (commissioner) of her district , and I gladly followed her campaign trail. As a resident of a favela , Elisângela was far more in touch with the specific needs of her community than the elite candidates who sought to win votes by throwing lavish street parties in the slum s. I was saddene d to see Elisângela lose by a narrow margin, however, the experience allowed me to visit a number of slum communities still controlled by militant gangs and understand the various threats faced by the residents of these areas . fri endship and wisdom remained invaluable to me even after I relocated to another neighborhood three months later . Elisângela vouched for me at the first meeting of Alegria da Zona Sul and introduced me to the school president and several other administrative personnel. Founded in 1992, Alegria da Zona Sul was formed as a fusion of the blocos 3 Alegria da Copacabana and Unidos do Cantagalo. The school actually represents the favela complex: Cantagalo Pavão Pavãozinho, a community of over five thousand resident s and 3 Bloco In Rio de Janeiro, blocos are carnival organizations that were predecessors to formal samba schools, and continue to function, holding street carnival parties that are not part of the formal carnival parade. In Salvad or, Bahia, blocos are the primary form of carnival association.


31 the fifth to undergo pacification with the installation of the Unidade de Polícia Pacificadora 4 in December of 2009. As a white foreigner residing in a predominantly black ghetto operating under paramili tary administration, I was met with suspicion by some of the school members , I was permitted to attend meetings and eventually join the division of the school. Through my work with Alegria da Zona Sul , I made new contacts that allowed entry i nto Acadêmicos da Rocinha, a former upper division school that had recently fallen to second division status, as well as Vila Isabel , a presitigous upper division school. While Alegria da Zona Sul, Vila Isabel and, to a lesser extent, Acadêmicos da Rocinha served as primary research sites, they were complimented by various secondary sites relevant to the production of samba in Rio de Janeiro. Furthmore, the schools themselves were mobile sites, hosting rehearsals, performances and meetings at a variety of local venues. Of the secondary sites, I spent the most time at the Centro Cultural Carioca, a ballroom dance school specialized in samba de gafieira, forró, so l tinho, bolero and zouk . I became a scholarship student under the invitation of artistic director Isnard Manso and took classes at the school 6 10 hours a week, in addition to joining their weekly dance parties. The majority of the instructors at the Centro Cultural Carioca worked as professional dancers with a variety of local samba groups and samb a schools. Some were 4 Unidade de Polícia Pacificadora (UPP) Pacification Police Unit is a public security program launched in 2008 by the Secretary of Security in Rio de Janeiro and in collaboration with the federal government. The program has installed 38 UPP s in favelas of Rio de Janeiro (see for more information) with mixed responses from the public due to the violent and miliatristic approach these units have taken within poor communities.


32 passistas , members of the comissão de frente, porta bandeiras or choreographers of both elite and se cond division samba schools. M y position as a scholarship student afforded direct and consistent access to them as research collaborato rs . Other secondary sites include: Clube Helênico and the Barracão in Rio Comprido and Saúde neighbor hoods, respectively , where Algeria da Zona Sul held most of its re hearsals until they were transfe r red to Copacabana Avenue as the season grew close to ca rnival; Clube dos Elite, Estudantinha, and my personal favourite, Clube dos Democráticos, which are popular local e s for live samba music and samba de gafieira aficionados. Founded in 1867, Clube dos Democráticos was established as a carnival society, prior to the advent of formal samba schools, and today, is one of the best clu bs for live music and dancing for local re s idents. T he S ambódromo da Marquês de Sapuc aí, or simply S ambódromo is the artificial avenue where the of f icial parade is held, where Mestre Dionísio hosts his non profit project for training mestre salas and porta bandeiras (flag bearers) , and where some of minstrative offic es are located. I visited the S ambódromo , to my surprise, I was treated as an honored guest; to run tech rehearsals with samba schools Vila Isabel and Alegria da Zona Sul (not to menti on the actual carnival parade); to perform in the Passistas roughly two months before carnival; to interview the parade administrator and celebrated passista, José Carlos Faria Caetano. T he State University of Rio de Janeiro ( UERJ ) where I enrolled for one semester Performance , was yet another venue where I became familiarized with more Brazilian


33 erformance, ritual and car nival. I found it unfortunate that a num ber of scholars held prejudices about the culture of samba, maintaining the popular notion of passistas as prostitutes and questioning the legitimacy of my investigation. The work of Maria Laura Viveiros de Castro Ca valcanti, professor of anthropology at the Federal University of Rio de Janeiro, stands apart as a dynamic and progressive interpretation of the role of carnival in Brazilian society. Additionally, the Museum of Image and Sound was a key archival resource , where I was able to listen to recorded testimonies of samba lege nds like Carlinhos de Jesus, Mestre Dionísio, Mercedes de Batista and Rita Rio . T hroughout the course of my field research in Rio de Janeiro, I resided in four different locations, which pro vided a crucial perspective on the urban geography and differential experiences of low and high income residents travelling to and from their work, home and leisure activities. I spent roughly 3 months in the favela Cantagalo before relocating down the hil l to the prestigious streets of Copacabana. Although the new address afforded access to high speed internet, consistent electricity, hot water and other comforts, the four bedroom apartment was subletted by 11 people and 2 dogs. My husband, nin e year old son and I shared a 12 ft by 12 ft room, which was, by (my) American standards, challenging to say the least. The widowed landlord shared a room with her two sons, while subletting anothe r room to a bachelor and yet a nother to her After five months in Copacabana we moved into an apartme nt with my brother in law in Bon successo . Located in the north zone, Bon successo is considered a lower middle class neighborhood, and the spacious two bedroom apartment cost ¼ of the rent for a single crowd ed bedroom in Copacaban a. The pitfalls of living in Bon successo were


34 the prevalence of crackheads on every street corner, and living across the street from the favela complex Maré , which was undergoing pacif ication at the time of research. T hus , open confl ict wit h parmiliatry police was common. Also, frequent flooding led to unsanitary conditions and risk of electricution (which happened to my neighbor on one occasion), and generally being stranded whenever it rained hard. Lastly, my family and I spent quit Inhoíba, a neighborhood in the farest reaches of western suburbia. W typically refers to upper middle class living in the United States, for Brazilians, suburbio is indic ative of sub standard ho Inhoíba was no exception. Jainha told me stories over coffee and cook ing about life in Rio de Janeiro in the 1950s : getting up at 5:00am to get her son Julio ready for school; taking two buses and the train during her two and a half hour commute to drop him off at school and get to work do wntown by 8:00am; then repeating it all in the evening ; telling Julio to stand on her feet in the overcrowded train so as not to get stepped on; increasing levels of violence in her neighborhood which used to be so peaceful and far removed from the urban violence of downtown Rio; how she and her sister (my mother in law) used to sit up on the hill and watch the carnival parade for free before the construction of the Sa 2.3 Bahia Field research on Bahian samba was conducted over the course of ten weeks spread out between 2011 and 2013 in the cities of Salvador, Cachoeira, Santo Amaro, Camaçari and Pra ia do Forte. Although the majority of the research was conducted in the city of Salvador, two full weeks were dedicated to conducting interviews in the city of Cachoeira, attending samba performances and candomblé rituals. The remaining ten


35 weeks were spe nt conducting interviews with samba practitioners, assisting and participating in samba workshops and performances in Salvador, with visits to Santo celebrations of 2012. Victor pr ovided my initial contact into the world of samba practitioners in Bahia, given his fifteen years of experience in music production and cultural tourism in the region. In Cachoeira, Victor introduced me to Valmir Pereira, administrator of the Irmandade de Nossa Senhora da Boa Morte , director of music ensemble Gegê Nagô , Department of Tourism (BahiaTursa). Valmir graciously arranged all further contacts and interviews with sa mba practitioners in the city of Cachoeira. One of those significant contacts was Dalva Damiana de Freitas, a sister of Boa Morte , and cultural icon in the region for the cultivation of samba de roda . Her work has been recorded in the dossier on samba de r oda , produced by the Brazilian Institute of Historic and Artistic Patrimony ( IPHAN) and formally recognized by UNESCO as part In Salvador, Victor connected me with professional samba singers, dancers, events producers, ins tructors and recording artists working at the highest levels of the forming for audiences of tens of thousand s people on a regular basis, and as many as three million live audience members during carnival, not to mention the several million others viewers via television and the internet.


36 I observed numerous performances of various types of samba, particularly samba reggae in the Pelourinho, the historic/tourist district of Salvador and was able to interview Gerônimo, one of the founding artists of the samba reggae movement. I also observed shows of and interviewed Jota Veloso, samba composer, singer, and nephew of t he infamous Caetano Veloso and Maria Bethânia. His performances were seen in the Largo dos Pescadores in Rio Ver melho, notably the most b ohemian neighborhood in all of Salvador .


37 CHAPT ER 3 THEORETICAL PERSPECTIVES 3.1 Performance Theory This work engages some of the concepts put forth by the Frankfurt school of cultural critics (Adorno 1975) , classic ethnographies of ritual, performance and carnival (Gluckman 1963; Turner 1987; Da Matta 1983; Manning 1977, 1983; Cohen 1980 ; Turner 2012 ) , while simultaneously building on their insights. T heoretical approaches to material culture do not do justice to the nuances of performance research, which is better suited to an agent centered, embo died perspective combined with processual analysis. Western values of performance, theatre, ritual, religion, and embodiment have skewed a number of ethnographic dialogues on non Western or hybrid performance. This p r oject draws on the works of performance t heorists, samba and carnival scholars: Dwight Conquergood, Maria Cavalcanti, Muniz Sodré, Yvonne Daniel, Barbara Browning, Richard Parker and Natasha Pravaz while considering the valuable observations of foundational performance and carnival research condu cted b y Victor and Edith Turner and Roberto da Matta, among others. This ethnography is grounded in the theory of embodiment as a means of knowledge production. The initial impetus for this project was founded on the following principles: much classic et hnographic work on cultural performances has not fully engaged with an embodied perspective (despite adherence to principles of participant observation); lived experiences of marginalized social actors and the popular cultural manifestations produced by th em are critical foundations for building sound social theory; and nonwhite women are disproportionately underpaid for professional services i n all Brazilian labor markets. This adopts dance, the embodiment of a cultural ideology,


38 as an investigative techni que. Using dance as both topic of research and tool, I was able to position myself in a such a way as to create significant points of social interaction, which elaborate the discourse on race formation and categories of gender and sexuality. Dance forms a metalanguage, in which deep seated values of a particular culture are encoded and should be considered a privileged site for cultural analysis (Reed 1998; Madison & Hamera 2005; Daniel 2011). All performances consist of dance elements and can be character ized as a type of ritual behavior. Performance theory seeks to describe the variability of meaning produced between performers and audiences. The nationalist performances of carnival describe complex views of racial and gender hierarchies, as well as Brazi lian concepts of sexuality. These social values are embodied by the dancers, who perform essentialized identities and reveal Brazilian ideals of femininity, masculinity and aesthetics. Despite the limits that dominant social norms place on performances of samba, dancers do, at times, engage in creative boundary bending and crossing. Sexuality is culturally defined and directly linked to political and economic processes of a given geographic location (Stoler 2002; Pravaz; 2003; Magubane 2004; Wade 2010). In Western capitalist society, this concept necessarily indicates a white performance calls attention to the entire history of female subjugation as well as that of the Afro descendant popula tion under the heteron o rmative rubric of European capitalist imperialism. The colonial present.


39 Carnival is often described as a profane practice despite its sacred origins. Binary divisions, such as: sacred/profane; mind/body; masculine/feminine; subject/object, are weighted with a political frame that has been explored extensively by post structural feminist theorists (Butler 1990; Mascia Lees 2010). Embodiment is , in fact, the ontological field where binaries are collapsed, and synthesis abounds. The subject/object (spectator/performer) dyad is particularly relevant to this work, as the creation of this false dichotomy coincided with the so called secular turn in modern history. This binary tradition would reign supreme in occidental performances until the avant gard e movement, and later, postmodern artists began to break away from the classic prejudices regarding what constitutes performance (Schechner 2002). In many non western cultural traditions, the distinction is unheard of, as is the separation between music and dance, ritual and performance, performance space and per formance event (Seeger 1979). This certainly is true in the case of Brazilian usage of the terms batuque , samba, pagode , and reggae . Recent scholars have observed the creation of purely spectator performance within non western cultural traditions as a result of modernization, commodity fetishism and the development of the tourist industry (Selwy n 1996; Esteves 2004). Performances, in the modern western tradition, are relatively fixed sequences of events. Without negating the space for improvisation within performance, the rehearsal space is truly an open field for novel concepts to be born, bre athe and transform. Analyzing the performance of samba enredo 1 , this research demonstrates it is within the rehearsal space that Brazilian national identity is galvanized. 1 Samba enredo samba of the carnival parade of Rio de Janeiro


40 Colonial prohibitions on certain types of performance signal ed polit generate d social participation across ethnic, class and religious divisions. The same holds true in the context of post colonial performance as popular dance, like samba, still s ignifies overt heteronormative sexuality, while simultaneously opening doors to the creation of new identities and connections across social boundaries. According to performance studies ny attempt to bind and stabilize perform ance will be bound up in disagreement, and this disagreement itself is part of its performance, a conceptual category recently recovered from pure entertainment and re inscribed into political, pedagogic and metaphysical fields. The evolution of popular dance in the Americas demonstrates the ways in which marginalized culture is manipulated and reinterpreted to support a hegemonic state (Canclini 1995; Wade 2010). The s interpretations as fundamental aspects of Brazilian national identity. The dominant view, which is called into question in this paper, considers samba and carnival profane, to the exclusion of the sacred. Much critical theory has been devoted to investigating performance as a site of resistance, cultural production and identity formation. It is important here to distinguish between performances of everyday social interact ions and performances in the theatrical or ritual sense (Goffman 1959; Turner 1987). Anthropologist Victor Turner identifies the opportunity presented by cultural performances to step outside of normalized social structures and critique them. In one of h is most often cited works From Ritual to


41 Theatre: the human seriousness of play (1982), Turner suggests pre industrial societies distinguish between secular and sacred work while post industrial societies maintain separate categories for work, play and lei sure. With the categories of play and leisure, Turner locates the liminoide state, something similar to the liminal, but lacking sacred properties. Conversely, sociologist ( 2005 ) insists that dance maintains auratic qualities d espite glob al industrialization. T liminoide state does, in fact, maintain sacred elements when the medium is popular dance and music. Furthermore, not all societies maintain a distinction between sacred and secular, rather this binary itself is fruit of an explicitly Western worldview (Asad 2003; Cannell 2010). For performance theorist Richard Schechner, the distinction between sacred and secular is irrelevant. Combining arch a eological evidence with ethnographic research, Schec hner theorizes that prehistoric rituals were characterized by a participatory nature without a separation between actors and audience. These rituals manifested the cultural values of human society at that time. The evolution of written language transform ed ritual from a manifestation of societal values to a form of communication about them. Schechner pinpoints the ancient Greek drama as a crucial turning point in the emphasis on words over actions , text over embodiment . Later in occidental history, Cart esian philosophy would est ablish the mind/body binary as a fundamental element in constructing the Western self. This research deconstructs the binaries guiding popular ideologies of gender, race, and spirituality/conciousness.


42 3.2 Finding Passistas 3.2.1 Field Notes, July 2011 . The crowd is thick, but standing on a chair, I can make out paths of bodies travelling in a counterclockwise circle around the perimeter of the multitude. The batucad a 2 is thundering at full tilt and, for the most part, people are shuffling, hopping and parading to the beat as naturally as if they were walking. From my elevated view, I can see the serious dancers, the passistas, in the center of the crowd, and I make my way to them. A senhora in her fifties with sculpted legs dre ssed in spandex and four inch stilettos is dancing in the center with the adolescents and twenty somethings circling her and fanning her with their hands, showering her with the energy that has been built by the collective body. Suddenly the b ateri a hits a part in the music where everyone throws their hands in the air and sings in unison: Sonhei que folhas secas cobriam meu chão Pra delírio dessa multidão Impossível não emocionar Chore i... Ao voltar para minha raiz Ao teu lado eu sou mais feliz Pra sempr e vou te amar! M angueira é nação e comunidade! Minha festa , teu samba, ninguém vai calar! Sou teu filho fiel, Estação Primeira Por tua bandeira eu hei de lutar! I dreamed that dry leaves covered For the delerium of this multitude Impossible not to become emotional I cried in returning to my roots 2 Batucada : Sound produced by the bateria, a percussion ensemble specialized in samba rhythms.


43 By your side I am most happy Forever I will love you! Mangueira is nation and community! My party, my samba, no one can silence I am your faithful son, Estação Primeira For your flag, I will always fight 3 . The older dancer opens the floor to a young woman, appearing to be in her late teens. The new soloist continues to be surrounded by fervent dancing although the energy is directed towards her, in the center. She sambas like a galloping horse, full of pow er, grace, speed and levity. Alternating between figure eights and spirals, her face beams light as she spins out, leaving space for the next dancer to shine in the sun. I drop to the floor with my hand held Panasonic camcorder in order to film their fee t 4 . 3.2.2 Anthropology of the Body Anthropology of the body oscillates between observations of the body as object and intrinsic understanding through experience. As both insider and outsider, my own personal life history and interaction with the samba com munity sheds light on the history of colonialism and post colonial cultural appropriation, as well as the inherent power of performance to create transnational networks and unite disparate elements into a cohesive form and function. In my analysis of samba and popular dance in general, I combine personal experience, ethnographic data, historic al archives, video and print media in order to locate the intersection of various modes of meaning making in dance production. 3 Mangueira Samba samba enredo 2011 Sou Filho Fiel translation). 4 Observati ons made during Mangueira Samba rehearsal at Cacique de Ramos in Olaría neighborhood of Rio de Janeiro, RJ (July 2011).


44 Ideologies or di scourses are fundamenta l to understanding the meaning and social function of language and practices, by providing the historical, geographical and socio political contextualization of a given phenomenon. Taking dance as a kinesthetic language, we can analyze its social meaning on the basis of referential, personalist and performance ideologies , theoretical concepts borrowed from linguistics ( Farnell 1995; Williams 2004 ) . Referential ideology indicates the original meaning of a given word, without taking into consideration the c hanges that have taken place through time. Personalist ideology refers to the intentions of the speaker in using a given word or phrase, while performance ideology signals the meaning made by the interpreter, observer or object of an utterance. According constrain discourse, and thus shape and constrain the reproduction of other kinds of ideologies, such as ideolo gies of gender, race, and class , (2008: 33). It is no different in the production of dance where mea ning is made and contested by and between performers and audience s , participants and observers. As a graduate student at the Federal University of Bahia (2005 2007), I was often reminded of my privileged status as a North American scholar. My choreograp hies were deconstructed by my colleagues as products of MTV, reminiscent of Beyoncé and Shakira. Nevermind that both Beyoncé and Shakira rose from humble backgrounds and that MTV in the United States represents (or used to represent) left wing liberal dem ocrats, as opposed to the hegemony of North American culture that it stands for in Latin America today. Several years of samba dancing and a Brazilian American marriage later, my choreographies pass for Brazilian in both commercial and social settings. Fo llowing a tradition of white American artists and scholars researching and


45 al ways been the product of an interaction between blacks and whites in a crea tive and economic dialogue (1999 ). Creativities aside, the economic element of the dialogue is consistently asymmetrical (Fran 2011, Nogueira 2012). I argue that the creative coll aboration often occurs in an asymmetrical nature as well, where core elements of the practice of samba (and just as easily hip hop, jazz or rhumba) retain distinct Atlantic: spinal flexion, percussive iso lations, counter clockwise travel and syncopation, to name a few. With the lingering threat of bastardizing an art form that is not my own, I continue to practice and perform samba. Dances of the Afro Atlantic, in their performative ideology, as interpret ed by European colonizers, were categorized as the work of the devil, lascivious, debased, overtly sexual, primitive and fascinating to the point of fetishizing ( Vianna 1999; Chasteen 1996; Browning 1995 ). Often, what Europeans actually observed, were rel igious and/or social dances whose spinal flexion, pelvic articulations and inversions were incomprehensible to an ethnic group that values rigidly erect posture. European and white American dance has produced an aesthetic of the ethereal, the weightless b allerina that floats through the hands of her prince charming. Always reaching towards her outer kinesphere 5 , the ballerina produces images: an arabesque, a grand jeté, a spiraling attitude 6 , as opposed to the rhythmic sensations produced by African dance . 5 Kinesphere: Personal space defined by the sphere created by the length of appendages extended in all directions. 6 Sta ndardized ballet postures.


46 outward rotation anywhere between forty five and ninety degrees, produces a vulnerability in female dancers whose vital organs and genitalia are perpetually unguarded and displayed towards the audience. Equally ironic, is the fact the floating effect produced by the ballerina en pointe is achieved by exerting energetic force into the ground equally, if not more so, than the energy extending out through the head and fingert ips. On the other hand, the dances that appear to be directed into the ground, such as samba, capoeira and hip hop, require a certain weightlessness that allows the dancer to ay lingering on the floor. Working within the inner kinesphere, the articulations of the hips and ribs allow for energy and weight to be distributed laterally, such t hat one never feels dancers trying to samba for descriptors for percussive ensembles whose intricate poly rhythms are indistinguishable to the untrained ear. To this day, classical dance, i.e. Euro American ballet, is discussed in terms of professional dancers must learn in order to diversify their repertoire. Unfortunately, for conservatory trained dancers entering the work force, the majority of dance jobs in the global market i nvoke popular forms, such as hip hop . This point was illust rated in an episode of So You think You Can Dance Canada: Season 2 where dance contestants Jayme Rae Dailey and Daniel Dory performed


47 a dancehall 7 piece by choreographer Jaeblaze of the Broadway Dance Center in New York City . Jaeblaze combines hip hop and dancehall repertoires to the critical acclaim of pop media artists and icons. She has collaborated with super stars such as Rihanna, The Black Eyed Peas, and Sean Paul. She lent her talents to the 2007 Academy Awards show and the 2010 Super Bowl Half Ti me show, among other A list contracts. Jaeblaze became the first choreographer to bring dancehall to a nationally televised show with her invitation from So You Think You Can Dance Canada, and her work was brilliantly executed by dancers Daniel and Jayme Rae. This particular performance was judged by choreographer/critics Mary Murphy 8 , Tré Armstrong 9 , Jean Marc Généreux 10 and Luther Brown 11 tensions and prejudice s about the nature of s o called technical (Euro American classical or Eur o American contemporary) and popular (Afro Atlantic) dance styles. Mary Murphy: was just pure entertainment for sure. The style is new to me . . . wow, you just threw that contemporary out the window and got your groove on! Whoo! o hear anythin g r o Tré Armstrong: I loved your dutty wines 12 with the splits, I loved your dutty wines when you were around his waist, and I loved your isolations. There is 7 Dancehall: Jamaican popular dance and music form. 8 Mary Murphy: Broadway choreographer 9 Tré Armstrong: Pop/hip hop choreographer 10 French Canadian ballroom dance champion and choreographer 11 Jamaican born, Canadian raised hip hop choreographer 12 Dutty Wine: dancehall movement involving rapid rotations of the head and neck, and sometimes of the wrists and arms as well. This advanced movement is usually performed by dancehall queens (competit ive dancers).


48 something about you Daniel, th at is mmmmmm. Daniel, keep your technique and your urban training going, because when you get something technical, that is when the true test is going to begin for you. Jean Marc Généreux : I just want to give you a little bit of advice when you dance li ke the joy of exuberant dancing, while Brown references the long road popular dance has travelled to be seen on a nation al stage side by side with the fine arts. Armstrong, although a technical expert in both popular and classical forms, denies any technicality to the performance of popular genres. Paradoxically, she knows the name for a specific tec hnique enlisted by choreographer Jaeblaze, that is, her multiple uses of the dutty wine. Généreux expresses reservation about the inherent dangers of this type of dance, an entirely personal and biased opinion. io teaches this dance style within a formal performing arts training center. This statement indicates that dancehall, hip hop and ot her Afro Atlantic dances began as popular dance forms, lacking in formal pedagogy, an anachronistic concept in a world where dance judges can recognize and c ategorize specific techniques (g ully creep and dutty wine) employed within the genre. The statemen t carries political weight as a testament to the s legitimacy when it face s The selection of dance styles taught within a particular dance school is culturally, and by extension, politically informed. As a student of samba, I travelled to the state of Bahia, the birthplace of samba, in 2005 in order to devote full time study to t his art. I


49 Dance at the Federal University of Bahia. Despite the fact that Brazil is renowned for its production of the largest performing arts spectacle in the world, the dance departments of dance forms. No samba of any kind was offered in the dance department of the Federal University of Bahia. No forró, frevo , nothing. There were occasional workshops, and an excellent course in the dances of the orixás offered as a community class, but nothing University of Bahia offered courses in classical ballet , modern dance and choreographic composition, despite the fact that researchers the world over travel to Bahia to study samba. The work of Juliana Azoubel is notable here, in that over the last few years, she has successfully pushed for integration of popu lar dance forms in the the curricula of the dance school of the Department of Arts Education at the Federal University of Paraná in northeast Brazil. apartheid dance in South Africa shares a similar concern for the pol itical tension surrounding the selection of course curricula in dance. Furthermore, one would be hard pressed to find consistent, sustained instruction in break dancing and pop locking at American universities, despite the fact that hip hop is perhaps one of the most widely recognized cultural forms originating from the United States , not to mention an essential technique for any dancer seeking work in the commercial world of dance. This conundrum brings me back to my self conscious use of samba for both p ersonal fulfillment and economic gain. Samba is at the core of a multi b illion dollar industry: the annual production of carnival in Brazil. The professionalization of samba


50 dancers has develop ed over the last half century, elements of which include: fou nding of professional dance companies that focus on the idiom of samba in their choreography; establishment of samba dance technique classes for the training of younger generations; development of a sub industry of independent samba costume producers , chor eographers and photographers ; conferences hosted by academic and cultural institutions for the purposes of discussing current developments and concerns in the field of samba. In discussing the changes that commercialization has on the production and execut ion the dance, samba expert Nilcemar Nogueira observes that the implementation of formal pedagogy carries the danger of homogenizing a spontaneous, individualistic, and improvisational dance form 13 . The professionalization of the form, however, is the road to acceptance of the form in the upper strata of society, where payments are made for performances that will, inevitably be consumed with or without financial compensation. In a later conversation on the topic of choreographing samba without removing tha t which is essential (the referential ideology) to the popular form, Nogueira admits that it can be done, albeit very carefully. According to Nogueira, the choreographer must be familiar with the history of the dance and understand the meaning of its part s 14 . With these words of encouragement, I continue my journey as North American dancer with a heart that beats to the sound of samba. 3.3 Visual Anthropology, Autoethnography and Embodiment hropologists interpret their experiences for a textual audience. This audience has, for much of the 13 Nilcemar Nogueira, Special Projects Coordinator for the Centro Cultural Cartola Center for Samba Research and Development (Mangueira, Rio de Janeiro, RJ), personal interview, July 2011. 14 Nogueira, personal communication, 2012.


51 twentieth century, insisted on so called objective scientific textual production in order to further Euro American regimes of truth. In the early twentiet h century, t he works of Ruth Benedict, Margaret Mead, Ruth Lan des, Zora Neale Hurston , Katherine Dunham, and so many others, were debunked in some form or another, by their male peers, for their use of literary technique, poetry and the presence of self in their ethnographic texts. Their writing styles are emblematic of what would later be recognized as a postmodern approach. That for which they were originally devalued would later be claimed by male social scientists as their own (Behar and Gordon 1995) . In the case of Katherine fact which recent feminist scholars have challenged (Chin 2010). Kenneth Burke, Donna Haraway, Jay Ruby , Raymond Williams and Michel de Certeau, among others, have pointed to the solid history of logo and ocularcentrism in academia, effectively marginalizing embodied and kinesthetic interpretive forms . Paul Stoller (1994) ethnographic text production, which involves criti cal awareness of the senses, attentiveness to voice and recognition of the increasingly political implications of textual production . Despite dissection of the historical inadequacies of textual representation, Stoller suggests that it is possible t o bridge the lacuna between life and text, with film acting as moderator in certain scenarios if we (ethnographers) could just get the formula right. I have opted for an autoethnographic approach vis a vis my embodiment of samba, and present visual respr entations of cultural ideologies presented through choreographies of passistas in the form of video and photograph documentation of samba events.


52 The critiques of ethnographic film production are the same applied to ethnographic writing in the era of post (and post post) structuralism. The demise of positivism, objectivism, and linear perspective has enriched the quality of dialogue on the human condition. It is not enough, however, to recognize the limitations of perspective within a giv en mode of knowl edge production; we must also recognize the limitations of the mode itself. Just as poststructuralists, feminist theorists and visual anthropologists have critiqued the written word for its failure in the translation of lived ( embodied) experience, the sa me theorists must be aware of their own limitations. Brenda Farnell (2003) has described the unfortunate failures in visual the field is , in fact , capable of dealing with s uch a complex genre as human movement. What is lacking in the debate of whether or not anthropology can handle embodiment, is the recognition that dance research has its own theories , technique s and codified practice s . Although approaches to dance resear ch differ across cultures and generations , the foundation of dance inquiry is universally the same: it begins with the body. I would like to add here that it also ends with the body, but given the necessity for patronage in order to support facilities, research and media exposure, I have to admit that it actually ends on paper. Nevertheless, dance studies can offer precious gifts to the growing body of human knowledge. As Randy Martin so aptly explains: refl ection and embodiment meet, at which doing a 1). Anthropologists constantly face the challenge of translating lived experience into canonized knowledge. Often I wonder if that goal is itself an oxymoron . How do we


53 r econcile the academic project with the fact that all work (written, filmed or otherwise) has a creative component? Trinh Minha Ha eloquently describes the challenge faced by Translation seeks faithfulness and accuracy and ends up always bet 1992: 80). E thnographers can strive for allegiance to one or more of these aspects of translation. It is the l of truth is in its ori ginal context, before attempting translation. In addition to my firm belief that my own experiences and points of contact with passistas reveal critical information in regards to Brazilian notions of race, gender and sexuality, I also find it far less pro blematic to speak in the first person than to attempt to speak for another. Although interviews were recorded and ex cerp ts from those interviews are transcribed throughout this document, autoethnography provides the only position from which I feel comfortable declaring truth. I offer my perspective combined with visual data and corroborating testimony of research collaborators. I do not claim to reveal the dance itself through the pages, photographs or film. That remains in my body, as well as the b odies of millions of sambistas across the globe. I aim, rather, to describe the context in which this dance is found and the sociocultural context revealed through its practice. 3.4 Samba t hrough an Intersectional Lens Samba performance is n ecessarily best understood through an intersectional lens. In other words, the performance is fatally racialized, while simultaneously drawing attention to class and gender. The quintessential samba dancers are mulatas and


54 malandros 15 of the lower classes and products o f miscegenation between European colonizers, enslaved Africans and indigenous populations. The idealization of the mulato/mulata identity took force in the 1930s with the populism of President Getúlio Vargas and has been reinforced throughout the twentiet h century through celebration of the cult of the mulata on the national stage, that is the great carnival parade. Brazil has long been imagine d by foreigners as a paradise where whites, blacks and yellows cohabitate in peace. This vision was constructed in comparison to the overt violence that took place in the United States at the turn of the twentieth century 16 . During this period ( the 1910s), Brazilian anthropologist Gilberto Freyre studied in the United States under the guidance of the esteemed Franz Boas. It was at this time that Freyre formulated his theory of Brazilian racial democracy, which would become an integral part of Brazilian nationalist ideology from that point onwards. The theory was Casa Grande e Sen zala (1933). In 1928, the Manifest o Antropofágico (Cannibalist Manifesto) , was published by Semana de Arte Moderna (Modern Art Week). This text launched an entire generation of artists and intellectuals w ho, like scholar, artist and political activist Abdias do Nascimento has openly criticized this movement, which celebrated a mixed race identity without any profound u nderstanding or intimate contact with non whit e populations (Nascimento 2004). The cultural aesthetic hierarchy places popular productions within the realm of folklore or primitive 15 Malandr o thug of the lower class, assumed to be mulatto (man of mixed African and European descent). 16 Between 1882 and 1968, 3,445 lynchings of African American citizens took place in the United States (Perloff 2000).


