The Goddess and the King: Camundesvari and the Fashioning of the Wodeyar Court of Mysore

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The Goddess and the King: Camundesvari and the Fashioning of the Wodeyar Court of Mysore
Simmons, Caleb B
University of Florida
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Doctorate ( Ph.D.)
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University of Florida
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Alliances ( jstor )
Hindus ( jstor )
Kingdoms ( jstor )
Kings ( jstor )
Kingship ( jstor )
Narratives ( jstor )
Paradigms ( jstor )
Political power ( jstor )
Religion ( jstor )
Rituals ( jstor )


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This dissertation explores the ways that the court of the medieval South Indian kingdom of Mysore fashioned their rulers, the Wodeyar kings, in genealogies and origin stories. Central to this process was the relationship between the Wodeyars and their tutelary deity Camundesvari. I examine the genealogical material of the Mysore court chronologically from the inception of the dynasty to the early modern period that reveals several developments in which the goddess of Mysore evolved from gramadevata to the fierce goddess Camundi to the Puranic slayer of the buffalo demon to Mahadevi, Mother of the Universe. I show that the ways the goddess was imagined reflected the emergence of the Wodeyar kingdom through several stages of political significance: local, regional, imperial, and incorporeal. I argue that fashioning kingship in Mysore was part of a larger paradigm in which the nature of kingship was fashioned in medieval South India that transcended communal divides. Goddess devotion was central to the process as an alliance with a fierce local goddess located upstart kings and kingdoms within significant space by connecting them to local sites of power and assuring the aid of the goddess on the battlefield. The goddess-king alliance was central to the construction of kingship and was ubiquitously incorporated into the origin stories of late medieval kingdoms in southern Karnataka. Lastly, this dissertation explores the changing notion of kingship during the early modern period during the Mysore Sultanate and the restoration of Wodeyar dynasty under Krsnaraja Wodeyar III. I argue that the courts of both rulers continued operating under the medieval paradigms of kingship but were forced to update their approach in light of the overwhelming foreign military force and lack of administrative power, respectively. In each case, goddess devotion remained a central component of kingship and the primary means through which they attempted to overcome their enemies.

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2 © 2014 Caleb Simmons


3 To Mama, Daddy, and Howard


4 ACKNOWLEDGMENTS I must begin with by expressing my gratitude to the members of m y committee. They have been instrumental in the completion of this project and for shaping me as a scholar and a person. Vasudha Narayanan has introduced me to so many aspects of the Hindu traditions, most importantly the world of South India, for which I am forever grateful. Additio nally, her academic dexterity looking at texts, performance, and diaspora has certainly guided my interests towards the same. I will always be amazed by her tireless work ethic, and I am so thankful (now) for the way she forced me and the other students in her courses to mimic her effort and by writ ing and writ ing and writing some more . It has been critical for my progress as a scholar and my ability to communicate my research to others. While I thought her requirements were cumb ersome at the time, I now, having re read some of those paper s , realize that it was much more painful for her than me. It was through the work of Kathleen M. Erndl that I first fell in love with the Hindu traditions and the goddesses of India. I can still remember stumbling across Is the Goddess a Feminist ? in the library of Southwest Missouri State and reading her essay on possession. Less than a month later I told my advisor that I wanted to go to graduate school and study Hinduism. I have been so fortuna te to have her as my M.A. advisor and now on my P h.D. dissertation committee. Manuel Vasquez opened my eyes to the application of theory in my work through his Methods & Theories course. Additionally, since becoming the Chair of the Religion Department he has been extremely supportive providing funding for both my research an d professional development. Vandana Baweja has been so generous with her time, and h er perspective on my project and on my interpretation of the aesthetics of the Mysore court are an in valuable resource. I am forever indebted to Travis L. Smith. He has always been so generous with his time whether I showed up at his office or home and proceeded to talk about myself for hours or if it was him responding with line by line comments on preli minary chapter drafts that were less like chapters


5 and more like incoherent streams of consciousness. I am so thankful for his sagely insights into my scholarship, career, personal relationships, fashion, you name it. He has truly embodied the role of ment or and was there to correct my missteps (and there were many) in each. I have been truly blessed with a remarkable committee, and though the first stage of life is now over my debt to my teachers will certainly remain . Beyond my committee, I am extremel y grateful to all of my Religious Studies professors from Southwest Missouri State University (now Missouri St ate University), especially John E. Llewellyn and James Moyer. I am so thankful that they introduced this Junior accounting major to the world of the academic study of religion. I am also indebted to the faculty of Florida S tate University, especially Martin Kavka and Adam Gaiser, but I will never forget a n earnest conversation with Bryan J. Cuevas when h e explained the difficul t reality of the acad emic job market and told me I needed to either go all in or go home. It was exactly what I needed to hear and really redirected my career. All the facul ty at the University of Florida have been instrumental for my growth as a scholar and as an academic thr ough coursework and conversa tion, foremost amongst them Anita Anantharam and Robert Kawashima. I also must recognize the contributions from the faculty and staff at Santa Fe College and University of Mississippi, especially William Lawhead, who helped me d evelop as a teacher and scholar. I have been blessed to work with a great group of fellow graduate students at both FSU and UF, especially Jimi Wilson, Jaya Reddy, Christine Walters, Ved Patel, Carly Dwyer, Anuradha Pandey, John Carbone, Amy Brown, Kendall Marchman, Greg McElwain , Joseph Witt, Clint Bland , Keri Johnson, and Ke r ri Blumenthal. Additionally, a very special thank you is required to Ron Ozbun (retired) of th e Religion Department and Donna Studies and Gender Resea rch. Last , and certainly not least, gratitude has to be given to Anne


6 Newman, without whom I probably would have never figured out how to register for courses much less graduate. I am very fortunate to be able to thank many different institutions for fina ncially supporting this dissertation. Most of my funding has come from the American Institute of Indian Studies, and I greatly appreciate their financial support for my Hindi and Kannada Language training . Furthermore, I am thankful for their support and t he generous support of the donors who endowed the AIIS Daniel H. H. Ingalls Memorial Research Fellowship that I received to conduct research in Mysore for 2013 2014. I have been fortunate to also receive funds from the UF Religion Wells Fund, College of Li beral Arts and Sciences, and the Department of Religion that have on numerous occasions provided support for me to conduct and present my research in the US, UK, and India. I am also indebted to the UF Graduate School Office of Graduate Minority Programs t hat generously provided financial support in final stages of the dissertation process. This dissertation also owes much to the intellectual contributions of other scholars that I met during my time in India. I met Vincent Burgess on the CLS (AIIS) Hindi p rogram, and since his friendship has been invaluable for my academic and personal growth. I am thankful for those I met through the Archive India Institute, especially Manu Devadevan, and the EFEO Archaeology of Bhakti Workshop and Conference. Mekhola Gome s has also been extremely influential during my time in India, and she has helped shaped many of my thoughts relating to epigraphy. Elizabeth Mount was extremely helpful during our year long Kannada program, and I am exceedingly happy that she never held a grudge when I insisted on shifting every class discussion to something relating to Sarah Pierce Taylor has been such a boon from the Goddess. She read several early drafts of my work, provided innumerable


7 insights into medieval Ka rnataka, and shared my excitement for the final season of Breaking Bad all things I cherished immensely. During my time in Mysore I have had numerous aides, guides, and informants. I am so thankful to the city and its citizens for being such gracious hosts . My teachers at the AIIS Kannada program were incredibly helpful, both in teaching me the language and introducing me to life in southern Karnataka. The members of the Karnataka Directorate of Archaeology and Museums provided priceless guidance and assist ance, including Director R. Gopal and Deputy Director (Palace) T. S. Subrahmanya. Three of the most helpful and knowledgeable people in all (Head of Security), and M curator Michael Ludgrove was extremely helpful in my interactions with the royal family. I am also grateful for those that played multiple roles as guides, informants, subjects, and friends . I was fortunate to very been able to meet a giving whatever assistance necessary for my project were exceedingly helpful. N one , however, have been as instrumental to this project and my time in Mysore as the people of first to notice my constant all of the temple musicians have welcomed me into their group and introduced me to everyone else at the temple. After have become dear friends and always went out of their way to make sure that I got all the information they or I thought I needed, including arranging for and accompanying me to l e . All of the priests


8 n extremely generous taking the time to answer my questions and always offered to explain the rituals and made sure that I had a vantage point to observe them endlessly supportive of my project and helped in every way possible, including allowing me to temple to the Palace on Dasara, a very rare oppo rtunity. Lastly, I would be remiss if I did not thank my family and friends for their support throughout my life. Like the genealogies of medieval India, my identity is fashioned through my relationship to them . I am especially grateful for my Mee Maw, Pa w Paw, Nanny, and Grandaddy. Though, all but Mee Maw are no longer physically with us, they are all constantly present in my thoughts and actions. I am so thankful for everyone in Jay: the Simmons, Jernigan, Phillips, Dobson, Hendricks, Boisvert, and Wolfe families. They have always supported my ambitions, no matter how odd they have been at times, and have always welcomed me back home. Andy, Ava, and Gavin Coughlin are great friends and always provided me a refuge from school and academic life after a shor t drive down to Tampa. Ameia and Isha Smith have been such a refreshing part of my life, and it is such a pleasure to be part of theirs. Kym Simmons has been an endless source of happiness and energy and always eager to help in any way . Isis, Baghira, Chai rman, Rudy, and Albert have given endless amounts of love and consolation throughout graduate school, and I can only hope I have returned half of it. I am so grateful for such an inspiration and a great big brother. Lastly, my Mama and Daddy: Thank you so much for all your support throughout the years, especially when neither of you tried to dissuade me after I told you I was going to graduate school to study South Asian go ddesses. I am forever indebted to you for


9 all your sacrifices to provide me with a good education and a loving home . Mama, the dogs and cat also thank you for taking them in for two years! I love you both very much, and I hope that now as I leave the stude nt stage of my life I can begin to repay the immeasurable debt that is owed.


10 TABLE OF CONTENTS page ACKNOWLEDGMENTS ................................ ................................ ................................ ............... 4 LIST OF FIGURES ................................ ................................ ................................ ....................... 13 NOTE ON TRANSLITERATION ................................ ................................ ................................ 14 ABSTRACT ................................ ................................ ................................ ................................ ... 16 CHAPTER INTRODUCTION ................................ ................................ ................................ ......................... 18 1.1 The Goddess ................................ ................................ ................................ ..................... 19 1.1.1 Scholarship on the goddess ................................ ................................ .................... 20 ................................ ............................ 23 ................................ ................................ ............................ 31 ................................ ................................ .......... 35 ................................ ................................ .......................... 37 1.2 Mysore ................................ ................................ ................................ .............................. 42 1.2.1 Narrative origins ................................ ................................ ................................ ..... 43 1.2.2. Mysore in inscriptions ................................ ................................ ........................... 46 1.2.3 Scholarship on Mysore ................................ ................................ ........................... 47 1.3 Medieval, Late Medieval and Early Modern ................................ ................................ .... 51 1.4 Religion, R eligious, and Hindu ................................ ................................ ........................ 56 1.5 Chapter Summary ................................ ................................ ................................ ............. 60 ORIGIN STORIES IN SOUTHERN KARNATAKA: FASHIONING ROYAL IDENTITY THROUGH LOCALIZED GO DDESS ORIENTED DEVOTIONAL ALLIANCES .......... 62 2.1 Introduction ................................ ................................ ................................ ....................... 62 2.2 Genealogies, O rigin S ............................... 64 2.2.1 Genealogies ................................ ................................ ................................ ............ 66 2.2.2 Origin stories ................................ ................................ ................................ .......... 70 ic overlord in late medieval South India ................................ ................................ ............................. 76 2.3 From Genealogy to Origin Story: Self Fashioning a Predecessors ................................ ................................ ................................ ........................ 83 ................................ ................................ ............................. 85 2.3.2 Ca i ................................ ....................... 88 a ................................ ................................ .................... 93 ................................ ................................ ................................ ... 95 2.3.5. Ga gas o u ................................ ................................ ............................... 97 2.3.7 Vijayanagara ................................ ................................ ................................ ......... 105 2.4 The Wo eyar Story ................................ ................................ ................................ ......... 108


11 2.5 Conclusion ................................ ................................ ................................ ...................... 111 FROM GODDESS TO VAI AVISM: THE WODEYAR T RANSITION FROM LOCAL CHIEFTAINS TO REGION AL KINGS 1551 1734 CE ................................ ...................... 112 3.1 Int roduction ................................ ................................ ................................ ..................... 112 3.2 The Pre imperial Period in Mysore ................................ ................................ ................ 112 3.3 Changing the Game: The Establishment of Mysore as a Regional Power ..................... 117 eyar (r. 1578 1617) ................................ ................................ ............... 117 eyar V (r. 1617 1637) ................................ ................................ ... 123 3.4 The Solid State: Imperial Mysore 1645 1704 ................................ ................................ 125 3.4.1 Ra 1659 CE) ................................ .......... 126 3.4.2 Do 1673 CE) ................................ ................................ ...... 134 1704) ................................ ................................ ............... 137 3.5 Loss of Control and the End of an Empire ................................ ................................ ..... 151 3.6 Conclusion ................................ ................................ ................................ ...................... 155 WANING CONTROL: THE G THE DA REGIME OF THE KA ALE CHIEFTAINS 1734 1762 ................................ .................... 157 4.1 I nt roduction ................................ ................................ ................................ ..................... 157 4.2 New Modes of Authority in a Tumultuous Time ................................ ........................... 158 1734) and the rise of the Ka ale da ....................... 158 4.2.2. The goddess and Vijayanagara authority in the . 163 4.3 Da on 1761 CE) .......................... 167 i as metaphor for regional dominance ................................ ........... 168 4.3.2. Ka ale authority in inscr iptions ................................ ................................ ........... 174 i ................................ ................................ ................................ ............ 179 4.4 Conclusion ................................ ................................ ................................ ...................... 202 THE HALF HINDU KING, THE TIGER OF MYSORE, THE GODDESS AND THE TRANSITIONAL POLITICAL PARADIGM OF SOUTH INDIAN POLITICS 1762 1799 ................................ ................................ ................................ ................................ ...... 204 5. 1 Introduction ................................ ................................ ................................ ..................... 204 1782) ................................ .......................... 204 5.2.1 From da to regent ruler ................................ ................................ ............... 205 ................................ ................................ ............. 209 5.3 ................................ ................................ 216 5.3.1 Creation of the Mysore Sultanate ................................ ................................ ......... 217 South Indian pol itical paradigm under ................................ ................... 221 ha as a site for understanding political and ritual expression ................................ ................................ .................... 232 5.4. Conclusion ................................ ................................ ................................ ..................... 241


12 THE G ODDESS BECOMES THE GREAT GODDESS: THE RECREATION OF KINGSHIP AND THE WO EYAR DYNASTY THROUGH DEVOTION ..................... 243 6.1 Introduction ................................ ................................ ................................ ..................... 243 6.2 Historical Background ................................ ................................ ................................ .... 246 6.3 Re newing the Medieval: , , i , and the Recreation of the Wo eyar Kings as Exemplar Devotees in Literature and Epigraphy. .............................. 253 ................................ ................................ ................................ ... 254 6.3.2. ................................ ................................ ................................ ............ 263 6.4 Illusion of Permanence and/or the Installation of Piety ................................ .................. 278 6.5 Centering the Kingdom: Wo eyar Mural Paintings ................................ ....................... 294 6.5.1. Ra eyar m urals ................................ 294 6.5.2. An I nc orporeal Empire: Murals of the c itrama apa of t he Ve ka emple ................................ ................................ ....................... 297 6.6 Conclusion ................................ ................................ ................................ ...................... 303 CONCLUSION ................................ ................................ ................................ ............................ 304 7. 1 The Goddess Mirror ................................ ................................ ................................ ........ 306 7.2 Potential Areas for Future Research ................................ ................................ ............... 309 7.3 Making Claims about Kings ................................ ................................ ........................... 311 APPENDIX FIGURES ................................ ................................ ................................ ................................ ..... 315 BIBLIOGRAPHY ................................ ................................ ................................ ........................ 329 BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH ................................ ................................ ................................ ....... 354


13 LIST OF FIGURES Figure page A 1 ................................ . 315 A 2 bhakta vigraha ....................... 316 A 3 bhakta vigraha ........ 316 A 4 bhakta vigraha ............... 317 A 5 bhakta vigra ha ..................... 317 A 6 bhakta vigraha ................................ ................................ ................................ ............... 318 A 7 bhakta vigraha .............. 319 A 8 bhakta vigraha .............................. 319 A 9 bhakta vigraha , ................................ ................................ ..................... 320 A 10 ace, Mysore. ................................ .. 321 A 11 ................................ ................... 322 A 12 avatara s and (b) Tirupati. Mysore. ................................ ................................ ................................ ............................ 322 A 13 ................................ . 323 A 14 Murals of Hampi, and ............... 324 A 15 ................................ ................................ ............ 325 A 16 Mysore. ................................ ................................ ................................ ............................ 326 A 17 temple, M ysore. ................................ ................................ ................................ ............... 327 A 18 bhakta vigraha ........................ 328


14 NOTE ON TRANSLITERATION Throughout this dissertation I have chosen to adop t a system of transliteration based on the Kannada language and script since it has bee n the primary source language through which I conducted my research. This leads to a few alterations in Sanskrit words with which the reader might be more familiar. Cha nges in words from Sanskrit to Kannada Rule Sanskrit Kannada Feminine final i Feminine final e * l (occasional) (rare) (rare) Changes in transliteration of Sanskrit letters o yoga e deva Lett ers in Kannada but not Sanskrit (with roman transliteration) retroflex l ( ) short e ( e ) short o ( o ) * not adopted In general discussion, I adopt the Kannada spelling of words instead of their Sanskrit equivalents and given the great spelling variation from source to source, I have chosen to adopt spellings contained in the 19 th century encyclopedic court history as my standard. However, I have chosen not adopt the Kannada alteration of the Sanskrit final


15 because ). Additionally, when I directly address Sanskrit (e.g. ). La stly, I have chosen to use the common English names for many of the places that I discuss because of their ubiquitous presence in both English sources and in modern spoken Kannada (e.g.


16 Abstract of Dissertation Presented to the Graduate School of the University of Florida in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy THE GODDESS AND THE FASHIONING OF THE By Cal eb Simmons August 2014 Chair: Vasudha Narayanan Cochair: Travis L. Smith Major: Religion T his dissertation explore s the ways that the court of the medieval South Indian kingdom of Mysore fashioned their rulers, the Wo eyar kings, in genealogies and or igin stories. Central to this process was the relationship between the Wo eyar s I inception to the early modern period that reve als several development s in which the goddess of Mysore evolved from to the fierce goddess ic slayer of the was imagined reflected the emerg ence of the Wo eyar kingdom through several stages of political significance: local, regional, imperial, and incorporea l. I argue that fashioning kingship in Mysore was part of a larger paradigm in which the nature of kingship was fashioned in medieval So uth India that transcended communal divides. G oddess devotion was central to the process as an alliance with a fierce local goddess located upstart kings and kingdoms within significant space by connecting them to local site s of power and assuring the godd aid on the battlefield. The goddess king alliance was central to the


17 construction of kingship and was ubiquitously incorporated into the origin stories of late medieval kingdoms in southern Karnataka. Lastly, this dissertation explores the changing n otion of kingship during the early modern period during and the restoration of Wo eyar dynasty under K eyar III. I argue that the courts of both rulers continued operating under the medieval paradigms of kingship b ut were forced to update their approach in light of the overwhelming foreign military force and lack of administrative power, respectively. In each means through whi ch they attempted to overcome their enemies.


18 CHAPTER 1 INTRODUCTION In September 2013 , two weeks before the commencement of the ten day celebration of working with his staff in the Mysore Palace archives, he was eager to hear about my project, and , the royal family whose history has consumed so much of my time and thoughts for the past few years. T was widely considered a man of learning and progressive thought; so I presented him several d 1 hem in front of me giving line by line critiques mixed with his personal opinions about my theses . At one point, however, he became noticeably perturbed by my statement invented from local s laye r of the b uffalo demon during the 17 th century. This prompted a n extended monologue from t goddess . He chided me about my assumption that the Goddess could undergo a transformation is He continued to correct my understanding of t he goddess for the rest of our three and a half hour meeting , peppering in invaluable insights into his personal practic e . Then h e concluded by suggesting that I stop l Kannada sources) and remarking that if I really wanted to understand the relationship between the Goddess and kings in India I should 1 Caleb Simmons, Inventing and Reinventing the Local Go ddess ed Sree Padma (New York: Lexington Books, 2014 ) and (1578 Indian History , I, no. 1 (Spring 2014): 27 46 .


19 read The Ann als and Antiques of Rajasthan : a 19 th century book about the history of the kings of Rajasthan (over 1,500 kms away) written by James Tod , an administrator in the British East India Company . While his reaction to the material was not that surprising, the corrective measures that he presc ribed caught me completely off Kanna da and Sanskrit sources, especially since Kanna d a was the language of the Mysore court and his mother tongue. Instead he suggested that I read a British account of the Goddess and Indian kingship surprised me . Instead, his rejoinder demonstrated the effectiveness of over four centuri es of Mysore courtly productions that fashioned the stages: chieftains, kings, emperors, and princes . This program had been so effective that it even wri ting of Indian history and religion in books such as the one recommended to me that perpetuated a single perspective on kingship and goddess devotion . of my project and the understudied local sources , as they can help us to understand the novel ways that medieval courts fashioned their rulers and their deities throughout the history of South Indian politics. 1.1 The G oddess


20 holy sites in South Indi 2 On top of the hill the rather quaint temple with large seven tiered Doordarshan tower. The village that surrounds the temple is equally charmi ng. It is populated by no more than a few hundred people and has for the most part resisted commercial interests and state funded construction. 3 The relatively simple site completely masks the importance that this temple played in the development of the Wo of Mysore and the coterminous development of the goddess. 1.1.1 Scholarship on the goddess Since the colonial period the ubiquitous presence of goddesses and goddess devotional and ritual practice has captured the attention of Indologists, anthropologists, and historians of religion. The earliest monographs that focused entirely on the goddess traditions of India John The Saktas set the tone for goddess studies in Indi a and focused on the development of goddess traditions as a diverse but unified tradition. 4 In Shakti , Woodroffe examined a range of textual materials, including tantra s and philosophical treatises, in order to explicate the philosophical underp ic philosophy. The scholarly emphasis on the philosophical unity of the Goddess tradition has continued in the study of South Asian goddesses , The Rise of the Goddess in the Hindu Tradition that focuses on a linear development of the tradition as a singular entity. The focus on philosophical 2 I am st ill unclear on their ranking system or the other 17 sites. 3 There are regular debates about proposed projects aimed at the betterment of the hill that are met with extreme 2014 while I have been living in Mysore three major controversial proposals arose and were squashed: a shopping mall; a bus terminal, which was started before the population was notified and due to backlash abandoned halfway; and a canopy covering the 1,000 steps by which devotees can climb the hill. 4 John Woodroffe, (Leeds: Celephaïs Press, 2009); Ernest Payne , and Comparative Study (New York: Courier Dover Publications, 2013).


21 unity has also framed many of the works that take a textual historical approach to the tradition, The Triumph of the Goddess Dev M h tmya: The Crystallization of the Goddess Tradition . Payne, on the other hand, sought to survey the history of the tradition to show its pre ic roots and its subsequent development through devotion, ritual, and philosophy in India. Of the simil ar surveys that have has perhaps been the most influential. 5 These studies gave rise to a second generation of scholars of Indian goddess traditions that focused on individual g oddesses and texts. The works on individual goddesses often consisted of edited volumes or monographs that sought to introduce a variety of goddesses that manifest as part of the Great Goddess tradition. 6 Other collections and surveys have since looked mor e deeply into the tradition, presenting a variety of contextualized goddess practices and texts and how they fit into the tradition as a whole. 7 In addition to shorter essays within collections or cursory surveys, a variety of full length studies of indivi dual goddesses or distinct groups of goddesses and texts have developed our understanding of goddesses and their historical, local, and regional significance. 8 Additionally, scholarship on goddesses and power has also been put 5 Narendra Nath Bhattacharyya, R eligion (New Delhi : Munshiram Manoharlal Publishers , 1974 ) . 6 David R. Kinsley, Hi ndu Goddesses: Visions of the Divine Feminine in the Hindu Religious T radition ( Berkeley: University of California Press, 1986 ); John Stratton Hawley and Donna Marie Wulff, : Goddesses of I ndia ( Berkeley: University of California Press , 1996 ); Vidya Dehejia and Tho mas B. Coburn, Devi: The Great Goddess: Female Divinity in South A sian art ( Washington, D.C.: Published by the Arthur M. Sackler Gallery, Smithsonian Institution in association wit h Mapin Publishing, Ahmedabad and Prestel Verlag, Munich , 1999 ) . 7 Tracy Pintchman, Seeking oddess ( Albany: State University of New York Press , 2001 ); Cynthia Ann Humes and Rachel Fell McDermott, Br eaking Boundaries with (New Delhi: Manohar, 2009); Jeffrey J . Kripal and Rachel Fell McDermott, Encounte ring Kali; In the Margins, at the Center, in the W est ( Berkeley: University of California Press , 20 03 ); Lynn Foulston and Stuart Abbott, Hindu Goddesses: Beliefs and Practices ( Sussex, UK: Sussex Academic Press, 2009) . 8 Kathleen M. Erndl, Victory to the Mother : The Hindu Goddess of Northwest India in M y th, Ritual, and S ymbol ( New York: Oxford Universi ty Press , 1993 ); Cynthia Ann Humes, -


22 into conversation with femini st theory and the feminist spirituality movement and explored the relationship between goddesses and the lives of devotees . 9 What unites many of these studies is their phenomenological approach that focuses on a goddess and the Goddess tradition as the ob ject for study. These studies have been critical for our understanding of the development and multiple manifestations of goddesses in South India. I see this dissertation, however, as the next step in that conversation: one that goes beyond explorations of the nature of the Goddess, goddesses, and their attendant traditions but investigates how they were used in the construction of meaning outside the ritual, philosophical, and devotional literary contexts. Like the work of Rachel Fell McDermott and Kunal C hakrabarty, I will attempt to show how a goddess tradition in a particular region developed along with social and political changes and in conversation with kings, courts, and other influential entities and institutions. 10 Building from these studies, I dem onstrate that the ; David R. Kinsley , Tantric V isions of the Divine Feminine: The Ten M ( Berkeley: University of California Press , 1997 ); Thomas B. Coburn. Encountering the Goddess: A Translation of the D and a Study of its I nterpretation ( Albany, N.Y.: State University of New York Press , 1991 ); C. Mackenzie Brown, The Triumph of the Goddess: The Canonical Models of Theological Visions of the : State Uni versity of New York Press, 1990); R. Mahalakshmi, The Making of the Goddess: Korravai Durga in the Tamil Traditions (New Delhi: Penguin Books, 2011) ; Sree Padma , Vicissitudes of the Goddess: Reconstructions of the Gramadevata in (New York: Oxford University Press); Rachel Fell McDermott, Mother of My Heart, Daughter of My Dreams: Kali and Uma in Devotional Poetry of Bengal (New York: Oxford University Press, 2001); and June McDaniel, Offering Flowers, Feeding Skulls: Popular Goddess Worship in West Bengal (New York: Oxford University Press, 2004). 9 Alf Hiltebeitel and Kathleen M. Erndl, Is the Goddess a Feminist? The Politics of South Asian G oddessess ( New York: New York University Press , 2000 ); Heidi Rika Maria Pauwels , in Scripture and on S creen ( New York: Oxford University Press , 2008 Women and Goddess Traditions in Antiquity and Today (Minneapolis: Fortress Press, 1997), 17 35; Nancy Falk, Shakti Ascending: Hindu Women, Politics, and Religious in ed Robert D. Baird Religion in Modern India ( New Delhi: Manohar, 1995), 298 334 Off the Beaten Track: Rethinking Gender Justice for Indian Women (New Delhi: Ox ford India Paperbacks, 1999). 10 Revelry, Rivalry, and Longing for the Goddesses of Bengal (New and the Making of a Regional Tradition (New Delhi: Oxford University Press, 2001).


23 malleable nature of the goddess who can be both fierce and benign, pure and polluting, peripheral and royal, and non made goddesses ideal deities for emergent kingdoms in medieval South India. I am not the first to notice this. Many works that have dealt with imperial formation have alluded to the importance of goddess traditions for aspiring chieft ains and rulers on the periphery of the imperium. 11 But to my knowledge, this dissertation is the first full study of the devotional patterns of one kingdom in which the function of a goddess is the central object of study. Following the trajectory of previ ous goddess studi es, I too following study. Unlike many of the other manifestati found in the [DM] (6 th 7 th c. CE), there are no extant historical or literary records . 12 The absence of references to this deity in any texts or historical do cuments (manuscripts, epigraphy, etc.) prior to the DM has led some scholars to conjectur e a non Sanskritic deity that had been inserted into the text , presumably in order to adopt a popular practice into the burgeoning Goddess 11 Alexis Sanderson, Genesis and Development of Tantrism , ed. Shingo Einoo (Tokyo: Institu te of Oriental Culture University of Tokyo, 2009), 41 350; Hermann Kulke, Kings and Cults: State Formation and legitimizat ion in India and Southeast Asia ( New Delhi: Manohar Publishers , 1993 ); Norbert Peabody, Hindu Kingship and Polity in P recolonial India . ( Cambridge: Cambridge University Press , 2003 ); Philip B. Wagoner, From 'Pampa's Crossing' to 'The Place of Virupaksha': architecture, cult and patronage at Hampi befo n Vijayanagara: Progress of Research 1988 1991 , ed. D. V. Devaraj and C. S. Patil ( Mysore: Directorate of Archaeology and Museums, 1996 ), 141 74; and Noboru Karashima, South Indian Society in Transition: Ancient to Medieval (New Delhi: Oxford University Press, 2010). 12 The chapter text that is part of the larger and is the first extant text that attempted to systematize a broader Goddess tradition. For more see below.


24 tradition). 13 However, due to the lack of historical data, this presumption is difficult if not impossible to substantiate; therefore, we can only begin formulating a picture of the deity from the sixth century forward . Let us begin with the narrative found in the third episode of the DM first named. 14 Like the previous episodes, the gods ( v a s ) have been overtaken by demons ( ) , who had stolen the ir portion of the Vedic sa crifice ( yajña ). 15 T he gods , h owever , remembered the promise, which had been made to them by the Goddess at the end of the previous chapter and the conclusion of the second ( Mahi a ) episode of the text . 16 So the gods traveled to the 17 Then a beautiful girl of the mountains ( ) appeared and asked the gods whom they were prais ing . Before they were even allowed to respond , she shed her outer corporeal form ( ) and reveal ed her t rue auspicious ( ) self. 18 sh e [who ( kau ). dark one ( k ), who is 19 Two of Ca a and Mu a , saw the beautiful G oddess and returned to tell their kings about this great jewel . Upon hearing of her beauty 13 See Erndl in Pintchman, and Thomas B. Coburn Dev M h tmya: The Crystallization of the Goddess Tradition (New Delhi: Motilal Banarsidass Publishers, 1988) . 14 The subsequent details are a loose and abridged translation of the seventh chapter of the . 15 This same myth is elaborated in Padm 1.46.1 121; 1.2.27 29; 154 157. 16 This episode will be discussed below as it relates to the naming of Mysore. 17 DM 5.7 Salutations to her, s alutations to her, s alutations to her, s a lutations, s alutations to the Goddess, who dwells in a 18 19 M.Monier Williams, like most commentators of this portion of the text, takes as the feminine form of , which means something or someone relating to the color dark blue or black. However, it could also be construed as the feminine form of or something or someone that relates to or is dependent on time.


