U.S. MUSLIM WOMEN AND BODY IMAGE: LINKS AMONG OBJECTIFICATION THEORY CONSTRUCTS, EXPERIENCES OF DISCRIMINATION, AND THE HIJAB By LANA DIA TOLAYMAT A DISSERTATION PRESENTED TO THE GRADUATE SCHOOL OF THE UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA 2014
Â© 2014 Lana Dia Tolaymat
3 ACKNOWLEDGMENTS I thank my doctoral advisor, Dr. Bonnie Moradi, for all of her generous support and guidance throughout my graduate school career. She helped me find confidence in my professional voice, and for that I will always be gr ateful. I also want to thank my family and friends for their unconditional love and encouragement.
4 TABLE OF CONTENTS page ACKNOWLEDGMENTS ................................ ................................ ................................ .. 3 LIST OF TABLES ................................ ................................ ................................ ............ 5 LIST OF FIGURES ................................ ................................ ................................ .......... 6 ABSTRACT ................................ ................................ ................................ ..................... 7 CHAPTER 1 REVIEW OF THE LITERATURE ................................ ................................ .............. 9 Objectification Theory ................................ ................................ ............................. 10 Applyi ng Objectification Theory to Muslim Women ................................ ................. 12 The Hijab, Muslim Women, and Body Image ................................ ................... 13 Discrimination, Muslim Women, and Body Image ................................ ............ 17 Breadth and Distinctiveness of Objectification Theory Constructs ................... 21 Purpose of Study ................................ ................................ ................................ .... 23 2 METHODS ................................ ................................ ................................ .............. 25 Participants ................................ ................................ ................................ ............. 25 Procedures ................................ ................................ ................................ ............. 26 Instruments ................................ ................................ ................................ ............. 27 Reported S exual O bjectificat ion E xperiences ................................ ................... 27 Religious D iscrimination ................................ ................................ ................... 28 Inte rnali zation of Sociocultural Standards of B eauty ................................ ........ 30 Body S urveillance ................................ ................................ ............................. 30 Body S hame ................................ ................................ ................................ ..... 31 Social Appearance A nxiety ................................ ................................ ............... 31 Ea ting Disorder S ymptoms ................................ ................................ ............... 32 Hijab ................................ ................................ ................................ ................. 33 Demographic Q uestionnaire ................................ ................................ ............. 33 3 RESULTS ................................ ................................ ................................ ............... 34 4 DISCUSSION ................................ ................................ ................................ ......... 50 Implications for Practice ................................ ................................ .......................... 54 Limitations and Future Directions ................................ ................................ ........... 56 LIST OF REFERENCES ................................ ................................ ............................... 59 BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH ................................ ................................ ............................ 67
5 LIST OF TABLES Table page 3 1 Intercorrelations, Partial Correlations Controlling for Age and BMI, and Descriptive Statistics for the Observed Variables of Interest .............................. 42 3 2 Model Fit and Comparisons ................................ ................................ ................ 43 3 3 Correlations and Descriptive Statistics for Variables of Interest ......................... 44 3 4 Magnitude and Significance of Specific Indirect Effects ................................ ..... 45
6 LIST OF FIGURES Figure page 3 1 Conceptual model depicting construct distinctiveness. ................................ ....... 48 3 2 Conceptual model depicting internalization and body surveillance collapsed. .... 48 3 3 Final Model. ................................ ................................ ................................ ........ 49
7 Abstract of Dissertation Presented to the Graduate School of the University of Florida in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Ph ilosophy U.S. MUSLIM WOMEN AND BODY IMAGE: LINKS AMONG OBJECTIFICATION THEORY CONSTRUCTS, EXPERIENCES OF DISCRIMINATION, AND THE HIJAB By Lana Dia Tolaymat August 2014 Chair: Bonnie Moradi Major: Counseling Psychology This study explored the relations among the hijab, religious discrimination, sexual objectification experiences, internalization of cultural standards of beauty, body surveillance, broadened conceptualizations of appearance anxiety and body shame, and eati ng disorder symptoms within the objectification theory framework. Latent variable structural equation modeling was used to test the hypotheses with a sample of 217 U.S. Muslim women. Overall, the results of this study were consistent with previous objectif ication theory research (e.g., Moradi & Huang, 2008). Preliminary analyses revealed that internalization and body surveillance were better modeled as two distinct variables rather than as one construct. Similarly, appearance anxiety and body shame were als o better modeled as two distinct variables rather than as one construct. Sexual objectification experiences were linked positively to body surveillance through the mediating role of internalization. Body shame and appearance anxiety did not emerge as signi ficant mediators of the relations of internalization and body surveillance with eating disorder symptoms. However, there was support for the mediating roles of internalization and body surveillance in the links of sexual objectification to appearance anxie ty, body shame, and eating disorder symptoms. The hijab was related negatively
8 with reported sexual objectification experiences and positively with experiences of religious discrimination. Lastly, experiences of religious discrimination were linked directl y to appearance anxiety, body shame, and eating disorder symptoms. Implications for research and practice with U.S. Muslim women are discussed.
9 CHAPTER 1 REVIEW OF THE LITERATURE Experiences of discrimination have been linked to adverse psychological outcomes including a range of psychological symptoms and overall distress across a variety of minority populations (e.g., Pascoe & Smart Richman, 2009). Importantly, there have been ca lls to test the links of experiences of discrimination with body image and eating disorder symptoms in minority populations (e.g., Crago & Shisslak, 2003; Striegel Moore & Smolak, 2001). However, Muslim women have received limited attention within the broa der discrimination mental health literature as well as within the attend to given the increase in anti Muslim prejudice and discrimination post 9/11 (e.g., Cair, 2008). In a ddition, one marker of Islamic identity that may make Muslim women particularly susceptible to experiences of discrimination and have nuanced implications for body image, is the hijab (Cole & Ahmadi, 2003; Droogsma, 2007; Jasperse, Ward, & Jose, 2011; Tola ymat & Moradi, 2011). The hijab is an Islamic covering that is used to project modesty and humility. However, the interpretation of the hijab varies widely between and within cultures. For example, some women may use a form of hijab called the burqa, whic h covers the entire body, whereas other women may interpret the hijab as wearing modest clothing. Importantly, qualitative and quantitative studies have suggested a link between the hijab and experiences of discrimination for Muslim women living in the U.S . and other western countries (e.g., Cole & Ahmadi, 2003; Droogsma, 2007; Jasperse et al., 2011). Moreover, experiences of racial or ethnic discrimination have been linked with body image and eating problems (Iyer & Haslan, 2003; Reddy & Crowther, 2007).