55 creations, while the appropriation of popular cultural productions by the white elite is considered the innovative genius of the Brazilian race. The celebration of a mixed race identity within nationalist rhetoric is often confused with true equality amongst diverse ethnic populations. Recent studies prove that race and gender continue to limit socio economic mobility on a global s cale ( Lovell 1994 ; Mascia Lees 2012 ). Despite the difficulties in distinguishing between black and mulatto in Brazil, sociologist Peggy Lovell has shown that in economic and political terms, this dis tinction is irrelevant. The greatest inequalities exist between whites and non whites, as opposed to whites and mulattos or mulattos and b lacks, indigenous, etc . . . The s e new data negate the mulatto escape hatch that Carl Degler (1971) theorized , wherei n mulattos somehow have better socioeconomic opportunities for their wider acceptance by the white elite. Between 1960 and 1980 the wage gap between Brazilian men and women increased, regardless of whether or not Brazilian women had more education than th eir male colleagues. The wage gap between whites and non whites al so increased during this period; however, the gender wage gap was more drastic. More recently, the Instituto Bras ileiro de Geografia e Estatística 17 (IBGE) produced new data showing that the population of Brazilians living in a state of misery directly reflects racial inequality. The IBGE considers those surviving on one fourth of in Brazil varies between $325 .75 and $391.96 for diverse service sectors 18 . In Rio de 17 Brazilian Institute of Geography and Statistics 18 Acessed on 11/29/2013. Brazilian currency conversion calculated on 1/20/2014.


56 Janeiro, the population of non white residents living in misery is four times that of whites (Nascimento and Nascimento 2001). Brazilian popular culture and that of other post colonial countries, maintains the dogma that blacks are naturally more adept at song and dance. This was often referred to by sambistas in terms of blood or sangue preto as an identifying feature of talent. Furthermore, the ideology posits poverty as a prerequisite for authe ntic popular cultural p roduction. In the case of North American minstrelsy of the 19 th century, Lott (1995) identifies the dialec fear and appropriation of black performing arts in popul ar culture. The same can be said of Brazilian audiences and performers. T hese points were made clear during my research when Sanderson , the male half of a samba couple at Alegria da Zona Sul explained to me that his partner (like myself) would never dance like a true mulata , because she is white. I was stunn ed, because I had assumed her to be a quintessential mulata with sun kissed skin and long b lack hair. However, he was dark skinned and from a favela , while she was light skinned and fro m a wealthier neighborhood, making her, essentially, white. I nderstand how he could say what appeared to be a clear undermining of her abilities about his partner , but his statement was made in a dry casual manner . Although socioeconomic status has a direct relationship to both skin tone and gender, these social categories are contructions made become malleable through behaviors, as opposed to fixed ident ities . The complexity of racial analysis has caused intense debate over the use of affirmative action in B razil as the state moves from a policy of racial democracy and the observance of a color continuum to a dichotomous


57 system (Htun 2004) . Recent studies on the application of ra cial quotas at Brazilian Univer s i ties reveal the inherent problems of pushing dic hotomous race classification on a mixed race society. It has been shown that self identification of race by applicants varies based on the way in which the race question is presented (Maio and Santos 2005; Baily 2008). According to Baily (2008), 44% of ind ividuals who self classify as mulatto in an open census, later opted for white when presented with a dichotomous format. This is in light of the fact that the black opt ion is assumed to include mulat os for the purpose of benefitting from racial quotas. The social stigma attached to the term negro , may be more than individuals are willing to accept, despite the advantage s of self identifying as such. I myself , with light skin, blond hair and blue eyes, have been referred to as mulata, morena, branquela, branca, nega, preta, branca de sangue preto (mullata, light brown, really white, white, negro, black, white with black blood) by different Brazilians in various situations since I began my love affair with Brazilian culture in 20 01. The references to me as black or brown were expressed as acknowledgment of my cultural competence in the arts of capoeira and samba. Paradoxically, blackness (or browness) becomes a form of currency in the context of popular culture. 3.5 Samba as Livi ng Heritage Since the 1980s, most Latin American nations have implemented constitutional measures to acknowledge multiethnic citizenship through education, quotas and other forms of state sponsored support (Hooker 2005; Martínez 2011). The drive to acknow ledge and validate the existence of subaltern cultures within the nation state is closely tied to recommendations made since the 1990s by the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO) to all of its participating


58 members 19 . I n addition to affirmative action measures for marginalized groups, UNESCO set forth a plan for the salvage and preservation of cultural heritage, which has become increasingly politicized in the past few decades. Inspetoria de Monumentos Naciona is (IPM) was established in 1933, directed by ethnomusicologist Mario de Andrade and writer Rodrigo Melo Franco de Andrade, and replaced by the I nstituto de P atrimônio H istorico e A rtístico N acional (IPHAN Nationa Institute of Historic and Artistic Patri mony) in 1937 . Since its inception, a significant portion of the s itinerary has been addressed to monuments of Euro western culture, leaving little, if any, public support for cultural manifestations (material or intangible) of indigenous, Afro des cendent and other minority populations (Rubim 2008). This phenomenon is clearly illustrated in the proposal for protection of Casa Branca , a respected candomblé 20 house in Bahia. Known by its members as Ilê Axé Iyé Nassô Oká, Casa Branca is recognized as the first open candomblé house in the city of Salvador, Bahia. It became the first black monument considered national patrimony in 1984. The event ignited heated debates among anthropologists, architects and city officials as to the legi timacy of public support for a ( Filho , Eckert an d Beltrão 2007: 31). Preservation of the distinctly Afro Brazilian religious house was put in question despite the fact that the IPHAN has spent decades preserv C atholic lineage. 19 UNESCO has hosted numerous international conferences on th e topic of folklore and cultural patrimony since 1966 with formal recommendations made to member states from 1989 onwards (Amoroso 2009: 168). 20 Candomblé Afro Brazilian religion.


59 In the process of city making, spaces of cultural memory become commercial spaces. Numerous social scientists have observed the direct relationship between cultural patrim ony and market forces (Adorno 1975; Mitchell 1993; Canclini 1995). Most recently, these market forces are constituted b y the global tourist industry. In many Latin American and Caribbean countries, tourism constitutes a significant portion of the GDP (Dan iel 2011). The debate continues on the degree of support and/or detriment the market inflicts on popular cultural manifestations and their producers. The nature of interactions betwe en masters of popular culture, y UNESCO, and state and private institutions will determine the outcome of collaborative efforts to preserve and cultivate popular traditions. I n 2003, UNESCO adopted the term mandate on protection of popular a nd traditional culture. The plan for protection of representation and cultural rights within heterogeneous nation states, such as Brazil, and involves articulation s among subaltern populations (both rural and urban), anthropologists, NGOS, cultural organizations and the state (Mitchell 1993; Canclini 1995; Filho , Eckert an d Beltrão 2007). This movement takes in to consideration the deleterious effects of colonization on the indigenous and otherwise marginalized cultural practices (Nas 2002) . UNESCO recognizes the lack of opportunities in terms of social mobility for marginalized populations as a direct result of colonial and neo colonial projec ts. The new interest in intangible heritage seeks protection for minority language s , diversity despite the weight of Euro American Occidental cultural imperialism. This


60 distinction: occidental (Euro American):other grossly reflects a global division between white and non white. Despite the cultural heterogeneity produced through the last 500 years of globalization, the division between whites and non whites is sti ll reflected in the geography of urban areas, and, quite clearly in Bahia and Rio de Janeiro. executed by the IPHAN , which works in collaboration with various other state, federal and non governmental organizations. According to EDUCART 21 , the concept of intangible heritage has allowed for the acceptance of cultural practices, previously ignored, as works of artistic excellence with historic value (Cavalcanti and Fonseca 2008). Anthro pologists have had an important role in the cultural politics, and political affirmation of marginalized populations in Brazil, especially since the 1988 democratic constitution and the establishment of the concept of intangible cultural heritage in 2001 b y IPHAN. Prior to the 1990s, the IPHAN was dedicated to the preservation of material manifestaçõe s de would Brazil see specific legislation designed to carry out recognition and protection of intangible heritage. Samba de roda was registered in the Livro de Formas de Expressão by the IPHAN in 2004, and was recognized by UNESCO in 2005 as the third record of intangible cultural heritage of humanity. As mentioned above, academic interest in 21 Institute of Brazilian Education and Culture


61 samba de roda coincided with the popularization of sam ba carioca at the turn of the 20 th century. Brazilian anthropologists Nina Rodrigues, Manoel Querino, Art h ur Ramos and Edison Carneiro all paid close attention to this popular manifestation alongside their studies of candomblé and other so called folkloric elements of Afro Br azilian culture. In the late 20 th century, American ethnomusicologist Ralph Waddey took a special interest in samba de roda (1980; 1981), as did Brazilian ethnomusicologist Tiago de Oliveira (1991). In the 1990s, the Brazilian National Arts Foundation ( F unarte ) sponsored a short term research project on the topic (Zamith 1995), the result s of which are archived at the National Center for Folklore and Popular Culture in Rio de Janeiro. In the early were completed with exclusive dedication to samba de roda : Erivaldo Nunes from the Federal University of Paraíba (2002); Katharina Döring of the Federal University of Bahia (2002); Francisca Marques of the Federal University of Rio de Janeiro (2003); and my colleague in performance studies at the Federal University of Bahia, Daniela Amoroso (2009). The dossier on samba de roda produced by the IPHAN (2004) counted on the research efforts of Carlos nna, Ana Gita de Oliveira, Ari L ima, Francisca Marques, Josias Pires, Katharina Döring, and Suzana Martins. I had the honor of working with Dr. Martins as my thesis adviser in performance studies at the Federal University of Bahia (2005 2007) while researching samba reggae, samba de roda and capoeira. Samba carioca gained its recognition as intangible heritage by the IPHAN in 2007, seventy years after its appropriation by the state as a fundamental element of Brazilian nationalism. According to the dossier, the scholars of the Cartola Cultur al Center were inspired by the success of recognition by UNESCO in 2005


62 and sought the same for samba carioca . Research for this project was idealized by singer/song writer Leci Brandão and the Cartola Cultural Center under the leadership o f Nilcemar Nogueira. Important contributions were made by Helena Theodoro, Rachel Valença and Aloy Jupiara, with participation from artists and scholars: Nei Lopes, Roberto Moura, Sérgio Cabral, Carlos Sandroni, Felipe Trotta, João Batista Vargens, Marília de Andrade, Haroldo Costa and Lygia Santos. The Project also counted on the collaboration of Janaína Reis, and students of the Department of Carnival Management at the University Estácio de Sá : Ailton Freitas Santos, Celia Antonieta Santos DeFranco, Cremi lde de A. Buarque Araújo, Lilia Gutman P. Langhi, Luis Antonio Pinto Duarte, Meryanne Cardoso, Nelson Nunes Pestana, Paulo César Pinto de Alcântara, Regina Lucia Gomes de Sá, Sergio Henrique Vieira Oliveira and Wellington Pessanha. Videography and photogra phy were conducted by: Luiz I. Gama Filho (diretor) Cristina Gama Filho (production), and Diego Mendes (photography). As the symbol of Brazilian nationalism for nearly a century, samba carioca has been discussed, recorded and written about by scholars, jo urnalists, artists and lay people at length. Compil ing a list of relevant (even if only academic) publications would exhaust pages.


63 CHAPTER 4 IDENTIFYING THE SAMBA MATRIX 4.1 What is Samba ? The concept samba is so vast and profound in Brazil ian music that it nearly defies definition . Ralph Waddey de and de in the Recôncavo of Bahia (Brazil) Samba is a diverse music and dance genre whose transmutations can be seen in both diachronic and synchronic analyses. Samba history reflects that of the Brazilian nation, and its evolutions reveal conflict, encounters, migrations , social and political tens ions. As a product of African, European and Amerindian cultural influences, early samba is located within a matrix of cultural practices: batuque, lundu, fado, moda (modinha), maxixe and capoeira , whose transformations inform one another , composing a vari ety of aural and choreographic dialects with distinct cultural symbolism. Although it would require several volumes to adequately address all forms of samba in Brazil, C hapter 4 de scribes the cultural encounters which produced th e earliest forms of samba, high lights contemporary actors who maintain the traditional forms of samba and contrasts those examples with some non traditional samb a variations. Furthermore, C hapter 4 seeks to de center Rio de Janeiro as the birthplace of samba, an error made by many scholars (both Brazilian and non Brazilian alike) who have ignored earlier Bahian forms o f the genre as primitive, folkloric , and subordinate to the urban forms originating from Rio de Janeiro in the early twentieth century. 4.2 Before Samba was Samba All forms of samba are derived from rhythms maintained by enslaved Africans during the colonial period. At that time, African dance and drumming were referred to


64 collectively as batuque , which was practiced in the senzalas (quarters of enslaved Africans) on p lantations. The practice of batuque was a way for Africans and their descendants to maintain connection with their cultural and spiritual centers. Africans in Bahia, and elsewhere in the Afro Atlantic, composed heterogeneous groups representing an array of African nations (Matory 2005; Yelvington 2006; Palmié 2008), and their batuque evolved in accord with the ethnic mixture found on a particular plantation or quilombo 1 . Despite the prohibition of batuque at different times and locations throughout the c olonial period 2 , its practice was maintained either in secret, or integrated into Euro descendant music and dance forms. In this way, batuque , and later, various forms of samba, evolved in dialogue with both the socio political and natural environments in which dislocated Africans found themselves in Brazil. In the contemporary field of Brazilian music and dance, batuque is still invoked as a g eneral reference to batucada , that is, the sound of the bateria or percussion ensemble critical to a variety of samba forms. In the 16 th century, the Brazilian northeastern state of Bahia was the first colonial nucleus of power with the cities of Salvador and Cachoeira serving as vital arteries conducting the flow of commercial activity. Cachoeira was the locus for tobacco and 1 Quilombo similar to Jamaican Maroon towns , quilombos were free communities formed by escaped Africans in the interior. The Republic of Palmares, the most famous of Afro Brazilian quilombos, was located 37 miles inland between the states of Pernambuco and Alagoa s and was inhabited by as many as twenty thousand escaped slaves during the seventeenth century. Palamares was recognized as a significant threat to the Portuguese interests in Brazil, and several attempts were made to dismantle the settlement, wh ich finally occurred in 1687 (See Carvalho 2007). 2 Laws banning batuque were passed in Rio de Janeiro and in Salvador in 1889 and 1904, respectively (Hertzman 2013). The 1890 penal code banned the practice of capoeira , which is often practiced in conjunc tion with samba de roda . Oral narratives of Brazilian cultural history within and amongst capoeira schools explain that samba de roda was used to hide the practice of capoeira . The rhythm known as cavalaria was played to alert participants as to the arriva l of the authorities, and signal a transition to samba de roda . Nevertheless, capoeira and/or samba participants were often harassed, fined and imprisoned for vagrancy.


65 sugar plantations, whose products were transported down the Paraguaçu River to the port city and colonial capital of Salvador. Salv goods to Europe as well as importation of enslaved Africans and other commodities. The region was entirely supported by slave labor and fell into decadence after the abol ition of slavery in the late 19 th ce ntury. The region continued to be supported by the m anufacture of cigars into the 20 th century, but that too fell into decline circa 1950s. The Africans brought to Brazi l between the 15 th and 19 th centuries were primarily from the Western coastal region s: Mauritania, Guinea, Nigeria, Ghana, Benin, Congo and Angola. As a Portuguese colony during the 15 th 19 th centuries, Angola was especially lucrative for European and Brazilian merchants trading Brazilian cachaça (liquor) and manioc root for human being s (Budasz 2007). Additionally, some Africans were brought from lands as far away as East African Moçambique, Tanzania, Malawi and Zambia (Levine & Crocitti 1999; Matory 2005; McGowan and Pessanha 2009). The Yoruban culture dominant in parts of the Afro Atlantic, is essential to the Afro Brazilian religion of candomblé 3 , influential in the development of samba, and arose as a result of colonization, not in spite of it. Through extensive archival and ethnographic research, cultural anthropologist and African studies scholar Lorand Matory (2005) has shown that the Yoruban nation, fundamental to Afro Bahian identity, became concretized through the ev ents surrounding the Atlantic s l a ve trade. The late 18 th to mid 19 th century saw the decline of the "yó Empire in West Africa, giving rise to the 3 Candomblé Afro Brazilian religion recognizing African orixás (deities), while incor porating some European elements, mainly the Portuguese language, and Catholic imagery of saints, who were used to disguise the worship of African deities. Umbanda is another Afro Brazilian religion whose development has followed a similar trajectory. Can domblé is more common in the northeast, while umbanda is found more commonly in the southern regions of Brazil.


66 Dahomean kingdom, and producing captives of "yó, Ègbá, Ègbádo, Ilésa and what would become Yorubaland and Nagô (currently Southwestern Nigeria and Southern Benin). These captives reached Brazil in the 18 th and 19 th centuries and become collectively known as Nagô. Many of these captives involved in rebellion in Bahia (1835) 4 were expulsed back to Africa, which inspired manumitted Afro Brazilians to return to Africa. These Afro Brazilians arrived in Lagos and P orto Novo on the west coast. Africans rescued by British forces 5 , in an attempt to impede the slave trade, were returned to the coa stal city of Freetown in Sierra Leone, where they were referred to as crioles (Krios). This conglomerate of returnees becam e cognizant of their differences Yoruba language is central to religious practices of the Afro Atlantic, such as candomblé in Brazil and Santería in the Caribbean. Yoruban cultural archetypes , such as the ocean deity Yemenjá , permeate Brazilian and especially Bahian popular culture. semba from the African language Ki Kongo, of the Bantu nation, found in a region commonly known t oday as the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC). The term refers to a movement in which two dancers bump belly buttons. This movement is used between dancers as one performing samba within a circle calls out the next person to dance by performing the belly bump (Tinhorão 1997; Browning 1995). The semba or umbigada is still seen in performances of samba de roda . Other researchers have attributed the etymology of the term to the Quimbundu language of Angola. Nevertheless, the 4 Malê r evolt of 1835 is the source of inspiration for the Salvador based carnival group Malê de Balê. 5 Slave Trade Act of 1807 abolished the Afro Atlantic slave trade in the British Empire. Brazil was the last of American nations to abolish slavery in 1888.


67 definition remains the same . Quimbundu (or Kimbundu) and Ki Kongo are both languages of the Bantu nation spoken in the DRC and in Angola. Like samba in Brazil, semba in is an umbrella term for a variety of Angolan music and dance styles with a common rhythmic structure (Nogueira 20 07 Dossier; Moorman 2008). According to Bahian candomblé priest Marcelino Gomes, the umbigada evolved within batuque as a way to maintain a certain order within the cultural practice, thereby berant singing and dancing en masse: This umbigada was used to diversify, because if everyone danced samba at the same time, this would give it the characteristic of candomblé , because in candomblé , we dance all together. If we play samba and dance altoge ther, this would alarm the plantation master and the authorities that we were doing batuque . (Marcelino Gomes, personal interview, Cachoeira, Bahia, January 2012). batuque of consensu s on a precise moment in which batuque became samba and the continued relevance of the term. Most ethnomusicologists cite the use of the umbigada within the traditional dances of the Congo and Angola in Africa (Budasz 2007; Cascudo 2001). According to Braz ilian ethnomusicologist Rogério Budasz, the umbigada feature of many dances imported to Brazil and Portugal from the Congo (2007: 8). It is also true that certain aspects of African religious dance (both in Africa and other par ts of the Afro Atlantic diaspora) were persecuted for their fervent (supposedly lascivious and dangerous) nature, thus the pre existing umbigada , may very well have been reinscribed as an agent to maintain order acceptable under the watches of plantation o wners, clerics and other fearful whites. Conversely, Budasz cites the


68 umbigada itself as one of the controversial elements of African dance that caused moral panic in white audiences. The conglomeration of rhythms and dances known as batuque and forged by members of diverse African nations, evolved into myriad regional rhythmic and choreographic dialects, and festive genres many of which are now, generally referred to as samba. Samba de caboclo, samba de roda, côco, samba duro, partido alto, samba de terr eiro, chula, samba de veio, barra vento are just a few cognate forms of samba, each with its own specific regional and cultural particularities. Amongst these samba variations, samba de roda stands out as a major reference in the history of modern samba. This is, no doubt, a result of social forces outlining Brazilian cultural history parallel to political and economic developments. The lundu, moda and the fado also appear in Brazilian history before the official (documented) recognition of samba as a genr e. According to ethnomusicologist Larry Crook, the popularity of the lundu and the moda 6 in 18 th descriptions of the lundu are eerily similar to the samba de roda : an African derived dance form related to batuque . Similarities include: practice with in a circle; one dancer executes intricate syncopated footwork until the next dancer is called to the circle through gestures made by the first dancer; choreography of a sensual nature (Crook 2005; Amoroso 2009; McGowan and Pessanha 2009; Hertzman 2013). According to Bahian cultural theorist Muniz Sodré, the lundu was the first Afro Brazilian music and dance form to gain wide accepta nce by whites. Sodré credits the popularization of the lundu to 6 See Veiga 1998 for an in depth study of moda brasileira .


69 mulatto musician Domingos Caldas Barbosa (1998: 30). Like samba, the lundu has variations that are viewed as more religious ( calunda ) or more secular ( lundu dança , lundu canção ) in nature, de pending on the precise form and context of the practice. Contrarily, the Portuguese moda ( modinha in Brazil) was recognized as elite music in the form of romantic ballads. The origins of the fado are still contested amongst scholars as to whether it is of Brazilian or Portuguese creation. It was long believed that the fado arose during the early colonial period, however, modern scholars place its emergence in the ninet eenth century, and it s inscription into colonial history as a part of nationalist strategi es (Holton 2006). The fact is, this very contestation points to the flows of information in the Afro Atlantic triangle (Africa Europe America), making it difficult to pinpoint o ne locus of genesis and probably the simultaneous emergence of the genre in Po rtugal and Brazil. The lyrics of Fado Português illustrate the ambiguity of fado origin: O fado nasceu um dia The fado was born one day Quando o vento mal bulia When the wind barely stirred E o ceu o mar prolongava And the sky extended the sea Na amurada dum velerio On the gunwhale of a boat Num peito dum marinheiro In the chest of a sailor Que estando triste cantava Who, full of sorrow sang Que estando triste cantava Who, full of sorrow sang (J osé Régio cited in Holton 2006) The example given reaffirms cu cultural archetype of the Afro Atlantic world , in which European, African and American ports were all affected by the triangular forces that gave rise to creolized cultural forms


70 (1993). In fado above, t he ship serves as the vehicle in which human bodies and their cultural practices travel, full of nostalgia for the la nds they have left behind . Maxixe , also known as the tango brasileiro, is yet another important dance form in the cultural matrix of samba. It is a partner dance generally interpreted as a derivative of the lundu with influences of European walzes, polkas, and the Spanish fandango, and a s a predecessor of the modern samba de gafieira (dancehall or partner samba). The maxixe is often cited as the first national dance of Brazil, given its clear mixture of European and African influences and the prevalence of its practice across racial and c lass boundaries in the early 20 th century Brazilian capital of Rio de Janeiro. Of course, the above criteria for recognition as the first national dance also reflect political preferences for centralizing the culture of Rio de Janeiro as that which is esse ntially Brazilian and the near obliteration of Lastly, capoeira is closely tied to samba and samba de roda in particular , which will be discussed at length in section 4.4 . Capoeira is a dance form, a ga me and a martial art widely practiced in Brazil and, since the 1970s, across the globe. Like the lundu and the samba de roda , capoeira is a circle dance in which songs are led by musicians, and the chorus is sung by those forming the circle who also mainta in the rhythm with hand clapping. Two players enter the circle at a time, and engage in a sparring match of acrobatic movements combined with a series of kicks and sweeps, which, depending on the group and the individual players, can resemble more of a fi ght or more of a dance. although most scholars point to Angola. It is widely known that capoeira was used in quilombos during the colonial period for protection from invad ers. Contemporary


71 capoeira masters describe the use of samba de roda to disguise the practice of capoeira in public spaces , which was prohibited in 1890, due to its prevalent usage amongst the M alta gang members in Rio de Janeiro. The narrative goes that t he musicians would begin to play the corrido rhythm to signal if police were approaching, so that the players would transform their aggressive capoeira into the passive samba de roda . Contemporary capoeira schools in Brazil and abroad incorporate samba de roda workshops. It is sometimes used at the end of the capoeira training session. After players have sparred in the capoeira roda , they finalize with a few rounds of samba de roda for entertainment. Furthermore, I have seen capoeira performed on stage in conjunction with samba events, adding movement variety to the presentation. One such occasion occurred during a performance of samba reggae by the Bahian bloco Olodum. Another instance occurred at the final samba selection of G.R.E.S. Acadêmicos da Rocinha, which can b e watched via link provided in C hapter 6. 4.3 Syncopation: Occupying Negative Space Syncopation: a temporary displacement of the regular metrical accent i n music caused typically by stressing the weak beat (Myriam Webster Online Dictionary). The body says what cannot be spoken. Musically, this can be explained as syncopation. Samba is a polymeter layered over a 2/4 structure. But the strong beat is suspende d, the weak accentuated. This suspension leaves the body with hunger that can only be satisfied by filling the silence with motion. (Browning 1995: 9 10) The missing beat could be the missing link explaining the capacity of black American music to mobilize . In fact, as much in jazz as in samba, syncopation has a special function, inciting the listener to fill the empty space by marking it with the body hand clapping, wiggling, swaying,


72 It has been observed ad nauseum by ethnomusicologists, anthropologists, African studies scholars and cultural theorists that there are several features common to music and dan ce of the Afro Atlantic : syncopation, antiphony and improvisation. It may be difficult to avoid a Hers kovitzian search for African survivals while acknowledging the prevalence of these structural elements common to nearly all forms of music and dance in the Afro Atlantic. While antiphony and improvisation have ceded their importance with the advent of the global music industry, syncopation remains as an underlying property of Afro descendant music and dance in the Americas. Antiphony, the call and response form of music (either sung or executed in rhythmic phrases) is a means for maintaining collective memo ry while allowing for the introduction of new themes, stories, and information into the oral history of a particular culture. Typically, the chorus (response) portion of a song is a pre established traditional song, while the verse (call) may be entirely or partially improvised. Calling a song indicates leadership and is practiced by those me mbers of a group with sufficien t age ( that is, cultural wisdom) to lead a group in song, and, if desired, improvise new verses relevant to the present (recent politics, social interactions, personal stories, gossip, etc). Antiphony also fosters the 2009 ) by requiring collective action in order to exist. Improvisation, either as a crucial element of antiphony, or as an attribu te of choreography, also requires cultural competence on the part of the individual executing a song or a dance. In order to participate in (improvise within) the practice of samba, one must be aware of the general identifying form and structure of the ar t. Nevertheless, the


73 practice of improvisation is a doorway for the introduction of foreign elements, which may or may not be retained in future iterations of the practice. Although antiphony and improvisation ar e still critical elements in the traditional practice of samba , these h allmark qualities are lost in commercialized versions. Yet, syncopation remains. 4.4 Samba in Bahia the importance of samba, and samba de roda in parti cular, in the daily lives of contemporary Bahian people. The Recôncavo Baiano , consisting of numerous cities of the Bahian northeast, including Salvador and Cachoeira (Figure 4 1) , and situated on the lands surrounding Baía de Todos os Santos Bay), is widely recognized as the birthplace of samba. The area covers 4,000 square miles and includes roughly thirty three counties 7 . The recôncavo a historic concept rather than a IPHAN 2004: ibid ). The Recôncavo Baiano is identified for the cultivation and maintenance of A fro descenden t cultural practices such as samba and candomblé, and maintains an economy largely bolstered by heritage tourism. Brazilian dance scholar Daniela Amoroso, affirms that nature, samba, candomblé and catholocism are key elements composing the imagined commun ity that is the recôncavo (2009). 7 Interpretations of what constitutes the Bahian Recôncavo vary such that claim s may be made that only 17 counties, or as many as 96 counties constitute the regions known as the Recôncavo. This research cites the 33 counties recognized by the researchers who produced the dossier for the constitution of samba de roda as intangible cu ltural patrimony (IPHAN 2004).


74 Although the recôncavo region has been characterized by chronic poverty for more than a century, it once boasted booming tobacco and sugar economies. As the colonial capital of Salvador was established (1549), the Portugu ese colonizers also massapê , which allowed for relatively easy development of surrounding villas through subsistence farming. Salvador is strategically located as a port to Europe prote cted by islands and reefs, allowing for villas around the bay and along the Paraguaçu River to launch large scale agricultural production. Connected by the Paraguaçu River, the cities of Cachoeira and Salvador became the dominant cultural and economic cent ers for the Bahian Recôncavo from th e 17 th to the 19 th centuries. As Salvador became the port to Europe, so Today, both Salvador and Cachoeira maintain thriving heritage tourism industrie s, in which post colonial practices of remembrance include witnessing and participation in of samba de roda, visits in Salvador and its whipping post (the namesake of Pelourinho), and fabrication of hand rolled cigars (Cachoeira), among other things.


75 Figure 4 1 . City of Cachoeira as viewed from São Félix, located on the opposite side of the P araguaçu River. Photo by Author 2011. Samba is used in all manner of celebrations in the recôncavo , forming the fabric of activities during birthday parties, anniversaries, graduations, etc. Samba de roda is also a series of events observed between June 21 and July 2: June 25 th celebration of Cachoeira as the capital of Bahia 8 ; June 25 th 28 th celebrations for São Joã o 9 ; and the July 2 8 Cachoiera became the capital of Bahia on two occasions: March 1822 and July 1823 during war for independence, earning the title and an important catalyst for national independence from Portugal. Portug al recognized Brazilian Independence in 1825, although Brazilian Independence Day is celebrated on September 7, in memory of the writing of the Brazilian Declaration of Independence in September of 1822. 9 São João and its Festas Juninhas (June Festivals) are renowned for the presence of another type of popular dance known as forró . Forró is similar to North American country two step partner dance with increased bilateral hip movements and is celebrated with costuming and cuisine reminiscent of the Brazil ian cowboy and agriculturalist aesthetic. Nevertheless, samba de roda is also markedly present in these festivities.


76 celebration for Bahian Independence Day. Additionally, the great Festa da Boa Morte (Festival of the Good Death) held in August, is imbued with samba de roda, attracting some ten thousand visitors annually to join the resident population of thirty thousand, commemorating the lives of the Irmandade de Nossa Senhora da Boa Morte 10 ( Sis ters of Our Lady of the Good Death ) . Dalva Damiana de Freitas , member of the sisterhood , is also known as the matriarch of samba de roda throughout the r ecôncavo . I had the opportunity to interview Dona Dalva 11 in August of 2011, during what ought to have been a joyful festival filled with a combination of ritual devotion and great merry making. Unfortunately, two of the sisters of Boa Morte passed away just one week before the festival. The fact that the fall en sisters had each reached more than one hundred years of age made for an exceptionally solemn atmosphere. Although the festival celebrates the lives of sisters passed, the fact that two elders had died so close to the time of the festival made it difficu lt for the community to commit to the celebration. Therefor e , during the 2011 Festa da Boa Morte , the sisters of Boa Morte opted to execute a minimalist observance of religious rit es and cancelled all samba performance s at that time. Nevertheless, eighty one year old Dona Dalva agreed to meet for a n interview and shared her personal history with samba, the irmandade and life in Cachoeira: Souza: Can you say your name and tell us where we are? Dalva: First of all, everyone knows who I am, as people seek me out. I represent the Casa do Samba de Roda Suerdick 12 (Suerdick Samba House). I am the credibility of samba de roda, I am the one who 10 For detailed history of the Irmandade de Nossa Senhora da Boa Morte, see IPHAN 2004. 11 Dona means owner or boss and is often used prior to first names in order to show respect. 12 Suerdick is one of two major cigar manufacturing companies in Cachoeira and where Dalva worked for most of her life.