25 with his words. But the goddess ( ), who is hard to get ( dur ), explained that her only master ( ) would be the person who could defeat her in battle . 20 the would drag her by the hair with no regard for her modesty or decorum and take her to 21 cana to take his legions to battle against the Goddess. Almost without g eneral by incanting the mantra hu . 22 Withou t their leader, the outmatched legions of asura s were quickly subdued by the Goddess and her lion mount. Af demon a and Mu a to go and violently bring her by her hair. Ca a and Mu a attacked the Goddess on the highest mountain with four legions of asura s . The Goddess saw the oncoming armies and let out an angry cry that caused her face bec o me black as ink . Then, from her, lack O ne ) emerged with sword, noose, skull staff, necklace made o f severed heads, and a tiger skin skirt. With her mouth wide open, tongue lolling, and devoured all the demon armies. Ca a and Mu a, then, began to assail her with an onslaught of arrows and cakra s (discuses) that vanished into the bore her terrible teeth for all to see, and mounted the lion. She grabbed Ca a by the hair an d decapitated him. S eeing Ca a dead, Mu a ran at her , but was immediately felled by her sword. Carrying the heads of Ca a 20 DM 5.69 70. 21 . 22 This is exactly like the destruction of t he rabble . See John D. Smith (New York: Penguin Books, 2009), 603.


26 and Mu a , I ha ve seized Ca a and Mu a , two sacrificial beasts ( s ). in the battle sacrifice ( 23 To which Ca replied taken hold of Ca a and Mu a and brought them (to me), you will be 24 more times but only in the battle 25 In this battle, was forced to drink the blood of t he demo ( ga a ) . 26 As was the case in the episode in which Ca a and Mu a were 23 DM 7.24 || This scene conveys the importance of animal sacrificial within the tradition . Flesh offerings to fierce goddesses and range from buffaloes to goats throughout India from the North to the South. See Alf Hiltebeitel, The Cult of Drau padi Volumes 1 2 (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1988 & 1991) and William S. Sax , Mountain Goddess: Gender and Politics in a Himalayan Pilgrimage ( New York: Oxford University Press , 1991 ) . During my first week of research in Mysore, I happened along , who is considered to be the sister of i . I arrived just after a goat had been offered to the goddess and I was able to receive a, at which time her devotees answered my questions about the deity. They told me that she was both i and simultaneously i used to receive similar flesh offerings but that the priests no longer allow it; so many people, who had w ould now come to her when they desperately needed the aid of the Goddess. I have seen numerous goat and chicken 24 DM 7.26 | || The etymology is quite clever, the grammatical imprecision in the construction of this epithet was taken up by hose 18 th century commentary on the DM , the , offers another possible etymology. See Hari Krishna Sharma, (Delhi: Chaukamba Sanskrit Pratishthan, 2006), 10. In his commentary on this verse, ombination of Sharma, , 7.25; 10: ). In order to explain the , and syllables have the same spiritual value and are therefore interchangeable in mantric algebra (Sharma, , 7.25; 11). 25 These references occur within chapter eight verses fifty tw o through sixty . because every time that he is struck by one of the weapons of the Goddess each droplet of blood that falls on the ground manifested as another incarnation of the mighty demon ponentially worse. This portion of the episode is particularly interesting with regards to the power of reproduction in the ancient world in which the queen/female was connected with the earth and the king/male with the seed ( ). In this scene, it is cl ear that the Goddess takes control of both the seed and the earth, and the all power of reproduction is controlled by Is the Goddess a Feminist . 26 These god desses are the personification of the feminine energies ( ). It should also be no latter texts such as the da half lion


27 defeated, bloodlust . within this episode because of their similar violence nature and their non normative appearance and actions . In fact, historically, the emaciated hag goddess seated or standing on a corpse wa s virtually ident ical during th e medieval period, save for 27 They are the fiercest of all the goddesses that the author(s)/editor(s) had incorporat ed into the narrative, which might suggest that the narratives contained within the DM were the first att ic pantheon. The connection that the text makes between the Great Goddess ( in which he argues that the DM wa s the first systematized attempt to reconcile the various goddesses of So uth Asia into one large tradition by ordering various local, regional, non Sanskritic, and Sanskritic goddesses into one 28 . See ( Bomba Kinsley , Tantric Visions , 32 . Historically, both in textual traditions (e.g. ) and the , often replacing the lion woman ( ). See Thomas Eugene Artibus Asiae 51, no. 1/2 (1991): 107 141. 27 28 Coburn , Encountering the Goddess and Devi M h tmya: The Crystallization of the Goddess Tradition ( New Delhi: Motilal Banarsidass Publishers , 1988). Sanskritization theory was made popular by Indian sociologist M. N. Srinivas in a modern study of the castes of the Coorgs (Kannada: ) in what was the princely state of castes as a means of social mobility. He suggested that Sanskrit ritual spread to all levels of society through similar processes of adoption at various times throughout India, during which the non Sanskritic tradition w as gradually lost. M. N. Srinivas, Religion and Society among the Coorgs of South India (Oxford: Claredon Press, 1952), 207 was riddled wi th inconsistencies and unknowable assumptions about the loss and gains of the traditions. He suggested that the process was not a one way emulation or imitation of another tradition. Instead, he suggested that at all points in time, ranging from the Vedic to the modern, the relationship was always dialectical in which


28 DM , her role in the broader Indian devotional and ritual landscape still conflicted with hegemonic and normative culture. In the (ca. 7 th 8 th devotion is shown to be at odds with and threatening to the r itual culture of the court. 29 In the text, grounds and abduct young virgins in order to sacrifice them to the goddess. 30 As the story goes, a , who ha d the ability to fly through the air because of her perfection ( siddha ) of ga w ho has inapura) with her beauty and modesty. For these same reasons, she wa s the perfect specimen for the required by th e a: the sacrifice of a virgin to the goddess . 31 When Act V Scene II begins for the sacrifice . They begin their ritual by incanting the name of the fierce goddess vi 32 The hymn continues: Sanskritic traditions influenced regional cultures and regional cultures influenced the Sanskrit traditions. J. Fritz The Journal of Asian Studies 22, no . 3 (May1963): 261 275.Despite the tradition; however, within this context the process is often described as the appropriation of goddesses fro m indigenous non Sanskritic traditions into the Sanskritic pantheon because of their immense popularity and perceived power. This has been at the core of most studies that have looked at the goddess traditions since the time of Sir John Woodroffe and has c ontinued through Mircea Eliade, Yoga: Immortality and Freedom (Princeton, NJ: Princeton Seeking Mah dev ; Kinsley, Tantric Visions ; Coburn, Encountering the Go ddess ; and Hiltebeit e l, The Cult of Draupad . 29 th century. M. R. Kale, Commentary of Jagaddhara (Delhi: Motilal Banarsidass, 1967), 7 8. 30 H. H. Wilson, Malati and Madhav a or the Stolen Marriage: A Drama (Calcutta: Society for the Resuscitation of Indian Literature Elysium Press, 1901), 5. 31 In this drama she is also called . It should also be noted that one of the asura s that is slain by the Goddess in the second episode of the DM coincidence and simply references the description of the goddess in the hymn, I think it is more likely that this simply references her terrifying qualities 32 5.22; Kale, , 102. Translation mine. namast


29 O Goddess, your prideful, destructive, and bewildering dance is the manifestation of the power of you push down the earth submerging the shaking tortoise shell and throwing the churning seven seas into your hellish gaping mouth ( gallavivara ). The hymn goes on to describe the ornaments wo rn by the goddess that include an elephant hide robe, necklace of skulls, and crescent moon in her hair. 33 Written from the perspective of the human sacrifice, clea siddhi s) that are incomparable to all earthly powers. 34 But unlike those described in the at these powers are harnessed by her devotees for evil and disreputable worldly achievement, not for a higher goal such as or dharma . This might have been directly addressing the rituals of the aspiring chieftain ( ) whose territory l aid on the periphery of the cosmopolitan kingdom that will be discussed in greater detail in Chapters 2 and 3 . 35 an ana asthiti van 33 Their hymn to the goddess makes it clear that by the last part of the 7 th century or the first part of the 8 th little or no connection between the godd ess and the D . 34 The same apprehension of and fascination with well. In the , a text from Osian near Jodhpur that is retold in a 16 th century inscription, e xplains that the Jaina Ratnaprabha pleaded with the Jain community to discontinue their worship of the 2 th century CE. The text explains that t he warned the Jain laity that the blood sacrifices required by the goddess caused them to break their Jaina dharma ; however, because of the efficacy of the practice the people refused to forsake their worship of the goddess and his attempt failed miserably. Jaina path. Cort Numen 34 Fasc. 2 (Dec. 1987): 243 24 4; and F. R. Hoernle Indian Antiquary 19 (1890): 237 38. 35 The 5 th century Tamil describes similar practices to a fierce local goddess Aiyai that were enacted for martial power . R. Parthasarathy, The Tale of an Anklet: An Epic of South India (New York: Columbia University Press, 1993), 120 5.


30 While the (ca. 6 th 7 th CE) and (ca.6 th 8 th CE) depict goddesses who were terrifying and craved blood and human fles h, the (ca. 12 th century) constructed a different image of the Goddess. C. Mackenzie Brown has to the . 36 He shows how the emerged from a context of sectarian and and as a . He suggests that the composer(s) of the had two theologic 37 This , Brown suggests, was a shift from the militant Goddess of the to the focus on the Goddess as Mother and materiality ( the older martial and erotic myths of the Goddess, especially those contained within the , 38 As part of the reworking of the Goddess tradition in the such as the were created that could replace the ritual function of the . and the , and focused only on the path to liberation, op posed to the dual path of spiritual and immediate earthly boons promised in the . The reinterpreted the 36 Brown, The Triumph of the Goddess . 37 Brown, The Triumph of the Goddess , 11. 38 Brown, The Triumph of the Goddess , 11.


3 1 39 The stories of the Goddess that were so raw, visceral, and powerful in the were transformed into transcendent metaphysical lore and fierce goddesses 1.1. 3 The early epigraphic data from the region of Mysore has a dearth of references to i or the goddess th century CE. In this section, I explore the epigraphic evidence in order to provide the general context reg arding the goddess in the region. Due to the sheer paucity of references, not much can be concluded donors and that the goddess on the hill outside of Mysore becam i in a relatively late period, during the Wo eyar dynasty. 40 sources in ancient and medieval Indian history writing in the US, Canada, and Eur ope. 41 In recent decades, however, scholars from the US, Canada, and Europe have begun focusing on these important sources for understanding the relationship between religious institutions, the 39 Brown, The Triumph o f the Goddess , 214. 40 The earliest record that is closest to Mysore is a hero REC IV.Ch 123. It is unclear how or if this inscription relat es to the goddess. It seems possibly that this is a reference to a hero cult that used the masculine below. 41 Kosambi and K. A. Nilakanta Sastri and generations of scholars at the Archaeological Survey of India. Scholars in Europe caught on a bit faster than in the US and Canada, but now epigraphy is one of the core elements of historical work on ancient and medieval India in many disciplines.


32 state, and wealthy independent donors. Gregory Schopen was amo argue for epigraphic research. He argued that the material gleaned from inscriptions can completely alter our understanding of the commercial culture that existed within a region, especially concerning the relationship betwe en royal and merchant patrons and temple officials. The novel perspective contained within the epigraphic record was beautifully demonstrated in Donors, Devotees, and Daughters of God in which she reconstructed the religiou s culture of medieval Tamil Nadu and showed that the the tradition originally developed from the practices of affluent women, who donated funds, land, and implements to temple complexes. 42 Epigraphic evidence, however, is far from a perfect resource. Epigraphs are more laconic than their literary counte rparts and, like the literary works, inscriptions were created with biases and agendas and follow genre defining paradigms. For these reasons, the information gleaned can at times be rather inconclusive. This is the case when looking for clues to the popul arity and i in the Kannada speaking region of South India, but as we will see throughout this dissertation they are invaluable resources for constructing a fuller picture of medieval courtly ritual and devotional life. From the 9 th i, in some form or another, frequently occurs in royal and temple inscriptions. While no explicit reference to the goddess is made, it is possible that this i devotion in the elite s trata of society . The oldest extant i were engraved in the 9 th and 10 th centuries CE as part of proper names.. The oldest inscription is from Heggo a abbe, the wife of a king 42 Leslie Orr, Donors, Devotees, and Daughter of God: Temple Women in Medieval Tamilnadu (New York: Oxford University Press, 2000).


33 from the Ga ga dynasty, gave a land grant to a temple. 43 In the 10 th century CE, the name can be found on numerous inscriptions including se veral hero stones that eulogize a cattle raider(s) a, who led successful cattle raids against neighboring kingdoms and tribes. 44 The a also seems to have been a popular name for men associated with warfare in southern Karnataka during the period, and even the great Jain devotee and Ga ga general abe ago a, carried the name. 45 By the 12 th a was a popular name amongst those who were active in ceremonial donations. Of the many names that inco a 43 REC IV. Ch 385. I t is imperative to highlight a few linguistic elements that directly influence medieval Kannada inscriptions . The development of Kannada linguistic rules can be traced through the (9 th CE), and th CE),and th CE) and had become concretized by the time of by th A Grammar of t he Oldest Kanarese Inscriptions ( Mysore: University of Mysore Press , 1941 ), xi. The ancient inscriptions that are found in the early Ka nnad a script have a varied and complex grammar that includes a set of rules about the combination of sounds or sandhi . On e series of these rules controls the alteration of consonants into p a , r a , v a , and/or l a within wo rds formed with other sounds: most notably for our discussion are the rules that govern changes to an original ma to va in many cases . These rules produce high variation in the inscriptions that possibly i . Th e grammatical change from ma to va , which can easily be seen in inscriptions as far back as the 6 th century CE, was not explained the in the 9 th note that some words r etain ma and while others change to va . By the 11 th that the sounds of any of the la bial consonants will change to va afte r any vowel or ya , ra , or la . This explanation is clearly not comprehensive , since there exists numerous counter examples in which this does not take place. However, in the 13 th ma changes to va d is a loan from Sanskrit. ( A Grammar, 60.) In his 17 th grammar. L f ound in Epigraphia Carnatica . A Grammar , 59) . 44 REC XII.Kd 181. In fact we find other reference s to such acts of her oism in inscriptions through the 12 th century a that might suggest a larger hero cult that span ned seve ral centuries ( REC IV.Ch 123 REC III.Hg 55; REC VI.PP 247). The importance of the hero cult can be seen in the mythology of various tri bal groups from S outh India such as the Toda, who will be discussed in subsequent notes . In these myths, the hero, who is associated with the tribes primordial buffalo herd, is apotheosized into the pantheon of hill deities. Also, in the local fierce goddesses were al so associated with cattle raids (Parthasarathy, Tale of an Anklet , 127). This might suggest th at the hero of these cattle raids was in some way linked to fierce goddess es such as i . 45 There is a myth regarding the installation of the image that relates to the goddess. After the installation of the of the image it would never cover the cup of ghee that was able to cover the entire image. There is a great dea th century th u has Urs, (Mysore: Abhurrichi Prakashana, 2011).


34 that are found in inscriptions, the most notable are a Pallava inscription that mentions a Hoysa a abbarasi, and a Hoysa a inscription that mentions a king in their lineage 46 Three other references exist that relate patronage given by people with a as part of their names: two from the 13 th ale and a th century. 47 In the tenth and thirteenth centuries, the name also appeared as names of deities. In the 10 th century, a Hoysa an inscription listing a large donation of land and various treasures from the 13 th century, a donor is a devotion might have been influential amongst the wealthy and ruling elite spanning tial identity seems to transcend the ritual and devotional practices that delineated traditions that we now, somewhat anachronistically, call Hinduism and Jainism. As I wi ll argue more thoroughly in C hapter 2 , these fierce and local goddesses were crucial in the origin narratives of all kingdoms that fashioned their kingdom and authority through an alliance with the goddess that emerged after as and the first major wave of South Indian imperial states and. al identity is evident in other donative inscriptions that allude to her role as the guardian of a locale. A 10 th century hero stone from e of an unnamed deity. In a 12 th district, the Hoysa a king Narasi 46 REC VII.Nj 7; and REC XI.Cm 108. 47 REC IV.Ch 2; REC III.Nj 164; and REC III.Nj 170.


35 faithful minister. A badly damaged Tamil inscription from the 13 th century records a list of eighteen towns that had been donated as an including one whose inhabitants are called 48 Though none of these inscription explicitly connects the i, we must assume, given her relation ship to the sites, that she . 49 i with Mysore, it remains unclear what relationship, if any, these goddesses had with the goddess who dwells on the top of i hill. However, it seems unlikely that these inscriptions are in any way associated with i found in the area that is now Mysore city until the 17 th century CE. I will argue in Chapter 3 that the goddess of the hill th century inscriptions and literature from the Wo eyar court gapa a a. It was at this point that the identity of the hill goddess was adapted to fit into broader paradigms of royal courtly fashioning that was suitable for a regional political power; however, possible clues to her pre imperial status remain in her continuing role as the guardian of Mysore that possibly reflects her origins as the i. 1.1.4 The locality or situated ness alluded to in the name of these goddesses, or 50 s are situated within 48 Note that Tamil includes the long final , and it do es not have the same rules for ma that are observed in the grammars of early Kanna d 49 See Chapter 2 . 50 In many ways the situated ness of godde sses has been acknowledged even in the ways devotees speak about sacred sites associated with female deities . Common nomenclature typically refers to sacred sites in general as rtha s ford mportant pilgrimage sites relating to go ddesses or the Goddess are called ha s


36 and on the outskirts of villages, towns, and cities and rule the metaphysical and physical space under their purview. 51 They are responsible for warding off evil beings, providing good health for the villagers, and invigorating their territory and the human ruler through their powerful energy ( ). These deities, however, can also be temperamental and require the village to pay their respects through sacri fice or their benevolent protection and blessing can turn into destruction and malevolence. and in her full length study Vicissitudes of the Goddess , Sree Padma addresses the historical development of loca l village goddesses from the earliest evidence in material culture to urban life in contemporary South India. 52 Her analyses are useful particularly for understanding the ways that local village ). While this is not a hard and fast rule, the common use of these terms demonstrates the importance of goddesses in their locale and their relationship with the material landscape that they imbue with sacrality and power. The term i is most commonly deployed in reference to the sites where the body parts abode after she imm See Dineschandra Sircar, ( Delhi: Moti lal Banarsidass, 1973) and Erndl, Victory to the Mother , 32 8. The site and the surrounding landscape embody the sacred power that imbued the body of the goddess. In many cases, the landscape itself is the embodiment of the anatomy of the sacred: hills are the breasts of the goddess; cleft stones become her ; etc. Often these sites are very difficult to reach and prior to modern transportation would require a very leading up the hill to the temple in the 17 th century. It is possible that the difficulty of the pilg rimage to these remote 51 In the twelfth book Tamil epic poem the the goddess Aiyai is clearly associated with the tribe and ( Parth asarathy , Tale of an Anklet , 119 ) . After the village is set apart from the rest of the forest, the oracle becomes poss received their martial prowess from the deity. After the village is set apart from the rest of the forest, the oracle becomes possessed and demands that the received their martial prowess from the deity. Almost immediately, the great warriors began to cut their own necks , offering their heads to the goddess. This imagery recalls the imag es of Dhyanu Bhagat offering his head to , , and the numerous images from medieval South India of a goddess standing on a buffalo head surrounded by devotees cutting of their heads and limbs. The that predates the DM by about a century, the local goddess Aiyai is connected to other goddesses . (Parthasarathy, Tale of an Anklet , 121 5; Also see Mahalakshmi, The Making of the Goddess ). This leads to the si focus on locality and her association with transcendence . 52 Seeking Mahadevi , 115 143.


37 protector goddesses operate as one of the most dominant forms of ritual life in India that is simultaneously being homogenized through mythology and resisting homogeneity through the persistence of local practice and ritual. 53 She demonstrates that the practical and devotional lives of these goddess traditions continu spaces, despite any and all transformations from external influences (devotional, mythological, ritual, or technological). As she shows, certain elements of the tradition are altere d over time, but in each case the core practices and stories about the goddesses continue to focus Hindu deities Durga and Kali, whose profiles have grown t o encompass many gramadevata 54 Like the deities discussed by Padma, it s i of Mysore was a local whose identity was shaped over time and became associated with the pan Indian a, who played a prominent role in the and the a . 1.1. 5 Certain clues to the pre imperial/ i hill a rituals performed outside t he temple walls. Traditionally, the priests of the i), a non a agricultural caste found in the Mysore district. 55 However, they were removed from 53 While throughout the essay, she discusses these deities through the taxonomies of Sanskr itization and Brahminization, it is quite clear throughout the course of the essay that the processes are more complex and that there exists a great amount of slippage between the and village traditions to the point that the separation is perhaps more misleading than helpful, which indeed I believe is her point as she refers to 54 Padma, Vicissitudes of the Goddess , 2. 55 S. G. Morab in P.K .Misra, Cultural Profile of Mysore City ( Calcutta, Anthropologi cal Society of India , 1990 ), 62.


38 i te mple in either 1819 or 1848 and were replaced by several a ita head priests imported from Tamil Nadu by the Wo eyar rulers. 56 It was at this point that the non Sanskritic rites at the temple including the ritual sac rifice of animals began to dwindle. 57 However, during the spring i hill, the ritual landscape is completely altered reflecting the non ic non vegetarian population of the village atop the hill. 58 a priests continue to operate within the temple, all of day before the festival, the festival for the goddess of Uttanaha i comes to a close, i hill descend and offer goats to her before ritually i hill village festival begins utsava vigraha ) to whom a large pyrotechnic and firework ( ) show is offered. 59 The next morning is spent preparing the afternoon offerings to the village deity. The women from the village clean the area outside the 56 Cultu ral Profile of Mysore , 62. However, in a book length study of the temple co authored with B. B. Goswami, Morab says that it was in 1848 that the Goswami, B.B. and S. G. Morab, Chamundesvari Temple in Mysore ( Calcutta: Anthropological Survey of India , 1991), 2. Epigraphic evidence yatas. 57 58 All of this i nformation was taken from observations made on 18 19 February 2014. 59 The scene is quite Carnival esque with a great deal of merry making. In 2014, the central display for the show was an effigy ( ) of a man, whose fuse led to streams of fire shooting from a cigarette he held in one hand and from his penis in the other before exploding to cheers from the crowd. When I asked my temple worker friends about the effigy, they told me that it was simply supposed to be funny and had no greater meaning and did not represent anyone: mythological, political, or otherwise.


39 shrine, while men clean the inside and stack wood into a large pyre in front of it. 60 At this same time two young men from the village take the silver faces ( mukha ) of the deity to the tank of the shrine and lighti ng the fire, everyone leaves to finish preparing their homes and their offerings. Several hours later the women of the village return to the space beside the shrine to cook food that they will place before the goddess, including her favorite tambi u . Afte r the cooking is finished and the food is left in vessels in front of the shrine, everyone returns home to put on new clothes. Around four p.m. everyone returns including two Li after which one of them walks over the co als of the fire while other devotees fan the flames. 61 After this, a queue is formed for people to make offerings to the goddess and for others to carry their children over the fire in fulfillment of a vow ( harike ). 62 Afterward everyone retires home where th ey slaughter and cook a chicken that is enjoyed with the rest of the (blessed food) from the i festival i utsava ), a traditional non ic celebration of the goddess and the ancestors that takes place at the end of the mon 63 These rituals mark the beginning i hill by 60 The shrine temple 61 This and the firework procession are the only two functions given to pr 62 A harike is a promise made to a deity that if X is done/given by the deity then the devotee will do Y. In this way it is different from a vrata in which Y is done by the devotee first in expectation of X from the deity . 63 Information for this festival comes from my own limited observations and conversation in September 2013 and from Goswami and Morab, Chamundesvari Temple (the great festival) t hat includes the (chariot festival) and (boat festival) immediately after Dasara.


40 several local non 64 The primary practice of the ritual is the procession of a temporary triangular wooden structure with a large metal disk at the center called the u kanna i (primary mirror of the eye) , which is a non i. 65 Six additional, albeit miniature in comparison, ka u kanna i s accompany the primary image on the procession. These additional images represent the six sisters of the goddes s, whose shrines are all located in or around Mysore city. 66 On the day that has been selected, the seven ka u kanna i s are taken i hill. 67 The pradh na image is carried by a specially selected prepubescent the bonugudike on their heads, before circumambulating ( pradak i a 64 claims to be the descendants of the clan of former rulers and warr sage V amongst their ancestors. During this festival period, all people from the region make offerings to their ancestors. 65 The following details about the procession are taken from Goswami and Morab, Chamundesvari Temple . 66 Though I did not observe these rituals I asked several of the non W hen I asked about the identity of these goddesses, I was told that they are the same as the seven little mothers ( ), who are prominent in traditions. The members of t his collection of seven goddesses, however, are often descri bed by their Sanskritic names: ka s , it varies from those described in the DM back as the . 67 Goswami and Morab state that the traditional day for the celebration is the first Tuesday after the full moon day of Chamu ndesvari Temple , 20).


41 i festival closely resemble those of other from South I ndia. 68 These non ic or local village deities, have rituals and and powerful guardians of villages and regions, the goddess of Mysore was part of a la rger nexus of ritual practice in medieval South India in which chieftains, kingdoms, and lineages aligned themselves with local fierce goddesses who granted energy ( ) to invigorate their realm and its rulers. As they became more powerful their goddess es subsequently became associated with ic traditions. i of Mysore from the fragmentary and de historicized evidence found in contemporary ritual practice, the development of the goddess can be traced through various historical documents. Throughout the remainder of this dissertation, I am therefore more interested in the ways in which she developed along with the Wo eyar kings and mirrored their political ascent as both ruler and deity were fashioned ic rhetorical paradigms that is observable within the literary, epigraphic, and visual i of Mysore went through several periods of development ( i, of a larger project of the Mysore court in which they fashioned the Wo eyar rulers through 68 Both practice s are quite similar to the festivals of and amma in Andhra Pradesh. In fact several people referred to the . agricultural god dess, who is associated with infectious diseas es such as smallpox and cholera (Elaine Craddock in Pintchman, Seeking Mahadevi , 146 147; Padma in Pintchman, Seeking Mahadevi , 125; Journal of the American Academy of Religion 48, no. 4 [Dec. 1980]: 495). T he pot represents the seat of the goddes is also associated with infectious disease, such as smallpox and chole ra, and is propitiated a in the earthen r a caste. (Misra, Cultural Profile of Mysore , 68). The goddess also accepts animal sacrifices (until recently including buffalo) and holds a cup for drinking blood offered to her by her devot ees. Richard L. Brubaker has pointed out the ubiquity of animals sacrifice to s at the onset of an epidemic. Richard L. Brubaker, The Ambivalent Mistress: A Study of South Indian Village Goddesses and their Religious Meaning (PhD. diss., Univ ersity of Chicago, 1978),4; 332 343.


42 paradigms that reflected different stages of South India polity (aspiring chieftain, regional power, political empire, incorporeal empire). However, just as is the case with the deities Sree Padma Wo South Indian politics in Mysore. 1.2 Mysore i, is closely associated with mythological narratives. And like the goddess, its mythology can be traced to the . For the divine history of Mysore , however, one must go to the Mahi a (Buffalo) episode of the text found in chapters 2 4. In this narrative, we see an image of the Goddess as a regal warrior and instead of a terrifying ghoul. The city and the region of Mysore is believed by many in India to , and it is from the antagonist of the narrative that Mysore (Kannada ) is said to derive its name. 69 i hill is the site on which the Goddess and the buffalo demon are said to have waged their epic battle. In fact, midway up the hill there is a large rock formation ( a mule exact location on which the Goddess killed Mahi a and which still bears the prints of the mighty asura ). 70 i hill became part of the sacred landscape of Indian ritual and devotional life. Pilgrims travel from all over India to ascend th e hill and obtain from the Goddess and from the large image of Mahi a that has been 69 Maisa is a of the Sanskrit (buffalo) and could best be translated into Sanskrit at m or into English as the 70 This site is located deep into the forest to the west of the colossal Nandi statue; however, due to forest fires access is restricted and requires special permission from the forestry department.


43 erected atop the hill. Like Haberman demonstrates with his study of Brajbasi in Journey through the Twelve Forests , the land of Mysore becomes the catalys ts through which the i hill and other pilgrims are happy to relate the deeds performed by the Goddess at that very site. 71 While the site is given power by the Goddess, the Goddess and s ite are simultaneously given power through their mythological significance. 1.2.1 Narrative origins The Mahi episode in which the gods have lost their portion of the sacrifice and their riches to a demon; this time named Mahi 72 Vi u were filled with rage and from their furrowed brows cosmic brillian ce ( ) emanated forth. Soon the energies ( ) of all the gods joined together to form a woman ( ). Upon seeing this divine figure manifest, the gods rejoiced and offered her their primary war implements. 73 After being properly outfitted for battl e, she, along with her army and lion mount, went out to battle Mahi a and his army of demons. The Goddess and her army easily won the first However, Mahi a joined the battle for round two and quickly turned the tide against the 71 David Haberman, Journey Throu gh the Twelve Forests: An Encounter with Krishna (New York: Oxford University Press, 1994). 72 The DBP promised that he cannot be killed by a god, demon, o DBP 5.2.3 14. 73 The emanation motif can also be found in the Laws of Manu 7.1 11. This chapter relates the duty of the king, and it begins with the origin of the first king, whose duty was to re store order and to protect the people of the world.