10 sociocultural experiences in the development of body image and eating disorders. There have also been calls to integrate group specific constructs within the objectification theory f ramework (e.g., Moradi, 2010; Moradi 2011). Consistent with such calls, the present study examines tenets of objectification theory with a sample of Muslim women and explores the role of the hijab and anti Muslim discrimination within this framework. Objectification Theory In this section, I will review objectification theory, its main constructs, and research on the relations among these constructs and their links with eating disorder symptoms. Objectification theory (Fredrickson & Roberts, 1997) is a sociocultural framework that explains the development of psychological distress, including eating disorder symptomatology in women. According to objectification theory, one form of oppression that women encounter is sexual objectification. Sexual objectif ication and in particular, as bodies that exist for to unwanted sexual advances and harassment. Objectification theory holds that experiences of sexual objectification and gender socialization can promote the internalization of impossible to meet societal standards of beauty. This internalization can lead t o self objectification or viewing oneself as an object and disconnecting with the functionality of the body (i.e. focusing on how the body looks rather than how the body feels or functions). One manifestation of self objectification is body surveillance or the constant monitoring and vigilance of how the body appears to others. Such
11 internalization and body surveillance are hypothesized to promote body shame, or shame about the body failing to meet cultural standards of beauty. Another posited consequence o f internalization and body surveillance is anxiety. In the objectification theory literature, appearance anxiety, or the constant worry about when and how set of relation s from sexual objectification experiences to internalization and body surveillance, to body shame and anxiety, are hypothesized to promote eating disorder symptoms in women. These associations posited in objectification theory have been supported in diver se populations (e.g., Buchanan, Fisher, Tokar, & Yoder, 2008; Moradi & Rottenstein, 2007; Moradi, & Tolaymat, 2011). Specifically, reported sexual objectification experiences have been linked to body surveillance and eating disorder symptoms through the pa rtial mediating role of internalization in samples of predominantly White college women and ethnically diverse U.S. Muslim women (Moradi, Dirks, & Matteson, 2005; Tolaymat & Moradi, 2011). In turn, internalization has been linked to greater eating disorder symptoms through the partial mediating role of body shame across samples of predominantly White, Deaf, or U.S. Muslim women (Moradi et al., 2005; Moradi & Rottenstein, 2007; Tolaymat & Moradi, 2011). Similarly, in culturally diverse samples (including U.S . Muslim women), self objectification/body surveillance has been linked to greater eating disorder symptoms through the partial mediating role of body shame (e.g., Augustus Horvath & Tylka, 2009; Calogero, 2009; Engeln Maddox, Miller, & Doyle, 2011; Kim, S eo, & Baek, 2014; Kozee & Tylka, 2006;
12 Moradi et al., 2005; Moradi & Rottenstein, 2007; Tolaymat & Moradi, 2011; Watson, Ancis, White, & Nazari, 2013). However, findings for the mediating role of appearance anxiety have been mixed. For example, when both appearance anxiety and body shame were tested simultaneously as mediators of the link of self objectification/body surveillance with eating disorder symptoms, both mediators yielded unique links to eating disorder symptoms in samples that varied with regar d to rac e/ethnicity, sexual orientation and age (Greenleaf & McGreer, 2006; Slater & Tiggemann, 2010; Tiggemann & Kuring, 2004; Tiggemann & Lynch, 2001; Tiggemann & Williams, 2012). However, in samples of predominantly White age diverse women and African A merican undergraduate women, when both mediators were included in the model, appearance anxiety did not yield unique links to eating disorder symptoms (e.g., Slater & Tiggemann, 2002; Tiggemann & Slater, 2001; Watson et al., 2013). Thus, relatively more su pport has been garnered for the mediating role of body shame than that of appearance anxiety in the links from self objectification/body surveillance to eating disorder symptoms (see Moradi & Huang, 2008 for review). But as discussed in proceeding sections , examination of a broader conceptualization of anxiety may be particularly important in research with U.S. Muslim women. Collectively, this literature supports links posited in objectification theory. However, is also important to integrate culture specif ic variables with the objectification theory framework (Moradi, 2010; Moradi, 2011). Applying Objectification Theory to Muslim Women In order to inform the application of objectification theory to U.S. Muslim women, in this section, I will offer evidence to support the inclusion of constructs specifically salient for this population and I will describe the need to extend the breadth of
13 objectification theory constructs to better capture the experiences of this population. Specifically, I will underscore th e need to include the hijab and experiences of anti Muslim discrimination within the objectification theory framework. In addition, I will also discuss the importance of broadening conceptualizations of appearance anxiety and body shame to account for the unique experiences of U.S. Muslim women. The Hijab, Muslim Women, and Body Image The majority of research exploring body image and eating problems in Muslim populations has been conducted outside of the U.S. (e.g., Australia, Britain, Malaysia, Pakistan) and has focused on group comparisons. These studies have yielded mixed findings with some studies suggesting higher levels of body image and eating problems for Muslim women and girls (e.g., Edman & Yates, 2004; Furnham & Adam Saib, 2001; Ho, Tai, Lee, Ch eng, & Liow, 2006; Latzer, Azaiza, & Tzischinsky, 2009; Swami, Airs, Chouhan, Leon, & Towell, 2009) and other studies suggesting lower levels (e.g., Mahmud & Crittenden, 2007) relative to other groups. Importantly, this research has often conflated religio n and ethnicity (e.g., predominantly British Asian Muslim group was compared to other groups including a White subgroup, Furnham & Adam Said, 2001), assumed religious status based on ethnicity or country of origin (a sample was assumed to be Muslim based o n Malay ethnicity, Ho et al., 2006), and/or compared different Islamic groups to other religious groups (e.g., Druze 1 compared to Muslim and Christian groups, Latzer et al., 2009) which makes interpretation of results difficult. Beyond such group comparis ons, one within group factor that has emerged as important to consider in understanding body image and eating problems in Muslim 1 It is important to note that there is controversy over whether Druze identified individuals consider themselves Muslim or are a part of the Islamic faith (Smith, 2013).
14 women is the hijab/modesty of dress. Hijab is an Arabic word that means screen, curtain, or barrier, and commonly refers to a r ange of Islamic dress. The meaning of the hijab and how it is worn can differ depending on time, culture, and personal preference (e.g., Ahmad, 1992). For example, some women may interpret the hijab as modest clothing with no headscarf (including no make u p) to reflect a sense of modesty and interpretation of modesty. Another interpretation of the hijab is wearing a loose headscarf. One of the most conservative interpretatio ns of the hijab is a garment that covers the body in its entirety including a gauze like cover over the eyes (i.e. burqa). Thus, the hijab can be interpreted and practiced variably, ranging from modest dress to a full body covering (i.e. burqa). Qualitati ve studies have suggested that Muslim women in western countries wear the hijab for a variety of reasons including but not limited to religious duty, to reflect a Muslim identity, social reinforcement from friends and family, to gain respect, and to preven t male harassment (e.g., Ali, 2005; Bouma & Brace Govan, 2000; Cole & Ahmadi, 2003; Droogsma, 2007; Read & Bartkowski, 2000; Ruby, 2006; Williams & Vashi, 2007). In a quantitative study conducted in the U.S. (Tolaymat & Moradi, 2011) ee reasons (selected from a list of options, including an open so (90%), to show my religiosity/modesty (69%) and to show others my Muslim identity (64%). The bottom th Western ideas or lifestyle, (19%), other reasons (13%; e.g., cultivate self esteem) and
15 variety of reasons. choices of both hijab use and style of hijab. For example, in Saudi Arabia, there is strong cultural pressure from political and religious leaders to wear the hijab in public ( e.g., Perkins, 2012). The abaya , is a popular form of dress worn in Saudi Arabia and covers the body in its entirety excluding a head covering. In addition to the abaya, Saudi women cover their hair and/or face with different styles of the hijab. As a diff erent example, in Turkey, women are banned from wearing the hijab in government buildings, including school settings and the style of the hijab is more diverse (Perkins, 2012). In ab, the qualitative studies suggest that experiences of anti Muslim discrimination may be a inforcing their choice to wear the hijab (e.g., Ali, 2005; Cole & Ahmadi, 2003; Droogsma, 2007). Therefore, the hijab can be both a personal choice and shaped by cultural norms and pressures. Modesty of dress/hijab use has been linked both directly and in directly to body image variables in U.S. Muslim women and Muslim women living in Australia and Britain (Mussap, 2009; Swami, Miah, Noorani, & Taylor, 2013; Tolaymat & Moradi, 2011). For example, in one study modesty of dress was negatively related to self objectification and body dissatisfaction in a sample of Muslim Australian women (Mussap, 2009). In another study, Dunkel, Davidson, and Qurashi (2010) compared the body image of
1 6 predominantly U.S. Muslim Indian and Pakistani women with that of predominantl y U.S. Christian White women of diverse ages and dress type (Western dress, non Western dress with the hijab, and non Western dress without the hijab). Findings indicated that between groups, there were no significant differences on level of body dissatisf action. However, regardless of ethnic/religious identification, younger women who wore Western dress experienced higher levels of drive for thinness and internalization of cultural standards of beauty than nonwestern dressed groups. One limitation of the s tudy was that the authors combined Muslim and non Muslim women into the western dressed group making the roles of dress type and religious group difficult to tease apart. In another study with a sample of British Muslim women, Swami et al., (2013) explore d the differences in body image between Muslim women who wore the hijab (at least rarely) and Muslim women who never wore the hijab. Results suggested that, relative to women who indicated they never wore the hijab, women who wore the hijab had significant ly higher levels of body appreciation and lower levels of levels of body image related problems (e.g., lower levels of body dissatisfaction, drive for thinness, social physique anxiety). Women who wore the hijab also reported lower levels of internalizatio n of media messages about standards of beauty, and lower levels of investment in their appearance. Finally, in a study that examined the objectification theory framework with a sample of U.S. Muslim women, the hijab was negatively correlated with sexual ob jectification, and in turn, sexual objectification experiences were positively related to body image and eating problems (Tolaymat & Moradi, 2011). Thus, the hijab may be related to lower body image problems, in part, through its negative link with sexual objectification experiences.
17 Discrimination , Muslim Women, and Body Image Islamophobia is defined as fear of or hostility toward Islam and can lead to discrimination and prejudice against Muslims (Cair, 2008). Anti Muslim discrimination can range from subtle forms such as stereotyping to overt forms including hate crimes (Cair, 2008; Greenhouse, 2010; Marranci, 2004). Statistics from the Federal Bureau of Investigation indicate that fully 13.2% of religiously based hate crimes committed in the U.S. in 2 010 were anti Islamic (Federal Bureau of Investigation [FBI], 2010). Other sources suggest that these statistics may be underestimates in that many Muslims Americans may not report hate crimes to the authorities (e.g., Cair, 2008). Studies suggest that the re has been a rise of more subtle forms of discrimination, particularly in the U.S (e.g., Sirin and Katsiaficas, 2011). For example, in one national poll conducted ne cessary for Muslim Americans (Friedlander, 2004). A more recent study conducted with a student population in California evaluated attitudes towards Muslims and found that compared to individuals of an unspecified ethnicity, the students held negative attit ude towards Muslim Americans in two out of ten situations (i.e., boarding a plane with two Muslim American men; buying a used car from a Muslim American salesman, Khan & Ecklund, 2012). In a quantitative study in Britain with a Muslim sample of predominant ly Pakistani men and women, Muslims were asked to report their experiences of discrimination both pre and post 9/11 (Sheridan, 2006). Findings suggested that a majority of individuals reported an increase in perceived discrimination post 9/11 and such expe riences ranged from hearing an offensive joke to being harassed by a stranger.
18 Importantly, Muslim women who wear the hijab may be particularly vulnerable to acts of discrimination because their Muslim identity is visible. In qualitative studies, Muslim w omen who live in western countries and wear the hijab report a range of discrimination experiences including being removed from flights for security reasons, employment discrimination, verbal harassment, and physical assault (e.g., Cole & Ahmadi, 2003; Dro ogsma, 2007; Hassouneh & Kulwicki, 2007; Ryan, 2011). Quantitative studies support these qualitative reports. For example, Jasperse, Ward, and Jose (2011) found that visibility as a Muslim (i.e. wearing the hijab) was positively related to perceived discri mination in a sample of predominantly Asian (e.g., Bengali, Pakistani) women from New Zealand. In another study conducted by Sirin and Katsiaficas (2011), a majority of a sample of Muslim men and women who were predominantly immigrant Pakistani and Arab li ving in the U.S., reported experiences of religious discrimination. Specifically, those who appeared visibly Muslim reported significantly more perceived discrimination than those who did not. In addition, women who appeared Muslim or wore religious attire (i.e. the hijab) reported more discrimination than men who wore religious dress (i.e. beard, hats, long dress). In another study with a sample of predominantly Muslim Pakistani men and women in Britain, Muslim visibility (i.e. appearing Muslim) was not co rrelated with personal experiences of discrimination related to 9/11 (Sheridan, 2006). However, visibility as a Muslim was positively correlated with symptoms of depression. In this study, it is unclear how Muslim visibility (i.e. appearing Muslim) was ass essed (e.g., cultural dress, the hijab, Islamic based physical characteristics).
19 Collectively, these findings point to the importance of exploring the link between discriminatio n experiences have been linked with body image problems in a variety of populations. For example, in a sample of predominantly White sexual minority men, childhood harassment for gender nonconformity which can be considered a manifestation of overt discrim ination, was directly related to internalization, body surveillance, and body shame, and indirectly related to eating disorder symptoms (Wiseman & Moradi, 2010). Similarly, in a sample of predominantly European American/White bisexual women, antibisexual d iscrimination and internalized biphobia were directly linked to internalization of cultural standards of beauty; moreover, antibisexual discrimination was linked directly to body shame and indirectly to body surveillance, body shame, and eating disorder sy mptoms (Brewster et al., 2014). Similarly, in a sample of U.S. undergraduate women of predominantly Indian (South Asian) descent, experiences of ethnic and racial teasing (e.g., name calling, behavior related teasing, social exclusion) were linked positive ly to body dissatisfaction and eating disorder symptoms (Iyer & Haslam, 2003). However, another study suggested a more complex picture of the relationship between racial/ethnic teasing and body image variables. Reddy and Crowther (2007) found that ethnic teasing (teasing based on hair, dress, skin color, and facial features) and physical appearance related teasing (general appearance and weight/shape related teasing) were correlated with body image constructs, but not always in the expected direction. For example, contrary to expectations, general appearance teasing and ethnic teasing were negatively related to internalization of the thin ideal. In addition,
20 internalization of the thin ideal was not significantly correlated with body satisfaction or eating disorder symptoms. However, as expected, eating disorder symptoms were positively related to weight/shape related teasing, general appearance teasing, and ethnic teasing and negatively correlated with body satisfaction. But when both ethnic teasing and we ight/shape related teasing were included in a model predicting body satisfaction, ethnic teasing did not emerge as a unique predictor of body satisfaction but weight/shape related teasing did such that more weight/shape related teasing was related to less body satisfaction. In addition, body satisfaction emerged as a partial mediator in the positive link between weight/shape related teasing and eating disorder symptoms. Taken together, some of these findings contradict much of the objectification theory res earch that has found positive relations among internalization, body dissatisfaction, and eating disorder symptoms (e.g., Moradi et al., 2005). To explain these inconsistencies between the larger literature and some of their findings, Reddy and Crowther (20 07) speculated that (a) internalization may not be an important factor to consider in the experiences of South Asian women and (b) South Asian women may receive teasing based on being underweight rather than overweight. However, it is also important to not e that in their study internalization was operationalized narrowly as the internalization of the thin ideal whereas in some objectification theory research, internalization is assessed in a broader fashion and includes other aspects of cultural standards o f beauty (e.g., assessment of time spent reading fashion based magazines, assessing the cultural importance of general attractiveness) in addition to the internalization of the thin ideal. This broader conceptualization of internalization could be importan t to explore in the experiences of racial/ethnic minority women. Indeed, in a
21 sample of predominantly Arab and Pakistani U.S. Muslim women, internalization of cultural standards of beauty emerged as important factor within the objectification theory framew ork (Tolaymat & Moradi, 2011). Collectively, these studies suggest the need for further attention to the links between experiences of discrimination and body image variables . Breadth and Distinctiveness of Objectification Theory Constructs In addition to considering constructs of unique salience for U.S. Muslim women (e.g., hijab, discrimination) it is important to consider the breadth of constructs within objectification theory as applied to this population (Moradi, 2011). Specifically, operationalizatio ns of anxiety and body shame within the objectification theory literature have tended to focus narrowly on aspects of the body including weight, shape, and size (e.g., Moradi et al., 2005; Tolaymat & Moradi, 2011). However, Fredrickson and Roberts (1997) o ffer broader conceptualizations of appearance anxiety and body shame that are important to consider. Experiences of anxiety are described as ranging from trait/state anxiety to anxiety related to harassment and safety (Fredrickson & Roberts, 1997). Similar ly, conceptualizations of shame range from weight specific shame to general shame about the body and appearance (Fredrickson & Roberts, 1997). Some objectification theory studies have explored the role of broader forms of anxiety, including trait/state an xiety and anxiety about harassment and safety (Fairchild & Rudman, 2008; Fitzsimmons Craft & Bardone Cone, 2012; Mitchell & Mazzeo, 2009). Such studies have linked trait/state anxiety to body image variables including eating disorder symptoms (Fitzsimmons Craft & Bardone Cone, 2012; Mitchell & Mazzeo, 2009). In addition, there has been some support for harassment and safety related anxiety. For example, one study found that sexual harassment was linked to self -
22 objectification, which in turn was linked to ma nifestations of safety anxiety (fear of rape and restriction of movement, Fairchild & Rudman, 2008). Importantly, qualitative studies suggest that Muslim women living in the West (U.S. and Britain) experience broader forms of anxiety about appearing Muslim to others, including fears related to harassment and safety (Cole & Ahmadi, 2003; Droogsma, 2007, Ryan, 2011). Therefore, a broader conceptualization of anxiety, including appearance based anxiety, anxiety about appearing Muslim, and anxiety about harassm ent and safety may more fully capture the unique experiences of U.S. Muslim women. conceptualization of body shame that is narrowly focused on weight may be important to attend to in a Muslim population. For Muslim women, a discriminatory environment may produce feelings of alienation, or shame related to their appearance (e.g., Cole & Ahmadi, 2003). Indeed, broader operationalizations of body shame have received support and been used in objectification theory research. For example, self objectification was linked to general body shame, which in turn was linked to restrained eating in predominantly White undergraduate samples (Fredrickson, Roberts, Noll, Quinn, & Twenge, 1998; Noll & Fred rickson, 1998). In addition to considering a broader scope of anxiety and shame for U.S. Muslim women, it is also important to investigate the distinctiveness of internalization and body surveillance within the objectification theory framework (Moradi , 2011; Tolaymat & Moradi, 2011). Correlations between internalization and body surveillance have ranged from .46 to .77 in samples of White/Eur opean American, African American women, Deaf women, and U.S. Muslim women (e.g., Mitchell & Mazzeo, 2009; Moradi et al., 2005;
23 Moradi & Rottenstein, 2007; Moradi & Tolaymat, 2011). However, in one study with a sample of European American and African American undergraduate women, the high correlation between body surveillance and internalization ( r = .77) led to the decision to collapse the two variables into a single latent construct (Mitchell & Mazzeo, 2009). As well, in another study with a sample of U.S. Muslim women, internalization subsumed the variance accounted for by body surveillance in body shame and eating disorder symptoms and only when links to internalization were eliminated, body surveillance yielded the expected relations with body shame and eating disorder symptoms (Tolaymat & Moradi, 2011). Thus, there is some evidence to suggest that internalization and body surveillance may be manifestations of a single latent construct and this possibility has been noted as an area for empirical investigation and important to explore in the experiences of U.S. Muslim women (Moradi, 2011; Moradi & Tolaymat, 2011 ). Purpose of Study been predominantly comparative in nature and has yielded mixed findings with some studies suggesting higher levels and other studies suggesting lower levels of body image and eating problems for Muslim women relative to non Muslim comparison groups (Edman & Yates, 2004; Furnham & Adam Saib, 2001; Ho et al., 2006; Mahmud & Crittenden, 2007; Swami et al., 2009). To advance our understanding of U.S. Muslim image, research is needed to examine theoretical propositions as well as constructs of specific salience to this population, including the hijab and experiences of religious discrimination (e.g., Iyer & Haslam, 2003; Tolaymat & Moradi, 2011). Also of theor etical and practical importance is the empirical examination of construct
24 distinctiveness with this population, particularly the distinctiveness of internalization and body surveillance (e.g., Tolaymat & Moradi, 2011). To address these needs, the present study tests propositions outlined in the objectification theory framework, with attention to the potential additional roles of wearing the hijab and experiences of religious discrimination for U.S. Muslim women. Specifically, the proposed study tests the f ollowing hypotheses: (Hypothesis 1) As a preliminary step to testing the hypothesized relations within the objectification theory framework, the distinctiveness of internalization and body surveillance will be examined. Two measurement models will be comp ared to assess if internalization and body surveillance are better modeled as two distinct constructs or as a single variable. Next, the following direct and indirect relations grounded in objectification theory will be examined based on results from the p reliminary analysis . (Hypothesis 2) Sexual objectification experiences are expected to be linked with body surveillance directly and indirectly through the mediating role of internalization. (Hypothesis 3) Internalization is expected to be linked to eatin g disorder symptoms directly and indirectly though the mediating roles of body shame and appearance anxiety. (Hypothesis 4) Body surveillance is expected to be linked with eating disorder symptoms directly and indirectly through the mediating roles of bod y shame and appearance anxiety. In addition to these links grounded in objectification theory research, relations involving the hijab and religious discrimination will be examined on the basis of research with Muslim women: (Hypothesis 5) The hijab is exp ected to be linked negatively with sexual objectification experiences and positively with religious discrimination experiences (e.g., Jasperse et al., 2011; Tolaymat & Moradi, 2011). (Hypothesis 6) Lastly, the role of experiences of religious discriminati on will also be explored within the model. Given that most research supports a positive link between experiences of discrimination and body image constructs, positive relations between religious discrimination and levels of internalization of sociocultural standards of beauty, body surveillance, body shame, appearance anxiety, and eating disorder symptoms are expected (e.g., Iyer & Haslam, 2003; Wiseman & Moradi, 2010). Given limited research to guide more specific hypotheses, both direct and indirect relat ions will be explored in the model. The above hypotheses will be modified as approp riate depending on the findings from the construct distinct iveness analyses .
25 CHAPTER 2 METHODS Participants Data from 217 Muslim women living in the U.S. were examine d in this study. Age of participants ranged from 18 to 70 ( M = 31.93, SD = 11.26, Mdn = 29). Approximately 41% of participants identified as students. Of those who identified as students, 51% were undergraduate students and 49% were graduate students. With regard to highest level of educat egree, 2 6% had som e college education, 24% had a m had an advanced degree (e.g., M D., DO, JD, Phd), 5% earned a high school diploma, and 1% had some high school education. With regard to socioeconomic status, 43% identified as middle class, 33% identified as upper middle class, 15% identified as working class, 6% identified as lower class, and 42% identified as middle class, 27% as upper middle class, 20% as wor king class, 6% as lower class, and 5% as upper class. In terms of relationship status, 48% were married, 39% were single, 6% were dating, 4% were engaged, and 2% were in a long term relationship. With regard to self not at all to 7 = extremely ), a majority of the participants (88%) reported a 4 or above on the scale ( M = 4.77, SD = 1.17, Mdn = 5.00). In terms of race ethnicity, 36% identified as Asian/Asian American, 31% as Arab Am erican/Middle Eastern, 12% as Caucasian/European American/White, 9% as African/African American/Black, 4.6% as biracial/multiracial
26 and 1% as Hispanic/Latina American. Importantly, 55% of the sample identified with a more specific ethnic or cultural background than listed above with the two largest ethnic identifications being Pakistani (32%) and Indian (10%). Other identities included but were not limited to Afghan, Syrian American, Bangladeshi, Black American, Desi, Egyptian, Italian, Lebanese, Pakistani and Lebanese, Pakistani and Filipino, Palestinian, part Turkish, Turkish, Polish E gyptian American, and Yoruba. Participants reported living in the United States from less than a year to 67 years and a plurality of participants (45%) were born in the U.S. Participants reported residing in 23 out of the 50 United States, with 40% residi ng in Florida. Procedures Participants were recruited through Islamic online groups (Yahoo groups, Facebook groups, Google groups) and individuals connected with Muslim communities. Online participant recruitment has yielded similar response patterns as paper and pen methods and is identified as a useful approach fro recruiting difficult to sample populations (Gosling, Vazire, Srivastava, & John, 2004; Hiskey & Troop, 2002). The informed consent procedure required participants to agree with the following criteria: (a) identify as 18 years or older, (b) identify as Muslim (c) identify as a woman (c) reside in the U.S. After agreeing that they met these criteria, participants were directed to the agr random responding. A total of 435 individuals agreed to the informed consent; 203 of these individuals were removed from analyses because they were missing more than 20% of total survey items (52% of these individuals were missing all items), which exceeds the limit for tolerable levels of missing data (e.g., Parent, 2013). In addition, one participant was
27 they a nswered two or more of the four validity check items incorrectly suggesting inattentive or random responding. Additionally 10 participants were removed because they were missing a full measure and/or were missing the hijab variables. These data cleaning pr ocedures resulted in data from 217 participants for analyses. Among the retained participants, the level of missing data was minimal (127 participants were missing no items, 87 participants were missing less than 5% of items, and 3 participants were missin g between 6.5% to 10% of items). Available item analysis (AIA) was implemented to handle missing data (Parent, 2013); this approach has been demonstrated to perform well in data conditions such as that in the present study (e.g., adequate sample size, acce ptable internal consistently reliability, sufficient number of items per scale). Instruments Reported Sexual Objectification E xperiences The Interpersonal Sexual Objectification Scale (Kozee, Tylka, Augustus Horvath, & Denchik, 2007) is a 15 item scale t clarity of terminology, three items were sexual comments or suggesting
28 Items are rated on a 5 point scale (1 = never t o 5 = almost always ). Item ratings are averaged to derive scale scores, with higher scores indicating greater interpersonal sexual objectification experiences. As evidence of validity, ISOS scores were positively correlated with reported experiences of sex ist degradation in a predominantly European alpha of .89 was reported in a sample of U.S. Muslim women (Tolaymat & Moradi, 2011). In the present sa was .92. Religious D iscrimination Anti Muslim discrimination was measured with 22 items drawn from two subscales of the Perceived Religious Discrimination scale (Rippy & Newman, 2008): the Perceived Religious Prejudice and Stigmatization subscale (exclu ding five anxiety based items which were used in the assessment of anxiety described below) and the Exposure to a Religiously Discriminatory Environment subscale. The Perceived Religious Prejudice and Stigmatization subscale of the Perceived Religious Disc rimination scale (Rippy & Newman, 2008) is a 16 item scale (after excluding the --
29 ethnic identities. Items are rated on a 5 point scale (1 = never to 5 = very frequently ) and item ratings are averaged, with higher scores indicating higher levels of perceived religious discri mination due to appearing or identifying as Muslim. As evidence of validity, scores on the Perceived Religious Prejudice and Stigmatization subscale were positively related to perceptions of a discriminatory environment (Rippy & Newman, 2008). With regard to reliability, Perceived Religious Prejudice and Stigmatization women (Rippy & Newman, 2008). In addition, the 6 items of the Exposure to a Religiously Discriminatory Env ironment subscale of the Perceived Religious Discrimination scale (Rippy & [newspaper, television, films, Internet, or radio commentators] express hatred toward point scale (1 = never to 5 = very frequently ) with higher scores indicating greater perception of a discriminatory environment. As evide nce of validity, there was a positive correlation between scores on the Exposure to a Religiously Discriminatory Environment subscale and scores on the Perceived Religious and Stigmatization subscale (Rippy & Newman, 2008). With regard to reliability, a Cr Muslim women and men (Rippy & Newman, 2008). In this sample, the overall Stigmatization subscale and the 6 items of the Religiously Discriminatory Environment subscale was .93. 2011).
30 Internalization of Sociocultural Standards of B eauty The Internalization subscale of the Sociocultural Attitudes Towards Appearance Questionnaire (Heinberg, Thompson, & Stormer , 1995) is an 8 item scale that assesses on a 5 point scale (1 = completely disagree to 5 = completely agree) , appropriate items are reversed scored, and item ratings are averaged with higher scores indicating greater levels of internalization of societal standards of beauty. As evidence of valid ity, internalization scores have been shown to correlate positively with body dissatisfaction, drive for thinness, and bulimia symptoms in a sample of predominantly White undergraduate women (Low et al., 2003). With a of .86 was found in a sample of U.S. Muslim women (Tolaymat & Moradi, 2011). In the present Body S urveillance The body surveillance subscale of the Objectified Body Consciousness scale (McKinley & Hyde, 1996) is an 8 it em scale that measures the extent to which an individual engages in monitoring how their body looks rather than how it feels or point scale (1 = strongly disagree to 7 = strongly agree ; and a N/A option for items that do not apply), Appropriate items are reverse scored and ratings of items marked as applicable are averaged with higher scores indicating greater levels of body surveillance. As evidence of validity, body surveillance scores were correlated positively with public self consciousness in a sample of predominantly European American
31 college women (McKinley & Hyde, 1996). With r of .76 was reported in the previous sample of U.S. Muslim women (Tolaymat & Moradi, 2011). In the present s Body S hame The Body Shame Phenomenology scale of the current version of th e Body Shame Questionnaire (Noll & Fredrickson, 1998) is an 18 item scale that assesses motivational and behavioral components of shame (e.g., point scale (1 = n ot at all to 5 = extremely) , appropriate items are reverse coded, and item ratings are averaged with higher scores indicative of higher levels of shame. As evidence of validity, scores on the body shame scale were positively correlated with self objectific ation and social physique reported in a sample of predominantly white undergraduate women (Calogero, 2004). In Social Appearanc e A nxiety Social appearance anxiety was measured with items assessing general appearance anxiety and appearance and safety anxiety related to Muslim identity. To assess general appearance anxiety, the 16 item Social Appearance Anxiety scale (SAAS; Hart et about negative appearance evaluation, more broadly than weight or attractiveness point scale (1 = not at all to 5 = extremely ) and appropriate items are reverse coded. Specific items are reversed scored and item ratings are averaged with higher scores
32 indicative of higher levels of social appearance anxiety. As evidence of validity, scores on the SAAS were positively related to social physique anxiety (Hart et al., 2008). With .95, and .94 (Hart et al., 2008). The SAAS items were supplemented with the previously noted five anxiety based items from the Religious Prejudice and Stigmatization subscale of the Perceived Religious Discrimination Scale (Rippy & Newman, 2008) to assess app earance and to go to a public place (park, state fair, movie theater, or sporting event) out of fear of re rated on the same scale as the SAAS items. In terms of validity, scores on the Perceived Religious Prejudice and Stigmatization subscale, which includes these five anxiety based items, were positively related to perceptions of a religiously discriminato ry environment (Rippy Perceived Religious Prejudice and Stigmatization subscale items in a sample of U.S. Muslim men and women (Rippy & Newman, 2008). In the present s tudy, the overall Prejudice and Stigmatization subscale was .95. Eating Disorder S ymptoms The Eating Attitudes Test 26 (Garner, Olmsted, Bohr, & Garfinkel, 1982) is a 26 i point scale (1 = never to 6 = always ), appropriate items are reversed scored, and it em ratings are averaged with higher scores indicative of higher levels of eating disorder
33 symptomatology. As evidence of validity, scores on the EAT 26 were positively related to drive for thinness and bulimic symptoms (Brookings & Wilson, 1994). With rega rd to Hijab (2011) study was used to assess hijab use in the current study. The hijab measure assesses frequency of hijab use (e.g., never to always) and conservativeness of hijab (e.g., loose head scarf to a full length burqa). Hijab frequency frequently do you wear an never to 5 = always ). Conservativeness of hijab was assessed using previously published pictures of women ( Muslim veils , nd) in six common styles of the hijab (see Tolaymat & Moradi, 2011, for detail) rated on a 7 point scale (0 = no hijab to 6 = full covering burqa). In addition to the depictions of the hijab, written descriptions (e.g., which body parts are covered) are added below each option. The hija b index is calculated by multiplying hijab frequency by conservativeness. Therefore, the possible range of the hijab index is 0 (no hijab) to 35 (always wearing the burqa). As evidence of validity, the hijab index was positively correlated with self report ed religiosity in a sample U.S. Muslim women (Tolaymat & Moradi, 2011) . Demographic Q uestionnaire Demographic data were gathered to describe sample characteristics (e.g., age, gender). In addition, self reported weight and height were assessed and BMI was calculated using the following formula: [weight/(height2)] 703.
34 CHAPTER 3 RESULTS Descriptive statistics and correlations among variables of interest are reported in Table 3 1. Correlations among objectification theory constructs were significant and positive as expected, with the exception of the nonsignificant correlation between body shame and sexual objectification experiences. Also as expected, wearing the hijab was negatively correlated with sexual objectification experiences and positively correlated with religious discrimination. In addition, wearing the hijab was correlated nega tively with internalization, body surveillance, and eating disorder symptoms, but was uncorrelated with body shame and appearance anxiety. Moreover, religious discrimination was correlated positively with sexual objectification experiences, body shame, app earance anxiety, and eating disorder symptoms, but was uncorrelated with internalization and body surveillance. Age and BMI were correlated significantly with one or more of the exogenous variables in the hypothesized model (see Table 3 1). Given that age and BMI were correlated with variables of interest and have been included as covariates in other objectification theory studies for conceptual reasons (e.g., Noll & Fredrickson, 1998; Roberts, 2004; Slater & Tiggemann, 2002), age and BMI were included in t he model. Lastly, a nonparametric Mann Whitney Test (due to uneven group sizes) was conducted to explore possible differences in means for variables of interest given that a portion of data collection occurred during Ramadan (a period of fasting for Muslim s). Those who submitted the survey during Ramadan were compared to those who submitted the survey before the month of Ramadan. No significant differences between means were found for any of the variables of interest.
35 In order to conduct the preliminary co nstruct distinctiveness analyses and to test the hypothesized mediated relations, latent structural equation modeling (SEM) with Mplus Version 7.11 (MuthÃ©n & MuthÃ©n, 2012) was employed with maximum likelihood estimation. Following prior recommendations, a two step procedure was followed (MuthÃ©n & MuthÃ©n, 2012). First, a measurement model was examined to determine if the indicators from the measures described above adequately modeled the latent constructs (Weston & Gore, 2006). Next, a structural model was e xamined to test the hypothesized direct and indirect relations. Parceling procedures were employed to create the observed indicators for the latent constructs. The item set for each latent variable of interest (i.e., PRDS items minus the anxiety related i tems, ISOS, SATAQ I, OBCS Surv, SAAS plus PRDS anxiety related items, EAT 26) was subjected to an exploratory factor analysis with principal axis factoring. Items in each set were then rank ordered according to the magnitude of their standardized factor lo adings and assigned across three parcels in countervailing order to achieve item to construct balance (Little, Cunningham, & Shahar, Widaman, 2002). The items were averaged to derive parcel scores. Because the hijab index is composed of 1 item (hijab frequ ency multiplied by conservativeness) it was included as an observed variable, as were the two covariates, age and BMI. Therefore, the final model included 21 parcels plus single indicators for the hijab, age, and BMI. Preliminary data analysis revealed tha t all observed indicators met the criteria for univariate normality (i.e., skewness < 3 and kurtosis < 10.0; Weston & Gore, 2006) and inspection of Mahalanobis distance suggested no multivariate outliers significant at p < .001.
36 In order to assess model fit, comparative fit index (CFI), root mean square error of approximation (RMSEA) with 90% confidence interval, and standardized root mean square residual (SRMR) were examined (Martens, 2005; Weston & Gore, 2006). Criteria for acceptable fit range from CF I > .90 and RMSEA and SRMR < .10 to more conservative criteria of CFI > .95, RMSEA < .06, and SRMR < .08 (Weston & Gore, 2006). The preliminary question about construct distinctiveness of internalization from body surveillance was tested by comparing the initial measurement model that included internalization and body surveillance as two distinct constructs, to an alternative measurement model that collapsed internalization and body surveillance into one latent construct (i.e., parcels for internalization and body surveillance loading onto one latent construct). As indicated in Table 3 2, the measurement model that collapsed internalization and body surveillance into one latent construct yielded a poorer fit, S B 2 (174, N = 217) = 506.72, p < .001, than t he measurement model that included internalization and body surveillance as two distinct constructs, S B 2 (168, N = 217) = B 2 (6, N = 217) = 163.85, p < .001. Additionally, the initial measurement m odel revealed a high correlation between appearance anxiety and body shame ( r = .74). Thus, another measurement model was explored in which appearance anxiety and body shame were collapsed into one latent variable. As indicated in Table 3 2, this measureme nt model also yielded a poorer fit, S B 2 (174, N = 217) = 566.47, p < .001, than the initial model with appearance anxiety B 2 (6, N = 217) = 223.60, p < .001. Thus, the initial measurement model, with
37 internalization and body surveillance modeled as separate constructs, and with body shame and appearance anxiety modeled as separate constructs, was retained for further analyses. For this measurement model, all standard ized factor loadings (magnitude ranged from .72 to .96) were significant ( p s < .001). The direction, magnitude, and significance of correlations among the latent factors (see Table 3 3) were consistent with that of the correlations among the observed varia bles (see Table 3 1). In order to test Hypotheses 2 through 6, structural equation modeling (SEM) using Version 7.11 with ML estimation was conducted (MuthÃ©n & MuthÃ©n, 2012). Model fit was evaluated using model fit criteria described above and fit static s are presented in Table 3 2. The hypothesized model depicted in Figure 3 1 was examined. To account for the significant associations of age and BMI with the variables interest (see Table 3 1), age and BMI were added as covariates by estimating paths from these covariates to each of the latent variables of interest in the analyses. Moreover, correlations were allowed between sexual objectification experiences and religious discrimination as well as between body shame and appearance anxiety given potentially recursive relations between these variables and correlations of similar variables observed in prior studies (e.g., Brewster et al., 2014; Greenleaf & McGreer, 2006; Tiggemann & Kuring, 2004; Tiggemann & Lynch, 2001; Wiseman & Moradi, 2010). As indicated in Table 3 2, the initial hypothesized model yielded an adequate fit to the data, S B 2 (220, N = 217) = 491.37, p < .001. Next, given the exploratory nature of tests of the links of religious discrimination with the other variables, the two nonsignificant paths from religious discrimination to body surveillance and to
38 internalization were dropped from the model. This more parsimonious trimmed model also produced adequate fit to the data, S B 2 (222, N = 217) = 493.19, p < .001 and the differ B 2 (2, N = 217) = 1.82, p > .05. Thus, the trimmed model was retained for examination of hypothesized direct and indirect relations. This final trimmed model accounted for 49% of the vari ance in eating disorder symptoms, 40% of the variance in body shame, 63% of the variance in appearance anxiety, 51% of the variance in body surveillance, 16% of the variance in internalization of cultural standards of beauty, 12% of the variance in religio us discrimination, and 28% of the variance in sexual objectification. Direct links are depicted in Figure 3 3. Links of age and BMI with variables of interest were also estimated but are not depicted in Figure 3 3 for the sake of parsimony. Age yielded sig nificant negative direct links to .20, p .28, p .20, p .21, p < .01). BMI yielded significant positive dir p < .05), p p < .01), and eating p < .05). In order to test mediation, a bootstrap procedure with 1000 bootstrap sam ples was drawn from the original sample to compute bias corrected 95% confidence intervals (CI). Indirect effects are significant when the CI does not include 0, p < .05 (Mallinckrodt, Abraham, Wei, & Russell, 2006). Standardized parameter estimates are in cluded in Figure 3 3 and indirect effects are summarized in Table 3 4. Consistent with Hypothesis 2, sexual objectification experiences were linked with body surveillance
39 directly and positively, and also indirectly and positively through the mediating rol e of internalization ( b = .50 , 95% CI [ .259, .825 .17). Moreover, auxiliary analyses yielded significant total positive indirect links from sexual objectification to body shame ( b = .19, 95% CI [ .109, .329 b = .36, 95% CI [ .226, .568 ], b = .37, 95% CI [ .186, .580 These total positive indirect links from sexual objectification to body shame, appearance anxiety, and eating disorder symptoms involved the same pattern of m ediation: internalization as a mediator, body surveillance as a mediator, as well as the serial mediation of internalization to body surveillance (see Table 3 4). Consistent with Hypothesis 3, internalization was linked with eating disorder symptoms direc tly and positively; however, inconsistent with this hypothesis, the indirect links of internalization with eating disorder symptoms through the mediating roles of body shame ( b = .02, 95% CI [ significan t ( b = .03, 95% CI [ .04). An auxiliary analysis indicated that the total positive indirect link between internalization and eating disorder symptoms was significant ( b int ernalization and eating disorder symptoms involved body surveillance as a mediator (see Table 3 4). Consistent with Hypothesis 4, body surveillance was linked with eating disorder symptoms directly and positively; however, the indirect links of body surve illance with eating disorder symptoms through the mediating roles of body shame ( b = .03, 95% CI [ b = .02, 95% CI [ .04) were not significant. Moreover, an auxiliary analysis indicated that the total indirect link
40 between body surveillance and eating disorder symptoms was not significant ( b = .01, 95% CI [ Consistent with Hypothesis 5, the hijab index was linked directly and negatively with sexual objectification exper iences and directly and positively with religious discrimination. Moreover, auxiliary analyses yielded a negative indirect link from the hijab to internalization through the mediating role of sexual objectification experiences ( b = .02, 95% CI [. .036, .15). The auxiliary analyses also yielded a total negative indirect link from the hijab to body surveillance ( b = .03, 95% CI [. .049, .17). This negative indirect link from the hijab to body surveillance involved sexual objectif ication as a mediator as well as the serial mediation of sexual objectification to internalization (see Table 3 4). Total indirect links were not significant from the hijab to body shame ( b = .00, 95% CI [ .04) or appearance anxiety ( b = .00, 95% CI [ .01) due to countervailing positive indirect links through religious discrimination and negative indirect links through sexual objectification experiences. However, auxiliary analyses yielded positive indirect links from t he hijab to both body shame and appearance anxiety which involved religious discrimination as a mediator, and negative indirect links from the hijab to both body shame and appearance anxiety which involved the serial mediation of sexual objectification and internalization, the serial mediation of sexual objectification and body surveillance, as well as the serial mediation of sexual objectification, internalization, and body surveillance (see Table 3 4). Lastly, a total negative indirect effect between the hijab and eating disorder symptoms was significant ( b = .01, 95% CI [ .016, .07). Importantly, the indirect link between the hijab and eating disorder symptoms
41 involved a positive indirect relation through religious discrimination as a mediat or as well as a negative indirect relation through the serial mediation of sexual objectification and internalization. In line with Hypothesis 6, direct and indirect links between religious discrimination and objectification theory constructs were explore d. As depicted in Figure 3 3, religious discrimination yielded significant positive direct links to body shame, appearance anxiety, and eating disorder symptoms. However, specific and total indirect links were not significant from religious discrimination to eating disorder symptoms ( b = .03, 95% CI [ .03). In order to explore the importance of including the hijab and religious discrimination, three additional models were explored that constrained to zero, or eliminated, links involving the hijab and religious discrimination. The first model eliminated links between the hijab and other variables in the model, the second model eliminated links between religious discrimination and other variables in the model, and the third model eliminated links of both the hijab and religious discrimination with other variables in the model. All three models (i.e., without the hijab, without religious discrimination, without the hijab and religious discrimination) yielded a poorer fit to the data than the retained model (see Table 3 2) .
42 Table 3 1. Intercorrelations, Partial Correlations Controlling for Age and BMI, and Descriptive Statistics for the Observed Variables of Interest Variables 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 Possible Range M SD 1. Hijab index --.19** .47** .27** .28** .03 .05 .21** 0 30 8.14 6.69 2. Religious discrimination .23** ---.18** .04 .03 .25** .46** .17* 1 5 2.73 .69 .93 3. Sexual objectification .44** .21** ---.28** .33** .07 .19** .24** 1 5 1.64 .55 .92 4. Internalization .21** .04 .29** ---.56** .39** .43** .52** 1 5 2.49 1.01 .88 5. Body surveillance .25** .13 .34** .58** --.42** .47** .45** 1 7 4.02 1.32 .85 6. Body shame .00 .27** .08 .40** .44** ---.69** .39** 1 5 1.82 .55 .90 7. Appearance anxiety .03 .53** .20** .47** .52** .69** ---.37** 1 5 1.94 .81 .95 8. Eating disorder symptoms .14* .23** .21** .50** .45** .40** .43** --1 6 2.29 .65 .89 9. Age .09 .15* .19** .19** .29** .18** .21** .01 31.93 11.26 10. BMI .23** .16* .13 .08 .05 .23** .28** .27** .35** 25.37 5.90 Notes . Values below the diagonal are bivariate correlations, and values above the diagonal are partial correlations controlling for age and BMI. * p <.05; ** p < .01. Higher scores reflect higher levels of the construct assessed.
43 Table 3 2 . Model Fit and Comparisons Note . S B = Santorra Bentler; CFI = comparative fit index; RMSEA = root mean square error or approximation; CI = confidence interval SRMR = standardized root mean square residual. ***p < .001 S B 2 df CFI RMSEA 90% CI SRMR B 2 df Measurement model with internalization and body surveillance as two distinct constructs 342.87 168 .96 .07 [.06, .08] .05 Measurement model with internalization and body surveillance as one construct 506.72 174 .92 .09 [.09, .10] .06 163.85*** 6 Measurement model with body shame and appearance anxiety as one construct 566.47 174 .90 .10 [.09, .11] .07 223.60*** 6 Hypothesized model 491.37 220 .93 .08 [.07, .09] 07 Final trimmed model 493.19 222 .93 .08 [.07, .09] 07 1.82 2 Alternative model without hijab 563.53 224 .92 .09 [.08, .10] .09 70.34*** 2 Alternative model without religious discrimination 585.03 226 .91 .09 [.08, .10] .11 91.84*** 4 Alternative model without hijab and religious discrimination 642.58 228 .90 .10 [.09, .11] .11 149.39*** 6
44 Table 3 3 . Correlations and Descriptive Statistics for Variables of Interest Note . ** p < .01; *** p < .001. Variable 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 1. Religious discrimination ---2. Sexual Objectification .22** ---3. Internalization .04 .33*** --4 Body Surveillance .13 .38*** .64*** --5. Body Shame .28*** .11 .44*** .50*** --6. Appearance Anxiety .55*** .22** .51*** .56*** .74*** --7. Eating disorder symptoms .25*** .23** .57*** .53*** .43*** .47*** --
45 Table 3 4 . Magnitude and Significance of Specific Indirect Effects Note . CI = confidence interval; * p < .05 Hypothesis Predictor Mediator(s) Criterion Standardized indirect effect SE Bootstrap estimate B SE 95% Bias corrected bootstrap CI Lower Upper bound bound 2 Sexual objectification Internalization Body surveillance .17 .04 .50 .14 .259 .825 * 3 Internalization Body shame Eating disorder symptoms .04 .04 .02 .03 .008 .084 3 Internalization Appearance anxiety Eating disorder symptoms .04 .05 .03 .03 .115 .024 4 Body surveillance Body shame Eating disorder symptoms .05 .05 .03 .03 .011 .093 4 Body surveillance Appearance anxiety Eating disorder symptoms .04 .06 .02 .03 .094 .029 Auxiliary Sexual Objectification Internalization Body shame .07 .03 .07 .04 .018 .183* Auxiliary Sexual Objectification Body surveillance Body shame .06 .03 .06 .03 .016 .140* Auxiliary Sexual objectification Internalization body surveillance Body shame .05 .02 .06 .02 .024 .123* Auxiliary Sexual objectification Internalization Appearance anxiety .08 .03 .16 .06 .065 .302* Auxiliary Sexual objectification Body surveillance Appearance anxiety .05 .03 .11 .06 .024 .232* Auxiliary Sexual objectification Internalization body surveillance Appearance anxiety .05 .02 .09 .03 .041 .173* Auxiliary Sexual objectification Internalization Eating disorder symptoms .13 .04 .22 .08 .106 .423* Auxiliary Sexual objectification Body surveillance Eating disorder symptoms .04 .03 .07 .05 .003 .193* Auxiliary Sexual objectification Internalization Body surveillance Eating disorder symptoms .04 .02 .07 .04 .007 .145*
46 Table 3 4. Continued Note . CI = confidence interval; * p < .05 Hypothesis Predictor Mediator(s) Criterion Standardized indirect effect SE Bootstrap estimate B SE 95% Bias corrected bootstrap CI Lower Upper bound bound Auxiliary Internalization Body surveillance Eating disorder symptoms .13 .06 .08 .04 .005 .167* Auxiliary Hijab index Sexual objectification Internalization .15 .04 .02 .01 .036 .011 * Auxiliary Hijab index Sexual objectification Body surveillance .09 .04 .02 .01 .031 .003* Auxiliary Hijab index Sexual objectification internalization Body surveillance .08 .02 .02 .01 .025 .007* Auxiliary Hijab index Religious discrimination Body shame .05 .02 .00 .00 .001 .007* Auxiliary Hijab index Sexual objectification internalization Body shame .03 .02 .00 .00 .005 .001* Auxiliary Hijab index Sexual objectification body surveillance Body shame .03 .01 .00 .00 .004 .001* Auxiliary Hijab index Sexual objectification internalization body surveillance Body shame .03 .01 .00 .00 .004 .001* Auxiliary Hijab index Religious discrimination Appearance anxiety .08 .03 .01 .00 .003 .017* Auxiliary Hijab index Sexual objectification Internalization Appearance anxiety .04 .02 .01 .00 .010 .002* Auxiliary Hijab index Sexual objectification body surveillance Appearance anxiety .03 .01 .00 .00 .007 .001*
47 Table 3 4. Continued Note . CI = confidence interval; * p < .05 Hypothesis Predictor Mediator(s) Criterion Standardized indirect effect SE Bootstrap estimate B SE 95% Bias corrected bootstrap CI Lower Upper bound bound Auxiliary Hijab index Sexual objectification internalization body surveillance Appearance anxiety .02 .01 .00 .00 .005 .001* Auxiliary Hijab index Religious discrimination Eating disorder symptoms .04 .02 .00 .00 .001 .010* Auxiliary Hijab index Sexual objectification internalization Eating disorder symptoms .07 .02 .01 .00 .012 .003*
48 Figure 3 1 . Conceptual model depicting construct distinctiveness . Figure 3 2 . Conceptual model depicting internalization and body surveillance collapsed . . Sexual Objectification Religious Discrimination Hijab Body Surveillance Internalization Body Shame Eating Disorder s Symptoms Appearance Anxiety Hijab Sexual Objectification Religious Discrimination Self Objectification Body Shame Appearance Anxiety Eating Disorders
49 Figure 3 3 . Final Model. Dashed lines indicate nonsignificant paths. Values reported are standardized coefficients. In order to retain model parsimony, parameter estimates from age and BMI to variables of inte r est are included in the text. *p <.05; **p < .01; *** p < .001 Sexual Objectification Religious Discrimination Hijab Body Surveillance Internalization Body Shame Eating Disorder Symptoms Appearance Anxiety .49*** .19** .19* .22* .55*** .27*** .32** .30*** .17 .23* .44*** .15 .24** .29*** .45*** .20*
50 CHAPTER 4 DISCUSSION In line with calls to integrate culture specific variables within the objectification theory framework (e.g., Moradi 2010; Moradi, 2011), this study explore d the roles of the hijab, religious discrimination experiences, as well as broadened conceptualizations of body shame and appearance anxiety in eating disorder symptomatology to better account for potentially unique experiences of U.S. Muslim women. Additi onally, this study also addressed calls to clarify the distinctiveness of internalization and body surveillance, as there has been speculation about their construct redundancy (e.g., Moradi, 2011; Moradi & Tolaymat, 2011). Overall, the results of this stud y are consistent with the tenets of objectification theory. However, the inclusion of culture specific variables (i.e., hijab, religious discrimination, broadened conceptualizations of body shame and appearance anxiety) also yielded alternative findings th at can broaden our understanding of objectification theory and its applicability with diverse populations. Collectively, these findings can inform future research and practice with U.S. Muslim. Preliminary analyses in this study yielded findings that were consistent with previous objectification theory research and theory (e.g., Moradi & Huang, 2008). Specifically, positive correlations were found among internalization, body surveillance, body shame, and eating disorder symptoms (e.g., Moradi et al., 2005) . Sexual objectification also yielded positive correlations with most objectification theory constructs (i.e., internalization, body surveillance, appearance anxiety, eating disorder symptoms) with the exception of body shame. Additionally, tests of constr uct distinctiveness (Hypothesis 1) revealed that internalization and body surveillance emerged as distinct constructs, which is consistent with how these two constructs were
51 initially conceptualized (e.g., Kozee & Tylka, 2006; McKinley & Hyde, 1996). Given the high correlations between body shame and appearance anxiety ( r = .74), these two latent variables were also evaluated for construct distinctiveness. As was the case with internalization and body surveillance, model comparisons indicated that appearanc e anxiety and body shame were better modeled as two distinct variables. Tests of direct and indirect relations in the hypothesized model indicated that in line with Hypothesis 2 and previous objectification theory research, sexual objectification experienc es were associated with greater body surveillance both directly and indirectly through the mediating role of internalization (e.g., Moradi & Huang, 2008). Moreover, internalization and body surveillance also mediated the positive links of sexual objectific ation with body shame, appearance anxiety, and eating disorder symptoms. Thus, internalization and body surveillance both played important roles in the model tested in the present study, and as posited in objectification theory. Support for Hypotheses 3 a nd 4 was more mixed. Consistent with Hypothesis 3, internalization was associated directly and positively with eating disorder symptoms. However, inconsistent with this hypothesis, body surveillance, but not body shame and appearance anxiety mediated the p ositive indirect links of internalization with eating disorder symptoms. Similarly, consistent with Hypothesis 4, body surveillance was associated directly and positively with eating disorder symptoms. However, inconsistent with this hypothesis, there was no additional significant indirect association between body surveillance and eating disorder symptoms through the mediating roles of body shame or appearance anxiety. Thus, overall, the present findings supported the roles of internationalization and body surveillance as direct correlates of eating disorder
52 symptoms and as mediators within the objectification theory framework. However, the results did not support the posited roles of body shame and appearance anxiety. There have been mixed findings in the l iterature when both appearance anxiety and body shame are included as simultaneous mediators to predict eating disorder symptoms. Generally, the mediating role of body shame has garnered support in the literature (e.g., Greenleaf & McGreer, 2006; Tiggeman & Williams, 2012; Watson et al., 2013). However, prior studies tended to focus on conceptualizations and operationalizations of body shame or appearance anxiety that have tended to be narrow in scope (e.g., Tiggemann & Lynch, 2001; Tolaymat & Moradi, 2011 ). It is possible that the broadened conceptualization of these constructs (including the addition of Muslim specific items to assess appearance related anxiety) may have actually dampened their links with other body image specific constructs within the ob jectification theory framework and this may explain their nonsignificant link to eating disorder symptoms within the present study. In line with Hypothesis 5, the hijab was associated with lower reports of sexual objectification experiences and with high er reports of experiences of religious discrimination. These findings contribute to our understanding of the role and function of the hijab in the lives of U.S. Muslim women. Both of these findings are consistent with previous studies that suggest that som e Muslim women may choose to wear the hijab as a buffer against experiences of sexual objectification (e.g., Droogsma, 2007; Read & Bartowski, 2001; Tolaymat & Moradi, 2011) and are also consistent with research that suggests that Muslim visibility is asso ciated with higher reports of experiences of discrimination (e.g., Jasperse et al., 2011). Associations of the hijab with other
53 objectification theory variables were also explored in the present study. Results revealed that total indirect links were not si gnificant from the hijab to body shame or to appearance anxiety religious discrimination and negative indirect links through sexual objectification experiences. Specifically, there were posi tive indirect links from the hijab to both body shame and appearance anxiety, which involved religious discrimination as a mediator. There were also negative indirect links from the hijab to both body shame and appearance anxiety, which involved sexual obj ectification, body surveillance, and internalization as mediators. Additionally, the total indirect association from the hijab to eating disorder symptoms was significant and negative. However, this total effect was again qualified by countervailing indire ct links. One path involved a positive indirect relation through religious discrimination as a mediator and another path involved a negative indirect relation through the serial mediation of sexual objectification and internalization. The present examina tion of the role of religious discrimination within the objectification theory framework (Hypothesis 6) revealed that such experiences were related directly to body image and eating problems in U.S. Muslim women. Specifically, experiences of religious disc rimination were associated with higher levels of body shame, appearance anxiety, and eating disorder symptoms. The positive associations between experiences of discrimination and body image and eating problems are consistent with previous objectification t heory studies that have included culture specific manifestations of discrimination within this framework (e.g., antibisexual discrimination,
54 childhood harassment for gender nonconformity, Brewster et al., 2014, Wiseman & Moradi, 2010). Taken together, res ults from this study indicate that for U.S. Muslim women who wear the hijab, both sexual objectification and religious discrimination may promote body image and eating problems. On the one hand, the hijab serves as a way to mitigate against experiences of sexual objectification experiences, which are then linked directly, and indirectly to body image and eating problems. On the other hand, the hijab, as a visible marker of Muslim identity, is associated with higher reports of religious discrimination. Such experiences are then, in turn, linked directly and indirectly to body image and eating problems. These two distinct yet related paths, underscore ways that intersecting forms of oppression (both religious and sexist discrimination) impact the lives of Musl im women who wear the hijab. Implications for Practice This study highlights the complexity of experiences of discrimination for Muslim women who wear the hijab. On the one hand, some Muslim women who wear the hijab may report less sexually objectifying experiences but on the other hand they may be more likely to experience religious discrimination. In practice with Muslim women who wear the hijab, it may be fruitful to explore their experience of wearing the hijab and ways that systems of oppression impact their lived experience. Although in doing so, it is im portant not to assume that Muslim women who wear the hijab are always protected from sexual objectification experiences or inevitably experience religious discrimination. Although this speaks beyond the immediate interpretations of the present data, an imp ortant implication of evidence linking perceived experiences of sexual objectification and discrimination with body image and eating problems is consideration of efforts to
55 reduce the occurrence of such events. Thus, as a point of intervention, counseling psychologists may consider engaging in activities that challenge and mitigate such events. Such efforts would be in line with calls to integrate social justice efforts into our work as counseling psychologists (e.g., Goodman et. al., 2004; Moradi, 2011). T herefore, involvement in policy or outreach efforts aimed at reducing experiences of discrimination or raising awareness of such experiences may be fruitful points of intervention (e.g., Goodman et al., 2004). Indeed, experiences of discrimination are link ed with psychological distress generally and, specifically to body image and eating problems in U.S. Muslim women (e.g., Moradi & Hasan, 2004; Tolaymat & Moradi, 2011). Other implications for practice include interrupting links of sexual objectification a nd religious discrimination with eating disorder symptoms. The present findings point to internalization of cultural standards of beauty and body surveillance as important intervening variables in this regard. Thus, exploring factors that may help to reduc e internalization of dominant standards of beauty for example, raising awareness that beauty standards are unrealistic and impossible to meet of empowerment and ability to reject such standards (Tolaymat & Moradi, 2011). Si milarly, exploring factors that may reduce body surveillance for example, exploring mindfulness may be fruitful points of intervention. Mindfulness or spiritually based interventions may be particularly useful with Muslim women who engage in salat (Islamic prayer). Discussing the possibility of using salat as a time of spiritual reflection, as well as a time to be mindful of appearance focused thoughts, and
56 to bring their attention back to their prayers or the present moment may be a useful way to reduce body surveillance and/or internalization (Tolaymat & Moradi, 2011). It is important to note that the present data do not endorse the effectiveness of the aforementioned interventions but future research could explore the utility of these interventions. Limitations and Future Directions Results of the present study should be interpreted within the context of a number of limitations. For example, the presen t sample was composed of Muslim women who live in the United States, where hijab use is not legally or socially mandated. Therefore, these results cannot be generalized to countries where such norms exist. Additionally, the majority of this sample identifi ed as Asian/Asian American (i.e., Pakistani/Indian) or Arab American/Middle Eastern and identified as middle or upper middle class. Moreover, plurality of participants were born in the U.S. and resided in Florida. These sample characteristics limit the gen eralizability of the findings. Additional research is needed to the replicate the present findings with samples of Muslim women that represent different or more diverse racial/ethnic, socioeconomic, and geographic backgrounds. Additionally, there are limit ations in participant recruitment including the fact that online surveys limit participation to individuals who have access to a computer and the Internet. Another important consideration is the self report nature of the present data as it is subjective an d reflects information about the perceptions of our participants. Nevertheless, for counseling psychologists, information gathered through research perceived experiences is essential as it is a reflection of their lived experience , and may be the only information available in our clinical practice. Lastly, it is important to note that this study was cross sectional and future longitudinal
57 and/or experimental designs are needed to test causal or temporal relations among variables of interest. In an effort to expand the objectification theory framework and include variables role of the hijab, experiences of religious discrimination, and broadened conceptualizations of body shame and appearance anxiety. However, there are additional factors to consider in future research. First, to reiterate calls from Tolaymat moti vated to appear sexually modest), acculturation, enculturation, or culture of origin norms may be important factors to consider in future research on the links between the hijab and sexual objectification experiences. Additionally, broadening the construc t of shame to include appearance related shame that may be specific to Muslim women (i.e., hair showing, parts of body showing) may also be fruitful areas of future research (Tolaymat & Moradi, 2011). Similarly, broadening the concept of internalization to include hijab specific standards of beauty as well as body surveillance that includes modesty surveillance that is Muslim specific (i.e., hair showing, body parts showing) Finally, in addition to exploring body image and eating problems, another way to expand the objectification theory framework, is to explore other salient outcomes that are posited in objectification theory. Indeed, Fredrickson and Roberts (1997 ) posited that depression may be another potential consequence of living in an objectifying culture. For Muslim women, this may be particularly important to explore as one study found a positive correlation between visibility as a Muslim and symptoms of de pression
58 (Sheridan, 2006) and another study found a link between perceived discrimination and psychological distress in a predominantly Muslim Arab American sample (Moradi & Hasan, 2004). As such, exploring the role of the hijab, religious discrimination, and symptoms of depression may be another fruitful avenue to explore in future objectification theory research. Findings from the present study can inform such research and future efforts to better understand and address the body image and mental health ne eds of U.S. Muslim women .
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67 BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH Lana Dia Tolaymat received her Ph.D. in counseling psychology from the University of Florida and completed her predoctoral clinical internship at the University of No in the summer of 2014 . She dedicated her research pursuits to studying the intersections of experiences of oppression on marginalized and underrepresented groups, specifically Muslim women. In her future endeav ors, Lana plans to pursue a career that is rooted in advocacy and social justice.