77 made it . . . I have done everything for love, now there are many groups . . . through me, taught by me. I created this force given by me, understand? the basis of diverse cultural expressions, such as: family groups, religious associations, geographic locations and/or work relations, forming a comp lex network of samba practitioners with over lapping participation in various groups. Not only are the local through participation in religious networks (Catholic or cand omblés), sister/brotherhoods, and industry. Individuals may participate in multiple samba groups, attend the same church and work at the same factory providing for a closely bound network of social actors. Contrary to what a cohesive network might imply, the culture of the region is quite open to outsiders, outside influences and cultural exchange. This is a result of the international port since the 16 th century, the entryway not only for foreign goods, but the landing zone for ens laved Africans of numerous nations, and a constant site for scientific inquiry by anthropologists, sociologists and ethnomusicologists. The various samba groups cited above constitute both formal and informal cultural institutions. The formal groups with which I had direct contact for this research include the Casa do Samba de Roda Suerdick, Filhos da Barragem and Filhos do Caquende . All three groups are based in the city of Cachoeira. Registered as a cultural institution with the city of Cachoeira in 19 58, Casa do Samba de Roda Suerdick (Figure 4 2 ) , is the oldest and the most widely recognized samba group in the region. This may touri sm department and from academic s whose research garnered federal recognition of


78 samba de roda of her familial network, c hildren and grandchildren. Figure 4 2 . Casa do Samba de Roda de Dona Dalva . Photo by Author 2011. Dalva: When I was fourteen, I learned to make cigars in São Félix 13 , because over there, today where you have the INSS 14 , used to be the Dannemann factory, in the lower part, where you find Pedro Arcanjo 15 , there was the deposit for all of the merchandise for everything that had to do with cigars . . . and where the Germans lived. . . I learned the first steps there . . . to help my parents . . . 13 São Felix is a neighboring city of Cachoeira on the opposite side of the Paraguaçu River. 14 INSS Instituto de Prevedência Social , similar to the Medicare program in the United States. 15 Pedro Arcanjo, world renowned Bahian visual artist and founder of the Dannemann Cultural Center, housed within the former Dannemann cigar factory.


79 because there were eight of us kids with a mother cigar maker and a father shoemaker, and at this time nothing made money, so I went to [learn to make cigars]. . . Today I am retired, with this embarrassing retirement payment, but it is serving me. I raised my childr en and maintain my life to this day because of this thing that I had already been doing, everything about me was samba, any fun I had was with a roda de samba, and so, I went creating. Souza : And before you started working, where did this love for samb a come from? Dalva: This came from my grandmother. My parents had eight children, and the grandparents want at least one grandchild to do well, huh? My grandmother wanted me to succeed, so I studied at the school ve books. One year, I studied one book, and the next year, the same book, because my had one book called Erasmo Braga . . . I studied and learned those things: a, e, i, o, u . . . I studi ed, because of my grandmother. in the Caquende River, and I would bring her lunch in a can, and soak these clothes . . . because s he washed clothes for money, so I me on a rock also washi ng clothes in a bucket. . . Everything she work in silence. You have to work raving, smiling, singing, even if you are hungry and thirsty, we sing. Dalva also emphasizes the creation of sa mba in conjunction with work and other trials of life in the short documentary film Umbigada, where she tells the story of composing the Samba do Jilô (Eggplant Samba) while working at the Suerdick factory. Everyday her colleague Eulina would bring coffee and a banana to share amongst her friends at work, except one day, she did not bring a banana. She only had a jilô . No one wanted to eat the eggplant , but that one bi tter snack turned into the Samba do Jilô , now recorded on the CD produced by the Casa do Roda de Samba Suerdick . (Barreto & Quetzal cited in Amoroso 2009).


80 Dalva: When we would go to parties, no one would offer us anything ve anything, so I would samba, and those things, creating my own will, I would do it, arrange it, and I went on creating and believing. This stayed in my mind. This stayed in my blood. I went to work with all the suffering of my children, bad times, bec ause the good life was not for me, but even with all that suffering, I would sing, and the tears would fall, and I kept singing. It was to pass the bad times and the good times. My grandmot her suffered, because the lady of the house was a raised her, but never gave her the blessing of creation, only the blessing of the whip. My grandmother raised me there, and I also took some of th e scowl of her creation, because my grandmother did not know how to read . . . but thank God my grandmother and I had a lot of love . . . and when grandmother went to Boa Morte , I learned. I went and samba ed. She brought us and we would be there clappin g hands, having fun. At that time, Boa Morte was eight days of festivities, and everyone was there, happy, satisfied, smiling, doing samba. I would create my own sambas . . . and we would eat at Boa Morte, there were beans, and chicken, one thing, then a nother, lots and lots, at that time was great . . . and I liked my samba, samba ing and samba ing even now. I ask that the culture clouds, and the samba cannot die. Samba is life. Sa mba is our we are suffering from the worst of sicknesses, we sing a little 16 Samba de roda is characterized by participants execu ting choreography within a roda (circle), possible incorporation of the following instruments: pandeiro 17 , plate & knife, viola 18 , hand clapping, short repetitive chorus with improvised verses in call and 16 Dalva Damiana de Freitas, August 2011, Cachoeira, Bahia, Personal 17 Pandeiro Membranophone instrument structured like a tambourine, but with a leather or synthetic skin over its center. 18 Viola Of European origin, the viola is similar to an acoustic guitar in shape, but usually smaller. The viola is has 8 12 strin gs, as opposed to the 6 stringed guitar.


81 response form, with the chorus being referred to as c hula . 19 Bahian musician and native of the recôncavo Jota Veloso has an alternate view of authentic samba de roda , one that is closely aligned with its practice found within candomblé. According to Veloso 20 , whose reference for samba de roda developed in Santo Amaro, just 17 miles from Cachoeira , traditional samba de roda is performed with the three atabaques (drums) used in candomblé: rum, rumpi and lê, and, sometimes, with the three corresponding berimbaus 21 : berra boi, viola , and berimbau . The three sizes of atabaques and berimbaus produce low, medium and high pitched tones. Although the instruments cited above indicate traditional formations of samba de roda , modern groups incorporate a variety of other instruments, such as cavaquinho 22 , gu itar, timbau 23 , and surdo 24 , among others. the main step includes the miudinho wherein the dancers feet glide across the floor in counterpoint with the rhythm, while the swingin g hips relate to the sliding of the feet . The two primary formats for samba de roda in Bahia are: samba corrido and samba chula. Samba corrido is further subdivided into samba de parada, amarrado, de viola and barravento . These variations correspond to different 19 For detailed analysis of technical aspects of samba de roda music, see ethnomusicologist Ralph work (1980 and 1981). 20 Personal communication, 2011. 21 Berimbau One stringed bow with a gourd resonator . It is the primary instrument in capoeira. 22 Cavaquinho stringed instrument similar to a (McGowan and Pessanha 2009: 242). 23 Timbau Similar to West African djembe drum and the atabaque , but with a nylon membrane (Crook 2005). The tim bau originated in Salvador with the development of samba reggae and axé music. 24 Surdo A large base drum essential to many types of Brazilian music, such as samba enredo , pagode, samba reggae and axé.


82 regions of the r ecôncavo. According to Waddey (1981), these variations emphasize performative aspects of the practice, which, taken altogether, produce a holistic view of samba de roda . Traditional costuming for the formal performance of this dance includes giant skirts worn by women. The skirt enhances the choreography when the volumes of cloth fill as the dancer swirls around the roda . Other elements include strings of beads, bracelets, head cloth and sash. Th e clothing resembles the same dress used in the ceremonial activities of candomblé. Whereas in candomblé and other religious ceremonies the clothing is typically all white (Figure 4 3) , for samba, the skirts are brightly colored. These large skirts also f orm the basis of the baianas 25 costume in the carnival parades of Rio de Janeiro (Figure 4 4 ) with the matriarchs of Afro Brazilian culture in Bahia. The baiana (woman from Bahia) in this particular garb has become a stock figure in the panorama of Brazilian archetypes. During carnival season, the Bahian department of tourism pays for baianas to appear in baianas that work in the hi storic district year round and charge fees for tourists to take their picture with them. Upon my last visit to Salvador, I noticed a ne w tourist attraction (Figure 4 5 ), where tourists can take photos of themselves posing as Baianas and Baianos . 25 Baiana General reference for a Bahian woman and a key character in the carnival parades of Rio de Janeiro. All officially sanctioned samba schools are required to have a baianas section.


83 Figure 4 3 . Sisters of Our Lady of the Good Death dressed in white pose with school children who have come to visit the sisterhood. Photo by Corey Souza, 2012. Samba de roda depends upon its inclusive structure, and is, in fact, enhanced by Amoroso 2009). Participating in a rehearsal with the Roda Mirim Flor do Dia (samba group for children an d adolescents at the Casa Suerdick ) in March 2013, I observed the interactive nature within and amongst the women present in the execution of samba de roda . Although men were present at the rehearsal, their function was to play the instruments: cavaquinho, pandeiro, viola, timbau, surdo , etc. The men remained in the background of the performance space and took their directions from the now eighty three year old Dalva who sat in a chair within the roda . Dalva used a microphone in order to lead the songs.


84 Figure 4 4 . Baianas cariocas women in Rio de Janeiro dress as baianas for the baianas section of their samba school. These are rehearsal costumes, whereas the performance costumes include large, brightly colored skirts. Photo courtesy of Victor Souza , 2013.


85 Figure 4 5 . Tourists in Salvador take pictures as baianas and baianos. Photo by Author 2013. I noticed a number of signs within the facility prohibiting the use of cameras or any other recording devices. Sitting in chairs with Victor and my parents just beyond the circle of dancers, I set my eyes and ears to absorbing every bit of information tha t I could. We were the only spectators present, and I felt equally honored to be privy to this performance as I was to be permitted entry to a ritual practiced at the oldest and most sacred of candomblé houses at Boa Ventura that same week. As Dalva called out the song refrains, the circle of dancers responded with the chorus and hand clapping. There were eight children present with three adult women (including Dalva) and seven male musicians. The adult women initiated the samba dance one at a time, using the umbigada to call the next person to dance. All the w hile, the adult women encouraged the girls forming the circle (not taking their solos in the center)


86 to keep the energy alive with enthusiastic clapping, swaying and marking the rhythm in place. The young dancers required varying degrees of encouragement. I was reminded of my ten years training in capoeira groups where old er, more established members pushed the newer participants to keep the energy alive with singing and clapping. One of my teachers, Mestre Acordion 26 used to say that the people in the roda who just stand there are like tourists, gawking. In other words, those wishing to dance in the center of the circle, without participating in constructing the circle itself, ignore the rules by which the aesthetics of participation is created. One girl, who appeared to be around twelve years old, clearly needed no motivation, as she was ready to take the floor at any moment. With chin raised and a wide smile, she beamed around the circle, gliding her feet across the floor with cool confidence and radiating sublime joy. A nother dancer, perhaps eight or nine years old , was quite bashful, occasionally hid her face in her hands through uncontrollable giggles before finally accepting the invitation to take her turn in the roda . Samba reveals the singularity of each individual, despite shared choreography. After forty fiv e minutes of rehearsal, my family and I received what I consider to be one of the greatest gifts of my lifetime: we were invited to join the roda . We entered the circle clapping along as the women and girls continued dancing in turn. When one of the dance rs performed the umbigada gesture on me, I self consciously began my samba. 26 Mestre Acordeon (Master Acordeon) Title of Bahian capoeira master Bi ra Almeida. Almeida trained with founder of Capoeira Regional Mestre Bimba, and was one of the first Brazilians to establish a capoeira training school in the United States (1979). Currently, the Capoeira Arts Foundation (launched by Almeida and his netwo rk of capoeira instructors) includes sixteen schools in the United States and in Brazil. Author, poet and philanthropist, Almeida has chronicled his journey through capoeira in the book Agua de Beber Camará um bate papo de capoeira (1999), recorded numer ous capoeira music cds and launched several projects promoting cultural exchange between the United States and Brazil.


87 As a professional samba dancer in the United States, I am accustomed to performing the Rio style of samba where women wear very little clothing and execute exaggerated hip gyratio roda was not the place for that samba, and I was worried if I became carried away, I would reveal myself as crass. After thirty seconds or so of dancing afraid that I might offend my host s, I stopped judging myself to concentrate on dancing with gratitude for the present experience. Completing my turn in the roda , Victor and my parents soon followed. Victor is a native of Bahia and, although he does not dance on a regular basis, he samba ed around the roda surprised me, in that my mother was noticeably self conscious about her movements (like myself), while my stepfather appeared to have no trouble jumping in with a n expression of worry free glee. incorporation of European elements in samba de roda exists only in the adoption of the Portuguese language, certain poetic elements, and the use of s uch instruments as the viola. Sandroni and Sant hybridizations, do not exclude the fact that samba de roda was and is essentially, an Afro ation). As previously noted , an integral part of that expression is inclusivity, which creates a cohesive community atmosphere. As a practice of presence, participation in samba establishes a shared community regardless of racial, ethnic or social status. As with the scenario cited above,


88 On another occasion, Victor and I were invited to a party in celebration of São Cosme and Damião at a private home in Cachoeira. Although the twin Catholic Saints are celebrated officially on the 27 th of September within Afro Brazilian canodmblé cults, a private party was being held in their honor in late August. Like most Brazilian celebratory occasions, the exact date of recognition is more an indicator of a series of festivities, rather than a finite event. Cosme and Damião are the patr on saints of children in Brazil . Traditionally, children are fed first at these celebrations. Food is placed in the center of the floor and all of the kids eat with their hands from the same giant serving platters. Victor and I arrived at this particular celebrat ion around 11:00 p.m. If the traditional observanc e of feeding children first had been held, it was long past by the time we got there. Our primary purpose was to assist samba de roda , which was taking place in full swing on the back porch of the home. We were greeted as if we were esteemed guests. Word had spread that I was a North American anthropologist researching samba de roda. Our host was expecting us and directed his son to ensure Victor and I ate well and that our cups never ran dry. The food, much to my delight, was traditional fare for Cosme and Damião: caruru, vatapá , beans and rice. Caruru is a dish made with cooked okra, onion, shrimp and palm oil, while vatapá is a puré of bread, shrimp, coconut milk, peanuts and palm oil. They are equally delicious. The samba de roda band animating the ho me was the Filhos do Caquende , a group I had visited the day before. Located on the Caquende River, the Filhos do


89 headquarters operates as a rehearsal space for the samba group once a week, usually on Saturdays (Figure 4 6 ) . The space is also rented out for birthday parties and meetings held by various public and private organizations. The air was stiflingly hot on the day Oswaldo Santos da Silva agreed to an interview representing the group. Figure 4 6 . Oswaldo Sa ntos da Silva (center) with two other members of the Fi lhos do Caquende. Photo by Author, 2011. Although Oswaldo and his samba associates were very cordial, the mid afternoon heat made for a heavy atmosphere. Both Oswaldo and myself carried out the interview w ith a sense of duty. Oswaldo explained that they rehearsed on Saturdays due to the fact that everyone works during the week. In the event that they have a performance or special event on a Saturday, they rehearse on Sunday, or execute the performance in lieu of rehearsal. His expression lightened when I asked if there were any pictures of the group, to which he responded with pride by showing me a series of photographs. The


90 images revealed Oswaldo several years younger with the rest of the group dressed for various shows. Oswaldo cited Valmir 27 as the figure within the community that extends the most support to the Filhos do Caquende in terms of indicating them for events and providing them with low rental rates for sound equipment. Oswaldo affirmed that he samba de roda August 2011). Figure 4 7 . Samba de roda p racticed at private party in Cachoeira. Music performed by Filhos do Caquende. Photo by Author, 2011. Filhos do Caquende f orged the heart of the gathering. Shortly after Victor and I arrived, the band took their first break of the evening. Oswaldo floated over to greet us. His eyes 27 Valmir Pereira administrator of the Irmandade da Nossa Senhora da Boa Morte, events producer and cultural ambassador of Cachoeira , Bahia.


91 sparkled as he shook our hands, hugged and welcomed us. Although our cups were eaten, and if we needed a refill on our drinks. We assured him that we were more than satisfied. He introduced us to some of his band members before he and his friends shuffled on to greet more party goers, close friends, neighbors and family members. Wh en the band began to play again, the partygoers formed a semi circle with the concave portion directed towards the band, thus completing the circle (Figure 4 7 ) . 4.5 Documenting Samba the activities of Afro Brazilians is first found in a newspaper in Salvador (1844), that is, seventy three years before the first recording of a samba carioca (samba of Rio de Janeiro). Pelo Telefone , recorded in 1917 by Donga in Rio de Janeiro, is most often cited as the first samba in Brazil. The omission of samba prior to 1917 effaces the relevance of samba found in the Recôncavo Baiano , thereby recognizin its acceptance by the Brazilian elite. The term is found more frequently in news reports from the 1860s onwards, gaining attention from anthropologists, sociologists and ethnomusicologists at the turn of the twentieth centur y. This interest occurred in dialogue with the launching of samba carioca Brazil. The recôncavo sugar cane and tobacco based economy went into recess in the 1850s. After abolition in 1888, migration to Brazilian urban ce nters (Salvador, Rio de Janeiro and São Paulo) became inevitable for marginalized populations of the rural northeast. Some of these Bahian migrants would become essential forces in the creation of samba carioca .


92 4.6 Samba Carioca Carioc as 28 are a prideful people, and with good reason. As the capital of Brazil from 1763 1960 (and briefly the capital of Portugal in the early 19 th century when the signi ficance in baroque ornamentation and monumental stature. The people of Rio de Janeiro have long been envied for their unique combination of cosmopolitanism within a tropical pa radise. Rio de Janeiro is advertised as a place of pleasure: sexy bodies lying o n the beach or dancing to sensual music . However, the reality for city dwellers may be quite different: several hours of commute through stand still traffic on a daily basis; city buses and trains that stop or , worse, wreck due to lack of maintenance; high costs of living with a sub standard minimum wage; violent outbreaks between the p olice and local gangs; etc. These problems have been increasingly visible in the global media due to mass protests across the country in the face of the World Cup (2014) and the impending Olympic Games (2016). Citizens abhore the exorbitant spending on b eautifying certain areas of ma jor cities for the comfort and safety of t ourists while ignoring broken systems of transportation and education endured by Brazilians. Nevertheless, Rio de Janeiro remains a prime location for travellers seeking an exciting nightlife or surf side relaxatio n. Located in the global south 29 , Rio de Janeiro is also the type of destination where travellers (particularly North American and European) 28 Carioca of or pertaining to Rio de Janeiro, Brazil. 29 Global South loosely refers to underdeveloped countries of the Southern hemisphere, as opposed to the industrialized (first world) nations of the Northern hemisphere. The North South divide refers to divisions along political and economic lines as well as relative technological resources. The concept itself is widely depated amongst social theorists and political economists as to the salience of a true divide, given the une ven patterns of migration, technological advancement and/or lack thereof. See Thérien 1999.


93 feel at ea se to misbehave for sex tourism (William s 2013) , and passistas commodity of choice: mulatas . At the Cartola Cultural Center 30 , a center for samba research and development, The center is located just one block away from G.R.E.S. Escola de Samba Estação Primeira da Mangueira ( Mangueira Samba School ) . 31 Founded in 1928, Mangueira is the oldest running samba school in existence. Mangueira Samba School (Figure 4 8 ) and the Cartol a Cultural Center (Figure 4 9 ) are located in Mangueira neighborhood, a vast complex of favelas (slums). The samba school was founded by Angenor de Oliveira, better known as the samba composer Cartola (1908 1980). The Cartola Cultural Center was founded in honor by his granddaughter Nilcemar Nogueira in 2001. Inside the museum, large colorful posters accompany exhibits of instruments, carnival costumes and audio visual installations locating starting point with a baiana named Hi lária Batista de Almeida, affectionately known as Tia (Aunt) Ciata. She garnered fame as a vendor of homemade sweets, a mãe de santo ( candomblé priestess), and hostess of infamous music and dance gatherings at the turn of the 20 th century. 30 Centro Cultural Cartola, Rua Visconde de Niterói, 1296, Mangueira, Rio de Janeiro, RJ. The center was responsible for producing the dossier, which provided for the acceptance of samba carioca as intangible cultural heritage by the IPHAN in 2007. The center remains responsible for implementation of the plane to safe guard and protect samba cari oca. 31 G.R.E.S. Ag remiação Recreativa e Escola de Samba formal title preceeding the name of all registered samba schools.


94 Figure 4 8 . Mangueira Samba School. Photo by Author 2012. Figure 4 9 . Cartola Cultural Center. Photo by Author 2012.


95 Her home near Praça Onze in Cidade Nova neighborhood was a venue for candomblé, samba de terreiro , samba de roda and choro 32 . Citizens of all social strata earn ing a certain amo unt of protection for the often persecuted practice of candomblé. Tia Ciata is cited in nearly every academic document pertaining to samba history in Rio de Janeiro. Altho ugh some caution must be taken in separating fact from legend, there is no doubt that she was a fundamental figure in the development of urban samba and modern carnival. Other famous Bahian t ias crucial to the development of samba carioca , include Tia Perc iliana of Santo Amaro and Tia Amélia. Tia Perciliana introduced the pandeiro and the knife and plate as characteristic samba instruments. Perciliana was the mother of João da Baiana (João Machado Guedes) and taught him to samba. João became famous in th e samba world as a composer, recording with Pixinguinha and Heitor Villa Lobos, among others. Tia Amélia was the mother of Ernesto Joaquim Maria dos Santos, also known as Donga. Donga gained his music education in the same manner as João da Baiana, and s o many others, as sons of sambadeiras 33 , accompanying the events produced by Bahian women, cultivating not only the sounds and choreographies of samba, but also the cuisine and religious practices relevant to this popular manifestation. 32 Choro Late XIX early XX century instrumental music from Rio de Janeiro. Choro is similar to early American jazz and tradi tionally formed with flute, guitar and cavaquinho. The genre is characterized by sweeping rhythmic and melodic changes (McGowan and Pessanha 2009: 171 173). 33 Sambadeira woman who dances and/or plays samba. Term commonly used in the northeast.


96 Located in this region, Pedra do Sal (rock of salt) is one of many historical landmarks in the cultivation of samba carioca past and present. Situated in Saúde neighborhood and near Praça Mauá ( Mauá Square), the Pedra do Sal is recognized as a critical site for the collective memory of and actual practice of samba. At the end of the 19 th century, Pedra do Sal was an important site for candomblé festivals, samba and carnival. It was also once a quilombo, and Quilombo Pedra do Sal descendants are participant and author of many cultural activities at Pedra do Sal , which is l ocated less than two miles from her former home near Praça Onze . Her creative and spiritual practices influenced the development of modern carnival. She helped to launch the first rancho , a predecessor to the contemporary samba school. In this vibrant cultural center, Bahian traditions infused the new carioca modernity during innumerous festive gatherings in order to produce samba carioca . Pedra do Sal still hosts live rodas de samba 34 (sam ba circles) at 7:30 p . m . on Monday nights. The event is free and held in the open air on the sloping rock that forms its namesake. I took the opportunity to visit Pedra do Sal on a Monday night during my first research trip to Rio de Janeiro (July 2011). T he place was packed with individuals concentrated around a table where musicians sat, played samba and drank beer. The people most closely surrounding the table appeared to be Brazilian while the outer waves were clearly foreigners made noticeable by their use of English, French and German combined with white complexion. The musical repertoire oscillated between samba 34 Roda de Samba different from the Bahian music & dance form known as samba de roda , a roda de samba refers to a group of musicians sitting arou nd a table to play samba music , while others watch, listen, sing and dance around them.


97 classics of the early Rosa Cartola era (1930s), to contemporary sambas by the likes of Fundo do Quintal. I was pleasantly surprised that when the musicians took their break, the interval music (pre recorded music played on a large sound system) consisted entirely of reggae. Despite the homage paid to Bahian tias in the history of modern samba, numerous historians cite the birth of true samba in Rio de Janeiro and locate the recording of Pelo Telefone (1917) as a catalytic moment for national acceptance and dissemination of samba. As demonstrated in the previous section, Brazilian samba has a rich history prior to this event, however, it is the urban samba of Rio de Janeiro that was Br azilian identity in the early 20 th century. There has been much debate regarding this crucial moment in terms of intellectual property rights and the fact that samba (including Pelo Telefone ) is traditionally produced in a collective fashion (Tupy 1985; Vianna 1999 ; Nogueira 2007; Hertzman 2013). Ne vertheless, it still marks a significant shift in Brazilian culture, when samba transformed from a pastime of lower class blacks in to an international icon. Samba, in the form of dancing and drumming mulatas and malandros , appears to embody the idealized B razilian racial democracy. As a field where individuals of all classes and ethnicities come together to produce samba (as a type of music, dance, festive occasion, or even, way of life), many have made the argument that essentialist claims for samba as re presentative of the creative genius of Afro Brazilians negate the true nature of The Mystery of Samba emphasizes the encounters between upper middle class whites and middle and lower class


98 bla Making Samba fessionalization in the early 20 th century placed Afro Brazilians in a group that D epicted itself as inclusive a nd egalitarian [but] persistent internal hierarchies and stereotypes about authorship, creative genius, and race helped marginalize Afro Brazilian entrepreneurs and composers. Meanwhile, easily consumable, one dimensional caricatures of authentic, spiritua l, emo tive black musicians flourished (2013: 9). Brazilian social theorist Muniz Sodré maintains the essentialist perspective on samba as an Afro Brazilian phenomenon, despite its dependence on white patronage. In Samba, O Dono do Corpo, Sodré affirms : despite its mestiço influences (mix of African and European influences), this music was truly fermented in the bosom of the negro to be representative of Afro Brazili an heritage, albeit simultaneously representative of the entire nation. Authentic samba is said to be that which is produced in favelas amongst the dark skinned members of society. Regardless of whether or not whites can and do make samba, it is a strongl descendent community. As demonstrat well known samba musicians and composers rarely claimed music as a primary professional category even 929 1940s) due to the difficulty of sustaining oneself as such (2013: 47). This underlying theme affects modern samba production. The fact that whites have monopolized on their position as sponsors of talented black musicians is uncomfortably reminiscent o f colonial slave owners appraising the worth of their commodities based on musical talent.


99 4.7 Bota Abaixo The cultural mecca known as Little Africa described above became displaced dur ing the first few years of the 20 th century with what was known as the Bota Abaixo 35 . of public health officer Oswaldo Cruz under the leadership of governor Periera Passos (1902 1906). Downtown living in Rio de Jan eiro had become plagued with chol era and yellow fever epidemics. I t was widely believed by city planners and the elite class that the low income residents of downtown cortiços (tenement houses) were to blame (Vaz 1994). Inspired by the modernizing reforms of Parisian urban planner Georges Eugéne Haussman, Passos and Cruz sought to sanitize and embellish the Brazilian capital. Modernization levied a high price for the thousands of low income residents of the homes and tenement houses that were demolished i n order to make way for widened streets, public squares and monuments ( Abreu 2006 ) . It was largely c ariocas of color who were forced to abandon their homes and move in with extended family or seek housing in the suburbs. This urban migration resulted in the formation of new neighborhoods in the Northern and Western zones of the city, and these neighborhoods became new sites of cultural production, particularly along the lines of the train tracks that carried workers to and from their jobs each day. Brazil ian architect and urban planner Lillian Vaz observes the eradication of low income occurred parallel to increasing specialization in blue collar labor (relating to the tasks of urban reform) and divisi ons of social activity between economic classes (1994: 7). Today, the annual Samba do Trem (Samba Train) celebration takes samba e nthusiasts 35 Bota Abaixo literally tra nslates to but is understood as or out of

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100 across the city scape visiting important sites of samba production. Fans board the train at central station downtow n and travel with live music and dancing, which culminates in a large open air festival at the Osw aldo Cruz train station in the w est zone of the city. The geography. 4.8 Theme & Variations in Music & Movement Samba carioca , like the samba of Bahia, is saturated with sub categories. Although the recent recognition of samba carioca as intangible cultural heritage by UNESCO lists three types ( samba de terreiro, partido alto , and samba enredo ), one should also consider pagode , bossa nova and to a lesser extent samba funk , samba rock and samba de gafieira as relevant forms of samba in Rio de Janeiro. The partido alto form of samba evolved out of the conglomeration of rural 36 forms, such as: chula, lundu, samba rural paulistano, samba de roda baiano , and calango . Partido alto is defined as a form of dueling song, where singers improvise verses in a battle of wits and poetics, alternating with a traditional established or improvised chorus (Nogueira 2007; Lopes 2005; Tinhorão 1997). Unlike other forms of samba, partido alto privileges the dueling singers, such that instruments take a secondary role. Traditional accompaniment for this form of samb a includes (but is not limited to): pandeiro, cavaquinho , and guitar. Samba de terreiro and samba enredo are characterized by their form, and, more over, by their social context and function. Samba de terreiro is samba practiced in 36 Although samba de roda and lundu were practiced in the northeast, and Cachoeira and Salvador are major commercial centers, these locations are considered rural by comparison. Somewhat pejoratively, the entire northeast is often characterized as next to the cosmopolitanism of Rio de Janeiro.

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101 the terreiro (terrace 37 ) , while samba enredo refers specifically to carnival music of Rio de Janeiro. Terreiro came to pass as a reference for the space where a samba school would p ractice. In the early 20 th century, many schools would practice in open air spaces, eventually gro wing in size and stature to support a building dedicated to the school with concrete floor, thus becoming a quadra (court) as opposed to a terreiro . Samba de quadra has become another way of referring to what once was exclusively known as samba de terreiro . Not all sambas produced in terreiros (or quadras ) are carnival songs, therefor the distinction is made between this type of samba and samba enredo or story samba. Samba de terreiro or quadra reflects the stylistic choices of the members of a given school . It is a product of the unique collaboration of individuals who come together to produce music collectively. According to the dossiêr Samba Carioca, samba de terreiro represents an identity shared by a group united by their participation in a samba sch Prior to the establishment of the samba enredo (story samba) as the official carnival music of Rio de Janeiro, samba schools paraded with multiple songs. The samba enredo itself has evolved in accord with increasin g regulation of parade procedures. The early samba enredos of the 1930s maintained a pre written chorus (sung by the pastoras ) with improvised verses sung by a soloist. Improvisation of verses was prohibited in 1946, as carnival samba enredos became orient and sung by not only the school members, but the observing crowd as well (Nogueira 37 Terreiro refers to a terrace or yard, but is also an informal reference for a candomblé house and the samba school itself. Thus , samba de terreiro can refer to samba played in informal gatherings amongst friends, within the candomblé terreiro , or samba played at samba schools.