44 angry and resolute on his destruction and caught the buffalo demon in a snare. Mahi a promptly freed himself by changing into the form of a lion. As soon as had he shape beheaded the demon, but from the neck hole Mahi a emerged as a man. The Goddess, then, hit the demon with a flurry of arrows, but he resisted the onslaught by taking the f orm of an elephant. After she was able to cut off his trunk, Mahi a once again resumed his buffalo form and roared at the Goddess. Amused by his performance, Ca e I drink this wine, but after I him with her spear. Trying to escape from the blows dealt by the Goddess, Mahi a began to morph into another form; however, as he emerged from the head of the buffalo, the Goddess decapitated the asura killing him on the spot. The gods were so overwhelmed by the power and majesty of the Goddess that they praised her as the creator, the Vedas incarnate, the Vedic sacrifice, and the root of all existence ( prak ti ), amongst many other adulations. Moved by their exaltations, the Goddess offered the gods a boon. Sensing her unlimited power, the gods asked her to come to the aid of her devotees whenever they call upon her. It was this bo on that was medieval South India. The connection between mythological narrative and landscape in India is prevalent in ic literature in which cities and regions wer e written into the sacred tales; however, it is unclear exactly when modern Mysore was associated with the slaying of the buffalo. 74 Many 74 A rcheological evidence from sites just outside the city ha s (Misra 1971, iv). Many people have suggested that the Toda, a tribal group that is the only community whos e primary means of subsistence is the buffalo in South India , were the original inhabitants of Mysore. Their primary ritual is the erkumptthpimi sacrifice during which they propitiate Teikirzi, a goddess and the giver of the buffaloes . Some sc holars have suggested that they may have once inhabited the Mysore region but w ere forced to move just to the S outh to the Nilgiri hills of the modern state of Tamil Nadu. buffalo worshipper of Nilgiris must have been the original settlers of Mysore who were driven out by Sakti


45 scholars, including the great Indologists H. H. Wilson and B. Lewis Rice, have anachronistically connected modern Mysor e with the Mahi ama ala found in the ancient Buddhist texts a and the a . 75 However, Fleet convincingly showed that the Mahi ama ala of the Buddhist texts is connected to the kingdom of Mahi amati described in the that was defea 76 Tripura has been identified with the modern city of Tewar in the state of Madhya Pradesh, and Fleet suggests that both Mahi ama ala of the Buddhist texts and Mahi amati of the ought to be identified with O Raghuva a in which it is said to lie 77 The first historical record in wh ich the goddess of Mysore is connected to the Mahi a narrative is through an invocation of the goddess as Mahi copper plate inscription commemorating a grant from the Vijayan agara emperor to the Wo eyar king Ka 1659). 78 Therefore, let us now turn to the epigraphic record from the region to further contextualize the connection between Mysore and the buffalo. The History of Mysore and the Yadava Dynasty (Mysore: Coronation Press, 1939), 3. Misra dismisses the connection be (Misra, Cultural Profile of Mysore , iv). However, a recent study of the genetic make up of the Toda buffaloes suggests that they did possibly once live in and around the city of Mysore. P. Kathiravan, R. S. Kataria, B. P. Mishra, P. K. Dubey, D. K. Sanda, and B. K. Joshi.. Aboriginal Toda Tribe of South In Journal of Animal Breeding and Genetics , 128 no. 4 (2011): 295 304. In this study, genetic evidence shows that the unique breed of buffaloes herded by the Toda is a close genetic match with the south Kanarese buffaloes found in Mysore , and the author s suggest that the Toda may have once lived in Mysore . 75 H. H. Wilson, The (London: John Murray, 1840), 189 ; B. Lewis Rice, Mysore Inscriptions ( Bangalore: Mysore Government Press, 1879 ); B. Lewis Ri ce , Mysore: A Gazetteer Compiled for Government ( New De lhi: Asian Educational Service [London: Archiba ld Constable and Company], 2001 [1897] ). 76 J. F. Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society (1910); 446. 77 Cultural Profile of Mysore , 8. 78 REC III.Nj 198.


46 1.2.2. Mysore in inscriptions The epigraphic of the buffalo demon since there are several definitive records in southern Karnataka that associate the region with buffaloes. The earliest reference comes from the 5 th century CE a nd is r oughly 100 kms to the North of the Mysore City in the Tumkur district. This inscription, which marks a village that was gifted from a Kadamba king, states that the village is located in 79 In the tenth century referenc es to land of the buffalo reference to Mahi a court was from that place. 80 Therefore, it seems that at this time the region of southern Karnataka was known as the land of the buffalo. 81 In 1128 in an inscription commissioned by the Hoysa a king Vi city through all i hill). 82 After the 12 th century, however, references to the land of the buffalo were sparse and did not resume with any consistency until after 1551 CE when the Wo eyar kings emerged unto the political scene. Then as the y grew more powerful, they quickly (1639) associated the goddess of the hill with Mahi ic rulers, the descendants of a divine lineage, and successors of the Vijayanagara dynasty. 83 79 MAR (1925), 98. 80 EC IV.Ch 102. 81 Misra, Cultural Profile of Mysore , 9. 82 EC Vol III.1.My 16: 11.9 10. 83 REC V.My 200.


47 1.2.3 S cholarship on Mysore gapa a a in 1799 CE that ended the series of four wars between the East India Company armed forces and the Mysore armies under Haidar Ali and known as the Anglo Mysore Wars (1767 1799 CE), the histo ry of Mysore and its kings was a common source of colonial historical writing. 84 Amongst these both Colonel Mark Wilks and hand observations presented. Also am ong the colonial material available to the scholar of Mysore is the collection of manuscripts and translations of Mysore and Wo eyar records contained in the Mackenzie collections in the British Library and Government Oriental Manuscript Library in Chennai . 85 To build its collection of sources on Mysore Colonel Colin Mackenzie solicited aid from the Kanna fantastic selection of materials from the Wo eyar dynasty and Mysore Sultanate. Additionally, the coloni al scholar B. Lewis Rice, the first director of the Mysore Archaeological Department, oversaw the collection and editing of the Mysore Gazetteer and Epigraphia Carnatica , a twelve 84 Lewin Bowring, Hai dar Ali and Tipu Sultan and the Struggle with the Musalman Powers of the South (OxfordL Clarendon Press, 1893); Francis, Buchanan, A Journey from Madras through the Countries of Mysore, Canara, and Malabar Volumes I III . (London: T. Cadell and W. Davies, 1 807); Charles Francis Greville, British India Analyzed: The Provincial and Revenue Establishments of Tippoo Sultaun and of Mahomedan and British Conquerors in Hindostan Stated and Considered in Three Parts (London: R. Faulder, 1795); Joyser, The History of Mysore and the Yadava Dynasty ; M.M.D.L.T., The History of Hyder Shah, alias Hyder Ali Khan Bahadur: and of his son Tippoo Sultaun . ed. Prince Gholam Mohammed (London: W. Thacker and Col, 1855); Constance E. Persons, , Mysore City ( London: Oxford Universit y Press , 1930 ); Rice, Mysore Gazetteer ; George Viscount Valentia, Voyages and Travels to India, Ceylon, the Red Sea, Abyssinia, and Egypt in the Years 1802, 1803, 1804, 1805, and 1806 Volume I (London: W. Bulmer and Co., 1809); and Mark Wilks, Historical S ketches of the South of India in an Attempt to Trace the History of Mysoor from the Hindoo Government of that State to the Extinction of the Mohammedan Dynasty in 1799 Volumes 1 & 2 (Mysore: Government Branch Press, 1930); Meadow Taylor, Tippoo Sultaun: A Tale of the Mysore Way Volumes I III (London: Richard Bentley, 1840). 85 M that were also collected by the Oriental Research Library have Studies. More manuscripts can also be found at the Karnataka State Archives: Mysore Palace Archives located in Mysore Industrial Park, Mysore and in te Archives.


48 volume collection of inscriptions solely from Karnataka. Though these resour ces are not without their flaws they are invaluable for reconstructing the medieval history of Mysore. The most comprehensive history of the Wo eyar dynasty and the Mysore Sultanate is C. History of Mysore (1399 1799 A.D.): Incorporating the Latest Epigraphical, Literary, and Historical Researches in three volumes. As the subtitle suggests comprehensive overview of all the resources available to him during the reign of K Wo eyar IV (r. 1884 eyar (r. 1940 1950). Owing to its encyclopedic nature and his commission from th e Mysore court, his history is less than critical at times. Additionally, Rao gives precedence to the details of the dynasty that are contained in the i (ca. 1860s). As I will argue in Chapter 6 , this manuscript was a product of the colonial context and contains many innovations that directly address contemporaneous debates; therefore, his rendering of the Wo materials related to all aspects of the Wo eyar dynasty and Mysore Sultanate. ess 86 This led to a variety of references to Mysore, especially relating the their position vis à vis the British colonizers during the reign of British Government in India. 87 During the 1990s two interesting studies of Mysore were published : 86 in Colon South Asia Research V, no. 1 (1985): 11 27 87 Vasant K. Bawa, Movements in the Princely States , ed. Y. Vaikuntham (New Delhi:Manohar, 2004) ; Susan Bayly, Saints, Goddesses, and Kings: Muslims and Christians in South Indian Society 1700 1900 (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2003); S. Chandrasekhar, Dimensions of Socio Pol itical Change in Mysore 1918 40 ( New Delhi: Ashish Publishing


49 History of the Wodeyars of Mysore (1610 1748) Legitimacy. 88 l inquiry of materials relating to the early Wo eyar rulers that takes a slightly more critical approach to the legendary foundations of the framework and simply pr ovides a variety of details about the rulers for the reader. Kate 5 , reinterprets th Indian kingship. Her work, though not without problems, has heavily influenced my approach within this dissertation as I attempt to build a context for royal fashioning within medieval and early modern Mysore. 89 Within the past few years, two scholars have published mon ographs in which they focus solely on Mysore and particularly on the Wo eyar dynasty. 90 Mysore Modern , which is most relevant for this dissertation and is discussed at length in Chapter 6 , is an interdisciplinary study of t princely states. 91 In the first half of her study, Nair focuses on the visual arts produced within the House , 1985 ); Ian Copland, The Princes of India in the Endgame of the Empire, 1917 1947 (New Delhi: Cambridge University Press, 1999); Habib, Irfan, Resistance and Modernization under Haidar Ali and Tipu Sultan (New Delhi: India History Congress, 1999); Ramusack, Barbara N. , The Indian Princes and Their States ( Cambridge: Cambridge University Press , 2004 ); Books that mention colonial period, Tipu or KRW 3. Though not focused on Mysore, udy of the Hyderabad princely state is an excellent work on the multiple layers of powers in the colonial political system. Benjamin B. Cohen, (New York: Palgrave MacMillan, 2007). 88 A. Satyanarayana, His tory of t he Wodeyars of Mysore 1610 1748 , ( Mysore: Directorate of Archaeology and Museums , 1996 ); and Kate Brittlebank, Domain (Delhi: Oxford University Press, 1997). 89 Though not entirely focused o n Mysore, Bayly, Saints, Goddesses, and Kings Mysore in a way that also builds a fuller picture of kingship in late medieval South India. 90 Two other popular histories have recently been written. Vikram Sam path Sp l endours of Royal Mysore: The Untold Story of the Wodeyars ( New Delhi: Rupa and Company , 2009 ); and Sashi Sivaramkrishna, The Curse of Talakad: (Re)situating and (Re)contextualizing a Legend in History (New Delhi: Rupa and Co., 2005). 91 Janaki Nair, Mysore Modern: Ret hinking the Region under Princely Rule (New Delhi: Orient Blackswan Private Limited, 2010).


50 Mysore court during the reigns of eyar III that I will a lso discuss. She argues that the material productions of the Mysore court can give insights into the changing notions of power from The second half is devoted to legislative reforms in the princely state of Mysore through which the author shows the developing relationship between the Mysore state and the colonial project. Princely India Reimagined in which the author examines kingship in Mysore after the restoration of the Wo eyar dynasty in 1799 focusing mainly on the period after the annexation of the subcontinent by the British in 1857. 92 She argues contradictory to Nicholas Dirks (discussed below) that kingship duri ng the colonial period was not simply the vestiges of the old regime of medieval kingship that persisted only through empty performance of older modes of kingship, but it was actively being reimagined to suit the changing nature of politics in the region. Ikegame brilliantly displays the dialectic between the Mysore state and their colonial counterparts de monstrating their agency in fashioning an id similar examining ways Wo eyar kingship developed in response to political changes and we both read more agency into the position of Mysore vis à vis the colonial state, I find her analysis of Wo eyar literary evidence and thereby replicates many of his mistakes. Her focus is not on the continuance of m edieval courtly paradigms but on t he emergence of a colonial social system of power within the extended royal family through an ethno historical method. 92 Aya Ikegame, Princely India Re imagined: A Historical Anthropology of Mysore from 1799 to the Present (New York: Routledge, 2013).


51 Despite all the recent work on Mysore, no scholar has written anything in a peer reviewed article or book in English about the Wo eyar ru lers prior to the Mysore Sultanate. 93 The lack of historical work being conducted on this period reflects the concern expressed by V. Narayanan Rao, David Shulman, and Sanjay Subrahmanyam over the lack of interest in the South Indian kingdoms between the fa ll of Vijayanagara and the Mysore Sultanate, which they states. 94 With this dissertation, I attempt to begin filling that void in regard to the kingdom of Mysore and bridge the gap in our understanding of kingship in and between these periods. 1.3 Medieval, Late Medieval and Early Modern i and the Wo eyar kings of Mysore, but it is an attempt to e nhance our understanding of some of the ways in which kingship was fashioned in South India. Indeed these two features are intimately linked as the court of Mysore fashioned the Wo ic paradigms and devotional alliances from their e arliest extant records in the 16 th century CE that developed over time in relation to their relative position in regional politics. By looking at the rhetoric of the Mysore court a clear picture of the development of the Wo eyar state appears; however, the ways in which they fashioned kingship was part of a broader system in medieval South India that also developed through various stages. stylistic and formulaic molding of the Wo eyar kings through diverse features such as 93 Satyanarayana was an employ o f the Karnataka State Department of Archaeology and Museums and his work was published by the Directorate as part of his course of duties. 94 Velcheru Narayana Rao, David Shulman, and Sanjay Subrahmanyam, Symbols of Substance: Court and State in od Tamilnadu (Delhi: Oxford University Press, 1992). For instance: George Mitchell , The New Cambridge History of India: Architecture and Art of Southern India Vijayanagara and the Successor States (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2008).


52 genealogy, origin stories, and devotional practices that appears in the productions of the Mysore court. As Greenblatt suggests the process of fashioning is not an entirely autonomous endeavor and reflect 95 However, unlike his these courtly productions was not directly producing an individual ident ity for the king. Instead these works were created by numerous courtiers and artists with varying agendas and were engaged in producing the notion of kingship itself. 96 The program of fashioning was a process of constructing the position which the king inh abited and that shaped the ways the king was viewed. can understand the medieval South Indian court than the older legitimation theory, which explained that kings derive d legitimacy by constructing ideological programs. 97 The anachronism and redundancy of the legitimation model has been soundly critiqued by Sheldon Pollock in his work on medieval court aesthetics Language of the Gods in the World of Men . 98 He argues that r ulers during this period derived their power through physical and martial domination and did not need to implement ideational strategies to convince the people of their power. He instead suggests that the early medieval courts formed an aestheticized cultu re that transcended geographic, linguistic, and religious difference and united a vast collective of states . 95 Stephen Gr eenblatt, Renaissance Self Fashioning: From More to Shakespeare (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2005), 1. 96 Daud Ali, Courtly Culture and Political Life in Early Medieval India (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2011), 15. 97 That is not to say that those that do employ this rhetoric are without merit. Indeed, the work of Kesavan Veluthat employs this model and has been highly influential in this dissertation. Kesavan Veluthat, The Political Structure of Early Medieval South India (New Delhi: Ori ent Blackswan Private Limited, 2012). See Chapter 2 for more. 98 Sheldon Pollock, Language of the Gods in the World of Men (Berkeley : University of California Press , 2009 ), 516 24.


53 hypostasised place holder[s], functioning, somewhat tautologically, to 99 While Ali examines the erotic and enjoyment aspect of kingly body in courtly literature over a wide temporal and regional range, I have chosen to focus only on the productions of the Mysore court and king fashioning through devot ion and genealogy. By focusing on one court, we can see the ways that the king and his lineage were a site of constant construction. However, to understand the context of these productions and the ways that they produced meaning and significance within the regional network of courts, it is necessary to contextualize the process within the region. Therefore, in C hapter 2 I have attempted to trace the development of genealogy writing in literature and inscriptions in South India and the Deccan. From my reading of the development of genealogies in the region, I have divided the South Indian dynastic history under discussion into four periods: early medieval, medieval, late medieval, and early modern. 100 For me these periods are not attached to specific k ings, kingdoms, years, or particular forms of state formation or administration, but they allude to broader modes through which the court fashioned the ruler by connecting him to significant time and space. 101 By early medieval I refer to the post Gupta peri od in which there is no clear 99 Ali, Courtly Culture , 16 7. 100 ngship situated between Vedic and Epic val. See Peter Osborne , "Modernity Is a Qualitative, Not a Chronological, Category: Notes on the Dialectics o f Differential Historical Time" i n Postmodernism and the Re reading of Modernity , ed. Francis Barker, Pe ter Hulme, and Margaret Iversen ( Manchester : Manchester University Press , 1992 ) . Additionally, more broadly it connotes an advancement in society, political structures /institution , and the sciences. I, however, will side step most of this conversation only e ern. 101 Many scholars have employed these terms to describe a variety of developments in medieval India. For examples see Noboru Karashima, South Indian Society in Transition: Ancient to Medieval (New Delhi: Oxford University


54 emphasis on genealogy or descent within the courtly productions of South India. The medieval ic lines of descent that connected the king with the Solar or Lunar lineages as the descendant of the warriors, kings, and gods of the epic literature. The late medieval developed as the medieval institutions crumbled and new seats of political power arose to prominence. This period, which I also refer to as the post imperial period, saw the rise of smaller kingdoms that incorporated goddess of the site. 102 Though they do not perfectly align with any particular dates or dynasties, the periods roughly correspond to the waves of imperial powers in the region: e arly medieval as, and the late medieval until the establishment of the Mysore Sultanate. The last period under discussion in this dissertation is the early modern. I have chosen to use this ter m to define the changing ways that kingship was fashioned during the rule of eyar III that formed the bridge between medieval and colonial India. l tool that helps us understand the transition in world framing between medieval Indian and colonial histories. 103 Pollock likewise pointed to the usefulness of the category as it helps us put Indian Press, 2009); Y. Subbarayalu, South India Under the Cholas (New Delhi: Oxford University Press, 2012); Upinder Singh, Rethinking Early Medieval India: A Reader (New Delhi: Oxford University Press, 2011); Brajadulal Chattopadhyaya, The Making of Early Medieval India (New Delhi: Oxford U niversity Press, 2012); Burton Stein, The New Cambridge History of India: Vijayanagara (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2001); Veluthat, The Political Structure ; Rao, Shulman, Subrahmanyam, Symbols of Substance . 102 Some of these kingdoms, namely the Vijayanagara kingdom, also grew into large empires; the rhetoric of the origin story pervaded the region even in the little kingdoms after the fall of Vijayanagara. However, in the previous period the rhetoric of Solar and Lunar descent was an imperial pa radigm. Therefore, I have chosen to use post imperial to refer to the late medieval. 103 Sanjay Subrahmanyam, Penumbral Visions: Making Polities in Early Modern South India (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 2001), 253 65.


55 history in context within the broader developments in worl d history. 104 Finally Partha Chatterjee has employed this term specifically in his discussion of exemplified the period in which the monarchical model was coming under heavy contestation. Chatterjee argues that like the kings of Europe monarch, whose power generated solely from God; a notion that I will critique more thoroughly in Chapter 5 . For now suffice it to say that the ways in which ruler we re much more complex than Chatterjee acknowledges; however, during both his and K implemented in dialogue with both traditional paradigms and emerging notions of statehood an d define this transitory moment in courtly rhetoric that is neither wholly medieval nor wholly colonial. It is impossible to talk about the transition from medieval to colonial in South India without mentioning the work of Nicholas Dirks. 105 Dirks argued that during the colonial period through rituals but lacked the power str uctures that had made them meaningful during the pre smaller princely state of Pudukkottai they do not translate into the context of Mysore, especially not during the period of K eyar III. Instead, as discussed in Chapter 6 , during K fashion the very nature of power and kingship that subtly worked to undermine and subvert the colonial adm inistration. 104 Comparat International Institute of Asian Studies Newsletter 43 (December 2006): 1 13. 105 Nicholas Dirks, The Hollow Crown: Ethnohistory of an Indian Kingdom (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1987).


56 1.4 Religion, Religious, and Hindu medieval period. My decision not to use these terms has come after a vast amount of deliberation on the usefulness of the terms for my project and their applicability to the subject matter. In my case, each term seems too loaded and too ambiguous to make sense of the processe s under discussion. Of course, I am not the first to struggle with the usefulness of these terms. One of the most poignant criticism of religion as a term and a field of study was made in Manufacturing Religion . 106 McCutcheon argues that religious studies is based in a belief that religion exists in and of itself ( sui generis ). This assumption creates the very thing (religion) that its supposedly the object of study. Instead, he suggests that those who study religion ought to take a n aturalistic approach looking at the factors that create meaning within religious traditions and for practitioners that are observable and historical. his focus down to the applicability of the category of religion for the evaluation of Asian traditions. 107 He examines Ambedkar Buddhism in modern India in order to demonstrate how the categories provided by a phenomenological approach are completely insufficient in the enhan cement of our understanding of the movement. Building off of this case study, he suggests, Enlightenment culture and that its taxonomies hold very little meaning for Asia. Therefore, he suggests that religion as a distinct category of analysis 106 Russ ell T. McCutcheon, Manufacturing Religion: Discourse on Sui Generis Religion and the Politics of Nostalgia Religion, Religions, Religious Relating Religion: Essays in the Study of Religion (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2004), 179 196. 107 Timothy Fitzgerald, The Ideology of Religious Studies (New York: Oxford University Press, 2000).


57 be done away with. In its place, he suggests scholars studying Asian traditions look at them as expressions of politics, economics, soteriology, and ritual. it is distinctly of religion as a category for understanding Hinduism. He argues that the academic study of religion is so entirely enmeshed into the Protesta nt and European worldview that it is impossible to properly represent Hinduism through those taxonomies. 108 Richard King agrees with Balagangadhara that the terms are problematic, but argues, following Gadamer, that the only way for a European to discuss wha t is going on in a ritual or philosophical treatise is to do so in terms through which they can make some sense of the object of study. 109 King, however, does take issue with the specificity with which scholars of religion have demarcated things as religious that reflected Christian concerns in the colonial period that are still discussed the same way today. categories to understand the production of kingship in the medieval Wo eyar court because it could misrepresent or distract from the processes that were negotiating a system of order and political dominance and hierarchy that permeated the framework both human and divine through which kingship was fashioned. 110 108 ligion (Leiden: Brill, 1994). 109 Richard King, (New York: Routledge, 1999). D ouglas R. Brooks takes this point farther essay, he c ritiques the over contextualization of scholars of Hinduism. He suggests that this has made Hindu studie s D ouglas R. Headed Person: The Mystery of Hinduism and the Journal of the American Academy of Religion 62 , no 4 (1994) ; 1111 1126. 110 d. Defining Hinduism: A Reader (New York: Routledge, Chapman, and Hall, 2005), 125 147; Wilhelm Halbfass, India and Europe (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1988) ; India in E Defining Hinduism , 81 98, who all suggest updating the term.


58 However, William Sweetman and Robert Eric Frykenberg have both argued quite convincingly that the concept of religion was developing as part of the dialectical exchange between Indians and Europeans and that the concept of religion, though it might be a term, has been informed by Indian understandings of it. 111 Indeed in the Kannada sources from eyar III there is a development in the courtly rhetoric through which we can see the development of this dialectic and the emergence of categories that Chapters 5 and 6 where I find it both applicable and useful for understanding the ways the court was fashioning the kings and their lineages. For the most part I also avoid the use practices that occurred in India prior to the 19 th century because of the many possible issues and connotatio ns that the term incurs and upon which there is also an ongoing scholarly debate. 112 ntific and 111 112 For alternate arguments see Brian K . Pennington, Was Hinduism Invented? (New York: Oxford University Press, 2005); Partha Mitter, Much Maligned Monsters: A History of European Reactions to Indian Art (Chicago: Uni versity of Chicago Press, 1992); Wilson Quarterly 15, n o. 3 (Summer 1 991) ; 35 41; Halbfass , India and Europe ; Julius Lipner Defining Hinduism , 30 48; Gauri Viswanathan, "Colonialism and the Construction of Hinduism," in ed Gavin Flood, The Blackwell Companion to Hinduism (Malden, MA: Blackwell, 2003) ; 23 44; Brian in Llewellyn, Defining Hinduism , 102 124; Sweetman Llewellyn, Defining Hinduism , 52 80; Andrew J. Nicholson, Unifying Hinduism: Philosophy and Identity in Indian Intellectual History (New York: Columbia University Press, 2010).


59 corrective. 113 Therefore, Inden argues that whatever the cause of the c onstruction, the religion c alled religion was a construction of Europeans but takes a different approach to the topic. 114 He argues stinction and had no religious relevance in India or in broad circles in Europe until Monier Monier Williams published Hinduism in 1877. He suggests unity, but d harma was always about ritual separation. Though many scholars, such as those discussed above, have rejected the validity of views the process as more ambiguous. He s between the Europe and Ind ia. 115 Arya Samaj, Brahmo Samaj, and Ramakrishna Mission) and Hindu influence on Europeans (by expanding t heir understanding of religion). Returning to the work of Frykenberg, he has suggested that this dialectic cannot be understated and that to limit religion to a previous Protestant understanding is historically naïve. 116 He argues that people in India did no 113 Ronald Inden, Imagining India (Oxford: Basil Blackwell, 1990). 114 J ohn S. Hawley , "Naming Hinduism," in Wilson Quarterly 15, No. 3 (Summer 1991) ; 20 34 115 Peter Van der Veer, Imperial Encounters: Religion and Modernity in India and Britain (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2001 ) ; J.J. Clarke, Oriental Enlightenm ent: The Encounter Between Asian and Western Thought (London: Routledge, 1997); Raymond Schwab, The Oriental Renaissance (New York: Columbia University Press, 1984). 116


60 concepts, because religion was an assumed part of cultural existence that was not relegated to a separate sphere of life as it was in post Enlightenment Europe. He examines early definitions of religion and shows that the dialectic between the Europeans and Indians is responsible for Protestant concept of sola scriptura , but it forced the scholars of religion to reevaluate the role of of Europe but a corrective to its limited scope of religiosity. understandin g of the social and political milieu of the medieval period and distracts from the overall point that I am trying to make: specifically that the paradigms through which kings were fashioned transcended communal difference. Instead I hope to highlight the u biquity of these motifs within the region, especially as it pertains to goddess oriented devotional and ritual the period of e yar III. 1.5 Chapter Summary I have divided this dissertation into five substantive chapters that are bookended by this introduction and a concluding chapter (Chapter 7) . In Chapter 2 , I discuss the paradigms that emerge within South Indian genealogies thro ugh which the medieval courts fashioned their rulers ic lineages that trace the ancestry of the contemporaneous king to the heroes, kings, and gods of the Lunar and Solar dynasti es and the emergence of a secondary narrative an origin story that grounds the kingdom to a specific site through a devotional alliance with a fierce local goddess. In Chapter 3 , I begin my inquiry into the inscriptions and literature of the early Wo e yar kings in which I show the ways the kings were fashioned in these texts reflected their position in regional politics.


61 In Chapter 4 , I discuss the period known as the Da 1762 CE) during which the Mysore kingdom was ruled in regency by their generals, the rulers of the nearby Ka ale. I argue that this period produced dual concer ns within the productions of the Mysore court that ultimately resulted in the imposition of the Ka the W o eyar court. Chapter 5 covers the period when Muslims Haidar Ali and and adigms for fashioning kingsh ip as their predecessors. C hapter 5 , perhaps more than any other, highlights the intercommunal nature of these political paradigms; however, due to ongoing conflict and co operation with English and French administration and militaries, the paradigms began to shift incorporating European notions of kingship, religion, and nation. In Chapter 6 , I examine the productions of K worked to actively renegotiate the medieval idea of kingship by updating their devotional patterns, lineage history, and redefining their territory to subtly subvert the colonial project.


62 CHAPTER 2 ORIGIN STORIES IN SOUTHERN KARNATAKA: FASHIONING ROYAL IDENTITY T HROUGH LOCALIZED GODDESS ORIENTED DEVOTIONAL ALLIANCES 2.1 Introduction 25: A Missionary m briefly discusses the genealogical materials of the Wodeyars and thei r role in Colonel Mark . 1 Subsequently, he goes on to explain the dearth of these records in the scholarship of later historians of the Wo eyar dynasty. He muses that Wilks likely employed either the ja va i or the i two very different te xts from very different periods and surmises that these texts are overlooked due to their lack of historical details. He writes these genealogical texts, while interesting in their own right, are not of gre at help in addressing such questions as the extent of centralization, the nature of fiscal methods used, or even the nitty 2 While Subramanyam is specifically referring to their elucidation of South Indian military economies, his dismiss al of the genre seems to express a major trend in South Asian studies in which genealogical texts are underexamined because they are perceived to lack historically significant details. I t is my contention , however, that lineage texts and origin stories are precisely the site in which the courts of medieval South India attempted to construct a by articulating not only descent but demonstrating devotional and institutional alliances 1 Warfare and State finan ce in Wodeyar Mysore 1724 25: A Missionary Perspective Indian Economiv & Social History Review 26 (June 1989): 203 233. 2 Furthe rmore, these texts, which date back to the 17 th century, in the case of the K m , are far more elaborate than Subrahmanyam gives them credit. In the ), detailed accounts are given of several wars between Mysore kings and outsiders, not to ment ion the several chapters dedicated solely to the various battle


63 and orienting themselves spatially as the cosmological center of the South Indian sacred ic time . Therefore, I will follow approach to genealogical material. 3 Veluthat understands va i as part of a series of inter related genres that he calls alist 4 He suggests that together royalist literature aimed to fashion an image of the monarch that highlighted his worth as a ruler. from the Sanskritic stereotypes in the aka literature went i n to the making of this [royal] image. They included origin myths, dynastic traditions, and genealogy in order to claim However, Veluthat, like many others who have looked at this imperial material, overlooks small fiefd oms ruled by intermittently independent chieftains in as, Pallavas, etc. This narrow vision produces a Indic deities Vi ic lineages of Yadu and Ik while focusing spatially on the kingdom of Mysore. The relatively late rise of t he Wo eyars after the fall of the Vijayanagara Empire and their subsequent significance during the early modern/colonial period provides unique insights into the fluctuating details of the genre. Because of their late medieval date the Wo eyar documents ar e well preserved and numerous, as are the records of their political counterparts. Additionally, these accounts can be placed in conversation with European records that add another perspective to the overall narrative of the Wo eyar court. By examining the materials from the Mysore court from the 17 th to 19 th centuries through periods 3 Keshavan Veluthat, The Political Structure of Early Medieval South India (New Delhi: Orient Blackswan Private Limited, 2012) . 4 Veluthat, Politica l Structure , 38 39.


64 of small significance, regional dominance, and colonial negotiation, I argue that the genealogical material (in which I include both the genealogy and origin story as distinct genres) seeks not only to create a royal image but it reflects certain realities of the entire royal court and its position within regional politics. The genealogical details, origin mythology, and devotional traditions change and recycle depending upon b attles won, territory lost, and/or titles received . Therefore, courts in medieval South India fashioned themselves and their kingdom in relation to their deities , sacred cosmography, overlords, vassals, and rivals. 2.2 Genealogies, Origin S The study of South Asian genealogies to this point in time is a bifurcated endeavor that can be broken down into two camps. The fi rst and oldest comes from scholars such as B.D. Chattopadyaya, Burton Stein, Ronald Inden, Veluthat, and Daud Ali to name a few that have been most pertinent in the formation of this dissertation. 5 This school stems from scholars who participate in debates over various theories of state (predominately processional or integrated state theories). In all of these studies, genealogy has been examined to understand how the medieval Indian state was formed and how it functioned. They are also united in their prim ary materials in which epigraphy reigns above all other forms of literature. The other camp is only recently emerging from the Cardiff University South Asian Genealogy Project led by Simon Brodbeck and James M. Hegarty. This project has widened the gaze on South Asian genealogies to include inquiries that extend beyond the formation of the state 5 Brajadulal Chattopadhyaya, The Making of Early Medieval India (New Delhi: Oxford University Press, 2012) ; Burton Stein, The New Cambridge History of India: Vijayanagara (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2001) ; Ronald B. Inden , I magining India (Bloomington, IN: Indiana University Press, 1990 ); Veluthat, Political Structure ; Ronald B. Inden , Jonathan Walters, and Daud Ali, Querying the Medieval: Texts and the History of Practices in South Asia (New York: Oxford University Press, 2000) , 165 229 .


65 6 As part of this project, all South Asian genealogies are considered not just those from large imperial d ynasties. Therefore, the gaze is widened to include a variety of texts, particularly portions of the and discursive materials found outside inscriptions in longer narrative manuscripts including those from small regional kingdoms. The project, therefore, also opens up alternative possibilities concerning the function of genealogical materials. My project falls between the two schools. My focus is largely on the processes of s tate formation and courtly king fashioning; however, the scope of my ma terials, like those of the Cardiff school, leads me to alternative interpretations concerning the roles of certain elements primarily goddess oriented devotional alliances within the overall function of the genealogical materials. My reading of the Wo eyar genealogical materials has led me to further categorize them into two genres genealogies and origin stories that will be the topic of this section specifically and will be at the heart of this chapter and the entire dissertation m ore broadly. By genealogies, I refer to the genealogies proper the lists of ancestors and descendants that are present within the va i 7 These texts serve many different purposes within any given context, but they necessarily function to situate a dynasty or a significant person within time, giving them temporal and chronological meaning, whether that meaning is real, constructed, or imagined. Origin stories often occur within genealogies ic characters and locally significant figures. In this genre, the story of the progenitors of the local line is given and often 6 Simon Brodbeck Religions of South Asia, Special Religions o f South Asia 5, no. 1/2 (2011); 5 28. 7 For my purposes, will refer to a longer more detailed account of the lineage usually within a literary account, and will refer to the more brief genealogy contained with inscriptions. However, the re is a considerable amount of possible overlap between these terms and should largely be considered heuristic devices.


66 O rigin stories, as we shall see, are a later trend during periods in which new kingdoms arose to fill the regional power vacuum left by the dissolution of previous large imperial powers. This often involved a shift in the seat of regional power, which the o rigin story sought to address. Therefore, for me, the primary role of the origin story is to situate the dynasty within space, giving them cartographic and spacial significance. Because of the period in which the Mysore kingdom arises, origin stories, perh aps more than any other genre, play a significant role in our understanding of the Wo eyar kingdom and their devotional practices. Therefore, the goal of this section and its three subsections, then, will be to provide a brief theoretical framework through which I will read genealogies and origin stories. 2.2.1 Genealogies In order to fully grasp the role of Wo eyar genealogies it is important to briefly examine how genealogies function within South Asia in general. As stated above, the overall function of genealogies is to situate the dynasty or its rulers in time. The manner that this is accomplished is twofold. First, the significance of the royal figure is heightened chronologically by placing him as the culmination and pinnacle of a great line. Second, displayed by highlighting his resurrection of dharma in the kali yuga (age of craps). 8 By demonstrating its chronological and cy clic significance, genealogies were central in the process of fashioning a courtly identity in medieval South India. 8 yugas following the analogy of the dice rolls. Additionally, I have chosen to translate , the come out is not only the initial throw, but it sets the proper parameters for the rest of the game.


67 The most compelling argument for the importance of reading royal genealogies can be found in 9 In this essay, Ali effectively articulates that different genres are contained even within one royal inscription . Ali shows how different portions of epigraphy (or text) serve different functions. Some what A detail the gifts given to as , deities, and/or ministers by their patrons, royal or otherwise, which can be used to more or less recreate a system of patronage and commercial influence held by different strata of society. A nother common genre in inscriptions is the royal eulogy in which the glory of the ruler and his lineage are extolled. Ali suggests that we must evaluate this portion of inscriptions differently because they serve a different purpose . 10 The roy al eulogy, which contains the genealogy, provides an interesting glimpse into the political process in which the rulers of medieval S outh India construct power through their affiliation with deities and devotional lineages. 11 These eulogies , like other lite rary genres , follow formulaic motifs through which we can reconst ruct the ways in which the courts of S outh India sought to represent themselves within a cosmological system of authority that necessarily ordered all Southern kingdoms into a contestable hie rarchy. O ne of the primary motifs of the royal eulogy was the connection of the contemporaneous king within the Solar li ne of Ik , or the Lunar line of Yadu , through a ic time . Ali suggests that this connection was important because of a passage from the Vi a that prophesied that a 9 229. 10 Though on some level th e idea of epigraph as literature is too limiting for such documents that were displayed, touched, and viewed in public arenas in which they are part of a larger performative practice of kingship. 11 Royal eulogies contain (genealogies that relate d ancestors and their deeds) and (deeds of the contemporaneous king).


68 king from one of these lineage would restore dharma during the kali yuga , restarting the cycle by recreating the utopia of the k ta yuga . 12 The connection to the either Ik was not rule was generative and could create harmony through dharmic rule on earth in the kali yuga when dharma was all but lost within the world. In some as, the king was even portrayed as Kalkin the last incarnation of Vi u , whose sole purpose is to bring about the recreation of the cosmos . ic descent explained why the contemporaneous king was significant within cyclic cosmological time and what his rule was capable of . In addition to the cyclic significance, genealogies showed the kin significance regarding K a in the serves to situate the god king within a chronology of rulers. 13 The author discusses the insertion of the Yadu lineage into K 20 th 29 th chapters of the Hariva family, whose genealogical lines they were drawing down to its final and all important member [K 14 He argues this was an early attempt to attach divine and royal figures through genealogy. He suggests that the Hariva pt to place K a in the existing lunar genealogies indicates a concern with this human, particularly royal, genealogical identity of the divine figure, and with defining his relationship as to which the Hariva is 12 185. I will discuss this in much more depth below 13 Christopher Austin alogy and Biography in the Religions of South Asia 5, no. 1/2 (2011); 153 169. 14


69 15 Through the biological connections within the genealogy of the Hariva , the character of K a was further edified, and he received even more royal authority. Emmanuelle Francis in the same volume further contextual izes the chronological trajectory of genealogical histories: Kings of humble ancestry may even create fictitious genealogies to accommodate themselves to their k atriya status. The past is thus recreated. A genealogy does not aim so much at producing the authentic lineage of the donor as at providing him with purity of lineage in order to legitimate his rule de jure 16 17 He also notes that the shift to pseudo historical genealogy shows how the line was transformed by grounding kings through military and political valor , which contrasts the ic un ic genealogies. Francis argues that the l ic ideal of ic warrior to establish the king as the k atriya a , thrusting all the traits from the genealogy onto the contemporaneous king . The Pallava inscriptions discussed by Francis fa shion ed the ruler through as and pseudo historical kings in their ancestral past. Therefore, genealogies demonstrate how the king was significant as a result of the chronology of the lineage. Though these read ings highlight either the chronological or cyclic meaning within the dharma in the kali yuga is only possible because of the traits passed through the chronolo gy of ancestry. In the tale of K a, his connection to the other royal characters is significant; however, 15 16 Emmanuel Francis Religions of South Asia 5, n o. 1/2 (2011); 339 363 ; 341 17


70 as we know from other portions of the K a is perhaps the most cyclically significant figure in all of the Indian cosmology as his death mark s the end of the and the beginning of the kali yuga . Lastly, the while the Pallavas may have emphasized their ancestry a a to king was only possible because of the changes in d harma during the kali yuga . Both the chronological and cyclic elements work hand in hand within genealogies to situate significant figures within royal and cosmological time. 2.2.2 Origin stories As the major dynasties of early medieval South India that h ad proven politically and temporally significant began to be replaced by their former vassals, an additional royal narrative of origins emerged that explained the significance of the new line. These origin stories were commonly inserted into the genealogy ic characters and the historical progenitors. The narrative explained why a lineage and a city that were never present in previous courtly literature or inscriptions emerged as significant politica l powers in the region. I am not the first to see such trends arising within the origin narratives of South Asian that are quite similar to those found in Southern Karnataka Genealogy with Contemporary Epigraphs, 800 18 He argues that origin narratives are important 18 Mahesh Sharma Contemporary Epigraphs, 800 Religions of South Asia 5, no. 1/2 (2011); 389 407. Sharma like myself distinction of the origin narrative as a separate literary device as have I. For the sake of narrative clarity I have altered the more accurately in this context.


71 within the early stages of a dynasty as 19 fo power. 20 Mahesh articulates the role of the narrative in royal fashionin g: [Origin stories] were part of a process that not only forged links with the hegemonic political and socio cultural cosmos, but also contrived a specific sacred charismat ic personalities, and by backdating legitimating symbols to seek validity consciously fashi 21 He goes on to argue that the origin story works in tandem with the genealogical details people, particularly in the periphery 22 be a bit too reductionist at times, his overall sentiment is illuminating insofar as it highlights how origin stories worked to elevate the status and locale of the lineage to which they were att ached. intriguing aspects of the apparatus by quickly glossing over the initial establishment narrative in 19 20 Sharma, 400. 21 Sharma, 407. 22 Sharma, 406.


72 which the relationship between locale, power, and goddess tradition is demonstrated in favor of the more theologically robust Vai 23 In this overlooked , immediately after establishing his kingdom, erected a shrine 24 Indeed, as I will argue throu ghout this dissertation, this initial propitiation to the goddess is one of the central acts within origin narratives. In the origin stories from Southern Karnataka, the narrative of the initial establishment of the kingdom centers on a devotional alliance between the new king and his propitiation of a locally significant goddess. The narrative trope iterates a migration of the king, who inevitably ic lineage and hails from an influential kingdom (typically in North India) of an epic hero. T he story culminates on the selection of the new capital in association with a cred power ( ). Within these narratives the connection with goddesses demonstrated the importance of locality in the emergent kingdoms. Unlike the male deities who play an important role in the genealogical tree, goddesses are uniquely tied to specific sacred and powerful sites, such as particular mountains, hills, and rivers, rendering them especially situated deities. The situated who dwells in the Vindhya mountains) to the proliferation of goddess shrines that are part of the natural landscape, such as tree shrines or the cave temple of Vai 23 Sharma, 407. 24 Sharma, 395.


73 example might be common linguistic evidence in which goddess sacred sites are referred to as 25 At these s , the site itself is charged with power that emanates onto everyone that visits. In fact the goddess ( ) and the power ( ) that she emanates are coterminous and both described by the feminine noun . Additionally, goddesses in local fierce forms are often deities that occupy and preside over the boundaries of villages and cities. Though they are often described as guardian deities, the relationship between the inhabitants a nd the boundary goddess is more complicated. The local boundary deity rules as a political overlord would his vassals by requiring regular offering in exchange for protection and gifts. As is well documented, these goddesses can be both malevolent sending disease, drought, and death and benevolent granting progeny, prosperity, and power based on regular tribute and devotion. 26 In royal origin stories, the power granting aspect of the local goddess is the central motif wherein she bequeaths earthly sovereignt y and power to the outsider because of his worthiness of descent, character, and devotion. The origin story of the Wo eyar kings of Mysore is very much alive in the imagination and popular discourse within the city. The story is retold in texts commissione d by the royal family, tourist literature, the histories of Mysore from British rule and Independent India. L ike a s of Madurai to the Wo Ga ga and Hoysa a predecessors in Karnataka, this narrative functions to give 25 s after her death at her father becomes another term for sacred water and is used to refer to sacred rivers, where some local goddesses dwell. 26 See Kathleen M. Erndl Vic tory to the Mother: The Goddess of Northwest India in Myth, Ritual, and Symbol (New York: Oxford University Press, 1993) ; Lynn Foulston At the Feet of the Goddess (London: Sussex Academic Press, 2002) ; Seeking ed. Tracy Pintchman (Albany: State University of New York, Press. 2001), 115 144 .


74 authority to the lineage by placing them in a greater cosmological and devotional landscape in which kings of this world are cast as the descendants of the god men of the an cient Indian epics and devotees of l ocal goddesses . 27 However, as we will see , the Wo eyar story is a cobbled and reclaimed history from the stories of their dynastic predecessors that develops more complexity over time in relation to their position in regional politics . For the purposes of this chapter the historicity of the origin stories of the dynasties that I will discuss is not of any critical importance. as from which they draw characters both royal and divine were never intended to serve as literal accounts of linear historical events that so many scholars of Mysore history have s ought so feverishly to find. 28 Instead of furnishing concrete data about dates and historical figures, they are important for the function they provided in the fashioning of kings and dynasties that aros e from upstart chieftains ( u ) and feudatories under the control of their imperial predecessors. Though the courts adopt ed the narrative para digm of their predecessors, the narrative inherently devalue d the power claims of previous and contemporaneous dynasties and thereby wer e inherently political in nature. Therefore, historical context from which the tales arise is of utmost importance because it provides insight into the political function that these narratives played in establishing an identity of the king and his court an d reconfiguring the sacred landscape within the S outh Indian context. 27 Velcheru Na rayana Rao , David Shulman, and Sanjay Subrahmanyam, (Delhi: Oxford University Press, 1992) . 28 Indeed this has been the goal of most scholars British and Indian, who have discussed the myths r elated to the founding of the Wodeyar kingdom. See the descriptions in Mark Wilks, Historical Sketches of the South of India in an Attempt to Trace the History of Mysoor from the Hindoo Government of that State to the Extinction of the Mohammedan Dynasty i n 1799 Volumes 1 & 2 (Mysore: Government Branch Press, 1930) ; G. R. Joyser , The History of Mysore and the Yadava Dynasty (Mysore: Coronation Press, 1939) ; Vikram Sam path , Spendours of Royal Mysore: The Untold Story of the Wodeyars (New Delhi: Rupa and Comp any, 2009) ; and R. R. Diwakar , Karnataka Through the Ages: From Prehistoric Times to the day of the Independence of India ( Bangalore: Government of Mysore, 1968) .


75 My analysis throughout this dissertation will focus on three primary elements that are ubiquitous in the origins stories of Southern Karnataka . First, each of these dynasties portrayed themselves as immigrant outsider kings and descendants of divine rulers from the epic narratives particularly king K a. Second, after the king is awed by the locale either by its beauty (rare) or some miraculous sign (e.g. a rabbit chasing a tiger) the soon to be rulers form an allegiance with a holy person or ascetic, who is associated with a goddess, who advises them to seize the site as their new kingdom . Lastly, the progenitors receive acknowledgement and power to conqu er their enemies through propitiation of a local goddess , who m they worship after win ning the decisive battle. While I focus on the similar structure of these narratives, my analysis is far from a structuralist perspective in the Levi Straussian sense . In stead of focusing on the embedded or concealed meanings within the origin stories , I am more interested in parole , the external political and devotional apparatuses that gave meaning and power to the narrative. I will show that the discursive details are g rounded in the particular context of medieval South Indian reflecting the acceptable devotional practices of a particular political position . The narrative evolved in relation to certain politico economic contexts and used as a means by which each particular dynasty was able to refashion themselves and their region . By examining the changes that occur over time, it is evident that these origin stories and the devotional traditions reflected therein were central to the formation of kingship in late medieval South India. As we will see the position of the king is reflected in genealogical details and the relative focus on goddess traditions in the origin stories. The kingdom is thus constructed as eit her the martial realm of the local goddess or as the center of the cosmos, as the king and his court realigned their devotion from traditions of the local


76 goddess, whose purview is the immediate and proximal , to a deity that assumes the position of supreme bra hman and overlord of the universe , the abstract and transcendent . ic overlord in late medieval South India Genealogical literature in medieval South India followed certain paradigms that have been the topic of many studies related to state formation in m edieval India discussed above. The details of genealogical records reflected the established hierarchy amongst regional counterparts including vassals, rivals, and overlords placing all polities in a relative configuration that ic mythology a Through close examination of the rhetoric contained within these records we can see how politics and the proc ess of king fashioning in the medieval South Indian court. During the post Gupta/early medieval period, the overriding concern in genealogical material was constructing significance for the kingdom within the broader temporal realm of cyclic time. Daud Al i has shown that the production of royal lineages through the Solar and Lunar races was a common trope d uring the post Gupta period in South India that placed the ruler s of these early empires 29 By ic history, he refers to the ic texts that divide time into four yugas , named after the four rolls of the dice ( k ta /trey, /deuce, and kali 30 These periods of cosmological time devolve from a utopic state of knowledge and clarity of vision in the k ta yuga to an age of strife where knowledge is lost and chaos rules the world 29 185. 30 Following the analogy of the dice rolls, I have chosen to translate modern game of craps. Like the , the come out is not only the initial throw, but it sets the proper parameters for the rest of the game.


77 during kali yuga . The division of time is completely intertwined with the rule of righteous kings as the innate abilities of the kings also devolve d with the stages. The rolls of the dice and the ages is clearly a major concern of the epic the in which the dice game is the crucial episode that brings about the gr eat war and records the beginning of the Age of Craps after the death of K a . Ali demonstrates how the kings of South India place d themselves within this cyclic cosmological context through theories of rule that arose during the Gupta period in the Vi u a . In this text, the narrator discusses the devolution of kingship from the ( what Ali following Inden has tr paramount overlord ) that was established by Manu , the father of humanity, when he crowned Ik ku as the first parame during the k ta yuga . T hough the innate righteousness of kings had been lost in the final yuga , t he text created the possibility for the occasional re emergence of an overlord during the kali yuga if the king came from either the Solar and Lunar line s. back to Ik ku or a ruler from the Lunar line , it was possible that even during the Age of Craps , he could achieve the status of the paramount overlord over all India and 31 The e ic cosmological connections seems to have taken root in the South during the reign of the Pallava kings. 32 as, almost every major ic lines. As the early medieval gave way to the medieval , the L unar line of Yadu became more the ic genealogy . Ali has suggested that this shift was a result of the growing importance of a s and the gama 31 . 32 Francis 356


78 ic history into specific places of regional importance during the 11 th to 13 th centuries. the kin g w as apotheosized as an incarnation of Vi u, who wa , and had manifested on earth as the epitome of righteous ness in time s of strife. Part of this courtly refashioning involved re map ping as placing the events of the cosmological past w ithin the landscape of S outh India and within the realm of the local rulers mimicking theories of state and territory from North Indian kingdoms . Ronald Davidson has suggested that the structure of the esoteric cosmolo gical maps ( ma ala ) reflected royal hierarchy and land tenure that existed during the medieval period in India termed feudalism Chattopadhyaya. 33 Davidson suggests that the esoteric tantric religious landscape arose as a sacralization of the p olitical landscape. While his theory is enlightening, it is more prudent to see the relationship between state and hierarchy within the cosmological and terrestrial realms as reflections of one another in which metaphysical and physical theories of territo ry and overlordship were formed in dialogue with one another and as negotiations between political courtly devotional theological institutions. The ic system of polity in South India conceptualized territory through theories of cosmological space and time as; however, the theories of state also helped shape the way the cosmos was understood within these texts with the divine and human realm s reflecting one another as macrocosm and micro cosm were simultaneously mapped onto one another . The territory of the imperial state was configured with the king at its center with the vassal states immediately adjacent and the ri val states on the periphery , and the tantric spiritual ma ala operated with the primary deity at its center with subsidiary deities immediately adjacent and 33 Ronald M. Davidson , Indian Esoteric Buddhism (New York: Columbia University Press, 2003) , especially Chapter 4 . Chattapodhyaya, Making Early Medieval India .


79 malevolent spirits and s on the periphery. However, since the king was the primary deity on earth his realm was also a tantric and spiritual ma ala . One concrete manifestation of the simultaneity of court and cosmos can be seen in the Southern innovation of large royal temple complexes (e.g. B that reconfigured physical an d devotional cartography by center ing the courtly and cosmological map through the installation of the abode of the deity within the seat of the king: mapping Mount Meru onto the capital . Along with the theoretical associations between cosmological and ter restrial territory, the construction of a P ic framework in medieval South India also redrew mythic cartography within the region. This was accomplished through the creation of local a s that repositioned ic history w ithin the natural landscape of South India. Foremost amongst the se Ga . As far back as the hymns vars , the ha d been heralded for its sanctity and its ability to purify devotees. 34 was linked to the Ga within devotional and courtly literature in the South . In these texts, the river wa s often referred to as the dak ina or southern Ga ally mix with the waters of Ga year. 35 Daud Ali has suggested that par t of the process of ic fashioning of the medieval court was connecting the kingdom within the c ic landscape. 36 Developing the work of D. C. Sircar ic geography , h e shows that the construction of ic spa ce wa s modeled after the social structure of the kingdom similar to 34 iritha in Parthasarathi Iyengar, Divya Prabandham (Madras: T.C. Publishers, 1929) 35 See the Kannada Mack Gen. Mss. 1 .18 The Stala Mahatum of the Cauvery River: transmitted by Netale Naina from Chidumbrum and translated by C.V. Ramaswamy Bramin September 26 th 1804 and B. Sheik Ali, History of the Western Gangas (Mysore: University of Mysore, Press, 1976) , 14. 36 Daud Ali, Tamil Geographies ed. Martha Ann Selby and Indira Vishwanathan Peterson (Albany, NY: State University of New York Press, 2008), 117 141 .


80 the theoretical understanding of territory discussed above . Ali argues dialogue with one another that developed into to full fledged theories of state and theology . 37 Ali shows how that the construction of the royal territory anchored the king of a realm as the micro manifestation of the divine overlord and ic framework or as Al i states: The entire cosmos, both spatially and temporally, was the expression or realization of a divine order anchored ontologically or soteriologically in the being of Lord Vi ne, but extended, like the very being of these gods (either as an infusion or as an ontological sharing) throughout cosmos. All worldly agencies were in fact conceived of as the capacities of greater and lesser lordships anchored in the agency of the supre me lord. Lordship belonged properly to the very ontological order of things; it was not an external adjunct to an already present cosmic structure. 38 The power of the king to order his realm wa s derived directly through his association with the power of the divine overlord to order the cosmos. In order for this cosmic connection to work, the king and his kingdom had to be placed in a descending chain of being within close proximity to Vi literally placing the ruler and his realm under the deity. This was accomplished by placing the kingdom at the center of the a through a synecdochal reconfiguration of the Indian subcontinent through mythological metonyms pla c ing the ic geography of the North . 39 By making the and the Ga the center of the cosmos was transferred from the North to the South f rom a mythologically idealized land to a landsca pe that wa s firmly situated 37 r Cosmography and Geography in Early Indian Literature (Calcutta: Indian Studies Past and Present, 1967) . 38 39 ; however, they do show that there is a broader scheme of legitimation that is derived from the lines of the heroes of the epics that by this time have become distinguished as


81 within their realm. Thereby the rulers of the early medieval period in South India place themselves in a broader and more significant cosmo logical framework in which their realm was re configure d as the center of the cosmos , graf ting the divine and human realms through the sacred river that connects the two. T he theoretical model of overlordship ic ontology, however, is an incomplete picture of the p olitical landscape of medieval S outh India . It is a view from the top that reflects the abstract notions of polity important to a large state system. What is missing is the view from the periphery those territories that operated largely independent of the imperial system (or only occasionally in direct conflict with and/or subservience to it). These realms served many functions within the medieval imperial apparatus occasional allies o ccasional ri vals and it seems their identities were primarily martial. Their precarious and volatile position is perhaps best described as aspirant and their goals more immediate. Therefore, they relied less on abstract theoretical constructions of state t hat were tied with the ontology and soteriology of a divine overlord, but these aspiring chieftain ( u ) connected with the metaphysical through the immediacy and power of fierce local goddesses . This process is quite different ic syste m described above. While the process of re mapping landscape was still taking place, the model of the overlord and its association with the soteriological power of Vi ic model completely neglects the military role o f goddesses in the emergence of the state, which we will see below was ubiquitous in the incipient period of even the large Southern kingdoms . Both Davidson and Ali neglect the importance of goddesses in the esoteric tantra traditions that focused on the a ttainment of immediate physical power that heavily involved in shaping stately rhetoric during this period. T he attainment of supernatural physical abilities ( siddhi s ) and power


82 ( ) through goddess rituals influenced the that were so critical in the dialectical formation of state theory . These practices were completely intertwined with medi eval Indian theories of polity and certainly influe nced political theory and strategy. 40 One of the most important aspects of the s e traditions was the emphasis placed on and the ability to acquire it from female deities . The relationship between small medieval kingdoms and fierce and powerful goddesse s within the ritual and political landscape requires more exploration. The immediacy in the relationship between the u and these fierce local goddesses calls into question the centrality of soteriological power of the deity. This relationship wa s n ot concerned with the ability of the deity to offer liberation or control the cosmos. Instead, it was an alliance that focused on the power of the goddess to bring swift rewards as a result of offerings and devotion . This reflects the immediate needs of th e marginalized u , who could not aspire to be the overlord but only wishe d to procure independence and territory through decisive military action. H owever, as will be discussed below, as the aspiring chieftains eventually replaced their imperial overlords becoming overlords themselves, the alliance with the goddess was recorded in their origin stories and their goddess, genealogies, and realm were subsequently icized. ic narratives that I will refer to as icization was unlike the famous theory of Sanskritization first proposed by M. N. Srinivas. 41 ical customs was a means ically dominated icization of the local goddess traditions was not the means of uplift, but it reflected 40 Davidson, Indian Esoteric Buddhism ; Alexis Sanderson Genesis and Development of Tantrism , ed. Shingo Ei noo (Tokyo: Institute of Oriental Culture University of Tokyo, 2009), 41 350 . 41 Far East Quarterly XV, no. 4. (1957); 481 496.


83 the previous rise in status of local kings who subsequently formed a regular court and employed a ministers and poets familiar wit h the conventions of courtly rhetoric and ritual. The two royal systems from the bottom and the top were merged in which the importance of situated locality and immediacy of local goddess traditions was worked into the cosmologically ic ti icization, both the goddess and the divine overlord were present, but the kings and their courts did not rely on t he soteriological power of the g oddess es; instead they chose Vai bhakti paths for spiritual progress. 42 However, once local goddess traditions we re introduced to the royal paradigm through the origin stories , the ways in which kings relate to divine and natural landscape was altered in which the seat of power was a reflection of the power of the situated ic associations. Local goddesses became central in courtly literature and were given the power over this world, and the Vi were relegated to the realm of transcendence and soteriology . 43 2.3 From Genealogy to Origin Story: Self Imperial P redecessors I n order to gain a fuller picture of how the goddess oriented traditions and tropes emerged , we must attempt to contextualize t he practice of genealogical royal fashi oning in South India. The purpose here will not be to give a thorough account of each dynasty discussed but to show how the practice is rooted in mimesis and exchange . By placing the genealogical literature of multiple interrelated dynasties from the regio n into conversation, we can see how ancestry (mythical, legendary, and historical) and origins were manipulated in order to present or fashion 42 ed to the throne after the 39 year reign of 43 fierce goddess was associated with the periphery and primarily only central during battles against rivals. See R . Mahalakshmi , The Making of the Goddess: Korravai Durga in the Tamil Traditions (New Delhi: Penguin Books, 2011) ; C hapter s 1 3.


84 the state in a particular manner. By comparing dynastic lineages within their temporal and regional context, it i s clear that the imagined past was the site through which the present could be articulated. The inscriptions discussed below can be broken down into two categories: 1) those that seek to situate the kingdom in cosmic time through mythological lineage and 2 ) those that focus on a pseudo historical or legendary foundation of the kingdom that ground the kingdom in localized space. I suggest that the first category belongs to a kingdoms that were part of an early South Indian imperial context in which the ruler s could draw their right to rule from association with characters from the epic a narratives in conjunction with their military achievements, which were often commemorated by the installation of a shrine or image of the Slayer of the Buffalo demon. However, as time passed, the power of these empires waned, but t heir legacy pervaded South India. In this context, smaller kingdoms arose that constructed their identity through narratives of local significance in which the preceptor and the local goddess were central. For our purposes, I have chosen to discuss only on e or two of the inscriptions from each period and make relatively large generalizations based thereon, but this does not negate the significance of nuances that are found at each of these periods. Indeed, even in my rather cursory reading of inscriptions f rom each of the dynasties discussed below I have noticed intriguing shifts that have taken place within the course of only a few generations. For the sake of time and space, I have chosen to only discuss those changes as they pertain to my overall project of demonstrating the prevailing trends in genealogical literature leading up to the Wo eyar dynasty and leave a more nuanced reading of these inscriptions to others better suited for the task. Additionally, this is in no way meant to be a comprehensive lis t of all dynasties or kingdoms that used these courtly paradigms as they were pervasive throughout much of the Tamil and Kanna d a


85 speaking world. 44 Instead, these serve as guides a brief survey to show how certain themes emerged and how they influenced the g enealogical rhetoric of the Mysore court. pura vested interested in the establishment of their royal genealogy. Many of the Pallava inscriptions istory, the sequence of kings (especially the details of 45 Many of the inscriptions provide conflicting details of the dynastic succession, which has been fodder for much deb ate and confusion for scholars of the Pallava period. 46 However, the details of their the narratives of the direct lineage including the arrival of the foreign Pa llava ruler Nandivarman that emerged in Pallava inscriptions, which become part of the imperial epigraphic paradigm in South India. 44 close parallel to the rulers of Mysore in both their medieval longevity and their narrative of their origins that I will not be able to discuss in this context . See Christophe Vielle Religions of South Asia 5, no. 1/2 (2011); 365 387. From at least the 9 th (ca. 1100s CE) traces their hereditary kingship through the maternal line, which makes for (Mysore?), whos the result of at a boon given by the goddess Additionally, the father of the lineage and consort of the queen was also said to have been a foreigner although from nearby in Kerala. 45 As the genealogical genre develops in South India, the emphasis on the details of milit ary campaigns decreases 46 See J. F. Fleet, The Dynasties of the Kanarese Districts of the Bombay Presidency from the Earliest Historical Times to the Muhammadan Conquest of A.D. 1318 (Bombay: Government Central Press, 1882) , SII [South Indian Inscriptions] Vol ume 1 (New Delhi: Directorate of the Archeological Survey of India, 2001); 8 29, Indian Antiquary VIII (1879); 23.


86 Emmanuelle Francis has sugge sted that creation to donor is found in the Pallava copper plate from 550 CE. 47 Prior to this inscription, epigraphic genealogies were limited to eulogies of the king and his direct ancestors up to four generations back and might include a reference to . 48 After this innovation , the inscriptions of South India began to produce s that inserted style genealogies that were segmented into that culminated in the details of the contemporaneous king . 49 and the Kaurava family . 50 According to the narrative, apsara s covered with sprouts ( pallava , w as their progenitor and serve d to situate the dynasty within the tradition . Also noteworthy, in these was repl aced by invocations of male deities. Nandivarman th century. 51 He was crowned after his predecessor varman was chosen as the next ruler by a committee 47 T. V. Mahalingam, Inscriptions of the Pallavas (Delhi: Agam Kala Prakashanindian Council of Historical Research, 1988); No. 17. 48 seems to have generally been the first step of asserting regional domination which spans from the 49 50 See SII 1.24; 1.28; and 1.151, etc. However, slight changes in the order do occur for exampl e see SII 2.74. 51 There has been much debate over his regnal years. See H. Heras , Studies in Pallava History (Madras: B. G. Paul and Co. Publishers, 1933) ; G. Jouveau Dubreail , The Pallavas (New Delhi: Asian Educational Services, 1995) ; and Mahalingam Insc riptions of the Pallavas for many sides of the argument.


87 52 Sources from early in his reign, namely the bas relief murals and their corresponding labels in the pura, narrate that the new king was from a collateral bran ch of the Pallavas that was located beyond the sea and was chosen to uphold the Pallava line . 53 This is as close as we come to an origin narrative in the sense described above; however the foreign origin of the king is deemphasized in his royal records in w hich there was a concerted attempt to downplay his foreignness by identifying the king as the 54 55 The rom the twenty first year o a grant of a portion of the inscription lauds Nandivarman by comparing him to deities and epic heroes and praising him as the destroyer of the kali yuga . It rebellious chieftains. Amongst the list of fallen enemies only one is connected with any devotional traditions by the fierce goddess 56 This seems to confirm the association of rebels and upstarts with fierce goddesses second regnal year, we see several new inclusive elem ents. 52 K.A. Nilakanta Sastr i , A History of South India: From Prehistoric Times to the Fall of the Vijayanagar (New Delhi: Oxford University Press, 2011) , 139; H Born in Indo Iranian Journal 43, no. 3 (2000); 213 223. 53 C. Minakshi, Survey of India (Delhi: Directorate of the Ar cheological Survey of India, 1941) , 54 55. Sastri, History of South India, 139; SII 2.73. 54 SII 2.74. 55 SII 2.73; SII 2.74 56 SII 2.74 Line 59.


88 57 There is an explicit connection might be the result of outsi de eulogistic influences from political entanglements from which names , were inserted into the royal genealogy in subsequent generations. 58 including in his lineage prestigious royal figures borrowed from othe 59 2.3.2 Ca i 60 The Ca present day Karnataka and Andhra Pradesh from 543 752 CE. 61 In 973, king Tailapa II of the ukyas (lite rally descendants of the Ca raku a overlord and i (from 1041 CE), which is commonly ukya. The inscriptions from the dynast ies can be broken down into two di fferent styles based on the two different periods of their rule. In the first type there is a much 57 conver Pallava History, 75). However, the inclusivity of this epigraphic scheme probably owes more to the genre than to personal devotion. 58 Jouveau Dubreail , The Pallavas 354; Ali History of the Western Gangas, 40 43 . 59 60 Fleet ( Dynasties of the Kanarese Districts , 41) has discussed the different spelling of the dynastic name that dynasty. He suggests that the different spelling for each the strengthening of the name in order to give the meaning of the dynasty descended will follow his lead and differentiate the kingdoms based on the spelling difference. 61 s s ) were a nother n 631 CE when he authorized his brother and kingdom in Telegu country . of the kingdom were more active and enjoyed a greater degr ee of autonomy. After the reestablishment of the Western branch of the family, s. Sastri, History of South India , 136; 164 165.


89 ic norms through and connection with the erial thrust casting the ukya inscription that was dated to 692 62 This inscription begins with an invocation of Vi ( ) . Immediately after the invocatory verse, the epigraphy relates the credentials of the Ca ukya line hailing their The second reference is somewhat vague and has l ed to some speculation . Fleet suggests that the term is actually a hold over from their royal predecessors the Kadambas in whose inscriptions the rulers 63 In the Ca was later genealogy. While this etymology could be correct , the phrase could also refer to two different in mythical literature, particularly the mitra or Yadu. 64 I believe given the time period that in the case of the intended to den ote mitra but over time became 65 I suggest the connection mitra because it is the perfect corollary/contrast with the Pallava genealogical type. The their rivals the Pallavas. The Pallavas 62 B. L. Rice Mysore Inscrip tions (Bangalore: Mysore Government Press, 1879), 240 242 no. 134. 63 Fleet, Dynasties of the Kanarese Districts , 5. 64 Monier Monier Williams, Sanskrit Dictionary (New Delhi: Educa Books, 2005), 1292. 65 n be seen in an inscription from the reign of K the final EI [ Epigraphia Indica ] Volume 3 (Calcu tta: Government Press, 1894 ) ; no. 3.1.


90 man constructing themselves as kingly br , and as the perfect opposite of their sworn enemies. 66 The inscription goes on to through the performance of the Vedic dha sacrifice, many details of subsequent military . However within these details we see some of the elements of the emerge. The precarious nature of kingship is ac countries, considering that the glory of their life and wealth will rapidly decay, place no regard upon them; but knowing that the earth will endure as long as the sun and the moon, protect this 67 brief allusion to the role of the fierce goddesses in the establishment of the kingdom that w ill later be developed in origin narratives in Southern Karnataka. Further evidence of the role of Tartakov and Deh ejia state that t he earliest s urviving plastic i mages to be identified [in South India] are found among the Calukya m onuments of Aihole 68 This would place the installation of these s tone images around the time of the founding of the empire. 66 Imagining India , 249), but the 67 Rice, Mysore Inscriptions will last eternally like the sun and the moon. 68 Gary Michael Tartakov and Vidya Dehejia in Sh of the Calukyas and the Pallavas Artibus Asiae 5, no. 4 (1984); 287 345 , 314.


91 Tartakov and Dehejia are quick to point out however that this does not mean that the Pallavas simply borrowed the image, but that it simply had not been committed to stone in the Tamil country unti l about 100 years later. 69 The prominence of the imagery of the martial goddess shows her importance to these early dynasties, especially in their early years. 70 An exemplary inscription come s from 1019 CE 1042 CE). The inscription, which commemorates 71 The inscription begins with an by genealogical details of the sun, moon, and stars CE. 72 I t also transitions from an identification with to a family designation as members of 69 Sharing, Intrusion, and Influence M of the Ecole française d'Extrême Orient have catalogued over 250 such images (personal correspondence). These images are often found at crossro ads and village boundaries demonstrating their role as local protector deities. 70 Mysore Inscriptions , 146 48, no. 71). The 1035 CE inscription kula . 71 According to Sastri ( History of South India , 187) and Fleet ( Dynasties of the Kanarese Distri cts , 39 43) Tailapa however, Fleet connects Kundamarasa with the Kadamba family. 72 History of South India , 163 and EI 5.3).


92 kula (the family of the abode of truth), which Fleet suggests is a reference to the earlier Ca kingdom. 73 Like the earlier Ca , 74 The eulogy continues with ( vassal of the that later adopted the dynastic name (those who [rule] the entire earth). There are no further explanations, leaving both sons of as the destroyer of the kali yuga and the ion of the inscription relating a gift by the text simply provides d etails of the donation; however, it is necessary to point out the description king alliance as part of the rhetoric of the vassal court and, in this case, the passed over king. It also seems that the fierce goddess ara of the kingdom from 1045 1046 CE. 75 73 Fleet. Dynasties of the Kanarese Districts, 23 24. 74 Fleet, Dynasties of the Kanarese Districts, 24. 75 Fleet, Dynasties of the Kanarese Districts


93 While this record shows no sign of the immigrant brother outsider king motif, the narrative might have originated during this time as the rhetoric of the was being formed. 76 a The as seemingly sprang from nowhere when king Dantidurga emerged on the in 752. 77 The lack of historical records has led to much historical handwringing reg arding the a identity, but the inscription record does demonstrate their entry into the discursive field of kingly rhetoric in Karnataka. In 808, the first re a rhetoric was in an 78 The first explicit con ascetics in fulfillment of a vow undertaken for victory. 79 The inscription opens with a V ogenitor of the 76 Though a two aphic records; however, it was in EI 16.1). 77 Sastri, History of South India, 141 ff. 78 Sastri, History of South India, 144, Reu p. 11. 79 EI 6.4. K. V. Ramesh a th e Gujarat i origins . K. V. Ramesh, The Rashtrakutas of Malkhed ed. B. R. Gopal (Bangalo re: Mythic Society, 1994), 32 38 .


94 80 ava lineage remained constant and by the time of III in the mid 10 th 81 as and th e Ca ukyas engaged in a great deal of 82 In inscriptions both the Ca as referred to their kings as husbands of goddesses orts of Vi u metaphorically likening the king to the deity, who is wedded to Wealth and the Earth. 83 a rise in 752 and the reestablishment of ukyas in 973 both claimed to have taken the position of paramount overlord from their rivals. 84 a lineage, commemorated his victory over the Ca Goddess slaying the buffalo demon, mirroring the installation of the oldest images of Mahi Ca 85 In addition to creating their 80 originally rom the Surya . Bisheshwar Nath Reu, History of the Rashtrakutas (Jodhpur: The Archaeological Department, 1933) 11 . 81 REC [ Revised Epigraphia Carnatica ] Volume 3 (Mysore: Institute of Kannada Studies University of Mysore, 1974 ) , III.Nj 278. See also EI 3.40 and Indian Antiquary 1 (1872); 205 211. 82 See Inden, Imagining India, 24 5 ff for titles and Richard H . Davis , Lives of Indian Images (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1999) , 34 42 for iconography. 83 Inden Imagining India , 234. Inden, however, downplays the role of direct succession arguing that the Imagining India, 241). While this is true, the overture to direct succession, real or imagined, was certainly paramount as evidenced by the plate inscriptions. 84 Inden, Imagining India , 246. 85 Inden, Imagining India , 249. Another image from this cave is an image of Bhairava slayin g a demon as an theme of installing images of the


95 rak a kings symbolically portrayed their position over other rulers by subordinating the captured deities and door guardians of their defeated rivals within the iconographic framework of their temples a and Vijayanagara interstate politics. 86 Of all the dynasties discussed thus far, t a dynasty seems to have been the most as invoked a ukyas of raku as had been the destroyers of the Ca 87 They also mimicked the importance of obtaining dominion over the Ga predec 88 a rulers took the royal genealogy and eulogy to new heights reaching its pinnacle in aesthetic beauty and length in a from 1018 that 89 This inscription is a buffalo slayer was popular throughout India by this time and can even be seen narratives in th century epigraphic record states that king Meru Varman 395). In the said to have shifted their kingdom to the current capital after the victory and buffalo sacrifice to the goddess eyars of Mysore including literature starting in the 17 th century, though they preferred the Solar Ik w ith the intervention of came the transition from powerful siddhas 86 In the case there is no mention of the two brother motif or the intervention of the Goddess That is u nless you include the 16 th century tex t king the son of (Reu, History of the Rashtrakutas , 12 13). F or me, this later alteration proves the shift from early imperial genealogy to late medieval origin story. 87 Davis, Lives of Indian Images , 34. 88 Davis, Lives of Indian Images , 37 ff. 89 SII 3.205.


96 a dynasty, but it is exce ptional in the sustained ing of serpents, ha, [and thinking] it [to be] another woman, looks askance, excited and jealous, at her husband, who with a heart desirous of [her] embrace, prays bowing at her feet, grant you uninterrupted prosperity. 90 The invocation is followed by a of the text, which indicates the Ik a inscriptions the genealogy begins with the Sun ruling over the three worlds followed by his son Ik verses (v. 5 ic kings of the line up to the kali yuga including th e eponymous earth. In verse 41, the va i picks up with the pseudo historical kings down to the founder The next three verses (v. 44 46) dep ict the first locally rooted origin story of the king, the capital, and the goddess. The first verse praises the king in rather typical manner; however, the aka (the abod the king. Verse 46 completes the incipient paradigm. It states that the after seizing the city, the bha), whose garland was the 90 SII 3.205, 415.


97 earth. 91 This verse introduced an important element to the foundation milieu that bears direct relevance to the political culture of the later Vijayanagara and Wo eyar dynasties for which the Goddess of the m was so important to their performance of divine kingship . This seems to corroborate the significance of ferocious goddesses for the aspiring chieftain. Of as is their goddess is already connected to the ic lore of the slaying of the mighty asura , which might suggest that the as even from the start had well ic modes of polity and had appropriated the goddess into that vision icized b y the time of . 2.3.5. Ga u The Ga ga dynasty (ca. 4 th CE 1126 CE u ruled the Mysore region for longer than any dynasty prior to the Wo eyars. During the last two centuries of the dynasty, while they ruled as vassal produced several genealogies that included origin myths that related the sacred foundations of their lineage. 92 These Ga ga inscriptions became the paradigmatic origin stories of kings of Southern Karnataka thereafte r. T hough some of the names and circumstances vary from inscription to inscription, they ground as the heir of the Ik m a from 1122 CE, the attainment of an heir through a boon granted by the goddess Ga . 93 Despite the inscription 91 State and Society in Pre modern South India ed. R. Champakalakshmy , Kesavan Veluthat, and T.R. Venugopalan. (Thrissu, Kerala: Cosmobooks, 2002) . The remaining portions of th e text detail the remaining nd the details of the donation. 92 History of the Western Gangas . 93 EC VII.Sh 4.


98 being Jain or at least beginning with an inv ocation to the Jinas the rhetoric in the genealogy ic characters. The story relates how the queen longed for a child; so she went to the Ga in order to obtain a boon from the goddess, and lo and behold, nine months after bathing she gave birth to a son, whom she named Ga Thereafter, their lineage was known as the Ga gas. In this particular account, the Ga ga line is s aid to have come out of the I k . 94 This myth places the founders of the Ga ga dynasty in relation to Vi u in the a narrative. The tale also connects the lineage to the goddess tradition through practical ritual enactment for immediate needs, a theme that will repeat later in the inscription . The Ga ga rulers were products of the biological material of the great kings of the epics and thereby worthy of rule , yet they acknowledge the role of the goddess in preparing the way by which their rule could become a reality. After this narrative, the genealogy continues relating sever al interesting tales that include Indra blessing the lineage and exhorting them to continue in the Jaina path and an explanation of the Ka i ga Ga gas as a parallel branch of the family . Eventually, the narrative arrives at the In order to obtain children, h e propi i ) as he had mastered the mantra s that brought her under control. As a result, he obtained and Lak ma a. After they had come of age, an evil Ujjaini king named M ah attacked the 94 I em line of ( ; Ali History of the Western Gangas, 3), but this seems to be the exception.


99 Ga , along with their sister Allabe and forty as, to the South . On their journey , they came to the beautiful city of Si ha n andi, a J ain ascetic. Immediately the brothers recognized his righteousness and made him their guru. Si hanandi taught them the arts of esoteric Jain tantra appeared before them . 95 The goddess wa s pleased with their devotion; so she gave them a magical sword that could cut through any object and granted them the whole area as their kingdom . slicing it in twain with the magical weapon. Upon seeing this feat, Si ha n andi joined forces with the brothers giving them the C itadel of the P eacock and coronated them with crowns of kar ikara flower blossoms as the kings of the region , the boundaries of which were recorded in the inscription at this point . Ho wever, as a sign of their allegiance they were sworn to uphold the Jaina path, take only Jain wives, avoid liquor and meat, give to the needy, and be heroic in battle. This narrative establishes the Ga u within a distinctly Jaina tradit ion and relates the importance of a local goddess, who is the power ( ) that invigorates their military prowess; however, they are still operating within the same field of polity that is derived ic materials. The narrative demonstrates the sh ift to the local situated context of South India that wa s becoming prevalent during the 11 th to 13 th centuries in the production of sth a s in which local places of sacred significance we re growing in regional importance discussed above, but it also goes one step further showing how the site itself was simultaneously 95 The earliest reference with a siddha is probably rooted in early post Esoteric Buddhism ). The role of a siddha or in origin narratives can be seen throughout Indian history from gives the king a double siddha

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100 invigorated and given by a powerful goddess . 96 The growing importance of locality that is u ) ability to re map the cosmos, and the role of the loca l goddess ( ) became much more important. Whereas in the previous origin stories the ( ) originally obtained by Vi u at the churning of the ocean of milk, was something that was won, in this narrative the goddess grants the victory of the king by bestowing military prowess. The king is enabled and empowered both because of the place and because of the goddess who occupied the realm. 97 This is also the first dynasty discussed in which we see the concept of the worthy outsider motif introduced. In this origin story, the brothers Da ic line, but they are associated with the hero of the a and his brother Lak ma a through their names and their birthplace migration coupled with the appearance and boon of the goddess explains how the nouveau riche city had risen from obscurity to power validating the lineage and the capital amongst their vieux riche imperial predecess ors. Indeed the origin story of the Ga gas appears at the very moment when the old guard of the Kanna d a raku as and of this power vacuum, the story of the worthy outsider empowered by their devotion to the goddess who was situated in their capital fulfilled the necessary courtly requirements and altered the paradigm in the region. 96 There are many interesting connections between the tantric the pr th century explains that 97 This emphasis on locality, despite vassalage, demonstrates the lack of any true imperial center in medieval South India . It is als o interesting to consider the effect of locality on the rise of regional languages as court languages discussed by Pollock. Pollock, Language of the Gods .

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101 2.3.6 Hoysa T he earlies t epigraphic evidence of the establishment of the Hoysa a kingdom comes from the early 11 th century CE from the rule of N rasamudra. N rule began around 1006 CE, was closely associated with the Ga u and even assumed their traditional title i . Later by the 12 th century, the Ga ga and Hoysa a alliance was solidified as the older and waning dynasty s uccessfully petitioned the Hoysa as. The Hoysa as, which had also been as in 1114 CE at u. After this victory, the Hoysa as ruled over all of Southern Karnataka down to and including the former realm of the Ga gas of u. Even after the eventual insignificance of the Ga ga rulers within South Indian politics, the Hoysa a rulers continued to refer to their Southern realm as Ga i gas . Therefore, the remarkable similarities between the foundational myths of the Ga gas and the Hoysa as should come as no surprise. The Hoysa as seemed to have fashioned themselves based on the rhetoric of the Ga gas and perhaps even in conjunction with them. In a lmost every, Hoysa a inscription that co ntains even the smallest genealogy there is a a slays a tiger after a Hoy, Sa a All of these geneal ic framework as descendants of the Lunar such as the 12 th century genealogy from Bastiha i that lists the Hoysa a kings down to Vi uvardhana used for the retelling below, a fuller account of the Sa a origin story is given. 98 98 REC IX.Bl 389. Inscriptions giving a fuller account are also numerous. See. REC VIII.HN 119; VIII.H n 144; VIII.Hn 158; IX.Bl 300; IX.Bl 321 just to name a few.

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102 The story states that Sa a, a well known k atriya , had wandered upon a city called 99 There he joined with a Jaina ascetic, who was engaged in worship and recitation of mantras aimed at bringing Sa 100 However, just before their practice was perfected a tiger attacked in order to stop the ritual. Perceiving the thr eat, the ascetic handed Sa Hoy , Sa Sa a, then, killed the tiger with the handle of the whisk. After this, the goddess appeared and granted the king his kingdom. The story concludes that the season was vasanta (spring); so the yak i 101 This short narrative builds off of the Ga ga paradigm including the worthy outsider motif and goddess oriented devotional alliance elaborating on several features, especially those that are critical for our associated with the place. In the Kanna d a text, the goddess is called godde ss of that specific place. This allusion to the goddess as the village deity is strengthened in the last portion when she is referred to as a yak i . Yak i is a term that is usually used in reference to a category of female divine beings that attend to the yak i of goddess as she relates to nature. Often yak i s the spring season . Most commonly yak is are connected with trees and stones including those 99 ) chasing a ferocious tiger, which ( EC 1.Bl. 171). The trope of the miraculous hare was relatively India n Antiquary 28 (1899); 129. 100 Other inscriptions add that the Jain ascetic was named Sudatta ( EC VI.Cm. 20). 101 It is also interesting to note that in inscriptions that begin with a Jaina invocation the goddess is typically called

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103 that form the boundaries of villages. While no direct connection can be drawn here, it is possible that this small association with nature along with the reference to her situated i dentity point to the goddess as the local village deity ( ). While the story is obviously quite similar to the Ga ga narrative, the centrality of the novel eponymous account of the slaying of the tiger reflects how the Hoysa as fashioned themsel as. From the 12 th century CE, the Hoysa a dynasty was a dynasty had waxed and ukyas at Vengi. Like yas, Pallavas, and Ga as had adopted an animal as the emblem of their house. a emblem was the lion/tiger. The refore, the imagery of the Hoysa a origin story can be taken as a metaphoric representation of their (de sired/perceived) dominance over the It never intended to simply relate t he historical events surrounding the establishment of the Hoysa a throne, but it serve d to vividly portray their preeminence in the region over their lion like rival s, whom the Hoysa a s u in the 1114 CE . The similarities in the Hoysa a origin story and the later Wo eyar account are so striking that it has been commonly asserted that the Wo eyars were the continuance of the Hoysa a line. The most recent and convincing articulation of this thesis has been argued by A. Satyanarayana in his study of the early Wo eyar kings. 102 His assessment is largely based on his reading of the origin stories of the Wo eyars; however, instead of examining the tropes contained therein as rhetoric of South Indian kingship, he focuses on the geography mentioned within the tales. Particularly, he highlights a small phrase in the extremely important Gajjiganaha i Copper plate 102 A. Satyanarayana, History of the Wodeyars of Mysore 1610 1748 , (Mysore: Directorate of Archaeology and Museums, 1996) , 6 8.

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104 Inscription of 1639. 103 This inscription, which will be discussed at some length in C hapter 3 , was ka a II to the Wo eyar ruler Kan of the Wo eyar king, his line is referre Kar 104 fair share of discussions and has led many Mysore historians down man y rabbit holes in order to link the Wo meaning of the simple Sanskrit word puna in this context. For him, the Wo eyar s must have previously ruled the region argument by drawing upon two more interesting elements of the Mysore origin story their e, which was the most important temple during the Hoysa a Vai ava period. Dismissing the Wo eyars adopted the genealogy because their Hoysa as ancestors had also claimed that line of descent. He goes on to suggest, however, that the key to the Wo e. He shows that there is some evidence that after the fall of u) the ousted Hoysa a kings mo ved to To e. 105 Though several of the details are askew, Satyanarayana makes a seemingly convincing argument that the Gajjiganaha i Copperplate is proof that the Wo eyars and adopted 103 REC III.Nj 212. 104 REC III.Nj 212 lines 29 31. 105 Satyanarayana, History of the Wodeyars, 7 8. An interesting note that Satyanarayana does not mention is that the tradition

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105 106 Melukote for about 70 years by that time, there is no wonder that these chieftains patronized God Narayana which was in fact originally installed by their predecessor Vishnuvardhana at 107 However, his argument is only convincing when read within a narrow vacuum in which the pervasiveness of these rhetorical tropes of medieval South Indian kingsh ip is ignored. As I will show through a more thorough and contex tualized argument in Chapters 3 6 , these details within Wo eyar genealogies were functional and mimetic narratives that were manipulated when necessary for the construction of Wo eyar identity related to the medieval state apparatus in which they sought to participate. For now suffice it avism, should not be viewed as proof of any biological relation between the Wo ey ars and Hoysa as, but that the two dynasties were linked through their shared participation in the political and devotional framework of South Indian kingship. 2.3.7 Vijayanagara The Vijayanagara Empire, which sprung up during the second quarter of the 14 t h century verbatim the Hoysa 108 Their genealogical details are so similar that they have led to speculation that the Vijayanagara kings 106 rya 107 Satyanarayana, History of the Wodeyars, 8. 108 REC III. Nj 248/ MAR ( 1930 ), no. 38 .

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106 were an offshoot of the Hoysa as. 109 However, a stronger case made by S. Srikanthaya suggests that the Saluva founders of Vijayanagara were former vassals of the Hoysa as , which would also explain their incorporation of their form . 110 The origin story of the legendary founders Harihara and Bukka is told in the aya attributed to sage ya . 111 The tale is sai d to have been re ya a. The Vijayanagara preceptor related that his teacher called kara feeling the power of the region sought to establish the city of Vijayanagara in the Pa (Land of Pa and established an ga mountain. ya joined the saint as his pupil. Later at that very site, Hariha gal and were from the Kuru (Lunar) va , were out hunting happened upon the sage ha ya), who initiated . Fernão Nuniz, a Portuguese traveler and trader who visited the Vijayanagara court of 1542) between the years 1535 37 CE, related the st ory in more detail. 112 According to his chronicle, while the king was out hunting he came to the Tu gabhadra chase the dogs. The king immediately realized the power o f the place and went to the river where ya. The sage then informed the king of the power of the place and that if he would establish a kingdom on that spot it would become the most powerful city in the world. 109 Diwakar, Kar nataka Through the Ages . 110 S. Srikanthaya, Founders of Vijayanagara (Bangalore: Mythic Society, 1938), 37 38. 111 .Srikanthaya, Founders of Vijayanagara , 36 ff. This sage is said to be none other than the great preceptor and ngeri . 112 Fernao Nuniz , (ca. 1537) Chronicle of Fernao Nuniz (Chennai: Asian Educational Services, 2003) , 299 300.

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107 In both tales we see s everal of the motifs of previous origins stories: the outsider brothers, the miraculous event, and the alliance with the preceptor; however, the reference to the local goddess is at first glance absent. If we look closer, the narrative in both accounts ref lects the same concepts of situated power that is associated with local goddesses through its allusions to the region as Pa pak or the Land of Pa pa. Pa pa or Pa primary cult of the region until the twelfth century CE it is from her name that the modern name of the town Ha pi is derived. 113 gabhadrawas her abode, which she invigorated with her ; however, between the 12 th century and the foundation of the Vijayanagara Empire in the 14 th a, after which she received less attention in epigraphic records. It i s clear, however, that this goddess continued to play a similar role as the other local goddess traditions for the Vijayanagara ava, she remained important as 1406 Pa 114 This, to me, suggests that the kings at least to a certain degree acknowledged the k ). As we have seen, courtly genealogies have eme rged out of conversation and conflict amongst South Indian empires. The motifs and tropes that existed were part of an ongoing fashioning of the very concept of kingship in which lineages and rulers were situated into broader concerns of significant time a nd space. It is against this backdrop that I now turn our 113 Anila Verghese World Archaeology 36, no. 3 (Sep. 2004); 416 431; Anila Verghese, A rcheol ogy, Art and Religion: New Perspectives on Vijayanagara (New Delhi: Oxford University Press, 2000) ; and n Vijayanagara: Progress of Research 1988 1991 , ed. D. V. Devaraj and C. S. Patil (Mysore: Directorate of Archaeology and Museums, 1996), 141 74. 114 Richard M. Eaton , A Social History of the Deccan, 1300 1761: Eight Indian Lives, Volume 1 (Cambridge: Cambri dge University Press, 2005) , 82 3 .

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108 atten tion to the genealogical material of the Wo eyars in order to delve deeper into the nuance and novelty of the lineage and foundational myth. 2.4 The Wo eyar S tory The origin story of the Wo eyars that I will relate at this point is my own rendition of the tale that primarily comes from popular accounts as they are often told to me by Mysoreans and are contained in tourist literature and histories of the dynasty written for popular c onsumption. I claim it as my own rendition because this version does not mat ch any single retelling but is an accumulation of the tales from those popular accounts that has certainly been altered in my understanding based on my reading of the same story in epigraphic accounts, courtly histories ( ca. 1734 , ca. 1800 , Annals of the Mysore Royal Family ca. 1860s , etc.), and colonial and contemporary scholarship. For the most part, these various accounts hold the same overall structure varying mostly in seemingly minor details and elaborations that on first glance could be dismissed as narrative or aesthetic enhancement . Yet I argue throughout this dissertation tha t the major work of king fashioning can be seen by looking a t these changes . At this poin t, however, a holistic view of the narrative is necessary and is intended to orient the reader to the major themes of the tale that will be examined/deconstructed more thoroughly in C hapters 3 6 ; however it must be noted that the narrative in its fu llest forms occur in examples from nineteenth century literary accounts commissioned by the royal family, which will play an important function in their maintenance of the dynasty during the British period. According to tradition, in 1399 CE the kingdom o f Ha u (or Ha ada a) was in a state of turmoil. 115 The chieftain of the township and o eyar of the Vijayanagara Empire 115 Mysore: A Gazetteer Compiled for Government Volume 1 (New Delhi: Asian Educational Service [London:

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109 116 Seizing the opportunity at hand, an evil minister ugaha i, had usurped the throne from the local chieftain and planned to legitimate his rule by forcing C i) to marry him. However, two royal brothers 117 and K Gujarat 1350+ kms away) the capital of K received a vision in a dream 118 that instructed them to go S outh in search of a kingdom, which would be given to them by the Goddess. 119 Upon arriving in the Mysore region, they a temple in e. After worshipping the d river crossing over into the region of Mysore. There , w orshiped the goddess of the hill . Then they descended the hill and rested for the evening at the tank near the T 120 Ar chibald Constable and Company], 2001 [1897] ), 361; MAR [ Annual Report of the Archaeological Survey of Mysore ] (Bangalore: Archaeological Survey of India Publications, 1918 ) 1918; and C. Hayavadana Rao, History of Mysore (1399 1799 A.D.): Incorporating the L atest Epigraphical, Literary, and Historical Researches Volume 1 (Bangalore: Government Press of Bangalore, 1943) , 27. 116 had become an offici The details of his absence from the throne vary from source to source . Most suggest that he had fallen ill and died; however, Wilks suggests that the king from oral narratives that he collected while serving as the th century CE (Wilks, Historical Sketches , 40). 117 Sometimes call ed Vijaya. 118 119 The place from which the brothers set out also widely varies from source to source. There are no references to their origins in epigraphic evidence outside of the fact that the Devagiri (modern th and 14 th centuries and fell during the southward push ; or the Vijayanagara Empire just to the north in Hampi. See, Wilks, Historical Sketches , Diwa kar, Karnataka through the Ages , Sampath, Splendour of Royal Mysore , and Joyser, History of Mysore . 120 This particular detail is provided in the Annals of the Mysore Royal Family . In the text, the goddess of the hill is scuss below, it is doubtful that this was the identity of the goddes s during the fourteenth century. Volumes 1 2 . ed. B. Ramakrishna Row ( Mysore: Government Branch Press , 1916 and 1922 ) .

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110 events that had befallen the ruling family from an ascetic, who mo st texts specifically describe as a Ja gama a member of the V yat sect. 121 brother that it was their duty as k atriya s to defend the honor of this princess against the machinations of the evil minister. The brothers approached the Ja gama priest at the temple, who initiated them as Li g yats and provided them with a small army with which they could win the city. Then, the two brothers, along with their new coalition, attacked the minister and his armies. 122 Af ter him. 123 After presenting the queen with the severed head, he was offered a marriage alliance with the princess and was thereby placed on the throne as the ruler of Ha u and Kar ugaha i and accepted Wo eyar as the lineage name at the behest of the Li yat. However, they did not move their seat of power to Mysore until the tow n, which is then called Puragu o u (B ad 572 and subsequently renamed. The three major motifs discussed above are present within this story. First, there is the connection that is clearly drawn between the lineage and K lunar d ava line from the establishing the temporal signif icance of the Wo ic framework . Their relationship with the Li yat demonstrates the devotional alliance and, as will be discussed in Chapter 6 , an association with a powerful local social institution . Lastly, that alliance was accompanied by a boon of power and sovereignty from the goddess, who dwells in the locale. This narrative of the goddess ic narratives of the Great Goddess through allusion to i sever ing the heads of 121 Sometimes the news comes from a washerwoman. 122 The victory is typically described as a trick in which the brothers invite member of the wedding party, a few at a time, into their tent and then slaughter them. 123 Sampathi, Splendours of Royal Mysore , 11.

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111 Ca a and Mu a in the after they had also usurped a realm that was not theirs . 124 Thus, the narrative of the Wo eyar s the divine drama bringing the genealogical material full circle back to significan ic time . 2.5 Conclusion As we have seen, genealogical material in South Indian courtly literature and inscriptions developed through many centuries in relation to the position of the court in relation to their regional counterparts. The narratives c ontained therein functioned to orient the kingdoms and their rulers in time and eventually local space that granted significance and meaning to the state ic time through genealogies in which their ancest as. As the older guard gave way to new kingdoms in Southern Karnataka during the 11 th and 12 th centuries new localized origin stories were also inserted that re i c landscape through local institutional and devotional alliances in which the local goddess was central. These modes of royal fashioning continued during the Wo eyar period starting in the late 16 th century, but we will see that even within this rather for mulaic model subtle variations belie major shifts in à vis its neighboring states that is reflecting in their devotional patterns. 124 See Chapter 1 .

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112 CHAPTER 3 FROM GODDESS TO VAI AVISM: THE WODEYAR T RANSITION FROM LOCAL CHIEFTAIN S TO REGI ONAL KINGS 1551 1734 CE 3.1 Introduction In the early 17 th century, the Wo eyar dynasty seems to come from nowhere to claim the throne in the Mysore gapa a a . In this chapter, I will discuss the process t hrough which the Wo eyars were able to fashion themselves according to their position of power in the region by ic genealogical traditions ic devotional tra ditions discussed in Chapter 2 . As we shall see, the fierce local goddess played an integral role for the Mysore rulers during the early stages of their ascension to power in s outhern Karnataka, as she served as the source of strength for the aspiring chieftain ( u ). However, as the lineage became more promi nent through contestation of those deities that were intimately linked to more abstract notions of polity. i , though, remained important to the lineage as she was reimagined as the slayer of the buffalo demon and situated ic landscape through which the rulers tapped into her power and meaning within the ic mythological framework . In order to see the development of both Wo eyar political theory a nd devotional traditions, in this chapter I will focus on the creation, changes, and innovations of the Wo eyar genealogical materials with special attention to their invocations and origin stories. 3.2 The Pre imperial Period in Mysore Knowing that godde ss oriented origin stories had a central role in the process of royal fashioning in S outh Indian polity, it is crucial to see how they , along with other genealogical details, developed within the history of the Wo eyar dynasty. The historical emergence of the ic elements of the story provide s i

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113 hill. While earliest details of the goddess are shrouded in the mystery that accompanies a dearth of historical materials, it is clear that she was first a local goddess situated near Mysore city, who was worshipped by the Wo ic narratives that emphasized ic goddess. Most of the information that is typically used to construct the Wo eyar lineage is provided in histories of the family that have been commissioned in the nineteenth century . These histories are extended royal eulogi es that provide the glories of the past rulers, which c ulminated in the contemporaneous ruler K eyar III . Because of this bias, many of the accounts should not be taken as historical data in the typical Wes tern academic understanding, but they p rovide an account of f amily and royal lore that served to encapsulate positive memories and extol the beneficence of the line. 1 These histories often conflict with older versions of lineage, which when studied together convolute the picture of the Wo eyar ancestry and give us a glimpse into the different yet similar ends they served to create . Reading the development of the narratives through time g ive s us a fuller understanding of the contemporaneous political structure and the hierarchy between relative t o competing kingdoms during the different period s . The traditional date for the founding of the Wo eyar dynasty in Mysore is 1399 CE; however , there is no evidence to corroborate this date and it does not appear in Wo eyar courtly productions until the ei ghteenth century. 2 All information we have concerning the Wo eyar lineage suggests that they came into power after the Vijayanagara Sa gama dynasty had 1 C. Hayavadana Rao , History of Mysore (1399 1799 A.D.): Incorporating the Latest Epigraphical, Literary, and Historical Researches Volume 1 (Bangalore: Gover nment Press of Bangalore, 1943), 8 9. 2 The other variant date for the establishment of the line is from the Jain (1838 CE) of 1426 CE , but this is not been accepted nor adopted by the . . ed. B.S. Sannayya (Mysore: University of Mysore Press, 1988) .

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114 established their kingdom and their system of viceroys ( ma al ) and chieftains ( o eyar ) circa 1336 CE. 3 There is no epigraphic evidence that clearly pinpoints the earliest date of the dynasty, especially since the title o eyar wa s frequently given throughout the region to those , who ruled the sub magistrates ( ) since the Hoysa a period . Th e earliest Wo eyar king that can b e confirmed through contemporaneous epigraphic 1572), the Wo eyar ruler . 4 It is commonly related that he was given the crown and the towns Nannigaha i and Mi anaha i in order for h im to establish his family in that place when his father divided the kingdom amongst his three sons in 1551 CE . 5 However, up to this point, there is no clear association between the ruler and any origin narrative, the goddess of the hill, or the small fort around which the city of Mysore would later be built. In fact, to this point the lineage was primarily located to the south of Mysore city on the u region and probably had little connection with the hill. The direct connection of the Wo eyar line and the city of Mysore came in 1572 when the Wo eyar se at of pow er was moved to Mysore . 1576 CE) had received the town , which had formerly been called Puragurr , from his father at the same time he gave Nannigaha i and Mi anaha i to Many Wo eyar genealogies tell an 3 Power was probably not fully consolidated until 1346 CE in which Harihara commissioned an inscription in his newly established kingdom. 4 His father is said to have been 1553 CE) . Through this chapter I will employ Roman hiriya but it ), etc. However, it can become quite difficult deciphering amongst the many origi kings. 5 EC III.My 60. down in the i (ca . 1830), which also states that marriage alliances between the two . Rao, The History of Mysore Volume 1 , 29

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115 ad . 6 In the narrative, the king, i hill to worship the goddess. After worshipping the goddess, the king was struck by lightning, which left him bald ( u 7 After these events, the king established his kingdom in Mysore and expanded its territories through military conquest. I believe it likely that this is the original origin story of the Wo eyar line that explains their establishment in Mysore. It has all the elements of the paradigmatic origin story found in the genealogical materials. However, the king and his narrative were short lived because they we re eclipsed and made irrelevant after eyar conquered the Vijayanagara viceroy in 1610 and subsequent ly relocated the Wo gapa a a, where it remained until 1799 . 8 eyar IV is extolled in the later tradition as a courageous and fearsome warrior king. u initiated attacks i. 9 ka a to defeat the unruly o eyar ka a armies and took their banners, vehicles, and war instruments as their prizes. 6 This story occurs in almost every history of the lineage dating as far back as the tre ca. 1678. Rao, History of Mysore Volume 1 , 40 fn. 62. 7 REC V.My 26. 8 two kings that are said to have not died but united with a deity. Accor ding to the i , , ed. B. Ramakrishna Row (Mysore: Government Bra nch Press, 1916 ) , IV.7 9 Chapter 23; , (Mysore: G.T.A Press, 1916) , Chapter 17 Chapter 1; EC III.Sr 14; EC III.My. 115; and Rao, History of Mysore Volume 1 , 41 fn. 73.

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116 ordered his men t o take the noses of their enemies as spoil. 10 This became a tradition of the Wo eyar family for many generations and was often commented upon by neighboring rulers when discussing the cruelty of the Mysore army. 11 not challenging the Vijayanagar a kingdom f or the position of overlordship, and t he Wo eyar complicated process of reinventing the royal line as descendants of the Yadu or Ik ic cosmic cartography had yet to begin. eyar was still very narrow in his aspirations and conception of polity. Despite his martial abilities and the resultant victory over the armies of the Vijayanagara viceroy, the chieftain was contented with aiya in which he received only one small village and o eyar of thirty three villages and allowed to keep a standing army of three hundred men. 12 This position, 10 Rao, History of Mysore Volume 1 , 41. 11 See aper presented at Second Annual Conference of the Archive India Institute: Violence and Indian History (Nov. 2013) for more . Given the role of fierce local goddesses, there is little doubt that the goddess, whose shrine was located just outside of the city , was propitiated for strength in battle. The practice of cutting off the noses of their enemies might have been part of the ritual offering to the goddess for her blessing of victory. Mark Wilks, Historical Sketches of the South of India in an Attempt to Trace the History of Mysoor from the Hindoo Government of that State to the Extinction of the Mohammedan Dynasty in 1799 Volumes 1 (Mysore: Government Branch Press, 1930) . This same feat is described in the important role. In the , the practice of cutting off noses is associated with cremation grounds and heroism. These hyperbolic representations of fierce goddesses were not simply tales of different spiritual or devotional paths, but they were also court dramas that highlighted tensions between practices associated with the seen above, local, fierce, and situated goddesses were often intimately linked with the rise of local chieftains to a that small local rulers associated their power w ith these local goddesses from whom they acquire martial gifts. It would be these local rulers, who would rise and contest the dominant imperial power for the position of overlordship, because of which they had to be kept in check. These stories play on th of the local kingdom rising up to challenge their position of suzerainty, which can clearly be seen in the narrative as the goddess devotees attempt to use their power against the rulers of the realm. There is a clear associ ation between kavis were insinuating. He establishes a loca l kingdom with the help of a fierce local goddess and proceeds to conquer the imperial army even taking their noses presumably as a flesh offering to the deity. 12 Rao, History of Mysore Volume 1 , 41 and MAR (1924), no. 6.

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117 though small and regionally insignificant, was all to which the ruler see ms to have aspired. But after him ambitions grew as ic forms of polity. 3.3 Changing the Game: The Establishment of Mysore as a Regional Power After the Wo ic polity, their desire to become more powerful players in the game of thrones became evident and within thirty four years they had elevated themselves to regional significance through successful military campaigns. Once in a position of regional dominance, the court of the Wo e yar kings set about the task of refashioning the lineage to meet the dictates of the medieval South Indian court. First and foremost within the local goddess tra ic expectations of the medieval court. eyar (r. 1578 1617) eyar (r. 1578 1617 CE) . 13 He is eulogized as a great martial king, who lived t goddess , and the subduer of 14 Moreover, he was the Wo eyar ruler during push for regional d omination during the decline of the Vijayanagara dynasty. Even early in his career, Wo eyar did not take the Vijayanagara overlordship as seriously as many of the other rulers in the region. During his years as regent ruler (1578 Wo eyar constantly challenged Vijayanagara authority. In 1584, the Mysore king, like u tested his neighboring chieftains and the Vijayanagara administration by 13 ruled in place or as regent of his impotent 1610 CE) from 1578 Mac k Gen . Mss. 3.8.b Mysore History: Mysor Aroosoogaloo Porvaabyoodayagalu or the Succession of the Kings of Mysore from ancient time by Nagara Pootta Pundit 1798 1799 according to Tippu s Inauguration, 201 227. 14 REC III.My 13 .

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118 annexing a village from the Narasipura chieftain . 15 In 1585, during his first visit to pay homage to the newly appointed Vijayanagara viceroy Tirumala II eyar refused to pay his annual tribute on account of failed crops. 16 The (ca. 1714) also explains that the king constructed a fort wall around Mysore city and after construction promptly evicted the Vijayanagara tax collecto rs and proceeded to attack his neighboring chieftains. 17 At this point, t he waning Vijayanagara empire was already in a state of turmoil after their capital Vijayanagara had been destroyed by a confederacy of rulers from the N orth in 1565. Additionally Tirumala II was regularly leading military ongoing war wi Weakened and over extended, the Vijayanagara Wo etite for warfare and territorial acquisition . I n a seeming act of contrition , Wo gapa a a to learn about proper political rule from his superior Tirumala II, who had returned to the provincial capital in 1596. The subsequent details are firmly established in Mysore lore, as most chroniclers of the Wo eyar kings spend an exorbitant amount of time narrating them . In most of the accounts the Vijayanagara viceroy was in cahoots with the other local rulers, who were dis offensi ve incursions into their realms. On the pretext of cementing their friendship and correcting his naïve courtly improprieties, Tirumala II invited gapa a (Dasara) festiva l. Secretly, the other chieftains and their armies were also in attendance, lying in 15 GOM L Mack. Mss. 18.15.37 Mys , I.73. 16 and Tirumala II was not appointed until 1585, it is likely only a scribal oversight. Rao, History of Mysore Volume 1 , 47. 17 GOM L Mack. Mss. 18.15.37 , 1.3 4. According to the text, between the years of 1592

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119 by their united forces. However, the attack went horribly wrong , eyar was able to defeat the coal ition and even capture Tirumala II continued to defy the viceroy, whose political power was falling apart due to the strained relationshi p that he had with ka a II, the Vijayanagara emperor , that would eve ntually led to civil war within the dynasty in 1614. gapa a a suzerainty had grown extremely weak in the midst of conflict with ka a II and insurgency from eyar. eyar sensed th e weakened state of the viceroy and attac gapa a a in the first part of 1610. With little resistance, he quickly seized the city by 8 February 1610. 18 eyar established himself on the throne and held court for the first time, which Rao suggests , f 19 I do not gapa a a marked a clearly independent phase for the Mysore court, but it certainly elevated their position in reg ional politics raising the kingdom from chieftain to regional power under the mantle of Vijayanagara viceroy ( ma al ). regional dominance , eyar its ritua l and devotional traditions to suit its new environment and status. The primary ritual innovation was the implementation of the Vijayanagara the Wo gapa a a . 20 S ince its inception , Dasara had annually m arked the beginning of the military season for the Vijayanagara dynasty. 18 in the Chapter 6 since it seems to have originated in the nineteenth century. 19 Rao, History of Mysore Volume 1 , 61. 20 , I.33 40 and Chapter 3.

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120 The festival, which is still celebrated throughout India and in Indian diaspora communities under P , is the commemoration of the king Mahi ic and epic lore . During the nine nights ( ) of the festival , diff are worshipped, culminating in the tenth day ( dasara ) in which the Goddess is said to have s lain the demonic foe of the gods. T raditionally, t he festival has been associated with the procurement of military might for kings and is simultaneously celebrated along with a in the a narrative when a propitiate d the goddess for power ( rya ) and energy ( ) to defeat the ten headed foe. Thus, Dasara i, which celebrates the vi . By the fourteenth century, around the time of the establishment of the Vijayanagara dynasty, the fest ival was widespread throughout South and E astern India and was celebrated in small aspirant kingdoms whose devotion usually focused on the cult of the fierce, martial, and blood thirsty ema ciated goddess 21 For the Vijayanagara kingdom, the festival grew from a (perhaps associated with the cult of Pa to an event of great pomp in which the Vijayanag ara emperor would arrange his court in a ma al a . This courtly configuration reflected the cosmic hierarchy of divine beings, placing the king ( ) at the center, the viceroys ( ma al ) on the next level, and finally the chieftains/sub ma gistrates ( o eyars / ) on the peripheral and lowest level. In this imperial model, t he festival was linked to the regal ic forms of the 21 Genesis and Development of Tantrism , ed. Shingo Einoo (Tokyo: Institute of Oriental Culture University of Tokyo, 2009), 112 ff and 225 232. There is a tremendous amount of overlap betwe en these fiercegoddesses, but they remain iconographically distinct at this stage. See Krishna H. Sastri , South Indian Images of Gods and Goddesses (Madras: Madras Government Press, 1916) , 196 ff.

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121 , ic framework over the volatility of the fierce and peripheral local goddesses. eyar adopted the Vijayanagara form of the festival and began the process of refashioning the Wo eyar court and their relationship with i, who resided on the hill outside of Mysore , reflecting imperi al and ic notion s of kingship. gapa a a, he instituted several new measures that clearly show his aspirations for a larger system of political and administrative power . Sometime between 1613 and 1614, the Wo eya pa, his finest horse to the frontier of his ever growing territory in a modified form of the Vedic dha horse sacrifice. He dared the o eyars who had not ceded to his control to challenge his authority by engaging his tro ops in order to capture his prized horse. In 1614, a band of chieftains, led by u, successfully captured regained his horse, laid waste to the confederacy , and annexed their kingdoms. In 1614 instituted the ministerial position of the da The da acted as the commanding general of the army and advisor to the king, aiding with the practical matters that pertained t o expanding emp ire. The king also established his own system of subordinate rulers to whom he gave traditional title s especially a and assigned smaller administrative units ( ga i ) . He also instituted numerous other administrative positions including treasurer ( kar c i ), tax collectors ( kara ika ), sheriffs ( ) , and police ( ). By the middle of 1617, the Wo eyar kingdom was the most powerful in the region as its most powerful ruler ( ma ire ) , and he was ruling by the proper dictates of kingly dharma ( ). 22 22 Rao, History of Mysore Volume 1 , 66 68.

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122 Mark gapa a eyar was the first ruler of Mysore to adopt Vai avism. 23 assertion about the shift in Wo eyar is certainly accurate. In an a Lak ta of Mysore ga pa a a. 24 From epigraphic a temples throughout the region. According to the i eyar adopted Lak (Lak was also said to be a fervent devotee of the e. In 1614 CE, the king made an offering of a jeweled lotus seat ( ha ) and a jeweled crown ( mu i ) mu i after himself, to the same deity. 25 The later tradition holds that his devotion was so great that he even had images of himself ( bhakta vigraha ) made so that he could be in constant devotion to the gapa a a. 26 I n the later tradition , eyar was viewed as a manifestation of Vi u on earth, which is not surprising given his quick rise to prominence and his elevation of the Wo eyar line . 27 This Vai ava shift shows that during eyar his court remad e it self conforming to the paradigms 23 Wilks , Historic al Sketches of the South of India , 52 54. 24 EC III.Sr 198. 25 REC V.M y. 93 and Rao, History of Mysore Volume 1 , 70. There is no epigraphic evidence of this gift, which may ar III. R EC V.My 94. 26 MAR (1913), 21 and 58; and making and devotional images of the Archaeology of Bhakti Volume II ed. Emmanuel Francis and Charlotte Schmid (Pondicherry: Institute Fr ancais de Pondichery, forthcoming ). 27 This suspicion becomes even more likely if you consider the strange circumstance of his departure from life related in the , the , and the in w hich he never died; instead on 20 June 1617, the king entered into the inner sanctum ( ) of the It should also be noted that the first account that remains of this stor y is from the , which was composed during the reign 1704).

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123 of courtly devotion standard for its position, just as they will refashion the Wo eyar rulers in the mold of the ic genealogies. 28 i ava devotion remains somewhat unclear, his court was explicitly concer . It is during his rule that the earliest account of any genealogical details of the Wo eyar family are given in an inscription from 1598 . In this inscription, the Wo eyar house of Mysore is connected with the ya g tra from the from the . 29 T he system is ic classification that shows descent from the i s that is primarily used for determining m arriage compatability. Many courts of South India employed distinctions in order to situate their rulers within a traditional and acceptable ic lineage. The inclusion of these genealogical details shows that the court of eyar was attem pting to establish his authority by demonstrating in place within the ic framework of the South Indian courtly world , though a full genealogy was yet to come . eyar V (r. 1617 1637) The regional status of the Wo eyar cour t continued during the eyar V (r. 1617 1637) , who pushed the kingdom to the precipice of true independence. 30 several military campaigns and was given num ber of imperial titl ) and the ). 31 However, during two different 28 The , I.12. 29 EC III.Sr 198. ... 30 History of Mysore Volume 1 . For the sake of clarity amongst other historical sources I will follow this same convention. 31 EC 2.Sb 84 and EC 2.Sb 140.

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124 periods the territory regressed, and the king was forced to acknowledge the suzerainty of Vijayanagara. 32 Other than these two brief periods of submission, V presented itself as an independent empire that continued many of the administrative measures eyar. During his reign, patronage to festivals , temples a s; s more interested in the commission and creation of Ka nna d a epic ic literature . The emphasis on Kanna d a iga imperial pr edecessors, who commissioned such works going as far back as the rak in the first half of the tenth century CE. Like their ic literature invoked parallels between the Mysore court and ic framework into which they were attempting to fashion themselves: a framework that privileged Vai . Though the newly developing discursive tradition in Mysore certainly privileged ide alized Vai ritual and devotional lives of the king that shows the importance of goddess traditions. In the eyar of whom we have a record of his devotion to i, who resides on the hill outside of Mysore ( ). 33 i is unclear in this Howeve r, we can surmise that he was a 32 The first was during t as the regent (1617 1620). The second came at the en a II (r. 1635 1642) was crowned as the Vijayanagara e Vijayanagara ruler as his overlord ( ). Rao, History of Mysore Volume 1 , 94. 33 . (Bangalore: Rudrappa and Sons, 1894). the was as the families tutelary deity

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125 particularly staunch devotee as in an inscription from his successor Ka protected by mahi , the goddess who killed the buffalo demon . 34 While this might no t refer to the same goddess as the , it is likely that it is and that the association between the goddess on the hill and ic myth of the goddess slaying the buffalo demon icization of Ka Nar . Additionally, in the Ka N from Ka i of the hill is said to be the Wo eyar tutelary deity. 35 From this we can surmise that during as the Wo eyars transitioned from regional dominance to independent sovereign contesting for overlordship the ic narrative of the g oddess slaying the buffalo demon had become important to the Mysore royal family , ome deity even as their courtly devotional ic . However, the goddess on the hill in the was called only i who is definitely more closely associated with the cult of the fierce local goddesses during the me dieval period . i devotion to the narrative of the buffalo demon effectively mirrors the Wo ic courtly framework to the upholders of the tradition. 3.4 The Solid State: Imperial Mysore 16 45 1704 As the Wo eyars continued to bolster their power and expand their territory through their military engagement, their political position required a greater engagement with the broader field ic courtly representation. Therefore, during the pe riod of their greatest autonomy and strength the Mysore court employed many more ministers and poets, who sought to fashion their 34 REC V.Nj 298. 35 . ed. R. Sharma Sastry (Mysore: Un iversity of Mysore Press, 1971), I.10.

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126 ic criteria. Therefore, the poets of the Mysore court set themselves about the b ic genealogy for the Wo eyar rulers. Over time the Wo eyar narrative grew from the humble reference to the to descent from the Lunar line of Yadu and K s to the goddess declined as worship of her as a local fierce deity increasingly became outmoded. 3.4.1 Ra 1659 CE) 36 The next king, who would have great influence over the Wo eyar kingdom, was Ra (r. 163 8 1659 CE) . The early life of Ka , like the stories of the early Wo eyar rulers, is shrouded in legend. He is said to have been an able i (Trichinopoly) . According to the story , the prince , after defeating his enemy, even displayed his gracious humility by secretly leaving the city without receiving the acclaim won by the feat. The legacy of his adroitnes s in arms and the power of his special sword, named Vijaya Na rasi ha, is appended to this narrative in the nineteenth century i in a story that closely resembles the origin story of the Ga u . 37 As he returned to My sore not long before he was to be crowned as the head of the Wo eyar dynasty, he came across a stone pillar. Upon seeing the pillar, Ka sliced it in half with his sword of victory, which was not even dulled in the process. Rao suggests t nts on 36 tadbhava of th e Sanskrit Naras is name 37 , I. 66 67 ; The (ca. 1800) claims that this sword was given to the COM Mack. Mss. 62.B.336.P .

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127 the eve of his ascension. 38 I believe this narrative , like the Ga ga story, is a metaphoric image that pertained to the eradic and alluded t o the success of the Mysore kingdom under the rule of Ka established as an independent empire through both military conquest and imperial policies, such as issuing coins. Not long after Ka ascension to the throne, the kingdom of Mysore was attacked by the Bija pur forces under the command of Ra Ka refused to pay tribute. The war would be one of the shortest in Mysore history it lasted onl y four days due to the harsh guerilla tactics of the Mysore army. The army, which was led by the king, surprised the Bijapur forces in the middle of the night on four fronts (Arakere, Hosaho alu, e i hill). The surprise attacks were succe ssful a nd yielded great spoils of war both monetary and nasal and earned the Mysore arm y the The ( ). 39 After suffering great losses in these attacks, Ra adulla Ka f the treaty, the borders of the Mysore territory were increased and concretized within inter regional contestation. The to the and the region to the north all the way to the K a was to be managed by the Wo eyars but with tribute paid to Bijapur. Not long after this victory in 1639, Ka I was praised by the ka a III in the Gajjiganaha i copper plate inscription composed by the Sanskrit poet N hari from the town of Gajjiganaha i . In the inscription, the Vijayanagara king 38 Rao, History of Mysore Volume 1 , 115. 39 Rao, History of My sore Volume 1

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128 praised Ka prowess and acknowledged his importance as the foremost vassal of the empire. 40 The following year, Ka I acknowledged his suzerainty within an inscription commemorating another grant ka a III . 41 After the ka a III in 1642, Ka continued to reference the Vijayanagara kingdom in its royal literat ure and inscriptions ; however, the composers also praised the Mysore king as the foundation of the southern empire ( taddak i a bhujada a ). 42 By 1645, Ka I had broken the last remaining yoke of vassalage and established his independe nt empire by issuing his own c oins, which contain images of Na rasi ha on the obverse and the sun and moon on the reverse. 43 His independence was further esta blished between 1647 and 1650 during ga was attacked by a coaliti on of vassals led by t successfully displaced the Vijayanagara Though both Madurai and Bijapur were also enemies of Mysore, Ka I and his armies remained neutral and did not come to the aid of the Vijayanagara king. For me, this further proves the independent status of the Mysore kingdom in which the king did not consider Ra ga either his suzerain or an ally worthy of the price of attacking enemies on multiple fronts. In 1650, however, the relationship was repaired or perhaps reversed ga left Ka . According to the i ga begged Ka for support. In a letter from 1659, Jesuit Priest Anton de Proenza of Trichinopoly 40 EC III.Nj 198. 41 EC IV.2.Gu 10. 42 EC IV.2.Yd 5. 43 Edgar Thurston , Coins. Catalogue 1. Mysore (Madras: Central Government Museum, 1888) , 19 and 82

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129 i), confirms that the Vijayanagara king had indeed beg ged former be saved from . 44 ago withdrawn herself from subordination from the same [Vijaynagara] monarch. 45 During his time in Mysore, Ka ga with an army that he could t ake to try to regain some of the territory from the Bijapur coalition ga entered a (one of the Bijapur allies) ga returned to Vellore and the protection of another former va ssal state in order to regroup in peace . The intentions of the erstwhile Vijayanagara king drew the attention of the Bijapur army, who had successfully won back several of the Wo eyar forts . The Bijapur vacated the forts in Mysore to attack the Vijayanagara king , temporarily relieving the Mysore territory of the ravages of war. However , the Bijapur ga, who was forced to return to the forest. In 1654, pledged their loyalty to Bijapur in 1646, the Bijapur army turned their attention back to Mysore. In a devastating series of event s led his army into the region and completely ravaged the entire kingdom. 46 The defeat and the apparent goading from Madurai did not go without retaliation. In 1655, Ka I sent an envoy to the king of Madurai to, according to Proenza, sh him for his disloyal conduct, wreak just vengeance and compensate himself for the cost 44 R. Sathianathaier , The History of the (New Delhi: Asian Educational Services, 2001) , 116. Emphasis added. 45 R. Sathianathaier , , 116 17. 46 Muhammad from Bijapur and in various European sources.

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130 47 The expedition was not only intended to win back the cost of the Bijapur pillaging, the noses of any captured soldiers of Madurai. According to Proenza, the Mysore army took their charge further and cut off the noses of not only soldiers but those of all women and children they encountered along the way, returning to Mysore with sacks fu ll of severed noses that they presented before the king . In nter attack that The Hunt for Noses in which the Madurai army pushed as far as Nañja u cutting off t he nose of every person they encountered. Proenza also reported that the Madurai army successfully captured Ka I and cut off his nose, though this detail is absent from all other accounts. The ended in 1659 and Ka I ga , against Mysore . As a result of the military conquest s and imperial aspirations of Ra eyar court had gain ed a large amount of territory and assumed independence for the first time in their history. Because of its imperial status, the court of Ka I began fashioning the Wo eyar lineage and their genealogy using the ic framew ork of their predecessors. The same details concerning tra, the and the from previous inscriptions resurface d in a Gajjiganaha i copper plate inscription from 1639 CE, which adds several additional details about t he origins of the Mysore rulers . It states that the Wo eyars 48 Rao argues 47 R. Sathianathaier , , 1 17 . 48 EC III.Nj 198.

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131 that this is a reference to of the thirteenth an d fourteenth centuries CE and is the first Wo . 49 H owever, Yadu or the Lunar lineage is not explicitly referenced . The first explicit reference came only a few years later in the Ka Vijayam (ca. 1648) . 50 In the third chapter titled Va ane details that had been given for the Yadu line in all of their imperial predecessors are given. 51 It also include beautiful land of Mysore as their territory. 52 It is clear by this point that Mysore is not only an independent state, but that it was operating within the South Indian imperia l mode, incorporating all the genealogical materials of their imperial predecessors. In the first and invocatory chapter of the same text, we can see the development of the Wo eyar devotional traditions . In this chapter, the primary deities of the Wo eyars and their kingdom are typical ic Vai ava incarnations varying from the Ka chosen deity Na rasi invoked for their blessing. Ka is also described as a dev otee of both Vi ( hariharabhaktiyo iruva ). 53 However, within this chapter we also get the first reference that I can find that refers to the local goddess as i of the hill ( be i ), who is said to be 49 Rao, History of Mysore Volume 1 , 28. 50 . The The text provides details into the political, ritual, and 51 N , III.1 6. 52 , III.7 8. 53 K VII.63.

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132 ) to the ruler . 54 Ka seems to develop devotion to i that was referenced in the . But the text makes it i is indeed he Wo eyar tutelary deity ( ) . During Ka rule , this local fierce goddess i of the hill was ic mold. In inscriptions, we can see the first associations between the Wo oriented devotional traditions with the ic goddess w ho slays the buffalo demon . The Gajjiganaha i copper plate inscription claims that Ka eyar was protected by the goddess Mahi ic ta le, but the highly Sanskritic name for the goddess . Therefore, it seems that the goddess of the hill had begun her ascent up the cosmological hierarchy within the poetics of Ka Thereafter, her role within the dynasty changed a s the Mysore rulers moved her region and their realm from periphery to the center of the political ma al a . 55 The project of fashioning the king through genealogical materials was not limited to the Ka or other such discursive mat erials , but their origin story can also be found in the epigraphic records, such as an inscription from in 1663 , 56 that became the paradigm for the Wo eyar genealogy and is copied verbatim in numerous inscriptions from 54 , I.10. 55 The primary purpose, though, was not to expound upon the devotional inclinations of the king. Instead, it is concerned with the po the kavi and moods, extolling his prowess on the battlefield and in the boudoir , both of which present the king as the epitome of virility and masculin ity. Although there are chapters on the festival and on his patronage to ritual professionals and temple complexes, even these focus on ferent from durbar Chapters 20 History of Mysore Volume 1 , 199. 56 EC XII.Kg. 37.

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133 the first h alf of the eightee nth centuries. 57 In these inscriptions, the Wo eyar dynasty is traced to the L , and then follows what I have described in the C hapter 2 as the outsider migration narrative to explain the rising political impor tance of Mysore . In the s e account s a travel to u e, but, in keeping with y decide to establish a new kingdom in Mysore. Here we can see that after the composition of the Gajjiganaha i copper plate ka a III in 1639 and the Ka N , during which the Wo eyar king had taken dramatic steps toward extrica ting his kingdom from Vijayanagara domination and shoring their own independent position eyars had become explicit and any reference to permission from other rulers of the region is absent . From this point forward , almost all of the accounts of the Wo eyar dynasty explicitly connect ed their particular mention e and not Vijayanagara. 58 during the reign of Ka displays the growing concern within the Wo eyar court to connect their kings with ic cosmological polity. I am not suggesting that this is a contrived political move to manipulate abstract concepts of divinity and royalty. Inst ead, it seems that they, like others had done before, are engaged in the mimetic imperial practice in which they are incorporating structures and lineages from previous empires with which they believe they have affinities in order to firmly establish thems elves as the viable candidates for imperial control. 57 EC III.Sr 64; EC III.Sr 100; EC III.Tn 63; EC III.My 115; EC III.Nj 295; EC IV.Yd 58; EC IV.Yd 17; EC IV.Yd 18; and EC IX.Ma 37. 58 A t least until the end of the eighteenth century and with the exception of the (ca. . COM Mack. Mss. 18.15.18 (ca. 1740).

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134 Another interesting trend in the royal refashioning of the Wo eyars during this period is ic tale of the slaying of Mahi a, the buffalo demon. In a lm ost all of these epigraphic origin stories, the realm of the Wo eyars is called the land of the buffalo and the kingdom specifical ly connected with Mysore City, which had been established u sixteenth century, despite their capital had been gapa a a by this point. Politically, Mysore City was not much more than a small fort ; however, the city rema ined the sacred center of the dynasty . The connection was strengthened through the valorization of the goddess as the buffalo slayer ( mahi ). Through this reconfiguration of sacred landscape the realm ic cosmic cartography a nd ic roots of the lineage linking Mahi former kingdom and with realm of Wo eyars a powerful site at which the goddess had intervened for the sake of her devotees. Through this association the Wo eyars successfully reimagined their fierce deity in terms of the ic deity and etymologically linked their realm (Mahi ic landscape. While this has the potential issue of associating the Wo eyar rulers with the enemy of the gods, it serves to give them and th eir territory greater mythological and cosmological significance. 3.4.2 Do 1673 CE) Despite early setbacks, the imperial model established by Ka I continued during the ruler of Do (r. 1659 1673 CE) . The tumultuous relationship between the fledgling Vijayanagara scions and the Wo eyars heightened during the early years of eyar independent status . ga had taken up residence launched a full gapa a a in an effort to reconsolidate the Vijayanagara kingdom. lack of

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135 support towards the Vijayanagara king The timing of the war, which was launched shortly after the death of Ka , suggests that the Vijayanagara predece ssor. This strategy, at first, proved very successful as the Mysore army continually lost reached gapa a a, but in four months of siege they were never able to win the city and retreate d back to their capital. In the meantime, the Mysore army became stronger under their new king and retaliated near the end of 1661. They launched a series of battles that lasted until 1664 and would harden the new ruler. Sensing the immanent doom of his pr in the S i . According to an inscription was correct and the Wo eyar da between t eyar domination in the region. 59 The success of his military campaigns against the Vijayanagara Southern Karnataka region that was immediately reflected in the way his court fashioned his eulogies . During the years in which his power was threatened , the court poets refer to as the ma al the term for a Vijayanagara regional governor /viceroy and vassal . 60 However, as his army beg an to press the glorious king of kings ( ). 61 title previously employe d by the Vijayanagara empero the sultan of the Hindu kings 59 EC XII.Kg 46. 60 EC III.Nj 56. 61 EC IX.Kn 94.

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136 ( a ). 62 As Ra o notes, the court poets consciously adopted the genealogical materials of their Vijayanagara predecessors even recycling verses verbatim from the famous inscription of a II I (r. 1465 1485) . 63 In another important inscription from again explicitly restated following the model set forth in the Ka N 64 In addition to the titular and genealogical imper he was also particularly concerned with scholarly expositions of the scene of Yud h i abhi ka (coronation) from the , which he saw as his model . 65 All of the co nscious efforts on the part of the M ysore court to utilize imperial titles and genealogical details court were explicitly fashioning themselves as not only the new but the rightful imperial overlords in the region. 66 While these inscriptions attest to mperial position , others affirm devotion to the goddess . An inscription commemorated a small land grant in Gavunaha i in which 67 Though the opening inv ocation refers to the godd i and the details of the inscription state that the king had given the village tax free in goddess is called While this might seem like a small innovation, the Sanskrit 62 EC IV.Kr 67 63 Rao, History of Mysore Volume 1 , 225. 64 EC XII.Kg 37. 65 EC III.Sr 94. 66 title ) and c akravartin ). 67 EC V.Hn 8; REC VIII.Hn 171.

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137 suffix is only applied to the names of manifestation of the highest Sanskritic deities. 68 This inscription marks the first time that the goddess has truly been put on par with the high deities of the Sanskrit pantheon a trend that becomes the standard during the nineteenth century. e commissioned one thousand stone steps that lead from the base o f hill to its apex upon which the temple resides . hana ) Nandi, which to this day is one of the most impressive m rtis in the region. i in the inscri ption and the installation of the Nandi image, it is clear that by the time of i had ceased to be an independent goddess, i of the D , but ly making ic courtly framework, constricting her volatility by associating her with domestic life. Without a doubt this reflected the position of Mysore i n the final years of his reign, which were rather uneventful prosperous times for the Wo eyar kingdom . 1704) 1704 ) ascended the throne of Mysore, rule d longer than any king since eyar , and enjoyed a period of imperial control like no other Mysore king . ic devotional framework ic narratives that ava tradition. These treatises theorized the abstract nature of the divine and were better suited to reflect the abstract notions of power within a highly 68 Generally, in Southern Karnataka the suffix is used for a male deity and amma is used for a female deity.

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138 complex and stratified state. Within this field of polity there was little room for the goddess, and reign. Despite his interest in ongoing imperial warfare, and the king, who is mostly known for his Vai ava devotional fervor, was also a capable warrior, and these two sides of his character define him from early in his career. In 1667 ga coalition of troops that included troops of the ousted kings of Bijapur and Gingee marched against the Wo (prince), was deployed to lead the Mysore army against the large collection of combatants. After a gapa a a, allowing the da to finish the ene my off . He left the campaign early because he desired to continue his studies with S a ak rya and a Pa ita, a Jain monk, both of whom heavily influence d the ritual and devotional milieu during his subsequent reign. established himself as an independent sovereign by minting a series of with] the image of dancing K ava k ) to commemorate the first year of his reign. 69 The coins perhaps c figure on the coin was a metaphor for the king like Ka ha coin had been and his victory over Madurai. The epigraphic record might confirm this as a copperplate from o r u in 1722 that describes his victory praises the victorious king, whose vijaya ) was like to K a playing ( l l ) 70 Minting the coin was a flagrant 69 A. V. Narasimha Murthy , Coins and Currency System in Karnataka (Mysore: Directorate of Archaeol ogy and Museums, 1997) , 386. 70 EC III.Sr 64.

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13 9 display of independence and power by the young ruler and led to the formation of yet another Bijapur lko a against the Wo eyar house. However, this did not last long as t he Bijapur a forces were sorely defeated by da . After these battles, the political climate in Southern Karnataka cooled for several years as larger storms were brewing amongst kingdoms in the N orth , particularly with state . 71 The period s significant within pan Indian politics as the famous the 1670s. How ever, in 1677, he took a brief respite to consolidate family power in the S outh. (Vya , the half Bangalore governor ( ) for the Bijapur dynasty , had left Bangalore in order to conquer the great city of Tañj established his kingdom there; however, according to rumors from , he abused his power and mal administered his kingdom. im a, proceeded toward Along the way, the a alliance conquered the realms of many l ocal chieftains throughout Karnataka, forcing them to give up vast amounts of wealth as spoils of war. After securing the loyalty of began his march back. gapa a a and The accounts of the episode vary according to the affiliation of the source. 71 outside of modern laughtering

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140 According to the i gapa a after several extremely bloody battles. 72 The reports from Mysore ga ve a different perspective of the battles. ed ( apratima ) . 73 eyar playbook and exacted a covert raid in the middle of the n ight, catching the Mysor e army off guard. repelled the outsiders, who were only able to escape with a modest amount of booty . After the encounter with the reputa tion and territorial ambition grew dramatically. I i territory and usurp two key fortresses including Coimbatore without even engaging in battle. According to his biographer, a t the mere sight of the oncomi ng Mysore warriors, the local i surrendered. The loss of these strategic locations prompted the ministers of of i . Subsequently, orth and en gaged the u near the borders of ak a region . Literary and epigraphic evidence suggest that the Mysore army won the battles easily, even capturing the and cutting off his nose and hands. 74 After t hese decisive victories, which expanded the Mysore empire in the N orth and S 72 B. Muddachari , Mysore M aratha Relations in the 17 th Century (Mysore: University of Mysore Press, 1969) , 66 69. 73 (ca. 1695). 74 Rao, History of Mysore Volume 1 , 289.

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141 realm. 75 med to be the of the realm a ( aka cakravartin ), the emperor of the S outhern realm ( dak i dik cakravartin ), n of the Hindu kings ( am ), or simply as emperor ( ). This is also the period in which he commissioned the i (ca . 1678) from his longtime teacher, biographer, ya, a devout Vai ava. This text offers several innovations on the Wo eyar origin story . The narrative not lineage of the rulers but connects the Wo eyars ava In this a went to worship u e (in this text called Yadugiri or the hill of Yadu here in Yadugiri, Yadu Bala u e. He ava advisors told him that a a told him that he ought to seek out a place called Mysore and rule in that city. Unlike the previous Wo eyar tales that focused on the beauty and bounty of the land or conquer that land, this new tale followed the model of devotiona l alliance that was found in the genealogical material of their imperial predecessors. Within the narrative, the connection e/Yadugiri was an inevitability, which in turn made their later alliance with the ava tradition equally expected. Through this discursive connection, the ava tradition that had not had a continuously prominent role in the dynasty prior to was now inextricably linked to the court 75 B. Lewis Ri ce, Mysore Inscriptions (Bangalore: Mysore Government Press, 1879 ), 309 310 no. 167 This is part of a series begins with the common Vijayanagara invocation and the genealogy s tarts with Bolu . EC III.Sr 14 and EC III.Sr 1 51; .This inscription is quite similar to another massive inscription ( EC III. My. 115), which gives many novel details about the , 26 and 166.

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142 conceivably from i ts very inception . Given the growing imperial status of the Wo eyars and their conflict with the s , it should come as no surprise that the origin story shifted the focus from an alliance with a local goddess to distance themselves from the famous nar . ava minister. avism in the Wo eyar courtly framework warrants more attention on the underlying ontology that it provides . avism from his youth and gave the tradition a prominent place in the court from the beginning of his reign. Indeed , his first major act of patronage was the construction of the which he established an image of , and two courtesans ( ). The temple was also given implements for conductin in honor of the ava saint in order to secure Do in heaven . S how ing his e arly predilection for literature from the tradition, the king also commissioned several works ava poet Ci p . These works included the , which is a translation of the Tamil work s of ) , and a collection of s ava pilgrimage sites. He also composed the and that str ess ava tenets in the Wo eyar political administration : both of these texts begin with invocations of Vi u, Lak affirm the early influence of the tradition in t he governance of the region. However, it was was initiated into the path after which ava tradition in Mysore. Thereafter, i nscriptions fro m Mysore laud the ruler as t

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143 ( ava m ata prati ) in the region. 76 His wide implementation of rituals associated ava tradition is a common trope in his eulogies in later genealogical literature. However, until 16 86 the king still employed a , a Jain, as his primary political advisor. His personal predilection to the ava tradition also articulated his new position at the top of the political hierarchy in s outhern Karnataka. He, as will be discussed below, was a) and the servant (the devotee) through the concept of prapatti (self surrender). expositions on the topic during the peaceful concluding year s of his reign. While this is certainly a theological and devotional concept , the articulation of the supreme and utter power of the lord over the v assal, who must seek refuge with the former, must have resonated with the powerful monarch and perhaps influ enced his interactions with other smaller rulers in his realm. Despite the imperial political losses many of which resulted from their extended conflict with Madurai. During the 1678, Madurai had been occupied . The Mysore army was able to defeat the armies of K i ; however, ruler offered tribute and accepted the Wo eyar dynasty as their suzerain. T he Wo eyar occupation was forced to retreat home as the army attacked gapa a a : Santyanatha Aiyer suggests this imperial power of Mysore. 77 The army of Mysore defeated the army by employing an interesting tactic of attaching flaming torches to the horns of ap proximately three thousand oxen 76 EC III.My 115 77 R. Sathianathaier , , 287.

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144 in another mid night attack . 78 This sent the army into panic perceiving an additional s ix thousand men surrounding thei r army . In the confusion of the surrounding lights, three generals were captured by the army of Mysore and had their noses and arms cut off before being The Mysore barbarity and derision enfla med the court and army and the Wo eyar forces. The battle also succeeded in curtailing occupation of i, whose re conquest became the goal of the Mysore da unti l the ti me of Haidar A li. The extended hostilities between the Wo eyars and the s , who were perhaps the largest South Indian imperial powers of the time, led to coalitions and alliances amongst the kingdoms within the region and the entire subcontin ent . These alliances defy the nationalist narrative that has arisen around both of the Mysore and kingdoms. Both the s and the Wo eyars are often lauded as great kingdoms, who resisted Muslim advances into the Deccan and S outhern India . However, the devotional tradition of a ruler was never the primary concern when their lots were being cast . Instead, the allies and enemies were formed based on the basis of territory and the ability of rival kingdoms to secure their political goals . As ruler, who is famous for having fought the Muslim Mughals his entire adult life, regularly allied with smaller Muslim kingdoms in his campaigns into S outhern India against Mysore and Madurai . 79 The story i s the same for Wo eyars. While they are often remembered for their fight to win back Mysore from Haidar A li 78 Wilks, Historical Sketches of the South of India , 114 117. 79 l leaders. Steward Gordon, The Mahrattas (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1993).

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145 and n, the Wo 80 Mysore had been known and admired by the Mu ghal emperor Aurangzeb (r. 1658 1707) , since their victory over the s gapa a a in 1682; it seems , however, to have not amounted to much by way of coordinating efforts against the s until the 1690s. In 1686, Mysore had been overextende d for years due to the extended campaigns a gainst Madurai in the South and the s in the N orth , depleting their monetary and human resources. Fighting a two front war (Mysore to their South and the Mughals to the N orth) was also taking its toll on the s . Therefore, the two kingdoms agreed to a temporary truce; so they could focus on the other fronts of their wars. This proved prosperous for both parties. Able t o focus their attention to the S outh, the Wo d purchase his former capital Bangalore in 1687. This purchase was contested b y the Mughal state, whose Southern kingdoms marched against Mysore in an attempt to seize the fort. The army of Cikk onslaught won the Wo eyar king favor with the Mughal governor and favorable annual tribute terms . After this battle, the Wo eyars maintained treatment in their politics within the region. were succeeded by less capable military minds . The and Madurai power vacuum only increase d th e Mughal and Wo eyar prestige in the region and turn ed 80 not a simple conflict between Hindu and Muslim.

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146 The year of 1686 wa s also an important turning point for the sectarian affiliation of the Wo eyar court . During the war efforts, the Jain prime a die d and was After the appointment Vai avism steadily became more and more important for the Wo eyar court. In October of pure lines of the royal family for future marriages . However, the line was not established by tracing genealogy. Ins tead, the primary criteria was ava tradition, which was signified by initiation through the five rites ( pañca sa sk ) and ava rituals. 81 After the inquiry was completed the Arasu (sometimes Urs ) families were established and the endogamous rules for the royal family were laid out in his Royal Marriage Act . Though their nam he Arasu s had primarily been an agricultural caste that was socially elevated as a result of the inquiry. 82 For e within his version of the origin st ory was the ultimate connection to proper ancestry. The of eyar X in the nineteenth century would be the complete opposite in which the Wo eyars attempted to raise their status amongst the princely states by claiming biologi jputs. 83 The following year (1687) re works by the great The first of these was the adharma , a Kannada prose version of the a rva n of the , which like th ose from the 1670s begins with an invocation of ava deities, poets, and teachers. The second work, 81 Rao, H istory of Mysore Volume 1 , 407. 82 Nair, Mysore Modern , 12. Nair quotes materials from the British Government of India that shows the he suggestion that his Highness is, or might be, a Sudra, is likely to give 83 Nair, Mysore Modern , 12.

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147 , a nine chapter exposition of the tenets of to abstract metaphysics a nd his absorption in the teachings of avism . By June 1693, ava , and t he king implemented a new rule that all ava forehead marks ( ti laka ) when they were in the presence of the king , regardless of their own sectarian affiliation. Though there is evidence of a few dissenters (and the rule would be lessened in the coming years), like the Royal Marriage Act before it, the obvious preferenc e for avism provided social mobility for lower castes, who wished to use their ava devotion to increase their standing with the court, as evidenced in the thankful supplications of the Arasu family . 84 During the period of 1690 1697, the Wo eyar kingdom was once again engaged in a t , in a bitter territorial disp ute for the lands to the n ortheast of Mysore. The contestation with is severely hampered the imperial aspirations of the ruler as his territory was constantly in turmoil during the seven year period. died, ushering in a n unchallenged period of Wo eyar dominance in the region. At this point Cikka ( akha adhara ma alapati Kar ( kar ) to which he was Gingee, and 85 With the region secured, the king turned his gaze to h is imperial allies in the North, the (d. 1695) and the great 84 Rao, History of Mysore Volume 1 , 365 66. 85 Rao, History of Mysore Volume 1 , 317.

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148 After he had sec ured the Kar a region, in 1699 their common bond against the s in the Deccan. The Mughal emperor was delighted with elcomed the enemy of his enemy as his friend. The Mughal ruler bestowed a seal upon the envoy to take back in gapa a a as a sign of their friendship commonly eulogized f or receiving the seal from Delhi , even within the brief eulogy of the king in the family tree ( va i ) mural in the Jaga han Palace in Mysore, which was built in 1863 by K eyar III. 86 par t in ( d ) and acknowledging his throne as 87 If the titles a re accurate descriptions of those given by Aurangzeb, the rhetoric of ic and epic kingship that were common in South India were also employed by the Muslim ruler of the Mughal dynasty. 88 /vassalage with the Mughal empire complicates the history of Indian polity in the medieval to late medieval period that constructs a history foreign 89 86 EC IV.My 26 87 Rao, History of Mysore Volume 1 , 319. These references should be taken with a fair amount of skepticism because all evidence of the title comes from later literary sources ( i ; C aritre ; and Wilks, Historical Sketches of the South of India ). 88 There are great implications for our understanding of courtly devotional and ritual traditions. That is to say the polity of Indian empires were constructed through their connection to the epics and the divine lineages formed While this is definitely something worth exploring, it is for the most part beyond the scope of this project and potentially unreliable because of t he lack of firm historical accuracy in its attribution to Aurangzeb. Regardless, however, the fact that the words were attributed to the great Mughal ruler by the authors/editors of later texts reveal that the importance of the connection to the mythologic 89 In recent years this has been a point of great contention between scholars of Indian history and certain conservative political factions within India.

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149 eyars chose to ally themselves not according to devotional or to ensure their territor ial hold ings and imperial aspirations regardless of other considerations . This is important to keep in mind as we continue to develop theories of polity in S outh Asian history. Scholars of r eligious s tudies often overemphasize the importance of devotional t raditio ns in shaping policy and inter state affairs, which leads us to bracket groups based on their devotional tradition s . While these aspects of dynastic history are indeed important in the fashioning of the court which is why I have chosen to focus my disserta t ion on them not all decisions we re purely motivated by their adherence to a particular tradition . Indeed all rulers in South India Hindu, Muslim, or Jain shared a language of polity that was especially clear during the period of Haidar Ali and p n . conventional in its incorporation of multiple philosophical paths ( ). The king, who had avism as his and his devotional tradition in the middle of his reign, was laude d by Jaina a a mas ( marmadolaga naridu ). 90 From various sources, we know that the ministers of his court, even tions . By 1700, the Mysore kingdom was securely in one of the longest periods of peace in its history , cosmic order by upholding dharmic ideals. 91 It was at this point that he began to express his ava path through his own philosophical composition s . This can clearly be seen in the ( ca. 1700 1704 ) in which t he author requests that the great teachings o f 90 Rao, History of Mysore Volume 1 , 373 74. 91 ed. Siddhalingayya

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150 Vai ava) become clear in his mind . 92 Throughout the text, the king expounds upon Celuvan a of Yadugiri and his relationship to his devotees largely in terms of the master servant relationship. C k a ) can only come if a devotee, a and seeks only to please the master by doing good works through complete surrender ( prapatti ) . He even concludes his p etitions by exclaiming that he surrenders himself at the feet of the deity seeking refuge. The integral role that prapatti plays within devotion is clearly influenced by the ya of the was the only means of devotion. 93 ava concept of self surrender ( prapatti ) is equal to the goal of divine refuge ( ) or , as Vasudha Narayanan has put it , self surrender is simultaneously 94 eyar history, which coincided with what Rao has called the Vai avite Revival. 95 Though I would not call it a revival, the period certainly emphasized the devotional and philosophical leanings of the Wo eyars , as the courtly rhetoric transitioned from localized concerns and those deemed proper for larger imperial powers throughout Southern India. Even within the o rigin stories, most of which ca me in t he writings of Tir s told in the most detail in his i , the goddess on the hill is of little importance even absent in the narrative of the Wo Instead the emphasis is placed o n the divine link 92 (Mysore: Karnataka Kavya Kalanidhi, 1905). 93 South Asian Literature 23, no. 2 (Spring Fall 1988); 111 32. 94 (Ann Arbor, MI: Institute of Vaishnava Studies, 1987). 95 Rao, History of Mysore Volume 1, 4 60 61.

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151 u. This connection is formed through the emphasis that a a land at e. The connection is emphasized by the epic meter in which the poet recounts the exploits of the Wo eyar kings. a of Vi u as a means of fashioning the ruler as the rightful and dharmic imperial power. 96 The conscious fas hioning eyar line ic a displayed the usual need of the u turned emperor to be placed within larger cosmic context of kingship. T he tales of even continue the progression in which the emperor transcends even his own lineage and is established as the centerpiece for which the line was created. thereby, serves as the opposite bookend of K a, who is a wise and valiant king an d is also an incarnation of the supreme brahman come down to establish cosmic order in the world. 3.5 Loss of Control and the End of an Empire eyar dynasty went through a period of stagnation in which the tw o subsequent rulers were mired in the changing political landscape of Karnataka that saw continual fracturing of the Mughal holdings in the region. D uring this period of diminishing power, a political landscape was created in which the da from the K a ale family rose to prominence. was born deaf and mute and was deemed unfit for independent rule. Therefore guided the affairs of state until his deat h in 1706. At this point the queen of 96 Rao, History of Mysore Volume 1 , 429.

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152 Ka ale took control of the administrative affairs. U nder her guidance , the alliance between the Wo eyar rulers and the house of Ka ale grew more important and the position of da became a heredita ry position given to the ruler s of Ka ale. Tho se ties were continually strengthened through marriages between the Wo eyars and the Ka ale s perpetuated through the marriage of Ka da that the new ruler of Mysore Ka ascended through a e tat and sought military retribution . Though it seems he was initially inclined to resist the Mughal emperor, Ka offered an obscene bounty of fifteen million rupees and five elephants and offered to double his annual tribute to the Mughal king. 97 This bounty never reached Aurangzeb, but was intercepted by the Mar army, which was pushing the Mughal forces back into North India. Though Aurangzeb sent hostile messages to the Wo eyar ruler demanding payment of the debt, Ka preoccupation with the s to default on the debt and ta ke back part of the territory his father had lost in S ra . Despite the acknowledgement of the superiority of the Mughals, during the latter part of his reign Ka like his father before him , was increasingly interested in establishing the royal house within the Vai ava tradition. M ost of the grants recorded in inscriptions establish ed Vai ava temples or gifted existing temples with ritual accoutrement . It al so appears from the contemporaneous accounts the sp ring festival to Ra ra gapa a a had outgrown Dasara in pomp and popularity, which may well exemplify the rulers full transition from the u , who needs immediate martial boons from the goddess , to 97 Rao, History of Mysore Volume 2 , 76 ff.

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153 the emperor, who is responsible for cos mic order in the long term . Likewise, it is no surprise that Ka commissioned genealogical works that sought to trace th lineage of the Mysore kingdom. In the (ca. 1714), a prose account of the Wo eyar line, great effort wa s taken to place the rulers within a royal and cosmic fr amework when eyar). 98 It also sought to mirror those feats with those of Ka II, whose explo its and conquests are featured on the back of every page of the manuscript. After Ka a K Because he was not old enough to rule on his own, the Ka ale family , from which both his mother and da descended , dominated the affairs to the court. Ka ale influence continue d even after he was established as independent ruler through the council of da ri (secretary of state) Nañj kingdom was able to fend off attacks from various n s of Karnataka and the s . He also continued the marriage alliance with the Ka ale 99 Like the two previous kings of Mysore , K Vai ava tradition. In inscrip ( avumata prati th paka ava Kin ( ava n pagrani ). 100 He continued Wo eyar patronage to e but was increasingly concerned 98 GOML Mack. . It is significant that in this source the assassination minister, who usurps the kingdom in later variations. 99 tmyas 100 EC III.Nj 296 and EC III.Sr 11. Lewis , Mysore Inscriptions , 311 no. 168 This inscription combines the typical Mysore Inscriptions , 318 20 no. 169 chief of t

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154 with gift giving to Vai ava temples in Ka puram . This shift in patronage wa s important as it linked the Wo eyars and the Ka ale s through their devotional traditions and elevated the Tamil tradition an important shift that heavily influence d K eyar III decision to replace the i temple with Tamil D k it as in the ninet eenth century. K , like its predecessors, was also extremely interested in fashioning the Wo eyar lineage through the mythological dynasty of his namesake K a from the . His poets emulated the eulogistic paradigm of his grand father. In these inscriptions, the grant of the king is preluded with an extensive style ic genealogy modeled on earlier inscriptions , but the accounts we re expanded, especially t he copper plate grant at To r u , which is the longest extant ep igraphic account of the Wo origin story. These inscriptions elaborated to a e and the establishment of their kingdom due to the beauty of the land of Karnataka found in early The political climate in Mysore quickly change d after the death of K I , who had not fathered a male heir. During this period the regional prominence formerly granted the Mysore kingdom was lost, which direct ly affected the way the court fashioned itself in relation to i . The downfall began when K either on his deathbed or posthumously Arasu of A kanaha i, as the successor to the throne and appointed his pr the queen mother as dowager . from the Wo eyar line, he had no ties to the Ka ale family : this would ultimately prove to be his demise. crowned in name onl y with all administra tive and military power resided with the ri da

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155 of Ka ale . 101 Furthermore, along with the (treasurer) , who was also named quickly began misappropriating g overnment revenue, which they used to acquire vast tracts of land in Mysore city for the Ka ale family . 102 Sensing the threat to his rule ties with the Ka ale family in Jan uary of 1733. However, these three men rose up against the Wo eyar king , contesting his right to rule . It is within this state of turmoil that the Wo eyar royal discourse once again return ed i: to w hich I will re turn in the C hapter 4 . 3.6 Conclusion In the first centuries of Wo eyar rule in Mysore, the court was increasingly interested in fashioning ic polity and cosmology. Depending on their role within regional politics, thei r representation of kingship in eulogistic literature necessarily changed. Along with the shifts in royal representation, their association with deities and devotional traditions followed suit mimic king the paradigmatic mode of previous S outh Indian empire s. Through these shifts, it is possible to reconstruct the trajectory of Wo eyar devotion and the role that the fierce local goddess i played in their establishment of Mysore. Her importance was paramount for the aspiring kings of the dynasty in its early years, as she was both the protector of the realm and the po wer of their armies; however, as they acquired more territory and prestige and their modes of polity grew more abstract, the immanent and situated goddess was replaced by the transcendence of Vi Vai ava tradition. i sti ll remained important for the dynasty through this period as she 101 Rao, History of Mysore Volume 2 , 48 50. 102 Wilks, Historical Sketches of the South of India , I.166 ff.

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156 was reimagined and recreated in the image of the royal, powerful, and ic slayer of the buffalo demon festival appropriated from their Vijayanagara predecesso rs. 103 The Wo eyar progression of genealogical and devotional rhetoric reflects the development of the paradigms established by the o ther major kingdoms throughout S outh India during the medieval period discussed in the Chapter 2 . Therefore, I think it is important for historians of S outh Indian polity to reconsider the role of situated goddesses in the construction of courtly authority. I t is my conten tion that before kingdoms became empires and chieftains beca me emperors, who focus ed on abstract co smolog ical, ontological, and soteriological theories of state , they first allied with their local goddess, who grant ed them the power to cast off the suzerainty of the overlord. This relationship was not a broad systematized theological endeavor but it was a pact in which the goddess who , overlooked by the overlord, rewarded the chieftain with martial prowess. 103 In the process, not on itself was reconfigured within cosmic cartography in which it became the site of the epic battle of the Goddess and the buffalo demon effectively displacing the ge a process that was as crucial for the claim to overlordship as their claim of descent from the Lunar dynasty of Yadu. The relocation of sacred geography became even more important during the reign o 1868). However, for the lack of time and space I have forgone a discussion of this until C hapter 6 .

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157 CHAPTER 4 WANING CONTROL : G T HE DA YI REGIME OF THE KA ALE CHIEFTAINS 1734 1762 4.1 I ntroduction The rapid emergen ce of the Wo eyar kingdom from 1610 1732 was followed by an almost (r. 1732 1734) . The period of decline was a result of internal st ruggles for power between the Wo eyars and the ir Ka ale da s with whom they had arranged a marriage alliance as early as the reign I (r. 1553 1572 ) . Reflecting on the previous brief usurpation of power by the da s and sensing the em inent struggle, the ic goddess into the story of the rise of the Wo eyars in this period, fashioning the Wo eyar ruler in the role of the vanquisher of evil usurpers. However, as the Ka ale s gained more and more power, their influence on the throne grew , and they inserted themselves prominently within Mysore inscriptions. In these inscriptions, the Ka ale line was established alongside that of their suzerain, fashioning themselves within the Wo ic genealogical identity. However, with the insertion ale material, the ritual, devotional, and narrative importance of the goddess greatly diminished. ical uncertainty of the 18 th century, which saw numerous major wars over the succession of every major South Indian seat of power . The period also saw the slow emergence of Britain and France fro m mercantile communities, who saw themselves as non principal commercial agents, to full fledged princip ali ties, who appoint ed Mughal viceroys and negotiate d territorial treaties within the subcontinent (e.g. the 1763 Treaty of Paris ). With the ne w forms o f polity that accompanied these outside forces, the political

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158 landscape changed , evolving to accommodate the new European powers in the land. Within this new framework, historical and biological succession of royal lines began to supersede and replace the need for ic genealogical material . 4.2 New Modes of Authority in a Tumultuous Time the Wo eyar dynasty, it would be erroneous to attribute too much stability to the king as many traditional Mysore historians have. 1 Instead , one of the most volatile in the history of the Wo eyars. The literature from r eign is rife with allusions to evil ministers and filled with angst ov er the stabi lity of the kingdom . Thus, it is also a period of narrative ferment in which the narrative of the goddess is evoked by the courtly poets in an unsuccessful attempt to da rivals . 4.2 .1. 1734) and the r ise of the Ka ale da eyar VI dispelled his embezzling Ka ale ministers, the king ruled independently for just over a year. 2 The administrative measures and inter state politics during his short lived rule were rathe r unremarkable ; however, the state of internal turmoil continued through a series of unfortunate events , and these circumstances had a dramatic effect on the Wo eyar origin narrative . F i became a central character in the s tory of the establishment of the Wo eyar kingdom in Mysore . The narrative to this point had primarily been a esque story that focused on the of the roots of the dynasty and the beauty of their realm story was completely re versed with goddess as the impetus for the Wo eyars establishing their realm in 1 (Mysore: G.T.A Press, 1916) ; Rao, History of Mysore ; and Wilks, Historical Sketches Volume I . 2 See Chapter 3.

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159 Mysore. The new origin story was c learly drawing from the u origin story paradigm that highlighted the importance of locality for the aspiring chieftain. Additionally, the additional details about the wiles of the evil minister and ill conceived marriage alliances demonstrates that the narrative was speaking to the struggle to maintain and reclaim territory from their previous subordina tes. ic origin story first emerges in narrative format within the (ca. 1732 1734), which was clearly written in response to the conflict within the royal family between the young king and his councilors the da aiya , the (Prime Minister) aiya ( brother of the da ), and the / kara ika (treasurer/scribe) aiya ( cousin of the da ). Before, the details of the interesting new origin story can be fully grasped it is imper ative to examine the historical details that surrounded its creation. Arasu from A kanaha i, had been appointed gapa a a by his heirless predecessor K However, this choice d id not sit well with the queen mma or the powerful da and his aiya, all of whom were from the Ka ale family. When the da and other VI after the death of K e position with the stipulation that he would continuously heed the advice of the queen mother and his councilors. gapa a a 19 March 1732, three days after the death of his predecessor, as a puppet monarch. 3 3 , 164 66; and Rao, History of Mysore Volume II, 47 . contends that his entrance into the capital was 7 Marc h and his formal coronation by the queen mother did not take place until 19 March. There is no extant epigraphic evidence to support either v demon is worshipped. EC IX.Ma 37.

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160 The Ka ale ministers immediately began abusing their unrestricted power, taking as much to manipulate as they had hoped, and he quickly grew disgrunt led with his advisors. His interest in the maintenance of the royal identity of the Wo eyar line through their relationship to the i can be seen in the donation inscriptions from his first year as king. The first epigraphic record from the ru VI during the fifteen days of a i . Though most of the details contained in this record are wh This gift is significant for the young king on several levels. 4 First, the gift of land display ed of kingly power like that discussed by Nicholas Dirks in his work on the Tamil kingdom of Pudukkotai. 5 By gifting the land to the t emple of the goddess, ic king in ritual life . Additionally, by inaugurating his royal donations following Dasara, which historically marked the period in which the southern kingdoms began thei VI wa s 4 th (full moon) which and celebrates t fortnight that also includes , (bathing), or in southern Karnataka. (new moon) would have been on a Friday that year and corresponds to the Kannada 1732. The correct dating of the gift is interesting to contemplate because it would give us an insight into the context (new moon), which is celebrated as La gaja tradition, which would fall betwe en the two dates but seems very unlikely to be the case. However, on the other hand if Rao is correct in his dating the king could be making a statement about military might or the desire thereof. Especially, since this would have coincided with the eigh ) in which Durga is worshiped particularly in her form as the slayer of the buffalo demon, who had taken the power of the gods only to be crushed by the goddess, who returned the rightful rulers of the cosmos to their positi on of sovereignty. 5 Nicholas Dirks, The Hollow Crown: Ethnohistory of an Indian Kingdom (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1987).

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161 reaffirming the role of the king as the leader of th e kingdom and its military: a role that had been shared with the da eyar. The king and his court were reaffirming his position of auth ority through the act of giving and might have been part of the process of wresting power away from his Ka ale ministers. The language used also shows his incorporation ic framework employed by the court of his imperial Mysore predec essors. Additionally, this dilapidated and enigmatic inscription reorganized his court in which the young king regained independence. By the end of 1732, officially rebuked self serving administrative me asures. 6 Perceiving the impending loss of control, da aiya approached the queen mma She obliged and authorized the da to proceed in the matter as he saw fi t. VI , however, was made aware of the covert meeting and immediately removed the da aiya , the (prime minister) aiya , and the ri (treasurer) aiya from their offices, appointing his own councilors in J anuary 1733. Though this may have ended the immediate machinations of aiya , the ensuing period continue d to be marked with mismanagement and chaos in Mysore that would also lead to a direct by the ousted minister s . 7 The internal pro blems that VI faced were exacerbated by the general state of turmoil in South India at the time. raids on the N orthern regions and the excursions of the East India Company in Bangalore threatened the economic viability of Wo eyar kingdom . 8 The young ruler had nowhere to turn because his once stab le allies were also plummeting into 6 , 166 167. 7 Records of Fort St. George: Dispatch es to England (1727 1733) (Madras: Government Press, 1932), 113. 8 Records of Fort St. George: Dispatches to England (1727 1733), 113.

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162 disarray as the power of many of once great kingdoms of the region waned. Several prominent n s (Ka in Madurai had recently died , prompting several feuds for succession. The negotiating with the Mughal emperor h) in his attempt to solidify his kingdom with the support of the emperors to the N orth, and the once powerful N of Arcot, Sadatul weakened state nearing his own death. With all of their futures unclear, none of these kingdoms VI and interstate disarray, external Europe an records of the period the great inland power in region al politics, though this might have only been relative to the overall weakened state of South India at the time. 9 reputation for their martial power and their barbarous guerilla military tactics. 10 military the situation would prove to be his downfall. In 1733, a major war broke out between the Ke adi including pepper with the French, Dutch, and British in the Malabar state. Aware of the tenuous h istory between the Wo , Kunhi Ambu, the ruling prince regent of Kottayam sought aid VI and his forces. in exchange for financial consideration . According to the British dispatch from after hearing of the Mysore Kottayam alliance immediately vacated T ali ppu 11 9 See Records of Fort St. George: Letters from Tellicherry ( 1732 33 ) . 10 11 Records of Fort St. George: Letters from Tellicherry (1732 33).

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163 However, it seems that the Kottayam prince reg ent never intended to uphold his end of the alliance and quickly defaulted on the payment to the VI . The The absence of the military tribute p rompted a brief battle amongst the Kottayam Mysore allies in gapa a a. Led by the former da aiya from office, opportunistically int ercepted the downtrodden and unpaid Mysore forces and convinced several of the generals (which according to later texts included landowner Gulam Haidar Ali , Haidar Ali The rebel forces quickly captured greed to let the deposed ministers return and promised to follow all of their commands. aiya his royal ac coutrements, and imprisoned him along with his appointed ministers . VI died shortly thereafter , and thus began the period generally referred to as the Da Regime in 1734. 12 4.2.2. The goddess and Vijayanagara a uthority in the ttara It is within this context that the (ca. 1732 1734) was composed . 13 Though it may not have been completed until after the coup of 1734, the text certainly arose in response to the rebe llious actions of the ministers. The text displays how the ic genealogy and goddess devotion . The remained popular in the late 18 th and early 19 th centuries , and it was indubitably the source for the origin narratives given in 12 Rao, History of Mysore Volume II , 63. 13 KIKS , Mss. 18.15.18 (ca. 1740).

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164 of the Mysore state . 14 While the text contains the basic structure of the ic genealogy and the origin story that had accumulated in previous versions , a few key details were changed that reflect the turbulent times during which it was written. In thi s account, Vijaya and K travelled to the Vijayanagara kingdom to pay homage to the king. Pleased by the character of the two brothers, the Vijayanagara king requested that they serve as administrators in th e s outhern gapa a a province. According to the text, they were fervently devoted to i Hill outside of Mysore in S outhern Karnataka. Upon their ar rival, they heard of the plight of the for mer kingdom of the local chieftain, who had renounced the world and given up his throne, leaving it in the hands of a Vijayanagara o eyar, found for the princess. i, had become prideful on account of the abse nce of any other regional rulers and forced the o eyar to allow him to marry the princess. The brothers, re ali quickly jumped into a ction. With the aid of the Vijayanagara o eyar , they won a small number of the Ha adanaha i army to their cause. T he brothers instructed the small band of soldiers to i party to the temporary wedding structures in small groups . When they entered the tent, the brothers and the warriors promptly slaughtered them . Because the brothers acted with no thought of reward but from moral and rmic 14 B. Lewis Rice, Mysore: A Gazetteer Compiled for Government (London: Archiba ld Constable and Company, 1897 ) , 247. It is extremely interesting that this narrative is so similar to the version that Wilks conveys because, according to his preface, he collected most of his information from interviews with the royal family and their minis ters (Wilks, Historical Sketches Volume I, usurps the kingdom and his u installed as the royal family after the 40 years that the kingdom had been ruled by the former Haidar Ali and his son pu

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165 selected Vijaya , the eldest brother, to marry the princess and assume the thrones of both Ha adanaha i i. Several novel themes are presented within this version of the Wo eyar origin story that built upon the u par adigm discussed in the Chapter s 1 3 . The first of these is the prominent posi tion of the Vijayanagara kings in the narrative. By this time, the Vijayanagara E mpire was little more than a fantasy that had been exalted as the ideal kingdom in the imagination of the small regional kingdoms of South India; however, the fantasy of b ecom ing the next overlord of South India was very real. The brother paradigm of this tale mimics the Vijayanagara origin story of Hakka and Bukka (a.k.a. Harihara I r. 1336 1377). The connection was also perhaps written into the names of t he Wo eyar brothers, who are named Vijaya and K ya. The first of these immediately conjures the Vija yanagara Empire and the second is perhaps a reference to the great K a 1528) of the Vijayanagara Tu uva dynasty. Certainly, the poet was using the names to signal dynastic connections as the representative of the Vijayanagara kingdom in the region was which connected to the former empire. Dirks has argued that in the wake of the Vijayanagara demise , all kings formerly under their rule enacted their dynastic succession through emulation of the Vijayanagara courtly ri tuals, like Dasara. 15 T he Wo eyars had been celebrating Dasara f or over a century to this point; h owever in the , the Wo eyar court was not only fashioning their rulers as the ritual successors of the Vijayanagara Empire, but they placed the establishment of their kingdom through an alliance with the former imperial power. They were not like the Vijayanagara kingdom: they were the Vijayanagara kingdom. Perhaps this reflects the changing political landscape in which state 15 Dirks, The Hollow Crown , 35 ff.

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166 authorized succession was preeminent. By intentionally fashioning the Wo eyar kings as the appointed governors and vassals to the non extant imperial power, they were the proper successor to the Vijayanagara imperial complex after its demise. Dynastic genealogy was on par ic descent. To put it another way , ic time to historic time. Despite the insertion of the imperial succession, the u goddess alliance was highli ghted much more prominently than in any pr evious Wo eyar origin story. In the narrative, a fter receiving the commission from the Vijayanagara gapa a a district, the brothers were i. It is there that , once they h ad w orshipped the goddess, they heard of the plight of the kingdom of Mysore and enter ed into the alliance with the Vijayanagara o eyar . The paradigmatic preceptor who worships the goddess wa s replaced in this version with a king who worships the goddess . Like wise, the offering of the Wo eyar progenitor is not simply an act of devotion , but in the it is done in the service of the state . Given the context in which the narrative arose, it is also possible to interpret the Nagar to support position. If the text is read this way , the kingless kingdom is an allegory for Mysore after the death of K eyar I. Both had been given Vijayanagara o eyar steward until a proper acted inappropriately and seized the power for himself. Thus, it was the responsibility of two noble brothers (in the narrative Vijaya and K crowning a king that would uphold the (Ka ale) marriage alliance

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167 throne, and his impriso nment and subsequent death was the proper course of events. It could even be argued that it is the origin story for the Da 1761). Rao seems to prefer this interpretation , which leads him to date the text (ca. 1734 1740) after the death o f . 16 However, the genealogical material and the narrative and devotional foci do not support this reading. The text incorporated a full ic lineage that matched previous Wo eyar s , and the Ka ale da s did develop this type of ge nealogy in their inscriptions even at the height of their power. Additionally, the o eyar not from a Ka ale marriage) who vanquishes the evil minister who had overstepped his bounds. Lastly, the centrality of goddess devotion conflicts with all later Ka ale devotional and discursive practices. Therefore, the text must be read as a commentary about the Ka ale da s from th e literary innovations. The had a profound impact on Wo eyar devotion and the way the court fashioned future Mysore k ings through their origin stories. Additionally, as the last piece of literature from Independent Mysore, it became the model for the resurrected Mysore court of (Mumma i) K 1868). 4.3 Da Non intervention (1 734 1761 CE) In 1734, the da and his co conspirators installed K eyar II on the throne of Mysore to serve as the royal figurehead through whom they could run the affairs of the kingdom. Though the regents wer e quite experienced in governance , rule remained , and from its 16 Rao, History of Mysore Volume I , 23 24.

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168 inception the da regime was surrounded by external influences that threatened security . Additionally, the high level of intern al corruption also continued to cripple the state. 17 The threat of Mysore losing its prestige and the rise of the Ka ale family led to a variety of new ways in which kingdom was fashioned in literature and inscriptions between 1734 and 1761. Indeed, this wa s a period of confusion and waning power that set the stage for the return of the king in 1799. Therefore, it is extremely important to explore the intricacies of the internal and external forces that shaped the Wo eyar position during the Da . 4.3 .1. i as metaphor for regional d ominance In 1735 and 1736, Ali 1740), N of Arcot took control of r, and Madurai as part of a push to consolidate the region under his reign. Each of these citi es had been important for past kingdoms and empires, and whoever controlled them was automatically a significant regional power in South India . In September 1736, the N on their campaign for complete control of the region attacked the Wo eyars , the last major power that was operating independently of the Mughal hierarchy Mulk, (Asif Jah I, r.1720 1748). Initially, the Arcot army was quite successful in their attack against Mysore, and they seized ter ritory as far as Bangalore rather quickly. aiya marched the Mysore troops to Kaila ka and stopped the intrusion of the Arcots. A young Haidar Ali was amongst the most v aliant warriors, who served in the battle of Kaila ka under the gen eral Ka Arasu in 17 , 174 175 . The Caritam was only a faithful servant of KRW II. It also relates that the d , u t Hindu , near his time of death in 1739 gave all his money back to the king save a lakh for the maintenance of his house and wife . It is an interesting anecdote about the evils of stealing from the administration or the presence of two such incidents could also speak to the rampant corruption of the time ( , Caritam , 40 ). This reference REC VI.Sr 79 80.

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169 Bangalore , and was rewarded with 50 horses and 100 soldiers for his bravery, but according to the author of the i aiya was already suspect that he was giving the young warrior too much pow er. 18 The N i marked an important period of struggle in South Indian regional politics that highlights the precarious position of all of the major kingdoms and their attempts to claw their way to supremacy. Because of its hist orical and strategic significance, a i became the battleground on which the contest for regional dominance physically and symbolically took place. i had been an important city for many of the major dynasties throughout medieval So uth Indian history. 19 i and its hill fort stands in a strategically important central position between Mysore, Madurai, Vell It had been the Hoysa as southern c apital, the temporary capital city for the Madurai N a capitals before they settled in . Therefore, any king, who ruled of Tir i was automatically part of a storied line of great South Indian kings. i was also important to the devotional landscape of S Vai a gam is located just outside the city. Therefore, the ruler , who held i , also held sway over many of the pandits and followers of the extremely ava path. 20 In fact as we will see, the temple often play ed an important role 18 , 176 ; Rao, History of Mysore Volume II , 78. It is unclear how many of the details about Haidar Ali accurately depict the details of the time or to what extent they are anachronisms based on his later exploits. 19 Rao, The History of Mysore Volume II , 88. 20 rya in the eleventh century.

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170 in battles and in the terms of treat ies . Since the Wo eyars avism during eyar in the early 17 th century, places of significance to the tradition had become increasin e, the exilic home of the rya gapa a a. The control of one of the tradition s most important hasvami) in their capital city gapa a a), would have secured the role of protector of dharma ava pat h in the minds of the Mysore rulers. A s the battles rage d over i , the inscriptions installe d by the Mysore rulers continued ic ic significance as the defenders of dharma . D uring this period instead of simply propagating the proper Vai ava genealogical material Ka ale lineage was given alongside the Wo eyar ancestry, effectively fashioning the Mysore kingdom as the culmination of the Vai ava Ik i, then, was more than simply a strategic stronghold, but it was part of a greater process that sought to thrust the Mysore kingdom into a period of greater albeit shared imperial dominance and became the measure of the da . i a s a metaphor for regional supremacy became the focus for most of the battles and the justification for Mysore prolonged war in the South . Rao explains that the campaign for i was the result of the previ ous success of the Mysore state: In Mysore itself, while the reigning king [K and generals were men who had been brought up in the traditions of the past and aimed at the subjection of the whole of the South of India to Mysore, a tradition which was later unquestioningly accepted by Haidar, who even improved on it. They were not to blame for this, for, since the break up of the Vijayanagar Empire, South India knew only Mysore as an organized kingdom with a conscious ai m and will of her own, with an objective which made an irresistible appeal, and with a power which could help to carry it through. Mysore had a claim too for being the

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171 leader in reconstructing life and polity in the South, as her connection with the Vijaya nagar kingdom had been continuous and unbroken since the middle of the 14th century. Sanctified by age long association, her claim to supremacy over the South seamed incontrovertible. 21 While position within the region and its Vijayanagara links ar e quite generously stated by Rao, the sentiment rings true. The leaders of Mysore saw themselves as the descendants of the Vijayanagara kings and longed to consolidate South India under their banner, and for them i was the key to attaining th is goal. The decade long quest for i began near the end of 1740 when the da aiya offering to pay the s fifty thousand rupees if they would invade i , kill its (sub magistra te) 1752), the son in law of former N Ali s were to turn the city over to Mysore. The British chroniclers writing ab out the events seem to think this quest for i wa s an attempt to restore a Hindu ( Gentoo ) on the throne . 22 They failed to see the larger implications that the city play ed in the political imagination of the South Indian rulers. Despite the large reward, the s turned down the offer. Instead, they also de sired control of the city and aiya So t he s once again made an excursion into the swelling territories of the N of Arcot with their attention focused on i . The s under ed took the city in March of 1741 after engaging the N three years, finally coming to terms with Safdar Ali of Arcot (r. 1740 1742). M any chroniclers and historians have sugges ted that the N turned on behind on his tribute payments, in favor of a new ruler who would likely be more regular paying 21 Rao, History of Mysore , 113. 22 Records of Fort St. George: Count ry Corres pondence (1740) , 47 n o. 116; and H. Dodwell, A Calendar of the Madras Records (1740 1744) , (Madras: Government Press, 1917) , 117 no. 443 .

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172 taxes . 23 However, it seems that the new N , who had not been confirmed by the M u ghul emperor, also had an ey i. He knew that he would be supported by of Hyderabad if he were to attack the army instead of another Mughal vassal. Though these battles and general interactions between the N , the s, and Mysore have often been characterized by the devotional tradition of their rulers, their interstate affairs were hardly concerned with theological or doctrinal matters. 24 Just as the N did not consider who was or was not Muslim when he deserted governor, Mysore nor the s were Hindu messiahs come to i to resurrect a line of independent Hindu kings. Instead, after the victory, the s established a viceroy in i , w and paid tribute to the N of Arcot for his non intervention in the seizure of i . Furthermore, in May 1741 when the N of Arcot decided he wanted i f o r himself, he did not choose an all iance with any of the Muslim rulers in the area but sanctioned the aid of Mysore, who were incensed by the betrayal . identity of the players in the South Indian game of thrones, in re ali ty they seem to have b een far more concerned with the efficacy of the alliances instead of attempting to establish a Hindu or Muslim monopoly of power . However, that is not to say that communal concerns were absent from the political process of the time ; they just were not cent ral . ic parameters of Indian kingship that had been established in previous generations continued to form the basis for South Indian courtly life . At th is point, an alliance with the Mu gh a l hierarchy was a more effective means of 23 Wilks, Historical Sketches Volume I ; and Rao, History of Mysore . 24 This is not a new phenomenon by any means. In fact the British, as they were wont to do, could only see the relationship betwe en this kingdoms through the lens of religious traditions. For a clear example that was contemporary with these events see Dodwell, A Calendar of the Madras Records, 162 77 no. 136 191.

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173 procuring stability, a nd i t was just another means by which a king could secure his position in the region , that could be coupled with the ic modes of authority that still concern ed all kings of South India, Hindu and Muslim ali ke. A firm hold over i was of such importance to the s that, their viceroy pending affair with the armies of the N . Rao sent a letter to Richard Benyon (r. 1735 1744) , Governor and President of the British East Indian Company (EIC) council at Fort St. George Madras petitioning the corporation for stocks of ammunition and additional war stores for the ensuing battle with Safdar Ali . 25 Ben y on, however, declined the request for aid, replying instead that the EIC chose to s tay out of Indian a ffairs because of their difficulty securing decent interpreters and their naïveté concerning the overall implication of any action. set the precedent that would be cited by many of his successors, and the EIC would take a position of non a precedent they employed when the conflict at hand did not directly affect their corporate de ali ngs. With an attack from Arcot still eminent, the situation grew dimmer for the s after Safdar Ali was assassin ated b y his brother in law in Oct 17 42. At this Hyderabad, who was the direct e xtension of the Mughals in the S outh and sworn enemies of the s, took interest in direct control of i . The city was of such great importance to th crore (10 million) rupees if they would join him in battle against the s. Though Mysore wanted the city for themselves, there was no way s with the Mughal army from Hyderabad and attacked the s in i . After a seven month long siege (Feb August 1743), s vacated i 25 Records of Fort St. George: Dispatches to England (1741 1742) , 15 an d 39; and Rao, History of Mysore, 86 7.

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174 city giving immediate jurisdiction to the new N o f Arcot Muhammad Sayyid (r. 1742 1743), who reappointed The s were not content losing the city and returned home only to prepare for another attempted siege two years later. In March of 1745, the s under Ba yak a attacked i. armies were stretched too t hin from the Deccan to the far S outh , and he immediately offered to pay them tribute, but the army demanded control of the city. Perhaps because of the generous stipend paid by t or because the residual bad blood from the prolonged wars against the s in previous years, the Karnatic kings rallied s, safeguarding i from control. The general consensus was that i was too important to fall into the hands of another regional power. It was better to remain in the hands of the distant and dominant to be taken by their South India rivals . 4.3 .2. Ka ale authority in i nscript ions The tumult over i coincided with the first series of inscriptions that commemorated land grant s made by K were installed starting in aiya ppa i. These ofte n massive inscriptions recorded grant s as and ministers, with the author going into great detail regarding the genealogy of the Wo eyar king and his illustrious Ka ale ministers. The longest and most detailed account is containe d on a copper i in script with the details of the grants written in Kanna d a in the Kanna d a script. 26 After the opening invocatory verses to Ga apati, eyar kings from the Lunar line. 26 EC IV.Yd 58; RECR Vol VI.Kr 117 lines 1 30a.

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175 The story begins with the emergence of the moon from the ocean of milk and then s , who was establish come to the land of Karnataka that was ornament ed by the r i . Seeing it was land of good qu ali ties and beauty, they established themselves in the city of Mysore ( ru ) . The ic genealogy to the (quasi )historical Wo eyar lineage starting with who is called the guardian of the earth ( ), the slayer of his enemies, and like K a to the line of Yadu. 27 From there the gene alogy K ) and extols their bravery, cunning, and strength. 28 eyar, the ga pa a a), who from birth had the splendor of an emperor ( sa ). The king is lauded with the exclamation that all kings bowed to his feet. From there the rava Nar the entire earth to submission with the who, like Raghupati, was the one w ho wore the bejeweled crown and had unequalled qu and Again the pace of the eulogy slows to describe K da had first ruled and the adopted father of K jamma) daughter of the Ka ale 27 1553) 28 who ruled from 1572 1576 and 1576 1578 (Rao, History of Mysore Volume 1 ). However, there is no definitive conclusion from the historical records.

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176 The text lauds them as equal to Vi u and Lak radiance outshines fire and even the sun. It continues by saying that upon hearing of his donations even the trees bowed to him. U nsurprising ly, the text omits any record VI , effectively removing him from the annals of Mysore lore. The longest eulogy, however, wa s reserved for the K . He is lauded within the record as the supporter of the earth, who performs the task better than the elephants of the four cardinal directions, the mountains, the lord of the serp ents, Vi , or any of the previous kings in his own line. His praise is concluded by saying that his betel spit ( i ) is a stream over the heads of his rival kings, his splendor shines like the sun, and enlightened men say that hi s glory is the ocean of milk in the earth, the Ga a in the netherworld. While one might expect the eulogy to end there and the inscription to proceed to the donation of gifts, this inscription reflects the true duplicity of the Mysore court by extoling the Ka ale line and the ministerial brothers da aiya and i ya . The text proceeds to recount their line from their legendary progenitor illuminate d the three worlds with his g aiya , who was the lord of the earth ( ), were possessed of good qu ali a and took control of the army and placed their left foot on the crown of fierce kings as they took their cities. They e of kings and increas ed their wealth by his valo r. born mporary da ), whose donations made the heaven ly trees appear small. y

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177 possibly a not so hidden double entendre referring to either the cu eyar), as and subdued invincible rival kings, making them bow at his feet. The position of before proceeding to the details of the grant. This e pigraphic text is interesting in three ways . First, inscription lacks many of the details found in previous Mysore epigraphic and literary accounts including references to the e, and the Wo eyar connection to the Vijayanagara Empire. the established rhetoric signals a major shift in the way the Mysore court had been fashioned. It is likely the new joint court sought to downplay the Wo eyar superiority that had bee n created through the incorporation of the rhetorical styles of their imperial predecessors. The second novel aspect of these inscriptions lies within the detailed and laudatory verses in which the Ka ale dynasty is praised on equal footing with their mas ters, the Wo eyars. Many medieval inscriptions that commemorated donations and grants from vassal rulers included the eulogies and genealogies of the suzerain; however, this w as the first time in the history of the Wo eyar Ka ale alliance that such inscrip tions were present. In fact, this motif of shared power was the paradigm for all other K da . With the insertion of the Ka ale genealogical material, the Ka ale rulers temporarily but immedi ately achieved centuries of courtly uplift from chieftains ( u , circumventing the need for a bloody conquest of the enemy and an alliance with the local goddess; therefore, both she and their origin story of local significance were unnecess ary within their account. They entered the fray of regional politics at time when royal succession was tantamount and hotly

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178 contested. By inserting themselves alongside and intertwined with the official Mysore genealogy, the Ka ale family fashioned themsel ves as the next line of rightful successors. 29 Lastly, these inscriptions are clearly from a perspective . They mark a sharp transition from the Vai (ca. 1578 1617). Though some Vai ava elements are present (primarily in references to the ra ), history ava tradition inclu e were absent. T he overall inscription from invocation to colophon kind from the Mysore court. This is not too surprising since the Ka ale family ruled near Nañja u , which is considere d by those living in S outher and home of Nañju the lord who consumed poison ) , who was the Ka ale tutelary deity . 30 Therefore, I mark the Da as the period in which the devotional traditions of the Mysore court transitioned from a Vai ava monopoly to a new more inclusive system in which shared prominence . 29 It is import as far back as the reign of Ti r . 1553 1572). In the social arrangement employed in Mysore, when the iage alliance to continue without maternal cousin (cross interw eaving branches, in their view they were quite distinct in regards to matters of succession. There is later jamma the daughter of the i i dified their he entered into an agreement ( ) in which the two houses could intermarry freely. These inscriptions from early in their time in office might be foreshadowing those bolder measures. 30 nañju (poison) (having consumed) = The epithet is not complete without the addition of to whom the adjective participle refers..

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179 4.3 .3. a i In addition to the political dynamics within the Mysore court, the political landscape of South India was rapidly changing. During this period both France and Britain entered into the fray of South Indian politics and quickly formed alliances with the regional powers. Though the battles and coalitions spanned across the region, for Mysore their political world revolved around the city and fort of i . The strategically and historically important city became the perfect metaphor for regional domination as all kings desired it, yet only one could have it. Being so, the Mysore da s became obsessed with occupying the city and did every thing in their power to try to obtain it. However, their preoccupation with i would ultimately cause them to lose money, power, and respect and put them on the outside looking in as the South Indian political world divided along the lines of French and British alliances. In January of 1744, King Louis XV of France declared war on Britain. Sensing potential danger and hazard to their commercial interest s, the British East India Company at Fort St. George in Madras petitioned the N of Arcot to keep the peace in his realm including any incursions from the French fort of Pondicherry against British holdings. In turn, the French asked the N to stay out of their affairs. T he N conceded to the French, echoing Beny previous sentiment of non involvement. 31 With the British receiving no aid from Arcot, the French forces of Pondicherry marched to Fort St. George and captured it in September of 1745 with minimal effort. The British moved just south of Pondicherry and resumed their affairs in Fort St. David on the coast of Cuddalore. There they began amassing a larger army by enlisting infantry men from North India to supplement with their own cavalry, artillery, and infantry and 31

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180 began to fare better in the continuing confrontation with the Fre nch during the continued aggression of the First Carnatic War (1746 1748). As the European powers battled for political and mercantile control, the hierarchy amongst South Indian kings was also continually being contested. After the defeat of the s r in order to build up their war coffers. They a to join their cause against their overlord, the a (C ali cut). Despite initial setbacks, the Mys ore army overwhelmed its foe, forcing the Zamorin to negotiate for peace. Following this successful mission, da aiya , having grown old and weary from battle, retired from active military service in gapa a a, effectively becom ing the king regent of Mysore. aiya , to acting da , who attended to foreign and military affairs. Due to mismanagement and corruption, by 1746 Mysore was again in arrears in their tri 70 lakh (7 million) rupees. The Jang 1750) marched his aiya negotiate d the fee down to a manageable 21 lakh (2.1 million) rupees, fending off imminent dev astation at the hands of the N army. which plunged the Deccan into another state of civil war ( the Second Carnatic War) in which the European forces played a major role. The war was the result of the contested succession of the between by the British, and Muzaffar Jang (r . 1750 1751) be supported by the French. Due to the regnal aiya turned his interest back to his

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181 i . The da began recalling all of the Mysore troops f rom various campaigns in order i and seize it from the deceased Jang , whose attention was elsewhere . While the Mysore da prepared to march to i , rumors ci and other nearby kingdoms also prepared to march to i in what would have been the ultimate contest for regional dominance. W hile the armies prepared for their march i other developments in regional politics complicated the p icture. 32 The situation was further muddied when the French Governor Joseph Franço is Dupleix (r. 1742 1754) secured the release of forces in an effort to repay trol of i , ship of Arcot, which he had claimed since the death of his father in law N Ali . He was supported in his claim by both Hyderabad far Jang h B ahaddar (r. 174 8 1754) . A fter his release, joined forces with the French and Muzaffar Jang (r. 1750 1751) against his uncle Jang (disputed r. 1748 1750), claim to the throne of Hyderabad . After is loyalty and worth to the Muzaffar Jang by securing the Muhammad Anwaruddin and once again bestowed the title of N of Arcot to then immediatel y turned his sights back onto the historically important sites of i and against Mysore, whose power had slowly swelled as far South as Madurai during the st ruggle between . Mysore at the time was aidin 32 Rao, History of Mysore Volume 2 , 99

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182 Si gh, the grandson of in his attempt to reclaim the city. 33 d and French aid, easily defeated the Mysorean Si gh alliance before marching to Pondicherry with the French to be c rowned the new N of the Carnatic. n ship , however, was heavily dispu is often called the Carnatic Wars of Succession (1750 1751), which began with the battle in which the death of Muzaff ar Jang , and This brief war for the positi s a period of relative peace a nd growth within the territory of the Mysore kingdom; however, it was also perhaps the most devastating period in the history of kingdom because the regional powers had allied with large coalitions that included France and Britain that forever changed the political landscape of South India. The Mysore rulers had remained focused on their own ends, and the majority of the voluminous inscript ions from the rule of K Ka ale aiya and aiya were recorded during the period ( 1749 1751 ). 34 All of the s e inscriptions follow the same basic format as the one described above; ho wever, the largest of the group the D a was engraved alu and made some remarkable innovations. The most striking element of 33 Rao, History of Mysore Volume 2 , 118 fn. 16. 34 REC V.TN 16; REC I II.Gu 80; and REC IV.Ch 139. The only remaining portion of REC IV.Ch 139, which is on not state that the king donated anything. The in scription only indicates that he visited the temple, and could remain there. Additionally, it is also the only inscription from this period t hat does not bear the for military support.

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183 the inscription, besides its massive length and the sheer amount of lands gi fted to as , is the fact that this grant wa s made in the name and by the power of da aiya and not the king K Addition ally, in the invocatory section of the , aiya fills the spaces usually reserved for th e monarch . For example, after praising the previous incarnations of Vi u on earth, he turns to R in lines nine through thirteen. her moon like face, dressed in saffron, adorned with various jewels, smelling of fresh flowers, . 35 The invocations continue , calling upon both Da aiya ( prabhu ) . This reversal of suzerain and vassal clearly gapa a a. The epigraph then transitions to the typical reiteration of the ic genealogy of the Wo eyar kings almost verbatim from the inscription from 1744 discussed above . