1 THE EVOLUTION OF SAUDI PRINT MEDIA DISCOURSE ON THE U.S. AFTER 9/11: A CDA OF AL JAZIRAH AND ASHARQ ALAWSAT NEWSPAPERS By HUSAM M. ALAWADH A DISSERTATION PRESENTED TO THE GRADUATE SCHOOL OF THE UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA IN PA RTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA 2014
2 Â© 2014 Husam M. Alawadh
3 To my parents
4 ACKNOWLEDGMENTS Praise be to Allah, th e Cherisher and the Sustainer of the worlds, for He helped me to complete this work. Many people have contributed to the successful completion of this dissertation. To them, I owe the greatest gratitude. First and foremost, I am truly indebted to my advis or, Professor Diana Boxer, who from the very first time I met her has shown me a great deal of support, guidance, encouragement and patience. I am thankful to have had the privilege and the honor to work under her supervision throughout the years. I also would like to express my utmost appreciation to my committee members, Dr. Fiona McLaughlin, Dr. Yousef Haddad and Dr. Jessica Aaron for their thoughtful comments and insightful feedback. Their comments starting from my proposal defense until my dissertatio n defense have tremendously improved the quality of the dissertation. I am also thankful to my colleagues and classmates in the Department of Linguistics. They have provided me with a nurturing and fruitful research environment. I would like to also show gratitude to Kelli Granade, the Office Manager at the Department of Linguistics, for her considerable assistance throughout the years. Finally, I would not have reached this success without the love, prayers and encouragement of my parents, Mohammad and M oudhi Alawadh, and my brothers and sisters. I dedicate this and any future success to them. A final word of gratitude goes to my soul mate, my wife, Amerah Alabrah, who has always been on my side every step of the way, and put up with my long sleepless nig hts working on my dissertation.
5 TABLE OF CONTENTS page ACKNOWLEDGMENTS ................................ ................................ ................................ .. 4 LIST OF TABLES ................................ ................................ ................................ ............ 8 LIST OF FIGURES ................................ ................................ ................................ .......... 9 LIST O F ABBREVIATIONS ................................ ................................ ........................... 10 ABSTRACT ................................ ................................ ................................ ................... 11 CHAPTER 1 INTRODUCTION AND LITERATURE REVIEW ................................ ..................... 13 Why Print Media, and Why the Saudi Al Jazirah and Asharq Alawsat Newspapers? ................................ ................................ ................................ ....... 14 Purpose and Objectives of the Study ................................ ................................ ...... 19 Research Questions ................................ ................................ ............................... 20 Literature Review ................................ ................................ ................................ .... 21 Post 9/11 Discourse ................................ ................................ ......................... 21 Arabic Discourse Studies ................................ ................................ ................. 23 Saudi Discourse Studies ................................ ................................ .................. 26 Dissertation Layout ................................ ................................ ................................ . 29 Summary ................................ ................................ ................................ ................ 29 2 THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK ................................ ................................ .............. 31 CDA Overview ................................ ................................ ................................ ........ 32 CD A Evolution ................................ ................................ ................................ .. 34 CDA Features ................................ ................................ ................................ ... 36 General Tenets of CDA ................................ ................................ .................... 39 CDA Approac hes ................................ ................................ .............................. 42 How Research is conducted in CDA ................................ ................................ 45 Ideas from Feminist Post structuralist Discourse Analysis ................................ ...... 47 Ideology ................................ ................................ ................................ .................. 51 Pejorative and negative connotations ................................ ............................... 52 Neutral connotations ................................ ................................ ........................ 53 Ideology Adopted in the study ................................ ................................ .......... 54 Ingroup vs. Outgroup membership ................................ ................................ ... 56 Power ................................ ................................ ................................ ...................... 57 Conclusion ................................ ................................ ................................ .............. 59 2 METHODOLOGY ................................ ................................ ................................ ... 61
6 Qualitative Research ................................ ................................ ............................... 61 The Reflexive Researcher ................................ ................................ ................ 64 Model of Analysis ................................ ................................ ............................. 66 Textual Analysis ................................ ................................ ......................... 69 Surface descriptors and structural organization: ................................ ........ 69 Objects: ................................ ................................ ................................ ...... 72 Actors: ................................ ................................ ................................ ........ 72 Language and rhetoric: ................................ ................................ .............. 73 Discursive strategies and processes: ................................ ......................... 74 Ideologica l standpoints: ................................ ................................ ............. 74 Contextual Analysis ................................ ................................ ................... 75 Data Collection/ Selection ................................ ................................ ................ 76 Description of the Data ................................ ................................ .............. 79 Overview of Arabic Syntax and Rhetoric ................................ ................................ . 81 The Arabic basic sentence ................................ ................................ ............... 82 Permanence and progression in Arabic syntax ................................ ................ 83 Affirmation ................................ ................................ ................................ ........ 86 Affirmation with ................................ ................................ ........ 87 Repetition as a rhetorical device ................................ ................................ 89 Summary ................................ ................................ ................................ ................ 90 4 D ISCOURSE DURING PEACE ................................ ................................ .............. 92 Textual Analysis Results ................................ ................................ ......................... 92 Actors ................................ ................................ ................................ ............... 97 Obje cts of Analysis ................................ ................................ ......................... 100 The United States: a friend or a foe ................................ ......................... 103 Globalization and the United States: two sides of the same coin. ............ 116 The United States as a system: administration and business .................. 121 Contextual Analysis ................................ ................................ .............................. 129 Historical Overview ................................ ................................ ......................... 129 Sociocultural Overview ................................ ................................ ................... 132 Summary ................................ ................................ ................................ .............. 137 5 DISCOURSE DURING TENSION ................................ ................................ ........ 138 Textual Analysis ................................ ................................ ................................ .... 138 U.S. Unconditional Support for Israel ................................ ............................. 139 Conspiracy Theory ................................ ................................ ......................... 149 September 2001 ................................ ................................ ............................. 155 The Wars on Afghanistan and Iraq ................................ ................................ . 165 Contextual Analysis ................................ ................................ .............................. 173 Shifts in Saudi U.S. Relations ................................ ................................ ........ 173 The 9/11 Attacks and their Consequences ................................ ..................... 178 The Wars on Afghanistan and Iraq ................................ ................................ . 180 Summary ................................ ................................ ................................ .............. 181
7 6 DISCOURSE IMPACTED BY CHANGING U.S. ADMINISTRATIONS ................. 182 Textual Analysis ................................ ................................ ................................ .... 182 ................................ ............................... 182 Contextual Analysis ................................ ................................ .............................. 199 The Election of U.S. President Barack Obama ................................ ............... 199 Summary ................................ ................................ ................................ .............. 201 7 DISCUSSION AND CONCLUSION ................................ ................................ ...... 203 General Attitudes ................................ ................................ ................................ .. 204 Thematic Orientation ................................ ................................ ............................. 205 The Construction of a Counter Ideology ................................ ............................... 207 Theoretical Implications ................................ ................................ ........................ 211 Study Limitations and Future Research ................................ ................................ 216 Conclusion ................................ ................................ ................................ ............ 219 APPENDIX A AL JAZIRAH SAMPLE ARTICLE ................................ ................................ .......... 221 B ASHARQ ALAWSAT SAMPLE ARTICLE ................................ ............................. 224 C AL JAZIRAH LIST OF ARTICLES ................................ ................................ ........ 225 D ASHARQ ALAWSAT LIST OF ARTICLES ................................ ............................ 227 LIST OF REFERENCES ................................ ................................ ............................. 229 BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH ................................ ................................ .......................... 238
8 LIST OF T ABLES Table page 2 1 Discursive strategies signifying positive self presentation and negative other p resentation ................................ ................................ ................................ ........ 57 4 1 Analysis Objects Denotation ................................ ................................ ............. 101
9 LIST OF FIGURES Figure page 4 1 Chronological distribution of Al Jazirah and Asharq Alawsat articles ................. 93 4 2 Tone analysis of articles from 2001 to 2013 ................................ ....................... 95 4 3 O bjects of analysis occurrence rates ................................ ................................ 102
10 LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS CDA Critical Discourse Analysis CLA Corpus Linguistics Approach DA Dispositive Analysis DHA Discourse historical Approach DRA Dialectal Relational Approach FPDA Feminine Post structuralist Discourse Analysis SCA Sociocognitive Approach SSA Soc ial Actors Approach
11 ABSTRACT Abstract of Dissertation Presented to the Graduate School of the University of Florida in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy THE EVOLUT ION OF SAUDI PRINT MEDIA DISCOURSE ON THE U.S. AFTER 9/11: A CDA OF AL JAZIRAH AND ASHARQ ALAWSAT NEWSPAPERS By Husam M. Alawadh December 2014 Chair: Diana Boxer Major: Linguistics This study employs Critical Discourse Analysis to explore the evolution of Saudi print media discourse on the U.S. between September 11, 2001 and December 30, 2013. In particular, the study investigates how ideological stances and attitudes toward the U.S. during this period are manifested in the discourse of Saudi authors in two newspapers, Al Jazirah and Asharq Alawsat, and how shifts in the ideological stances sociocognitive approach to critical discourse analysis. The study follows a two dimen sional approach that entails identifying the textual features of the text in one dimension, and draws links between these features and their wider historical, sociocultural and political contexts in the other dimension. The findings of the study indicate are influenced by the historical, sociocultural and political backgrounds surrounding events. Specifically, the analysis reveals the existence of three major themes, course during times of peace, 2) discourse
12 during times of tension and 3) discourse impacted by changing U.S. administrations. The analysis also reveals the presence of several subthemes. In general, the longstanding and strong relationship between Saudi A rabia and the U.S. dating back to the first official meeting between the late Saudi King Abdulaziz Al Saud and President Frank Roosevelt appears to positively influence the ideological standpoints of the majority of authors. However, negative attitudes res ult from the U.S. foreign policies, especially pertaining to the Arab Israeli dispute and its involvement in wars in by the changing discourse and outlook of different U. S. administrations through the 13 year span. An important finding is Saudi authors in both media venues find their access to media as a means with which they voice a counter ideology against stereotypical images about Saudi Arabia in some U.S. media. Moreo ver, despite the different political orientation of Al Jazirah and Asharq Alawsat, with the first being conservative and the second being liberal, the study does not find significant differences between them in S.
13 CHAPTER 1 INTRODUCTION AND LITERATURE REVIEW Thirteen years after the 9/11 terrorist attacks that targeted the United States, sentiments of hate and Anti Americanism are at an all time high across the Islamic and Arab world. These perceptions were cat alyzed since m any involved in the planning and execution of the attacks called Saudi Arabia home. A ccording to Bronson (2006), Saudi Arabia, was regarded by government officials during the Eisenhower administration as , ralleled symbolic significance in the entire Muslim world. Therefore, p revalent views about the U . S . in Saudi Arabia are very likely to be echoed all over the Islamic world. Thus, this study provides an emic perspective on the ideological stances of Saudi columnists in Al Jazirah and Asharq Alawsat newspapers, and how such ideologies have evolved during the decade following the 9/11 attacks. Through the systematic discourse analysis of written media, the study will verify the validity of the widespread view in the West about the Saudi Arabian society as being xenophobic, intolerant and hating of Western democracy by analyzing the discourses of the Saudi elite having access to media outlets. An article in the Harvard International Journal of Press/Politics by Nisbet, Nisbet, Scheufele, and Shanahan (2004 ) reports a study about the sources of anti American sentiments that were pervasive in the Muslim and Arab countries. The authors examine how macro level socioeconomic and political influences, individual level demographic fa ctors, and TV news contributed to anti American attitudes. The findings indicate that attention to TV news coverage contributes significantly to anti American perceptions. In other words, the discursive strategies utilized by news media sources in these co untries play an important role in either spurring and enforcing negative perceptions about the
14 U . S . , or reducing the impact of events on their audience. Nearly a decade has passed after the study ( Nisbet et al., 2004 ) ; y et, empirical evidence is still lacking to validate findings of cross national surveys (e.g . , Pew ( 2002 ) and Zogby ( 2002) that indicate the existence of the predominately negative perception about the U . S . in Muslim and Arab countries. This is especially true in the case of Saudi Arabia. Apart from a study conducted by Schantz and Miller (2012) to explore the content of Saudi religious leaders social media contributions, little empirical research has been carried out to further explore what Saudi Arabian people have to say about different cultures, particularly the U . S . culture. Hence, the study at hand aims to bridge this gap by examining how opinion articles in Saudi Arabian print media represented by Al Jazirah and Asharq Alawsat newspapers have tackled issues pertaining to the U . S . , its involvement in the international arena and its relation with the Islamic world in general and Saudi Arabia in particular. The analysis is conducted in light of the political, economic , and social contexts surrounding certain events that took place spanning the years between 2001 and 2013 utilizing Critical Disc ourse Analysis (CDA); a theoretical paradigm that aims at illuminating ideologies by analyzing discourse in light of surrounding political, cultural and social circumstances . This period has witnessed a great deal of unrest and tension in the Middle East and the world with several terrorist attacks, two wars, toppling of three tyrant regimes in the area and the Arab Spring protests and revolutions. Why Print Media, and Why the Saudi Al Jazirah and Asharq Alawsat Newspapers? Generally, articles written b y journalists and ordinary citizens in print media express opinions of the authors . While such opinions and perceptions are largely influenced by personal experiences, societal ideologies play an undeniable role in
15 formulating the perceptions of the writer s. van Dijk (1998) indicates the existence of a direct and causal relationship between the ideologies of the journalists and their opinions, which in turn influences the discourse structures of the opinion articles they produce. He further posits that many implications of opinionated and op ed articles are basically reminiscent of the complex attitudes and ideologies about social norms, values, group rights , 1998). Such ideologies are expected to be more salient in the discourses of conservative societies such as Saudi Arabia, where not only governmental, but also religious and social censorships are strictly exercised. This study, therefore, pre supposes that the discourses of op ed opinion ar ticles will manifest ideologies and counter ideologies congruen t with the perceptions of an important segment of the Saudi society about the U . S ., namely, the elites who have access to media outlets . However, one might question the possible impact of exter nal censorship on the validity of this assumption. While this is an undeniably important question to consider, governmental censorship in Saudi Arabia is, to a great extent, limited to certain taboos pertaining to the royal family and religion. The Arab me dia, and especially that of Saudi Arabia, is known to be subject to strict governmental censorship. Rugh (2004 ) , commenting on governmental influence on Arab press, asserts that governments in Arab countries have certain rights and powers with which they can influence the press even if it is privately owned. For example, in the Saudi context, the Ministry of Culture and Information is responsible for enacting the press and publication law first published in 1963. Although this law gave the press a more liberal direction through allowing more freedom of speech, the government still had control over media outlets ( Rugh, 2004 ). In
16 2000, an amendment to the law was decreed by the government bringing about more freedom to the press, as eviden ced by its preserving of freedom of expression within the 1 . Despite its amendment, many of the restrictive provisions still remained, such as the requirement for newspapers to be licensed ( Ru gh, 2004 ) . In addition, although these provisions are not explicitly defined, the government . , according to the Ministry of Culture and Information , e government many acknowledge, according to Khazen (1999 ) , that self censorship among Saudi authors is pervasive and that authors ought to be careful not to break any taboos. These sensitivities are typically relat ed to any criticisms of the royal family, government bodies, the clergy, Islam or Islamic laws. Therefore, given the fact that the writing about the U . S . is unlikely to break any of these taboos, it can be said that the impact of governmental censorship ha s no bearings on the data used in this study. With regard to the data source, several newspapers in Saudi Arabia were among the candidates for sampling for this study. However, the Saudi Al Jazirah and Asharq Alawsat newspapers stood out to be the best co ntenders for a variety of considerations. Representing two culturally different orientations, Al Jazirah and Asharq Alawsat exemplify media outlets appealing for the conservative Saudi audience and the more liberal one. First, being one of the oldest newsp apers in Saudi Arabia founded in 1960 2 , Al Jazirah ranks among the four most influential dailies in the country with readership 1 Royal Decree No. M/32, 3 Ramadhan 1421 / 29 November 2000 2 According to www.al jazirah.com
17 considered one of the highest in the Gulf region. According to a 2009 report by the Global Investment House, the Riyadh based Al Jazirah holds 6% of the 29% Saudi print newspapers market share. This percentage is relatively significant given the number of Saudi daily newspapers, which exceeds fifteen newspapers. With confirmed circulation ranging between 110,000 130,000 papers dail y in 2007 and 2008, respectively, Al Jazirah is the only newspaper in Saudi Arabia that publicizes its circulations daily. In 2009, the paper underwent its first circulation audit by an independent auditor ( Club, 2010 ) . The paper also prides itself for being the first Saudi newspaper to launch its webpage in 1996. As far as content is concerned, Al Jazirah covers a wide array of events in the national, regional and internatio nal spheres. Apart from contracted columnists who have regular participations in the opinion pages, Al Jazirah invites and welcomes participation from intellectuals, elites and citizens through more than thirty local bureaus around the country. Different f rom other newspapers in the country, especially in the Western and Eastern parts of Saudi Arabia whose columnists are generally from those regions, Al Jazirah offers columns and articles written by intellectuals from all over Saudi Arabia, making it ideal to be used as a representative of the Saudi print media scene. Like all media outlets in Saudi Arabia, the paper undergoes scrutinized censorship for content and orientation, although it is privately owned and operated. The editorial board, although appoin ted by the owning organization, has to be approved by the government represented by the Saudi Ministry of Culture and Information. Based on these facts, Al Jazirah was chosen as one of the main sources of data in the current research.
18 Inaugurated in 1978 , Asharq Alawsat was founded in London to represent the pan Arab voice following the Arab Israeli conflicts. The paper, owned by The Saudi Research and Marketing Group, was first printed in London and shipped to Arab countries ( Rugh, 2004 ) . With more tha n 15 publications in Saudi Arabia between dailies and periodicals, the Saudi Research and Marketing Group has a market share of 30%. Being the flagship publication of this group, Asharq Alawsat entertains a leadership role in the Saudi print media share, with circulation of 235,000 copies per day, a number that is relatively high in the Saudi print media market. The paper has two versions; one is printed and circulated around the world and the other appeals to its Saudi audience. While both newspapers are pro government, Asharq Alawsat differs from Al Jazirah in its more liberal outlook, given the majority of its columnists promote liberal views. In addition, unlike Al Jazirah and many other Saudi newspapers which ban and censor the images of unveiled women, according to the Saudi religious traditions, Asharq Alawsat has not been following this ban and has always had pictures of wom e n throughout the paper. In fact, the paper, o n its last page, has a daily corner dedicated for pictures of female celebrities such as models, singers , and actresses , an act that is not generally welcomed in the Saudi conservative societ y. Rugh (2004) confirms the liberal orientation of Asharq Alawsat by quoting an observer who says , al sharq al Awsat does respect the Saudi taboos including the royal family and economic performance, but it is more liberal than Saudi based papers, for exa mple it will print photos of movie stars which the Saudi daily al Bilad will never do .
19 Therefore, with one paper representing the conservative Saudi society and the other representing the voices of the less conservative, the data sample is repre sentative of a wide array of the Saudi society in its different cultural and intellectual aspects. Purpose and Objectives of the Study Owing to the fact that when talking about the U.S. the two papers are not likely to cross these taboos, t he root of thi s dissertation stems from the underlying assumption that media discourse in Saudi Arabia, and e specially the discourse circulated in the print media opinion columns, is reflective, to a great extent, of the ideological stances of the Saudi authors about th e U . S. Writers generally do not talk about events in isolation, but they rely heavily on their ontological, epistemological, and ideological resources to formulate and construct their discourses about events surrounding them. Moreover, it is not unreasonab le to assume that Saudi writers and columnists utilize the media outlets they have access to voice their resistance to the predominant discourses associated with Saudi people in the W est and the U . S. As such, their discourse manifests the real ity that th is current study sets out to explore; a side that is usually absent in the U . S . media. ideologies and attitudes about the U . S . by closely and critically analyzing the discourse featur es in their articles. Further, the study explores the discursive practices Saudi columnists use to produce a counter ideology vis Ã vis the American and Western media. Analyzing media discourse critically is very informative of the social norms and cultura l presuppositions in a given society. In this regard, van Dijk (1985 ) asserts that media analyses can shed light on issues such as shared cultural basis of common understanding, which are also indicative of cultural presuppositions. M edia analyses
20 can also reveal important information on how rhetorical choices in the media are illuminated by shared cultural structures that, in turn, condition stylistic choices such as code switching (e.g. , between a dominant media language and a dialect or a minority language), socio cultural influenced media discourses and media discourses pertaining to certain rituals or programs (p. 8). Research Questions In line with Fairclough (1995 ) definition of CDA, this study hypothesizes the ex istence of an intricate and causal relationship between ideologies of the Saudi authors , the events that take place around them and the discursive practices they utilize to talk about the U . S. It is through analyzing their discourse that I wish to reveal t his relationship and bring to the forefront the ideological stances of the Saudi authors in Al Jazirah and Asharq Alawsat . To guide the research process of this dissertation, the current study attempts to answer the following research questions: RQ1. What dis cursive practices and linguistic tools have the Saudi writers for Al Jazirah and Asharq Alawsat utilized from 2001 through 2013 to describe the U nited S tates ? RQ2. How were attitudes of the Saudi media realized in the discourse of print media exemplified by the se two newspapers? RQ3. How has the discourse of the Saudi writers about the U nited S tates been thematically oriented in the two media outlets? RQ4. How have the international scene and major historical events influenced this discourse, and how, if any, were shifts in this discourse realized? RQ5. How have the social and cultural differences between Saudi and U.S. societies influenced the discourse of the two media outlets? RQ6. In what ways have the Saudi writers for Al Jazirah and Asharq Alawsat resisted the common views ab out Saudi society in some U . S . media, and how have they reacted to accusations and negative portrayal s of Saudi society?
21 Literature Review The goal of this section is two fold . F irst, the Chapter provides a brief overview of research analyzing discourse following the 9/11 attacks . S econd, the Chapter serves as a cursor to demonstrate the direction of Arabic discourse studies, and how the current study is situated within this research. It must be noted that research dealing with Arabic discourse in general and Saudi Arabian discourse is not vast compared to studies done on English discourses. Post 9/11 Discourse The 9/11 attacks are a paramount point in modern history that has received a lot of attention in numerous fields. Social sciences, and particular ly discourse analysis, are certainly no exception. The areas where most research has been conducted are communiquÃ©s . and reactions to 9/11. A considerable amount of research publ ished on post 9/11 discourse is centered this area reveals an argument that the production and reproduction of discourse on 9/11 was predominately to justify actions of th e U.S. government in reaction to the attacks . For example, Dunmire (2009 ) presents an intra and inter textual analysis of what he eorge W. Bush policy about a preventive war. ize the sanctioning of a preventive war strategy. Along the same lines, Chang and Mehan (2010 ) indicate that the discourse of the U . S . administration is represented by the discourse of George W. Bush. They argue that his exploitation of religious mode of discourse resonates with the U . S . administration justification of its war against the
22 Taliban, Afghanistan, and the war on terror in general. They further posit that the institutionalization of a particular mode of speaking imposes a particular mode of thinking and consequently a parti cular mode of acting. While both of these studies utilize critical discourse analysis to examine texts spanning short periods of time, neither addressed the evolution of certain discourses and how such evolution might help gain insight into the ramificatio ns of the 9/11 attacks on the ideological level , a goal the current study aspires to achieve. Another trend of research on post 9/11 discourse is about the war on terror and the ideologies surrounding it. Interpretation of ideology in relation to text con struction is one obvious example which prompted researchers such as Butt, Lukin and Mattheissen (2004) to investigate how the cultural perturbations have contributed to the creation of discourse layering. They do so by comparing the discourses of President Bush and those of his British counterpart Tony Blair . Salama (2011 ) is another example who compares how the collocates, Wahhabism 3 as an ideology and terrorism in Saudi Arabia, are addressed differently in two American texts. He combines corpus linguistics and critical discourse analysis to draw this comparison. A fundamental research assum ption that studies share is the direct connection between ideology and discourse, and that ideologies manifest themselves in discourses. Similarly, this study assumes a direct relationship between ideology and discourse, and that the discourses of opinion and op ed articles in Saudi print can be a 3 Accor founded by Muhammad ibn 'Abd al Wahhab (1703 92) in Nejd, Saudi Arabia. It is based on the Sunni teachings of Ibn Hanbal (780 855), involving puritanism, monotheism and rejection of popular cults, such as the Sufi veneration of saints and
23 window through which these ideologies are explored. Furthermore, by eliciting discourses spanning longer periods which coincide with major historical events, the ideologies are expected to be more salient, which c onsequently increases the validity of certain conclusions. Arabic Discourse Studies Compared to the wealth of discourse analysis studies in English and other western languages, studies of Arabic discourse are not proportionate with the prevalence of Arabi c and its importance as a world language. Earlier research aimed at analyzing Arabic discourse coincide with the heat of the pan Arabism 4 movement which called for one Arab nation. One study is that of Ayalon (1987 ) who examines language and change in the Arab Middle East. Ayalon provides a description of modern pol itical discourse and its evolution. Salvatore (2000), on the other hand, studies the interactions between Islam and the political discourse of modernity. He introduces an analysis of g on the political lexicon, both studies, however, fail to highlight other linguistic features that might be significant in the discourse as a bigger unit. Taking a more critical approach by exploring longer stretches of discourse, Bengio (1998 ) uses excerpts from the Iraqi Bengio (1998 ) , Dunne (2003 ) discourse about democracy. These studies demonstrate that early Arabic discourse research has been limited to the political aspects of discourse, examining the 4 Pan Arabism is an ideology espousing the unification of the countries of the Arab world . It resonates with the Arab nationalism movement which tried to unify Arabs in a single nation Sela (2002 ) , A., 2002 . The Continuum Political Encyclopedia of the Middle East . Continuum Intl Pub Group. )
24 relationships between linguistic features and political functions. What appears to be lacking in these research studies is a systematic examination of how ideologies influence social discursive p ractices, and how social, political, religious and historical factors, for example, come into play when analyzing such discourses. Of particular interest to the current research are two studies that critically explore Arabic discourse in the post 9/11 p eriod. In the first study, Samy (2004 ) surveys the perspectives of a substantial number of Arab writers and media professionals about the 9/11 attacks during the period of the first few weeks immediately following the atta cks. My interest in this study is twofold . F irst, it is one of the few studies that critically analyze s the discourse of Arabic texts following the attacks . S econd, the study shows that ideologies, or more precisely perspectives, are susceptible to change under the influence of political, economic , and military pressure even in a short period of time. The change in perspective that Samy (2004 ) is able to identify within one month of the attacks might very well be more prono unced and salient in a decade, which the proposed study sets out as a main objective. Clark (2009 ) , on the other hand, in his study of the translations of Osama Bin Ladin communiquÃ©s, posits that the ideological differences between the Muslim East and the West result in the distortion of Arabic texts translated into English and the deviation from th e intended meaning of the discourse. Comparing the ideologies in opinion, with the secularly driven English translations using the CDA approach, Clark is able to tease out thes e differences and conclude that such ideological differences are
25 how worldview differences between two national identities might influence how ideologies surface in disc ourse and how they are reproduced in everyday language production. In the current study , certain discursive practices in the Saudi context might seem controversial for the western reader, as indicated by Clark (2009 ) , but due to my familiarity with both the Saudi ontology and the W estern worldview, the current study pays s pecial attention to such differences. van Dijk (1993 ) the personal, group and cultural levels is one form of social representation important to understanding discourse in the CD A framework. In another CDA study, Pasha (2011 ) examines how Muslim Brotherhood Movement 5 in Egypt is portrayed in a major Egyptian newspaper. A window through which Pasha looks into this issue is how the movement is treated from a linguistic, discursive , and social perspective. Being well suited for inquiry to look into the ideological stances of participants, CDA is employed as a main tool of analysis. Using CDA, Pasha (2011 ) looks into the social and discursive practices exercised in the news making process and how ideology, history and relationships with the regime come into play in shaping such process. Texts from the front page of al Ahram newspaper during the time period 2000 2005 are selected and analyzed linguistically using concepts such as Idealized Reader, transitivity, sourcing, lexical choices and presupposition. Pasha finds that ideas stemming from van Dijk (1997 ) ideological square , which stipulates the existence of an in group good and out group bad mentality, come in handy in the quest 5 According to Wickham (2013), Muslim Brotherhood is a religious political party founded in 1928 by Hassan Albanna. The movement was long prohibited from entering the political scene until recently. In what can be described as a major milestone for the movement, they came to power in Egypt following the Arab Spring in 2012.
26 of teasing down such power. In addition, the study demonstrat es the utility of CDA to be employed in media discourse research, as well as its usefulness in longitudinal studies. Saudi Discourse Studies Research dealing with discourse in Saudi Arabia is lacking both in breadth and depth . T here does not appear to b e any research done on how culture is portrayed in the discourse of Saudi people. In this subsection, I touch briefly on some studies exploring discourses either on Saudi Arabia (e.g. , Salama , (2011 ) , on translations of texts related to Saudi Arabia (e.g. , Al Hejin , (2012 ) ; Clark , (2009 ) or studies that have taken other methodological approaches (e.g. , Al Qahtani , (2000 ) ; Alshamsi, ( 2003 ) ; and Al Rasheed, ( 2007). In an att empt to demonstrate the ability of combining two methodological frameworks to provide solid results, Salama (2011 ) employs an approach mixing corpus linguistics and critical discourse analysis methodologies to explore ideological collocation in the case of Wahabi Saudi Islam, and how this collocation is presented in two opposing discourses following the 9/11 a Baker et al. (2008 ) , to refer to the approach he took to conduct this study. The main objective of the study i s to show via this synergy how clashing ideologies can be found at the collocation level across opposing discourses on Wahabi Saudi and Islam/Wahabisim following 9/11. In order to achieve this goal, the author examines two texts, published post 9/11, which have antagonistic views about the Wahabi Saudi Islam with a key question to be answered: How is Wahabi Saudi Islam ideologically recontextualized in the two texts via collocation? Utilizing tools from Fairclough (2001 ) and oppositional paradigms (e.g. , euphemism vs. dysphemism), the author looks into the lexico semantic relations
27 between the colloc ates in the two texts, and also compares how these relations are realized across the two texts. The study of Salama (2011 ) is relevant to the study here as it exemplifies how CDA can be combined with other methodological approaches to enhance the trustworthiness of the findings. As Denzin (2012 ) combination o f multiple methodological practices, and empirical materials, perspectives, and observers in a single study is best understood, as a strategy that adds rigor, However, one obvious shortcomin g of this particular approach seems to be the reliance on opposing texts to conduct the analysis, a fact which the author himself is aware of and explicitly indicates. Looking at one text at a time, and analyzing it at the macro as well as the micro level , might yield more solid results. One might also question how well the approach taken in this research would be when it comes to shorter texts, where prominent words are not easily identified. This clear lack of depth due to the fact that analysis is based on the lexico semantic relations between the two texts, makes the as its discourse data, the results cannot be said to apply to the Saudi culture. It is, though, one of the very few studies on the Saudi context, and, therefore, is worth discussing. Translated texts are also considered for analysis within a discourse analysis framework. In fact, translation is considered a form of discourse production, and, as such, is a rich site of ideology formation and reproduction. The ideological stances of the translator or the recipient of the translated texts impose that certain ideological aspects in the source texts be hidden, altered , or manipulated. In other words , the
28 transl ose of the have to appeal to the audience receiving them, which adds another dimension of ideological complexity. Identifying the importance of analyzing texts translated from Saudi Arabic, researchers such as Al Hejin (2010) and Clark (2010) explore whether the ideologies that surface in the original discourses are preserved in the target Eng lish studies find that the ideologies of the translators, or those of the translation agencies, surface on the translated texts in a way similar to that of original discourses. In other words, they treat the translated texts as separate sites of ideologies. They share the assumption that, by comparing source texts and target texts, the CDA analysts can easily identify the ideological stances of the translator based on his/her fidelity in translation. To my knowledge, the previous studies seem to be the only ones which linguistically investigate the Saudi context from a CDA perspective. Examples of other linguistically oriented studies addressing the Saudi context that took different methodological approaches include Al Qahtani (2000), who conduct a corpus linguistic study on the issue of Arabization 6 in Saudi Arabia. Al Qahtani overviews Saudi Arabian policies concerning Arabization and how such policies are linguistic ally enforced. He empirically explores written discourse of several Saudi newspapers to see the extent to which vocalized Arabization policies are put into effect, and he finally attempts to 6 Arabization is the sense discussed in Al Qahtani (2000) refers to the movement calling for using Arabic instead of foreign languages in all facets of life in the Arab world including education, media, medicine etc.
29 address how new terms are coined to be used as semantic equivalen ce of newly imported foreign terminology. Other studies investigate Saudi discourse from a more general perspective ranging from religious such as Alshamsi (2003), who explores the discourse and performance of leading Saudi reformist personalities, to anth ropological/social such as Arebi (1994), whose work focuses on literary production of prominent Saudi female poets and how such production mirrors the way they view their status as Arab Muslim women, to political such as Al Rasheed (2007). Dissertation Lay out Chapter 1 has aimed to set the scene for the research that this dissertation sets out to undertake. It introduced the research motivation and research questions. The remainder of this dissertation is organized as follows: Chapter 2 lays down the theore tical cornerstone on which this study is built, and Chapter 3 discusses the methodology adopted. Given the study is thematically oriented, the results Chapter s are divided according to the thematic orientation of the results. As such, Chapter 4 introduces the discourse analysis results during times of peace. The following Chapter , Chapter 5 presents the results pertaining to discourse during times of tension. Next, the discourse impacted by the changing U.S. administrations is the theme for Chapter 6. The f inal chapter, Chapter 7 discusses the results and draws conclusions based on them, and, finally discusses their theoretical implications. It, then, concludes with the study limitations and a closing note. Summary A study of this nature is necessitated d u e to the disconnect between international . S . and empirical evidence, especially in the Saudi context given the significance of Saudi Arabia to the Muslim and Arab worlds.