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102 2007). Today, samba enredos are pre written in their entirety and sung by a soloist on a microphone and accompanied by the ent ire school and fans singing in unison. Bossa nova south zone beaches, such as Copacapana and Ipanema in the 1960s . It is perhaps the most globally recognized form of samba . The genre was laun ched through the international success of the film Black Orpheus (1959) with a soundtrack composed by Antonio Carlos Jobim and Luiz Bonfá. Bossa nova is identifie d by an intimate approach to the guitar and voice, with subdued percussive elements and o ften played at a slower tempo. Bossa n ova infiltrated American Jazz and vice versa, resulting in such musical masterpieces as Jazz Samba by Charlie Byrd and Stan Getz (1962). The bossa craze led to the establishment of Brazilian percussion as a staple feat ure of international music, particularly jazz (McGowan and Pessanha 2009: 3). Brazilian composer Nei Lopes has criticized the bossa nova movement as a hijacking of popular culture and an oversimplification of sa mba by the white middle classes 38 . Others have complained of the North American infiltration of Brazilian music via jazz. The fact is, the bossa nova and cool jazz sparked U.S. Brazil collaborations producing innovative sounds on both sides of the globe. Pagode is a more recent development, arising i n response to the commercialization of samba schools. L ike batuque and even samba , the term originally referred to a festive gathering where people play batuque or samba, as opposed to a musical genre per se, but became concretized as such in the 1970s. Th e carnival bloco 39 38 Lopes, Nei. Public Event: Samba do Trem . Panel Discussion. November 29, 2012. Oswaldo Cruz Station, Rio de Janeiro. 39 Bloco Carnival associations pre date modern samba schools in Rio de Janeiro. Not to be confused with blocos afro of Salvador, their formal structures are smaller than a samba school, but their events often attract tens of thousands of par ticipants. Blocos host parades and carnivalesque events during carnival, but

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103 Cacique de Ramos, located in the lower middle class neighborhood of Ramos in Rio de Janeiro began hosting weekly gatherings for samba composers ( bambas ) to play, improvise and create new sambas. This was, in fact, the original function of samba schools, a location and network of individuals within which samba could be developed. s carnival, upper middle class members of carioca society began to infiltrate these organizations levying high salaries as carnival designers. Gang leaders and gambling lords of various favelas sought control of their local samba schools (as with all econo mic competitive market. S ambistas interviewed for this research confirmed the point, as does the work of Alma Guillermoprieto ( 1991 ), that samba schools serve as money laun dering facilities for local gangs. Older composers saw their creative productive space lost to both legitimate and illicit commercial activities of the school, which became focused solely on the financially lucrative samba enredo of carnival. The gathering s at Cacique de Ramos employed the traditional practice of partido alto combined with modern instrumentation, leading to the formation of the hugely successful pagode group Fundo do Quintal (Galinsky 1996). Pagode, as a genre , became widely popular in the northeast as well, with Bahian groups Gera Samba, Cia do Pagode and É O Tchan , among others. The pagode of Bahia takes on the musical accents of that region , influenced by the popularity of samba reggae and axé music 40 . do not parade in the official carnival parade. Some consider blocos more traditional than samba schools given their lower level of formality and commercialization. 40 For an in de pth account of samba reggae and axé music, see Goli A Trama dos Tambores a música afro pop de Salvador (2000).

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104 Samba funk and samba rock represent North American interventions of funk/soul and rock, respectively from the 1960s onwards. Samba funk and samba rock are widely heard throughout Brazil, and have established classic songs of the greater samba genre alongside traditional samba, bos sa nova . The late Tim Maia is probably the most revered o f samba funk singers, followed by Jorge Ben Jor, and recently Seu Jorge. These musicians and others continue the U.S. Brazil musical transaction, which, despite criticisms of American cultural imp erialism ( Allen 1999 ; Lopes 2013 ), continue to manifest internationally celebrated sounds. Most recently, the North American Hip Hop Mas Que Nada (2006 ) . The song previously won a Grammy aw ard and placed 46 th on the U.S. billboard The hip hop infused cover reached number 6 on the U.K. billboard and has appeared on the soap opera 90210. 4.9 Dancing Samba Music and dance are often overlappin g and indistinguishable categories, particularly in reference to traditional African and indigenous cultural forms, as well as those contemporary forms of the Afro Atlantic diaspora. The transformativ e e ffects of globalization, however, have influenced Bra zilian samba such that not only do we see variations within the samba genre itself, but also differentiations in nomenclature pertaining to the music and the dance, overlapping usages of choreography with variations of the musical form and vice versa. Alt hough much of this research has focused on the form of samba practiced by passistas in the preparations for and execution of the carnival parade, samba de gafieira (partner, ballroom or dancehall samba) and informal samba practiced by individuals in bars a nd night clubs are also critical forms of the genre as a danced art. The form of

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105 samba practiced by passistas and other parading members of samba schools will de discussed a t length in Chapters 5 through 7 . The following represents a brief description of dancehall and informal forms of dancing samba. One would be hard pressed to find a carioca unable to samba dance, at least in the minimalist of forms. It is a common sight at bars, clubs, and within samba schools for lay people (non professional or non spe cialized performers) to dance samba as a pastime in the form of marching out the rhythm (in an even 1 2, 1 2) or with a syncopated step (1 & 2, 1 & 2) closely aligned with the miudinho cited in section 4.4 . CCC founder Nilcemar Nogueira lists the miudinho as one of the most traditional ways to dance samba (personal communication 2012). While I was living in Bahia (2005 taught the miudinho samba de roda at the Associação de Capoeira Mestre Bimba, t he most prestigious (in terms of cultural heritage) capoeira regional 41 school in Brazil. In Rio de Janeiro , I was taught the basic march ( stepping in place with the simple 1 O Machine (José Carlos Faria), ex passista of Beija Flor Samba School . O Machine holds the responsabili t y of carnival p arade ( síndico da passarela ) since 1985. Either version constitutes basic, simple samba dancing, the latter version being the easier of the two. This fundamental samba choreography is further elaborated through the use of sweeps, leaps, rhythmic variations and turns by those more adept at the art of dancing, specifically professional, 41 Capoeira regional founded by Mestre Bimba as an activity geared towards physical fitness in order to circumvent prohibitions on the practice of Capoeira Angola . Today, Capoeira Angola is viewed as a more traditional (sometimes read as authentic form), while Capoeira Regional is viewed as a commericialized contemporary form. Capoeira Regional has incorporated elements of many acrob atics, gymnastics and break dancing and can be seen in Mixed Martial Art venues and competitions.

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106 semi professional and students of samba dance. Both the miudinho (which is best suited for a roda ) and the march (which is best for a parade) can be performed with any form of samba music as long as the tempo of movement matches the rhythmic structure of the music. Samba de gafieira , on the other hand is more complex in that it, like all partner dance, requires the coordination of two bodies moving together in harmony. The basic step in samba de gafieira is similar to the miudinho, except the step travels forward (female dancer) and back (male dancer) on the 2. Thus, emphasis (more movement) is definitions of syncopation cited earlier . Beyond the basic step exists an elaborate vocabulary of sweeps, lifts, turns and t wists giving samba de gafieira an essence that is entirely sui generis . Similariti es can be drawn between its aesthetic and that of the Argentine tango or American swing, but the samba de gafieira as a whole is unique to the social dancing of Rio de Janei ro (Figure 4 10 ) .

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107 Figure 4 10 . Dance professors Kadu Vieira & Viviane Soares of the Centro Cultural Carioca teaching a workshop in samba de gafieira . Phot o courtesy of Kadu Vieira, 2013 . Samba de gafieira is most often practiced in dancehalls and dance schools with a mix of big band samba (providing an atmosphere reminiscent of Americ a n jazz danc e halls), pagode and bossa nova . 42 Musical accompaniment is most often in the form of a DJ at dance schools and li ve bands in dancehalls. DJs provide a mix of faster (big band, pagode ) and slower sambas ( bossa nova ) to allow for newer dancers to practice, and advanced dancers to take a break. Furthermore, samba de gafieira is typically practiced alongside other partne r dance forms: forró, soltinho , bolero , and zouk, such that 42 Visit link in footnote 2 of section 6.1.2 for video demonstration of formal staged presentation of samba de gafieira . Visit section 6.2.6 for images of samba de gafieira practiced by dance students of the Centro Cultural Carioca at the Clude dos Democráticos.

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108 an evening out dancing might include all five dance forms. This is similar to the practice of genre mixing in American ballroom dance schools, where a dancer goes out for a night of fox trot, wal tz, swing and quick step or, for predominantly Latin dance schools: salsa, bachata and cha cha. 4.10 Modernizing Forces Samba, like any other cultural feature is subject to modernizing forces, the least escapable of which is time itself. At a conference during the annual celebration of National Samba Day 43 At the same time, Lopes pointed to the diluting inf luences of American jazz on samba carioca, which produced bossa nova . When I suggested during the question and answer session that bossa nova was an excellent musical form for teaching samba dance ( miudinho and samba de gafieira ) to beginners, he remarked this only proves his point. Ironically, Lopes also cited singer/songwriter/guitarist Djavan as an example of positive innovations in Brazilian samba, despite the fact that many consider the works of Djavan as clearly in dialogue with North American jazz. I t has always been apparent that samba carioca and jazz have followed a similar trajectory with documentation of significant cultural exchange between North American and Brazilian artists dating to at least the early 2 0 th century. Most accounts of these flo ws of information relate jazz to bossa nova , whereas I consider the relationship samba: jazz more appropriate, with correlation of sub categories of cool jazz: bossa nova and swing: samba de gafieira more accurate (Murphy 43 Dia Nacional do Samba is celebrated on December 2, with festivities beginning several days prior. The date was established by Bahian commissione r Luis Monteiro da Costa recognizing the day composer Ary Barrosso first stepped foot in Bahia. ( 024.htm)

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109 2006) . Unfortunately, the politica l power of American imperialism places a negative light on any dialogue with North American cultural productions for some artists and academics. In Bahia, as in Rio de Janeiro, the tourist market greatly influenced recent transformations in the art of samb a. Dona Dalva recognizes 1972, the year the Bahian Department of Tourism ( BahiaTursa ) took an interest in promoting her work with samba de roda in Cachoeira as the moment samba de roda became formalized and organized. Amoroso (2009) observes the large scal e events promoted by BahiaTursa offer greater visibility for samba de roda alongside urban commercialized forms of entertainment and promote professionalization amongst the various groups in the regions. At the same time, the art form is jeopardized due t o the difficulty in controlling the sound quality, which requires a specialized sound technician capable of producing equalization amongst the various percussive and harmonic instruments in a region where state of the art sound equipment is hard to come by . Ethnomusicolo gist Ralph Waddey observed in the 1980s the unfortunate turn of samba de roda dance in Bahia as becoming less, rather than more varied. According to Waddey, the complex repertory of movements and their order of execution are ignored by the younger generations who focus on the rebolado (pelvic gyrations) as opposed to virtuoso footw ork. Waddey cites incorporation of the Charleston into samba de roda dance repertory as an example of how previous generations were able to take outside 258). Although ions may stand true for his case studies in Santo Amaro and Saubara, one cannot deny that dance in Salvador is one of the most dynamic and ever evolving

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110 features of the Bahian culture scape. The choreographic works of Mestre King, Carlos ixão Ma rques, Pakito Lázaro, Ed leuza and Deise are just a few of the avant garde productions formulated around the samba matrix, with a strong connection to Bahian cultural influences, despite international dialogues. I had the great pleasure of experiencing B ahian carnival in 2005, 2006 and 2007 form, I had difficulty engaging in the multiple days of round the clock festivities, and ended up retreating to small towns away fr om the urban chaos after two or three days of carnival . This is a common practice for local residents of Salvador and Rio de Janeiro not directly involved in carnival, as the city is taken over by tourists (both foreign and Brazilian). The aesthetic of Sa Rio de Janeiro (Figure 4 11 ) . Where cariocas parade to the rhythm of samba enredo, Soteropolitanos (Salvador natives) dance to samba reggae, afoxé and axé music. The celebration of a distinctly Afro Brazilian (albeit often caricaturized) aesthetic is much more pronounced, whereas the carioca version is whitewashed by comparison.

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111 Figure 4 11 afro on display in Pelourinho . Photo by Author. 2013. Afoxé of Bahia and maracatu of Pernambuco (another state in the Brazilian northeast) roughly translate to street candomblé. Devised as efforts to circumvent the prohibitions of public practice of candomblé in the early 20 th century, these rhythms were claimed as secular celebrations by the marginalized classes who practiced them. Founded in 1949, the most famous of afoxé groups, Filhos de Ghandi maintains explicit references

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112 to Afro Brazilian religious traditions mingled with the philosophy of non viole nce proposed by Mahatma Ghandi. The ten thousand member afoxé follows strict ritual procedures before participation in carnival and consumption of alcohol is prohibited within the group. Bahian s amba reggae constitutes one of the most successful music and dance revolutions of recent decades. Launched in the 1980s and often referred to as part of a reafricanization movement in Bahia, samba reggae explicitly promotes a positive affirmation of Afro Bahian identity. Rea fricanization took place in the context of a Pan African movement toward justice and peace in colonized African countries, as well as those of the diaspora. The Pan African movement was: The ideology that permit , followed by diverse countries such as Nigeria , Benin, Senegal and Madagascar, and amplifying the horizon of African Diasporas in the Americas, Brazil, the Caribbean and of millions of descendants of the continent known to be the In Bahia , the movement was largely led by the blocos afro and the Movimento Negro Unificado (MNU). Blocos afro were new carnival associations appearing in the late 1970s and founded on a stance of empowerment to the people, primarily the disenfranchised black pop ulation. Like the samba schools of Rio de Janeiro, blocos afro are more than performance groups and engage in public works projects and education initiatives within their respsective communities . The role of the blocos afro in Bahian politics cannot be un derestimated. João Jorge, president of the internationally acclaimed bloco afro Olodum, describes the work of the blocos as doing p olitics through music and dance (Margoli 1992:5 apud Crook 1993: 91). Jamaican reggae and American soul became a key aesthetic influence in the process of re Africanization, as did American soul. James Brown, the Jackson Five,

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113 Jimmy Cliff and Bob Marley would become touchstone figures for a movement that celebrated African diasporic populations. Black youth of the 1970s no longer identified with the samba of their fathers and grandfathers. A cultural dialogue took place across the trans Atlantic predominantly through music, dance and fashion , and that dialogue was transmitted via radio, television and print media. This phenomenon is still occurring today on a much larger scale in diverse cultural contexts through the advent of hypermedia and relatively accessible satellite communication. With the increased availability of international media, young blacks identified wi th the soul movement in the United States despite the fact that this movement was, itself critiqued as another form of cultural imperialism. Bahian youth saw empowerment in aligning themselves with superstars of the African diaspora, whether or not their knowledge of these cultural productions arrived on radio waves controlled by North American and European media moguls. Ethnomusicologist Christopher Dunn describes produc t complicit with global capital, it also advanced a self conscious identity among young Afro Promoted by Bahian musician Gilberto Gil, Jamaican reggae may have had an even more powerful and lasting effect on Bahian music and fashion aesthetics than soul . support of the reggae movement facilitated its adoption and eventual transformation by the blocos afro of Bahia. Olodum, in particular, would construct a new musical genre forging elements of distinct ly Afro Brazilian rhythms with the new Caribbean sound. The result was samba reggae , a politically charged music and dance form that draws international crowds and inspires pride in African heritage. Ethnomusicologist Larry

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114 Afro Caribbean and Afro Brazilian styles, the new drumming patterns made an important aesthetic link between Axé music represents yet another modernizing twist in the culturescape of Bahian samba. Axé samba reggae mixed with rock, frevo , calypso and other Caribbean rhythms and performed in a format that fits easily into the performance structure of modern commercialized me ga productions, such as carnival and other music festivals. As samba reggae rose to fame in the 1980s, it became apparent that many of the original songs of blocos afro were becoming famous on the airwaves, not through performances or recordings by the blo cos afro , but played by third parties. Blocos afro such as Olodum, Araketu and others, sought to record their music, thus preserving their rights to original music. It was discovered early on, much like the samba de roda groups in Cachoiera, the blocos af ro in Salvador were jeopardized due to a lack of adequate technology to capture and reproduce the explosive sound of massive percussion ensembles. This movement resulted in two major changes in the music scene of Salvador. First, the blocos afro began to form banda shows (show bands), paired down versions of the bloco afro emphasizing the harmonic elements with only a handful of percussionists, thus facilitating their entry into major music productions and sound recording. Second, music producer Wesley Rangel became the first Bahian to invest in foreign technology adequate to capture, equalize and centralize percussion as the focal element of a music recording. The new wave of recording and commercialization transformed the samba reggae into axé music, what is often viewed as a watered down version of Afro Bahian music by

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115 sa mba reggae enthusiasts (Guerreiro 2000; Cottrell 2007). The depoliticization of samba reggae into pop music, is ironic, given the term axé language. 44 A new mu ry semba on the album Magary Black Semba Bahia . The reference to Bahian popular mu choreographed into performances and present both that pas t with a dynamic present in hits like Inventando Moda (Inventing Style) , which references the international King of Pop Michael Jackson, and is performed together with his pre teen daughter Kalinde, who is already an artist in her own right (Figure 4 1 2 ) . exportation of the why such a beautiful and complex dance as the samba of Rio de Janeiro needs to be performed by nearly naked women (2012). In the collectively produced choreographies Bahian aesthetic without regurgitating the sacred choreographies of the orixás nor the hypersexualized Bahian pagode . The dances th semba are entirely original, yet precisely linked to the cultural geography of Salvador. 44 Pop music, as in mass produced and commercialized, as opposed to popular, meaning auth entic cultural production by the people. See Canclini 1995.

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116 Fig ure 4 12 . Magary and Kalinde perform at Praça Pedro Arcanjo in Pelourinho. Photo by the A uthor , 2012 . 4. 11 Rise of the Passista and the Professional Mulata 45 A mulata is samba in the form of a person . . . Mulata used to be a color; now it is a profession. (Pamplona 20 10). In 1926 , the proposal of a national monument in homage to Mãe Preta ( Black Mother ) was made by São Paulo based journalist Cândido Campos. Heightened tensions between elite white Brazilians and those adversely affected by the legacy of colonialism had reached a boiling point. Mãe Preta gained support from white and non white Brazilians alike, but with crucial differences in representation. The black press promoted the image of Mãe Preta holding her white charge and simultaneously turning her back on Mãe Preta excluded her 45 Some sections of 4 .1 1 were previously published in Souza, Corey. 2013. Mulatice : Fetish or Feminine Power? The Latin Americanist. March. P 96 98.

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117 natural born black child. Perhaps white Brazilians preferred not to engage the idea concept of generations of social exclusion for poor blacks, wheras the black press at this time sought to highlight that fact (Alberto 2011). Despite these distinctions, Mãe Preta image simultaneously recalls nostalgia for the colonial past, while building a bridge of masculinity between white Brazilian men and Brazilian men of color (Alb erto 2011: 101). Mãe Preta , however, does little to speak for Brazilian women of color, who may have been better represented with the then burgeoning mulata fetish. The Brazilian fascination with women of mixed race descent can be identified throughout the course of the colonization project. Roger Bastide (1961) observed the obsession for mixed race women found in Brazilian culture does not indicate a lack of racism , as it might seem when examined superficially. More recent scholarship has race and class, found in modern Western societies, as a result of the colonial enterprise and r einforced through neocolonial practices (Harrison 1995; Gilliam & Gilliam 1999; Stoler 2010; Wade 2010). Furthermore, the concept of a mixed racial democracy in Brazil has been shown to be a myth (or a dream) as opposed to the actual reality of Brazilian s ocial life (Bailey 2008). The role as both fetish and symbolic ambassador of Brazilian nationali sm crystallize d in the mid twentieth century. One cannot, however, reduce performances of mulatice 46 to fortification of race and gender disparities. The mulata parallels the malandro (thug) in her independence and subversion of hegemonic normalized standards of feminine propriety. Paulina Alberto recognizes the malandro as 46 Mulatice Term coined by Natasha Pravaz to i ndicate the performance of mulata ness.

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118 a form of activism, a strategic performance staged by some Cariocas of color i n response to the same sorts of exclusionary ideologies (racism, vagrancy, and so forth) to mulatas . Heternormative ideology signals sexual availability in women as a sign of weakness, even if for men, it can be interpreted as a form of power. However, just as we can recognize interpretations of Mãe Preta ranging from stoic and humane to passive and subservient we should also note the power of the mulata lies in the i ndependence achieved through assertion of sexual power. The women who perform these roles claim artistry, pleasure, and financial mobility as positive aspects of their work. Furthermore, the art of dancing samba no pé 47 is maintained exclusively by passistas , professional mulatas and malandros. Pessimistic views of the effects of commercialization on samba, making it the tool of a nationalist, authoritarian regime , negate the local level achievements of cultural organizations, such as samba schools, which play a wide range of community leadership roles in territories where the governing body has forgotten its civic duty. Beija Flor porta bandeira (fla g bearer) Selminha Sorriso confirms that samba schools often assume the role of the state in impoverished communities ( Fran, Sorriso and Motta 2011). Furthermore, this view overlooks the subtle critique of authoritarianism embedded in the lyrics, and polyr hythms of Afro descendent immaterial patrimony. Interpretation of mulatice reinforcing racial and gender hierarchies denies the financial and social independence women achieve through this profession. Afro Brazilian women may be undervalued on a national s cale, but their presence is essential to the function of 47 Samba in the feet general reference to samba dance, especially virtuostic samba dancing.

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119 samba schools. Samba school members eulogize their women, who perform special roles as baianas , porta bandeiras , passistas (soloists), and more recently, as percussionists alongside their male counte rparts. Women also contribute creatively to all areas of samba school productions as performance artists, designers, culinary masters and directors. Grupo de Acesso (Access Group) an d Grupo Especial (Special Group). The twelve samba schools in the Special Group receive funding from the state tourism agency Riotur, are more widely covered by the media, and more difficult for newcomers to integrate into due to high standards of artistry . Schools in both groups have large community wings that that arrive annually in order to participate in carnival. Community wings, however, serve as visual filler and do n ot require that their members necessarily know how to sing, dance or play samba. The primary wings within samba schools require year round dedication and mastery of the art form. These wings and/or special roles are: comissão de frente, alegorias, bateria, mestre sala & porta bandeira, velha guarda, rainha de bateria, mestre de harmonia, intérprete, and, of course, passistas (Figure 4 13 ) .

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120 Figure 4 13 . Passistas of Salgueiro Samba School at rehearsal. Photo Courtesy of Evelyn Meirelles , 2013 . Passistas are soloists, individuals who distinguish themselves by their personal dance style (Rego 1996). P assista s first appeared in the carnivals of the 1950s . Prior to that period, members of a samba school paraded as one unified group, the only distinctions bein g made for the baianas , the bateria, mestre sala, porta bandeira , and comissão de frente. As time passed, those with more affinity for dancing were seen as disruptive to the evolution and harmony of the school as they paraded down the avenue. From the 195 0s to the 1980s, the newly described passistas were placed in pairs or trios between the various components of the school, so as not to obstruct the parading lines of their fellow school members. In the late 1980s, passistas began forming their own distin ct wing within the samba school (Toji 2006).

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121 Most members of the samba school are not paid for their performances, rather many must pay to participate in the school. The prestigious bateria, baianas and passistas wings do not pay to participate, but they are also not paid for their work, despite being critical members of the association. Sometimes they are offered water and beer during their rehearsals, and occasionally, meal passes when the school hosts events serving food. Often times these meal passes are fewer than the number of persons expecting them. Vinicius Ferreira Natal, former historian for the Cartola Cultural Center and percussionist with champion samba school Vila Isabel, has recently stated publicly: Without wanting to be ungrateful toward carnavalesco [carnival designer] to earn 2.5 million reais [nearly a million U.S. dollars] to do carnival and a percussionist earns water for rehearsal, does free shows and still has to pay their own transportation, many times Status Post, Faceb Carnival does, however, offer opportunities for recognition of talented musicians and dancers, who may be contracted by agents searching for talent to fill performance venues in the nightclub circuit and touring shows that operate year round. Female passistas perform mulatice while male passistas perform malandrismo . 48 The term passista (when referring to a woman) has become synonymous with mulata . The fact that the quintessential image of a samba dancer has been established as that of the female passista, can be understood in terms of global economic influences, marketing strategies a nd tourism (Guillermoprieto 1991 ). In her dazzling rhinestone bikini and four foot feather headdress, she effectively sells beer, ca rnival and Brazilian essence internationally (Figure 4 14 ) . 48 The beach vignette performed by passistas at the final samba selection is especially illustrative of performanc es of mulatice and malandrismo. See C hapter 6 for link to video.

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122 Figure 4 14 . Passista and professional mulata Rafaela Bastos. Photo courtesy of Rafaela Bastos 2012 . The first nude passista of the carnival parade in Rio de Janeiro performed in 1985. Nudity in carnival has since become a common sight in the parades of both Rio de

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123 Janeiro and Salvador da Bah ia. Female nudity in the carni vals of Salvador may actually mulatas of Salvador perform a stylized variation of mul atice that is distinctly northeastern, and mulatas in the northeast are not referred to as passistas such as Timbalada, which perform samba reggae and music (as opposed to the samba enredo performed by the samba schools of Rio de Janeiro), have been known to exhibit men and women parading in body paint reminiscent of Amerindian or African warriors. These displays recall and reinvent a collective memory of African and Amerindian pride, wherea s the nudity of passistas in Rio de Janeiro seems to celebrate only the female form itself, and, most often, the female form of mixed descent. Full nudity is actually expressly prohibited in tume designers have perfected the tampa sexo (sex cap), a product designed to cover genitalia (breasts excluded) while remaining nearly invisible. 49 Passista tampo sexo was so miniscule in the carnival parade of 2008, that Sã o Clemente Samb a School suffered a penalty in their scoring (O Dia 2008). Critics of the barely there bikinis claim that passistas no longer display the art of samba no pé dancing in four inch pla tform shoes and large, heavy headdresses (Ferreira 2012; Nogueira 2012). On the contrary, the costuming (platforms in particular) has co ntributed tion, requiring dancers to adapt creatively and push their bodies to new limits of virtuos ity in order to execute intricate footwork, shimmies and body rolls 49 For video of performer in sex cap, see final samba selec tion performance at Rocinha in C hapter 6.

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124 The mulata show became a business in and of itself in the 1970s (Gilliam and Gilliam 1999; Pamplona 2010) and is roughly equated to Las Vegas performance. In fact, the costuming of Las Vegas show girls is remarkably similar to that of Brazilian passistas and mulata shows . Rio nightclub entrepreneur Oswaldo Sargentelli was a self proclaimed mulató logo ( mulata specialist), and promoted the first mulata shows out side of the carnival season. Today, elite B razilians and tourists can con sume carnivalesque performances of mulatice at nightclubs year round. Mulata shows are also presented worldwide as representative of authentic Brazilian culture. Des pite the fact that performances of mulatice caricatur ize Afro Brazilian femininity, they offer opportunities for economic and social mobility to women who, historically, have limited options for financial stability . Many Mangueira passistas work as profes sional mulatas to supplement inadeq uate employment in other areas. Twenty year old Evelyn Bastos claims that women in her position are beginning to be seen with more respect, and that performing mulatice is something they enjoy. Others express the disjunct ure between their daily lives take to school Mo ther of eight and grandmother of three, thirty seven year old Marcia Anjo Heleno is employed as a hairstylist, domestic worker and professional mulata. Luciana Ferreira depicts working mulata shows ). However, Ferreira transmits dislike for her alternate profession as a janitor, a thankless job when compared to the pleasure derived from working mulata shows .

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125 In a round table discussion among veteran carnival performers, passista Nilce Fran described sambista is certainly the worst paid. I started doing mulata shows at Platforma 1 50 There is discrimination between ballet dancers, sambistas , percussion players and guitarists. The sambista is always discriminated against in the payments . . . from Madureira neighborhood in Rio de Janeiro. Madureira has a p opulation of roughly fifty thousand inhabitants, includes several favelas and is home to two elite samba the Mestre de Harmonia (Master of Harmony) of the Oswaldo Cruz Sa mba School, also located in Madureira. Fran began parading in 1972 at the age of five, and would make her debut as a passista in 1980. Today Fran is president of the wing of Portela Samba School. She is also the founder of Projeto Primeiro Pa sso , a non profit organization dedicated to the education of children and adolescents through samba. Fran describes the wing as a discriminated segment within the samba school itself; however, due to her pioneering successes as a performer, cho reographer and community leader, she receives more respect. the ones that draw the line of respect Elaine Riberio does not take offence to offers for prostitu tion, because she knows that s 50 Platforma 1 is a nightclub located in the upper class neighborhood of Leblon. The club is geared towards tourists, and showcases biggest and most traditional Brazilian novo/show.asp . Accessed Nov 24, 2011.

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126 2005 study of occupational prestige, where by marginalized groups (based on race, gender, ethnicity or occupa tion) are likely to resist the official order and form their own basis for social hierarchy . This does not negate the very real material disadvantages and limitations for crossing into other social spheres experienced by the community responsibl e for producing the aural and kinesthetic manifestation of carnival. The execution of carnival performance is the crux of a billion dollar industry whose revenues never manage to circulate back into the marginalized communities that perform the essence of carnival. Still, passistas and professional mulatas can be seen as active agents in transforming the destiny prescribed to them by the history of colonial domination, capitalism and patriarchy.

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127 CHAPTER 5 CONFLICTING COSMOLOGIES 5.1 Dance and the Sacred Body The shock between European and African cosmologies led to the prohibition of African and indigenous religious practices in the Americas during the colonial period. African and indigenous rhythms and dances were unintelligible to the European colonizers, who labeled them as profane works of Satan. The corporeal nature of African spirituality became a fundamental element of its persecution given the Christian hment as the means to eternal paradise (Kyriakakis 2012). In African cosmology, the body is the vehicle through which spirituality is realized. Far from profane, the human body is a medium for communication between physical and spiritual worlds. Accordi ng to Bahian babalorixá (priest) Marcelino Gomes: is physical health, mental and psychological cleansing, a nd all that is psychological for me, is also spiritual . . . For those of us of candomblé , the devil does not exist. The devil was created in the Catholic canon and then handed as a gift to candomblé. Exu 1 is not, never was, and never will be the devil. Africans know what is good for the body is also good for the spirit. This is scientifically proven that physical health supports a sound psyche. And the psyche is nothing more, and nothing less than spirit. (Personal Interview, Cachoeira, Bahia 2011, aut Carnival has long been a site of contention in terms of legitimacy of an individual According to Brazilian historian Dulce Tupy (1985), there are two kinds of carnival in Rio de Janeiro: street carniva l and dance hall carnival ( carnaval de rua & carnival de salão ). Early d ance hall carnival s were organized by the 1 Exu deity of candomblé, known as the messenger between physical and spiritual realms; often associated with the Devil.

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128 Brazilian elite and mirrored Parisian masquerade balls . S treet carnival , on the other hand, was and continues to be a popular performance. Ea rly s treet carnival s reflected further social divisions through the practices of the entrudo, Zé Pereira and the religious rites of candomblé and umbanda . The entrudo was an Iberian tradition popular in Brazil from the 18 th to the mid 19 th centuries. Its practice consisted of throwing homemade balloons filled with urine at unsuspecting passersby. This popular prank was integral to pre Lenten activities despite numerous prohibitions of its practice. Zé Pereira occurred parallel to the ent rudo, involving loud and disorderly parading through the streets . While the lower class street parades were referred to as Zé Pereira , elite Brazilians paraded on horseback, and later, in cars (Chasteen 1996). Afro Brazilian religious leaders, at this ti me, were prohibited from practicing their religious rites in public. Batuque and later, samba , were barred due to their supposed lascivious nature, which frightened the white elite. Black religious leaders began to incorporate their sacred rites into the popular pre Lenten activities, claiming that they were not practicing African religion, rather participating in the Catholic festivities. In Bahia, candomblés became afoxés , while the crowning of kings ceremony in Recife became the maracatu . In Rio de J aneiro, sacred religious dance and music practices evolved into cordões, and eventually, samba schools (Rego 1996). Contemporary samba practitioners do not constitute a unified group in terms of religion or politics. Nevertheless, Afro Brazilian religion remains a strong force within samba schools, and Brazilian society at large, with many schools led by babalorixás (priests) and ialorixás (priestesses) of camdomblé or umbanda. Kardecismo (or

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129 espiritismo ) also holds a strong presence amongst samba practit ioners, incorporating elements of both European and African religious practices. The important fact here is the recognition amongst samba practitioners of the dancing body as an instrument for consecration between physical and spiritual worlds. This pers pective exists in tension with the dominant, academic interpretation of carnival performances as exclusively profane or secular events. Candomblé, umbanda and other religions of the African diaspora, have long been characterized as syncretic. According to Caribbean religious scholar Patrick Taylor, forces reveal themselves as the world changes however, the growing body of native religi ous scholars views the absorption of dominant cultural symbols (as is the case of candomblé and umbanda ) as a form of symbiosis rather than syncretism, revealing the permanence of fundamental values within the religious matrix of the African diaspora. Conf licting views of the performance as either sacred or profane are directly linked to differing interpretations of embodied discourse . Evelyn Meirelles, a twenty one year old passista from the lower middle class neighborhood of Bonsuccesso descri bes her experience as a devoted Catholic who was ostracized in her own church for participating in the world of samba: I am Catholic, and at the church I used to attend, I was an alta r girl. I would help the father and teach others, choreographies and son gs for different by thei causes you to stop being a child of God. I kept going to church, but not as much as I used to, not participating in everything.

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130 Figure 5 1 . Evelyn Mereilles , p assista of Salgueiro Samba School inTraditional passista show Costume . Photo courtesy of Evelyn Meirelles, 2011 It is clear from this image (Figure 5 1) , that Evelyn is inviting the viewer to something. Whereas some might see her as inviting the male gaze, or eve n the male touc h, I see her as inviting anyone and everyone to join the magical world of carnival . I met Evelyn through a series of happy accidents. I took a taxi ride home to Bonsucesso after a long night of samba at Vila Isabel and struck up a conversat ion with

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131 the driver. He revealed that his daughter is a passista and that we must be neighbors since we were heading to his street. He gave me his phone number and told me I could call to get in touch with his daughter anytime. When I finally did call, it was shortly after a storm , which had flooded the entire neighborhood. I heard stories from people in my building about a girl who was nearly electrocuted to death in front of our apartment complex , because she grabbed onto a telephone pole to avoid being whisked away by the current. I shuddered as I remembered wading through the same waters and scaling over 100 yards of metal fencing to reach my building to avoid swim ming through the deepest parts of the flood. Evelyn asked if I could come to her apartmen t, as she was too tired to come down. She was the girl who had nearly died a few nights before and her body was still in recovery. Just a few days after the storm, the sun was shining, and I walked a half a block to her building around the corner from my o wn. Upon meeting her, I was surprised by how she was simultaneously tiny and tremendously curvaceous. I could see how she made a successful passista with that body. Her tiny ness appeared in contrast to the grandeur of passistas seen in full regalia. I asked how she was doing after the shock, and she assured me that she was much better, although telephone pole for support, but then the electricity made my arms lock up. I have died there. Still in disbelief that this stype of inherent danger in urban living is constant, prevalent and ignored by the local government, I moved on to ask Evelyn about her life and sam ba.

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132 Evelyn recently became a law student at Candido Mendes University. This new status caused her to detract from some of her samba activities, something that leaves her Evelyn I began to samba at five years old as a student of Salgueiro . No one in my family was from samba. No one even liked samba. I asked my mom to take me to samba, and she took me to Salgueiro . That is where I learned : in year, then they made me one of the highlights on the float. A fter that , I came as a passista all the time, until I was invited to be the bateria queen bateria from age 10 ecause I was blocking all the kids in the bateria , who were really small. Actually, I I was very tall, and I was not old enough to parade with the adults in Salgeuiro . Since I live here in Ramos 2 , cl ose to Imperatriz , I went to get to know quadra because I had never been. When I got the r e , they liked my samba, and they invited me to parade with them. I stayed at Imperatriz for seven years as a highlight on the float, then I came back to Salgueiro. I am s algueirense , so I had to return. I came back as a passista , and have been there ever since. Souza Your dad was telling me that you paraded with five schools at one time. Evelyn Yes, there was one year I paraded with five schools. I was the queen of Bloco Gatos de Bonsucesso, passista in Portela, Caprichosos, Imperatriz and Salgueiro . Souza What is the significance of samba in your life? Evelyn I got to travel to places outside of Brazil. I did a tour in Slovakia with a show group formed by Imperatriz . I stayed for ten and a half months. Also, Brazil did an event, bringing a group from each samba school to form a sc hool in Argentina. This take s place in March. The carnival here in Rio would end, and two weeks later we would go to Argentina an d make carnival in the city of São Luis. Right now, the group is on its way there, and tomorrow they will arrive in Argentina. This year, I could not go , because I have so much school work. But the last three years, I went. Souza How do you feel not going t his year? Evelyn Oh, my heart is broken! I want to be there, because it is so good. When you are there, you see people from all the different schools. Everyone 2 apartment lies on the border between Bonsuccesso and Ramos neighborhoods.

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133 knows eachother. It is a family playing and taking pictures, singing pagode and doing samba. It have this thing about being from this or that school. It's all one school. Souza Since you developed a career as a sambista , has your family started to attend samba events? Evelyn I started going to samba and m y little brother too. He is two years younger. My mom went along, since we were kids. With time, my b ro ther began to really like it and paraded as well. There was one year , in 2009 , when I came as Mulata do Goes , I won the competition for muse organized by Anselmo Goes, so they made a huge banner with my picture on it and put it up in the quadra . My brother saw it with me in a bikini, cause he knew everyone would go, wanting to see me in a bikini. I made fun of him and he was embarrassed, but after a while, he got over it and came back to samba. My brother was always there with me in samba, and my mom, but not my dad. He always dropped us off and picked us up, but never more. My mom was always there, through all the work, all the events that she could attend, and all the rehearsals. Souza What do you think about the idea of carnival as a profane or spiritual practice? Evelyn [See first part of response on page 125]. I participate in mass and I continue to samba. I am not a passista twenty four hours a day. I am a passista inside the quadra . When I arrive at the quadra, recognize myself, because I transform. In the daytime, I walk around normal with my hair pulled back, but not in the quadra . In the quadra my h air is down , I wear make up, I become another person. I forget Evelyn, and I become Evelyn Meirelles, as I am known in the world of samba. profile of a young woman from a working class family, albeit not from a favela ( but certainly not a member of the elite ) , who shares a passion for samba. She achieved success in this domain as a queen, muse and passista , and even travelled internationally as a result of doing samba. Although she contrasts her daily life with that of passista , she does not confine her role as a passista to the time of carnival, rather, carnival is a part of the world of samba. Samba composes a field in which she is active on a near daily basis at least up until she became a college student . Paradoxically, her passista identity is

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134 described through the use of her full proper name (Evelyn Meirel les) as opposed to merely her first name, thus embodiment of a passista identity does, to some degree, indicat e a fuller realization of self than is experienced in normal activities . 5.2 Dancing Outside the Lines During my experience as a passista with sa mba schools Vila Isabel and Alegria da Zona Sul , a number of questions regarding race, class and gender were negotiated during the rehearsal process. Each of these schools took ambiguities of these identities with a different approach. This is largely du competition. These representations form the basis of cultural concepts relevant to the romanticized Brazilian imaginary, which is, in essence the Brazilian spirit. Passistas are not the kings and queens of carnival, nor the exceptional historical figures relevant to a particular carnival theme. Both male and female p assistas represent idealized Brazilian citizens: beautiful men and women with advanced corporeal finesse and sublime execution of the art of samba no pé (samba in the feet). As glorified citizens, their performances are highly scrutinize d by their peers, national and international media, as to whether or not their representations serve to enhance the pride performance is dubbed shameful, it is shame for the individual, not the Brazilian people. A stellar performer, however, is claimed as representative of the nation. Anthropologist Simone Toji has observed that the passistas of Mangueira Samba S chool rarely refer to their work as dance, rather, preferring t he term fazer (to do) samba, indicating their

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135 involvement in samba as more than a pastime, rather, samba is integral to their sense of self and community (2006). During my field research, t wo major themes presented themselves as areas of tension amongst members of the wing: feminization of male passistas ch oreography and the importance for female passistas to demonstrate class, not trash. Both of these aspects of the dance accent uate moral and, by extension, spiritual values associated with the body in motion. Both the cultural preoccupation with feminine expressions of grace (class), as opposed to vulgar (dirty) representations, and the rigid views of masculinity, resonate with importance of symbolic systems of purity to impose structure on an otherwise chaotic social world (1988 [1966]). Douglas explains, the rules of cleanliness are best thus the care a female passista must take to not be equated to a prostitute, or the male passista with a bicha (fag) may speak volu mes to the relatively high incidence of gender violence which takes place in Brazil, and particularly, amongst the poor sectors of the I encountered a number of homosexual male samba dancers who performed effeminate gestures in their daily (non dancing) interactions. Confirmation of my fellow homosexual status was made through the regular gossip in the unisex dressing room shared by all passistas . The directors of the passistas Alegria da Zona Sul and Vila Isabel) commented on more than one occasion: male passistas must dance l ike men.

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136 Certain male passistas rebolar (undulate the pelvis) was considered inappropriate for their role in carnival. In an interview with Pelezinho (director of the passistas of Alegria da Zona Sul) , he explained that this had nothing t o do with prejudice against gays. He made clear that he had no problem whatsoever with the presence of gays in his wing, however, they are obligated to play the role of men. This requires that they reduce their hip gyrations and concentrate on the maland 3 walk. Other male passistas (sexual orientation unknown) reiterated this sentiment during subsequent interviews. The establishment of fixed gender roles in performances of samba negates the Brazilian religiou s practices. As a form of religious worship, performances of ambiguous gender roles, (feminine deities embodied by men (and vice versa ), are commonplace (De Port 2005). Whether the Afro Brazilian religious cult of candomblé is a natural environment for g ay and transgender men to perform femininity (Birman 1995), or whether the observance of gays within candomblé became a self fulfilling prophecy (Fry 1982), is irrelevant to the discussion. The fact is, samba arose out of the religious practices of candom blé, carried out within an environment that fosters gender bending. The ritual performance of male passistas as explicitly heterosexual men reveals a cultural myopia, which may very well be due to the lack of a truly democratic education system. Despite movements towards teaching African cultural heritage within public schools, the Brazilian education system (as in the United States) is still dominated by 3 Malandro ruffian or thug, the counterpart in nationalist ideology, assumed to be of African descent, the malandro is equivalent to the African American gangster in popular culture in the United States, both idolized and feared.

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137 European interpretations of the colonizing process, aesthetics and morality. Samba performances in R established at the turn of the twentieth century. Contemporary samba practitioners elevate this relatively recent form of the dance to the status of a sacred tradition, while shunning alte rnate versions, even if those alternative interpretations of the dance are linked to pre twentieth century cognate forms of samba still practiced in other regions and/or sociocultural settings. The other important distinction for passistas is that the women understand the difference between elegance and vulgarity. This is an elusive line that I was constantly in search of as I studied the art of samba in Rio de Janeiro. Female passistas perform in very little clothing. The standard passi sta costume consists of a G string bikini and 4 8 inch platform heels. Her movements are intentionally provocative, yet there is a recognizable contrast between mature dancers who exhibit sophistication, and novice dancers who make the unforgiveable mista ke of displaying crass gestures. Danika, a veteran passista of Alegria da Zona Sul explains: Most people already see the passista undulates, she shakes, she sambas, she moves. When I get there, my rtest or the most sexy. I leave them at a length where I clothes that are closed off, because of all the movement that we do[.] (Personal Interview, 2013 The boundary between graceful, charming dancing and vulgar (profane) dancing is difficult to describe, but easily recognized. The use of micro mini skirts elicits innovative choreographic gestures with the functional purpose of concealing oneself, as the skir 4 Many women (typically young dancers 4 For an example of this, see video in section 6.1.2.

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138 seeking media attention) do not bother to fix their skirts, allowing their underwear to be revealed, if not especially, ensions perform choreographies transposed from choreographies of the orixás (deities from the Afro Brazilian pantheon), they are also faced with overwhelming attention from fans and film crews. For many dancers hailing from impoverished communities, the opportunity to garner more attention by deviating from appropriate forms of dancing samba is often more than one dancer can resist. What is deemed appropriate social behavio r has always varied greatly across class and ethnic boundaries. As mentioned previously, almost all African and indigenous dancing in the Americas was considered dangerous by European authorities, until enough miscegenation had occurred, combined with the manipulation of these dance forms, to make them acceptable under t he rubric of European cultural hegemony. I witnessed many stunning choreographies that I never could have fathomed had I not seen them in person. I observed, during rehearsals at Vila Isa , female dancers, when approached by a male dancer, executed a percussive hip thrust through the sagittal plane, causing their buttocks to bounce up and down. This choreographic gesture has recently been owever long a part of Afro diasporic dance traditions. Although this is a fairly common choreographic element found within dance traditions of the African diaspora, what happened next left my mouth gaping. In response to this gesture, the gentleman would make a sweeping gesture with his hand and collect whatever was bouncing off of her

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139 tleman is reaping something very valuable from the female nether regions. I was, admittedly, shocked the first time I saw this scene, and felt just a bit squeamish about collecting samba poops (however ephemeral and discarnate they may be). D initial visceral reaction to the gestures as dirty or obscene. Although this was a fairly common occurrence in the rehearsal space, I never witnessed this choreography during the carnival parade. This choreographic scenario lasts between three and five seconds, takes place one to three times during a six hour rehearsal, and is just one of countless symbolically potent samba performances, possessing numerous interpretations. My own initial reactions exemplify the common, often erroneous, evaluations made by outsiders, who, typically, throughout history, have had more political agility than the samba performers themselves, whose own interpretations of their work are largely yet to be heard.

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140 CHAPTER 6 VISUAL DATA 6.1 Videos Numerous samba events were recorded during this investigation with a handheld Panasonic camcorder. Recordings serve as an invaluable resource for identifying specific moves (patterns of foot work, head and arm gestures, interactions between dancers) that characterize the passistas performances of other members of the school. In these videos, we see primarily passistas , but also the bateria , mestre salas , porta bandeiras , baianas and various other school members and observers . As a researcher in the field, my primary goal was to embody the art of the female passista, thus, I was not always able to observe the events, given the primacy on participation in them. These recordings, together with memory, serve as a vital tool for data analysis. Object 6 1. Rocinha Final Samba Selection . This vid eo begins with shots of the bateri a playing to the side of the stage. The camera opens on a line of women playing chocalho behind a row of men playing cuica . Behind the chocalhos, there is a row of tamborins and behind them, the larger percussion isntrumen ts: caixas, repiques and surdos . The percussionists are dressed in white, while their directors wear green shirts (save for one director also in white who is stationed front and center). We see the directors enacting an elaborate dance of hand gestures as they signal the various rhythmic patterns to their musicians. There are several rhythmic directors in order to account for the various sections of the bateria . These gestures are especially visible 3:20 3:50. In that time, we also see the rhythm directors signaling one

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141 another to coordi nate the impending variations in rhythm. It is clear in these images that the bateria is composed of a wide age span, from young adults to senior citizens. At 4:12 the video cuts to the first of the multiple vignettes choreographed especially fo r this occasion. These vignettes clearly exemplify the contrast between the female choreography centered around hip gyrations and pelvic undulations, and the male choreography devoted to nimble foot work, as well as the role playing enacted between males a nd females. Three male dancers dressed in black form a barricade, behind which stands their beleza negra (black beauty). She wears only body paint, glitter, stilettos, a crown and a tampa sexo (sex cap, essentially a sticker to cover her labia). She parade s to the end of the T stage, presents herself to the audience, before saché ing back up the platform. Her performance is followed by the core group of female passistas (4:55) , in the first of a series of group choreographies. The women in the first vignett e perform in unis on until 6:05, when they begin to dance independently. At 7:15, the women dressed in identical green mini dresses exit as a group of male passista capoeiristas take the stage. The band begins to play Zum Zum Zum, Capoeira Mata Um (Zum Zum Zum, Capoeira Kills One), a song I heard many times as a capoeira student . The men exchange sweeps, kicks and acrobatic stunts interspersed with samba footwork. Once the capoeiristas have left, five of the female dancers enter once again (9:52) , this time dressed in soccer jerseys, jean shorts , tennis shoes and socks pulled up to the knees. The ladies are joined by one male passista (dressed as a soccer player) who meanders through the space, alternating between checking out the women

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142 and showcasing his mo ves . In this scene, and expecially the one to come, improvisations of overt flirtation are integral to the dance. The next vignette begins with three women dr essed in bikinis taking the downstage platform (12:25) . They lay towels on the floor and pretend t o sun bathe until they are joined a minute later by a gaggle of men. The men swarm in like sharks (13:30), and their arrival individual personalities are detected as woman clearly enjoys the male attention, while ano expressions and gesture show she does not want to be pestered. The male characters also range from mere onlookers to the in your woman walk by without saying something. Once the women leave, the men line up and pulse together (14:20) , rocking back and forth, and waving their hands before breaking out into truly ecstatic dance. The men move upstage (15:20), as two women in green mini dresses take the downstage platform. The women dance alone for a moment only to be joined once again b y the group of men in beachwear. The men surround the women, and one male passista even falls to the floor fanning himself (16:00). This is another frequent element of samba choreography, where men demonstrate their weakness in the face of feminine charms. This scene is followed by another exclusively male presentation (16:40) . The gentlemen are dressed in white dress p ants, shoes, wh ite hat and shirt. Their costumes are reminiscent of the stereotypical malandro figure, except that the se are made of lace with sparkly appliqués . Notice the recurring use of leaping heel clicks by most of the men , and the head movements of the gentleman on the far right at 17:36.

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143 At 18:03 , the camera reveals images of the attendees at the event. The dancehall is packed as the intérpre te destaques (highligh ts and muses), including that of Maria Augusta, a carnival designer and godmother of the bateria of Império Serrano Samba School, as well as the presence of comissão de frente . The intérpre te goes on to salute the queen of the samba school Isabele Gianazza, as the camera scans to find her located in a private box overlooking the dance hall. Once respect has been paid to Gianazza, attention returns to the main stage where the first and second mestre sala and por ta bandeira couples are pr esented. The couples perform an which is presented to the directors and displayed to all corners of the dance hall. The dance of the mestre sala and porta bandeira consists of a the two figures spiraling around one another, occasionally alternating directions of their spins and pausing to caress or kiss the banner. Object 6 2. Mangueira at Cacique de Ramos . This video was taken at Cacique de Ramos in July of 2011 during my preliminary field research. Cacique de Ramos is a well known carnival bloco established in 1961. The group has given rise to many stars of samba music, such as Zeca Pagodinho and Beth Carvalho, as well as the pagode group Fundo do Quintal. The video opens with a procession composed mostly of women travelling in a circle around t he dance floor. The procession consists of : the baianas , community members, passistas and some school members or guests whose affiliations are indistinguishable. Some of the baianas wear bright red and orange dresses, while ot hers

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144 are in white or white and pink. C ommunity members are seen in pink and green, and passistas are in shorts, crop tops and mini dresses. In an interview I held later with several of the passistas from this school, Marcia Anjo, who can be seen identified in tall black boot like stile ttos, jean shorts, black tube top and pony tail, lamented how many of the passistas were getting away with showing up in tennis shoes. There are three men integrated into the section, which is otherwise dominated by women. At 2:33 a tall slender gentlemen known as Delegado crosses the screen. He wa s a legendary dancer and honorary president of Mangueira. His personal memoires are archived in the Sound and Image Museum as well as the samba preservation library at the Centro Cultural Cartola. Deleg ado passed away in November of 2012 at ninety years old. For an excellent short documentary dedicated to Delegado and showc asing his work, see Junior (2007 ). T he mestre sala and porta bandeia enter the dance floor at 2:45 to being their ritual of devotion They present the flag to Delegado, another carnavalesco seen in a black t shirt with silver cross (3:55). Throughout the performance of the mestre sala and porta bandeira , the b aianas , passistas and other members of the school continue to circle the floor, marching in time to the rhythm or pausing on occasion to display more expressive choreographies. At 4:37, the bateria drops out for a moment as all those pr esent can be heard singing the lyrics to the enredo Sou Mangueira a!). This sonhei, que as folhas secas cobriram o meu chão dreamed, that dry leaves covered the ground), and at various other moments throughout

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145 ( 6:39, 9:04, 9:55 and 12:29 ) . Once again, in this video we see children, adolescents, young, middle aged and older adults sharing the space, dancing and mingling together. The boundaries between performer and spectator spaces are at once both clearly defined and permeable. Nilcemar informed me that if outsiders enter the circle procession at this point in the event, the older women typically dance ag gressively around them and even push them off the floor. Nevertheless, we see interaction between dancers and specta tors on the sidelines is constant. At 7:12 and 9:16 there are clear examples of the skirt pulling choreography mentioned in section 5.2, performed by an adolescent gir l in a blue grean, one shoulder dress. At 10:09, something truly marvelous happens. The b ateria has just dropped out , Passei ... Aquela dor venceu espinhos. Amor perfeito em nosso ninho, q ue foi desfeito ao luar . Prazer ... Me chamam Nelson Cavaquinho. Tatuei em meu caminho s eletas obras musicais (I passed . . . That pai n beat the thorns. Perfect love in our home, that was unmade in the moonlight. Night to meet you . . . They call me Nelson Cavaquinho . I tattooed through my path select musical masterpieces ). 1 Suddenly, everyone marches with their hands in salute. T he enti re school has become a body of soldiers faithfully supporting their banner. Object 6 3. Alegria da Zona Sul: Final Samba Selection. This event took place on Sunday, October 28, 2012 at the Helenico Atlético Club in Rio Comprido neighborhood, which is centrally located between the north, south and 1 Nelson Cavaquinho (1911 1986) was a founding member of Mangueira and one of its most revered composers. He is the subject of 2011 samba enredo , O Filho Fiel, Sempre Mangueira (The Faithful Son, Always Mangueira ).

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146 west zones of the city. During the annual cycle of carnival, the beginning of the season f samba enredo for that year. Teams of composers compete within the school for their song to be chosen. The final and semi final samba selection events are characterized by more formal presentations by various wings of the school, visits from prestigious members of other samba schools and the local media. It was at this event that my choreography for the passistas The video opens on the passistas gathered in the front corner of the dance hall warming up for our presentation. Samba enredo is played over the sound system. After in the form of a nine minute medley using the songs: A Voz do Morro (The Voice o f the Hill recorded by Zé Keti), Homenagem ao Malandro (Homage to the Malandro recorded by Diogo Nogueira) and finally, Não Deixo o Samba Morrer recorded by Alcione). 2 The songs were chosen by Batata, wit h the help of Danika and Sa nderson . The presentation opens with the dancers performing in a circle and later moving into lines (1:25) with some sequences of samba choreography in unison. I am situated front and center, a choice I would not have made on my own, however, the group ins isted that I hold the front line in case anyone forgot the choreography. This sequence transitions into a semi circle (2:15) , where male/female pairs of dancers enter to perform duets. Just before the second song in the medley, a fight breaks out (3:28) , a ccompanied by the sound of the berimbau . Batata and Diego perform capoeira until another dancer breaks them up. The second song features my samba de gafieira duet with Giovanni (3:48 5:48) finishing 2 For live performance of Homenagem ao Malandro by Diogo Nogueira with samba de gafieira performance presented by the dance company of Carlinhos de Jesus, see .

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147 up with yet another structured improvisation in a semi circle. Once again, we see much of the male passistas lower half of her body. With his chapéu (hat) pushed forward, he steals glances at breasts and buttocks. There is another beautiful demonstration of the man lowering himself to the floor with weight of feminine beauty at 9:20. At 9:46, the passistas improvise with live accompaniment under the direction of Pelezinho, who stand s at the front of the dance floor (outside of the frame) and gestures to the dancers indicating where to stand, when to enter and exit. The bateria is stationed on the stage at the back of the dance hall. At 12:00, Pelezinho is visible in his red shirt and straw hat, clearly signaling the next line of dancers to move forward. We also see Batata in his red and white striped sparkle top and white cap d ancing and intermittently signaling to the dancers. Throughout the entire event, the members of the harmonia line the dance floor . They block outsiders from crossing during the presentations of passistas and other important members of the school. A dditio n ally, they remove items that have fallen the Around 15:12 , it is clear that the dancers are not always entirely sure what the hand signals mean. Pelezinho is upstage i n a red shirt with wh ite zig zag across the front. He signals the dancers to return, and is ignored. He turns around while placing his hand erhaps the dancers are confused as to whether they should be watching Batata or Pelezinho, and/or possibly are caught up in the dancing and not responding to gestures as quickly as they are made. This ability to perform and respond to directions without breaking the flow of the dance is truly the

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148 mark of a seasoned dancer. 3 At 15:32 Pelezin ho and Batata begin a duet of lightening fast footwork. At 17:00 the mulatas take the stage. Two women in full performance wear: rhinestone encrusted bikinis and headdresses, enter from backstage. These women were not regular members of the passistas wing of Alegria da Zona Sul, rather are dancers who work with Pelezinho on a regular basis, and whom he called upon to help make our presentation ever more spectacular. Three male passistas enter the dance space with them as they strut, pose and samba around th e floor. The presentation is followed by a male only passista moment (20:20) before the final moments of the presentation when all of the passistas take the floor once again. Object 6 4. Samba Pira This event is hosted by Nilce Fran and Valci Pelé, founders of the Projeto Primeiro Passo and directors of the passistas , held in July , takes on elements of festas juninhas (June festivals) in honor of São João. These events are characterized by attendees dressed in caricature of caipiras : northeastern country folk with plaid shirts, jeans, women in pigtails and painted with freckles, and men with straw or lea ther hats. The traditional music of festas juninhas is forró , which is . The camera scans the scene, still somewhat empty in the mid afternoon . On one end of the room, a group of four female and two mal e adolescent musicians perform 3 For an example of youth being trained in this art (structured improvisation while responding to signals of their director) see object 6 4 .

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149 Apesar de Voce by Chico Buarque . At 2:30 Fran welcomes all those in attendance, specifically the presence of members of diverse samba schools . She announces that this is the third annual Samba Pira and anticipates many more t o come before passing the microhpone to Pelé. Valci Pelé acknowledges the ten years of work he has done with Projeto Primeiro Passo and recognizes the contributions of the members of the project, as well as the passistas for making the Samba Pira happen. At 4:24, Fran retakes the microphone and leads the children in a circle procession to the sound of forró . All of the children are in matching caipira costumes. Fran, a master passista , now performs as a master instructor. She exudes enthusiasm as she encou rages the ch ildren to dance around the room: Como é que é ? Morreu crianças, a festa é de voc ê s Oba! Come on kids, the party is yours! 6:35 6:58) The circle dance is followed by a game of musical chairs (not shown) and later presentations of passistas (children and young adults) made to live music. At 9:10 the sun is setting and the event is brimming with guests. The passistas have formed barricades on either sides of a corridor leading from one end of the hall to the other, where musicians are stationed at a table. The int é rpre te i s both singer and master of ceremonies. He announces who will be called next to perform down the corridor and improvises throughout the performance as needed to give instructions to the Devagarzinho, devagarzinho, devagarzinho, zinho, zinho, Chegando, chegando, chegando means that the dancers are Pra

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150 young dancers are not only practicing their samba footwork, but also their awareness and ability to interac t with the musicians in real time. The presentations continue with a quick solo by Nilce Fran (15:22), passistas (15:37), passistas and passistas mirim (children) of Beija Flor (16:57), and finally the passistas of Renascer do Jacarepagu á (19: 02). The dance presentations end with members of Projeto Primeiro Passo and Portela passistas reclaiming the runway (20:01). Once the formal dance presentations officia lly come to an end (20:50) Fran announces declarations of love made by members of the s chool to one another, such as Você é o preto que satisfaz, bebé closes with yet another exquisite demonstration by the bateria instructions through gesture, coordinating the r hythms of various percussive instruments with the articulations of his body parts (20:23). 6.2 Photographs Photographs were almost always immediately uploaded to Facebook albums, a practice enacted by passistas themselves , as well. Facebook , itself , served as an important site for communication between dancers , not only on coordination of events, but in Social bonds are reinforced through the Thi s collection may appear to be largely unedited, however, s ome minimal editing has been done on light adjustments in the case of dark images, with little to no cropping. Scanning through the series of event photos, observers can begin to feel w hat it may ha ve been like to experience these events ( Freeman, In Press) . Object 6 5. Day Parade

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151 Fran and Carlinhos de Jesus and features passistas from all of the elite samba schools. Object 6 6. G.R.E.S. Alegria da Zona Sul 2012 2013 These i mages are of rehearsals at Bola Preta, Copacabana Beach, Helênico Atletico Clube, and Sambódromo, as well as perfo r mance in carnival 2012 2013. Obj ect 6 7 . G.R.E.S. Estação Primeira da Mangueira 2011 2012 Images of G.R.E.S. Estação Primeira da Mangueira and in and around Mangueira neighborhood. Object 6 8. G.R.E.S. Unidos da Vila Isabel 2012 2013 Images of G.R.E.S. Unidos da Vila Isabel rehearsing at their quadra , on the street, as well as getting ready for performance in carnival 2012 2013. Object 6 9. G.R.E.S. Acadêmicos da Rocinha Images of G.R.E.S. Acadêmicos da rehears ing at their quadra 2012. Object 6 10. Carnival Vignettes Recorded at Citibank Music Hall Gravaç ã o vinhet as do carna val (recording of carnival vignettes) at Cit ibank Music Hall in Barra da Tijuca neighborhood of Rio de Janeiro (December 2012) . Event

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152 produced by TV Globo, and includes performances by members of the Grupo Especial of samba schools. Object 6 11 . Rio de Janeiro 2011 2013 Images in and around Rio de Janeiro, including: c ariocas practicing samba de gafieira to live music at the Clube dos Demo cráticos in Lapa; Seu Jorge pe rforming at porta bandeiras and mestre salas in the Sambódromo, among other things . Object 6 12. 2012 Elisângela de Jesus Senna visits favela Morro do Amor as she campaigns for vereadora (commissioner) in 2012. Object 6 13 . Cachoeira, Bahia 2011 2013 This album shows images of the samba de roda with Filhos do Caquende, Sisters of Our Lady of the Good Death, samba matriarch Dalva Damiana de Freitas, and various scenes in and around Cachoeira, Bahia. Object 6 14 . Magary Lord These images are from a performance by Magary Lord and dancers in Pelourinho, Salvador, Bahia. Object 6 15. Salvador, Bahia

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153 These are images in and around Salvador, Bahia, including an interview with Geronimo in Pelourinho, performances by Riachao and Jota Veloso in Rio Vermelho, among other things.

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154 CHAPTER 7 THE REHEARSAL SPACE 7 .1 In the Dance Laboratory How could one not understand the connection between the emotional and the physical? How could one not understand what makes us social animals, that we actually all partake constantly in a social ritual that is built around the body? Some may not understand this. We, as dancers, are the scientists of this realm. Bill T. Jones Speaking of Dance 7 .1.1 Field Notes: September 17, 2012 I received word via FB that the rehearsal was moved to Cidade do Samba (Samba City). I imagined something like a grand shopping mall, only entirely devoted to samba. My bubble popped when I found that our rehearsal was not in the grand exposition center, rather in one of the various warehouses used for constructing the giant parade floats. Furthermore, Victor and I showed up at 5:00 p . m . (on time) and waited 2.5 hours before it was time to get ready to dance. The dancing made up for all of it. Catia wa s one of the first to arrive, and I was glad, since she had been nice to me at the first school meeting. She brought up a visit to Portela samba school nish choosing their samba enredo , because until then, nothing else gets done. As the other girls finally started to arrive, I found myself distanced from the group, since I was sitting with Victor, but n ot for long. Catia ey look at the new passista heels I scored in Uruguaiana, a commercial district selling everything from refrigerators to homeopathic remedies to passista supplies. When I changed into my dress, they all

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155 Catia told me to pull my skirt up higher, because the carioca Catia helped tuck in the straps, and when I we nt to put on lip she glossed my lips, she advised it is best to put on lipstick first and then gloss. Duly noted. As Batata called us out to dance, somehow I ended up in front. I looked back at Vanessa and the others trying to get someone to go in front of me, but nobody wanted to, so I had to lead the way. I loosened up about ¾ of the way through the first samba. It really helps to remember to smile. 7 .1.2 Becoming a Passista The scene above describes my first experience rehearsing as a member of the wing of Alegria da Zona Sul . My interactions with the other dancers were still filled with anticipation, as I became familiar with the inner workings of the school, its various actors and their hierarchy. Early on, I found myself amongst several dancers who were also experiencing their first time as passistas, making my presence just one amongst many young women aspiring to perform samba dancing at its best. Despite initi al doubt from several school members as to my ability to really dance samba, my credentials were affirmed through my dancing, which demonstrated clear knowledge of the art of samba. As I became more deeply entrenched in the group, I recognized some school reservations had everything to do with race, class and nationality , and nothing to do with whether or not I could dance. Fortunately, Batata, our director accepted me enthusiastically from the start. He affirmed the importance of collaborations w ith people like myself: experienced dancers

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156 from other parts of the globe. He emphasized that cultural exchange would only enhance all those involved. I was made to feel as though there was a seat for me at the table in his department. My relationship wit h Batata oscillated over the course of my field research between one of appreciation for his support of my presence within the group to frustration with his lack of effective leadership. Those frustrations were shared by the school administration, which hi red a co director for the passistas halfway through the season. As for the dancers, Catia welcomed me from day one, and I have no doubt that her friendship facilitated my ability to make connections with other members of the wing. 7 .2 What is Rehearsal? F ormal dance, theatre and musical performances are typically produced through a series of rehearsals. In professional performances, rehearsals may consist of hundreds of hours of preparation for a one or two hour performance event. Although the majority of a dance work happens in the rehearsal process, this is often kept from memory by critics, journalists, biographers, etc. who focus on the final performance product (Hodes 1989). Performance studies theorist Richard Schechner (2006) outlines the time space sequence of the performance process in the following manner: proto performance, which includes training (physical preparation of dancers), workshops and rehearsals (learning or creating choreography); performance consisting of preparation of presentation space, warm up, formal presentation, cool down and break down of performance space; and aftermath: laboratory, where ideas are tested, rejected, adapted and transforme d. According to dance theorist Doug Risner, the rehearsal process is also social by nature, and serves as a means

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157 frustrations. . . In other words, to make sense out o f th e world these dancers encounter (Risner 2000: 156). promoted to the public as any other performance venue or theatre, charging entrance fees and covered by the local media. The modern samba school rehearsal is part commercial event, part informal party, and part formal rehearsal. These functions produce spontaneous performances, many of whic h are not reiterated during carnival, the main event for which rehearsals are held. Figure 7 1 . Raiani Ivo and other passistas of Samba School Alegria da Zona Sul, rehearsing at Bola Preta . Photo courtes y of Victor Souza 2012 .

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158 Nevertheless, the rehearsal process is critical to understanding carnival culture. Furthermore, in the words of many of the dancers interviewed for this research, the rehearsals (Figure 7 Theory and method employed d uring the rehearsal process are culturally performance experience and training. In the analysis of dance performances and rehearsals, it is important to ask the following ques tions: W hat assumptions guide the embedded within these processes? What benefits and/or limitations are being reproduced through a particular 7 .3 What is Choreography? Dancers cultivate kinesthetic intelligence (Gardner 2000 ) and communicate individual expressions and collective dialogue are organized into set sequences, which form choreography. Although a specific choreograph y may never actually be written, it serves as the text, which guides the dance, just as a script is used in the development of a play. Choreography may be highly codified or only loosely defined. Regardless of the form, choreography serves as the tie that binds all performing members of a particular work. A robust range of choreography is only possible with bodies that are adequately proto performance, may be formal or informal, but the fact is corporeal training requires time and repetition. It is often said in the world of classical ballet that it takes ten years to build a dancer. Popular dance forms may take fewer years of focused study for physically adept individu als given that they may have been exposed to particular movement

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159 qualities since birth, thus facilitating the learning process. Nevertheless, an active effort is required to learn movement and movement qualities, and virtuosity is only achieved over a grea t deal of time. Strength, flexibility and sophisticated coordination of the human body are key features of a trained dancer, however, cultural competence is also critical to the successful execution of a dance. A highly trained ballet dancer will have gr eat difficulty executing a hip hop choreography without exposure to or training in the movement qualities relevant to hip hop. In fact, the corporeal techniques relevant to each form are so distinct, t hat a novice dancer may have an easier time picking up hip hop than a highly tra ined ballet dancer, due to the e these reasons, choreographers seek dancers trained in specific movement styles for precise choreographies. Choreographers ( people who specialize in setting or coordinating choreography) are masters of specific dance styles. If a choreographer is not working with a fixed ensemble of dancers, they hold auditions to locate dancers that are both highly trained and kinesthetically competent in the express movement qualities required for the choreographic project in mind. In the case of the samba schools addressed in this research, the passista directors of the lower division schools accepted any self proclaimed dancer (trained or not), as they sought to fi ll their ranks first with bodies, after which they would worry about proper execution of movement. In the upper division schools, actual auditions extracted the mature dancers from the masses of individuals wishing to join the prestigious company of passis tas . Other positions within the schools (in both upper and lower divisions) requiring audition or invitation are the commissão de

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160 frente , the porta bandeira and the mestre sala . The community wings, on the other hand, only require purchase of a costume in order to participate. The practice of membership through purchase gives rise to controversy within the samba community as many feel the . 7.4 Building a Performance Dance rehearsals include learning established choreographies and/or creation of ones . In my training, the choreographer dictates movement phrases to her dancers through a combination of gesture, full execution of movement phrases and vocabulary pertaining to codified movements or movement phrases. Additionally, a choreographer may elicit movements from her dancers by giving them assignments or problem solving tasks. Lastly, improvisation is an important technique for finding new choreographic material. Chor eography through gesture and coded terminology is only possible with dancers trained in a common movement lexicon, one that is partially shared across dance disciplines in the contemporary dance world. For example, a pirouette, n French, and refers to a rotation of the body balanced vertically on one leg with the opposite leg in passé (turned out at the hip with knee bent and toe touching the knee of the standing leg ). In jazz, however, the pirouette is executed with parallel, a s opposed to turned out legs (jazz passé ), and often with a flexed standing leg. Although pirouette is not a common term in Brazilian samba, it is recognized well enough that the word occasionally appears in reference to any twirling of the body, be it on one leg or two. Thus, the pirouette has become a nearly universal term indicating some form of rotation of the body.

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161 As stated above, a choreographer may have pre established choreography in mind. In this case, there is little room for creativity on the p art of the dancers, who serve for movement) available to her. On the other hand, many choreographers demand creative co construction of choreography on the part of th eir dancers. A choreographer may begin with a pre established movement phrase, which is taught to the dancers, who are then given choreographic assignments. For example, a dancer may be assigned to perform a movement sequence in reverse, to reconstruct th e movement sequence in the form of a fugue 1 , to work with other dancers and perform the sequence in cascade, to perform the sequence with variation in levels (floor / air), to intersperse original elements based around a parti cular theme, feeling, etc. Cel ebrated African American choreographer Bill T. Jones describes his choreographic process throughout the course of his career as evolving from something very personal and spiritual, to a more social activity. Jones, as the choreographer, remains the executi ve director of movement, however relying heavily on the creative input of his dancers. He describes the inspiration for various works as a search for the past finding of dancing to James Brown in front of a jukebox. In Still/Here (1994), Jones considers the concept of mortality as he processes his own experience with HIV. For this piece, Jones travelled the country conducting workshops with terminally ill individuals in the search f or movement that expresses the art of living on, even when you know you are dying. 1 Fugue In music composition, fugue is a form in which a theme is reintroduced in different pitches throughout a piece. In dance composition, a theme is reiterated by different dancers who, similar to a cannon, begine in succession and may introduce variations in levels or other choreographic features.

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162 Jones also describes the struggle of taking something very personal (his ideas about a concept or an experience) and passing them on to the company: you are pushing the arm down. No, it has to drop at will. You have to know what gravity is. Now, can you drop the arm on the beat of three? Can you listen to your breath and your muscles so closely that on the count of three you can access the drop? And that defines a kind of spirituality. How to be in the animal body, subject to the laws of gravity, the air, and now to use those elemental things as a painter, as a musician at will, because you have am just beginning to try to build a style. (Jones 2002 in Morgenroth 2004: 143). Similarly, San Francisco based choreographer Margaret Jenkins extracts movement from her dancers in order to form collectively produced works. As a dance student at Mills College in Oakland, California (2004), Jenkins taught dancers movement phrase s on the first day of rehearsal. Once all dancers had learned the phrase, we were each given a l ist of words and asked to return to the following rehearsal with a movement sequence that represented each of the words (one movement per word, in order to construct a sentence/sequence). At the following rehearsal our movement sequences were then manipula ted further with such tasks as: perform new sequence while maintaining constant contact with a partner, and so on. In this manner, an entire piece was constructed over the course of three months. This is just one of the myriad ways in which a performance p iece may come to life. In 2005 2007 worked as a student, instructor and choreographer with Brazilian dancers of the Cultural Foundation of the State of Bahia, the dance school of the Federal University of Bahia (UFBA) and the capoeira school Ginga e Malíci a , as part of my my undergraduate years with the techniques I had learned from Brazilian dance masters

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163 in the United States and at my field site. My primary collaborato r in this project was Carlos Ujhãma Marques who currently teaches, choreographs and performs Afro Bahian dance with his Cia Contemporânea de Intervenção Urbana in Arezzo, Italy. This experience showed me how far removed my concepts of choreographic process, what defines a movement, or a sequence, were from those of my research collaborators. In producing my thesis project, Puro Vira Lata , I was always amazed by the endless stream of creative movement that flowed from each of the dancers. Learning the choreographic texts of Rio de Janeiro would be no different. 7.5 Learning to Samba With the goal of performing as a passista in a samba school as part of my researc h design, one of my first activities upon arrival in Rio de Janeiro was to seek out training in samba carioca. This proved to be far more challenging than I anticipated. During my first interview with Nilcemar Nogueira, she referred to the advent of samba dance classes, for passistas, mestre sala and porta bandeira , and even samba fitness, in a negative light. She referenced the loss of authentic original movement once the dance has become t seemed contradictory not to assume the same for samba music, which is taught in a structured environment, and response to my inquiries about where to learn samba dance, sinc e, I had, up to that point, no luck in finding a samba dance class. This seemed odd given that samba is the national rhythm of Brazil, and samba dancing a common past time. In a later interview with Rafaela Bastos, she referred to samba fitness clas ses and carnival workshops that appear around the city close to carnival time in order to get gringos ( both foreign ers and local s who were not regularly enmeshed in the world of

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164 samba ) ready for carnival, but that there was very little in the way of traini ng and technique in samba no pé in as that of Mestre Dionísio. Both Nilce Fran and Mestre Dionísio operate non profit dance schools for local youths to learn the art of samba, with opportunities for professional Projeto Primerio Passo , focuses on the mestre salas and porta bandeiras . I also discovered samba classes at the Cen tro Cultural Carioca that were held on occasion, and samba footwork workshops integrated into a number of weekend or weeklong dance intensives held by various studios around the city. Most of these workshops were held in spaces li ke the Centro Cultural Ca rioca that are generally devoted to ballroom dancing, and provide instruction in samba footwork as supplemental to partner work for samba de gafieira . 7.6 The Rehearsal Season Samba school activities can be observed all year round with the most intensity occurring within the three months leading up to carnival (December February). After a Sam ba schools hold ensaios (rehearsals) one to three times a week, the majority of which are open to the public. Samba enthusiasts attend rehearsals much in the same way sports fans participate in sporting events: purchase a ticket, attend the event, consume food and alcohol, dress in team colors, cheer for team to win the final competition. The first part of the rehearsal season is devoted to the selection of the samba enredo . At this time, the school is internally divided as competing groups of composers vie for the selection of their enredo

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165 themselves are competitions where the competing songs are played over and over while the school administration decides which song to choose. The first series of reh earsals serve as general elimination rounds, leading up to the semi finals and final selection of the samba enredo . The semi final and final selection of samba enredos within the major schools garner s much publicity , and these events are jam packed with sp ectators. Once the samba enredo has been selected, the school comes together as a cohesive group working together with the selected song. At that point, rehearsals either focused entirely samba enredo for carnival or offer a variety of samb as and pagodes for the enjoyment of the general public. 7.6 .1 Field Notes: September 22, 2012 (Rehearsal at Mangeuira Samba School) Victor and I head to Mangueira Samba School at 8:00 in the evening. Although we are staying within the metropolitan area of Rio de Janeiro, our destination is on the other side of the city, and it takes us two hours to arrive by city bus. We seek help from a fellow passenger to navigate the massive grid of city buses. Eventually, we get off to find ourselves on a dark deserte d highway surrounded by dilapidated commercial buildings. We walk half a block to find an alley, with what appears to be a staircase at the end of it. We climb the staircase hundreds of feet up through a war torn neighborhood . The rubble is a result of t he recent installation of the Pacification Police Unit ( UPP ) in Mangueira neighborhood. UPPs have been installed in numerous favelas across the cityscape, effectively turning impoverished neighborhoods into mini military dictatorships dispersed across the cityscape. Victor pulls me along, encouraging me to walk more quickly. I know Victor is intimidated, because very few situations cau se him to walk quickly.

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166 Finally, we see it, the beautiful pink and green structure like a beacon in the night. It is massive compared to the makeshift houses and rubble comprising the rest of the landscape. Light beams through its windows, and there a re several people mingling about in the street. I attempt to wander down a side street to get a better feel for the exploring. We pay our 20 reais (about 9 U.S. dollars) en as we enter its eminence, the most prestigious samba school in the whole wide world: Estação Primeira da Mangueira . It is reco gnized as the oldest running Brazilian samba school in existence. Mangueira, as it is commonly known, also holds the title of Super Champion for winning the 1984 carnival, which inaugurated the Sambódromo , an artificial avenue where the official carnival parades is held. Inside, the school is spacious : a giant concrete dance hall surrounded by loft style seating for VIP guests, various doors marking hallways to administrative offices, utility rooms, dressing rooms, etc. The 50 foot ceilings are strung wit h pink and green pennants. The dance floor alone must be at least ten thousand square feet. . . . The passistas, guardian angels of the art of samba dancing, arrive in all their glory. Never before have I e ly. Th e passistas radiate joy, confidence, elegance and power. Their bodies gleam, appearing as if the rhinestones and feathers are a part of them. These are not women dancing in sparkly

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167 bikinis, rather, heavenly creatures that have descen ded to the earth insp iring everyone to en gage in joyful, exuberant dance . The school is filled with sambistas . The passistas, and other prestigious members of the school, make their presentations in the center of the dance hall, while lesser members and fans crowd the peripher performances centrally located on the dance floor, everyone is dancing. The boundary between perfo rmer and spectator is blurred. It was down to the semi finals for the samba enredo only 3 sambas left in the running. Nevertheless, it took 2 hours to get through the 3 sambas. Each samba was played twice without the bateria , four times with the bateria , twice a capella (just voices) and another four times with the bateria for a tot al of twelve repetitions. Each song had its own crew of supporters with banners, flags, balloons and glitter. I have always said that a little glitter goes a long way. These folks had glitter can n ons exploding clouds of silver confetti across the dance hall and this was only a rehearsal. When samba 31F was played the last samba of the night hundreds of balloons were released from nets in the ceiling. 7.6 .2 Rehearsal or Performance? Although these events are referred to as rehearsals, schools charg e admission in as the carnival production itself. Schools are also subsidized by the state department of tourism, (Riotur), but funds are distributed in accordance with ranking and fall short of the three million dollars required to put a school in the parade 2 . 2 Directors of the samba school Alegria da Zona School estimated that i t cost roughly seven million reais to produce their samba enredo (Personal interviews 2012 2013).

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168 Like sports organizations, samba schools are divided into divisions, based on ranking. The two primary divisions are the Special Group and the Access Gro up. Each year, schools compete in the carnival parade in the hopes of moving up in the rankings. production. al thousand visitors at a time, often attended by socialites, movie stars and the national media, which documents originally formed by lower class Afro Brazilians, the atten tion received by the Brazilian elite has caused many young members of the marginalized sectors of Rio de Janeiro to integrate into the schools seeking fame, fortune, or simply, a way out of poverty. Furthermore, the professionalization of several aspects of carnival production turned elements of this popular festival into increasingly legitimate career options for talented samba performers and production designers. Despite the appearance these events may have as performances (televised with paid admissio n), they are referred to as rehearsals and serve the function, as any other performance company rehearsal would. For passistas , the are: to optimize improvisational skills; to establish choreography for the parade; and to sho wcase the art of samba dance. The consequence of these performances is the maintenance of a kinesthetic symbolic system recognizable to Brazilians, who are affected on both physiological and emotional levels through the spectatorship of and participation in the , Reason and Reynolds 2010 )

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169 responses (MacDOugal 2006) . This phenomenon has been proven biologicaly advantageous by neuroscie ntists who refer to it is a s the mirror neuron system (Rizolatt i and Craighero 2004). 7.7 Improvising Choreography Samba dancers, especially the older generations, place much emphasis on the superiority of improvisation over choreography. Nevertheless, the carnival parade is choreographed, given the dancers must maintain parading lines, and certain sections of the sam ba enredo are given uniform movement sequences. The preference for improvisation is an immediate link to samba genealogy, located within the context of West African dance. The recent push towards choreography highlights modern occidental impositions, suc h as the capitalistic reproduction of a popular cultural manifestation combined with Western theatrical interpretations of dance. The following section illustrates some of the tensions surrounding the concept of rehearsal and choreography amongst passistas as well as the general struggles for power and prestige within the samba school. I gathered from my experience with AZS, Rocinha and Vila Isabel, varying d egrees of interest in , and approval or rejection of choreography within the samba school. Vila Isa country line dance where the caller directs the dance movements over the loudspeaker, and what movement to execute. Although frequent individual solos were improvised, the in the same manner with AZS. This level of choreography fall s under the category of

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170 general structure established by their choreographer. In this case, the improvised movments are drawn from a category of movements that are commonly understood as samba a mongst its practitioners. The execution of such choreography requires fluency in directions. In the parade, p assistas alternate between choreographed sections of the mu sic (usually the chorus) and improvised sections (verses), albeit maintaining their parade lines. At Vila Isabel , the s easoned passistas parade in the front lines while playing around with dance movements. T he back lines followed, until, after enough repet itions, there was a kinesthetic awareness amongst all dancers that certain movements would accompany the chorus, each and every time it occurred. There was no verbal communication on this matter, rather, a somatic exchange of information. Thus, the senior dancers also contributed as choreographers, although their role in this is not formally recognized. Some areas of this performance generate ambiguity in regards to acceptability, highlighting the tensions surrounding the performance of nationalist ideolo gy. I found a cultural consensus amongst my research collaborators pertaining to certain elements of the dance considered essential to the integrity of the art form: miudinho (for male samba dancers in Rio de Janeiro, but for both sexes in Bahia, northeast ern Brazil) , rebolar (for women in Rio de Janeiro), grace and levity (for both sexes). Miudinho is perhaps the most traditional footwork pertinent to samba dancing in its many cognate forms, requiring extreme dexterity of the feet. Anoth er choreographic t echnique I encountered was the use of mimetic dance. The choreography during the chorus typically took the form of miming the narrative of the text of the enredo . I found this approach extremely

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171 difficult given my extensive training in abstract movement. Mimed dancing, literally embodying the text, was challenging for me, but was the common approach to choreography for my research collaborators. Rocinha differed from Vila Isabel in that their choreography worked in a manner with which I was much more fami liar . Dancers were arranged in lines and given specific movements to use in order to cross the floor. These warm up exercises prepared us for the more elaborate choreography. Sections of the dance were demonstrated step by step with the choreographer dic tating to the group. These formal choreographies were used for performances/rehearsals at the quadra , and not part of the carnival parade. In the case studies addressed during this research project, each school maintained distinct rehearsal practic es ref lecting the choreographer s s personal experience and assumptions about which methods would best serve the school in preparations for not only carnival, but the series of performance events that take place throughout the year. Furthermore, financial resources were important factors in determining the extent to which directors and choreographers were capable of holding effective rehearsals. While some schools only engage in the commercialized public performance rehearsals, those with better administrative structures maintained private r ehearsals in conjunction with the commercialized events, thus allowing for heightened integration of choreographic elements, and overall, a more elaborately structured presentation. 7.7 .1 Field Notes: July 27, 2012 ght, which was supposed to start at 8pm. I showed up at 8:30 . . . still not started. The president was not there, even though he had said to come by in order to get more info about the wing. It seems passistas

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172 will not be rehearsing for some t ime. The director of the wing is travelling, and everyone bateria , on the other hand, they have to rehearse. 7.7 .2 Negotiation In late September, a new director was introdu Neither Batata, nor the rest of the dancers were advised of the change. At one of our rehearsals, the new director Pelezinho showed up with a number of his own passistas and performed after the regular AZS passistas had m ade their presentations. As a general rule of thumb, in the performance world, performing last is more prestigious than performing first. AZS passistas were irate. The first time Batata and Pelezinho met was on stage as the president of AZS announced Pele passistas made the effort to introduce themselves to all of us, while his female passistas remained aloof. One could not blame Pelezinho for the way he was brought on, as it was entir ely such a brash manner. We ended up with Pelezinho and Batata as co directors. I found a number of schools and wings with co directors, and choreographers working i n addition to directors. After the initial shock, the group accepted Pelezinho, given his professional and proactive approach to the work. 7.7 .3 Field Notes: October 1, 2012 Thursday night, the passistas of AZS got together in Lapa to meet Pelezinho and t alk about costumes and rehearsals, among other matters. Pelezinho made a few comments that were striking: samba is like crack, women are difficult to work with, and he wants to try and get sponsorship for our wing. The passistas thought he was arrogant,

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173 as sumed that he did not dance (since he directed while his dancers dance), were offended that he thought passistas should have a certain aesthetic (fit not fat), and that he should I did my best to conceal my agreement with a numbe r of The group agreed that rehearsal would not be for choreography, rathe r to organize entrances and exits, practice poses, posture, etc . . . Catia commented that I have a particular posture that no one else has, and I have my own way of samba ing, but that she, for one, would like to learn my posture. Batata commented that I throw my hair, so that we could help each other in this way: I would show them posture, and they would show me how to break it. 7.7 .4 Playing the Field Although I was already well integrated into AZS, I spent some time rehearsing with Acadêmicos da Rocinha , in order to gain perspective on differing approaches to school operations. In the end, I dropped out of Acadêmicos da Rocinha , since their parade time was immediately prior to AZS. I thought it would be impossible to do the two para des back to back, although there were some dancers ( Sanderson and Nara ) who did. To my surprise, I met many dancers who paraded in as many as five schools at a time. Upper division schools prohibit parading in more than one upper division school, but the l ower division schools do not have the same restrictions. I found it common for dancers to parade in an upper division school and at least one lower division school. Acadêmicos da Rocinha was formerly an upper division school that had recently dropped to t he lower ranks. Nevertheless, the formality and prestige of upper division

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174 passistas alongside the bateria , separate from the revenue generating public rehearsals. The sch quadra dilapidated building embedded deep within the favela of Cantagalo. Although Rocinha is also a favela (actually, the largest in Brazil ) the samba school is located at the entrance to the favela , with easy access to bus stops and highways. Additionally, it is located next to the elite nd the quadra was constructed with a T stage, allowing for elaborate showcasing of samba. 7.7 .5 Field Notes: October 13, 2012 I have returned twice to rehearse with Acadêmicos da Rocinha . The first time, I called Eloanne to confirm 8:00 p . m . rehearsal, which she did. I showed up at 8:00, and not one passista was there. The bateria , however, was assembled and beginning their rehearsal. Shortly after I arrived, a young man appeared, also trying to get into the dressing room, and h e said Eloanne should be here shortly. Over the next hour, six more passistas strolled in and gathered in the back. I placed myself next to them. Eventually, they started dancing without Eloanne. The young man (Thiago) I had spoken to before asked me, needed to jump in. Later, Rafael showed up and started directing an actual rehearsal. He led movements, line dance style, then separated us into male/female pairs. Next, he put us back in line s to travel up and down the dance hall. Rafael emphasized wide sweeps of the arms, posture and hair tossing. We also learned a short section of choreography, which was surprisingly difficult for the other dancers to remember. It is amazing how well they i mprovise, yet how challenging it is for them to memorize a sequence of movement s .

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175 The second time I went to Rocinha, I noticed a nother dancer who had showed up the week before, (but did not dance the second time) smiled at everyone, but me. With me, she m ade a cara feia (ugly face). I smiled big, so she would se e me as non threatening. This time Raul , the choreographer was leading the rehearsal. He gave us movements to perform across the dance hall, new choreography and other travelling exercises. The fazer a nega maluca charme (charm). Performing charm in the manner of a nega maluca involves hair tossing, hip thrusting and gyrating, winking and smiling. Surprisingly, a number of the other dancers were very shy and either froze up, or samba ed. We stayed until 11:00 p . m . learning choreography for the feijoada 3 on the 21 st . Raul inv ited me to perform, and I said that AZS had an event the same day, and that I am , and tell him that one of his passistas is also my passista and that I am going to need Interesting that he already considered Pelezinho the primary authority over there. 7.7 .6 Invitation to Choreograph Despite the agreement made at the passistas meeting that rehears als would not be used for setting choreography, Batata envisioned a c horeographed performance for the samba enredo . The prospect of my choreographing such a project for the school was tossed around on a number of occasions, but it never occurred to me tha t it would actually happen, until it did. 3 Feijoada Traditional bean stew. Feijoada also refers to the event where feijoada is served. In Bahia, red beans are used, while in Rio de Janeiro, the meal is made with black beans. In both cases, the beans are cooked with bacon, beef, Brazilian sausag e, onion, green peppers and tomato.

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176 7.7 .7 Field Notes: October 15, 2012 p . m . at the Bola Preta and passistas were expected to arrive at 4:00 p .m. I showed up at 5:30 p . m . and there was still hardly anyone there. Batata, Priscilla and I got into a conversation, yet again, about a rehearsal with the prospect of my contributing to the choreography of the group for our presentation at the finals for the selection of our schoo samba enredo . Then, of course, came the question of rehearsal space/time, and I brought up the quadra again. Batata was talked about it later with Victor who sa id that people simply will not go up a hill (into the favela bateria He responded , bateria of any school rehearses more than any other group, and the reality is the dancers wa nt the momentary prestige of being passistas without the The group did perform at the quadra in the favela, however, when asked by O Globo s with the sentiment that authentic samba is widely believed to derive from the favela . some instruction before we went out to dance. The dancers came and went as he was t alking, while Batata held a lateral conversation, all the while trying to communicate over the sound of the bateria . Pelezinho arranged us into duos and trios which Batata then re ordered. I thought that the minimal, albeit confusing, direction that wa s given helped to clean up the entrances and exits and gave each individual more room to dance. Victor

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177 countered that from his standpoint, it showed the weaknesses of each dancer more clearly. For example, Danika and Priscilla were the first to go out wit h Pelezinho, since they had matching dresses. At the end of their dance, Pelezinho led Danika out and tried to get Priscilla, but she was not paying attention, dancing with her back to them, so she was completely disconnected from her group. After the sh sinceramente, branca nao da A h mas Corey sabe least I was marked as a n obvious exception. 7.7 .8 Field Notes: Sunday, October 21, 2012 The morning after the meeting with AZS (where I was formally asked by the group to choreograph a piece for the final selection of the samba enredo ), Sanderson messaged me on Faceb ook regarding the fact that he had acquired 2 mulata costumes and a Madame Satã costume, and that this changes everything 4 . Furthermore, Nara (together we are one). Additionally, there was discussion about our group costumes. Batata ordered everyone pay $80 reis : bring 40 to the event today and 40 when th e costume is ready. Danika and Sanderson made comments to ensure that everyone would bring their money on time, but then Danika sent a mes sage that the seamstress could not do the costumes for 80. Therefore, everyone should make the same dresses that she and Priscilla used at the last event. The fabric was cheap and each dancer could find their own seamstress. 4 João Francisco dos Santos (1900 1976), otherwise known as Madame Satã, was the son of former slaves, an infamous capoeirista and cabaret style drag performer in Rio de Janeiro.

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178 Following up with selection o f rehearsal space, I rented the studio at the CCC for an hour each on Tuesday and Wednesday. I did not bother to ask the group about payment, since it was only 20 reis per hour. I was happy to rent the studio for the group, as I considered it an honor to have been asked to choreograph. Now I have to do my best to work with the group without getting frustrated about lateness, disorganized nat ure, talking over me, etc. M eanwhile, tech rehearsal at Rocinha was exhilarating. We rehearsed one full hour of fast samba with the bateria , maintaining our lines and never ever stopping. I was amazed at the endurance some of these dancers have. I also developed blisters on the sol es of my feet about 20 minutes in and spent the next 40 minutes trying to dance on the outsides of my feet. It was excellent training, not only in terms of endurance, but also for individual style. I picked up some tricks from the other dancers, new ways of articulating my body . I tried to interact with Sanderson , who was dancing by my side, but he really even interact with Nara , who was on his other side. I noticed Sanderson having an exu berant full bod y hug with Raul , who also , according to Sanderson , will be dancing in the final samba selection of AZS with us. Clearly, he had more magic and sparks with Raul than between himself and Nara. I approached Sanderson at the end of rehearsal to talk about ou r AZS rehearsal Tuesday and Wednesday at th e CCC. I also approached Nara to ask if she was going to be dancing at Rocinha or at AZS later that night. It took me 3 times of saying her name for her to respond.

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179 Raul wanted to run the choreography for Rocinh the end of the rehearsal. He called all the female passistas together and asked who t know the choreography. Nara needed to learn it, and he showed the movement full speed. She did not get it, so he kept repeating it full speed. She wanted to give up, so I suggested to Raul that if he would do it slowly she would get it. He did it slowly then, and she got it. This seems to be the nature of the transmission of information: when manipulate it, change it to fit what they think it is, if that is the best they ca 7.7 .9 Making Enemies Twenty five year old Sanderson Monacu is one of the few members of Alegria da Zona Sul that is actually from and still lives in the favela Cantagalo. I met him at the first meeting for passistas at the Bola Pret a sometime in August. He introduced himself and Nara , an extremely buxom young lady, who m I never saw in mo re than a yard of fabric. Sanderson and N a ra performed the parts of malandro and cabrocha (mulata) together and were practically inseparable. Their f riendship confused me as it became apparent over the months of rehearsals that their relationship was one of role playing for the sake of looking the part of a s amba couple, even though Sanderson was clearly attracted to men. 7.7 .10 Field Notes: Monday, O ctober 22, 2012 We were supposed to arrive at 3pm for the performance at Rocinha. I got there at 3:40 and there were only 3 other passistas there: Aline, Tiago and Marcos. By 4:15 most of the passistas had arrived and we were in the dressing room getting ready. In the main floor, the costume prototypes for carnival were on display for people to purchase their

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180 membership in different wings. I wondered how anyone could possibly dance in the giant, cumber some art pieces posing as costumes and prayed the ensembles would be much lighter. Aline asked me to do her eye makeup, which I happily obliged. Somehow it got around that I was doing makeup, resulting in several requests, but I only had time t o put crystals on a few girls, because I spent an hour rolling my hair. In the dressing room, dancers discussed outfits, body type, make up, and hip gyrations. I was next to a little blond that dances in a funk band extremely high energy and friendly. I studied her moves for inspiration. Her five foot petite frame exuded confidence and joy in every fiber of her being both in front of the audience and back stage. When Raul arrived, he gave me a big kiss on the cheek, which I found a bit forward, but I a ppreciated the attention. At the moment of performance, I still, had never heard the song we were dancing too. As it turned out, the band played the song in a different version from the one we had been dancing to (in our heads) which ended up cutting the f irst element of choreography. This left many of the dancers confused and startled within the first 10 seconds of music. Furthermore, there were only three of us that knew the choreography rat her than put us in front, Raul placed two of us in the back (he put me in the front) and the second row was of people t hat did not know the dance. N ot that it mattered anyhow, as the whole formation was shot to hell once we actually got on and neither one of them had ever rehearsed the dance with the rest of us (Figure 7 2) .

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181 Figures 7 2. Passistas of Acadêmicos da Rocinha perform at the quadra . October 2012. Photo courtes y of Victor Souza. After the performance, directors Eloanne and Rafael wanted to talk with all of us: first, to thank us all for our presence, then to go over how the performance could be better. Eloanne pronounced it obnoxious for some people to only show up on the day of performance. 5 Fi nally, I tried talking to Raul about rehearsal for the perf ormance on the 28 th with AZS. He said he would be there, but that he is just a perform er and does not rehearse. Raul also said that if I wanted to put on a show that he would bring choreography ready. 5 For more images of this performance, see section 6.2.6. Additionally, there are images of another performance by Rocinha in 6.2.6 with video in 6.1.1.

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182 I told him, no thanks, our choreography is set, and t hat he would ent er in the last song with Sanderson . He also seemed upset about Sanderson announcing that he was dancing with AZS. In a moment of fidelity to AZS, I assured him it was just with me that Sanderson had this conversation, although I had no re al confidence that was the case. Batata wanted the choreogra phy for theme of Lapa in the 1940s. The historic downtown neighborhood of Lapa is known for its nightlife. The Arcos da Lapa , an eighteenth century aqued uct, is an identifying feature of the cityscape. Numerous show houses in the district, such as Fundição Progresso, Circo Voador and Asa Branca Bar host world famous Brazilian and international artists. Lapa is also home to Clube dos Democráticos, which bec ame my personal favorite dance club for samba de gafieira and forró with live music. A Lapa of the 1940s would inevitably feature samba de gafieira as an essential element of social interaction in its myriad bars and street corners, so I suggested that the piece include a section of this form of samba in the choreography for AZS. Batata wanted a bar fight scene as well, therefor e capoeira also made its way into the piece. In order to perform samba de gafieira , I needed a partner. None of the dancers in the piece were familiar enough with the specifics of this form of samba to execute the moves successfully in such a short period of time. I asked my friend Giovanni from the samba de gafieira class at the CCC if he would be interested in the playing the part. He accepted the proposition enthusiastically. Originally from San José, California, Giovanni is an African American man in his late 40s who decided to make Rio de Janeiro his permanent home. We danced together numerous times in class before figuring out that we were both American. Once we realized we had both lived in Oakland, California as well

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183 as the favela Cantagalo, in addition to having fallen in love with samba and Brazil in general, we were fast friends. 7.7 .11 Field Notes: Saturday, October 27, 2 012 I went to class early at CCC to practice with Giovanni, who arrived with a list of put in time and effort. We got a sketch of the choreography started before clas s with professor Jorginho. Jorginho seems to be softening up on me, and I finally had a dance with him that was not god awful. I got out of class at 9:03 p . m . actually left in the middle of the dance, as I wanted to get downstairs and wait for my girls. To my surprise, they were all there (at least 10 people) waiting for me. That is about the biggest compliment I have ever received to have a bunch of Brazilian dancers show up on time to work with me. I started by explaining the plan of action, then a quick warm up to get everyone moving together. One of the topics of discussion involved the bikinis that Sanderson would produce an idea which Batata vetoed, as it did not mesh with the concept of 1940s Lapa. I sighed relief, as it was one less obstac le. Next: into the choreography. All in all, they were fantastic. The women especially, were tuned in and excited to learn my moves. The biggest trouble maker in the class turned out to be Batata which I had anticipated as he seems to be incapable of closing his mouth . . .ever. Nevertheless, my authority became self evident in the work I was producing, and the group maintained its focus. By the end of the hour, we had the first song knocked out, and I promised to work on the next song the follow ing day. Bata ta then voiced his objectives for what he wanted to see choreographically and I assured him I would make it happen.

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184 Working without a mix of the music presented another challenge to the dancers, and Batata said he would bring it to the next rehearsal. I had my doubts about whether Batata would follow through, so I texted Batata that I (meaning Victor) could get the music mi splicing, and leveling sounds. He even got a s tretch of a berimbau playing cavalaria 6 for the fight scene! The following night, I had another good samba de gafieira class with Jorginho. Giovanni and I met before the class to work on our choreography. Giovanni bought fancy red dance shoes and a malandro hat awesome! I had to be a bit short with him, as he kept trying to dictate where I should step on the assalto 7 . Gentle giant that he is, he is own strength. I insisted he wa s throwing me off balance, and for him to concentrate on his own footwork, and I promise that I will be in the right place at the right time. He listened, and the move improved greatly. After class, I had another successful rehearsal with the AZS dancers minus ed up for the last 20 minutes of rehearsal, so I was relieved to have taken the initiative to get the music mixed independently. We got the sketch down for all 3 songs, and ran the piece 2x through. Now, the focus will be to work on the fight scene and th e samba de gafieira scene, as the dancers have had little direction in that area, and so, are getting a bit lost. 6 Cavalaria rhythm played on the berimbau during capoeira. It was traditionally used to signal the presence of the police, and is now use d to signify a particularly intense or potentially violent game of capoeira. 7 Assalto means assault. It is a move where the mand sends the woman in a spin with her arms raised (as if being assaulted). Professor Jorginho at the Centro Cultural Carioca, alternatively referred to the move as (meaning something else an attacker might say to their victims. Demonstration of this move can be seen in the video at 4:13 4:19 in section. 6.1.3.

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185 7.7 .12 Seeking an Elite School Despite my increasing involvement with AZS and Rocinha, I still had not integrated into an upper division samba school. The comparison of upper:lower division schools was imperative to my research, so I remained on the prowl for a way into a division A school. An invitation finally came through Fabinho, the dança afro teacher at the CCC. I studied dança afro with F abinho throughout the entire course of my field research and found it comforting that he often used Bahian music accompaniment. The indicates African derived, as opposed to purely African dance, and the technique is entirely Brazilian. The style is a result of the amalgam of African dances in Brazil, something that is recognized as closely linked to Bahian culture. Fabinho danced for many years as a passista with Salgueiro, and choreographed a number of wings for various other samba schools. During our Saturday dance class, he extended an invitation to the students to participate in a choreographed wing of upper division school Imperatriz Leopoldinense. I held Fabinho in high esteem, but was surprised by his comments when I attended the first dancers 7.7 .13 Field Notes: Saturday, October 27, 2012 cont. Later that night, I went to rehearsal at Imperatriz in Ramos. Right from the start, Fabinho said he would be moving rehearsals to Sundays. DAMN. I told him I was committed alr eady on Sundays, and he s Then he announced to all the dancers not to schedule two things on Sundays,

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186 7.7 .14 Not such a Good Idea for AZS. It had occurred to me t hat some dancers and other school members might find it offensive to have an American choreographer. On the other hand, samba schools had been hiring upper middle class, classically (and/or university) trained choreographers, directors and designers since at least the 1970s, so it was not unprecedented. Nevertheless, outright confrontation caught me wholly unprepared. 7.7 .15 Field Notes: Sunday, October 28, 2012. Yesterday was a mild disaster. Without Batata there, Sanderson felt free to spend the entire r ehearsal making ugly faces, not danc ing, and interrupting. This also caused some of the less disciplined dancers (like Catia and Leila ) to either interrupt me or dance sloppily/lazily, walking in and out of the dance whenever they felt like it, rehearsing in flip flops etc. It was really difficult to keep it together, especially since we were in the big studio where people can watch and /or hear the inner workings of the rehearsal. I was thoroughly embarrassed with Sanderson executing our rehearsal. Catia as well, despite her support for me in general, does not have the discipline or the kno w how to work professionally in this type of environment and was, quite plainly, a pain in the ass. That was last of our formal rehearsals for the performance at the final selection of the samba enredo . It had never occurred to me that the dancers only f ollowed my created through his absence made the power dynamic crystal clear. When the day of our presentation arrived, I put on my game face and hoped for the bes t.

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187 7 .7 .16 Field Notes: Monday, October 29, 2012 I baked a tapioca cake for my girls and was Miss Passista Sunshine in my high pony tail, rhinestone encrusted mini shorts, silver studded crop top, and platforms, carrying my cake to the club, alongside my loving husband who was hauling a laptop, three cameras, my performance heels, makeup, water and other necessities. We arrived right at 4:00pm. Thank goodness Batata had dropped the idea of arriving at 2:00pm, because we did not dance until after 8:00 p . m. When we showed up, Michele, Danika, Batata, Victor (not my husband) and Giovanni were already there. Shortly after, Mayara and Leila arrived. We decided to run the choreography in a side room, despite the fact that less than half of us were present. Leila behaved exactly as she had at the previous rehearsal and even complained: Sanderson steam fumed out of my ears. At another moment in the rehearsal, Danika said she was h aving trouble with the rasteira , and Batata got ou t of line to teach her the move; however, he was reviewing the first version, not the second one, which is where we were at in the chore ography. I corrected him, when he proceeded to talk over me saying th at it capoeira master, so he has experience teaching rasteiras . Right. Batata is a master capoeira instructor and rasteira is a common capoeira move that involves sweepin some practices of samba, the rasteira is also used, for the same purpose, albeit executed with an erect torso, as opposed to the horizontal body position performed in capoeira. In most modern usages for samba, however, the rasteira is an echo of the original version. Performed without the intention of knocking anyone off balance, the rasteira is a gesture

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188 c what the group was doing, while he was equally irate at my audacity in correctin g him in front of his dancers. 7.7 .17 Field Notes: Monday, October 29, 2012, continued: After the run through I took Leila aside and explained that I did not come here to argue with people or make enemies. Choreographing for AZS was not my idea, rather the group asked me to donate professional services. I cannot attach my name to a piece of choreography that is poorly execute d. I also told her how much she inspired me as a dancer, and it was a shame that she was so hard to work with in rehearsal. She shed a torta sighed: each one more insecure t han the next. Despite the stresses of rehearsal ( Figure 7 3) and impending performance, the up, and I felt a real sense of comradery with this particular group of girls. At some point, I asked Mayara about joining Vila Isabel, and she said that the test for passistas is this Wednesday. Yikes! When it was finally time to perform, all of the dancers crammed into a corner at the back of the stage. I waited at the front of the line for the c ue to start. Sanderson sauntered up to me, beer in hand, then pushed past me, tripping over my leg in the process. He looked at me as if expecting me to apologize. I glared with raised eyebrows,

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189 Figure 7 3 . Marking spacing for performance at final selection of samba enredo for Alegria da Zona Sul . Photo courtes y of Victor Souza 2012 . Despite my personal conflicts with Sanderson through the rehearsals and performances for th e selection of the samba enredo , the static between us diffused relatively quickly once that period of the production process was over. After the final selection of the samba enredo returned to my orig 7.8 Joining the Upper Division My opportunity into a special division school finally arrived as I followed up with Mayara about getting into Vila Isabel. 7.8 .1 Field Notes: November 2, 2012 There were long lists posted on the walls within the entrance corridor for different wings. Men, women and children were scanning the lists looking for their names. I did

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190 not see Mayara or anyone else that looked like a passista . My first thought was th at she The school was beautiful. The massive dance hall with concrete flooring and blue and white decorations throughout must have been at least 30,000 square feet. Lar ge blue and white pennants hung from the fifty foot high ceiling. A giant stage took up most of the back wall, which had large double doors on either side. Two levels of box seats surrounded the entire dance floor, with beverage vendors towards the front . The dance floor itself was subdivided wi th portable aluminum fencing. This school would have been perfect for me, but I am too late. Just then, Mayara walked in with two other passistas. She showed me to the passistas l the director arrived as she and the other dancers went onto the floor. I watched as more passistas filed past the metal fencing and onto the floor. Much of the space was taken up by the several hundred member bateria . I watched as time ticked by and th irty more passistas filled the floor. They were stunning in their tiny shorts and sports bras adorned with rhinestones, hair down to the waist, full and curly, creating exquisite balance between their larger than life hair and insanely high stiletto platf orm heels. Around 7:30 p . m . , two more women arrived to audition. I introduced myself to them, but they did not offer their names in return. Both women were dark skinned. They engaged in chit chat to pass the time and did not address me whatsoever beyo nd visually acknowledging the fact that I had introduced myself. Ironically, one of these women would become one of two true friends that I made at Vila Isabel over the course of the next few months.

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191 Finally , Edson, the director arrived and told us to w ait in the corner of the dance floor. That was it. Then he went back to directing the group. I began dancing in the corner, figuring, that would be the only way to get noticed. The other two women followed my lead. After about 10 minutes, Edson return ed and watched each of us intently. As he stood in front of me, he shook his head from left to right and waved his onetheless, given that no one had kicked me out the door yet. Another 10 minutes passed and Edson returned. He told me to follow him, leaving the other women behind. To my surprise, he took me to the front of his group. Standing in front of more than th irty passistas with the entire bateri a behind me, he told me to samba. I danced as if to save my life. I barely knew what steps I was doing, all I know is that I was doing samba. After a few minutes he pulled out a tall mulata and told me to mirror her. To my delight, mirroring movements is my specialty. I could tell by their faces that I had done a good job. Edson took me back to the waiting area and repeated the procedure with the other vidually, we were led into the dance space and placed in the back lines of the group. At this point, we were to follow the established group movements, which included choreographed and improvised sections of the samba enredo , along with travel in lines moving forward and around the space. It was all I could do to keep up and to not stop and stare at some of the best dancers as they undulated and snapped their bodies expressively in perfect synchronicity with the pulsing sound of the bateri a . A round 9:00 p . m . the drumming

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192 stopped and the dancers walked hurriedly to the water fountain. I was so relieved. My fountain and she smiled before rushing passed me back to the dance space. I soon realized that we were not even close to the end, rather, this was the halfway point. I raced to my bag in the passistas bound my throbbing feet in tape, before strapping m y dance heels back on and running back down to the floor. The second half of rehearsal was even more exciting than the first. Now the dancers were arranged behind the drummers in a giant circle, traveling counter clockwise around the dance hall to simul ate the parade. For some reason the physical work was less grueling with the added freedom of travel. For the last twenty minutes or so, the percussion ensemble lined themselves up back in the center of the hall, and the dancers were broken up into small groups of three or four dancers. We were placed within and amongst the drummers in order to interact with them. I felt each and every instrument vibrating through my blood, skin, and internal organs. The surdo bellowed through my tailbone while the cho calho rung through my shoulders. The cuica massaged my heart and the pandeiro trembled my hips. It was the purest moment of union between body and atmosphere that I had ever experienced, and was to be followed by many more experiences as such. In the final moments of the rehearsal/audition the dancers regrouped and formed a circle. The new dancers were pulled out and made to improvise with some of the older dancers. I was pulled out to dance with a young man whom I would later know as Wilson. Wilson was the essence of charm, poise and polish with lightening fast feet, and

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193 an effortless smile. He dropped into a half split to which I responded with a full split, eliciting delight amongst the dancers. I only regretted that the full split perman ently smudged my white leggings, but earned me dance credits nonetheless. I was pulled into intimidating enough, he positioned himself behind me, and proceeded to play me lik e a stand up bass as we samba ed around the roda . I am quite sure I blushed, but continued to dance as vivaciously as possible without actually rubbing up against Edson. I was relieved when our duet was over. When the music finally stopped, the dancer s were herded together for a quick giant dance hall. My ears still thundered from the booming percussion and blood pumping through my body. All of a sudden I felt my throbbing feet and legs again as I noticed the tape on my toes had completely unraveled. Edson dismissed the dancers and called over the new candidates. We were told that we had passed the first phase of the audition and to return next Saturday for phase two. We were also told that our heels were too short and pointed at the standard passista 7.8 .2 Crunch Time Late December signaled crunch time for carnival preparations. Both AZS and Vila Isabel moved their rehearsals to the street in order to practice actual parading. Vila Isabel held weekly closed rehearsals (school members only) inside their quadra in addit ion to weekly rehearsals held on the street in front of the school: Boulevard 28 de Setembro. The street was closed to traffic for several hours each week causing massive traffic jams in the surrounding areas. I discovered this the first time I tried to a ttend the

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194 street rehearsal via city bus and found myself in an hour and a half of traffic to cover a distance that usually took about 15 minutes. The street rehearsal (Figure 7 4) itself was accompanied by thousands of fans, and local media capturing the d evelopment of the enredo . The rehearsals started around 8:30 p . m . , although the street was closed as early as 7:00 p . m . , and went on until close to midnight. Figure 7 4 . Vila Isabel street rehearsal. Photo courtesy of Victor Souza. In contrast, AZS only held one weekly rehearsal, which moved from the Bola Preta in Lapa to the Avenida Atlântica in Copacabana. Avenida Atlântica runs along the coast, and the rehearsals were held at sunset. Sunset rehearsal in Copacabana Beach was by for more enjoy

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195 the school, Copacabana rehearsals were attended almost entirely by tourists. After a few wee ks of street parading, each group had their tech rehearsal. Tech rehearsal occurs in the Sambódromo , with the intent of simulating the space time of the actual performance/carnival. 7.8 .3 Field Notes: January 11, 2013 Saturday the 5 th was our rehearsal in the Sambódromo on the Rua Marquês Sapucaí . I have to admit, it was one of my favorite dance experience/locations EVER and that was only rehearsal. The event was televised, and the floor is slick and smooth with ample space for d anci ng. It was beautiful. All the mimetic dance finally made sense as we were projecting to an audience in the grandstands. I felt like the city belonged to me, and the Apoteose 8 waiting for me to arrive. I was one of the rainhas espalhando alegria [queens s preading joy] 8 Apoteose Apotheo sis, meaning elevation, tra nscendence or glorification. It is the name of the finish line at the end of the Rua Marques do Sapucaí inside the Sambó drom o . The apoteose is marked by a giant arching monument on an elevated platform.

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196 CHAPTER 8 CARNIVAL PARADE Figure 8 1 . Fans cheer for Vila Isabel in the Sambódromo . Photo courtes y of Victor Souza , 2013 .

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197 (Figure 8 1) has transformed drastically from its initial formalization in the 1930s to the present day. Increasing regulations, the exponential growth of samba schools 1 , the concretization of the samba enredo as the driving force, the professionalization of various school components, the increasing p resence of the media within the parade lines and the hastening of the samba tempo itself are just a few key features of this transformation. Despite the seemingly oppressive imposition of regulations o n carnival associations, these policy shifts lend credi bility and access for the popular classes to conquer public space, and influence popular culture and national identity (Aquino & Dias 2009). Nevertheless, the transformations inflicted on the culture of marginal classes in the process of popularization hav e had profound effects on the collective memories of all social strata. Taken as a formal ritual, the carnival parade interfaces with political and cosmological structures in Brazilian society. The carnival parade, as a performance, allows for the creative interpretation and refashioning of those very structures, such that, over time, new ways of being Brazilian are embodied, shared and experienced by both performers and audiences. The carnival parade, like any other work of art, manifests what is, while si multaneously proposing what could be (Lain 2011). As a uniquely large scale work of performance art, the carnival parade is particularly dynamic and complex, revealing multiple levels of social tension, contradiction as well as unexpected harmonies. The proliferation of the media presence in this process fractures the relationship between performers and audiences such that their interactions are increasingly abstracted, 1 Samba schools themselves are increasingly seen as c ommercial ventures and no longer representative of the communities in which they reside.

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198 but nevertheless, crucial to the overall structure and evolution of this performance r itual (Hughs Freeland 1998). The media not only documents and translates this event to a millions of viewers, it intervenes and has become a part of the performance itself. Posing or samba dancing for a television crew in the midst of the performance itse lf forms part of the overall aesthetic of the event. Engagement wit in the midst of the parade magnifies, not only the importance of celebrating Brazilian and/or community/school pride, but also the intrinsic role of the medi a in defining those very the proliferation of select identities, individual performers with their hand held cameras and the use of social media contribute a vast multivocal reit eration of the performance through the experiences of the thousands of individual performers as they document and post their experiences before, during and after the parade. This also true of rehearsal images, which are regularly uploaded to individual dan well as the group pages created by and for passistas of various samba schools. The so called domestication of samba and carnival has its roots in the first sponsorships and early organization of the parade as a competition (Sherriff 1999 ) . This competition was originally devised by the local newspapers and is today, sponsored in large part by the state department of tourism. Indeed, as cultural psychologist Monique official support was the loss of have a category for judging the poetics of demanded schools submit a copy of their writte n samba to the judges, prior to entering the parade. Traditionally, samba poets used improvisation as a technique of samba

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199 composition during their performances. The requirement for prewritten sambas shifted favorability to elite composers with formal educ ations while silencing the authenticity of improvisational composition. Augras (1998) notes the irony of the title of the 1935 Samba Dominando o Mundo ( Samba Dominating the World ) when in fact, samba had been placed on a leash. The f irst regulations also required schools to perform around a unified theme. The new criteria established the samba enredo (story samba) as the music of samba schools, as opposed to the myriad other forms of carnival music, such as polkas and marches. Samba h istorians often cite the obligatory use of nationalist themes in the production of samba enredos since the Vargas era as evidence of cooption of samba schools by the state. While Augras and others demonstrate this regulation only became exp licit during the cold war , media influence and the practice of clientelism created enough political and economic incentives for samba schools to produce elite ideals of representation. The samba school Vizinha Faladeira was disqualified from the 1939 competition for us ing a distinctly foreign theme (Snow White), despite the lack of precise regulation against foreign themes. As Brazil entered World War II (1942), sponsorship of the parade passed to the hands of the Liga de Defesa Nacional & União Nacional dos Estudantes (National Defense League & National Student Union), offering prizes to whichever school best interpreted the theme carnaval da v itória (carnival of v ictory). Augras also cites multiple examples of journalists (1930s 1940s) of Jornal do Brasil expressing th by the poets of the favelas at that time (1998: 53). Text analyses of samba enredos from the 1930s to the present reveal a trend towards a celebration of magia (magic ) and

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200 encant o (enchantment) as well as self referencing of the glory of individual schools, as opposed to explicitly nationalist, ethnic or otherwise political themes (Aquino & Dias 2009; Augras 1998). ons over the course of the last century is time. The time allotted for a school to pass through the S ambódromo and the speed at which the samba itself is played are of interest. Early 20 th utes, although it has been widely observed that this regulation was hardly ever followed. Despite the fact that schools were much smaller in their early days (a few hundred as opposed to a few thousand members), it still would have been difficult to execut e the entire parade in fifteen minutes. Still, there has been a dramatic increase in the time allowed for each school to complete its turn (eighty minutes) and schools going over their limit are penalized in the final scores. The tempo at which the samba is played has accelerated drastically since the early days, given the need to move thousands of people down a 700 meter runway. Sambistas interviewed for the present research overwhelmingly criticize this feature of the parade for reducing the ability of individuals to actually dance their samba. They are forced to run (or at least dance hastily, which equates to sloppily), lest they should hold up their line and cause penalties for their school. There are a few actors within the parade afforded the opport unity to truly dance, despite the speed of travel. The muses, princesses and rainhas parade with ample space around them, such that, they may linger in one spot to dance for a moment before sashaying down the line. My own experience performing in carnival with both Alegria da Zona Sul and Vila Isabel was fraught with tension, frustrations and exhaustion. Earlier on in the season,

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201 when I contemplated parading with both Alegria da Zona Sul and Rocinha (which were scheduled to perform back to back), Victor war doing. Carnival is the time when everyone [involved in the production] is stressed out. 8 .1 Down to the Wire After months of rehearsals with countless nights spent dancing into the wee hours of the morning, carnival was finally on the horizon. Although the focus of my carnival experience was on the parade of samba schools, there were endless street parties with b locos , informal gatherings and special events dedicated to the celebration of carnival across the cityscape. Despite my intentions to frequent a number of these events, my efforts were limited due to the sheer exhaustion of parading with two schools and ke eping up with all of the responsibilities required therein. I often reflected on the experiences of women who paraded with as many as five schools and/or blocos at a time and wondered how on earth they were still standing by the end of the week. For those who participate in the production of carnival, it is a true test of endurance. Although I expected a great communal catharsis during the performance, the entire experience was quite stressful. The true catharsis of communitas had long since come and gone d uring the rehearsals. Carnival was a job to be done. The costumes for both AZS and Vila Isabel were greatly delayed. Rumors that we might not have costumes at all floated amongst the dancers. I knew from talking with Fabio Batista that this was entirely passistas threw together makeshift costumes overnight, because the school had not bothered to order any for them. The costume pick up time for both AZS and Vila Isabel

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202 was originally two days prior to the parade, and rescheduled several times, until finally, the costumes were distributed within hours of the parade. I went to pick up my costume at Vila Isabel only to find that they had distributed all of the size 10 shoes alre ady, so I was left with a s ize eight to myself as I signed off on my costume knowing that some passista who is friends with the director had probably strolled up and asked to join last minute and taken my shoes. The costume itself was enormous and extre mely difficult to carry. I opted to take a taxi home in lieu of hauling the mass of feathers down the road to the metro station only to be charge you sixty reis and I wo the ride to Copacabana was roughly thirty five reis . In this case, he turned on the meter and proceeded to take a series of wrong turns, all the while complaining about wealthy tourists having fu n in his city while he has to work. I told him to stop, paid the fare up to that point, got out and walked. I paid 9 reis to take a ride in the wrong direction and end up further form the metro station than I had started. Picking up my costume with AZS was equally challenging. I arrived at the barracão and waited for several hours with Danika, Vanessa and several other passistas for the costumes to arrive. We were all hot, grumpy and be ing eaten alive by mosquitos. don had sent a number of British passistas to parade with us. These women arrived a few days prior to carnival and were placed in the front rows of the parade, thus aggravating all of the locals. Despite the fact that the Brazilian women (plus myself) had been waiting for hours when the costumes finally

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203 costumes did, and Pelezinho distributed theirs to her before any of the local . As an honorary local, I found it ext remely irritating the blatant lack of respect for the homegrown passistas who were leaving work early or dropping their children off with relatives in order to traipse across town to pick up their costumes only to have a bunch of gringos on vacation cut th e line. Furthermore, the costumes were terrible. The school clearly had cut corners on their costume budget for passistas . Additionally, we were required to pay 90 reis for our shoes made of vinyl, not leather. The class B D schools paraded on Sunday Tue sday (Februrary 10 12, 2013) on the Estrada Intendente de Magalhaes near Oswaldo Cruz in the West Zone of the city , while the class A and special schools are presented in the Sambódromo . Alegria da Zona Sul was the seventh (and third to last) school to pa rade with the class A schools on Friday, February 8 th . Ten more class A schools paraded on Saturday the 9 th , while the schools of the Grupo Especial paraded in the Sambódromo on Sunday and Monday (February 10 th & 11 th ). Vila Isabel was the last school to p arade on Monday (Figure 8 2) . The parades were scheduled to start at 9 p . m. With each school taking eighty minutes to present their enredo , Alegria da Zona Sul entered the Sambódromo around 3:30 a . m . on the 9 th , while Vila Isabel took the stage at 4:30 a . m . on the 12 th . There were a number of surprises as I paraded with Alegria da Zona Sul . First off, the British passistas were interspersed amongst the front lines while several of the local passistas that I was left in the second to front line (ahead of many of many of my passista friends), and simultaneously angry that I was taken out of the very front line, where I had been placed to parade throughout the entire rehearsal season. I no longer had Dani ka and Priscilla by my side to

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204 enredo . I ended up behind a woman named Sida, who m I had never seen before. She coached me on how to stay in line behind her. Ironically, when the parade started, Pelezinho screamed and cursed at her to stay in line, as she was wandering about all over. Figure 8 2 . Vila Isabel lined up and ready to enter the Sambódr omo . Photo courtes y of Victor Souza. At one point during the line up, Pelezinho told me to stand in a specific spot. Within five minutes, a member of the harmonia told me to move over. I explained that my director had just placed me here a moment ago to wh could not understand how Nara was in the front row: the girl who shows up late and manages to drink five beers in the two hours we spent waiting. The most enjo yable aspect of the entire parade

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205 realized the majority of my cohort did just that, stuffi ng them into their costumes when not in use. The practice of capturing images within the parade, which are immediately posted to social media sites, establishes paradoxical linkages between self, nation, representation and practices of presence. 8 .2 Taking the Stage The parade commences with an a cappella samba enredo , as the school stands at the entrance to the avenue, followed by the new samba enredo Repetition is one of the ritual aspects of carnival, w hile the linear procession contributes to the transformative nature of the ritual (Cavalcanti 2011). The carros alegóricos , massive floats combining sculpture, painting, costuming and engineering, high light enredo , while the music and dance push the school in linear movement, thus coordinating the festive and spectacular elements (Cavalcanti 2006). The schools waiting to take their turn down the 700 meters of artificial avenue line up on either side of the entrance several hours prior to their parade time. When the enredo, still behind the start line, before charging onto the stage. The television crews meandering throug A newsman stopped in front of me and asked me how long I had been a member of AZS . As I explained this is my first year and it became apparent that I was a foreigner, the gringos know

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206 you sing the enredo I had, up to this point, done my best to hide how obnoxious I thought it was for a journalist to interrupt someone in the middle of a performance. Furthermore, singing and dancing is hard enough as it is, let alone in a foreign language, nevermind in front of a live news anchor. He put the microphone in front of my mouth, and I opened my lips to sing, but nothing came out. I was lost in the song and trying to find which word we were on. The entire interruption put me off the rhythm of the song and I was unable to jump back on it as quickly as was insi sted upon by the microphone shoved in my face. It was humiliating. I managed to jump back on the song when the chorus arrived, but I had enredo on demand straight from my soul. I was a fraud. T he rest of the parade was a blur with none of the comradary, spontaneity or joy felt singing and dancing down Copacabana Beach at sunset surrounded by familiar faces smiling, skipping and playing to the sound of the bateri a . I remembered how much I had lov ed the tech rehearsals, because I could see the hills full of lights behind the Apoteose . It was beautiful . I danced for the city and it was mine. During the actual parade, I could not even see the city because of all of the commercial banners and mini bl imps advertising national phone services, banks and beer. Lastly, after so much hard work training our lines so as not to have any breaks or gaps in our rows something that can the British passistas paraded in zig zags and circles making it impossible to maintain order with the group.

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207 8 .3 Round Two By the time I got to perform with Vila Isabel , I already felt like a pro. The tech rehearsals, P assistas Day parade and parading with AZS prepared me for the task of lug ging the enormous costume through the city streets and waiting for hours on end with a handful of port o potties to be shared with thousands of people consuming copious amounts of alcohol. Yet there were still surprises to be had. With parade time scheduled for 2:30 a . m . p . m . in order to do our make a . m. vio and her son. Milena, Gii and I primped, curled, dabbed and sparkled until we were appropriately passista fied. We took pictures, helped each other with pins, clasps and application of false eyelashes. Gii and Milena were drinking Vodka and Red Bull. I accepted a few sips, but did not pour my own, as I knew I would not make it to sunrise if I started drinking then. Estácio just after midnight, but did not make it to the line up until 1:45 a . m. We walked over a mile t o the metro station, since it would not have been safe for Milena and Flavio to leave their car dow ntown overnight. Then we backtrack ed on the metro, because the lines were running all wacky due to carnival. The parade line up was a magical scene. Half dressed flowers and skeletons, fairies and country men all milling about, getting ready, eating and drinking before the show. Victor helped me get my wings on as I was transformed into a bluebird. I loved the costume, as did most of the girls. Unfortuna tely, the shoes and the headpiece were very heavy (not to mention the wrong shoe size). At 3:00 a . m . the harmonia herded us

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208 into the line up, behind a fence where V ictor and Flavio could not enter. From there, it was another 1.5 hours of waiting to enter the Sambódromo (Figure 8 3) . Edson was nowhere to be seen. There was a lot of stress and confusion about where we should be. The passistas were scattered and we had no leadership. Figure 8 3 . Milena & male passista getting ready to enter the Sambódr omo . Photo courtesy of Victor Souza 2013 . Edson only appeared and began organizing our lines after the school had begun entering the Sambódromo. This led to unevenly constructed lines, which proved to be a

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209 problem throughout the entire parade. I got yell ed at from all sides about the hole in my line. I had already fixed one hole by asking Gii to take my spot as I moved back a line, should fill two spots at once. At some point, Milena stepped up a row, and it seemed fixed until a male passista put himself in my line where there was no space. He proceeded to spin and beat me with his wings at every turn. At one point, I angrily shoved his wings out of my face. My neck wa s in screaming pain under the weight of the headpiece, and I could barely lift my feet. Everyone around me was frustrated and angry not getting was a disaster. I thought for sure there would be no way for Vila Isabel to win. The topic of oppressive costumes is often cited by carnival scholars as limiting annoyance, and those of my cohort, with said costumes, these impositions have produced increasingly virtuosic performers capable of executing genius maneuvers while negotiating absurdly burdensome costumes. Although one hundred percent of dancers interview ed for this research express preference for minimal costuming in order to enhance their ability to execute samba, the imposition of ridiculous costumes has forced them to attain new levels of corporeal finesse. Dancers now had to negotiate balancing their own weight on top of steep platforms (women, at least) and the weight of their costumes on their heads and shoulders. After the parade, Milena and Gii expressed the same frustrations I felt during the performance: no leadership, getting yelled at by people who were not doing anything to

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210 fix the problem, getting smacked in the face by Mr. I W ant to Spin the Whole Time (who m they referred to as Macumba ) 2 , etc . We met up with the boys back near the start of the line up this time with no confusion about where to meet (F igure 8 4) . It did feel nice to get good and drunk at six in the morning, although I was not so happy abou t that decision on the metro ride h ome. I managed to control my wooziness and made it home without a disgrace. Figure 8 4 . Milena & Gii after the parade. Photo by Author 2013. 8 .4 Aftermath I slept through most of Tuesday and awoke in a daze sometime i n the late afternoon with glitter and eyelash glue still clinging to my face. Wonder of all wonders: Vila Isabel won the damn parade. I learned of this while buying fruit at a nearby market 2 Macumba is another reference to Afro Brazili an religion. Milena and Gii referred to this particular dancer as macumba due to his spinning typically reserved for the trance dancing of the orixás .

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211 and watching the scores posted on the television behind the counte r. The judges presented their scores at the Apotéose one by one for each evaluation criteria as the representatives for the Grupos Especiais stood around grasping one another in anticipation. With each score revealed came gasps, leaps and hands throwing ha ts on the floor. When it finally became clear that Vila Isabel quadra showing thousands of fans celebrating ins ide and out. It occurred to me that I should be there. Despite our fatigue from the long night out, Victor, Rauã and I took the bus to Vila Isabel and descended into a delirium of celebration. Outside of the school, the streets were packed with countless individuals dressed in blue and white, while television crews, beer vendors and confetti filled every last gap on the street and sidewalks. I held on tight was as if we had stepped into a psychedelic dream. The bateri a played its enredo without end. Apparently they played since the announcement of win (about two hours prior to our arrival) and showed no signs of stopping any time soon (Figure 8 5) . O galo cantou com os passarinhos no esplendor da manhã agradeço a deus por ver o dia raiar o sino da igrejinha vem anunciar preparo o café, pe go a viola, parceira de fé caminho da roça, e semear o grão... saciar a fome com a plantação é a lida... arar e cultivar o solo ver brotar o velho sonho alimentar o mundo, bem viver a emoção vai florescer

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212 Ô muié, o cumpadi ch egou puxa o banco, vem prosear bota água no feijão já tem lenha no fogão faz um bolo de fubá Pinga o suor na enxada a terra é abençoada preciso investir, conhecer progredir, partilhar, proteger... cai a tarde, acendo a luz do l ampião a lua se ajeita, enfeita a procissão de noite, vai ter cantoria e está chegando o povo do samba é a Vila, chão da poesia, celeiro de bamba Vila, chão da poesia, celeiro de bamba Festa no arraiá, é pra lá de bom ao som do fole, eu e você a Vila vem plantar Felicidade no amanhecer The rooster crowed with the little birds in the splendor of the morning I thank God to see the sun rise The father of the church has come to announce Prepare the coffee, grab the viola, partner in faith The way of the country, and planting the seed To satisfy the hunger with the planting Till and cultivate the earth To see the old dream sprout To feed the world, good living And emotion will flourish Hey woman, Godfather has arrived Grab a chair and come compose Put water on the beans and wood on the fire Make a corn cake Sweat dripping on the sickle The land is blessed I need to invest, to know Progress, parting and protection

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213 The afternoon has fallen, light th e lamp The moon rises and decorates our procession At night, there will be singing And the samba people are coming Vila, the base of poetry and keepers of the best Party in the village is good The sound of the accordion, me and you Vila has come to plant Happiness in the sunrise Samba enredo 2013 , Unidos da Vila Isabel. Composers: Arlindo Cruz, Martinho da Vila, André Diniz, Tonico da Vila e Leonel Figure 8 5 . I post a nnou ncement of their win. Photo by A uthor 2013 . I found Gii and Milena , and we made our way back to the corner where the rest of the passistas were gathered, singing and dancing to no end. The ludic atmosphere was

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214 intoxic ating, but I had long since burned out on full participation in the merriment (Figure 8 6). Figure 8 6 . q uadra following announcement of their win. Photos by author . Winning the competition meant parading in the Desfile dos Campeões (Parade of Champions) the following Saturday. I came down with a nasty cold, my parents flew in from Florida to visit, and I was generally carnival ed out. I dreaded the thought of doing it all again and felt guilty about the prospect of abandoning my parents for the 36 hours it would take to get ready, parade and recover. I reasoned that I could watch the Desfile dos Campeões perspective, and avoid shirking responsibi lities, both professional and personal.

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215 8 .5 Parade of Champions The Parade of Champions was held on the Saturday following the official carnival parades and featured the top six schools with Vila Isabel closing the show. I tried to purchase tickets for the office downtown. I was told that purchases were only made by phone, the first batch already sold out and the second batch would be available on a specific date. I called the offices on the indic ated date and encountered a busy line for several hours before finally reaching a sales representative who informed me that the second batch sold out as well. This situation resulted in purchasing the tickets from a third party, for about three times the o riginal cost. The final sales price was roughly $ 90 USD per ticket, however this was the economic option. Box seats average several hundred dollars per ticket depending on time of purchase and vendor. near our apartment in Copacabana, thus avoiding the exorbitant hotel costs during carnival season. Victor, Rauã and I picked them up around 7 :00 p . m . on Saturday the 16 th and headed downtown to of cameras in the streets. My mom took pictures and video on her ipad while my stepfather used a top of the line Nikon. Each of these devices is worth two to three times its U.S. value in Brazil . My fears were confirmed at the end of my parents visit, near l y two weeks later, when my step father was mugged while carrying his Nikon in broad daylight as Victor and I showed my parents around the city. For the time being, however, no misfortune came upon us that evening. Once inside the S ambódromo , the scene was quite safe: well lit and heavily patrolled. The event was nothing remotely similar to the carnival parades of the streets of

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216 Salvador, Bahia, or even of the blocos in various streets of Rio de Janeiro. The atmosphere was tame, like a shopping mall with an amphitheater. We arrived in time to catch Salgueiro entering the corridor. bateri a gleamed in red, black and gold. Their enredo paid homage to fame itself. Their enredo Motta and Thia go Daniel bridges the performance role of samba artists with the hand of enredo are the countless nameless sambistas , those performers represented by the name, Salgueiro, as opposed to the named stars recognized as television actors, movie stars and models. The enredo also reminds the performers and audience of their interconnectivit love me are part of the pages that I write . . . Scribes seal destinies, revealing the living with dancers and acrobats performing feats of gymnastic prowess on a structure that travelled not only in linear space, but also rotated as it progressed down the avenue. The Fama proceeded to climb the camera body and repeat their flips and tumbles down the lens. The comissão de frente also stood out due to its relatively small number of individuals who occupied a space equal to that of the larger alas of several hundred members. The various muses, princess es and rainha dazzled in their angelic winged

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217 bikinis beaming light from the thousands of crystals a dorning them. The passistas, on the other hand, were barely distinguishable from the myriad alas of community members, given the similarity of their costumes to those of the other alas in terms of size, structure and quality. If you think about Rio de Jane iro, you think about carnival and that mulata samba dancing. People think like this, but in carnival she is very much forgotten. She is only remembered in the tech rehearsals, but in the parade, e the passista clothes [the bikini or other distinguishing costume] during the presentations at the quadra, because we have to go together with the enredo . Many times they put a costume on us that is impossible to develop [the dance], and we are unable to samba, and it seems we are forgotten only serving to fill the gaps. Either we are representing all of Rio de Janeiro, or we are filling the holes when the bateria enters the recuo 3 because most schools place the passistas behind the bateria to fill that gap. (Daniela passista of Alegria da Zona Sul , personal interview, 2013). Much like a circus or sporting event, venders of popcorn, hotdogs, beer and trinkets meandered up and down the bleachers. Differe nt from most Brazilian popular culture performances, however, these venders were not independent, rather wore the emblems of Riotur and LIESA (Independent League of Samba Schools) on their vests. The Sambódromo was notably not filled to capacity at the Des file dos Campeoões, at least not at the time we were there, which was, admittedly, early. At 9:00 p . m . , we caught the first hour or so of a ten hour event. 3 Recuo Literally is the exit on Salvador de Sá, where the bateria moves out of the parade line and remains to play the enredo as the rest of the school continues to pass on.

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218 CHAPTER 9 CONCLUSION Cultural citizenship is described by Renato Rosaldo (1994) as the right to maintain a : [N] ot only legal definitio ns or documents (which one either does or does not have), but also the extra legal (vernacular) elements of citizenship that we recognize in ordinary language phrases and which acknowledge matters of degree, such as first class versus second class citizens hip. In a democracy one wants to minimize second class citizenship and aspire to first class citizenship for all (Rosaldo 2012 ). Rosaldo refers to the situation encountered by latinos /as in the United States, who experience discrimination based on their u se of Spanish as a primary language, or other cultural complicated, in that many Afro Brazilian cultural manifestations are constitutive of (not counter to) Bra zilian nationalism. Nevertheless, social inequality in Brazil remains highly racialized (and gendered) and overt racism continues to pervade contemporary social life in Brazil. Paradoxically, poverty, suffering and blackness are vital to the ideology of a uthentic samba in Brazil. Changing the status quo challenges the very concept of Brazilian national identity itself. The carnival of Rio de Ja neiro was recognized in the 2004 Guinness World Records as the largest in the world, and it is the most internat ionally recognized manifestation of Brazilian popular culture. 1 Brazilian carnival is a mega industry, attracting millions of tourists each year for the three day celebration of Brazilian nati onalism. According to Nogueira : [W]hen you think about the sam ba spectacle prese nted only by the schools of the Special Group , this drives the known consequence absolute homogenization in the presentations of the official parade. Another predominant consequence is the loss of essential elements, such as samba no pé , samba enredo cadenciado , the 1 records/largest carnival . Accessed May 6, 2015.

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219 characteristic rhythms of the baterias . . .We know that even though the parade moves millions of reais [Brazilian currency], generating resources for the state and private enterprises, there is no support at the various lev els of public agencies, neither state nor municipal, for the execution of politics aligned with the federal government, politics that value the genuinely popular manifest ations and their practitioners. (Nogueira in Andrade 2010: 63 ) Mangueira Samba S chool represent a form of political leadership within the community, however, the commercialization of carnival and corruption between the samba school, drug traffickers , bicheiros 2 and the local police leave little time for cons ideration of How can a highly lucrative production not directly benefit, in concrete economic terms, those respon sible for its construction? If the answer is, obviously, corruption, then how is this angry machine perpetuated year after year? I recall my first encounter with Mangueira passista Rafaela Bastos, when we discussed the application of chaos theory in the world of samba. She also warned that I had chos en a difficult population from which to extract intimate information given the rate at which these women are exploited. She may have been exceedingly optimi stic about the degree to which these women are aware of their own exploitation or , rather, the true value of their work when it come s to maintaining the longevity o f samba no pé beach t woman, with countless television appearances, film credits and a personal samba blog on the website of Latin , but I am beginni ng to understand. Samba is endless . It stretches back into the farthest reaches of human history with the first rhythms produced by early humans searching for ways to communicate, to mark time and to 2 Bicheiros are operators for Jogo de Bicho , a form of illegal gambl ing.

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220 express their souls in the heart of Africa. Under many names the beat has travelled across continents, performed its own mitosis , forming si sters and brothers and bearing c hildren in new lands. Samba, semba, maxixe, batucada , ragtime, jazz, swing, pagod e , hip hop, reggae, and cakewalk are kindred expressions o f an ethos found throughout the African diasporas. I acknowledge the danger of universal generalizations yet maintain this position. Not only are these expressions affiliated through identitfying technical features and paral lel histories, but in most they ha ve provided the critical infras t r ucture for demystifying human differences across boundaries of race and class. Of course the integration of high and low culture, black and white has not been without violence and series of injustices, but throughout mode rn history in the Americas, popular culture, black and indigenous culture, have provided the bedrock for dismantling social barriers, even if in some cases those social categories are reiterated and, at times fortified. Despite m any of the dysfunctionaliti es in the production of carnival, represented by the experiences presented here, I wish to highlight the immense creativity and artistry I encountered within and amongst the dancers, especially those of elite schools Vila Isabel and Mangueira, but also som e of the lower division schools as well. The conflicts and difficulty encountered during the rehearsal process, were often times linked directly to attempts to choreograph samba for staged presentations (not necessarily carnival itself). Despite these chal lenges, I was learn from them through the videos and images captured during this research for many years to come. inable Car n ival project, which seeks to recycle the exorbitant amount of decorative materials typically thrown out year after year. Her

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221 company facilitates the transfer of used costumes, floats and instruments to lower division schools and even sister scho ols as far as Argentina. Rafaela regularly speaks out at public events and University gatherings on feminism and objectification of the female form, maintaining her position that it is possible to be a vehicle for social change while celebrating carnal ple asure, and that heteronormative sensuality is not inherently indicative of ones submission to a patriarchal regime. Projeto Primeiro Passo , a project designed to support the professionalization of young dancers in the lower class neighborhood of Oswaldo Cruz. Youth receive dance training and opportunities to perform in a professional environment once they have met a certain level of technic al criteria. Likewise, Mestre Dion í sio, former passista , mestre sala , immortalized through testimony archived at the Sound and Image Museum of Rio de Janeiro and whose life history is recognized as intangible patrimony of humanity by UNESCO , spends his we ekends teaching hundreds of youth the art of mestre sala and porta bandeira under the stadiums seats of the Samb ó dromo . I remember taking class with F á bio Batista, passista , choreographer and instructor of Afro Dance at the Centro Cutlural Carioca . I reco gnize the power of his work as I was required to perform as an enslaved African doing the cafezeiro (coffee collection dance), experience a walk on the line between life and death embodying the Yoruban deity Obaluai ê, and transcend history as these movemen ts evolved into modern samba within a 120 minute class period . I think about all these great leaders and wonder how it is still possible, with so many talented and brilliant individuals working towards the greater good, heightened community interaction and acknowledgement of collective history, that their work is still underrecognized, undersupported, and subordinate to the capitalist machine driving the carnival of bacchanalian disarray. The only

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222 conclusion I can find is that it is still not enough. There is not enough support at the level of local and state government, for these types of projects, projects that truly possess the power to affect social change. Also, the promise of fame is just too much for most of the youth participants who seek the spotli Were I to repeat this endeavor, there are a number of things I would have changed about my approach. F irst, I would have worked harder to interact with my research collaboraters outside of the field of samba rehearsals, classes and performances. Although this did take place on occasion s at birthday parties and various outings amongst samba friends, I often times found myself too exhausted from the samba commitments to socialize be yond samba specific events. Having said that, I would work even harder to remain at samba events until the bitter end. If that means staying out until six or seven in the morning five nights a week, so be it. In this case, however, it took me many months t o build the stamina in order to sta y at most events beyond 3:00 a.m . Another shift in my approach would have been to assume I know nothing about dance performance or choreography, at leas t as it pertained to the world of samba carioca . Despite the observations above about the universal features of cognate forms and the sharing of an underlying essence uni fying all participants, this has little bearing on the social norms circumscribing the practice. I would have presented myself as a novice on all fronts. Further research would engage more deeply the work of Brazilian anthropologists working in the field of popular culture. Additionally, an extension of this research would delve more deeply into the realm of samba de gafieira , its intersections with samba no p é , and cross overs of artists as performers of multiple genres of samba. Continued research should also pursue production of an audio visual archive, similar to those produced by the Centro Cultural Cartola

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223 in the preservation of life histories of sambistas, but dedicated to documenting and cataloguing the choreographies of various forms of samba. The audio visual data represented in this dissertation would be greatly enhanced with support of more sophisticated equipment for both data capture and management. I left the field with a mixture of bittersweet relief and saudades . As I returned to the comforts of my home with light to moderate traffic, no need to schedule three hour blocks to stop at a bank or a post office, no cancelled plans due to a thunderstorm, the luxury of heat and air conditioning, faith that water will come out of the faucet each and every time I want it, no fear of food poisoning on a monthly basis, the ability to leave my home alone at night with reasonable assurance that I w ill not be harassed, and realize that none of these comforts make up for the energy I felt floating on the rhythms of hundreds of vibrating drums. I am haunted by the memory of riding the oscillations produced by the collective of musicians pounding out th eir joys or their frustrations, surrounded by dancers performing their inner selves for sheer pleasure. I know that in all likelihood, I will not have another opportunity such as this. And so, I can only feel gratitude.

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224 APPENDIX SAMBA SCHOOLS Elite s choo ls, in order of ranking after the 2013 carnival parade : 1. Vila Isabel 2. Beija Fl or 3. Unidos da Tijuca 4. Imperatriz 5. Salgueiro 6. Grande Rio 7. Portela 8. Mangueira 9. União da Ilha 10. São Clemente 11. Mocidade Independente de Padre Miguel 12. Inocentes de Belford Roxo Série A schools, in order of ranking after the 2013 carnival parade : 1. Império da Tijuca 2. Viradouro 3. Império Serrano 4. Estácio de Sá 5. Rocinha 6. Caprichosos 7. Unidos de Padre Miguel 8. Renascer do Jacarepeguá

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225 9. Porto da Pedra 10. Santa Cruz 11. Cubango 12. Parque Curicica 13. Paraíso do Tuiuti 14. Alegria da Zona Sul 15. União de Jacarepaguá 16. Tradição 17. Sereno 18. Jacarezinho 19. Vila Santa Tereza For names of schools and 2013 rankings of Groups B D, as well as the blocos , see _de_Samba .

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226 LIST OF REFERENCES Articles & Books ABREU , Mauricio de A. 2006. Evolução Urbana do Rio de Janeiro. Quarta Edição. Prefeitura da Cidade do Rio de Janeiro: Rio de Janeiro. ABU LUGHOD , Lila. 1991 . Writing Against Culture in Recapturing Anthropology: Working in the Present. Ed R Fox. Santa Fe: Sch. Am. Res. Press. P 137 162. ADORNO , Theodor. 1975 [1967]. Culture Industry Reconsidered. Translate d by Anson G. Rabinbach. New German Critique. 6: 12 19. ALBERTO , Paulin a. 2011.Terms of Inclusion: Black Intellectuals in Twentieth Century Brazil. Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press. ALBUQURQUE , Carlos. 1997.O Eterno Verão do Reggae. São Paul o: Editora 34 Ltda. ALLEN , Roger. 1999. Cultural Imperialism. In The Brazil Reader. Robert Levine and John Crocitti, Editors. Durham: Duke University Press. AMOROSO , Daniela. 2009. Levanta Mulher e Corre a Roda: Dança, Estética e Diversidade no Samba de R oda de São Félix e Cachoeira. Doctoral Dissertation in Performance Studies. Department of Theatre and Dance. Federal University of Bahia, Brazil. ANDRADE, Regina and Macêdo, Cibele, Org. 2010. Território Verde e Rosa: Construções Psicossociais no Centro Cultural Cartola. Rio de Janeiro: Regina Glória Nunes de Andrade, Cibele Mariano Vaz de Macêdo and FAPERJ Fundação Carlos Chagas Filho de Amparo à Pesquisa do Estado do Rio de Janeiro. AQUINO , Rubim & Dias, Luiz Sergio. 2009. Samba Enredo Visit a Histó ria do Brasil: samba de enredo e os movimentos sociais. Rio de Janeiro: Editora Ciência Moderna. ASAD , Talal. 1993. Genealogies of Religion: discipline and reasons of power in Christianity and Islam. Baltimore: John Hopkins University Press. AUGRAS , M onique. 1998. O Brasil do Samba enredo. Rio de Janeiro: Editora Fundação Getúlio Vargas. BAILEY, Stanley. 2008. Unmixing for Race Making in Brazil. American Journal of Sociology. 114(3): 577 614. BASTIDE, Roger. 1961. Dusky Venus, Black Apollo. Race. 3: 10 19. BEHAR, Ruth and Gordan, Deborah. 1995. Women Writing Culture. Berekely: University of California Press.

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227 BIRMAN , Patricia . 1995. Fazer Estilo, Criando Gêneros: possessão e difere nças de gênero em terrieros de umbanda e candomblé no Rio de Janeiro. Rio de Janeiro: EduERJ. BROWNING, Barbara. 1995. Samba: resistance in motion. University of Illinois Press. BUDASZ, Rogério. 2007. Black Guitar Players and Early African Iberian Music in Portugal and Brazil. Early Music. 35(1): 12. BUTLER, Jud ith. 1990. Gender Trouble: feminism and the subversion of identity. New York: Routledge. CANCLINI, Nestor G. 1995. Hybrid Cultures. University of Minnesota Press. CANNELL , Fanella . 2010. The Anthropology of Secularism. Annual Review of Anthropology. 3 9:85 100. CARNEIRO, Edson. 2002 [1948]. Candomblés da Bahia. Rio de Janeiro: Civilização Brasileiro. CASCUDO, Luis Camara. 2001. Made in Africa. São Paulo: Global. CAVALCANTI, Maria. 2011. Ritual, Drama e Performance na Cultura Popular: Uma Conversa Entre a Antropologia e o Teatro. Série Passagens. n 12. Fórum de Ciência e Cultura. UFRJ. P 18. _____. 2006. As Alegorias no Carnaval Carioca: visualidade espetacular e narrativa ritual. Textos escolhidos de cultura e arte populares, Rio de Janeiro. 3(1): 17 27. CAVALCANTI and Fonseca. 2008. Patrimônio Imaterial no Brasil: Legislação e Políticas Estaduais. Brasília: UNESCO, Educarte. CHASTEEN , John. 1996. The Prehistory of Samba: carnival dancing in Rio de Janeiro, 1840 1917. Journal of Latin Ame rican Studies. 28(1):29 47. COHEN, Abner. 1980. Drama and Politics in the Development of a London Carnival. Man. 15: 65 87. _____. 1993. Masquerade Politics: Explorations in Structure of Urban Cultural Movements. University of California Press. CONQ UERGOOD, Dwight. 2013. Cultural Struggles: performance, ethnography, praxis. Edited by Patrick Johnson. University of Michigan Press. COTTRELL, Corey A. 2007. Puro Vira Lata: um estudo coreográfico das danças urbanas da thesis. Federal University of Bahia.

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2 29 FARNELL, Brenda. 1995. Human Action Signs in Cultural Context: The Visible and the Invisible in Movement and Dance. London: The Scarecrow Press, Inc. _____. 2003. Birdshistell, Hall, Lomax and the Origins of Visual Anthropology. Visual Anthropology. 16:43 55 . FILHO , Manuel Ferreira L.; Eckert, Cornelia an d Beltrão, Jane F., Orgs. 2007. Antropologia e Patrimônio Cultural: Diálogos e Desafios Contemporâneos. Associação Brasileira de Antropologia: Nova Letra. FONTINE, Pierre Michel. 1994. Race, Class and Power in Brazil. Los Angeles: Center for Afro American Studies. FOUCAULT, Michel. 1984. The Foucau lt Reader. Paul Rabinow. New York: Pantheon Books. FREEMAN, Richard. In Press. Visual Representations of Vodou and Vodoo. The Voodoo Encyclopedia: Magic, Ritual, and Religion. Anderson, Jeffrey E., ed. Goleta, CA: ABC Clio. FREIRE MEDEIROS, Bianca. 2009. Gringo na Laje: Produção, Circulação e COnsumo da Favela Turística. Rio de Janeiro: Editora FGV. FREYRE , Gilberto. 1986 [ 1933 ] . The Masters and the Slaves . A Study in the Development of Brazilian Civilization. Translated by Samuel Putnam. Berkeley: University of California Press. FRIEDMAN , Sharon. 2009. Navigating the Byways of Polyculturalism whose dance are we teaching in South African Schools? Research in Dance Education. 10(2): 131 144. FRY , Peter. 1982. Para Inglês Ver: identidad e e política na cultura brasileira. Rio de Janeiro: Zahar Editores. GALINSKY , Philip. 1996. Co Option, Cultural Resistance and Afro Brazilian Identity: A History of the Pagode Samba Movement in Rio de Janeiro. Latin American Music Review. 17(2): 120 149 . GARDNER , Howard. 2000. Intelligence Reframed: multiple i ntelligences for the 21 st century . New York: Basic Books. GILROY , Paul. 1993. The Black Atlantic: Modernity and Double Consciousness. Cambridge: Harvard University Press. GLUCKMAN, Max. 1963. Rituals of Rebellion in South East Africa. Order and Rebellion in Tribal Africa: Collected Essays. New York: Macmillan. P 110 136. GOFFMAN , Erving. 1959. The Presentation of Self in Everyday Life. New York: Double Day.

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230 GULEVICH, Tanya. 2001. Encyclopedia of Easter, Carnival and Lent. Detroit: Omnigraphics. GUERREIRO , Goli. 2000. A Trama dos Tambores: A Música Afro pop de Salvador. São Paulo: Editora 34. GUILLERMOPRIETO, Alma. 1991. Samba. New York: Vintage Books. GILLIAM, Angela and G illiam, Onik a. 1999. Odyssey: Negotiating the Subjectivity of Mulata Identity in Brazil. Latin American Perspectives. 26(60). HANCHARD, Michael. 1994. Orpheus and Power: The Movimento Negro of Rio de Janeiro and São Paulo, Brazil, 1945 1988. Princeton University Press. HARRISON, Faye. 1995. Of 74. HERTZMAN, Marc, A. 2013. Making Samba a new history of race and music in Brazil. Duke Univers ity Press. HILL , Jane . 2008. The Everyday Language of White Racism. Malden, MA: Wiley Blackwell. HODES, Stuart. 1989. Transforming Dance History: the lost history of rehearsals. Designs for Arts in Education. 91(2): 10 17. H OLTON, Kimberly DaCosta. 2006. Fado Historiography old myths and new fronteirs . Portuguese Cultural Studies. Winter. HOOKER, Juliet. 2005. Indigenous Inclusion/Black Exclusion: Race, Ethnicity and Multicultural Citizenship in Latin America. Journal of Latin American Studies. 37(2): 285 310. Race in Brazil. Latin American Research Review. 39(1): 60 89. HUGHS FREELAND, Felicia. 1998. Ritual, Perofrmance, Media. A SA Monographs 35. New York: Routledge. IPHAN. 2004. Samba de Roda do Recôncavo Baiano. Edited by Carlos Sandroni. Brasilia: IPHAN. JONES , Bill T. 2004 [2002]. Chapter 9 Bill T. Jones. Speaking of Dance by Joyce Morgenroth. New York: Routledge. KAWELL, JoAnn. 2003. Can You Eat Neoliberalism? NACLA Report on the Americas 36.4: 7.

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238 CHIN, Elizabeth. 2010. Lecture: Kathern Dunham. Hand in Hand Project. Women Studies Department. October. CONCEIÇÃO, José P. da. 2012. Personal Interview (July). Cachoeira, Bahia. DAWSON, Alexandra. 2013. 2013. Personal Interview (March ). Centro Cultural Carioca, Centro, Rio de Janeiro, RJ. DINIZ, Cindy Coutinho. 2013. Personal Interview (March). Copacabana, Rio de Janeiro. FREITAS, Dalva Damiana de. 2011. Personal Interview (August). Casa de Samba de Roda da Dona Dalva. Cahoeira, Bahia. FEREIRA , Luciana. 2011. Personal Interview (July). Mangueira neighborhood, Rio de Janeiro, RJ. FRAN , Nilce and Pelé Valci (Choreographers). 2011. Malandro & Mulata. (Dance Performance) Grupo Primeiro Passo. X Tudo Cultural SESI. Centro Rio de Janeiro. July 29. FRAN , Nilce; Sorriso, Selminha and Motta, Aydano André. 2011. O Chão do Samba. (Panel Discussion) Centro Cultural Banco do Brasil. Centro Rio de Janeiro. August 16. GERÔNIMO. 2012. Personal Interview (October). Casa de Gerônimo, Pelourinho, Salvador, Bahia. HELENO , Marcia Anjo. 2011. Personal Interview (July). Mangueira neighborhood, Rio de Janeiro, RJ. JESUS, Rubino Marcelino Gomes de. 2012. Personal Interview ( September). Casa Paulo de Dorno, Cachoeira, Bahia. MEIRELLES, Evelyn Pereira. 2013. Personal Interview (March). Bonsucesso, Rio de Janeiro, RJ. SANTOS, Valmir Pereira dos. 2012. Personal Interview (June). Irmandade da Boa Morte. Cachoeira, Bahia. SI LVA, Oswaldo Santos da. 2012. Personal Interview (June). Cachoeira, Bahia. SOUZA, Aline Rodrigues de. 2012. Personal Interview (September). Copacabana, Rio de Janeiro, RJ. SOUZA, Claudia Maria. 2013. Personal Interview (March). Alcântara, Niteroi, RJ. SOUZA, Gleice de. 2013. Personal Interview (March). Alcântara, Niteroi, RJ.

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239 VELOSO, Jota. 2011. Personal Interview. Rio Vermelho, Salvador, Bahia. VENTAPANE, Dandara Mendonça Ferreira. 2013. Personal Interview (April). Centro Cultural Carioca, Centro, R io de Janeiro, RJ. VIEIRA, Carlos Eduardo Elias. 2013. Personal Interview (March). Centro Cultural Carioca, Centro, Rio de Janeiro, RJ.

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240 BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH Corey Souza, PhD in cultural anthropology spent many years working in the performing arts field be fore embarking on her research as a cultural anthropologist. Always attracted to the social underpinnings of human performance, Corey was drawn to the art of capoeira as a dance undergraduate, largely due to its historic status as a symbol of resistance f or a marginalized population, as well as its contemporary reiterations identified with international community at the Federal University of Bahia (UFBA), she was i ntroduced to samba and other music and dance dialects of the Brazilian northeast, including circus arts, thus broadening her interests to the vast spectrum of Brazilian performing arts. After completion of her Master of the Arts in performance studies (UFB A 2008), Corey reentered the professional dance and music world as both samba performer and aerial acrobat in the San Diego area before continuing her advanced studies as a cultural anthropologist at the University of Florida. While completing her PhD, she continued to engage in performing arts throug h her company, S Connection, LLC , offering performances, workshops and cultural exchange programs for artists in the United States and Brazil. Corey Souza also developed a fully operating circus school through S Connection, LLC , offering classes and performances for children and adults in Gainesville, Florida and surrounding areas. Corey and her research artistic business partner husband Victor Souza continue to perform, produce cultural events and host Gainesvi lle Salvador cultural exchange programs, both independently and in collaboration with the University of Florida, the Philadelphia Jazz Project, Rainbow Tiger Circus and other cultural and performing arts agencies.