30 Assuming their importance of reflecting ideol ogies of a certain culture, I have shown ideological positions. Representing two different ideological positions, the Chapter has also highlighted the motivations behin d choosing Al Jazirah and Asharq Alawsat media outlets as the main sources of data for the study. Following this deposition, I introduced the research questions that have guided the study. The final component of this Chapter discussed the literature releva nt to the study. Admittedly, there is little research that has taken an empirical look at the Saudi media discourse. The literature review section has served as a vehicle to highlight this lack, and to demonstrate the utility of CDA as a powerful research tool that has helped many researchers to explore several contextually similar phenomena. Thus, the study reported in this dissertation is intended to bridge this empirical gap and along the way increase knowledge of the subtle relationships between society , ideology, discursive practices and discourse. Chapter 2 introduces the theoretical and methodological underpinnings of the study and highlights the data used as discourse for the study.
31 CHAPTER 2 THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK Th is study is designed to be exploratory and qualitative in nature. To achieve this goal, a Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA) framework is utilized to elucidate the ideological representation of Saudi society toward the U nited S tates by examining the opinion articles published in A l Jazirah and Asharq Alawsat Saudi newspapers, with special attention to the linguistic/sociocultural aspects of the texts . My choice of CDA as an analytic tool in this dissertation lies on its ability to systematically expose the often opaque relationshi ps of causality and determination between (a) discursive practices, events and texts, and (b) wider social and cultural structures, relations and processes; to investigate how such practices, events and texts arise out of and are ideologically shaped by re lations of power and struggles over power; and to explore how the opacity of these relationships between discourse and society is itself a factor securing power and hegemony. (Fairclough, 1993 , p. 135) CDA, as a theoretical framework, is well suited for empirical investigations aimed at exploring how media discourse exhibits certain ideologies. Henry and Tator (2002) consider CDA a tool with which researchers can deconstruct ideologies that prevail in media discourses and other elite groups. Teun va n Dijk was one of the earlier scholars to call for a methodological synergy between research in mass media and discourse analysis (1985). van Dijk pointed a rather astonishing reality that most mass media and communication research during that era had been focused on the socio cultural and socio psychological theories, and ibid Discourse a nalysis theories, which would have provided more systematic analytic tools,
32 , p. 1). Following van D media research, especially within the CDA paradigm, an abundance of research has taken CDA as a central theoretical approach to their design. Examples include Fairclough, (19 95), van Dijk , (1991), Kress , (1994), and Richardson , (2007) among others. The current study, therefore, continues this strand of research and utilizes a CDA framework as its main methodological approach. In the following, I highlight the theoretical fram ework informing the study (e.g. , Fairclough, ( 1995, 2003, 2013 ) ; Wodak and Meyer, ( 2009 ) ; van Dijk, ( 1993, 1998, 2001, 2006 ) and present the main features that make it more powerful than other approaches for this purpose. Moreover, within the CDA paradigm, the study benefits from the ideas of the feminist post structuralist discourse analysis framework (FPDA) put forth by Judith Baxter (2002a; 2003). As shown in the discussion of the FPDA framework, the Saudi discourse about the U . S . is analogues to feminis t discourse in several aspects pertaining to power relations, dominance and resistance to hegemony. Thus, after overviewing how the CDA has evolved as a field of inquiry with its prominent trends of research and its approaches, special attention is paid to the feminist post structuralist discourse analysis framework. CDA Overview The front of critical discourse analysis research is lead by several researchers including Fairclough (1992, 1995, 2003), Fairclough and Wodak (2004), and van Dijk (2001, 2006). CDA is a branch of discourse analysis that does not limit the analysis of discourse to what goes on the surface; rather, it tries to expose the underlying
33 explanation of how and why specific discourses are produced, and how the production of discourse is s trongly rooted in society. Equipped with such tenets, CDA, therefore, helps to investigate how language operates in society. According to critical discourse analysts as exemplified by Fairclough (1992), discourse is seen to be more than a reflection of the social processes in that it incorporates the actual production (or reproduction) of these processes. As societies strive to construct and reproduce ideologies, language becomes one of the important media through which ideologies are constructed and reprod uced (Foucault, 1980). Therefore, through analyzing the linguistic features of discourse as well as how the discourse is structured, and given the amount of social weight that discourse has, one can elucidate the ideological components of discourse, which include power and domination as well as manipulation. Specifically, as van Dijk (2008) describes, CDA is primarily concerned with cial and political contexts (p. 85). Thus, and due to this tenet, CDA as a framework has been devised by many researchers to critically analyze discourse with respect to social ideologies such as racism, discrimination, control, hegemony and the like (e.g. , Fairclough, ( 1999 ) ; Van Dijk ( 1996 ) ; Aman, ( 2009 ) ; and Teo, ( 2000). The aim of this research is to trace how the changes in power dynamics and ideologies throughout the past decade have influenced media discourse in Saudi Arabia with reference to the U ni ted S tates . Such power dynamics and ideologies, according to researchers in CDA, can surface in discourse and, hence, can be pinpointed.
34 O ne of the main aspects of CDA, or more precisely the product of CDA research, is a triangulation of the interaction b etween discourse, society and culture. This is achieved by unraveling the underlying aspects surrounding the relationship between these three. Hence, CDA is well suited for research that aims at viewing the sociocultural aspects of a certain community, and thus chosen to be adopt ed in the current study. . CDA Evolution The history of CDA can be traced back to researchers such as Fowler, Hodge and Kress (1979) who were among the first that investigated how language is produced in the social context, and how ideologies such as power and control are reproduced in language. For them, the Hallidayian school of language as a social semiotic, in which language shapes and is shaped by society, was prominent. It was not until the early 1990s when prominent figures in this strand of research convened for a small symposium in the Netherlands in January 1991 that CDA witnessed its emergence as a legitimate field of inquiry (Wodak and Meyer, 2009). The CDA paradigm is distinct from other frameworks of discourse analysis in the fact that it encompasses several schools of thought and different research trends ; hence, a single definition does not suffice. Observing such trends and multidisciplinarity, one can say that CDA schools are identified by the goals they set for them selves rather that the methods or approaches they apply. A general and conspicuous goal of CDA has always been exposing the socio political inequalities and their ramifications in a specific society. Evidence of this seminal feature can be seen in Fairclou gh (1995a , p. 135) definition introduced at the beginning of this Chapter .
35 This definition of CDA indicates the existence of an obscure but causal relationship between discursive practices, events and texts on the one hand, and social and cultural stru ctures, relations and processes on the other hand. It is up to the CDA researcher to identify such a relationship and expose how power and the struggle over power play a central role in shaping how this relationship surfaces in language in the form of disc ursive practices, events , and texts. Therefore, research in this field should strive to discover these nontransparent relationships, and how they are used to secure power and hegemony, and also to draw attention to forms of domination, social inequities, n ondemocratic practices and other injustices and ultimately propagate the need for people to resist them (Fairclough, 1993). Huckin (1995) seems to agree with Fairclough in the resistance aspect of CDA research . H e suggests that CDA ultimately aims at impro ving society through taking an ethical stance on social issues (1995). He scholars tend to follow the assumption that CDA is a society and culture oriented approach in that its ultimate goal is to confront, by bringing to surface, any form of abusing power for the interest of one group over the other. In line of this definition, especially the aspects that pertain to the resistance of social inequality and the producti on of a counter ideology, th is study wishes to establish a relationship between power dynamics, as affected by certain historical events that happened during the past decade, and the discourse of Saudi media about the U nited S tates . In particular, social i nequality is seen in light of the prevalent U . S . mainstream media discourse about the Saudi people, and how the Saudi media has constantly resisted and/or rejected such discourses. The study adopts Al
36 about how Saudi Arabia is portra yed in the U.S. mainstream. Al Zuhayyan (2006) presents his findings from an empirical research study about the construction of Saudi Fox) before and After 9/11, and conc ludes that these organizations are similar in their negative and conflictive construction of Saudi Arabia before and after 9/11. Moreover, following the 9/11 attacks res ulted from two primary accusations: 1) its failure to combat terrorism, and 2) its reluctance to support the US plan to attack Iraq. Their argument is based on poll numbers gathered before and after the attacks. Thus, it is assumed that the attitudes that are voiced in the discourse of authors in the two media outlets not only provide a lens through which ideologies are seen, but are also a forum where Saudi writers resist the negative ideologies prevalent in the U . S . It is hoped that both the use of CDA co upled with the length of the period which the data for the study spans are sufficient to track how these ideologies evolved via the exploration of discourse. CDA Features Among the many attributes of CDA, and probably, the single most important aspect of it, is its desire to demonstrate the way in which powerful institutions and their discourse shape society, and how this discourse meets resist ance in societies. Departing from this overarching goal, CDA researchers attempt to link linguistic discursive pra ctices with socio political structures of power and domination (Kress, 1990). In light of this goal, they, according to van Dijk (1993), study the discursive reproduction of dominance (i.e. , abusive use of power) and its consequences on social inequality ( e.g. , via the production of a counter ideology that ultimately confronts the dominating discourses) .
37 transparent structural relationships of dominance, discrimination, power and control as manifes , p. 209). Wodak and Meyer (2009 , p. 2) further illustrate this and draw a distinction between CDA a nd other discourse analysis studies in studying social phenomena which are necessarily complex and thus require a multi disciplinary and multi From an outsider look at the field, it would appear that there are a number of typical characteristics in CDA research . Wodak and Meyer (2009) identify three of these characteristics . First, researchers in CDA follow a problem oriented approach and consequently find themselves obligated to take an interdisciplinary approach. Second, t he common goal of researchers in this field i so, their data elicitation has to come from semiotic sources ( i.e., written, spoken and visual). The third and final aspect of CDA indicates that researchers attempt to explicitly specify their positions and intere sts with regard to the issues they are trying to investigate. However, t his does not mean not to abid e by scientific methodologies and the respective research process. As far as the current study is concerned, these characteristics are met in the issue und er investigation by the following. T he study is problem oriented in that it aims at exploring how attitudes of the Saudi people have been expressed via discourse The study also tries to decipher the relationship between the ideological stances and their ( re)production in discourse, and finally, the study takes as its main source of data written media as a naturally occurring discourse. Furthermore, an even more important aspect of CDA that is also worth examining, and that makes CDA distinct from other f ields, lies in the fact that it is
38 paradigm, implies that CDA does not limit itself to the linguistic forms apparent in the text (i.e. , semantic, syntactic, phonetic), but rather the text is seen in light of other social, political, economic religious, cultural , and cognitive contexts surrounding the text under investigation. Moreover, the discourse or text is examined in relation to other texts and situated within the s ocial practices that shape and are shaped by this text. A s (Wodak and Meyer, 2009 ) point out t nguists , it. And, this very fact of changing society is what generally drives scholars conducting CDA research. This is one of the most important reasons why I have chosen this tool as the main the oretical framework for conducting this study. Not only will CDA help trace the discursive practices utilized by Saudi writers to convey their message of resisting stereotypes which is hoped to contribute to our knowledge of discourse and its intricate re lationships with and among societies -but it will also fulfill an eager interest in easing conflicts between the two cultures. The term critical has always been a driving force behind research in CDA. Fairclough explains this rather indirectly by im plying that in CDA research, one needs to 93). Therefore, CDA researches ought to criti cally expose what even active participants in language production are not aware of. In other words, CDA de by Wodak, 2009 , p. 88). For some, this tenet of CDA (i.e. ,
39 ism in that only the negative aspects of society critical means distinguishing complexity and denying easy, dichotomous explanations, and ak, 1999 , p. analysis, unlike other forms of discourse analysis such as conversation analysis (CA), tends to avoid relying solely on the linguistic aspects of the texts being studied, and losing the overall gist of the lang uage in question. General Tenets of CDA Most CDA scholars tend to follow their own set of guidelines with regards to the CDA program ( e.g., van Dijk, ( 1993 ) ; Wodak, ( 1996 ) ; Fairclough and Wodak, ( 1997 ) ; Meyer, ( 2001). This is mainly attributed to the mul tidisciplinarity of the field which has given rise to a diversity of approaches and methods of analysis. However, there seems to be some agreement on the widely cited view of CDA guiding principles introduced in Fairclough and Wodak (1997). This section pr ovides an overview of these principles . First, Fairclough and Wodak (1997) postulate that CDA should aim at addressing social problems. In this sense, social and cultural processes seem to have gained prominence over language and language use. Addressing the social problems critically, as is the case with the majority of CDA research , involves unmasking the often hidden ideologies of power abuse and control. As a reflection of CDA research, society is to become aware of such ideologies and ultimately confr ont them. The following are a few examples of how discourse can be used to mask ideologies. Hiding ideologies can take many forms, but one of the syntactic strategies often exercised to hide discrimination against certain groups entails concealing agency. Fairclough (2004) exemplifies such process with the use of passive verbs rather than using the active voice in the news.
40 the al Qaida attacks on The World Trade Center killed thousands of civilians becom es thousands of civilians were killed in the attacks on The World Trade Center Concealing agency in this sentence distracts of the attacks and steers their attention to the act itself. In light of the first gui ding principle, the current study views the discourse of the Saudi authors about the U . S . as socially problematic for two reasons. The first reason lies in the fact that the issue of how people in Saudi Arabia view the U . S . , either as a government or as a people, from a cultural and social perspective remains unexplored as we have seen in the literature review section of Chapter 1 . This lack of empirical investigation, despite the common belief amongst much of the population in the U . S . s action for a closer look , a goal of this study . The second reason concerns the existence of a counter ideology among many Saudis that is worth investigating. Second, power relations are discursive. Discourse, in the view of CDA resear ch, manifests how social relations are exercised and negotiated. Ideologies of power and control are among the social relations that should be traced in CDA. Here, in the eye of the CDA researcher, power can be present in the discourse used against the les s powerful. One of the aims of the current study is to gauge how changes in power dynamics, throughout the course of 1 2 years, have given rise to shifts in discursive practices. That is , if one recognizes that certain events that occurred during this perio d have resulted in changing the power dynamics between Saudi Arabia and the U . S . , and
41 as a result the discourse around this relation changed , , it is expected that the discourse will manifest such changes. The third tenet of CDA introduced in Fairclough and Wodak (1997) is discourse constitutes society and culture. CDA tries to define how language use contributes to the reproduction and transformation of society and culture by reproducing ideologies through discursive practices. The fourth guideline indic ates that discourse does ideological work. What this principle implies is that ideologies are produced by means of discourse, and, therefore, CDA research needs to address the discursive practices utilized to produce certain instances of language use. The fifth tenet suggests that discourse is historical. In other words, one cannot understand the minute details of discourse without reference to the historical context in which they occurred. A main goal of the current study is to identify what role historic al context has played in shap ing discourse of print media in Saudi Arabia . The next CDA guiding principle is that it should mediate the link between text and society. Thus research in CDA should attempt to make connections between social structures and the discursive practices in the discourse. In other words, CDA scholars identify, as we have seen in the discussion above, that text and society are related ; however, this relationship is rather indirect. To satisfy this principle, an important assumption has been set forth in the outset of this Chapter which indicates the existence of a direct and causal relationship between the discourse of Saudi print media about the U . S . and the Saudi general view and attitudes about this relationship. Another important principle of CDA is that it is interpretative and explanatory. The importance of this principle stems from the fact that it differentiates CDA from other
42 types of textual analysis. Rather than merely demonstrating the salient features of a text, CDA resear ch goes further to d rill in to the ideological positions of participants and how their access to power impacts the discursive practices they use in everyday exchanges. This brings us to final guiding principle of CDA discussed in Fairclough and Wodak (1997) which indicates that CDA sees discourse as a form of social action. Put differently, discourse functions in society in carrying and reproducing ideologies of the speakers involved in social interactions. The goal of CDA is to improve society by bringing t o the surface the socio cultural practices hidden in active discourse. CDA Approaches Several attempts have been made to arrive at a systematic view on how CDA research is to be carried out. Among the influential scholars in this regard are Fairclough (20 01, 2003), Chouliaraki and Fairclough (1999), van Dijk (1993, 1997, 2001), Wodak (1996, 2001), Wodak and Meyers (2009) and van Leeuwen (1993, 2008). Despite the differences found between these approaches Luke (2002) f ound the following common ground for CD A research: CDA involves a principled and transparent shunting back and forth between the microanalysis of texts using varied tools of linguistics, semiotic, and literary analysis and the macroanalysis of social formations, institutions, and power relation s that these texts index and construct . 10 3 . Luke indicates that attempts to a systematic view of CDA fall within two mainstreams of research. The first involves the extensive microanalysis of text ; the second draws from theories of sociocultural and political sciences to address the macroanalysis of certain aspects of discourse. He further explains that approaches such as Fairclough (1992a, 2001) and Wodak (1996) depend on the linguistic analysis of texts that adopts a Hallidayan systematic functiona l linguistics view. Such analysis is
43 undertaken with a special interest in the analysis of lexical, syntactic and semantic choices and how they relate to ideological stances of speakers in the sociocultural and political levels. The other mainstream of re search that Luke (2002) introduces contrasts the first microanalysis based approach in that it is less reliant on the linguistic features of the texts. Instead, this approach, exemplified in van Dijk (1993, 1997, 2001) and Gee (2014), relies more on socioc ultural resources and contexts which are required for text construction and comprehension. This view is geared more towards cognitive, social , and psychological perspectives of discourse which can be seen in their work on identity. Additionally, Kress (19 97) and Kress and van Leeuwen (1996) have indicated the importance of incorporating visual analysis in approaches of critical discourse analysis. However, van Dijk (1995) points out that CDA is still more interested in investigating the textual and structu ral levels of discourse and how such structures have contributed to the social production and reproduction of ideologies of inequality, power abuse, authority , and manipulation. To explore how the discourse of Al Jazirah and Asharq Alawsat has ideologica lly been oriented, in regards to its relations to the U . S . , strategies from the linguistically oriented approaches to CDA (e.g., Fairclough,(1992a, 2001); and Wodak, (1996) and cognitively and those socially oriented are utilized. In the sections t hat fol low , my rationale behind using a combination of theoretical approaches, and how such orientation might add rigor and complexity to qualitative research is presented . Let us highlight the central approaches utilized in this study. In an attempt to survey t he different approaches under the umbrella of CDA studies, Wodak and Meyer
44 (2009) identify six major trends of research in the CDA paradigm. The following are trends with discuss ion in some detail for those that are adopted in the study, namely, the Socio cognitive Approach and the Discourse Historical Approach. Dispositive Analysis (DA), which views discourse as knowledge (e.g. , JÃ¤ger (2001 ) The Sociocognitive Approach (SCA) This approach considers discourse as a communicative event which involves conversational interactions and written texts in addition to the non linguistic aspects of interaction which include associated gestures, facework, typographical layout images , and other semiotic as well as multimedia dimensions of language. This approach is exemplified by works of van Dijk (1993). Wodak and Meyer (2009 ,p. 26) point out that SCA introduces the concept of context models which they describe of the structures of the communicative contribute to the pragmatic part of discourse. Event models, on the other hand, contribute to the semantic part of discourse. The autho rs further state that to understand discourse in the SCA framework, three forms of social representations prevail: 1. Knowledge at the pers onal, group, and cultural levels 2. Attitudes (not in the social psychology und erstanding) 3. Ideologies: Disco urses take place within society, and can only be understood in the interplay of social situation, action, actor , and soci eta l structures. (ibid. p.26) The Discourse Historical Approach (DHA) This approach, being the most linguistically oriented, trie s to establish a relationship between fields of action, genres, discourses and texts. Examples of work in this approach are Wodak (2001) and van Leeuwen and Wodak (1999) whose work involves tracing the history of phrases and arguments and how they have bec ome intertextual. Research in this method starts by gathering original documents and supporting them by ethnographic research of the past, and finally collecting a wide range of data pertaining to the analysis of news reporting practices, political discour se, and contemporary everyday discourse. The Corpus Linguistics Approach (CLA): ( e.g. . Orpin , (2005), Salama , (2011). The Social Actors Approach (SSA): ( e.g. , van Leeuwen , (1993) ) The Dialectical Relational Approach (DRA). Examples of this research are (F airclough , ( 2003 ) and Chouliaraki & Fairclough , ( 1999).
45 In the current study, I utilize a combination of the socio cognitive approach, discourse historical approach. Specifically, within the socio cognitive approach, I use my knowledge of the cultural asp ects of the Saudi context to inform analysis of the discourse. This knowledge also makes it possible to link the discourse to the attitudes and ideologies of its producers. Moreover, within the discourse historical approach, each text is linked to the hist orical events surrounding it. A connection is also made as to whether discursive practices and ideologies adapt to these historical changes. As such, it is hoped that this theoretical synergy will be fruitful in drawing a more complete picture of the issue at hand. How Research is conducted in CDA Teun van Dijk introduces taxonomy of issues which can potentially be investigated utilizing a CDA approach. These issues include gender inequality, media discourse, political discourse, ethnocentrism, anti Se mitism, nationalism , and racism (1997). van Dijk (2003 , p. 88) further repeats that strategies of dominance and knowledge management at the more detailed level of cognitive kn owledge structures and strategies, and [illustrate] how these affect discourse structures, and vice versa; how these discursive strategies may in turn affect the cognitive and then the social properties of He further ex plains that, specifically, CDA scholars need to determine the relationship between certain discourse structures and mental processes. How CDA scholars have gone about defining the relationship between certain discourse structures and mental processes is a n important question. To answer this question, van Dijk (2003) suggests that it may be the case that specific rhetorical figures, such as hyperboles or metaphors, preferentially influence the audience
46 negatively to make them lean towards one opinion versus the other. Such moves are seen constantly in media and political discourse as well as utilized by public relations specialists. Similarly, he refers to the role direct semantic choices play to facilitate the formation or change of social attitudes. Furthe rmore, this change in attitudes might also be a result of an indirect semantic choice. He provides examples where semantic moves can indirectly change attitudes and opinions and these examples include generalizations or decontextualization of personal mode ls (including opinions) of specific events. Other discursive moves indicating domination of one group over another include the presence or absence of hedges, hesitations, pauses, laughter, interruptions, doubt or certainty markers, specific lexical items, forms of address , and pronoun use . Certain discursive practices are used to justify inequality against certain groups such as self positive representation and other negative representation. The strategy of denial is another fo r m of confronting accusations of certain ideologies such as racism and , as van Dijk (1992) points out , is used constantly especially in the media. In the case of Saudi media discourse, the analysis is conducted with the presumption that the discourse about t he United States, in addit ion to presenting ideologies and attitudes prevalent in the discourse of Saudi elites having access to the media, can be insightful in showing how these elites resist stereotypical views about Saudi Arabia in the U.S. (e.g., those views confirmed by empiri cal evidence such as Al Zuhayyan, 2006) . While not all the moves described in van Dijk (1992, 1997, 2003) are prevalent or applicable in the Saudi context as the linguistic resources are different, they are very important tools with which the discourse can be analyzed. Thus, i t is practical
47 to explore the discursive practices utilized in the discourse of the current study in light of Ideas from Feminist Post structuralist Discourse Analysis In this subsection, I h ighlight aspects of Judith Baxter (Baxter, 2002a; 2003, 2008) in her Feminist Post structuralist Discourse Analysis (FPDA) framework that are useful in the CDA study of Saudi media discourse. It is important to understand that Baxter (2008) does not comple tely deny CDA from having largely influenced her FPDA framework. Quite the contrary, she believes that her FPDA framework has strong theoretical ties with feminist CDA research (2008, p . 2). Given this fundamental theoretical similarity, the study adopt s t he view that FPDA propagates about the ideological orientation of discourse. What follows explain s this further as it present s the main features of this approach and how they benefit the current study. Structuralist Discours e Analysis A New notion that feminist research is conducted under the umbrella of CDA, and argues that her FPDA framework is fundamentally different. Her first argument is base d on the (Baxter, 2008, p.3). She explains this by comparing FPDA to the CDA approaches, such as the ones described previously , which all have the common goal and agenda of speaking on behalf of the oppressed. The FPDA, being quite the opposite, does not support a political or a theoretical mission, but aims to give the marginalized or silenced voices more space for their voice to be heard. In other words, the FPDA framewo rk ibid , p.3 ). In the outset of this project, I ha ve explicitly indicated that one of
48 my goal s is to give the Saudi media the chance to be heard here in th e U . S. This goal is . conducting this research in a western setting propagates this view and gives it legitimacy. FPD A believes in complexity rather than polarisation of subjects of study. Baxter (2008) critiques common trends of CDA of being highly polarized presenting dichotomies, where the more powerful exercise their power through control and hegemony over the power less. She further posits that this dichotomy results from the emancipatory nature of CDA described in the previous paragraph. Instead, the FPDA framework views subjects of research (female participants) as being complex personalities having access to the s ame levels of powers as their male counterparts. She further indicate s that both women and men operate within a matrix of powerfulness and powerlessness. Depending on speech events, speech contexts , and the speech moment, both genders can position themsel ves within this matrix of powerlessness and powerfulness by utilizing discursive practices. By analyzing minute details of discourse, the analyst using this framework would be able to identify the position of a speaker in a certain interaction, during a s peech event and within a speech context within this matrix. This idea can be applicable to the Saudi media discourse if we view power as a dynamically changing abstract construct that changes, depending on a variety of factors, from time to time. Given the data for the current study spans a period more than 10 years, the same power matrix can be applied with the changing political economic and historical circumstances in the context of the study.
49 Third, the FPDA framework is anti materialist in tendency Unlike CDA where discourse is expected to work dialectically (Fairclough and Wodak, 1997), meaning that discourse shapes and is shaped by reality, the FPDA views realities as being discursively produced. What that means is discourses have always existed, and that speakers are born and enter social contexts that are already infused with competing existing knowledge systems which constantly mediate our thoughts and experiences (p. 4) es researchers an opportunity to self reflect and exercise a role of an author of their research without, of course, ignoring the academic and publishing constraints. Viewing discourse in the Saudi society as having its longstanding roots can be justified in two ways. First, from a linguistic viewpoint, Arabic has been the language of the Arab peninsula for thousands of years, and with that comes a rich and vast heritage, that has undeniable ramifications on the discourse of Saudi Arabia today. More often t han not, quotes from poems that were written thousands of years ago are utilized verbatim in the discourse of everyday speech of Arabs and Saudis in particular. Such texts are undeniably ideology bearing and hold views that have long existed. Second, the b irthplace of Islam, Saudi Arabia holds has its religious roots firmly anchored for over 14 centuries, which in turn can contribute to the pre existence of many aspects of an and the sayings of The Prophet are not only bound to mosques or books but Saudi authors continuously support their arguments by quotes from these two sources. Following her postulations on the theoretical differences between CDA and FPDA, Baxter (2008 ) moves on to describe the data selection ideal for research in this
50 field. The data for FPDA is special in two ways . polyphony, FPDA research gives multiple voices the opportunity to be used in the discourse, unl ike studies in CDA and CA which tend to elicit data from unitary sources. The multiplicity in this sense stems from allowing different participants including research participants, other researchers , and possibly people who review the research an opportuni principle of heteroglossia, FPDA research gives the minority the same level of attention that the more powerful openly recognized accounts enjoy. This is to make certain that the otherwise silenced voices are given space so that their voices are heard. These principles are applicable to the current study in that it aims to give the otherwise silent group in the global context an opportunity to be heard through shedding some light on just an academic exercise; it can have a functional and practical outcome in the world always of key importance to the FPDA quest . The final aspect of Bax of Saudi media discourse about the U . S . , is how the actual analysis of the texts is undertaken. She first critiques CDA inability to identify and name certain discourses within spoken and written texts. This shortcoming results from the fact that CDA analysts classify their discourses in a way that suits their ideological purposes and , even if these names and classifications do exist, they are confined to the manuscripts of the researchers. To reme dy this, she suggests that devising a synchronic as well as a diachronic approach to this issue might be helpful in the identification and classification of certain discourses. In terms of the diachronic approach, analyses are conducted over
51 a long timespa n. This in turn helps in identifying certain patterns and developments existent in the discourses of a particular group. The synchronic approach, on the other hand, depends on a detailed micro analysis of long texts belonging to a certain speech event. Ana lysis in this dimension is done in two levels: denotative and connotative . In the denotative level, the researcher is expected to describe the verbal and non verbal interactions of a specific social group; whereas in the connotative level, the researcher t ries to identify instances in which participants strive for power by devising certain strategies such as intertexuality, where certain texts, or certain structures of texts, are recycled to serve a discursive move (Fairclough, 1992.) By combining results f rom both levels, we can better our understanding of the synchronic aspect of discourse. The study at hand takes these diachronic and synchronic approaches as central components of its design. The context for the research in question perfectly fits this des ign in terms of the duration for the data occurrence, the diachronic approach, and long stretches of discourse, the synchronic approach. After having briefly introduced the theoretical framework for the study and highlighting its main features, let us tur n to another important issue central to indicating the significance and importance of the study at hand. The next section provides a glimpse on the notion of ideology adopted by many CDA researchers, and declare the notion that the current study adopt. Id eology Central to any critical discourse analysis research are key and inextricably related constructs within the discourse analysis paradigm. It is widely accepted that ideology, power , and discourse are intimately related . This intricate relationship i s evident in the definition Fairclough (2003) provides for ideology.
52 Ideologies are representations of aspects of the world which contribute to establishing and maintaining relations of power, domination , and exploitation. They may be enacted in ways of i nteraction (and therefore in genres) and inculcated in ways of being identities (and therefore styles). Analysis of texts [discourse]...is an important aspect of ideological analysis and critique... (p. 218) The majority of critical discourse analysis re search typically relies on one or more of these four elements in their inquiry as does the current study. Specifically, the study explores how ideological stances of the Saudi society are represented in the media discourse, and also investigate s the power dynamics influencing the production of discourse about the U . S. Thus, it is imperative to briefly shed some light on each of these constructs within the CDA framework. Pejorative and negative connotations Ever since its emergence as a research program, CD A has been concerned with the unmasking of ideologies and the reve l ation of structures of power. What seems to be prevalent among the majority of research in the CDA program is a view of ideology where pejorative and negative connotations are widely accept ed . This tendency to view indicate the impetus of CDA to be rooted in the legacy of enlightenment ; therefore, its main locus is the unraveling of structures of power and t he exposing of ideologies. Wodak and Meyer (2009) elaborate that ideology is not understood in a positivistic fashion because of its inability, unlike other constructs in modern sciences, to be ording to Wodak and Meyer vis Ã vis such concept are inevitable (p.8) . Re gardless of which working definition is
53 utilized to guide inquiry in the CDA framework, it should be noted that research is not interested in the type of ideology that predominates in a culture. Rather, i t is as many prominent figures in CDA indicate, the more latent and often hidden type of ideology in everyday beliefs, which tends to surface in the form of conceptual metaphors and analogies, that interests linguists (Wodak and Meyer, 2009). In other words, in everyday life, one see s certain ideas more pre valent than others and often share s those ideas without realizing the action . The catalyst of such ideas is usually seen in the semiotic aspect of culture ( i.e. . language ) , which surfaces as discourse . T hus, critical discourse analysts study discourse to p inpoint such ideas. Neutral connotations In spite of the prevailing view of ideology, some researchers prefer to challenge the norm and propose different definitions. For example, de Beaugrande (2006) challenges the widely accepted notion of ideology in CDA research and argues that His assertion is attributed to the largely pejorative connotations associated with the concept in CDA and other fields of inquiry. He further posits that such pronou ncements sound dated, and calls for a more non trivial, insightful , and socially relevant account of ideology , one that insofar as the analyst is always already a part icipant irrevocably implicated in the discourse analysts not to be against one ideo
54 empower the disempowered; to demystify t he mystified; to clarify obscurity; and to raise Beaugrande, 2006, p.44). Discourse analysis is, therefore, a quest for informing and reforming (i.e, informing society of the existence of certain phenomena and reforming in providing the direction of potential areas of improvement in society ) . In my analysis of the Saudi media discourse about the U . S . , the view of ideology is very much in tune with that of de Beaugrande (2006) . In Chapter 3 , I elaborate on how discourse analysis in this dissertation is designed to be reflexive of my own ideologies and stances. Moreover, unlike the widely accepted view of ideology in CDA, where it negatively associates control and hegemony with power, the adopted view here is that ideology refers to the attitudes and resistance of stereotypical impressions about a certain group, in this case, Saudi society. Ideology Adopted in the study This subsection introduce s a more formal definition of id eology adopted in the current study. One of the key , and probably the most comprehensive theory of ideology in CDA , is proposed in van Dijk (1997, 1998, 2001). For van Dijk (1998), ideology in its rests and preferred ways of thinking, but conceptually it is formed by the disciplinary triangle which relates cognition, society , and discourse. van Dijk (1998) attributes the need for this triangle to be studied to gain insight into an ideology of a cert ain society by addressing three main points . F irst, in order to study ideology, one needs to consider the status, internal organization , and mental functions within the social cognition in a certain group . S econd, ideology is also conditioned by social, po litical, cultural , and historical factors and finally, socially -
55 situated discourse and communication constitute the sites where ideologies are formed, changed , and reproduced. Like de Beaugrande (2006), van Dijk (2006) does not consider ideology to be in herently negative, having only to do with domination, hegemony , and abuse of power. Although he does not consider this account to be fundamentally wrong, van Dijk (1997 ) attributes his divergence from the critical approach to ideology, which considers ideo logy to be a pure modality of power, to the fact that it is one sided and too superficial (p. 25) . van Dijk (1997) explains his position, indicating that if we view ideology as a negative construct being exercised by those who have access to power, we need to constantly keep asking how exactly do social functions pla y a role in forming ideologies. Second, if we view ideology as a negative construct expressive of ideological dupes and ignore[.] that these may develop their own ideologies of of opposition or resistance, competition between equally powerful groups, promotion of the inter nal cohesion of a group, or the pursuit of the survival of humankind (van Dijk, 2006). The current study, thus, falls within the inquiry of opposition and resistance within . shared construct encapsulating a that is the knowledge and the opinions of a group [...that are considered] the foundation of the social of a formal system, ideologies consist of those general and abstract social
56 beliefs, shared by a group, that con trol or organize the more specific 49). It is this view of ideology that the current study adopts and explores in great detail, where attitudes and social beliefs of the Saudi society, both cogn itively and socially, are manifested in In what van Djik terms as socially situated discourse. Ingroup vs. Outgroup membership Therefore, processes of self identification signify belonging to a group and thus generate a dichotomous relationship between in group and out group membership. This ndicates that this aspect is characteristic of discourse in society. Conceptually, the representation of ideology in the discourse tends to be a result of polarizing in group and out group relationships through a dual process of emphasis and mitigation. va n Dijk (1998) indicates that ideological discourses emphasizing the bad . presentation and negative other presentation is useful as it helps distinguish attitudes and ideologies and ultimately exhibit ideological frames through identifying certain strategies where such moves are exercised. van Dijk (1999) asserts that if we assume the positive self presentation and negative other presentation are representative of ideological structures in discourse, then we can predict that certain strategies and structures in discourse have ide ological underpinnings. In their discourse about the U . S . , the writers in Al Jazirah and Asharq Alawsat are expected to utilize a U . S . Them
57 dichotomy along the lines of van Dijk (1998), whether when they negatively portray the U . S . or in arguments presenti ng positive attitudes. Table 2 1 introduces a list of potential strategies and structures that can indicate positive self presentation and negative other presentation. van Dijk (1995) warns that these strategies and structures are dependent on topic, conte xt, speech acts and communicative goals. Therefore, they are not to be taken at face value. 2 1 Discursive s trategies s ignifying p ositive self p resentation and n egative other p resentation Ingroup Outgroup Emphasis De emphasis Hyperbole Understatem ent Topiccalization sentential (micro) textual (macro) De topicalization High, prominent position Low, non prominent position Headlining, summarizing Marginalization Detailed description Vague, overall description Attri bution to personality Attribution to context Explicit Implicit Direct Indirect Narrative illustration No storytelling Argumentative support No argumentative support Impression management No impression management Note: adapted from van Dijk (19 95) Power An important aspect to further our understanding of ideology within CDA is power and how access to power is seen in the discourse. The common view of power in the critical discourse analysis research concerns the exploitation of access to power r esources to coerce social inequalities between different groups. Typically, CDA researchers, according to scholars such as Wodak and Meyer (2009) and Fairclough (2003) , view discourse as a lens with which they can look more closely at the language of those who are responsible for the existence of inequalities. The notion of power adopted by the majority of CDA research is that of Foucault, which stipulates that power
58 2009, p. 9). This form of power is not only existent in the intent to threaten people and violently commit an act , but also can take the form of implying happiness would result from purchasing a certain commodity (ibid). Power is thus seen as a cause and effec t relation where the powerful do something that would result in the less powerful acting in ways which favor the interest of the former group. Wodak and Meyer (2009) summarizes the notion of power targeted by CDA researchers in this rhetorical question ]ow do things work at the level of ongoing subjugation, at the level of those continuous and uninterrupted processes which subject our bodies, govern our gestures and dictate our behaviours? It is then assumed that power is typically invisible, but the importance of revealing it lies in bettering our understanding of society and the relations within. Language is unequivocally one of the main facets where we can gauge its effect; hence, power is a central topic to the majority of CDA research. Admit tedly, certain resources are required in order for power to be applicable to any context resulting in participants act ing in certain manners. Thompson (2013) associates different forms of power with different resources. Based on this distinction, we have e conomic power resulting from access to material and financial resources, political power associated with authority, coercive or physical power associated with physical and armed force, and finally symbolic power resulting from access to means of informatio n and communication resources. In the current study, symbolic power gives of events, to influence the actions of others and indeed to create events, through the mean
59 members of society access to symbolic power. More than other form of power, the current study considers symbolic power as a central form of power in the critical analysis of Sau di Al Jazirah and Asharq Alawsat discourse. Looking closely at the context of the study, it cannot be denied that Saudi society is far less powerful in terms of military, economic 7 , and political resources compared to its U . S . counterpart. However, given t heir access to media, Saudi authors in Al Jazirah and Asharq Alawsat utilize what Thompson (2013) refers to as symbolic power to voice their ideological stances and attitudes about the U . S (p. 17) . The current study thus views power in its symbolic meaning and attempts to establish a connection between this form of power and the discourse of Saudi media. Conclusion In this Chapter , a general view of the theoretical framework utilized in the study was presented. Several key items in the CDA paradigm have b een introduced and briefly described. This discussion started with the general theories and definitions of CDA and how it has evolved throughout the past few decades. Then, I touched upon the central features that make this paradigm ideal for the current s tudy. Next, an overview of what discourse for CDA was introduced. The Chapter also highlighted the different approaches within CDA. Specifically , special attention was paid to the sociocognitive and discourse historical approach as they relate directly to the current research. Furthermore, the Chapter highlighted aspects of the Feminine post structuralist Discourse Analysis adopted for the current study. 7 Although some might question this determination and contend that Saudi Arabia is economically powerful thanks to its big oil market share, what needs to be noted is that t his commodity is completely controlled by the government.
60 I have also presented a concise discussion of two central items to the current study, namely ideology and power. As noted in the discussion above, the typical view of ideology commonly accepted by CDA researchers is a negative one, where the more powerful coercively abuse their access to power in ways that might not be in the best interest of other groups of society. However, the context of the current study is slightly different as two groups were identified : 1) the Saudi society represented by its elite having access to the media and 2) the US government and society. The relationship between the two grou ps is clearly less tangible as it does not exhibit a control/controlled group relationship typically seen in CDA research. The notion of ideology adopted in the current study is, therefore, a neutral, less pejorative one that echoes scholars such as de Bea ugrande (2006) and van Dijk (1998, 1995, 2006).
61 CHAPTER 3 METHODOLOGY The current study is qualitative in nature, and its results are obtained through a systematic and critical analysis of discourse. When the discourse is mentioned, an immediate associa tion between discourse and texts in their holistic, more general view. Fairclough (1995) challenges the widely accepted view of a text as a whole 'work' such as a poem or a novel, or a relatively discrete part of a work such as a chapter. A rather broader conception has become common within discourse analysis, where a text may be either written or spoken discourse, so that, for example, the words used in a conversation (or their writt en transcription) constitute a text . It is this broad notion of text that the current study adopts, and, hence, will be used to refer to selected pieces of Saudi written media about the U . S. The research in this dissertation incorporates an array of approaches within the CDA paradigm to examine select published texts from opinion and op ed articles in the Al Jazirah and Asharq Alawsat newspaper s . This Chapter highlights the data collection process for this dissertation, explaining how the texts are obtained, the timeline of the selection process, how the texts are appropriated for analysis , and finally how the analysis is carried out. Qualitative Research The main goal of q ualitative research revolves around gaining an in depth understanding of hum an phenomena, and what governs these phenomena. With this overriding goal, qualitative research examines the reasons and manners associated with these phenomena, rather than investigating their spatial and temporal realities.
62 Within the vast qualitative re search paradigm, the current study utilizes the idea of as proposed by Denzin and Lincoln (2000) and later theorized by Kincheloe (2001; 2004a; 2004b; 2004c; 2004d; 200 5a) and Berry (2004a; 2006), is characterized by its critical, multi perspectival, multi theoretical and multi methodological approach to inquiry. What follows highlight s grounds between this trend and c ritical discourse analysis, and finally how CDA is applicable to the current study. Illustrating the evolution of bricolage research, Rogers (2012) refers to the people who creatively use materia (p. 1) , and how this meaning permeated to qualitative research by Levi Strasuss (1966; as cited in Rogers, e xplain, Rogers (2012) contrasts this mode of construction with the work of engineers, who follow a certain set of steps to carry out a procedure and have a set of tools to complete th eir task s . To the qualitative research domain, the case is quite the cont rary; this metaphor is used to refer to the methodological practices that are conceptually derived from notions of eclecticism, emergent design, flexibility and plurality ( ibid .) Such multiplicity entails examining phenomena from a variety of methodologic al and theoretical perspectives, which sometimes can be in compet ition. The shifts in qualitative research to adopt a multiplicity of theoretical and methodological approaches in the meaning making process of qualitative research throughout the past centur y inspired Norman Denzin and Yvonna Lincoln (2005) to
63 borrow the anthropologist Levi eclecticism (p. 5) empirical materials, perspectives, a nd observers in a single study is best understood, as a strategy that adds rigor, breadth, complexity, richness, and depth to any inquiry . resulting analysis, therefore, is expected to demonstrate a deeper understanding of the phenomena being resear ched and also account for paradoxes that are associated with such phenomena. Being complex and rigorous, the meaning making processes are multi faceted and multi layered e nsuring that findings and results are not born pre maturely. This methodological or ientation of the bricolage research resonates to a very great extent with the agenda and aspirations of the CDA paradigm. As we have seen earlier in this Chapter , the CDA theoretical underpinnings are centered around its multidisciplinarity. van Dijk (2001 ) emphasizes that CDA is is a combination of scholarly and social responsibilities, researchers ought to have a rigorous outlook of this sc for the complexities of the relationships between discourse structures and social ( v an Dijk, 2001, p.96 ) . Clearly, the bricolage is more than a multi method, multi theory research . I t is a means by which qualitative researchers show their engagement and interest in the meaning making and inquiry process. For Rogers (2012), this view challenges the traditional principle that researchers must be neu tral when observing a research context. Researchers are active participants in the process and, rather tha n being
64 2012, p. 7). This notion of the researcher as a bricole ur greatly reverberates the objectives of the CDA program, and thus, is used as a methodological backbone of the study at hand. The Reflexive Researcher Before I delve into the actual analysis of the data for this study, it is important to stress that, a s in any qualitative research, any interpretation made throughout this educational background, cultural background , and other factors which might have influenced my worldview . As mentioned earlier , one of the central requirements of qualitative research implies that the researcher ought to reflexively express his/her social positioning . . According to Ruby (1980, as cited in Krefting, 1991, p. 218), examination, and analysis of the findings ( ibid be excluded from the research process, and that accumulated life experiences color all aspects of the research process from the selection of focus, to the shaping of questions, to the interp to achieve a formal analysis of a particular phenomenon while leaving out the personal interpretations, perspectives, and theoretical interests of the researcher (Chouliaraki & Fairclough, 1999). As a result, that being reflexive entails a critical attitude towards data, and recognition of the influence on the research of such factors as the location of the setting, the sensitivity of the topic, power relations in the field and the nature of the social interaction
65 between researcher and researched. (Brewer, 2000, p. 127) italics are mine . In order to be reflexive, researchers have to bring their social positions and positioning into prominence when presenting their account of a story, which they obtained from their data. It is also crucial to highlight their perspectives, assumptions , and their political and social orientations in relation to the research they are conducting. Additionally, in order to bolster the accountability o f the research and increase its rigor and integrity, it is encouraged that reflexivity be a continuous process throughout the course of the research. My reflexive social positioning within the current research study is many fold. First, I am culturally in volved in two ontologically opposing societies . O ne society is religiously oriented ; the other is secular 8 giving rise to potential competing world views that could potentially influence the understanding of certain aspects in the discourse in question. T hese ontological differences between the Muslim Middle East and the secular W est are considered by Clark (2010) as one of the sources of translation infidelity between texts in Arabic and English in the news, as religiously charged discourses are not easil y conveyed to the western readers. Being reflexively situated between the two cultures, I am at an advantage of having access to both ontologies to a great extent, enabling me draw from both whenever needed. The second aspect of my reflexive positioning wi thin this research relates to my my emic etic perspective to the discourse being analyzed. While being an insider to the Saudi culture and an outsider who conducts the research in a Western academic setting, the insider outsider dynamic 8 According to Al Hawali (1982), the common understanding of secularism in contemporary Islamic books is the separation of state and religion. Therefore, the view that the U.S. is a secular societ y stems from this contention.
66 to qualitative rese arch is enhanced. This enables me to be interactively involved in the research process moving reflexively between my intricate participation in the data selection, analysis and presentation . and my outsider perspective in the meaning making process of the data at hand has been influenced by my academic training in the U . S. Third, I feel obligated to reflexively touch on my interest in this research study. My main objective of the research study is to contribute to human knowledge and potentially add to th e understanding of the complex relationships between society, ideology, discursive practices , and discourse. I am also invested in clearing some of the misconceptions about the Saudi people that prevail in some U . S . media, and probably among a majority of the population . . I take pride in my Saudi identity , yet at the same time cannot deny my admiration of the American society . I wish that this research study will help ease many of the conflicts between the two societies, which might have contributed to or resulted from the 9/11 attacks on the U . S. This research study attempts to achieve these overarching goals while adhering to the ethics and responsibilities of the qualitative researcher explained earlier in this Chapter . Model of Analysis Given the compl exity of the issue under investigation and the need for painting a nuanced picture of the Saudi media discourse on the U.S., the model used to conduct the analysis needs to be as comprehensive as possible. The data that I use for this research is vast, enc ompassing in excess of 900 articles, as will be seen in the sections to come. Obviously, with a corpus this vast, it is almost impossible to provide an in depth analysis that will cover all aspects of the discourse if conventional CDA tools were to be used . To solve this dilemma, I resort to Carvalho (2000) who advances a
67 comprehensive multistep model for CDA analysis of media texts (p.4). Her rationale for innovation is that conventional approaches to media discourse analysis such as van ure outlook to discourse (1980, 1985), frame analysis (e.g., Gamson, Croteau, Hoynes & Sasson , 1992; Entman, 1993) and narrative analysis (e.g., McComas and Shanahan, 1999) fail to provide a full perspectival account of the media discourse being analyzed. overview of a text by looking at internal constructions of the meaning in a topic driven fashion, it lacks the holistic aspects of discourse analysis. As such, it has limited use when it comes to analyzing large numbers of texts, as macrostructure analysis of discourse does not provide an easy comparison between different texts. Conversely, frame analysis attempts to identify central ideas or principles of texts, thereby, possibly leaving out significant aspects of the construction of an issue, or insufficient attention given to details. Finally, narrative analysis might lead to neglecting parts of texts that do not conform to a narrative. Carvalho (2000), nonetheless, admits that s everal aspects of these approaches are beneficial to her model of media analysis, and, thus, proposes extending them to a multistep approach explained herein. She further posits that the model of analysis she proposes pays special attention to three equall y important aspects of discourse that are not satisfied by the conventional media discourse analysis reality, and 3) modes of operation of discourse. As far as the time plane in discourse analysis is concerned, Carvalho (2000) claims that discourse analysis literature has not paid enough attention to time as a
68 major factor in determining discursive constructions. In reality, discourse has a temporal aspect to it wher e texts are either prior to each other, simultaneous, or consecutive. Each of these relations have undeniable bearing on each other. Simultaneous texts can be insightful in showing how the representation of reality is achieved by different texts, whereas p riority or posteriority relations entail changes in the discourse. She, therefore, highlights the importance of the historical nature of discourse as one of its fundamental ing the construction of discourse, she promotes considering a historical diachronic outlook o papers, time plays a pivotal role in the construction of ideologies and attitudes about the U.S. which authors express in their written pieces; thus, this particular model of analysis is adopted. the construction of re witness, or about a reality that is mediated to them b y other participants. Therefore, a variety of social actors are considered sources of information for those journalists, and it assumption leads us to acknowledge the im portant role played by external social actors aspect we are left with that Carvalho (2000) indicates missing in conventional media discourse analysis literature is the modes of operation of discourse. These modes are answers to questions such as how discourse and social realities interact and what
69 social and political consequences can be generated through discourse. Put differently, media discourse analysis has to define the actual result of a certain discourse, or to use Textual Analysis After defining these shortcomings of conventional media discourse analysis, Carvalho (2000) pro poses a comprehensive two dimensional media discourse analysis. The first dimension is a six step textual analysis of media discourse: 1) surface descriptors and structural organization, 2) objects, 3) actors, 4) language and rhetoric, 5) discursive strate gies and processes, and 6) ideological standpoints. Each of these steps is intended to unravel some aspe ct of the texts being analyzed. The sections to come elaborate on each of these components. Surface descriptors and structural organization: Carvalho stand out to have significance on the overall indications of discourse. These elements include the dates, pages, authors , and headlines of the articles among other s . While they do not pro vide deterministic views about the discourse, surface descriptors and structures can identify the ideological commitments and institutional belongings of the discourse authorship (ibid, p. 21). Admittedly, some aspects of the surface descriptors and struc tures described in Carvalho (2000), such as page numbers and author names, tend to be accounted for in print media studies, and might not add significant contribution to the current research that is concerned with the diachronic aspect of discourse. Thus, since the current study relies on Al Jazirah and Asharq Alawsat website s as the data source, factors such as
70 page numbers cannot be determined. Instead, a more relevant factor is where the data are gathered within the data source website. As far as the we bsite appearance is concerned, although the Saudi Al Jazirah newspaper has changed its website several times throughout the period from September 2001 until late 2013, the changes have been minor. In fact, the skeleton of the website has remained relativel y the same. Specifically, the home page displays the major events happening around the day of release. On the home page, also, there are links to the major sections of the paper such as the main page, local news page, and economy. The data for the current study is sourced from the opinion section of the website, within which there are usually three subsections: opinion, columns, and , or which is literall Al Jazirah Al Jazirah mentioned in the Chapter 2 , the editorials are not of interest to the current study because , according to Henry & Tator (2002), they tend to express the ideological stance ers and managers, which is not the scope of the current research. Rather, the study is interested in the discourse of authors who are not affiliated with the newspaper, as their articles tend to be less influenced by the ideologies of the newspaper. As fo r Asharq Alawsat newspaper , archives, which feature a search engine with capabilities to retrieve articles published between 2000 and the present . Data are retrieved using simple searches of the key words (masc.sing), Unlike Al -
71 Jazirah website, where I had to manually maneuver through the website archives issue by issue to gather the data, the archives of Asharq Alawsat have a keyword search that yielded the exact results I sought. Between 09/11/2001 and 12/31/2013, Asharq featur es a light green home page with links to different sections of the paper. As for the content of the website, the homepage typically consists of the main stories covered on r than usual font with imagery representati ve of the coverage of the main events. organization analysis is to study the overall structure of the articles to gain a preliminary interpr etation of the issue at stake and a perspective of what authors of texts are saying about an issue. In other words, what needs to be looked for at this stage is the preferred reading of the discourse. The tone of the authors here is a crucial lens through which one can get a feel of how the articles, in general, portray the U . S . during the periods of data sampling. In this stage the articles are analyzed with the overarching goal of finding whether the authors portray positive, negative, neutral , or mixed f eelings about the U . S . , its people , and its actions. Analyzing the tone of the authors helps guide the following steps and highlights the general consensus among the sample. Following Kim mo del (2000) model is determined by looking at the headlines, the first few paragraphs , and analyzing the lexical, rhetorical choices. Based on these choices, positive ratings are given to articles its people , and its actions in general. Conversely, negative ratings are given to articles that explicitly oppose,
72 condemn, criticize , and demonize the U . S . , its people, its actions and its policies. Finally, articles that are considered mixed or neutral include discourse that objectively depicts the U . S . , its people, its actions or its policies. The rating process of the articles simply entails giving a score of 1 to articles that exhibit positive attitudes. In case when articles portray negative attribu tes, a score of 1 is assigned. A score of 0 is given to articles that neither exhibit positive nor negative attitudes, but simply state facts or present un opinionated matter. Relying on the and the discursive practices they employ increase the ability of rating replication. Objects: trying to present. She indicates that her choice to use the term objects ins tead of only constitutes to the realities at stake . Objects, therefore, are more comprehensive than just themes or topics, either of which tends to be relied on by content ana lysis and discourse analysis research. Instead, objects comprise both constructs and , as a result , they constitute rather than refer to realities interrogated. Identifying objects is an important step in understanding the role of discourses and thus decons tructing them. Actors Ca r valho (2000) refers to actors in the discourse under analysis as entities corresponding to questions such as, who m does the article mention and how are those represented? In answering these two questions, we seek to identify the major roles discourse plays in constructing the image of social actors and defining their identities and relations to reality. An important component in the examination of actors in
73 discourse lies in the perceived influence of such actors in shaping the o ver all meaning of the text (ibid). It should be noted that in the analysis of the corpus, the first three steps in the textual analysis of the data involved looking at entire texts. Unlike the remaining steps where a more detailed outlook is needed, the fi rst three steps are helpful in determining the general ideological orientation of the data. Put differently, by looking at the surface descriptors and overall structures, defining the actors and identifying the objects, the analyst is able to draw prelimin ary conclusions about the orientation of the texts being analyzed. The next two steps, i.e., the analysis of language and rhetoric and the discursive strategies and processes) are where these initial conclusions are confirmed, which leads to the final step of the textual analysis where the ideological standpoints are derived. Language and rhetoric the discourse. In particular, she suggests exploring the lexical choices employed by authors to portray their representation of certain realities. Such lexical choices may include forms of adjectivization and word choices. Richardson (2007) confirms that looking at the lexical choices is the first stage in any text or discourse analys is. Such choices are important in determining how naming and references and predication are achieved by the authors, both of which bear imprints of value judgments (ibid.). Language and rhetoric analysis also entails looking at the syntactic moves employed and how such moves impact the pragmatic functions of discourse. With reference to the rhetorical choices made by an author, the analyst needs to pay close attention to how these choices are pragmatically rooted. Since the data used for this study is in Ar abic, I
74 provide an overview of some Arabic syntactic structures and their pragmatic functions as well as a brief account of Arabic rhetoric once the methodology is completed. Discursive strategies and processes JÃ¸rgensen and Phillips (2002) indicate that focuses on how authors of texts draw on already existing discourses and genres to create a text, and on how receivers of texts also apply available discourses and genres in the consumption and interpretation of the t utilizing discourse may entail some manipulation of a reality to achieve a certain end or effect. Carvalho (2000) warns that manipulating a reality is not achieved by falsification of information, but through co nscious or unconscious intervention to achieve a certain goal. Thus, a discursive strategy or process is seen in light of the goal it tries to achieve. The mere practice of selecting a topic to be covered in an opinion piece is one of the simplest examples of a discursive strategy or process. In Chapter 2, a list of discursive self presentation and negative other presentation. Admittedly, there is an abundance of possible discursive strategies and process es and one needs to link each strategy to the social actors involved in order to find the intended or sometimes hidden realties. As such, determining the discursive strategies and processes in a text is an integral part of analysis of discourse. This leads Ideological standpoints Carvalho (2000) identifies this step as having the most influential shaping component to discourse, but is one that is not easily attainable. While it is natural to assume that ideology is the overarching aspect of the texts, the previous five steps are used conjunctionally to arrive at the ideological standpoints of these texts. Moreover,
75 the analyst is required to do some interpretive work in order to ar rive at such ideological standpoints (ibid.). This step is, therefore, left as the final step in the textual analysis component. Contextual Analysis beyond the text/unit of analys is. Contextual analysis requires the researcher to account for temporal and historical relations. In particular, she suggests comparing texts in a synchronic fashion and a historical diachronic manner. In my analysis of the Saudi media discourse, the conte xtual analysis also involves exploring the possible implications of social/cultural aspects in the overall representation of realties evident in the discourse. Carvalho (2000) applies this model in a text by text fashion , thereby looking at discourse un der analysis as one unit. However, since this study follows a slightly different approach, looking at a much larger corpus, the textual analysis model is adapted to be applied to the current context. The main difference regards the order in which the six step model is applied. Specifically, I apply the two steps which relate to surface descriptors and structures as well as actors description to the whole corpus, and employ the remaining four steps in a context by context fashion. This is because the discou rse exhibits a pattern where certain discursive features are linked to certain historical contexts, thereby necessitating that discourses pertaining to these contexts be viewed separately. For instance, texts pertaining to the Iraq war in 2003 deploy discu rsive features different from those utilized in the discourse related to president descriptors and actors analysis are applied to each context separately.
76 Data Collec tion/ Selection The data selection and collection process is divided in two phases. The first phase, the data selection process, entails choosing the articles that comprise the corpus discourse to be appropriated for use in the study. Given the time span o f the data collection period, the sources of the data are undeniably vast. The model of analysis explained previously is well suited for data that stretches for long periods of time. In particular, Carvalho (2000) uses a formula of a re selection process t hat entails combining comprehensive (exhaustive) analysis of texts in selected periods with the s this method in her analysis of a corpus of 2300 newspaper articles on the issue of c limate change between 1985 to 1997, and it proved efficient. Her rationale in the re selection process is two fold: first, there are periods that are integral in the shaping and construction of discourse around a particular issue of interest thereby callin g for an integral analysis; whereas other periods are of less significance as discursive construction tends to slow down resulting in more recurrence of certain discursive practices. The latter periods are lieu of the detailed analysis of specific happenings which may lead to a challenge to the 'established' discursive (p. 5) . Thus, I articles surrounding certain points in the past 12 year s. Let us take an example of critical discourse moments from the data used in the study. The dat a collection process s tarted with articles from September 12. Expectedly,
77 columnists during the following few weeks write pieces that are expressive of their opinions and attitudes about the attacks. A few weeks later, the American government wages its war on terror starting on the Afghani lands. The start of the war marks a shift in the discourse of Saudi authors, as their topics selected for comment ary change from the 9/11 attacks to the war on terror. This shift in the discourse exemplifies a critical discourse moment. Another critical discourse moment is found around the 2008 election of the current U.S. President Barack Obama, and is characterized by an important shift in the discourse as will be seen in the results Chapter s. Importantly, these critical discourse moments are also helpful in identifying objects in the discourse. The data collected for this study were elicited from the Saudi newspa pers Al Jazirah and Asharq Alawsat, two major media outlets among the four most influential newspapers in Saudi Arabia . In Chapter 1 of this dissertation, I discussed the main reasons why Al Jazirah and Asharq Alawsat were chosen to be the main source of d ata for the current study. The articles selection process is based on the following two criteria. Criteri on One : The authors of the articles have to be Saudi nationals. Many prominent Arabic speaking individuals from different backgrounds and professions are occasionally invited to participate in Saudi newspapers. While they have their audience, the discourse they utilize is not representative of the Saudi media of the same . In order to recognize whether a writer is actually a Saudi national, I utilize my knowledge of the . Although the majority of authors are public figures, one ne way to decipher this is by relying on the names of the writers, which can usually indicate whether the writer is Saudi or not. In particular, Arabic last
78 names are categorized with the use of the prefix al that signifies belonging to a tribe. Ryding (2005) comments that Arabic personal names are a rich site for cultural information (p. 97). She further indicates that Arabic famil y names are structurally complex and may refer to information about the family, place of origin (e.g., bayruutiyy Haddad nuur u l diin ahdab , ab world (ibid .), and I rely on my cultural background as a Saudi in determining whether an author is a Saudi national or not. When in doubt, especially in the case of authors from neighboring Arab Gulf countries where last names tend to exhibit similar fe atures, further investigation had to be conducted, for example by looking up authors on the Internet to check their background. cannot be determined verbatim. In other words , with a global world such as ours, it is inevitable to possibly have a person raised in a country and acquire their culture while still having bonds with their origins. For example, a person might be born and raised in the U.S. to a Saudi family, but stil l has his/her Saudi last name. Admittedly, this person cannot be categorized as representative of the Saudi culture or society although the family might have raised the person according to Saudi traditions. Despite the fact that I have not encountered this in my data collection, it is still a possibility. One way to solve this is to search information about this person which tends to be readily available thanks to social networking and web sites.
79 Criteri on Two : The articles that incorporate the discourse about the U . S . used in the study have to be opinionated. In other words, they have to express the own views about the topic, not that of the newspaper. News articles are not used as discourse for the study. My rationale behind this does not have to do with the fact that news articles do not manifest ideologies or attitudes many CDA studies have ascribed news discourse as a catalyst for ideological representation (e.g. , Teo, 2000; PietikÃ¤inen, 2003). However, news reporting practices generally te nd to conform with the ideologies of the news agencies and the owners of newspapers. While structurally different from the news articles in that they are not sources of new information, editorials are also not nions; often they express the broader and, therefore, are not used in the study. Opinion pieces usually, though not completely, tend to be less contaminated with the ideologi es and views of the newspapers. For data sampling. He further indicates that the fact that contributors to editorials are usually anonymous is an additional disqualif ier for such genre; notwithstanding editorials are an important site for ideology that a study with a different scope of research might consider. Description of the Data As mentioned previously, the data for the study are opinion articles selected fro m Al Jazirah and Asharq Alawsat according the two criteria described. After applying the exclusion policies, the data considered for analysis in the current research comprise 962 opinion pieces gathered from the two newspapers under investigation starting from September 12, 2001 until December 31, 2013. The articles range in length from 150 to 2315 words, with an average length of 891 words for Asharq Alawsat and 651 words for
80 Al Jazirah . Of these articles, Al Jazirah newspaper authors contributed to 489 ar ticles, whereas their counterparts in the Asharq Alawsat newspaper contributed to 457 articles. This difference might be attributed to the fact that Saudi columnists in Al Jazirah account for the majority of articles issued, while Asharq Alawsat features a uthors from different nationalities in addition to their Saudi columnists. However, the higher article average length in Asharq Alawsat is a balancing factor between the two newspapers. Moreover, topics discussed in the articles range in scope from politic al, economic, cultural, and medical, to name a few. It is noteworthy to mention that the two newspapers differ slightly as far as the socioeconomic status and gender distribution of the authors. In terms of gender distribution, male authors contributed to 90.51% of the Al Jazirah articles while females contributed to 9.49% of the remaining articles. This number is not surprising, as are beyond the scope of the current month period is a mere 5.8%, and their contribution in cultural subjects is only 9.09%. With onomic status, more than 50% of the articles were written by authors with Dr. as their titles; 40% of female participants used Dr. as their titles. According to Nydell (2005), anyone with an MD or a PhD must be referred to and addressed by Dr., indicating a high socioeconomic status of a person with such credentials. Similarly, a few authors use their military ranks as an indicator of their high social status. Interestingly, some authors are addressed with such honorific titles in
81 some articles while no add ress is used in other articles. Overall, the vast majority of articles in Al Jazirah are contributed by authors with high socioeconomic status. Conversely, Asharq Alawsat authors do not seem to place similar importance on showing their socioeconomic statu s. While the percentage of authors with high educational merits is much higher among authors of Asharq Alawsat in reality, such this determination. A surprising final not e about the participants from Asharq Alawsat relates the gender of authors; only one female author is among the contributors with a percentage o f 4.12% females contributing to the total number of articles. APPENDIX A and APPEDINX B ha ve sample articles fr om both media outlets. Overview of Arabic Syntax and Rhetoric This section provides a brief overview of Arabic syntax and highlights the main pragmatic functions of some syntactic structures. It also touches on Arabic rhetoric due to the important role t hey both play in constructing the attitudes and internalized ideologues of the data under consideration. Equally, syntactic, rhetorical, and semantic choices make the gist of the linguistic analysis of data. The Modern Written Arabic: A Comprehensive Gram mar first published in 2004 by El Said Badawi, Mike Carter, Michael Carter, and Adrian Gully is one of the seminal works investigating Arabic grammar. The book provides a detailed and rigorous description of Arabic and probably one of the most comprehensiv e texts. Moreover, Abdul Arabic Rhetoric: A Pragmatic Analysis (2006) aimed at linking grammatical structures to their wider functional and pragmatic purposes is one of the rare resources of Arabic rhetoric in English. Essentially, identifying the pragmatic functions of why speakers pick one form of language versus the other is undeniably
82 important in drawing conclusions about ideological orientations. Suleiman (1989) confirms that all changes in the internal structures of the Arabic sentences h ave bearings on their desired meanings. Therefore, I rely heavily on the two works for my analysis of grammatical structure found in the data. The Arabic basic sentence Badawi et al. (2013) identifies three main sentence structures to be the kernel of Ar abic sentences. First, the equational sentences consists of a subject and a predicate only, and contain no verbal copula or any other verbal elements. This type of sentence is equational in the sense that the subject is identical with the predicate or belo nging to the same class, signifying an equation relationship between the subject and the predicate. Therefore, a verbal copula or verbal elements cannot be equated to a subject. An equational sentence may be formed by only two words, either a noun and anot her noun (e.g., copula is used in the English translations to facilitate understanding but the internal struc ture of the Arabic equational sentence is only two constituents, the subject and the predicate. The second sentence type is the topic + comment sentence. Like the first type, this topic + comment sentence contains no verbal copula, but the comment is an e ntire clause consisting of an equational or a verbal sentence that is anaphorically linked to the topic. Thus, the one word predicate in the equational sentence is replaced by an entire clause in the topic + comment sentence. Using the above sentences as a model, an example of a topic + comment sentence can be
83 example of a topic + comment sentence where the comment is a verbal clause (verbal sentence) is nominal sentence is one which begins w ith the subject, whether the predicate is another noun, a prepositional phrase or a verbal predicate. This is to contrast them with a verbal sentence which starts with a verb. Badawi et al. (2013) explain the verbal sentence starts with a verb, although ve rbal modifiers can be used. The verb is followed by its agent, typically in the second position, or a bound pronoun. As such, the verbal sentence is essentially a verb + agent construction. An sample verbal sentence is The Saudi American relationship has been based, since its beginning, on mutual interests in first place Within each of these sentence types, an abundance of constituents can be added for expressing time, exist ence, modality, and intensification. For instance, the equational sentences can be subordinated by sentence modifiers such as topic + comment sentence can be preceded by structure can be modified by the use of the negative constructions does not impact the internal structures of the three sentence types. Permanence and progression in Arabic syntax The choice of which sentence structure to use is highly dependent on the intended message of the speaker. While aesthetic purposes can be said to account for
84 some of these choices, speaker opts for one grammatical structure over another. Abdul Raof (2006) indi cates p. i). He further explains that style is where the linguistic form and context converge. One main difference between Arabic grammar and Arabic rhetoric is the former expl ores sentence level structures, whereas the latter looks beyond the sentence to include word, sentence, and text (ibid.) Thus, exploring the rhetorical aspects of Arabic discourse should account for a considerable portion of the analysis. Arabic rhetoric is divided into three main fields: 1) . Abdul Raof (2006) reports that the field of sition of sentence constituents in various word orders that lead to distinct pragmatic sentences are structured the way they are. The , on the other hand, gives insights on how certain words are twisted to achieve a certain rhetorical and to Richardson (2007), enhances the persuasion and argumentati ve discourse genre typical of newspaper articles. Finally, the study of around identifying how the speaker manipulates language to achieve certain aesthetic goals. While the three fields of Arabic rhetoric are equally important from a linguistic point of view, the two fields concerned with w ord order and figures of speech have unavoidable implications on the analysis of ideological underpinnings on discourse.
85 Therefore, I draw from Abdul my analysis of the excerpts selected to conduct t he linguistic and rhetorical analysis. After this brief introduction to Arabic rhetoric, let us touch on how selecting one sentence structure might sway the reader to one understanding versus another. I take permanence and progression as two simple exampl es of the effect of such selection. As mentioned previously , the essence of equational sentences is composed of two arguments: the subject and the predicate. Additional constituents can be added to achieve certain rhetorical goals, but the internal struct ure of the sentence remains the same. Abdul Raof (2006) considers the use of an equational sentence a sign of the the speaker achieves the semantic feature of altitudinal or characteristic feature of someone or something. An example of a sentence that achieves such pragmatic function is employs the equational sentence in a comment about the globalization such that: ALJ . 14 the main condition of the U.S. globalization is to single headedly lead as opposed to: the U.S. globalization is distinguished by single headedly lead ing where a verbal sentence starting with the pragmatic function of permanency in the first excerpt is lost to progression in the second. A distinction needs to be made between permanency and continuity. To illustrate this distinction, Abdul
86 This excerpt demonstrates a combination of a verbal sentence and an equational sentence, each with a different pragmatic function. Here, the first sentence employing the verbal sent ence structure signifies the pragmatic function of continuity and progression. Clearly, the verb is the locus of this grammatical function. Conversely, the equational sentence employed after the conjunction device denotes permanence achieved by this syntac tic choice. Affirmation Utilizing certain syntactic constructions and semantic devices, a speaker of Arabic can present an argument that entails affirmation. An affirmative sentence can have strong attitudinal weight, as the argument presented expresses t he speakers unshakable beliefs. Let us look at examples where manipulating syntax can yield an affirmative construction. Abdul Raof (2006) explains that two grammatical constructions can be used to express affirmation: , which he ref ers to as a sentence without a verb. Note that a nominal sentence without a verb is an equational sentence according to the explanation provided in the basic sentence structure above, but Abdul Raof (2006) does not use this category. I will use equational sentences to refer to Abdul more rhetorically affirmative th an its verbal sentence counterpart subject and predicate of the equational sentence denoting stronger affirmation. Badawi et al. (2013) refer to this pronoun as separating pronoun
87 is typically used to separate the subject and predicate of an equational sentence when they are both definite. However, it can still be used in equational sentences whose predicate are in definite so that 9 . The insertion of the separation pronoun in the equational sentence is considered by Abdul Raof (2006) as an affirmation move. Subject initial sentence is also used to express affirmation. This category in Abdul Raof (2006) corresponds to topic + comment sentence in Badawi et al. ( 2013), where a subject initial sentence is followed by a verbal clause. An example of a sentence corresponding to this explanation is focus on the topic. This foregrounding technique of the agent of the verb performs affirmation. If the sentence starts with t he verb, a totally different pragmatic function would be achieved, namely, reporting. Affirmation with In addition to manipulating the syntax to achieve affirmation, speakers of Arabic have at their linguistic repertoire a range of semantic t ools to achieve affirmation. Abdul Raof (2006) notes that affirmation tools are typically employed to confirm the occurrence of an action when attached to verbal sentences, or to affirm the state of the subject in an equational sentence. One of the commonl y used techniques to express affirmation is by using the sentence modifier 9 Badawi et al. (2013) warn that the separation pronoun is often mistakenly labeled copula in western sources.
88 Badawi et al. (2013) explain that with emphasis or focus on the subject. A typical use of subject of an equational sentence, but the pattern + topic + verb al sentence is also common. It is also suggested that since English does not realize emphasis semantically, an ad hoc translation for Raof,2 006, p. 108) to signify emphasis achieved by in English. Let us take a few sentences that show how affirmation is achieved using ture, but this affirmation can be further stressed by adding can be added to stress this predicate which can be translated as certai nly such that this sentence becomes certainly Similarly, can be added to a topic + comment (verbal structure) to affirm the progr ession and continuity of an action and also to give weight and emphasis to the action itself. An example of this would be without of the action. Note that the assertive prefix can be added to a topic + comment (verbal sentence), but that typically involves adding a bound pronoun as a suffix to
89 such as Repetition as a rhetorical device Repetiti on has been the subject of research in a number of fields within linguistics. As such, each of these fields views repetition from a different perspective. Our main concern in this study is centered around the pragmatic function of repetition. Repetition in Arabic discourse, according to Johnstone (1991), serve s as a persuasive devi c e. While there are different types of repetition such as structural repetition, the form of repetition I shall discuss is lexical repetition which authors of the discourse rely o n extensively to achieve rhetorical goals. Lexical repetition refers to the recurrence of one word, one phrase or lexical doublets across a stretch of text. The utilization of lexical repetition in Arabic typically serves two cohesive functions: textual a nd rhetorical. As for the textual function, lexical repetition is employed to connect various parts of the texts at the surface level. So, this function of lexical repletion has to do with the aesthetics of the language. Conversely, the rhetorical function relates the expressive meaning evoked by the repeated lexical item. However, Jawad (2009) warns that these two functions of lexical repetition can overlap, leading to some form of authorial, stylistic make up. He identifies three different types of repeti tion: lexical item repetition, lexical doublet repetition and phrase repetition. Next, I will highlight lexical repetition, as it repeatedly appears in the data. Lexical item repetition , as the term suggests, is achieved by repeating a single lexical ite m throughout a stretch of text. Abdul Raof (2006) suggests that repeating a certain lexical item is used to achieve confirmation. He cites the following example from
90 In this excerpt, the demonstrative pronoun confirmation. Jawad (2009, p. 759) provides this example: than confirmation. What is noticed in this senten ce is that the translated version does not exhibit this repetition, which can be shown if the excerpt is literally translated. 2009) in British English to show this repetiti on. Therefore, in translating excerpts where lexical repetition exists, it is possible, and sometimes plausible, to use strategies that involve homophony, synonymy, and their likes to avoid redundancy. The previous overview of Arabic basic syntactic struc tures and some rhetorical constructions has attempted to serve two important objectives. First, because the linguistic and rhetorical analysis of the data in this study requires reliance on solid linguistic background, it was mandated that such backgrounds be laid in a way as to serve the reader in identifying the main linguistic features of Arabic. The second goal of this overview is the need to elaborate on some of the main structures C hapters 4, 5 and 6 heavily rely on to achieve their purpose. The overv iew is by no means comprehensive, nor does it provide the full spectrum of Arabic grammar. Summary C hapter 3 has presented the methodological orientation of the study reported in this dissertation. It started with a brief description of qualitative resear ch and the notion of researcher as bricolage. I, then, discussed how my personal background is reflexively
91 situated within this research. Following this brief introduction, the model of analysis employed was explained and discussed in detail. One of the go als of this detailed description of the model of analysis has been to show the benefit of such model to the current research. The final component of C hapter 3 was devoted to the description of some grammatical aspects of Arabic. In particular, I have paid special consideration to the basic structure of the Arabic sentence and highlighted the pragmatic function of the choice between the equational sentence and the topic + comment sentence. The grammatical overview of Arabic has also shed light on some rhetor ical functions achieved either syntactically or semantically through the employment of certain tools such as function of lexical repetition. The grammatical background is inten ded to clarify the discussion of the results in the Chapters 4, 5, and 6 .
92 CHAPTER 4 DISCOURSE DURING PEACE C hapter 4 presents the discourse analysis results obtained from the textual and contextual analysis explained in Chapter 3. It starts by introduc ing the results of the surface descriptors and structures, followed by a discussion of actors identified in the discourse of the two newspapers. Next, I present the objects of analysis tha t form the core of C hapters 4, 5 and 6 . Given the nature of these o bjects of analysis, it is best to group them into three major categories: objects during peace, objects during tension, and objects impacted by changing U.S. administrations. In addition to the first two components of the textual analysis, Chapter 4 is dev oted to the presentation, analysis, and discussion of the discourse during times of peace. I identify objects in this category and elaborate on their linguistic, rhetorical, and ideological underpinnings. C hapter 4 also discusses their wider historical and sociocultural backgrounds to put the results into perspective. Textual Analysis Results This section introduces the textual analysis results of the data gathered from the websites of Al Jazirah and Asharq Alawsat, starting with the analysis of surface d escriptors and structures. My presentation of the textual analysis is as follows: I will first present results obtained from the analysis of Al Jazirah and then present the results of the same analysis from Asharq Alawsat and compare and contrast these res ults. Surface Descriptors and Structures Recall that Carvalho (2000) employs this step of the textual analysis to gain a general perspective on the overall orientation of the data. In order to conduct this step, entire articles are considered. Such infor mation is helpful in recognizing the attitudes of
93 the participants toward a certain area of inquiry and gives us a preliminary picture. As part of this analysis, I have provided some information about the appearance of the two websites in Chapter 3. Anothe r feature prop osed by Carvalho (2000) pertaining to this step relates to the dates the articles are published. The significance of identifying the chronological distribution of the articles is two fold: First, it helps in identifying the major historical e vents that elicit the most reactions, thereby guiding the further steps in the CDA; second, identifying the chronological features of the discourse can help pinpoint its main objects. For this particular feature, a timeline of the data sampling process is helpful, as it provides the number of articles sampled in the study. Figure 4 1 presents t he chronological distribution of the articles in the two newspapers. 4 1 Chronological d istribution of Al Jazirah and Asharq Alawsat a r ticles As described in the methodology C hapter 3 , the selection process is based on opting reveals that the following events constitute critical discourse moments, as they ar e characterized by shifts in the ideological orientation of the discourse : 1) the 9/11 2001 2002 2003 2004 2005 2006 2007 2008 2009 2010 2011 2012 2013 Al-Jazirah 54 31 36 28 14 12 16 33 69 45 69 27 55 Asharq Alawsat 20 38 49 40 29 38 82 96 58 7 0 20 40 60 80 100 120 Number of Articles
94 attacks, 2) the war on Afghanistan, and 3) the war on Iraq, terrorist attacks that targeted Saudi Arabia and the UK, the capture and execution of former Iraqi P resident Saddam Hussein, the election and inauguration of current U . S . P resident Barack Obama and his visit to Saudi Arabia and the region, and finally , the Arab Spring revolutions. The significance of these events is discussed in greater detail in th e contextual a nalysis section of this Chapter . Let us first consider the number of articles in the corpus of Al Jazirah . Statistically, Figure 4 1 shows that historical events within the corpus for this study that elicited the highest number of articles are the 9/11 at tacks, with a total of 54, and the election and inauguration of President Obama in 2008 and 2009 , with 102 articles. The lowest number of articles occurs during 2005 and 2006, with 14 and 12 articles, respectively. The number of articles during the other y ears is proportionate with the significance of events taking place during that timeframe. With respect to the chronological distribution of the articles in Asharq Alawsat , the periods with the highest number of articles are the last four months of 2007 and the last four months of 2008. T hese period s happen to coincide with the end of P resident and P , many articles discuss the ramifications of the war on Iraq. In the analysis of objects below, I provid e more details with reference to the percentages corresponding to this distribution. The second step of analysis of surface descriptors and structures pertains to the (2 012) tone rating scheme, giving +1 for articles with positive tone, 1 for articles with negative tone, and 0 for neutral articles. The scores obtained are tallied and averaged
95 out for each year. Therefore, Figure 4 2 only shows the average rating of artic les per year, hence the fine grained score s in the graph. The blue curve in this figure represents the tone analysis of Al Jazirah articles, whereas the red curve represents the Asharq Alawsat authors. 4 2 Tone analysis of articles from 2001 to 2013 As F i gure 4 2 demonstrates, the scores are skewed slightly below zero , indicating that articles tend more toward the negative side. Specifically, the periods in which the Saudi Al Jazirah media discourse on the U nited S tates tend s to be more negative are around 2002 through 200 3, with scores of 0.48 and 0.86. Looking back at the historical context surrounding this period, the finding is not surprising ; the U nited 2001 2002 2003 2004 2005 2006 2007 2008 2009 2010 2011 2012 2013 Al-JazirahTone -0.09 -0.48 -0.86 -0.45 -0.35 -0.45 -0.35 -0.5 0.09 -0.26 -0.34 -0.07 -0.08 AsharqTone -0.15 -0.55 -0.49 -0.55 -0.4 -0.42 -0.55 -0.16 -0.21 -0.83 -1 -0.9 -0.8 -0.7 -0.6 -0.5 -0.4 -0.3 -0.2 -0.1 0 0.1 0.2 0.3 0.4 0.5 0.6 0.7 0.8 0.9 1 Average Rating Tone Analysis
96 S tates waged two wars i n its war o n terror both of which targeted Islamic countries. The two wa rs sparked a great deal of tension and caused unrest not only in the region but around the world. Moreover, the tone during the years 2005 through 2006 is also mostly negative owing to many factors such as wars on the Gaza S trip and the continuation of the war on terror. Many of these factors will be clarified as the following sections unravel the discourse surrounding this period in greater detail ; h owever, the overall consensus among Saudi authors in Al Jazirah newspaper is slightly negative. T he figure a lso demonstrates that the discourse starts to improve and reaches its peak during 2008 through 2009, with an average tone score of +0.09. T his period witnessed the election and inauguration of current U . S . P resident Barack Obama, whose election was welcome d as evident in the discourse of Al Jazirah newspaper. reveals a predominantly negative outlook. During the period following the 9/11 attacks in 2001, the tone of Asharq Alawsat about the U nited S tates is leanin g more toward the middle, indicating generally neutral attitudes. T he discourse starts to harbor relatively negative perceptions during 2002 through 2005. We see a slight improvement during 2006 and 2007, although the general consensus is still negative. A s we have seen in the tone analysis of Al Jazirah , a similar pattern exists. Possibly , the tension around the Middle East during 2005 and 2006, during which several clashes between Israel and the Palestinians and Israel and the Lebanese Hezbollah 10 result ed in Israeli air strikes , and the U . S . stance on this situation might have contributed to such trends. In the following sections, a detailed 10 based i n Lebanon.
97 analysis of the texts during these periods will be more revealing as to how these trends are realized in the actual discourse of Asharq Alawsat. F igure 4 2 also shows an improvement in the general tone of the Asharq Alawsat through 2009. These years mark the beginning of time of his election in 2008 an d his inauguration and the first few months of his presidency in 2009, the discourse shows its best average tone rating with a score of 0.16 and 0.21. More importantly, during 2008 the Saudi authors of the Asharq Alawsat newspaper wrote the most articles (96) about the U nited S tates in one year. The following sections place the trends seen in th e Figure 4 2 into perspective , as they highlight the actors involved in the discourse and the objects that tend to be repeated throughout the data of both newspap er s . Actors Recall that Ca r valho (2000) refers to actors in the discourse under analysis as entities corresponding to questions like who the article mention s and how are th ey represented . This section briefly highlights the main actors involved in the dis course of Saudi authors in the two media outlets. In the discourse analysis of Al Jazirah on the U nited S tates , numerous actors are involved. The a nalysis of objects reveals the kind of themes and topics Saudi authors tend to focus on in their discourse a bout the U nited S tates . Overwhelmingly, the United States as a nation, a people , and an administration comp o se the main actors discussed in the discourse, as it is the main research inquiry in this study ; h owever, it is also important to identify certain a ctors within the corpus who have contributed to the discourse reality.
98 In my discussion of recurring objects, it will be clear that the discourse exhibited variation in the way certain actors were depicted. To take an example, the U.S. administration is s ometimes referred to negatively and other times positively portrayed. As for the people of the United States , the case is different. In this section, I list a few examples of the main actors of the c orpus and their representation. The vast majority of acto rs mentioned in the discourse are officials. The U.S. administration and government officials and representatives are all discussed extensively in the discourse regardless of the timeframe of their occurrence. This is seen as an indication of the preferred targets of arguments presented in the discourse. Moreover, the amount of reliance on these actors by the authors of the discourse reflects reliance on such actors to arrive at certain ideological judgments with reference to the U nited S tates in general. T here is repeated reference to certain pe ople, includ ing former P resident George W. Bush , P resident Obama , and members of both administrations . Previous U.S. presidents such as Bill Clinton and Jimmy Carter are also present in the discourse. According to Ca rvalho (2000), repeated mention of In my analysis of objects, the percentages of occurrence of each object are helpful in determining the influence of the actors. That is because th ere is a direct link between the number of times an actor is mentioned and the emergence of an analytical object. As such, statistical information about actors in this section is not relevant. Other actors who are also represented in the discourse include researchers, philosophers , and public figures o n the U.S. and international scene. Although reference
99 to such people is utilized to achieve a variety of discursive goals, as will be seen in the discursive strategies and processes analysis, reliance on tho se actors is less common. An equally important aspect of the analysis of participating actors relates to the s elf versus o ther. In this case, the authors identify as Saudis, Muslims, Arabs , and Middle Eastern ers . In other words, in thei r discourse on the U nited S tates , the authors express their attitudes toward the nation in voices pertaining to a multiplicity of identities. I will explain this aspect further in the sections to come. Let us now look at which actors are realized in the d iscourse of Asharq Alawsat. Overall, this analysis of Al Jazirah discourse. Like those of Al Jazirah , Asharq Alawsat data exhibit extensive reference to the United States as a nation and its administrations, people , and culture. Although reference varied from one actor to another in terms of harboring positive, negative , or neutral attitudes, this variation is clearly realized in the discourse via linguistic and rhetorical choices and dis cursive strategies and processes. In the objects analysis, where I expound on the themes and topics that are prevalent in Asharq Alawsat discourse on the U nited S tates , it will be clear how the presentation of actors in a certain discourse is linked direct ly to i deological stances, as evident in the percentage distribution of objects. Because the actors in Asharq Alawsat discourse on the United States are very much in accord with those in Al Jazirah , it might seem redundant to repeat them here. Noteworthy, however, is the reference made by the authors to the notion of s elf versus o ther. The authors of Asharq Alawsat articles tend to rely more on their regional identity vis Ã vis their national or religious identity when discussing issues pertaining to the
100 I sraeli Palestinian conflict , for instance. I provide further explanation for this particular issue in the analysis of recurring objects. Objects of Analysis Because objects define the major themes and topics found in the data, they are used as the core of C hapters 4, 5 and 6 . Analysis of the data of both newspapers reveals the emergence of two major categories of objects: freestanding and context aware. F irst, some objects are consistently repeated in the data regardless of the time of appe arance. Put differently, the y are not a result of certain historical events, thereby eliciting some sort of commentary on the part of the authors . I call these freestanding objects . The other category involves objects that are produced as a result of histo rical events. These are time sensitive , and therefore I call them context aware objects . Before delving into the detailed description of the objects in the discourse of Al Jazirah and Asharq Alawsat , let us briefly define them and demonstrate their distr ib ution in the articles. Table 4 1 summarizes these objects and provides a brief description of each of them.
101 4 1 Analysis O bjects D enotation Object Description Relationship (U nited States as a friend or a foe) Relates to how the Saudi authors portr ay the Saudi U . S . relationship in the discourse. This object not only concerns the U nited S tates as a government, but opinions and attitudes articulated in this object also relate to U.S. people and culture . Conspiracy t heory When authors hint at the exi stence of a conspiracy and a hidden agenda, the overarching object uniting these opinions is the conspiracy theory object . Globalization This c oncerns the U.S. way of life. When globalization is the source of opinions and attitudes in this object, author s typically address it s cultural influences on the world and particularly its impact on the Saudi context. In addition, globalization and the desire to impose the U.S. way of life are often associated with the actions of the U.S. government . The U nited S tates as a system: administration and business Authors in this object portray the U.S. way of life. The main difference between this object and globalization is that it only concerns the United States, whereas globalization is considered from an internatio nal perspective . US Israel (unconditional support for Israel ) Authors talk about U.S. support for Israel and relate it to U.S. Arab/Saudi relations . September 11, 2001 Authors talk about the 9/11 attacks, their aftermath, or how they have changed the world. Instances of discourse on this object occur not only in the few months following the attacks ; reference to i t is made throughout the corpus . Wars with Afghanistan and Iraq This object encompasses discourse expressing opinions and attitudes arou nd the wars on Afghanistan and Iraq. Instances of this object are spread throughout the discourse . and i nauguration This object relates to the period when Obama was elected in 2008, his inauguration in 2009 , and his address to the Arab a nd Muslim worlds in the summer of 2009. This object has three subthemes: 1) discourse related to President Bush; 2) discourse around the U . S . election process; and 3) discourse around Figure 4 3 each of these subtheme s is depicted individuall y. Other This category covers topics and themes related to different facets of life. More than 75% of the topics covered in this object fall within three main themes: 1) topics related to economic analy s i nited S tates education in the U nited S tates .
102 After having defined these objects, it is important to demonstrate their distribution within the data. The distribution (percentages) of the objects relative to the total number of articles in both papers is illustrated in Figure 4 3 . It should be noted that articles typically have more than one object , and thus the percentages are not in complementary distribution . Represented by the blue columns, Al Jazirah aut hors publish the most discourse on the conspiracy theory object with an occurrence of speech during his visit to the region in early 2009, with an occurrence rate less than 5%. Conversely, authors of Asharq Alawsat published the most discourse on the relationship with Saudi Arabia at a little over 35%. In my detailed analysis of the object, the significance of these percentages is discussed further. 4 3 Objects of a nalysis occurrence rates 0.00 5.00 10.00 15.00 20.00 25.00 30.00 35.00 40.00 45.00 Percentage Objects Distribution Al-Jazirah Asharq Alawsat
103 Although categorizing the objects of analysis into freestanding and context aware distinguishes them from an occurrence perspective, it does not provide for a thematic organization such that they can be discussed in relation to ea ch other. Therefore, the objects of analysis are grouped into smaller thematic units that facilitate discussion. The first unit relates objects that are typical of times of peace, the second relates objects typical during times of tension, and the third gr oup includes those impacted by the change of U.S. administration. Note that, regardless of this distinction, the previous classification of objects still holds. The remainder of C hapter 4 is devoted to the presentation and discussion of the first unit, namely the discourse during times of peace. In Table 4 the United States: a friend or a foe , globalization and t he U nited S tates as a system: administration and business . results for each of these objects are presented an d discussed in the following section. The United States: a friend or a foe In Al Jazirah n ewspaper s, a pproximately 22% of articles have instances of discourse about the Saudi U . S . relationship. In spite of the ideological orientation associated with this discussion , the U nited S tates is never portrayed as a foe. Rather, Saudi authors have always classified the U nited S tates as a friend, ally , and partner. Although these three attributes have varying degrees of relationship, they all have a positive connota tion. Starting with the linguistic and rhetorical aspects, the following analysis elaborates on this object. Note that the excerpts used to conduct this analysis can range in grammatical completeness from short phrases to dependent clauses to complete sent ences to complete paragraphs, hence the translation variation. To and a period to denote a grammatical sentence. Also, the translation of these excerpts
104 relies on the mean ing of the sentences rather than literal equivalence. APPENDIX C and APPENDIX D include a list of articles from which the excerpts are extracted. The list has the publishing dates. Note that excerpts extracted from Al Ja zirah articles are transcribed with ALJ, whereas excerpts from Asharq Alawsat are transcribed with ASH. Language and r hetoric . The discourse in this object exhibits positive attitudes with regard to the relationship between the United States and Saudi Ar abia in general. Lexical choices implying positive attitudes are typically made by authors to denote Saudi U.S. relations . Excerpt (ALJ .1), for instance, uses the word o describe the relationship between the U nited S tates and Saudi Arabia. According to t he Hans Wehr Dictionary of Modern Written Arabic (1979), the word means sturdy, firm and unshakable. The Arabic root of this word denot es anchorage, and the verb form of this adjective with a geminated middle consonant signifies pavement of land to achieve durability. Therefore, opting for this lexical item as opposed to the commonly used collocate with relationship sig durability of this relationship . Further eviden ce to the same effect can be seen in the next lexical choice made to describe the level of cooperation between the two countries , where the adjective is used. (ALJ .1) he sturdy relationship dat ing back to th e days of the late King Abdulaziz and P resident Franklin Roosevelt... the history of (firm) longstanding cooperation between the two countries... T he Kingdom has kept its friendship with the United States. (5/21/2007)
105 E xcerpt s like (ALJ .2) highlight the long existence of such a relationship . Here, the use of the lexical item is ind icative of the duration of such relations . Note that lexical evidence of t he lowest depiction of relationship between the two countries, according to the discourse of Al Jazirah , is that of strategic partnership. Evidently , E xcerpt (ALJ .3) exemplifies these attitudes. Moreover, the use of a topic + comment in this excerpt signifies affirmation. Here, the subject a verbal phrase function of which is continuity and progression. (ALJ .2) Especially Saudi Arabia, the historic ally with the Unit (10/1/2013) (ALJ .3) The level of relationships is classified as strategic partnership. As far as the attitudes toward the people of the United States are concerned, the discourse of Al Jazirah is highly positive. This is evident in excerpts like (ALJ .4) and (ALJ .5) , which portray the people as friendly and loved by Saudis. Moreover, the use of generalization by virtue of words like generally indicates presenting a culturally unchalle nged fact. Even when the U.S. administration is criticized or portrayed negatively, authors exclude the U.S. people either explicitly as in E xcerpt (ALJ .6) , stressing the ir disagreement regarding wars , o r they are depicted as being blinded by mass media an d not getting the real picture. An example of the latter is seen in E xcerpt (ALJ .7). E xcerpt (ALJ .8) draws a clear distinction between the people and the U . S .
106 administration by putting U.S. civilized society , knowledge, economy, and people on one side and the White House, t he Pentagon, intelligence, media , and Zionist lobbyists on the other side. (ALJ .4) But, the truth is that the U.S. people are generally friendly. (4/9/2012) (ALJ .5) If you would have asked any Saudi national , regardless of their educational background or even if they are illiterate, about their favorite people among st Western people . They would have answered, withou t hesitation, that the U.S. people are among st those s/he loved. The U.S. people are loved , respect ed and admir ed by the Saudi people , and those who have lived and worked in Saudi Arabia for years came to know that . (03/04/2004) (ALJ .6) The U.S. fed up with wars. (1/18/2013) (ALJ .7) However, the U.S. populace is overwhelmingly blinded by th is powerful media. (03/08/2012) (ALJ .8) I n fact, the United States the civilized , the United States the knowledge, the United States the economy, the United States the people are different from the United States The White House , The Pentagon , The Intelligence , The Zionist Lobbyists . (12/30/2003) The linguistic devices utilized to convey these feelings can be exemplified by lexical choic es, affirmation , and assertion. Excerpt (ALJ .6), for example, which
107 describes the U.S. n war, the author utilize s the word instead of less emotionally charged words like which co n veys the same meaning. The former, though, has more of a semantic load as it carries the meaning of extreme boredom , which can be referred to in English as weary and fed up. As for rhetorical choices made by the authors, E xcerpt (ALJ .6) utilizes two commonly devised tools in Arabic: affirmation and assertion. According to Abdul Raof (2006), the use of the assertive particle combined with the perfect verb ten se has the pragmatic function of affirming the certainty of the action. Other instances of affirmation , includ ing grammatical ly based affirmation moves like the use of equational sentences, are seen in E xcerpt (ALJ .4) , which describes t he U .S. people as friendly. Also, t he use of a topic + comment sentence such as the construction in (ALJ .6) has the same pragmatic effect of affirmation . These rhetorical moves intensify the judgments being conveyed by the speakers , underscoring their ideologi cal stances. The final excerpt in this category (ALJ .8) employs several devices that particle , signals logical reasoning, and so what follows is typically an argument in which the author strongly believes. The argument presented after this particle is an equati onal sentence, the subject of which, the United States, is repeatedly mentioned with its modifiers and only mentioned once in the predicate of the subject. Clearly, repetition here serves the pragmatic function of persuasion; more importantly utilizing thi s appreciation of the good traits of the United States.
108 Discursive strategies and processes. Reference to history is widely employed as a discursive strategy by Saudi aut hors of Al Jazirah to imply the strong ties between Saudi Arabia and the U nited S tates . In E xcerpt (ALJ .1), the author refers to the first official meeting between King Abdulaziz, the founder of the current Saudi state, and the 32 nd U.S. president in an ar gumentative move to justify his contention earlier in which he describes the relationship between Saudi Arabia and the U nited S tates as sturdy. Indicating continuation of this history, the author argues that Saudi Arabia has kept this friendly relationship . Excerpt (ALJ .9) employs the discursive strategy of presupposition. Pragmatically, presupposition is considered an implicit move to entail an internalized assumption shared by a group . Presupposition, according to van Dijk (1995), entails the semantic ind ication that a certain argument is as sumed to be known. Describing the shares this belief. (ALJ .9) Saudi Arabia used to used to utilize this distinguished relationship in Argumentation and particularly the use of the rhetorical question co nstruction in E xcerpt (ALJ .5) provides an example of a discursive strategy to present an unchallenged fact. Similarly, providing detailed, as opposed to vague, descript ion of the relationship is considered by van Dijk (1995) as an attribute of positive per ception. Detailed description is seen in the positive presentation of several attributes of the United States in E xcerpt (ALJ .8) , in which the author distinguishes between the United States as a nation and as a political system. By repeating the word
109 four times in the subject clause, which harbors the positive traits, the same excerpt also displays what Abdul Raof (2006) refers to as affirmation through repetition. Ideological standpoints. Generally speaking, with regard to the previous analysis of the first object in the textual analysis of Al Jazirah articles , the discourse display s positive attitudes. The ideologies of the authors, through linguistic and discursive moves, show a deep interest in the relationship between Saudi Arabia and the U nited S tates . This interest is reflected in the constant reference to history, which can be seen as an indication of the desire to maintain such ties and further enhance them despite potential hurdles. In the contextual analysis provided im mediately after this object, such ideologies are put in their wider historical contexts as I provide more information about Saudi U.S. relations. Conversely, the critical discourse analysis has also demonstrated that Saudi authors in this particular objec t prefer to differentiate between the U.S. government and the people. The discursive moves exemplified herein highlight the significance of this relation and point out that U.S. people cannot be judged by the actions of their government. As for Asharq Alaw discourse, the same object a ccount s for over 37% of the data, with the highest occurrence rate in this media outlet. Like Al Jazirah discourse, Asharq Alawsat articles do not consider the U nited S tates a foe or portray any perceptions to this eff ect. Rather, the authors constantly refer to the U nited S tates as either a friend, an ally , or a partner. Language and rhetoric. The view that the relationship between Saudi Arabia and the U nited S tates is established on the basis of mutual interests is a recurring
110 theme and stated explcitly in E xcerpt (ASH .1). By deploying the Arabic words indicating order , first and seco n d, the author draws a dependence and causality relationship between mutual interests and friendship between Saudi Arabi a and the U nited S tates . In the next sentence, the author describes this dependency and relates it to oil production from the Saudis and the transfer of technology from the United States . In his description of the resulting relationship, the author deploys the phrase sturdy. Unlike Al Jazirah , in which the adjective sturdy was used alone to describe the relationship, the use of has in a verbal phrase as opposed to an adjective phrase indicates agency and can be seen to show effort and pe rhaps struggle, a theme which is also enforced by the pr e positional phrase with time. Moreover, combining the noun , which denotes strengthening with the perfect form of the verb ndicates that this continuous effort has resulted in a complete realization of this sturdy relationship. The following sentence is additional evidence of such effort, as the a uthor starts with the conjunction device however and provides more details about the challenges facing this relationship. (ASH .1) The Saudi U.S. relationship has been based, since its beginning, on mutual interests in the first place and friendship in the second place. The mutual strategic interests associated with oil and the transfer of modern technology to Saudi Arabia have indeed led to establishing an old friendship that bec a me
111 sturdy with time. However, the Saudi U.S. relationship has faced since its beginning two major challenges: 1. Disagree ment on the basis of solving and settling the Middle East conflict and the Saudi disapproval of U nited S unconditional support to Israel. 2. The vast differences in cultural and political values between Saudi and U.S. societies. (1/15/2002) An addi tional feature that characterizes the discourse of Asharq Alawsat on the U nited S tates is the sincere interest in the continuation of good relations between the two nations. Excerpt (ASH .2) is an instance of the deployment of an almost poetic language to e xpress a desire for the relations to improve. The use of the two words longing and nostalgia demonstrate such a desire , which is also intensified by the adjective great. In Arabic poetry, expressions of longing and nostalgia are used to express love and are typically employed in poems about a lover. In the second part of the excerpt, the author states the attributes that have resulted in these sentiments. An emphasis on the attributes is achieved by the repetition of the superlative more in the three adjectives describing the old United States . Alth ough the three adjectives rational, balanced, and discerning convey similar meanings, repeating them gives prominence to this concept and highlights what the author desires from the United States to restore the previous rel ations. (ASH .2) . . There is a great sense of longing and nostalgia for the old United States . The o ld United States was more rational, m ore balanced , and more discerning. (08/13/2006)
112 However, this relationship is not unconditional. In this regard, E xcerpt (ASH .3) deploys the affirmation device indeed to express certainty of the nited S tat es is conditioned by a more balanced foreign policy. The use of the affirmation devic e in Arabic signals emphasis . According to Abdul Raof (2006), the semantic grammatical function of the affirmation device indeed, besides transforming a verbal senten ce into a nominal one, is affirmation, and thus whatever follows this device is an unequivocal statement according to the speaker. This affirmative statement is then followed by the conditions under which support to the U nited S tates is given. (ASH .3) Indeed, the w hole world today backs the United States i n its war on terror, and the U nited S tates must exercise a responsible and balanced foreign policy based on credibility, positive succession , and fair decision making. (11/12/2001) In reference to the United States as a people or as a nation, the discourse manifests predominantly positive attitudes. In many instances, authors of Asharq Alawsat express their admiration of the nation, highlighting certain aspects such as democracy, initiation , and educational excellence. This can be seen in an excerpt like (A SH .4), which use s the rhetorical move of antithesis or describing two opposite ideas to describe the situation of immigrants to the U nited S tates before and after their im migration. Whereas lexical items denoting oppression are used in the first sentence t o nited S tates , the second part of u s later with words expressing peace and
113 safety. The author also highlights his fascination with the resulting society and praises its economic, cultural , and educational excellence. (ASH .4) Whoever reviews the political and social history of the U nited S tates will find out that the U nited S tates was founded by immigrants who had fled the political, religious , and social aggression and oppression in their countries in order to find (win) safety and s ecurity. This is how the United States was founded...Many wise people say that the greatness of the U.S. people stems from the fact that it is a homogeneous racial mixture leading to a new and an unique reality represented in economic superiority, social e xcellence , and above all technological aspiration. (11/12/2001) Another feature worthy of discussion in this object about the discourse of Asharq Alawsat is the differentiation between the United States as a government/administration and a people. Below is an excerpt illuminating these perceptions. Excerpt (ASH .5) has of the rhetorical moves in this excerpt is the use of simile to indicate that looking at the sins of the United States is like the vision of a one eyed person whose only eye sees the bad, whereas if the other eye were open, positive aspects of the American culture w ould be seen. Linguistically, devising several words to refer to good acts of the Unite d States is a sign that such acts are appreciated and that the author considers them to be the norm. The three lexical items employed to denote the good acts of the U nited S tates pros, positives and commendable acts are synonymous in Arabic ,
114 ation is the use of political animosity. By putting the positive traits on one side and then contrasting them with the acts of the politicians, the author is suggesting that the people should not be held accountable for the acts of the ir government. These and similar moves are seen throughout the discourse. (ASH .5) It has become common to talk about the mistakes of the U nited S tates and its sins for one reason or another. However, focusing on the sins alone is a defective vision because we have at the same time to open our other eye on the numerous advantages, commendable acts , and pros of the U.S. culture . Such pluses are much greater and more sustainable th a n the mistakes and the political animosity. (04/16/2 005) Discursive strategies and processes. T he Saudi authors in Asharq Alawsat rely on several of the se . T he first excerpt , (ASH .1) indicating the long existence of the Saudi U.S. relationship , provides an argument that is presented as a fact. The use of presupposition in this particular instance highlights that the author is presenting an unchallenged reality. V an Dijk (1995) indicates that presenting arguments as unchallenged and presumed is a discursive practice that involves the emphasis of a good prop erty known to be true among a group. In contrast to this discursive move, the same excerpt also exhibits argumentation when the author talks about the potential reasons for challenges facing the relationship between the two countries. Here, unlike the firs t statement , which is presented as a fact, the employment of numbering and details given to support a claim demonstrates that the author is trying to persuade the audience.
115 Another discursive practice that is employed by authors in this object is the deta iled description of the group receiving praise and vagueness toward the other group that is negatively presented. This particular strategy can be seen in E xcerpt (ASH .4), in which the author gives little or no details of the oppression that immigrants to t he U nited S tates had been through before immigrating . However, when talking about the U nited S tates , the author provides details on what the nation has given immigrants after their relocation. Highlighting the good and positive of the group receiving prais e is also seen in E xcerpt (ASH .5), in which political animosity is not described, whereas the commendable acts are reiterated three times with different lexical items. V an Dijk (1995) suggests that discourse exhibiting similar strategies indicates ideo logical commitment toward the group with extraneous and descriptive discourse. Ideological standpoints. From the linguistic and discursive analysis described previously , the discourse of Asharq Alawsat with regard to the first object of the textual analy sis exhibits overall positive attitudes. According to the excerpts analyzed, the U nited S tates is viewed as a friend to varying degrees. The discourse also shows that these relations are longstanding and important for the Saudis. The authors, however, indi cate that the relationship with the U nited S tates is not unconditional as it is expected that the U nited S tates satisfy certain attributes that the authors identify to be constructive for the relationship. As the linguistic and rhetorical analyses also s how, there is a sort of agreement that Saudi authors have great respect and appreciation of the people of the United States and their culture . More often than not, the authors do not tend to judge the
116 people by the wrongdoings of the government. Rather, th ey explicitly call on the people of Saudi Arabia to open their eyes to all the good that the people of the United States have to offer, which includes technology, education , and much more. Globalization and the U nited S tates : two sides of the same coin. A repeated and consistent object in the data o n Al Jazirah is globalization, which proves to be one of the most controversial issues among the authors, with 17% of the articles published on the U nited S tates and globalization. Despite the controversy surro unding this issue, what seems to be unchallenged equally among its proponents and opponents is that globalization is a product of the United States that, whether we like it or not, has impacted our lives tremendously. Here are some excerpts and my analysis of them , starting with the linguistic and rhetorical devices. Language and rhetoric . The discourse of Al Jazirah seems to agree on the fact that the United States and globalization are two sides of the same coin. In defense of the U.S. notion of globali zation, E xcerpt (ALJ .10) ascertains that the United States is globalization through the use of the resultative particle indicates that the argument following is a direct result of the previous discussion. This particle indicates that the author is presenting an argument that s/he believes to be true. The use of the third person female singular separation pronoun to distinguish the subject and predicate of the equational sentence presents an affirmed argument achieved by the e quational construction complemented by the separation pronoun . Inserting Excerpt (ALJ .11) also link s globalization with Linguistically, American ization and globalization did not exist in the Arabic lexicon, but
117 they w ere both recently coined to signify a process. In particular, the Arabic verb pattern associated with the English suffix ize is a fairly modern extension of Arabic verb patterns (Badawi et al., 2013). The pattern is used to denote a process. As such, the authors, by using words of the same pattern, draw a mental association between the two, as both result from a process. (ALJ .10) At the end of the day, the United States is <>, simply put! 05/25/2003 (ALJ .11) One of the widespread a matter of Americanization or complete adoption of the W estern model, leaving behind contributions of other nations on globalization. (12/22/2003) On the other end of the spectrum, the author of E xc erpt (ALJ .12) implicitly associates globalization with the U nited States by listing U.S. products like the dollar and branded fast food chains as examples of the strength of W estern culture. Numerous similar instances are seen in the data directly connecti ng globalization with the United States . Moreover, in this excerpt, the repetition of the word throughout the excerpt is a form of lexical repetition with the pragmatic function of confirming and foregrounding the main theme of the sentence , namely the strength of Western culture. Note that according to Jawad (2009), translating lexical repetition can be achieved by synonymy, which is the reason the word is translated differently in each of the five times of recurrence. (ALJ .12)
118 adoption (spread) of the Gregorian calendar, the popularity (spread) of English, the adoption (spread) of the USD as an international currency, the spread of the so called gl obal fashion composed of shirts and pants, and the spread of branded W estern fast food chains (5/12/2009) Opponents of the U.S. flavor of globalization approach the issue as a threat to national and religious identity and ultimately render it doomed. To provide an example, let us take E xcerpt (ALJ .13). Here, we can see a typical example of an attempt to portray U.S. globalization as a threat. In fact, the author even draws an analogy between globalization and war by picturing globalization as a cultura l invasion that is not easily combated. The author of E xcerpt (ALJ .14) plainly states that the U.S. notion of globalization demands complete control over other cultures, nations , and organizations. Affirmation in this particular excerpt is achieved by util izing three main devices . First, the author opts for an equational sentence construction, the subject of which construction signify affirmation, it accentuates the predicate by foregrounding the main theme of the sentence with the superlative. The equational sentence is also modified by the added value of the causality device excerpt is the separation pronoun English. With these devices, the author wishes to affirm the main theme of the sentence, namely the threat associated with glo balization. (ALJ .13)
119 The French minister of Culture expressed his concern that the French people would fall victim to the colonization of U.S. cultur e . The Canadian PM complained about the influe nce of U.S. cul ture on his own people...they complain despite the fact that they have a similar political system, the same religion , and similar beliefs. How about us? How will we deal with live broadcast and the W estern cultural invasion? (04/12/2002) (ALJ .14) ...because the most obvious condition of U.S. globalization is to single handedly lead cult ures, nations, and organization. (2/25/2003) In contrast, excerpts such as (ALJ .11) refuse t o comply with such a notion, indicating that U.S. culture is not the only contributor to globalization and calling for a more open perspective on the issue. Here, the author utilizes the affirmation device c onstruction , debunking the claim of the alleged concept of Americanization. Note , too, that the use of the word claim conveys a negative connotation. Discursive strategies and processes . Discursive strategies deployed in the object of globalizat ion as a U.S. product vary greatly depending on the ideological orientation of the speakers. Particularly, the discursive processes of mitigation and legitimation are used by proponents of the concept, whereas opponents tend to rely more on intensification and quot ing of negative sources. The discursive processes of m itigation and legitimation imply the use of emphatic language to highlight positive actions. V an Dijk refers to such constructions as functions of self defense (1995). Although these construct ions are not used as self defense
120 mechanisms per se, Saudi authors in Al Jazirah utilize them to legitimize their arguments in favor of the U.S. notion of globalization. The use of the construction in E xcerpt (ALJ .10) demonstr ates an emphatic construction that yields an ultimatum : either accept this fact or not. As a legitimation strategy, E xcerpt (ALJ .11) presents an argument for globalization by mentioning contributions of other cultures. In trying to achieve this, the author utilizes a negative other presentation by devising negative lexicalization , as evident in the word claim. Negative presentation of the U.S. notion of globalization utilizes strategies such as intensifying negative traits and citing negative sources to support an argument. The first move is exemplified by E xcerpt (ALJ .12) , in which the author us es negative lexicalization as in the word hegemony in reference to U.S. political power and its control over the world. Constructions like so called are also negatively devised in this excerpt to refer to the U.S. style of clothing. Quoting negat ive sources as a discursive process is apparent too, and a typical example can be seen in E xcerpt (ALJ .13). Here, the French minister of information and the Canadian prime minster are quoted expressing negative attitudes about globalization. Other discursi ve practices used by authors include warning , as seen in the construction single leading cultures in (ALJ .14), presupposition , seen in (ALJ .14) presenting the causal relationship as given without presenting compelling arguments, and several other constructions. Ideological standpoints . The discou rse utilized by Saudi authors in Al Jazirah to discuss notions of globalization in relation to the U nited S tates displays antagonistic
121 views on the issue. Ideological standpoints are clearly eviden ce of the divide in Saudi society on the issue. Proponents and opponents present their arguments for and against this U.S. notion of globalization, employing several linguistic devices as well as discursive strategies. Such diverse employment of the devices explained earlier is suggestive of the divide in views, h ence this inference. The U nited S tates as a system: administration and business O ne major difference found in Asharq Alawsat is the nonexistence of the object lobalization and the U nited S tates : two sides of the same coin . Alawsat disc ourse appear s to exhibit a closely related object : The U nited S tates as a system: administration and business . The discourse in this object is characterized by its reference to the procedural and administrative practices in the U nited S tates and their im pacts on the life of U.S. citizens , their decisions, and their handling of business. The discourse of Asharq Alawsat places considerable emphasis on the discussion of the U.S. system, whether in government or business spheres. Approximately 18% of articles express attitudes and opinions about the U nited S tates as a system. Saudi authors in this media outlet constantly discuss aspects of the U.S. government and business models with variable ideological standpoints. In this subsection, I devise a linguistic, rhetorical , and discursive analysis tool to pinpoint these ideologies and highlight the main features found on several excerpts. Language and rhetoric. Starting with the U . S . governing system, I present the linguistic and rhetorical analysis of the Ashar q Alawsat discourse here. The first excerpt (ASH .7) illustrates how the U.S. system is portrayed in Asharq Alawsat. Linguistically,
122 the use of the Arabic topic + comment structure gives the impression that the statement is permanent and presents an attitud inal construction about the subject. Note that the comment of this sentence is a verbal clause a highly respected and firm constitution the protection that this constitution provides for the citizens. It is important that the list of colors provided in the topic of this sentence is an exaggerated statement highlighting the fact that this constitution does not discriminate on the basis of color. Making p ositive lexical choices like highly respected and unshakable to define the U.S. constitution suggest s admiration. E xcerpt (ASH .8) commends the capability of the United States to recover because of its roots as a free system. Rhetorically, this excerpt tr ies to support this assertion by criticizing the current administration and suggesting that its ethical principles will permit the United States to correct itself. Moreover, lexical items such as ethical in the first sentence as opposed to clique in the next sentence can be seen as rhetorical antithesis signaling positive attitudes toward the system and negative ones toward the ruling administration. Clearly, these moves indicate temporary dissatisfaction and can be seen as eviden ce of the existence of trust in the system. (ASH .7) THE NATION The United States of America is a nation of whites, blacks, light browns , and yellows protected by a highly respected and firm constitution that maintains freedom of choice and the right to strive , excel , and achieve miracles as long
123 as all of this is legal. This constitut ion has not excluded Arabs or non Arabs from citizenship on the basis of their race . The components of the U.S. heterogeneous people have melted in an enormous human melting pot named THE NATION to become the greatest nation on earth. This reality has en abled many Arab Americans to seize the opportunity and become (06/22/2009) (ASH .8) The Unite d States , as a system, is capable of self criticism and providing alternative solutions because it is built on a free system with important ethical principles. The fact that a clique disrupted its moving forward does not mean the end of the world even if t his is what they wanted. Four years have brought because of the foolish policies of that administration. However, all those who respect the United States , its heritage , and its capabilit ies would bet on its ability for self reform and to recover from this farce. (3/26/2007) Conversely, the fact that the United States is a capitalist system has made its actions questionable to some authors in the corpus. Excerpt (ASH .9) is an example of discourse that negatively portrays U.S. military action in Iraq and links it to the capitalist nature of the system. Lexically, the word capitalist has a negative connotation in Saudi society because of its association with prohibited monetary transactions in the Islamic economic jurisprudence, such as usury or deferred interest. Along the same lines, several excerpts, exemplified by (ASH .10), denounce the right wing hegemony over the U.S. administration. Many lexical items denoting submission , such as submissive and hegemony are constantly employed by Saudi authors in this particul ar object. Also, where as the author of Excerpt (ASH .7 ) utilizes the Arabic topic + comment construction to signify permanency, the author of E xcerpt (ASH .10) resorts to the Arabic verbal structure. Although the Arabic verbal structure , according to
124 Abdul Raof (2006) , communicat es progression, it does not imply permanency. By opting for the verbal structure in E xcerpt (ASH .10), the author prefers not to indicate permanency of the right wing hegemony. (ASH .9) Here, I would say th at the United States is reverting to its capitalist thinking, which has a direct impact on its military strategy. What I mean here is that the United States has found in (the invasion of) Iraq an exit strategy a well known investment strategy to heal its w ounds from Afghanistan. (10/12/2002) (ASH .10) The right wing factions in t he U.S. administration and the journalists who are submissive to the right wing and Israeli hegemony and those who support Israeli policy in the U nited S tates strive to spread an impression that the U.S. people unequivocally back the U.S. polic ies in the region . (5/26/2002) Reference to the U.S. system is not limited to the government. Authors in Asharq Alawsat also give attention to the business and educational aspects of the system. Let us first take examples from texts from which perc eptions about U.S. business models can be extracted. For instance, the success of multinational companies in the U nited S tates at the same time that some U.S. corporations are struggling prompt s authors like that of Excerpt (ASH .11) to express his astonish ment rather explicitly. Here, in the first sentence the author compares and contrasts the U.S. car manufacturer with its Japanese competitor. Linguistically, in the first part the author employs the lexical item giant to describe the U.S. company, but Japanese Toyota is not modified by a
125 similar adjective, wh ereas in reality index ranks Toyota higher in its 2014 release 11 . Another linguistic move exhibited in this s en tence is the lack of specific details about the number of factories closed by G eneral M otors , as opposed to mentioning that Toyota is opening its tenth factory in the U nited S tates . All such moves express the U.S. business and markets that are open to foreign corporations. The concept of a multinational corporation finding success in the U nited S tates is used by the same author in the second sentence in a rhetorical move to set an example before questioning why oth er multicultural countries fail to coexist (hinting to some Arab countries with sectarian conflicts and cultural differences). The latter move is an implicit admiration of the U.S. market and businesses. (ASH .11) While General Motors, the U.S. car manufacturing giant, has been laying off its employees and closing down its factories, the Japanese Toyota is launching its tenth factory and continues to hir e employees and create thousands of jobs. All this is happening inside the United States. where borders and differences fade away. I wonder how multinational corporations have succeeded when multicultural societies in some countries have failed to coexis t. (04/07/2007) The U.S. education system is also discussed in the discourse of Asharq Alawsat in this particular object. More specifically, the role that U.S. universities play in society is 11 ( Forbes, Companies ," 2014 )
126 highlighted and extensively discussed. An example of this is E xcerpt (ASH .12) , in which the author draws attention to the investments, scholarly contributions , and generous support from private institutions that U.S. universities en joy argument with a controversial statement, the author by expressing his position about the U nited S tates leading the world rather bluntly. This rhetorical strategy entailing blunt and controversial contentions is not common among Saudi authors, especially when reference i s made to the U nited S tates; h owever, the author supports his argument with examples pertaining to U.S. higher education, namely universities. A first look at the excerpt from a linguistic perspective reveals that the word university and its deriv atives were repeated four times. The same word is referred to by subject, object , and reflexive pronoun several times. Recall that r epetition in Arabic discourse, according to Johnstone (1991), can serve as a persuasive devi c e. Thematically, this excerpt h ighlights the importance of universities in U.S. society and the role they play in securing the leadership position of the United States in the world. Lexical choices such as the strong and the prosperous are additional devices the author resorts to in support of his earlier argument. Several similar instances are constantly repeated in the discourse of Asharq Alawsat. (ASH .12) In the United States , which deserves to lead the world, there are fifty universities with investmen ts totaling 152 billion dollars...these universities and their research centers are what made the strong and prosperous these universities were also founded by the U.S.
127 businessmen they have donated millions and billions to establish them such universities are nonprofit , meaning they are not after revenues...even if they do by marketing their research and the tuitions paid by their students, the revenues would be used in scholarships to increase their capacities.. . the donating businessmen only receive an honorary position. (11/25/2001) Discursive strategies and processes. The preceding excerpts utilize several discursive strategies and processes , among which are code switching, generalization , and presupposition. Using the se excerpts, I illustrate several discursive practices utilized within the object of The U nited S tates as a system: administration and business. Excerpt (ASH .7) employs a clear presupposition move by resorting to the Arabic topic + comment structure , which , according to the linguistic analysis of the excerpt , denotes permanency. Apparently, the goal of this move is to show that the statements made are value laden. Code switching is a discursive strategy seen twice in E xcerpts (ASH .7) and (ASH .9) to serve two communica tive purposes. Recall that code switching between Arabic and English is considered a necessary means by which authors express their access to international cultures (Suleiman, 2011). In E xcerpt (ASH .7), the code switch THE NATION is employed positively t o convey respect and admiration for the U.S. system, whereas the use of the second excerpt (ASH .9) code switch xit strategy is clearly negative. What the two moves have in common is that in both cases the original Arabic word is not left out. Ideologi cal standpoints. The linguistic and discursive analys e s of the object The U nited S tates as a system: administration and business show inconclusive
128 ideological standpoints. As far as the government is concerned, the linguistic and discursive analysis show s that the Saudi authors of Asharq Alawsat express admiration of the U.S. system by discussing its positive traits. Linguistic choices made highlight that this view is permanent and that these attitudes are intensified by the lexical items utilized. Negat ive attitudes, however, are associated with the Bush administration, and the linguistic moves deployed by the authors to describe it imply dissatisfaction. Opting for the Arabic verbal structure suggests that attitudes are temporary and can change with the change of government. Traits of the system that are perceived negatively by Saudi society , such as capitalism, are brought up by the authors as a tool to interpret what they think of as the wrongdoings of the government. They typically associate such trai ts with the actions of the government of which they do not approve. Similar attitudes prevail when it comes to the hegemony of the right wing politicians in the U.S. government. In contrast, positive ideological standpoints predominate when reference is m ade to the business and educational aspects of the United States as a system in Asharq Alawsat. Discursive practices such as presupposition, generalization , and positive presentation , deployed by Asharq Alawsat authors to denote the positive features of th e business and educational aspects of the system , underscore approval and admiration. Repetition of the praised trait is seen as a persuasion maneuver and constantly used in this particular object. The overall consensus is that Saudi authors in this media outlet highly respect the U.S. business and educational systems.
129 Contextual Analysis After having identified the main linguistic and discursive features of Saudi dis cussion of historical and sociocultural contexts. The main goals of this discussion are to link text to context and interpret the main findings of the linguistic and discursive gical standpoints on these three objects. The f irst object found in Al Jazirah and Asharq Alawsat is The United States: a friend or a foe . T he two media outlets appear to rely heavily on the history of Saudi U . S . relations and use this historical backgr ound as a departing point for their arguments. In what follows, I touch on the history of this relationship between the two countries and link it to the discursive characteristics described in the previous sections . Historical Overview In her account of C DA, Wodak (2009) underscores the importance of considering historical aspects when analyzing discourse. She mentions that CDA has to account for the synchronic as well as the diachronic dimensions. Whereas the findings in the previous sections present the synchronic features of the discourse, which , according to Wodak (2009) , are interested in the examination of discourse at the finite spectrum, this section presents the diachronic features with respect to the three objects found during times of peace . One of the dimensions of the diachronic aspects of discourse relates to them as points in time whe n synchronic cuts can be made while providing for shifts in discourse. Put differently, discursive events are those that bring about change in the
130 discourse. Therefore, this section overviews some of the historical aspects that might have contributed to the realization of positive as well as negative ideologies . Historically , t he U.S. Department of State says that t he United States and Saudi Arabia established full diplomatic relations in 1940 (2013) . The exploration of oil in the Arabian peninsula is considered the actual kick start of Saudi U.S. relations, when the Saudis awar ded a U.S. company the concession to explore oil. This consequently resulted in the world leading oil company Aramco (a mnemonic acronym of Arabian American Oil Company). It was not until February 14, 1945 , when President Franklin Delano Roosevelt and K ing Abdulaziz Al Saud met on board the USS Quincy that current U . S . Saudi relations started (Eddy, 1954; Lippman, 2005) . Undoubtedly, this meeting is of symbolic significance in the Saudi nation. Even today its footage is broadcast in almost all Saudi medi a, whether on TV or printed outlets, during national holidays and other important events pertinent to national festivals. For example, the website of the Saudi Embassy to the United States features a picture of this meeting on its page on Saudi U.S. relati ons (n.d.). The symbolic significance of this meeting is attributed to its positive consequences in all aspects pertaining to financial, economic , and commercial life in Aramco operations and oil exports, U.S. contributions to the establishment of the Saudi financial system, and the involvement of U.S. key pillars of bilateral economic and commercial relations during t his period. In reference to this background, the findings of the discourse analysis display conclusive ideological standpoints and express feelings in favor of Saudi U . S . relations.
131 Given the results obtained in the The US: a friend or a foe both media outlets stress the importance of bilateral ties with the U nited S tates through discursive features that express the strength of the relation. In particular, the utilization of lexical items such as sturdy to describe Saudi U . S . relations is shown to convey trust in such relations. D ifferences between Al Jazirah and Asharq Alawsat exist in that Al Jazirah authors employ it in an adjective phrase , wh ereas Asharq Alawsat excerpts utilize a verba l construction. In my analysis of this excerpt, the latter move is considered suggestive of effort, struggle , and perhaps challenges. A possible interpretation of this reference to struggle and effort is that Saudi U . S . relations, despite all the turbulenc e that might be associated with certain periods, have remained consistently alive. In spite of the variation in the degree of closeness of the relationship expressed by lexical items to describe the U nited S tates , which range between friend, ally , and st rategic partner, there is no hostility when reference to the U nited S tates is made by either of the paper s , and never once is the U nited S tates depicted as a foe. Moreover, the discourse of Al Jazirah and Asharq Alawsat shows agreement on the importance of the continuation of good ties with the U nited S tates for the good of Saudi Arabia and its people. T his is not to say that such agreement is absolute ; i nstead, the discourse shows consistent demands on the resolution of political issues pertaining to Islam ic and regional spheres, the most important of which is the Arab Israeli conflict. In my analysis of objects during times of tension and the changing U.S. administrations in C hapters 5 and 6 , we will see how these historical changes are realized discu rsively.
132 Sociocultural Overview In Chapter 2, I highlighted the importance placed by CDA researchers on the social aspects of discourse based on the role they play in shaping ideologies that in turn surface as discursive features. V an Dijk posits that ma ny implications of opinion and op ed articles are basically reminiscent of the complex attitudes and ideologies about social norms, values, group rights , Moreover, the gist of the CDA research l ies in its quest to define the relationships of causality and determination between (a) discursive practices, events (Fairclough, 1995a). As such, this section tries to draw links between the findings reported in this study and their wide sociocultural context. Two analytical objects found in the corpus are particularly aligned with sociocultural aspects relating to Saudi society: 1) Al Jazirah Globalization and the U nited S tates : two sides of the same coin, The U nited S tates : administration and business. Both of these objects have in common a clear interest in the U.S. way of life, culture , and influence on the world. In terms of Al Jazirah discourse on globalization and the U nited S tates , the results reveal inconsistency in the ideological stances due to factors that can be socially rooted, such as national and religious identity. Asharq Alawsat discourse appears to be more consiste nt on the issue of the business and educational models of the U.S. system, showing signs of admiration and amazement ; h owever, it does not hold similar views about its capitalist orientations. Let us start with globalization and how the Saudi socially con structed view of it might have influenced the discourse of Al Jazirah . Many would agree that a construct as
133 fluid as globalization is viewed from a variety of angles economic, cultural, technological , and scientific , to name a few. The discourse of Al Jazi rah seems to agree with this vague and borderless interpretation of globalization but adds a few more elements depicting it s ever increasing influence. As the findings indicate, many Al Jazirah writers consider globalization and the U nited S tates as one in separable construct and that many actions taken by the government, especially by its military wing, have resulted from a U.S. desire to impose its view of globalization. This has given rise to what some of the discourse participants refer to as military g lobalization for example, Excerpt (ALJ .35), a rarely propagated view of globalization. Believers of this view of globalization highlight that much of the U.S. military action following the 9/11 attacks, especially the occupation of Iraq and control over areas rich in natural resources such as Central Asia, is economically motivated. Accordingly, globalization is considered the means by which the United States , using its military power, would tighten its grip on economic resources around the world. At th e cultural level, which appears to be the widely recognized view of from national and religious considerations. Here, it is warranted to underscore that national and r eligious factors go hand in hand in the context of Saudi Arabia, as religion plays a significant role in the construction of the Saudi national identity. Referring to the construction of identity, Nevo (1998, p. 35) accentuates the prominent role that reli gion laws are
134 derived from its revelations. That is to say, unlike the majority of Western societies, including the United States, where the constitutions are written and agreed upon by the people such that they form the basis of government, Saudi Arabia uses the traditions of the Prophet as its constitution. Saudis firmly believe that these revelations from God are the best form of government and that mundane legislations are considered competition with the divine desire. For example, Sheikh Mo hammad Ibn Uthayman, a prominent Islamic scholar in Saudi Arabia, says Promulgating man made laws that are contrary to the rulings of Allah and His Messenger concerning matters of blood, honour and wealth, is an act of major kufr which puts one beyond the pale of Islam. There is no doubt whatsoever concerning that, and there is no difference of opinion concerning it among the Muslim scholars. Promulgating such laws is competing with Allah, may He be exalted, in His rule and is going against Him in His laws. ( Ruling on promulgating manmade laws, n.d.) Furthermore, evi dent of the nonexistence of any other human based judiciary system in Saudi Arabia, Nevo (1998) underscores that even terms suggesting mundane sources of legislation such as law or are strictly prohibited and substituted by terms that do not have any judicial implications, such as system. So what does all this have to do with globalization and its cultural components in the discourse at hand? The findings conve y that many participants in the discourse, especially th ose of Al Jazirah , explicitly voice their suspicion against anything having to do with globalization for reasons that are merely religious or national. In fact, globalization in its U.S. flavor is con sidered by the discourse as a threat to national identity as described previously and that adopting globalization is an a priori reason for giving in and letting go of the national and religious identity of Saudi Arabia. In other words, as the discourse su ggests, giving in to the sweeping wave of globalization would
135 necessarily mean adopting the new world system, which is a step forward in the process of replacing the described legislative system. According to this view, globalization would necessarily impo se mundane legislations , the source of which is not portray U.S. globalization, they do so less in defense of their national identity. A ssociating globalization with U.S. he gemony or its desire to impose legislations on Saudi Arabia is not always an accepted opinion. The discourse reveal s that there are voices that oppose this interpretation of globalization. Rather, they highlight that globalization is not sole ly a U.S. prod uct, emphasizing the contributions of other cultures. Although globalization is not discussed by Asharq Alawsat as extensively as is the case with Al Jazirah , a closely related issue appears to have similar attention. The U.S. lifestyle, especially that p ertaining to business and educational characteristics, happens to receive considerable attention from the authors in the discourse of Asharq Alawsat on the U nited S tates . The textual analysis presented in C hapter 4 alludes to some sort of fascination wi th the system. Given the Saudi sociocultural context, the choice to praise the U.S. system can be interpreted in many ways, but two interpretations are of particular prominence. First, at the discursive level, the results show that Saudi authors, for exam ple, applaud the U.S. educational system for its contribution to leadership position in the world. They highlight the role played by universities to complement the different facets of life in U.S. society. It is as if the authors are hinting a t the lack of this role among Saudi and Arab universities and urging them to follow the example of higher
136 education institutions in the U nited S tates . Furthermore, it is also indicative that , given this highly influential role, the United States deserves i ts leadership in the world today. In a different vein, concerning the capitalist nature of the U.S. system, the findings of the textual analysis of Asharq Alawsat reveal a pattern similar to that of Al Jazirah on globalization. S pecific ally , negative perc eptions about capitalism in the Saudi sociocultural context resonate with Al Jazirah us illustrate further. Because of the fundamental cultural differences between capitalism and the Islamic system and the fac t that the United States is considered by Saudi society as the leader of capitalism, the authors seem to blame capitalism for U.S. actions. The view held by the Saudi authors about U.S. capitalism resonates with much of what I argue for in my discussion of comply with Islamic laws. In the textual analysis on this particular issue, I have provided as an example the idea of deferred interest in the capitalist monetary system to illustrate this ontological divergence. Because of these differences, the financial system in Saudi Arabia, although resembling its U.S. counterpart, utilizes different terms that are derived denote s much of their negative connotations and make s them acceptable in Saudi society. The same can be said about capitalism. Although systems resemble capitalist systems, new terms have been created to localize their significations to comply with the common views.
137 Summary Chapter 4 has presented the first three components of the textual analysis of the data for this study. The first pa rt was concerned with introducing the results from the analysis of surface descriptors structures. Using the main orientations of the texts, the results revealed the general attitudinal positions of Saudi authors in both media outlets. Following this step, C hapter 4 has also shed light on the main actors contributing to the core of the discourse in this study. Next, I presented a definition and discussion of the central objects of analysis identified in this study. The second section of Chapter 4 introduce d, analyzed, and exposed the discourse of Al Jazirah and Asharq Alawsat among the objects during times of peace. The ideological stances determined based on the linguistic and discursive analysis of the data were then interpreted and discussed in light of their wider sociocultural contexts so as to bring their signi ficance to this study. Chapter 5 introduces the results of discourse analysis during times of tension.
138 CHAPTER 5 DISCOURSE DURING TENSION The discourse of Al Jazirah and Asharq Alawsat exhibits sensitivity to the surrounding political, cultural, and social contexts. Evidently, the initial analysis of the data revealed the emergence of context aware as well as freestanding objects that were classified into three central thematic units ba sed on their effects at the ideological level. In addition to the results of the first three elements of the analytical model employed, C hapter 4 presented and discussed the results of the discourse analysis pertaining to the objects that occur during times of peace. Chapter 5 presents and discusses the results of the CDA of Al Jazirah and Asharq Alawsat newspapers during times of tension. In particular, it discusses the objects of U.S. unconditional support for Israel, conspiracy theor y, September 11, and, finally, the wa rs on Afghanistan and Iraq. Chapter 5 starts with the textual analysis of the data, which lays down the linguistic and discursive aspects of the discourse, and then presents the contextual analysis, which highlights a nd discusses the links between the textual findings and the historical and sociocultural aspects. Textual Analysis The textual analysis of Al Jazirah and Asharq Alawsat data is achieved by identifying the objects of analysis and analyzing them linguistical ly and discursively to derive the ideological standpoints of the authors. This section introduces the textual analysis of data that signify tension. It is predictable that, in general, the ideological representations of Saudi authors are negatively realize d in discourse. The aim of the textual analysis is to identify how such ideologies are realized at the linguistic and discursive levels.
139 U.S. U nconditional S upport for Israel One of the most repeated objects in the data from Al Jazirah , with an occurren ce rate of 28% of articles, is the unconditional support of the U nited S tates for Israel and its biased stance with regard to the Israeli Palestinian conflict. Unlike the first two objects found in Al Jazirah , the discourse at hand displays conformity and presents this stance as unchallenged. Excerpts from the data illustrate these attitudes. Language and rhetoric . Numerous instances tackle the issue of the United biased position in the Arab Israeli conflict . Excerpt (ALJ .15), for instance, contend s that the U nited S tates prioritizing the security and protection of Israel is a given and that all honorable Arabs believe this. Here, we can see a rhetorical move entailing that all Arabs must conform to this contention or else they are excluded from the modifying adjective honorable, which is put between parentheses for emphasis . Moreover, E xcerpt (ALJ .16) points out that this position has continued throughout multiple U . S . administrations. Reiterating this continuation, E xcerpt (ALJ .17) attributes the inability to serious outlook. In this particular excerpt, the author foregrounds the duration of the conflict and background s the subject. This backgrounding of the subject entails a pragmatic function. Abdul Raof (2006, p. 152) categorizes backgrounding of the subject as a pragmatic function that [s] suspense through postponement of news after long details . time elapsed s ince the outbreak of the conflict to a more prominent position in the sentence. (ALJ .15)
140 Almost a ll (honorable) Arabs condemn the U.S. policy whose top priority is to protect the Israeli entity, defend it and strive for it to ensure its continuity . (10/28/2008) (ALJ .16) The conti nuation of the consecutive U.S. administration s to provide unlimited support to Zionists (12/1/2008) (ALJ .17) one years , and the Palestinian conflict is still unsolved because nited S tates except for the two democratic administrations of P resident s Carter and Clinton. (12/10/2008) However, according to E xcerpt (ALJ .18) , P resident Obama presented hope because of his strong belief that bringing peace to the Middle East can lead to the eradication of terrorism. Employing the equational sentence construction coupled with the affirmation semantic tool (ALJ .18) shows a strong attitude held by the speaker. Some authors even associate terrorism hitting the United States with its unconditional support for Israel. On a commentary on the 9/11 attacks, the author of E xcerpt (ALJ .19) indica tes that , despite his condemnation of the attacks, the negative ramifications of U . S . policies with regard to the Israeli Palestinian conflict and their double standard positions might have resulted in these attacks. The linguistic structure of this senten ce that the author employs and especially his utilization of as a device that is contrastively used to contradict or modify a previous assertion with a sense of restriction. In other words, by using cause of the incident reported in the first sentence to reasons he introduces after
141 Commenting on the same incident, E xcerpt (ALJ .20) recommends that the U nited S tates review its double standard position tow ard the conflict in order to mitigate hatred against itself . This recommendation is hedged by the lexical item in a topic + comment construction. The comment is a verbal clause using the verb city of the argument to be presented to satisfy logic, telling the U.S. government to review its foreign policies. After all these linguistic maneuvers to express his version of logic, the author concludes the sentence with the recommendation that the Unit ed States should try to mitigate hatred. The linguistic foreign policy in the Middle East and the hatred this policy has created. (ALJ . 18) The U . S . P resident Obama believes that bringing peace to the Middle East would strongly contribute to the eradication of terror from its root s. (12/10/2008) (ALJ .19) What happened, despite our condemnation of it, was not a coinciden ce or a random incident, but merely a result of negative ramifications of the usual double standard U.S. foreign policy and the unconditional support of the Zionists. (10/05/2001) (ALJ .20) The logic mandates that the U.S. administration review its positions...and stop its double standards , especially with regards to the Israeli Palestinian conflict and its complete agreement with Israeli policies against Palestinians. It should try to mitigate hatred against everything United States . (10/05/2001) Discursive strategies and processes. The two most common discursive strategies uti lized within this category are presupposition and norm and value violation.
142 V an Dijk (1995) refers to presupposition as presenting arguments and simply assuming them to be known, as if they were common sense. Norm and value violation can be defined as util van Dijk, 1995, p. 156). An example of the first can be seen in E xcerpt (ALJ .20) , in which the author uses the word as a preamble to a presupposit ion of what the United States has to do in order to be logical. Expressions like lack of seriousness and double standards are discursive moves to give judgments , indicating norm and value violation. Negative lexical choices have also been repeatedly utilized throughout the discourse. Ideological standpoints. Clearly, the linguistic analysis introduced about the U . S . position toward the Israeli Palestinian conflict exhibits predominantly negative ideological standpoints. The a uthors explicitly express their frustration at the U.S. government for not being fair and constantly siding with Israel. What stands out as the most notable finding in this object is the openness with which the authors tackled this issue. Unlike previous o bjects found in Al Jazirah , the U . S . position toward Israel sparks anger and discontent throughout the corpus. Asharq Alawsat authors have a lot in common with what Al Jazirah authors have to say about U.S. support for Israel. Covering as much as 26% of t he data, unconditional support for Israel object comes third in terms of the number of articles including discourse on this object in the Asharq Alawsat data . First, there is unanimity among authors that the United States provides Israel with su pport that is unconditional and unfavorable to U.S. support for
143 Israel is that it is a result of the penetration of the Jews and their lobbyists in to the U.S. government. The third aspect in this object conce rns the fact that this support for Israel is the cause of anti U.S. sentiments in the region. Let us illustrate with excerpts from the discourse. Language and rhetoric. The fact that the Saudi authors in Asharq Alawsat unanimously agree on the unconditio nal support of the United States to Israel is expressed constantly in the discourse of this media outlet. Linguistically, this attitude typically surfaces as a fact that is indicated by the use of Arabic nominal structure (whether equational or topic + com ment sentences) as opposed to the verbal structure. Excerpt (ASH .13) is an example of such a choice in which reference to U . S . support for Israel comes in the predicate position of a topic + comment sentence . Two lexical choices made in this excerpt are s uggestive of this strong perception, namely rejection and absolute. Excerpt (ASH .14) is also demonstrative of the use of the Arabic equational U.S. Isr aeli relationship in a rhetorically exaggerated fashion. Negative lexical choices in this excerpt are exemplified by the use of words like crises. Another linguistic device frequently utilized by authors in this particular object is the use of the Arabic affirmation device indeed, as in E xcerpt (ASH .15) , to signal affirmation and certainty. extra pragmatic weight to the already affirmative sentence achieved by the employment of the Arabic equational construction.
144 (ASH .13) 1. Disagreement on the basis of solving and settling the Middle East conflict and the Saudi rejection of the U . S . absolute support to Israel. (01/15/2002) (ASH .14) U.S. Israeli relationship because it is part of U.S. interior policy , not only foreign policy. If the United States is concerned about the security of Saudi Arabia, part of its defense of its interests. However, at the end of the day neither Saudi Arabia nor Japan n or even Europe can dictate what the United States does as do the Israelis with their focused penetration in to the United States. (08/28/20 06) This overall agreement on the unconditional support provided by the U nited S tates to Israel is hardly challenged, and when the support is challenged it tends to be associated with certain groups within the U . S . government. Two examples of this ca n be seen in E xcerpts (ASH .15) and (ASH .16). In the first instance, the author of (ASH .15) specifies the entities within the U.S. government that provide support to Israel. Discursively, this specification of a certain group of politicians, namely the haw k policy makers, entails a presupposition strategy indicating the existence of other groups that object to or deny the support to Israel. Similarly, the author of (ASH .16) specifies a group of politicians who are interested in this support for religious p urposes that have to the existence of opposition to U.S. support of Israel. (ASH .15)
145 unconditional support for Israel as a prerequisite for the U.S. war against Al Qaeda and terrorism are committing a grave mistake that would harm their ultimate goal, which is eradicating Al Qaeda. (07/01/2002) (ASH .16) Then we get to read these contradictions in light of the U.S. Christian right aspirations ; they believe in the early return of Christ through re building emple and the Israeli retention of Jerusalem and the Western Bank as the Promised Land. (4/12/2005) The second feature of Asharq Alawsat discourse on this object centers around the penetration of the Israelis and their lobbyists into the U.S. government. Excerpt (ASH .17) is a clear example of how the discourse of Asharq Alawsat explicitly maintains the strong presence of Israeli penetration into the U.S. government. A number of linguistic clues help pinpoint this strong perception. Apart from the wide uti lization of the Arabic equational structure that is further enforced by the affirmation device , the excerpt relies on several lexical items denoting negative attitudes as well as several intensifiers. Such negative lexical choices include the words clout, overwhelming, powerful, those who exercise it and proponents. Not only does the author rely on these negative lexical items, but some of them are modified by intensifiers and adjectives signaling st rong perceptions. Apparently, the author cho s e to use the phrase noticeably very influential to present his argument emphatically.
146 (ASH .17) The Zionist Israeli clout is noticeably very influential in current U.S. policy and national security strategy. This clout is so overwhelming and powerful that those who exercise and advocate it do not care about the interests of the U.S. people, the interests of the world , or even the interest s of the U.S. administration itself, which is supposed to perform its duty in serving the people who put their trust i n it. (10/23/2002) Third, the discourse of Asharq Alawsat on this obje ct indicates that U . S . support for Israel and its biased position in the Palestinian Israeli c onflict can be a source of anti U.S. sentiments that prevail in the Muslim and Arab worlds. Utilizing the Arabic equational structure to show permanency, the auth or of E xcerpt (ASH .18) explicitly associates U.S. support of Israel with the anti U.S. sentiments in the region. (ASH .18) , wh ich commits violence against Palestinians (sons of Palestinian people) , anti U.S. sentiments and increase their compassion with Al Qaeda. (07/01/2002) Discursive practices and processes. Starting with the last excerpt , (ASH .18), I illuminate the discursive practices and processes utilized within this object. Th is excerpt contends that U.S. support of Israel is linked to the anti U.S. sentiments in the Islamic world. The utiliza tion of the word multiply indicates presupposition of the existence of hate toward the United States . Another example from the excerpts in which presupposition is used as a discursive practice can be seen in E xcerpt (ASH .13) in the discussion of challenges facing t he Saudi U.S. relationship. The statement includes the
147 word rejection, which presupposes the existence of what is being rejected, namely U.S. support of Israel. Another discursive practice commonly used by authors of discourse in this particular obj ect is other negative presentation. Three strategies indicating other negative presentation are constantly utilized in this object: negative lexicalization, hyperbole , and compassion moves. According to van Dijk (1995), these strategies are typical of ingr oup and outgroup discourse in which less powerful groups are described by those who have access to power. As indicated in Chapter 2, the power here is symbolic and can be seen as access to media, which authors in necessarily do have. As seen in the excerpt s and accompanying linguistic analysis, the process of negative lexicalization is almost instantaneous when reference is made to Israeli control over the U nited S tates . Similarly, hyperbole, which van Dijk (1995) describes as the use of exaggerated terms t o describe the other, is utilized by many of the authors in the discourse , as seen in the excerpts. To take an example, we return to E xcerpt (ASH .17). I t includes several exaggerated statements , such as when the author talks about the policy makers harming the interests of the U.S. people, the world , and even the U.S. administration itself. Although exaggerated prose is not intended to bring new information but to present an opinion. This is achieved via a p rocess of the ideologically based description: hyperbole. Likewise, compassion moves aim at showing empathy with the victims of the other (van Dijk, 1995), and it is exemplified by E xcerpt (ASH .18). Showing empathy with the Palestinians is achieved by refe rring to them as sons of Palestinian people as opposed to simply Palestinians, when talking about Israeli violence.
148 Ideological standpoints. In sum, the linguistic and discursive practice analysis of the object uncondition al support to Israel in Asharq Alawsat show s similar patterns to Al Jazirah linguistic and rhetorical choices that symbolize negative perceptions. Excessive reliance on negative lexical items is more, the negative lexical items are continuously intensified. Discursively, the negative perceptions tend to surface in the form of presupposition and other negative presentation practices suc h as negative lexicalization, hyperbole , and compassion with the victims. One important caveat, though, before moving on to the next object in Asharq Alawsat data regards a distinction sometimes made by the Saudi discourse both in Al Jazirah and Asharq Al awsat between Israelis and Jews. Excerpt (ASH .19) explicitly nited S tates or elsewhere in the world and essentially states that negative attitudes toward the Jews are not religion related, nor are the y because of ethnic bias . Rather, the negative attitudes are because of injustices that , according to the excerpt, Israel is committing, and that even if the same injustice was committed by Muslim s , similar feelings would prevail. (ASH .19)
149 Israel detonates the mo st dangerous (religious mine) Let me reiterate a key concept that I have mentioned in several of my articles o n several occasions , which is our attitude we Saudis toward the Jews does not stem from ethnic racism for an a priori reason , which is that we, l ike them, are of a Semitic origin , nor does it stem from religious bigotry. We truly believe in the background of their religious beliefs, which is t he Torah and the prophet who received it , Moses , son of Amram. However, it is a position based on standards of righteousness and justice, on logic and reason , and on our commitment to the values and principles of peace and security and refusing their antitheses , among which are oppression and aggression , even if they came from a Muslim. (10/03/2009) Conspirac y Theory A closely related object that is recycled throughout the discourse is that of conspiracy theory surrounding actions of the U.S. administration. Comprising the highest occurrence rate of 39% in Al Jazirah , the conspiracy theory discourse is seen i n articles on wars, peace, elections , and everything in between. In other words, such discourse is not influenced by the context in which the authors in this media outlet use it. The high occurrence rate of this object can be attributed to the fact that it is not linked to one theme; rather, the discourse of conspiracy surrounds several other objects from the list in Table 4 1 in Chapter 4 . Language and rhetoric. Although this line of thinking, in which actions of the United States that do not please the a uthors are thought of as a conspiracy, is denounced by numerous authors in the corpus in such excerpts as (ALJ .21) and (ALJ .22), almost all events surveyed in this study exhibit some sort of conspiracy theory discourse. (ALJ .21) A substantial number of Arab intellectuals still insist on the existence of U.S. conspiracy behind any major political process. (8/19/2013). (ALJ .22)
150 So.. . . , Saddam Hussein launched h is war against Iran as a result of U.S. conspiracy and occupied Kuwait because of U.S. conspiracy... (2/15/2004) Excerpts such as (ALJ .23), (ALJ .24) , and (ALJ .25) are a few examples for three different stories. In (ALJ .23), for instance, although the w riter criticizes those who believe in conspiracy, he expresses his doubts that the execution of Saddam Hussein was a U.S. Shiite plan. On the ousting of the Muslim Brotherhood in Egypt, the writer of E xcerpt (ALJ .24) describes what happened as a U.S. plot to eradicate the movement. Terrorism was also thought of as a conspiracy by many authors. An example of this trend is seen in E xcerpt (ALJ .25) ; the author comments on the 9/11 attacks and implicitly indicates conspiracy by hinting that the truth was buried with the wreckage of the buildings destroyed. (ALJ . 23 ) Although I am one of those who renounce the accusation of conspiracy which usually tends to be used by all Arab U.S. conspiracy (1/1/2007) (ALJ .24) about it U.S. (ALJ .25) The truth will always remain buried under the debris in that dreadful site. (9/22/2001) Discursive strategies and processes. Discursi vely, the articles generally exhibit moves similar to the ones discussed in the previous objects ; h owever, one
151 strategy seems to be extensively utilized by authors in this particular object, namely that of presupposition. Excerpts (ALJ .24) and (ALJ .26) are clear examples of how writers present their opinions as unjudged facts. In E xcerpt (ALJ .24), the author hedged his opinions about the ousting of the Muslim Brotherhood in Egypt as a result of a U.S. conspiracy with the use of the independent relative clau se presupposing that sources are credible. Excerpt (ALJ .26), on the other hand, devises a similar presupposition move when the author describes a desire to acquire energy resources as a U.S. principle. (ALJ .26) A U.S. political principle entails that energy sources anywhere in the world should be within its access. (4/2/2003) Ideological standpoints. The linguistic and discursive analysis of the conspiracy theory object demonstrates competing attitudes among the authors of discourse in the Al Jazirah newspaper. Several authors strongly oppose views that associate U.S. actions with conspiring by devising linguistic and discursive tools that negatively portray such views. T hose who believe in the existence of conspiracy present their arguments as unchallenged facts , giving rise to the conclusion that such perceptions are strong. Furthermore, some authors seem to believe that some terrorist attacks targeting t he United States are linked to conspiracy, giving the United States the right to control natural resources around the world and justify its actions before the international community. Similar to Al Jazirah , Asharq Alawsat discourse on the U nited S tates fe atures consistent allusion to themes of conspiracy on the part of the U nited S tates, its allies , or both whenever controversial actions are taken or fateful decisions are made. As such,
152 the occurrence rate of this object accounts for more than 34% of artic les in the data of Asharq Alawsat , being the second most talked about theme in its discourse. This tendency is characteristic of the discourse of the Asharq Alawsat media outlet irrespective of the current circumstances surrounding events. I present a few excerpts in this regard. Language and rhetoric. Allusion to conspiracy theory in reference to some actions of the U.S. government can either be explicit or implicit. Apparently, when reference is explicit, the Arabic word conspiracy and its derivations are used , as in E xcerpts (ASH .20) and (ASH .21). Regardless of the context, the two excerpts are similar in that the authors do not state their explicit position as to whether the conspiracy exist s . Moreover, the au thor of E xcerpt (ASH .21) indirectly ridicules the idea of conspiracy as evident in the lexical choices made. Distancing himself from believing in conspiracy, the author employs the word those who surrender, which conveys negative attitudes abo ut the idea, and then mocks the Arab minds for falling victim to the idea of conspiracy by using the word controlling . However, in the following sentence, he seems to contradict himself by presenting a statement indicative o f conspiring. This move is typical throughout the discourse of Asharq Alawsat and Al Jazirah . (ASH .20) But Saddam has not fallen, and, whether conspiracy theory was true or not, Washington was faced with a more complicated dilemma with Saddam than the one he was faced with during his occupation of Kuwait (09/09/2002)
153 (ASH .21) I am not one of those who surrender to conspiracy theory, which was and still is controlling the Arab mind. However, we should not ignore whatsoever an absolute truth : the Jewish media is a wielded sword agai nst U.S. necks, not only officials but also the people who have become without realizing it victims of the wishe s of this hegemonic media. (11/13/2001) Implicit reference to conspiracy is sometimes made through the employment of rhetorical questions. Bad arneh (2009) studies rhetorical questions in editorial pieces of an Arabic newspaper on the issue of U.S. and Western hegemony in the region and conclude s that rhetorical questions in this genre are exploited to attack and cast doubts on the legitimacy and integrity of U.S. and Western policies in the Arab region. Excerpt (ASH .22) exploits the rhetorical c onstruction in the same vein. The negative lexicalization utilized (e.g. , sudden enthusiasm and waging wars ) is also indicati ve that the question posed in the excerpt hints at conspiracy. (ASH .22) However, this sudden U.S. enthusiasm in leading calls (for reforms) and even waging wars in order to bring about such reforms, especially in the careful analysis. Is the United States truly honest in its call for reforms in the region? We have to re alize that such a call by the United States aims at enabling economic hegemony in the first place and then political and military hegemony. (03/14/2005)
154 Discursive processes and strategies. Conspiracy theory presents itself as one of the most commonly t alked about objects in the discourse of Asharq Alawsat. As the linguistic analysis demonstrates, this object is utilized to cast doubts on the intentions and policies of the U.S. administration. Apart from discursive practices utilized in the objects, such as presupposition and negative lexicalization, this object features a discursive strategy that is rarely employed. Specifically, the use of disclaimers as a form of other negative presentation is repeatedly utilized when reference is made to conspiracy th eory. V an Dijk (1995, 1998) defines this strategy of other negative presentation as presenting positive statements first and then retracting with a lexical strategy such as but . Looking at E xcerpts (ASH .20) and (ASH .21), both authors employ this strategy , with some variation. Excerpt (ASH .20) usage of the disclaimer strategy is achieved by devising the whether construction. In doing so, the author refers to his disapproval of conspiracy theory , b ut in reality, there is some truth to such statements; thus, they are brought to the context by the author. Similarly, the disclaimer strategy in (ASH .21) is realized by devising however after presenting negative perceptions about conspiracy theory and then presenting contradictory statements. Ideological standpoints. In general, provided that Saudi authors in Asharq Alawsat utilize linguistic and discursive devices that allude to conspiracy theory, this object can be said to harbor negative attitudes about the U nited S tates . Although these attitudes tend to be hidden by hedging devices such as disclaimers, the analysis indicates that unfavorab le perceptions do surface in the discourse, as suggested by the surrounding negative lexical items and adverse statements.
155 September 2001 About 23% of articles in Al Jazirah mention the 9/11 attacks. The discourse on the 9/11 attacks includes several th emes and tackles the issue with varying reactions. The overall impression of the discourse can be summarized into three main features: 1) shock and surprise at their ramifications both on Saudi Arabia and other Muslim and Arab countries; and 3) denial and contest ing how the U nited S tates dealt with the crisis. Within each of these features, certain themes stand out to be more consistent and tend to be repeated. Language and rhetoric. There is a consensus among the articles that the 9/11 the United States and innocent civilians , who lost their lives for unknown reasons. In their discussion of the attacks, Saudi writers in Al Jazirah express their co ndemnation of the attacks, describing them as atrocious and hateful. Lexical devices denoting negative perception are constantly employed to convey this theme. For instance, the author of E xcerpt (ALJ .27) , which happens to be an article headline, describes that Tuesday as black in an indication of the severity of the attacks and the number of deaths. The use of the color black can be attributed to the association of black with death in Arab culture in particular. Another article (ALJ .29) describes the incid ent as a heinous crime whose casualties were innocent people. Among the themes seen in the discourse of this specific period is the humanitarian solidarity with the cas u alties who f e ll victims to the attacks , as seen in E xcerpt (ALJ .28) , wh ich says that t he incident is painful. Furthermore, E xcerpt (ALJ .28) utilizes the affirmation device
156 in an equational sentence construction to express confirmation of the statement. Overall, throughout the discourse these feelings tend to be consistent as the authors reiterate the innocence of the victims. (ALJ .27) The United States and t he Black Tuesday (9/15/2001) (ALJ .28) It is a painful incident not like any other . Who believes that four passenger jets would change the course of things in the world? Yes, change the course of things , for what happens in the U nited S tates impacts the whole world. (11/19/2001) (ALJ .29) . S . capital the casualties of which were thousands of i nnocent women, children , and elderly (9/21/01) Another aspect of the Al Jazirah discourse on the U nited S tates surrounding 9/11 is that of worry and concern about the ramifications thereafter. In general, the discourse of Al Jazirah authors in this specif ic period indicates that attacks of this magnitude affect not only the U nited S tates but the whole world and expresses that blaming Arabs and Muslims for the attacks is an immediate effect. Excerpt (ALJ .30) is an example of an author who warns the U nited S tates against hastily accusing individuals. He indicates that the U . S . media aired pictures of persons of interest just based on the names of the passengers who were on board these planes. Another line of thinking present in the discourse relates to warni ng the U.S. people against stereotyping and racial profiling. An excerpt like (ALJ .31) is an example in which the author point s that one of the major goals of the attackers is to distort the image of Muslims and Arabs in W estern society as a whole and amon g the U.S. people
157 in particular. A clear connection between the attacks on the United States and negative sentiments against Arabs and Muslims is made in E xcerpt (ALJ .32) , indicating that attacks not only cause d destruction and loss of innocent lives but e xploded hatr ed against Arabs and Muslims. Generally, the excerpts quoted thus far utilize either the equational sentence construction or the topic + comment construction, and as we have seen in previous instances, such utilization suggests strong perceptio n of the statements presented by the authors. (ALJ .30) U.S. media committed a big mistake when it announced the names and pictures information without differentiating between a criminal and an ordinary passenger who lost his life to terrorism. (11/24/2001) (ALJ .31) The Black Tue sday terrorism will be very successful if it s able to cause negative stereotypes among non Muslims , especially among W esterners and the United States in particular. (9/15/2001) (ALJ .32) The terrorist attacks on the World Trade Center and the Pentagon not only destroy ed building s and killed innocents but instigated hate agains t Arabs and Muslims. (09/25/2001) The third feature seen in the discourse surrounding 9/11 relates to the denial of the identity of attackers and criticizing the U.S. reactions to them. The identity of the attackers, too, attract ed much attention, as th e majority of attackers we re Saudi
158 nationals. Challenging this accusation, excerpts such as (ALJ .33) underscore that the attackers are unknown. The author further expresses astonishment at the fact that the U nited S tates is waging war against the unknown a nd furthermore wanting the world and the Islamic nations to partner up with it . Rhetorical choices used in this excerpt are overtly negative. To take an example, the word civilized, although positive on the surface is used by the author to convey his sarcasm on the fact that the United States is fighting the unknown. " T he author hints that a civilized nation does not act based on speculations. On denying the identity of the attackers, E xcerpt (ALJ .34) discusses that terrorism cannot be at tributed to one religion or one ethnicity and that even the United States ha s committed terrorist attacks ; the author call s upon the United States in particular to realize this . Employing the nominalization device indeed is a rhetorical choice that co statements following this device. (ALJ .33) The United States has announced war , partner with it , its own terms , terrorism. Where is the world heading and how will things be right, when the United States, which leads it, is being invaded in its own land and then decides to go to w ar against the unknown ? (09/19/2001) (ALJ .34) Non worships , and beliefs. (09/25/2001)
159 The discourse of conspiracy theory i s alive and well during this period too, as shown in E xcerpt (ALJ .3 5 ) , which claims that the attacks are a Jewish plot and blamed on Arabs. Along the same lines, E xcerpt (ALJ .3 6 ) argues for the connection between military actions by the U nited S tates and e conomic gains, indicating the existence of military globalization and linking such a concept to economic globalization. (ALJ .3 5 ) The Jewish terrorism and blaming the Arabs (10/05/2001) (ALJ .3 6 ) The relationship between military globalization against terrorism and economic globalization (1 0/01/2001) Discursive strategies and processes . Various discursive strategies and processes are utilized within this object. Of particular interest is the clear compassion move to negatively convey the other (van Dijk, 1995). A clear compassion move invo lves expressing empathy or sympathy for victims of the o ther s actions so that the utterance enhances the brutality of the o ther. This strategy is repeatedly employed by the authors to describe the actions of terrorists. It involves presenting the facts ab out the terrorist attacks using words that convey compassion with the victims so that the attackers are negatively perceived. Several excerpts listed earlier utilize this strategy. Rhetorical question structures are also utilized as a discursive practice in this object in the same sense analyzed by structures in Arabic (i.e. , to attack and cast doubts on the legitimacy and integrity of U.S. policies in the Arab region). Excerpt (ALJ .33) employs the rhetorical question construction to convey similar implications. The author questions the legitimacy of U.S.
160 actions following the attacks and hint s that such acts do not conform to the fact that it is a civilized nation. Ideological standpoints . T he 9/11 attacks s parked tremendous controversy among the Saudi authors in Al Jazirah . The ideological standpoints of the authors, as exemplified by the linguistic and discursive choices employed, show three central tendencies. First, the authors appear to agree on the fact that the attacks are terroris m and that they led to the loss of thousands of innocent lives. The discourse also demonstrates that the authors do not believe that the attackers are Muslims and Saudis , as such acts are not typical of Islam. They contend tha t all religions and faiths have extreme followers. Such moves are expressive of a counter ideology against the constant stereotypical attitudes adopted in U . S . and Western media about Saudis and Muslims. Other authors seem to believe in the existence of a conspiracy and that the attacks we re carried out by entities affiliated with the U.S. government to secure economic and hegemonic gains. Let us now look at how Asharq Alawsat authors frame the attacks and whether similar patterns emerge. With approximatel y 14% of articles, the interest of Asharq Alawsat authors in the 9/11 attacks during the first few months i s not proportional with the significance of the event either in magnitude or influence on the discourse. Asharq Alawsat writers deal with the issue i n a way very similar to that of Al Jazirah ; however, t he following years hav e more references to this event.
161 Language and rhetoric. Looking back at Al Jazirah in which sentiments of shock, worry , and condemnation of how the U ni ted S tates dealt with the crisis prevailed, Asharq Alawsat displays similar attitudes , with some variation. Let us take each one of these three elements and highlight its main linguistic features. Starting with E xcerpt (ASH .23), the author presents his st atements intensified by the Arabic affirmation device ndeed to signal confirmation and certainty. Also, opting for the Arabic topic + comment structure is a sign of permanency that is followed by a predicate that shows compassion. In addition, with t he employment of the separation pronoun , which many translate as a verbal copula, the author is trying to emphasize his argument in this excerpt. Recall that in Al Jazirah the word the b lack was used to denote sorrow and sadness associated with death. The author of this excerpt chooses a similar move. Rhetorically, the predicate also uses the lexical choice humankind first to show compassion and second to indicate that the loss should not be associated with one color or one religion. Similar moves are also employed in E xcerpt (ASH .24), but the author utilizes repetition, which adds persuasion and enforces the statement. The repetition in this excerpt is achieved by synonymy. Specifically, the lexical items Both of these statements harbor positive attitudes , as they show sympathy, but the statement in (ASH .24) also praises U.S. power, culture , and l ifestyle. (ASH .23) September eleventh of 2001, which has come to be known as the Black . (11/18/2001)
162 (ASH .24) September 11th inflicted a deep wound in U.S. ego and pride, its might and power, its ever optimistic culture and lifestyle , by individuals whose ideologies are religious extremism ; aggression is their style , and naivety is their tool. (12/09/2001) The second feature of the discourse surrounding 9/11 is co ncerned with the ramifications of the attacks on Saudis in particular and the whole Muslim world. Excerpt (ASH .25) starts with a rhetorical question , the aim of which is to engage the audience. Subsequently, the auth or starts his statements with an equatio nal sentence structure , separating the subject and predicate by the separation pronoun again to imply affirmation. Condemning those who contend the attacks are a U.S. plot, the author opts for a derogatory lexical item political obs ession insinuating his disagreement with such ideas. W orry and concern come about in this statement in the third sentence, in which the author answers the question he poses earlier by specifying the benefiting entities. The fear that the attacks would i ntensify hatred against Muslims is introduced in a nominal sentence structure. By listing the noun phrases for actions that intensify hatred in details distorted information, deceptive opinions , and Islamophobic campaigns, the author is stressing his views. Along the same lines, E xcerpt (ASH .26) starts with a rhetorical question , the intent of which is to implicitly signify worry and concern about the future of Saudi U.S. relations.
163 (ASH .25) Who is the beneficiary from what happened? The beneficiary is not the United States, of course. We say this with certainty despite the political obsession that circulates the rumor that: U.S. intelligence is respo nsible for the massive and annihilating attacks. Everybody with a sound mind would not imagine that U . S . government agencies would commit such an atrocity. The beneficiaries are those who strive day and night to (intensify hate) between the Islamic w orl d and the U nited S tates with: distorted information, deceptive opinions , and Islamophobic campaigns. (11/22/2001) (ASH .26) What can be said, finally, about the future of the Saudi U.S. relationship in the aftermath of 9 11th 2001? (01/15/2001) Condemnin g the U.S. reactions to the attacks and the accusations of Muslims is the third feature of the discourse on 9/11. Excerpt (ASH .27) links the war on terror with more problems between the U nited S tates and the Islamic world and calls for further dialogue bet ween the U nited S tates and Muslims. Using the Arabic verbal structure in the first clause has the communicative function of expressing continuity and progression (Abdul Raof, 2006). The author is trying to convey that the continuity and progression of
164 war is linked to the continuation of tension. This rhetorical choice to link the two is a preamble to the second statement, in which he presents the need for dialogue. for dialogue aims at clarify (ASH .27) The longer this war lasts, the more problems the United States will have with the Islamic w orld , ne cessitating more dialogue between the two in order to clarify . (11/18/2001) Discursive strategies and processes. T he discursive practices employed by authors in this object vary d epending on the communicati ve function of the discourse. When authors are trying to convey feelings of shock and disbelief, the discursive structures they rely on seem to be mainly negative lexicalization and moves of compassion with the victims. Negative lexicalization, according t o van Dijk (1995), discourse, the authors are trying to express their ideological stances against both the act and those who committed it . Negative lexicalization is seen in E xcerpt (ASH .24) , in which the author describes the perpetrators with traits like extremism, aggression , and naivety. argumentative. Both E xcerpts (ASH .26) and (ASH .27) show reliance on rhetorical questions, for instance, to highlight their fear of the future. Excerpt (ASH .26) in particular presents a n argument to answer the rhetorical question ; the author employs concretization as an other negative presentation discursive str ategy to describe the people who believe in the conspiracy ideas. As van Dijk (1995) describes it,
165 concretization is a discursive tool that involves the use of detailed, concrete , and visualized description to emphasize the negative acts of the other. In t his particular statement, the other s are those who believe in conspiracy, and the negative constructions are realized in lexical choices like political obsession and everybody with a sound mind. Ideological standpoints. The linguistic and discursive analyses present a snippet of the ideological underpinnings of the Saudi authors regarding the 9/11 attacks. Unlike in Al Jazirah , the Asharq Alawsat authors do not show any signs of questioning , some of them indicate that associating the attacks with U.S. authorities is some sort of obsession. While responsibility for them. In other words, bein g carried out by Muslims does not necessarily mean that Islam calls for terrorism. The authors also voice their worry about the consequences, advising the United States to opt for dialogue, as war and violence would elongate te nsion rather than alleviate i t. The War s on Afghanistan and Iraq The war s on Afghanistan and Iraq are two of the main sources of data for this study, sparking a lot of reactions. More than 18% of articles in Al Jazirah talk about these two wars. The discourse exhibits unanimous disa greement on both wars, the motives behind them , and the course of events surrounding them. Language and rhetoric. In terms of expressing disagreement, the discourse of Al Jazirah authors shows explicit statements against the military action route,
166 emphasi zing that the U nited S tates should try to reach diplomatic solutions. As an indication of the lack of direction on the part of the U.S. administration, E xcerpt (ALJ .36) highlights the hastily taken decision s to move the war from New York and Washington to Afghanistan. Here, the author utilizes the metaphoric expression a blink of an eye to express his discontent of moving the war from the United States to Afghanistan. By opting for this lexical choice, the author seems to also hint at a conspira cy or previously made decisions. S imilar ly , the author of E xcerpt (ALJ .37) expresses his disapproval of the war in Iraq by synonymizing liberation and occupation and colonialization. (ALJ .36) Where is this war, which the U nited S tates moved in a blink of an eye from New York and Washington to Afghanistan, heading? (10/13/2001) (ALJ .37) Has the word <> become synonymous with <> ? (03/31/2003) and short one, E xcerpt (ALJ .38) states , though implicitly, that once the war is started it is out of control. This statement is made as a fact by exploiting the Arabic equational structure. Such decisions made by the U.S. government, according to (ALJ .39), are absolute violations of the very righteousness advocated by the U nit ed S tates . The author also contends that such violations of values result in hatred (ALJ .39) and cause the U nited S tates to lose its (positive) image , as (ALJ .40) argues. Overall, such arguments have been utilized frequently to oppose war. (ALJ .38) The decision to end war is nowhere to be compared to the decision to launch
167 it. (03/21/2003) (ALJ .39) When you advocate values of righteousness and freedom, nobody would otherwise. (ALJ /14/2003) (ALJ .40) Why does the United States lose its image in the world? (3/14/2003) Discursive strategies and processes. The authors in the object he w ar s on Afghanistan and Iraq rely on a variety of discursive strategies to express their disapproval ; h owever, the rheto rical question construction stands out as the most prevalent discursive process utilized within this object. This use signals the authors doubts regarding the actions taken by the U . S . government. Frequent use of argumentation in reference to the wars and U.S. actions during the wars alludes to the negative perceptions held by the authors. Ideological standpoints. The linguistic and discursive analysis of the object he w ar s on Afghanistan and Iraq is suggestive of strong opposition against the U.S. go vernment. Unanimously, the authors in Al Jazirah condemn the war, describing it as a hastily taken decision. By describing it as such, the authors show their disregard for George W. Bush. These perceptions pertaining to Bush and the war s on Afghanistan and Iraq span a considerable amount of discourse throughout the corpus at hand. Consequently, the negative perceptions found in this discourse are due to the negative presentation of U.S. leadership and administration during this era. Chapter 6, about the dis course of changing U.S. administration, reveals more of this.
168 Asharq Alawsat he w ar s o n Afghanistan and Iraq comprises 23% of the articles. As with Al Jazirah , t he majority of discourse in this object shows discontent and frequent anger a gainst the U nited S tates and its handling of the war s . Although they appear to agree on the existence of terrorists , especially in Afghanistan, authors of this discourse question the method by which the United States is looking for them. Here are some exce rpts from the discourse of Asharq Alawsat on this object. Language and rhetoric. first excerpt in this object (ASH .28) ascertains U.S. awareness of the situation in Afghanistan and the need for action there. Utilizing an equational sente nce permanent perception prevails ; h owever, this assertion comes with a concession as the author alludes to his concern about the consequences. The rhetorical question construction is what the author employs to convey this concern. Echoing this concern, E xcerpt (ASH .29), with a verbal construction to indicate continuity and progression, hints that the United States is trying to achieve goals that are far beyond fighting terrorism. In this particular excerpt, inserting the parentheses around ( ) beyond an editorial strategy that emphasizes the statement. Although there is not an explicit mention of conspiracy, the utilization of the adverb day after day, which happens to be right after the resultative particle so, is a hint toward this perception. Although the author of E xcerpt (ASH .30) tries to explicitly hide his belief in conspiracy by utilizing a disclaimer in which he criticizes those who believe in conspiracy, his statement con veys the same effect. What can be seen in this excerpt is the direct connection between conspiracy theory and the hegemony of the media controlled by the
169 Jews. Linguistically, the statement depends excessively on negative lexical constructions such as a wielded sword against the necks of the United States , as an attempt to present a persuasive argument. (ASH .28) The West in general and the United States in particular are completely s the cost? (11/29/2001) (ASH .29) So, day after day, there appear to be goals (far beyond) terrorism and counter terrorism. (12/29/2001)
170 (ASH .30) I am not one of those who surrender to conspiracy theory, which was and still is con trolling the Arab mind. However, we should not ignore, whatsoever, an absolute truth : the Jewish media is a wielded sword against U.S. necks, not only officials but also the people (the individuals of the U.S. people)* who have become without realizing it victims of the wishes of this hegemonic media. (11/13/2001) * The Arabic text mentions the individuals of the people, but if translated this way, it would not make sense. Thus, it is alter ed for a better sounding English sentence. Report ing voices of t he opposition in U.S. society is another strategy that Saudis employ in this discourse. To this end, E xcerpt (ASH .31), for instance, starts with a particle to express surprise and exclamation even to direct s attention to the fact that voic es of criticism against U.S. actions in Afghanistan really do exist. In his statement, a s seen in several excerpts in the previous discussion, the author employs a verbal structure to indicate progression and continuity. Even more important is the choice o f the verb of beginning and continuing imperfect verbs in Arabic are almost always followed by the imperfect. B y utilizing this structure, the author is trying to convey that there wil l be more voices criticizing U.S. actions in the war. The author then presents a quote from a named professor at a prestigious U.S. is a way for the author to give more legitimacy to his sta tement.
171 (ASH .31) Even in the U nited S tates , voices of criticism have begun to become more obvious. Among those is (David Cole), professor of constitutional law at Georgetown University . rom real terrorists to those whose thought is not in line with the U nited S tates (11/03/2001) Discursive strategies and processes. A variety of discursive strategies are utilized in the discourse surrounding the war s on Afghanistan and Iraq in the Asharq Alawsat newspaper . Three discursive strategies are of particular significance: generalization, quotation , and disclaimers. Excerpts (ASH .28) and (ASH .30) are examples in which generalization is used discursively to present negative attributes. In (ASH the lexical item in general is an indication of (1995) ideological discursive analysis, generalizing the acts of a small group to a large group or a category entails an other negative presentation. The same is true for E xcerpt (ASH .30), in which the effect of media control is generalized by using individuals of the U.S. people, to include a much larger group , although there is no certain individuals shows this contention. Quoting a credible source in E xcerpt (ASH .31) is utilized to emphas ize the negative perceptions about the war and actions in it . Quoting, especially of negative information, is , according to van Dijk (1993) , another ideological strategy indicative of unfavorable attitudes.
172 Disclaimers are also commonly utilized in this o bject. Excerpt (ASH .30) is an example ; a lthough the author says he does not believe in conspiracy, the whole statement he presents is evident of this ideological position. Numerous occasions in the discourse of Asharq Alawsat employ some sort of disclaimer s in association with negative perceptions. Ideological standpoints. The discourse of Asharq Alawsat on the object he w ar s o n Afghanistan and Iraq shows unanimity with regard to disapproval of the war s . Specifically, many of the participants in the di scourse hint at the fact that there are objectives other than fighting terrorism. Evidently, the linguistic and discursive strategies they utilize reflect the loss of trust on the part of the Saudis because of U.S. actions. This is especially blatant in th e constant allusion to the conspiracy surrounding these actions. Although disclaimers are sometimes included in the statements including conspiracy discourse, the surrounding contexts usually show the opposite. This in turn can be evidence of the existence of the ideological stances the authors are trying to denounce. Moreover, generalizing negative attributes about the U.S. government and society, such as being victims of the media hegemony, and quoting sources that present negative information indicate pe rceived ideologies that are unfavorable. These objects have been the most significant ones the discourse of Al Jazirah and Asharq Alawsat exhibit during times of tension. Despite the fact that I was expecting to see more authors involve the United States i n their discussion of certain events during the data sampling period, such as the Arab Spring revolutions and related U.S. involvement, the discourse did not appear to bring those to the surface. The next
173 step will reveal how the findings in these objects are related to the contextual aspects identified in the study. Contextual Analysis We have seen in the first part of C hapter 5 that contributions of the Saudi authors in the two media outlets on the objects discussed have been the most salient during times of tension. As the findings indicate, the discourse in these objects exhibits relatively negative attitudes. In this section, the textual analysis will help connect the dots and interpret and discuss the significance of these perceptions in light of the historical context. In Chapter 4, I provided a brief historical overview of the evolution of relations between Saudi Arabia and the United States and interpreted the findings of the first historical context. In the following section, I will discuss how shifts in Saudi U.S. relations have resulted in some of the realizations of discourse that were found in the analysis of objects during tension in C hapter 5 . Shifts in Saudi U . S . Relations Saudi U . S . relations continued to flourish in the years after President Roosevelt regional issues, especially with regard to the Arab Israel i conflict. Blanchard (2010) indicates that differences between the two countries resulted from divergent outlooks on the Arab Israeli conflicts in 1948 and 1976 and witnessed its worst stage during the
174 1973 October War 12 between Egypt and Syria on one side and Israel on the other side. The October War erupted after the Egyptian and Syrian armies attacked Israeli forces to regain control over territories in the Sinai Peninsula and Golan Heights. At first, the Egyptians and Syrians were winning the war , until the U nited S tates intervened and provided Israel with weapons that eventually led to an Arab setback. The U.S. Saudis. In fact, it led the m to react furiously ; Saudi King Faisal imposed an oil embargo on the U nited S tates and some Western countries , a move that caused tremendous economic loss around the world and in the U nited S tates in particular (Stobaugh & Yergin , 1981). This incident shook Saudi U . S . relations at all l evels, but official bilateral relations were soon mended on the basis of mutual interests (Bronson, 2006) . A t the public level, things did not seem to go at the same pace, as anti U.S. sentiments, especially among elite Arab nationalists, prevailed (Katzen stein & Keohane , 2007; Makdisi, 2002 ). These sentiments signaled an era of ideological shift manifest ing in feelings of animosity toward the U nited S tates . Discursively, the ideological shifts re sult ed in numerous literary works on the Arab cause. These w orks included poems, speeches, songs , and novels (see Shan (2003) for an overview of modern Saudi poetry) . Such feelings started to weaken after the decline of pan Arabism ideologies right around the 1973 Arab Israeli War, but the seeds were sown for an anti U.S. discourse that was watered by actions of the U . S . government against Arabs thereafter. Although the discourse of Palestinian resistance 12 More information on the 1973 Arab Israeli War can be found on the U.S. Department of State Office of the Historian website: http://history.state.gov/milestones/1969 1976/arab israeli war 1973
175 and its influence on the discourse of Saudis is of interest in and of itself, it is beyond the scope of the cu rrent research. In the context of th is study, the findings reported in the first section of C hapter 5 , in addition to some instances of discourse especially pertaining to the U.S. position in relation to the Arab cause, are suggestive of the existence of severe ramifications relative to the Arab Israeli conflict. In both media outlets, there appears to be some sort of consensus on the U.S. support for Israel , resulting in the emergence of a separate analytical object titled unconditional support f or Israel. Although discursive practices and linguistic choices employed by the two media outlets convey explicit and strong opposition against the U.S. support of Israel, the impact of ideological stances resulting from it are seen far beyond this objec t. Depicting what van Dijk (1989) refers to as mental models/contexts and mental representations, the discourse of Saudi authors o n this object points to the existence of cognitively internalized assumptions that are triggered and articulated in discourse once reference models and their representations, the authors of discourse in Al Jazirah and Asharq Alawsat appear to have, at their linguistic disposal, a mental contex t model that they refer to whenever presented with a communicative situation within this model, namely, the U nited S tates . general attitudes about the U nited S tates are activ ated and, consequently, negative presentations of the U nited S tates arise. A t ypical feature of mental model s is the fact that the participants in the discourse do not use them while fearful of retaliation or moral
176 accusation ( van Dijk, 1989 ). This is evid ent in numerous instances in the discourse of Saudi authors. In other words, the perceptions associated with this mental model are so common that they have become the default when reference to the U nited S tates is made. Clearly, this mental model and its representation proves to be one of the most nited S tates . Eviden ce of this includes the numerous instances of implicit or explicit reference to the issue within the objects of C hapter 5 and almost all analytic objects identified. This is especially true in the conspiracy theory object. More often than not, the discourse associates U.S. intention s . In many cases, a uthors utilize discursive practices such as presupposition and the Arabic equational structure, both of which are indicative of permanency of the ideologies they are portraying. Going back to the historical overview of Saudi U . S . relations and its potenti al influence on Saudi media discourse, we move to the discussion of the period between 1973 and 2001. During these decades, two major events appear to have influenced the discourse of this study: 1) the Soviet Afghan War; and 2) the first Arab Gulf War. F irst, the 1979 to 1989 Soviet invasion of Afghanistan and the subsequent Saudi U . S . collaboration to support the a nti Soviet mujahedeen or religious militias is considered an important event in this historical overview (Bronson, 2006) . According to the fin dings, the significance of this period for the discourse at hand is two fold: F irst, the ten year war and the U . S . Saudi support provided to the religious militants in Afghanistan scattered the ideological seeds for what then became Al Qaeda. During the
177 ye ars of Afghani resistance, t he Saudis supported the mujahedeen ( media aired scenes from the battleground portraying warriors, which in turn propagated tremendous public support , manifest ed in the frequent fundraising campaigns to help the militants and the number of Saudi n ationals who joined the war. Undoubtedly, the defeat of the Soviets and the liberation of Afghanistan w ere associated with the mujahedeen in the minds of the Saudis. Second, Al subsequent actions in the world and the United States , which many of th e discourse participants believe have benefited the U nited S tates strategically more than harming it, caused authors to use it to refer to conspiracy theory. The findings of the textual analysis show a clear reminiscence of the Soviet Afghan war. One face t of this reminiscence lies in the constant reference in the discourse in both media outlets to so called manufactured terrorism. Some writers argue for the fact that terrorism, especially in reference to Al Qaeda, is a byproduct of U.S. support of Afgha nistan and the militant groups during the war. Moreover, the discourse repeatedly hints at the role played by U.S. intelligence in the creation of Al Qaeda. The second event, though of less significance in the findings, is the Arab Gulf War during the ear U.S. U.S. troops received a great deal of resistance, especially among the religious opposition ( Piscatori, 19 91) . They saw a breach in the Arab P most important aspect of this opposition was Al Qaeda leader Osama Bin Laden, whose
178 supporters and followers carried out several terrorist attacks in the U nited S tates and Saudi Arab ia (Blanchard, 2010). According to Prados and Blanchard (2007), b y mutual agreement the United States withdrew all its forces from Saudi Arabia in late 2003. Because of the severity of the terrorist attacks that targeted Saudi Arabia following the U.S. mi litary presence 13 and the U.S. media disregard ing them, the discourse frequently draw s attention to the fact that even Saudi Arabia was a victim of terrorism. In their choice to do so through topic selection, the Saudi authors are producing a counter disc ourse with which they refuse the constant accusations made by the U . S . media and some government figures that Saudi Arabia is the main producer of terrorism. The 9/11 Attacks and t heir Consequences One of the most influential objects found in the discou rse is the 9/11 attacks and aftermath. Among the Saudi writers, the fact that fifteen of the nineteen hijackers who perpetrated the attacks were from Saudi Arabia wa s not something that went down easily, nor wa s the fact that Saudi Arabia is constantly tar geted and accused of terrorism. Prados and Blanchard (2007, 1) indicate that following the September 11 have created a climate that may contribute to terrorist acts by Isla Although this constitutes the hardest test in the course of Saudi U . S . relations, the 13 Since 1995, Saudi Arabia has been the target of a series of terrorist attacks that caused tremendous losses. Several hundred people were killed and thousands in jured , including civilians of U.S. and European origin and law enforcement personnel. For a complete list of attacks targeting Saudi Arabia, , (BBC News Saudi Arabia profile Timeline, n.d. )
179 U nited S tates . The findings reveal consistent views among Al Jazira h and Asharq Alawsat on the issue of 9/11 attacks. At the discursive and linguistic levels, both media outlets appear to share similar attitudes in reference to the attacks. In the first few days, the majority of authors express their shock and disbelief about what happened. Using lexical items expressive of compassion and sorrow for the losses, they highlight the severity and magnitude of the attacks. To take an example of the lexical choices employed by the two media outlets, we discussed the adjective the black. Equally, Al Jazirah and Asharq Alawsat employ this lexical item to denote sadness , given the association of black with death and mourning in Arab culture. This is partly because the authors want to show that they share the grief, but al so it is considered a discursive move to demonstrate their condemnation of the acts. Furthermore, discursive strategies involving other negative presentation are constantly relied on to describe the acts of the attackers, denying them the moralities and va lues of real Islam. This, too, can be understood as a counter ideology to resist the accusations against Islam that are repeatedly explicitly stated or implied in numerous U . S . (e.g. Al Zuhayyan, 2006) and international media outlets. A few days later, wh en the U.S. government started to recover from the shock, President Bush made a statement that incited tremendous anger in the Muslim world and especially in Saudi Arabia. His use of the word crusade crusade, this war on terroris m , is going to take a while. And the American people must be patient. November 16, 2001 was severely criticized in public spheres, as it reminded many Muslims of the medieval military campaigns
180 against Islam that lasted several centuries. Although the Crusades are studied in history textbooks now , the word touched some vivid memories. In reference to this statement, Paine (2005, p. 12) mentions that What is it then about the word crusade that can cause such anxiety? t, as the dictionary describes it, an energetic and organised campaign motivated by a fervent desire for change Perhaps this was when he famously called for one against terrorism. Yet w e must reflect that the choice of the word was not particularly apposite on this Bush and Tony Blair are characterised by their Christian faith, and their opponents in this case are fo llowers of Islam. Although a few authors, especially in Asharq Alawsat, appear to understand that negative reactions to t many responded with anger and doubted the real intentions of the United States . Skeptical about potential U.S. reactions to the attacks, several authors alluded to vengeance as a motive. Moreover, in reference to the attacks and their consequences, the d iscourses of conspiracy and U . S . Israeli relations are recycled . The Wars on Afghanistan and Iraq In the wake of the 9/11 attacks, the U nited S tates vowed to hunt down terroris ts and bring those who planned and committed the attacks to justice. The first move by the U nited S tates was to target Al Qaeda and its leaders and banish Taliban government in Afghanistan for their possible involvement in the attacks and their harboring of terrorists. This resulted in the first war following the attacks. The ideolo gical positions toward this war are overly negative ; the majority of the participants in the discourse show their opposition to the war by means of linguistic and discursive tools.
181 Summary C hapter 5 introduced the findings of the textual analysis rel ative to the objects of analysis found during times of tension. In particular, the analysis revealed the existence of four central objects during these times: 1) U.S. unconditional support to Israel, 2) conspiracy theory, 3) September 11 attacks, and 4) th e wars on Afghanistan and Iraq. In the first section of C hapter 5 , I introduced the textual analysis of the data, which revealed consensus on the negative perceptions of authors in reference to these wars. S ubsequently , in the second part of Chapter 5 , I presented my attempt to interpret these findings in light of the historical contexts surrounding them . C hapter 6 tries to identify the link between the changing of U.S. administrations and the realized ideological perceptions of Saudi authors in both media venues.
182 CHAPTER 6 DISCOURSE IMPACTED BY CHANGING U.S. ADMINISTRATIONS Whereas C hapters 4 and 5 have presented and discussed findings pertaining to the discourses during peace and during tension, the aim of C hapter 6 is to intro duce the findings related to the changing of U.S. administrations during the data collection period. During the aforementioned period, three presidential elections took place in the United States, causing different reactions manifested in the discourse of Saudi authors in the two media venues. A considerable amount of data revolves around the election and inauguration of President Obama, as the first African American president claimed to have Muslim roots. Therefore, C hapter 6 introduces findings of the analysis of discourse relative to changin g U.S. administrations. Like C hapters 4 and 5 , this one starts with textual analysis, which lays down the findings of the linguistic and discursive analysis ideological positions. The contextual analysis ultimately puts this position into perspective by discussing the related historical and sociocultural backgrounds. Textual Analysis The election and inauguration of curren t U.S. P resident Barack Obama received unprecedented attention from the Saudi media. Comprising about 24% of the articles , the Al Jazirah newspaper can be divided into three main categories: 1) a discussion of previ ous P resident George W. Bush , which tackles his legacy (about 7%), his actions , and what happened during his presidency; 2) a discussion of the U.S. election process and the different candidates in the race (about
183 9%); and 3) Barack Obama as a person , his historic win , and his speech in Cairo during his 2009 visit to the region (about 8%). Language and rhetoric. Al Jazirah discourse on the previous U . S . president is predominately negative owing to many factors having to do with the wars he waged, the disc ourses he used to describe certain events, and his administration s failure to bring about peace in the Middle East, among many others. The lexical choices made by the majority of authors in this object to describe administration convey pejorative p erception s . Several excerpts highlight strong negative attitudes and demonstrate sentiments of disapproval and discontent against this particular p resident. Excerpt (ALJ .41), for instance, is a headline of an article discussing the infamous shoe throwing i ncident involving an Iraqi journalist and Bush during his last visit to Iraq in December of 2008, a few weeks before the end of his term. The association of shoe throwing and the the word farewell to describe the inciden t the word party to portray the shoe throwing during the press conference. (ALJ .41) A pair of shoes in (ALJ .42) A culture of arrogance is what P resident (Georg e Bush) expressed a few days ago when he apologized to the U.S. people, but not to the Iraqis , for the tragedies and colonial crimes they had suffered. (12/13/2008) Negative lexical choices are also used in E xcerpt (ALJ .42), in which the word a rrogance is used of the United States , in that he apologized for not finding weapons of mass destruction in Iraq without
184 apologizing to the Iraqi people. Similar lexical moves are seen in E xcerpts (ALJ .43), (ALJ .44 ) , and (ALJ .45). An even more explicit negative lexical move is the use of the predicate Bush the Junior Although the use of the word junior is quite common in Standard American English and has constantly been used to refer to George W. Bush in many Arabic reports , especially in their translated texts, this particular author ch ooses to belittle George W. Bush with this description, as evident by its parenthes izing followed by the exclamation mark. (ALJ .43) I think that the world is in need of a wiser administration instead of that reckless administration that exercised oppression of Muslims and str o ve throughout the land to cause corruption therein and destroy crops and creatures . (12/13/ 2008) (ALJ .44) We can simply say that any presidential candidate, whether democratic or even republican, would have a reasonable chance at winning just by repudiating the policies of (Bush t he Junior) !! (12/04/2008)
185 (ALJ .45) You might have got bored by eight years of destructive U.S. lies and deception under the administratio n of the neoliberals that has been inh a bit ing the White House for eight years , resulting in losses in the United States apart from any other nation far beyond expectations. Note that such losses have changed the positive image of the United States around t he world, an image that needs extraordinary efforts to be restored and for trust to be regained. (12/21/2008) The second category of Al Jazirah discourse , , relates to the discussion of the different candidates in the presidentia l race. Topics selected in this category focus on the historic aspects of the election, highlighting previous elections and possible outcomes based on history , as well as procedural aspects of the election. A common feature in this discourse is a relativel y neutral tone, as most discussions try to present informative data to the audience. Another feature worthy of noting here is the use of terms that are not familiar to the Saudi audience, exemplified by the concept toss up states in E xcerpt (ALJ .46). The author of this article uses the term in its English orthography and provides a translation in Arabic , a move that is not very common among writers in Saudi media in general or this particular newspaper. For Suleiman (2011), code switching between English and Arabic is considered a means by which authors express their access to international cultures. To show his knowledge of U.S. election culture, the author of this excerpt resorts to code switching. (ALJ .46) Tossup states It is important to consider the states that are called: (toss up states). (10/30/2008) The third category of Al Jazirah s centered on his personality, what made him favorable among Muslims and Arabs , and
186 election tend to exhibit overwhelmingly positive attitudes. Writers generally talk about his charismatic personality, his exceptional speech skills , and his performance in the debates. The first excerpt in this regard , (ALJ .47) , personality is appreciated in Saudi society. Starting with the affirmation device indeed as a sign of confirmation of the attitude conveyed in the excerpt , the author lexical items to describe his personality such as pers everance, persistence, and insistence, the author explicitly shows his admiration of Obama. By resorting to lexical item repetition, this author repeats the concept of perseverance with three lexical items to convey strong assessment. (ALJ .47) . The election of Obama and his vic tory set a positive example for what can be achieved through perseverance, persistence, and insistence to realize hope. Coming f rom an ethnic minority that was oppressed up until the sixties, he succeeds in tipping the scales and becoming the president of the biggest world power. (11/12/2008) In a similar vein, the author of E xcerpt (ALJ excerpt, the author is hinting at the fact that Obama w o justice to the world. His victory, acco rding to the author of this excerpt, is seen as analogous to the time of early Islam, when newly converted companions of the Prophet Mohammad united under the umbrella of Islam regardless of their color and social status. Several positive lexical items are utilized in this excerpt, among which are
187 joy and exhilaration. Like the previous excerpt, the author of Excerpt (ALJ .48) employs repetition to show his strong admiration. (ALJ .48) Th o s e uld improve and advance the life of humankind, just like what happened in the beginning of Islam when (noble companions of the prophet were equalized to ing of the elections. (11/13/2008) Another line of thinking is represented by E xcerpt (ALJ .49), in which the author determines that any candidate that would deny the policies of the previous administration would be appreciated. The pragmatic function of this excerpt is two fold: On the one hand, the author expresses his appreciation of Obama for his denial of the policies of the previous administration , and, on the other hand, he criticizes George Bush and the previous administration. (ALJ .49) policies and would have received support nationally in the United States and internationally because of his long awaited message of change in the U nited S tates and the world. (12/04/2008) The third group of authors show s negative attitudes toward Obama, suggest i ng that his words are deceptive. Referring to this argument, E xcerpt (ALJ .50) warns Arabs and Muslims against being overly optimistic about The author presents this statement in an imperative voice, signaling a strong perception. Negative
188 lexical and rhetorical choices in this excerpt include deceiving mirage and the metaphoric throwing grains of sand on the eye. This Arabic metaphor (ALJ .50) Arabs and Muslims shouldn ly optimistic because of Barack U.S. president are merely a deceiving mirage and grains of sand thrown on the eyes; they are dictated by temporary interest s implementation . (11/19/2008) Discursive strategies and processes. Among the many discursive practices present in this particular object is topic selection. The selection of a topic to be eologies. V an Dijk (1989) points out that topic selection plays an important role in the creation of preferred ideological models and mental representation. The previous excerpts demonstrate that topics selected by authors have the predomina n t feature of p resent ing negative attributes of the other, which , in the case of the current selection , is the previous U . S . president. Excerpt (ALJ .41) not only presents negative perceptions about an event but clearly exemplifies such a discursive move of topic selectio n. Choosing to talk about the shoe throwing inciden t in a festive manner is evident in the discourse of this specific object. perception about the other have also been utilized e xtensively in the discourse on George W. Bush leaving office. The author of E xcerpt (ALJ .44) describes the failure of the previous administration and supports this contention with exaggerated details to
1 89 highlight the impotence of the previous president, wh ich , according to the same author , has negatively impacted the U . S . image around the world. Here, the author employs a attributes, in that they left the office in a mu ch better state than George Bush would . This move is further reinforced by another presupposition move in the relative clause inserted at the end of the sentence, in which the author utilizes the two notions restoration and regain ing of trust to describe the image of the U nited S tates around the world. Clearly, these two term s with the prefix re indicate a return to a previous state. Although Arabic does not have such a prefix, the lexi cal choices made by the author convey this very meaning. In reference to the U.S. presidential election, resorting to history as a discursive practice is present ed in this category , as demonstrated by E xcerpt (ALJ .51), in which the article discusses the i mportance of the state of Ohio in the race and that , for Obama to win, winning this state is important. Also, code switching is seen as a discursive s . (ALJ .51) The state of Ohio is very special in the history of U.S. elections. Bush won the election in this state in 2 000 and 2004, and it is important for Obama to win there this time. (10/30/2008) Al Jazirah shows excessive reliance on presupposition. Almost all the excerpts introduced earlier presen t their statements as facts. Furthermore, the employment of the Arabic equational sentence structure enforced by the affirmation device is indicative of strongly held
190 victo ry are characterized by their strong ideological underpinnings. Ideological standpoints. In the discussion of the linguistic and discursive aspects of Al Jazirah discourse on George W. Bush leaving office and his legacy, we have seen how lexical choice s and discursive strategies and processes reveal generally negative perceptions and attitudes. Based on these choices, it can be concluded that Al Jazirah discourse about George W. Bush exhibits ideological standpoints that are more explicit than what we have seen thus far in the previous objects. Nonetheless, given certain discursive moves described earlier, such as presupposition, it can be said that such perceptions are more toward George W. Bush at the personal level and more specifically the actions and decisions made by him or his administration. The findings also show that the authors of Al Jazirah present neutral ideological standpoints when discussing the U.S. election process. They usually tend to show their knowledge of the electoral process by utilizing code switching. exemplary nature of his winning urges the Saudi authors in this media outlet to voice their admiration. Some further indicate that this victory is by divine will to advance the and the first era of Islam when the companion s of the Prophet Mohammad were united under Islam regardless of color and social rank. In spite of that, the discourse of Al Jazirah also shows strong perceptions about the fact that Obama uses his charisma to
191 present lies and thus warns against making premature judgments. Let us now turn to Asharq Alawsat authors to see if they have similar attitudes. As with Al Jazirah , one of the most discussed objects in the discourse of Asharq Alawsat is the election of Barack Obama , with an occurrence rate of roughly 21%. The majority of attitudes fall within three central themes: S ome authors show profound joy ab out the election, emphasizing its historic significance and praising the U.S. culture for openness and acceptance of other ethnicities, accounting for about 7% of articles. The authors in the next group (about 5% of articles) are reluctant to show signs of approval premature judgments . In the third group , many instances in the discourse are about the the region in the summer of 2009 , about 12% of articles. Here are some excerpts and their elucidations: Language and rhetoric . With regard to the first theme in the attitudes toward heir joy and exhilaration without hesitation . This is evident in the rhetorical and linguistic choices they make when discussing this issue. To give an example, E xcerpt (ASH .32) draws an analogy between Barack Obama and the Umayyad caliph Marwan Ibn Mohamm ad 14 . Though I will discuss the analogy further, the utilization of a n equational structure is eviden ce t the 14 Marwan Ibn Muhammad is the last Umayyad caliph, whose reign witnessed the fall of the Umayyad Caliphate in 750. Columbia Electronic Encyclopedia, 6th Edition , 2013 , 1.
192 personal level. Excerpt (ASH of U.S. culture for its election of Obama. Similarly, this excerpt uses an equational ddle name is a linguistic choice many participants in the discourse make to signify his Muslim origins and probable identity . As in the previous excerpt, the author of (ASH .33) emphasi zes , suggestive of his high regard at the personal level. Lexically, positive items such as value, civilized and peak are used , in which an analogy ct in the minds of the Saudi authors. (ASH .32) The U.S. P resident Barack Obama and the Umayyad C aliph Marwan Ibn Mohammad both have in common distinctive leadership and perso nal talents , but they both came in the wrong time.. . Marwan inherited a state torn apart by wars with other countries and an internal struggle. Obama came knighthood faded away in the hea lost between his charisma and the consequences of rising crises. (07/06/2009) (ASH .33) The value of Barack Hus U.S. presidential election is a civilized and humanitarian one in the first place. It is the peak of freedom and humanitarian, social , and political civilization, a culminant point that the United States reached before the whole world , just like reaching the moon. (11/11/2008)
193 The historic address to the Islamic nations that Obama gave in the summer of 2009, a few months after the start of his first term in office, is a widely talked about event in this discourse. Mostly positi ve, the authors discuss the content as well as the (ASH .34), utilizing a topic + comment structure in the first and second sentences, commends the address for its blunt statements with several positive lexical it ems such as frank and the right. In a culture. This excerpt also employs a rhetorical structure that seems to be borrowed from English, namely t o emphasize the impact of the statement and give it prominence. In the next excerpt , (ASH .35), we can see a similar theme with some variation. underscores the importance of the actions that follow the address. He does so by stating that he was wrong about judgments he posed earlier, a move in which he hints at the belief that Obama would not have a favorable position toward the Arab cause with Israel. Linguistically, the employm ent of the verbal structure in the three sentences demonstrates continuity and progression. (ASH .34) So, the frank disco urse of U.S. intentions in reference to its relations with the important relationship , one that has impact on countless people. This is obvious when Obama ascertained the histor ic contributions and favors of Muslim scholars on mankind. Obama not only elaborated on Islamic history, but he even brought up evidence of its footprints on U.S. history. (07/14/2009)
194 (ASH .35) , and stances. Day after day, I become more c ertain that I was wrong in my evaluation of him in reference to our first cause. I hope Obama continues in his new outlook and translates it into reality. (06/13/2009) The third theme in the attitudes pertaining to P to a uthors who are reluctant to show signs of absolute approval. Instead, they prefer to be cautious and The first excerpt in this category , (ASH .37) , finds astonishment in the manner with celebration indicates that the event is exaggerated. Right after this choice, the author presents a the real test for h im. Again, using an equational sentence structure in the next sentence coupled with the utilization of the separation pronoun , the author implicitly states his view of the answer to the rhetorical question. The criteria he posts are achieved by utilizing t hree lexical items that have similar significance , effective, just , and honest. Along the same lines, the next excerpt , (ASH .38) , indicates the address is not more than an indication of the intentions of the administration. What really matters, according to the excerpt, is the hard a nd serious work performed by the government afterward. Linguistically , such expressions are achieved by using lexical items indicating hard work , such as , hard and serious work. What can be understood from this statement is that the w not accompanied by work characterized by these attributes , which the author repeats to achieve assertion and confirmation .
195 (ASH .37) After celebrating U.S. P resident Barack Obama address in Cairo with praise and glorification came the important question: What is the credibility benchmark for Obama and his administration in handling the situation in our region? The real benchmark is: an efficient, just , and honest policy toward t he Arab Israeli conflict in general and toward the Palestinian cause in particular. (01/13/2009) (ASH .38) will have heard the U . S . intentions for a stronger relationship with them, one that is based on mutual respect and interest. But now will follow the hard and serious work to achieve the stability and peace that we aspire to achieve in cooperation with the respective parties in the different causes. (07/14/2009) Warning the Arab and Muslim worlds about the consequences of having high hopes in Obama, other aut hors express the fact that the president is not like rulers in T hird W orld countries who are granted absolute power. Excerpt (ASH .39) is an expression of this theme. Linguistic devices employed in this statement include repetition. I n this excerpt , repetit ion takes the form of paraphrasing, which signals persuasive discourse in Arabic (Johnstone, 1991) . The two verbal phrases does whatever he wants and behaves however he desires both convey the same meaning, but their employ ment attempts to achieve the pragmatic function of add ing lexical weight to persuade the audience. The author then presents an immigration status. Although this might h ave some truth to it, the linguistic choices the author uses, especially at the lexical level, such as unable and helplessly are exaggerated statements.
196 (ASH .39) The U.S. president is not like an absolute leader in a T hird W orld count ry who does whatever he wants, behaves however he desires , or bestows his gifts on who m even is an illegal immigrant in the U nited S tat es . He will just helplessly call for applying the appropriate regulation in her case. (11/04/2008) winning the presidency w ill fade away if he acts like President Bush. This is exemplified by E xcerpt (ASH .40). Although the author does not explicitly state what Bush mistakes we re, he seems to be building on previous experiences with the former president. By employing linguistic devices like metaphoric expressions such as , just by adding a negative ideology about the previous U.S. administration becomes transparent. (ASH . 40 ) There is no difference between Barack Obama and George Bush if the former follows the steps of the latter with changes in the style of execution or ill destroy the beautiful (dream) that he has been talking about so often . (02/07/2009) Discursive strategies and processes. We begin the discussion of the discursive strateg ies exploited by Asharq Alawsat authors in this analytic object from the Excerpt (ASH .40) , which displays a presupposition move by making a connection and follow ing presupposition in this statemen t is achieved by a brief reference to Bush without providing more details about his term or his unfavorable actions ; h owever, this
197 CDA theory. The author is actually referr ing to commonly perceived attitudes about reference activates a mental representation model/context that the audience can retrieve from their episodic memory without having to p rovide more details about it. Another discursive strategy the authors in this object rely on heavily is lexicalization, which involves detailed description of certain attributes. Although lexicalization in van Dijk (1993) model is used in the negative s ense of ideology, in which negative acts of the o ther are exaggerated by lexicalization, the previous excerpts employ lexicalization in its positive manner. The discourse also exhibits excessive dependence on persuasion. Although the majority of texts in this study are persuasive in some sort, this object seems to offer more persuasive statements than any other object thus far. Several linguistic moves described in the previous discussion, such as repetition and exaggeration , convey this genre. Ideologic al standpoints. are characterized by variation and divergence. reasons that are ideologica l. Stressing the fact that Obama is of Muslim descen t by mentioning his middle name , Hussein , seems to suggest that authors believe in its potential effect o n his orientation toward Muslims and Muslim countries and his possible contribution to resolving th e Middle East Arab Israeli c onflict in a manner favorable to
198 Muslims. Eviden ce of this suggestion is a move made by one of the authors in which an analogy between P resident Obama and the Umayyad caliph is drawn despite the risk that might be associated wit h likening a non Muslim U.S. leader to an early Islamic caliph. Taking this risk, the author is putting himself in a position where he might receive harsh criticism or even, in the worst case, suspension from writing for the newspaper. However, by utilizin g this analogy, the author is confident in the ideological stances of the Saudis, trusting that they will not oppose him because Obama might actually be a Muslim in the minds of many Saudis. M nal traits, but another portion expresses a deep appreciation of U.S. culture for its civilized outlook resulting in the election of President Obama in spite of his racial and ethnic background. Several authors in the discourse compare this victory with th e first landing on the moon, highlighting the ever increasing spirit of winning in the United States . Such discursive moves reveal the conclusion that the Saudis perceive U.S. culture positively. However, a considerable number of articles convey cautious a ttitudes. presidency attribute their positions to the need for time to judge P actions for historical reasons and governmental considerations. As far as the t ime needed to make better judgments, the discourse underscores that words and speeches suggest , the real benchmark should be how he deals with issues in the region. This ideolo the Arab Israeli c onflict .
199 Alternatively, when authors attribute their cautious positions to historical reasons, the mental representation model recalling previous administr and, as such, ideological stances tend to be derived from previous experiences. Finally, when authors bring to the context governmental considerations, comparisons between Arab rulers who have absolute procedural control, and the U.S. government , the p owers of which are not limited to the president, they hint at views. Let us now turn to the discussion of contextual implications. The following section aims to put the findings of the textual analy sis introduced in this C hapter into their historical perspective so as to demonstrate their significance. Contextual Analysis The findings of the analysis in the previous section have greater significance if they are put in their historical context. This section, therefore, sheds some light on the historical aspects of the discourse pertaining to the changing U.S. administration introduced in the first part of this C hapter. The Election of U . S . President Barack Obama The historical event that might have influenced the discourse of Al Jazirah and Asharq Alawsat concerns the election of current U . S . President Barack Obama. The finding s p ertaining to the number of article s published show an increase in the articles written during the period surrounding his election and the beginnin g of his term. To be specific, a considerable portion of the discourse is devoted to the discussion of Barack
200 , Hussein , and his African origins. This is seen by many of the discourse participants as a sign of his Islamic orientation. Explicit and implicit reference is constantly made during this Israeli conflict. Furthermore, the discour giving made by one author between Obama and an Umayyad c aliph. Discursively, this move is significant for the risk taken by the author to get his message conveyed. Unless there is some sort of internal perception among the Saudis that Obama is actually a Muslim, this analogy would have received severe criticism. The discourse, thus, reflects the public approval President Barack Obama received during his election and the beginning of his term. Second, the discourse also demonstrates that the Saudis place importance on U.S. election s election, but also a substant ial percentage of the discourse is devoted to discussion of the election process. The majority of discourse handling issues pertaining to the election are generally characterized by neutral attitudes. W hen Obama was in the final stages of the election, the majority of discourse on U . S . elections dr e w comparisons between Obama and previous President George W. Bush. An expected finding is that Obama is favored by almost all the authors in the discourse. At the discursive practice level, the authors typically utilize other negative presentation to talk about President Bush. The shoe throwing inciden t that took place during last visit to the region
201 presidency. Although the authors express their disagreement with the incident itself , coming from a journalist whose profession should be a respected one, the fact that Bush is the victim of the incident makes it more of a celebration, as the discourse depicts. Lexically, this is realized, for instance, by the use of the word party in a the lexical and topic choice s are reflective of the amount of frustration associated with th e previous ; in the minds of the Saudi auth ors, a shameful event has become a celebrated one. Clearly, sentiments of frustration and dislike of George Bush held by a substantial number of authors o n both papers cannot be separated from negative perceptions about the United States in general. Many actions of the government are taken to be associated with the president. This is seen in the shift of discourse U.S culture and its openness to elect a president from a minority, espe cially one whose middle name is Hussein. Although authors prefer to wait rather than give premature judgments. The main argument in this theme revolves around the fact that the U.S preside nt, unlike presidents in the Arab region, does not hold absolute power to act as he wishes. Summary Chapter 6 ing U.S. administration between September 11, 2001 and December 31, 2013. The first section
202 of the Chapter was concerned with the textual analysis of the data, and the second section interpreted and discussed the findings with reference to their context. In summary, this textual and contextual overview has aimed to put the ideologies unraveled in the discourse analysis in the findings in to their context. I attempt to interpret the shifts in the discourse at hand or, as Wodak (2009) terms it , discursive eve nts, according to the history associated with them. As such, the historical overview provides a picture of how the discourse responds either positively or negatively according to the changing dynamics of Saudi U . S . relations and particularly the changing o f governments .
203 CHAPTER 7 DISCUSSION AND CONCLUSION The purpose of this qualitative study has been to explore how Saudi media discourse on the U nited S tates has evolved during the thirteen years following the 9/11 attacks. A corpus of 946 articles select ed from two major Saudi Arabian newspapers was collected and analyzed from a CDA perspective. I hoped that the analysis would be helpful in determining how ideological standpoints of Saudi authors in both media outlets are influenced by the ir sociocultural backgrounds as well as the changing dynamics of power resulting from the historical circumstances that took place during the period of inquiry. The findings and their discussions introduced in the C hapters 4, 5 and 6 demonstrate similar patterns. The aim of C hapter 7 is to draw conclusions based on the findings of the textual and contextual analysis of the data. Overall, the findings of the study show that there are several objects that are recurrent despite contextual shifts at the political, cultural , or social level. On the other hand, the findings also reveal several additional objects emerging in both media outlets as a result of shifts in their contexts. Conclusions drawn from these findings are introduced in light of the research questions reiterat ed here: RQ7. What discursive practices and linguistic tools have the Saudi writers for Al Jazirah and Asharq Alawsat utilized from 2001 through 2013 to describe the U nited S tates ? RQ8. How were attitudes of the Saudi media realized in the discourse of print media exemplified by these two newspapers? RQ9. How has the discourse of the Saudi writers about the U nited S tates been thematically oriented in the two media outlets? RQ10. How have the international scene and major historical events influenced this discourse, and how, if any, were shifts in this discourse realized?
204 RQ11. How have the social and cultural differences between Saudi and U.S. societies influenced the discourse of the two media outlets? RQ12. In what ways have the Saudi writers for Al Jazirah and Asharq Alawsat resisted t he common views about Saudi society in some U . S . media, and how have they reacted to accusations and negative portrayal s of Saudi society? These six questions are largely satisfied by the findings and their discussion presented in C hapters 4, 5 and 6 . In the following section, I will draw conclusions from the analyses of the data. General Attitudes The study has tried to shed some light on the general feelings and attitudes toward the United States as a country, a people , and a culture expressed by Saudi authors in the two media outlets. T (i.e. , analysis of surface descriptors and structures) concerns looking at how the authors generally approach the topic in question and what the article s readers ty pically get as a first impression without reading the whole article. In other words, the gist of the surface descriptors and structures analysis involves looking at the article s title, the first few paragraphs, and the lexical choices to infer the general tone of the author . Utilizing , paying special attention to the titles, the first few paragraphs, and the lexical choices to determine whether the articles present posi tive, negative , or neutral attitudes about the U nited S tates . This is where most differences between the two media outlets appeared . The surface descriptors and structure analysis of the two media outlets reveals that the discourses exhibit fluctuation in the general tones of the authors. First, the years 2003 and 2007 witnessed a great deal of tension in the region from wars in
205 Afghanistan and Iraq and the Israeli Palestinian conflict. Al Jazirah authors view the events with a relatively more negative out look in general compared to Asharq Alawsat. This can be attributed to the fact that Al Jazirah considers the wars a potential threat to Islam and that the invasion of the two countries was more of an occupation than a one rating in 2003 is still negative, but less emphasis is placed on the fact that the wars were targeting Islam. As for 2007, Al Jazirah emphasizes the execution of the previous Iraqi leader Saddam Hussein and describes it as a conspiracy, where as in Asha rq Alawsat this issue does not receive much attention. The election and inauguration of President Obama in 2008 shows the main difference between the two papers in 2009. Asharq Alawsat is more negative than Al Jazirah during this period because the authors are possibly more cautious about giving premature judgments about Obama and highlight that U.S. presidents do not have absolute powers as compared to Arab leaders. Moreover, Al Jazirah thors believed that he might be a Muslim, m ay have influenced the overall rating of the articles. Finally, between 2010 and 2013, Asharq Alawsat only has seven articles , which makes it hard to draw tangible differences between the two outlets for that peri od . Thematic O rientation As far as the themes included in the two outlets, the two papers focus on similar topics, but the distribution of these themes differs slightly. Also, the globalization theme found in Al Jazirah is replaced by a closely related t heme that discusses the United States as a system at the administrative and business levels in the Asharq Alawsat newspaper.
206 T he object of the Saudi U . S . relationship , United States: a friend or a foe appears to be far more prevalent in the discourse o f Asharq Alawsat. Given it is more positive, the authors in Asharq Alawsat consider this relationship an important asset for both countries, and hence they call for its continuation. Al Jazirah probably more concerned with the image restorati on of Saudi Arabia as a culture or as a people following the 9/11 attacks given the U . S . Arabia and its alleged support of terrorist groups, which was constantly perpetuated during that time (Al Zuhayyan, 2006) . Furthermor e, because of the more conservative point of view of the majority of writers for Al Jazirah , they do not place as much importance o n the Saudi U . S . relationship as their counterparts at Asharq Alawsat. Al Jazirah authors, however, place more importance on the 9/11 attacks throughout the discourse. This can be attributed to two main factors: 1) Al Jazirah is published in Saudi Arabia and targets a purely Saudi local audience, and most of the attackers were Saudis, so the authors of Al Jazirah stress the fac t that the Saudi people showed support and sympathy for the U nited S tates during the first few days; and 2) based on how they handle the issue of 9/11, Al Jazirah authors seem obligated to deny the fact that Saudi Arabia, its culture, and its people were r esponsible for the attacks. Moreover, the authors of Al Jazirah are more direct about the need for careful reactions by the U nited S tates . Asharq Alawsat, nonetheless, because of its more regional orientation, does not pay as much attention to defending th e Saudi people, culture , and religion. Al Jazirah authors, in particular, place more importance on the U.S. elections , s pecifically
207 the procedural aspects. Their choice to do so might be attributed to their interest in clarifying aspects of the election, which might be confusing to their Saudi audience , or to demonstrate their access to international cultures, hence, their arguments or judgments about the elections are legitimi zed . Moreover, the authors of Al Jazirah focus contrast, Asharq Alawsat authors talk more about the speech given by Obama during his visit to the region upon the star t of his term. One important difference between the two outlets relates the objects of globalization and the U nited S tates as a system. Wh ereas Al Jazirah authors talk extensively about globalization, another object is seen in Asharq Alawsat, namely he U nited S tates as a system: administration and business. In my discussion of the social considerations, I elaborate d on how the two outlets approached these objects. However, I should note that Al Jazirah authors view globalization as more of a threat to t he Saudi and Muslim identity, whereas in Asharq Alawsat, the discourse appears appreciative of the U.S. system, particularly the educational and business facets. When it comes to the fundamental underpinnings of the system, viz. capitalism, Asharq Alawsat authors generally perceive the system negatively, blaming it for some presumably negative actions of the United States . The Construction of a Counter Ideology At the outset of this study, I stated that one of its purposes was to explore how and what discu rsive practices Saudi columnists use to produce a counter ideology vis Ã vis the U.S. and Western media. Although many CDA researchers adopt the pejorative connotations of ideology, I have chosen to use the less commonly employed
208 view of neutral connotatio ns. Conceptually, I adopt ed the ideas of Robert de Beaugrande, who indicates that the enterprise of critical discourse analysis should be empower the disempowered; to demy stify the mystified; to clarify obscurity; and to raise p. 44). Therefore, in my analysis of the Saudi discourse presented thus far, I do not assume that it strives to impo se power and domination, nor does it provoke control and hegemony. Rather, the discourse at hand is a complex and organized one worthy of demystifying and clarifying. Poststructuralist Discourse Analysis (FPD A ; Baxter, 2002a , 2003, 2008), which entails giving voice to the voiceless, believing in complexity rather than polarization , and utilizing pre existing knowledge as a main contributor to discourse (for more details, see Chapter 2), this section deals with the way Saudi authors presented a counter ideology in reference to the U.S. and Western media. The discourse of Al Jazirah and Asharq Alawsat can be seen to not only represent the ideological underpinnings of the Saudi authors about the U nited S tates but also provide important information about how they utilize their access to discourse as a form of power to present a counter ideology against the U . S . media stereotypical perceptions about Saudis . As a result, this discourse exhibits several me chanisms with which the Saudi authors resist the U.S. stereotypical attitudes about Saudi Arabia, especially those relevant to terrorism. The findings revealed that these mechanisms can be either implicit or explicit. For instance, the very idea of topic/theme selection in an article can be seen as an implicit counter -
209 ideological mechanism. power to dictate, via the topic they select, how they address or respond to the stere otypical attitudes held about them. Explicit mechanisms, however, can be achieved when an author directly addresses the person or entity of interest. Let us explain this further in light of the findings. Starting with explicit discursive practices, the di scourse contains frequent instances of author s addressing the people of the United States directly despite a lack of guarantees that their voices are heard. For instance, in an article entitled A Letter of Mutu al Understanding to His Excellency the American President! Almutairi (2003) addresses President Bush in an open letter complaining about the Islamic faith being targeted, Muslims undergoing racial profiling, Muslims judged by their Middle Eastern features , women and men harassed because of their the loss of lives but equally expresses his sadness for the lack of understanding of the real message of Islam. To demonstra n veys, the author that he thinks is the greatest in the whole book. This verse reads And We did not send you (O Muhammad!) but as a blessing and mercy, ilar ones, directly address U.S. and Western people and demonstrate the level of despair held by the Saudi authors about the page letter presents an explicit counter ideology expressing his tak e, and that of many Saudis, on terrorism. Partaking in ideological discourse, another author mentions that if the teachings of Islam and curricula of Saudi Arabia were responsible for
210 exporting terrorism, there would be millions of men and women joining forces with terrorists to carry out terrorist acts. He argues that this is not the case and that Saudis should not be judged by the acts of a handful of individuals. Such explicit discourse moves , aimed at producing or resisting id eologies that might be prevalent in the U nited S tates and promoted by some U . S . media outlets , are seen repeatedly throughout the disc ourse of both papers . I should finally note that explicit counter ideological discourse is characterized by its reliance o n self positive representation. On the other hand, implicit resistance to the widely held views about the Saudis in the U . S . takes the form of several discursive strategies. Expressing compassion and sympathy is perhaps the most ubiquitous form of implici t resistance of stereotypical attitudes about Saudis. The findings, especially in the object of 9/11 attacks, exemplify an abundance of instances in which Saudi authors share the grief and mourning of the United States during the few days following the att acks. Furthermore, a closely related discursive strategy indicative of implicit resistance involves, as the findings show, mention of the terrorist attacks that targeted Saudi Arabia. When discussing terrorism, several authors point out that Saudi Arabia, too, has been a target of many terrorist attacks whose casualties were innocent people. Although the perpetrators of many terrorist attacks in recent years appeared to be of Muslim descen t, and the majority were Saudis, discourse authors express their rej the real teachings of Islam , in their view, do not preach the killing of innocents and hence do not breed terrorists. By implying that the teachings of the Islamic faith do not call for suc h atrocities, access to media is utilized by authors as a way to exercise resistance to
211 accusations of such nature. Likewise, while indicating that believers of other faiths do also have extreme views, the discourse authors send a message rejecting the ass ociation of terrorism and Islam. In sum, the findings show that authors openly reject many of the views held about Saudi Arabians, particularly with regard to terrorism, in some Western media and especially in the U nited S tates . A clear distinction is con stantly made in the discourse between extremists, who exist in all faiths, and mainstream believers who represent Islam and other religions. Discursively, an important feature pertaining to this exercise of resistance relates to the reliance of Saudis on their Muslim identity rather than the national Saudi identity. In other words, it is the collective Islamic belonging that Saudi authors refer to in their resistance of stereotypical attitudes in the U . S . media. Because Islam has several schools of thought other than the Saudi version, which tends to be the most conservative, this too can be said to imply some sort of resistance that entails involving other sects of Islam instead of referring to the Saudi version alone. In general, opinion piece authors exp loit their access to media outlets to voice their frustrations and despair and ameliorate what they consider to be the distorted image of their faith. Theoretical Implications Utilizing a CDA paradigm and drawing on the theoretical frameworks of Fairclou gh (1992, 1995a, 2013), van Dijk (1993, 1995, 1998) , and Wodak (2009), the present research has examined the discourse of Saudi Arabian print media outlets represented by two of its important venues . The main objectives of the study have been to explore th e ideologies of Saudi authors about the U nited S tates throughout the
212 thirteen year period following the 9/11 attacks that targeted the U nited S tates in the summer of 2001. It has also aimed to show how such ideologies have evolved and been influenced by th e surrounding historical, political , and sociocultural factors during this period and possibly how Saudi authors have produced, through their access to media, a counter ideology vis Ã vis the stereotypical views about Saudi Arabia, Islam , and terrorism. Th e theoretical framework adopted in the study has proved to be useful in , p. 14). In this Chapter , I talk about how these frameworks were useful in guiding this exploratory inquiry and how I have attempted to overcome some of their inherent drawbacks. The CDA framework has , to a great extent , provided me with the tools necessary of a direct causality an d determination relationship between discursive practices, events , and texts on the one hand and the wider social and cultural structures, relations , and processes on the other gave prominence to the main hypothesis of this research. Specifically, in the a nalysis of Saudi Arabian print media discourse on the U nited S tates , the results reveal that such discourse is highly sensitive and that attitudes are immediate consequences of the contexts surrounding them. I have shown that the wider historical, politica l , and sociocultural circumstances play an undeniable role in shaping the ideological orientations of the Saudi authors exemplified by those in Al Jazirah and Asharq Alawsat. In my analysis of the data , I have employed the tripartite framework of Fairclou gh (1992; 1995) , which entails that in order to analyze discourse, a researcher needs to consider the text, the discursive pr actice, and the social practice. Consequently, the
213 analysis first started with the textual analysis , in which I explored the lingui stic and rhetorical tools the Saudi authors typica lly employ in their discourses. The textual analysis also included a detailed overview of the discursive practices that Saudi authors resort to in their discourse about the U nited S tates . The findings resul ting from the analysis pertaining to these two steps have partly answered the first three research questions. Furthermore, the social practice aspect of Fairclough (1992; 1995b) has been particularly informative in answering the fourth research question , w hich was concerned with the impact of the wider sociopolitical and sociocultural factors on the ideologies of Saudi authors about the U nited S tates . As far as the discursive practices and their ideological significance are tive approach to CDA (1993) has been particularly the interface between social structure and social cognition (1998). This interface is realized in the discourse through d iscursive practices. Consequently, the analysis of discursive practice aims at linking the discourse, social structure , and ultimately social the ability of CDA to pinpoi nt U s Them dichotomies through discursive strategies and processes, I have looked at how the discursive practices that Saudi authors devise can function as a lens through which one can expose the ideological structures of a certain group. Such sociocogniti vely oriented ideas have been invaluable in the process of accounting for the discursive moves employed in the discourse. Whereas the previous two frameworks have provided insights into how to make sense of the synchronic aspects of discourse, thereby add ressing the first three
214 research questions, there was a missing link as to how to account for the evolution of notion of CDA, wh ich emphasizes the importance of accounting for the historical aspects of discourse, came in handy. As a result, in the contextual discussion of the findings , I surveyed some of the most relevant historical events and drew links between them and the linguistic and discursive structures found . This h istorical overview shed light on the impact of history in shaping ideology and influencing attitudes. In essence, the discourse historical approach has been influential in the course of this study, especially with reference to the fourth research question , which tackled the impact of shifts in the dynamics of power induced by historical events. An important research question that I was equally interested in finding answers to revolved around the possibility of finding traces of a counter ideology against t he stereo typical perceptions held about Saudis . Although conventional CDA frameworks are a perfect fit for exposing hidden ideologies of domination, hegemony , and abuse of power as proposed by numerous proponents, the form of ideology I was more interested in uncovering differed slightly. The majority of CDA research is conducted within a conceptually negative and pejorative framework. In particular, assuming the existence of a powerful group that coerces hegemony and control over another less powerful grou p has typically been the main assumption of the majority of CDA researchers. The current research, nonetheless, did not hold pre existing views or ideologies about the issue ; I was approaching the data without any perceived views . That is the main reason w hy I utilized de CDA.
215 Essentially, in the view presented by de Beaugrande (2006), discourse analysis is a quest for informing and reforming: informing society of the existence of certain phenomena and reforming in providing the direction of potential areas of improvement in society. In line with this contention, I took a more open approach to the data , one that looked at ideology as a fluid construct that tends to be sensitive to its context of occurrence. In doing FPDA (2002a , 2003, 2008) that entail giving voice to the voiceless, believing in complexity rather than polarization , and utilizing pre existing knowledge as a main contributor to discourse. My goals we re to clarify the views on the U nited S tates as opposed to the stereotypical perceptions, to look at discourse as a multiplicity of ideologies rather than a dichotomized polarization of powerful and powerless participants, and finally to con sider previous epistemological and cultural factors as main player s in the nited S tates . One challenge I faced during the course of this research was to bring all these theories together in one study while at the same time reaping full benefit from each one of them. Here, the model of analysis set forth by Carvalho (2000), which involves textual as well as contextual analysis components, was perfectly fitted to the purpose of this study. The fact that each of its components is supposed to be undertaken separately made it possible for me to undertake this project in a more systematic approach given the length and breadth of the data. In particular, with this model I was able to divide the task into multiple smal ler , manageable tasks , each of which supplements the other. Within the six step textual analysis component, the surface descriptors analysis enabled me to look at the discourse attitudinal orientation from a distance by looking at
216 the tone analysis of the whole corpus and its evolution throughout the course of the data sampling period. The next step involved looking at the actors represented in this corpus. Then, the object analysis helped me classify the corpus into meaningful categories involving the mai n topics and themes talked about in the discourse. Each of the objects identified was accompanied by an analysis of the linguistic, rhetorical , and discursive choices in addition to the ideological standpoints inferred from these choices. Finally, I attemp ted to put the findings of this textual analysis into their context by undertaking the contextual component of this approach . T he & Lincoln, 2011) made it possible to bring these theoretical approaches together. Suc h research design is characterized by its critical, multiperspectival, multitheoretical , and multimethodological approach to inquiry. Drawing on this approach, I devised notions of eclecticism, emergent design, flexibility , and plurality to achieve results that I hope make more sense. Study Limitations and Future Research There are several limitations to this study that need to be addressed in order to give prominence to its potential contributions to both theory and policy. The limitations can be group ed under three main categories according to their source: 1) theoretical; 2) personal; and 3) data related. I touched on the theoretical limitations and their solutions in the previous section ; in this section , I will highlight the latter two sources of p otential setbacks. Let us start this discussion by explaining the potential limitations associated with the data used for this study. The data are limited in three important aspects. First, as with much of print media discourse studies, there are no guara ntees that the discourse
217 is naturally occurring data. Essentially, although I have tried to avoid the institutional discursive practice impositions exercised by many media outlets around the world today by opting for columns and op ed articles as opposed t o editorials, it is almost impossible to discern the existence of institutional pressure on the authors to sway their ideologies in one direction or the other. This is particularly true in the context of Saudi Arabia, where the institutional censorship is considered one of the highest in the world. However, as seen in my rationale of data source selection discussed in Chapter 1, the censorship exercised by the Saudi Ministry of Culture and Information targets frictions of certain taboos such as the royal fa mily, sensitive government bodies, and religion. This means that discourse such as the target of this research appeared to be tolerated. Yet the results have shown that the discourse of the Saudi authors about the U nited S tates tended to convey ideologies from both ends of the spectrum , with considerable variation. Whereas we have seen generally negative views around a certain analytic al object, other objects have brought about generally positive attitudes. The second limitation in reference to the data co ncerns the source of the corpus. My selection of Al Jazirah and Asharq Alawsat was because they represent two opposite orientations. Al Jazirah on the one hand is considered a conservative government oriented paper, whereas Asharq Alawsat is characterized as a liberal , less government oriented source. S omeone might argue that the data sampled from these two papers are not representative of the whole Saudi media scene as there exist other papers and other modalities such as online and social media sources, b oth of which can show different ideological alignments. These are worthy of exploration as potentially fruitful territories of ideological information, but the present study has attempted to
218 account for an important slice of Saudi media. The majority of au thors whose articles formed the bulk of this research have crucial socioeconomic positions, and their views are very likely to be disseminated in the institutions to which they belong. Nonetheless, there is no perfect research design that captures the who le picture, and this research is intended to introduce a partial picture of the rarely explored Saudi media discourse from a CDA perspective. Thus, it opens horizons for further research in this direction , and future research that covers other media source s would complement the findings of this study. Third, the vast amount of data coupled with the limitations of the CDA paradigm made it difficult to account for a wider array of ideologies. Because of the amount of data and the comprehensive nature of CD A, I had to be selective and present the most salient features of discourse. A possible direction of future research is to choose a certain point in time and present a more detailed analysis of ideologies pertaining to this particular period. The research life experiences necessarily influence interpretations of some phenomena. Because the data are in Arabic, a translation of the texts can fall short of presenting the whole ideological pict ure because absolute translation equivalence is sometimes impossible, especially between tw o such divergent languages. However, although the translation helps show the meaning to a great extent, my analysis was mostly based on the Arabic version of the tex ts, and my knowledge of Arabic gave me an advantage in this regard. Moreover, in order to increase the validity of translation, excerpts and their translations
219 were scrutinized by an independent certified translator who reviewed them and corrected some err ors. The second limitation owing to personal factors can result from a biased outlook toward the phenomena being investigated. Unfortunately, although I have tried my absolute best to present an impartial picture, I cannot determine how my biases affected both my selection and interpretation of the data. Again, this is an inherent shortcoming of most qualitative resear ch, and I have indicate d in C hapter 3 my reflexive position in this research. Conclusion The study, employing such a powerf ul tool as CDA, has attempted to explore the evolution of Saudi media discourse about the U nited S tates since the 9/11 attacks. The CDA paradigm was selected as the central theoretical framework for this study owing to its ability to expose often hidden id eologies. Such ideologies, according to CDA practitioners, surface in the discourse as discursive features. As such, exploring these discursive features within their social, cultural , and political contexts bring these ideologies to the surface. Having thi s ability, I have applied the CDA to selected texts from two Saudi Arabian print media outlets that represent two ideologically different alignments. I was particularly interested in the attitudinal orientations of the Saudi authors and how the sociopoliti cal and sociocultural factors positively or negatively influenced their ideologies. The findings of the study reveal strong association s between In a world torn apart by wars, terrorism , and conspiracies, immediat e change, bringing about more harmony and understanding among different cultures, nations , and
220 religions, is earnestly needed. Most people would agree that much of the divide witnessed in our world today is caused by distorted and stereotypical impressions caused by a lack of independent media that actually show the real picture of who the people in the other part s of the world really are. As time passes, such negative images become fossilized and more resistant to change. Nonetheless, it is never too late to act against these trends and try to stand up for our generation, which deserves to live in a better world where mutual understanding and tranquility between civilizations prevail. to further interreligious and intercultural dialogue, translated in to the establishment of King Abdullah bin Abdulaziz International Centre for Interreligious and Intercultural Dialogue ( nge , study is a modest contribution in this direction. Among my intellectual and academic interests in the study has been a sincere desire to tell the untold story of the Saudi people, voiced by the elite who have access to media, and what their thoug hts truly are about other cultures , particularly the U nited S tates . This study has given me the opportunity to partially fulfill my desire and contribute in a way that I hope will bring more peace to the world.
221 APPENDIX A AL JAZIRAH SAMPLE ARTICLE
224 APPENDIX B ASHARQ ALAWSAT SAMPLE ARTICLE
225 APPENDIX C AL JAZIRAH LIST OF ARTICLES NO Tittle Author Data ALJ .1 ! / /2007 ALJ .2 1 2013 ALJ .3 0 /0 /2012 ALJ .4 0 /0 /2012 ALJ .5 03/04/2004 ALJ .6 1/18/2013 ALJ .7 03/08/2012 ALJ .8 ..! 12/30/2003 ALJ .9 03 28 2014 ALJ .10 05/25/2003 ALJ .11 ! 12/22/2003 ALJ .12 5/12/2009 ALJ . 13 ! 04/12/2002 ALJ .14 02/25/2003 ALJ .15 ! 10/28/2008 ALJ .16 12/01/2008 ALJ.17 12/10/2008 ALJ.18 12/10/2008 ALJ.19 10/05/2001 ALJ.20 10/05/2001 ALJ.21 ! 08/19/2013 ALJ.22 !! 02/15/2004 ALJ.23 01/0 1/2007 ALJ.24 ! 01/14/2013 ALJ.25 11 /2 2/2001 ALJ.25 4/2/2003 ALJ.27 10/31/2001 ALJ .28 9/15/2001 ALJ .29 9/21/2001 ALJ .30 11/24/2001
226 ALJ .31 11/21/2001 ALJ .32 ! 11/25/2001 ALJ .33 11/19/2001 ALJ .34 ! 11/25/2001 ALJ .35 10/05/2001 ALJ .36 10/01/2001 ALJ .37 ..!! 10/13/2001 ALJ .38 03/31/2003 ALJ .39 03/21/2003 ALJ .40 3 /14/2003 ALJ .41 3/14/2003 ALJ .42 !! 12/18 /2008 ALJ .43 ! 12/13 /2008 ALJ .44 ! 12/13 /2008 ALJ .45 ) 12/04 /2008 ALJ .46 ..! 12/21/2008 ALJ.47 ..! 12/21/2008 ALJ.48 11/12 /2008 ALJ.49 11/13/2008 ALJ.50 ) 12/04 /2008 ALJ.51 ! 11/19 /2008
227 APP ENDIX D ASHARQ ALAWSAT LIST OF ARTICLES NO Tittle Author Data ASH .1 1/15/2002 ASH .2 ! 08/13/2006 ASH .3 11/12/2001 ASH .4 11/12/2001 ASH .5 04/16/2005 ASH .6 06/22/2009 ASH .7 03/26/2007 ASH .8 10/12/2002 ASH .9 05/26/2002 ASH. 10 ! 03/07/2007 ASH .11 ! 11/25/2001 ASH .12 01/15/2002 ASH .13 08/28/2006 ASH .14 07/01/2002 ASH .15 04/12/2005 ASH. 16 10/23/2002 ASH .17 07/1/2002 ASH .18 10/03/2009 ASH .19 09/09/2002 ASH .20 11/13/2001 ASH .21 03/14/2005 ASH .22 09/18/2001 ASH .23 12/09/2001 ASH .24 .. ! 09/22/2001 ASH .25 01/15/2002 ASH .26 09/18/2001 ASH .27 11/29/2001 ASH .28 12/29/2001
228 ASH .29 11/13/2001 ASH .30 11/0 3/2001 ASH .31 07/06/2009 ASH .32 11/11/2008 ASH .33 07/14/2009 ASH .34 ! 06/13/2009 ASH .35 06/13/2009 ASH .36 07/14/2009 ASH .37 ! 11/04/2008 ASH .38 02/07/2009
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238 BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH Husam M. Alawadh is a Saudi linguist in the College of Languages and Translation at King Saudi University in R iyadh, Saudi Arabia. He has a Bachelor of Arts degree in Translation Studies from Ki ng Saud University and a Master of Arts in English with a concentration in teaching English as a second/foreign language. Alawadh Joined the Department of Linguistic at the Univer sity of Florida in 2008, and in 2014 he earned the Doctor of Philosophy degree in linguistics. The Evolution of Saudi Print Media Discourse on the U.S. after 9/11: A CDA of Al Jazirah and Asharq Alawsat Newspapers , was supervised by Dr. Diana Boxer. His research interests include critical discourse a nalysis, s ociolinguistics and s econd language a cquisition.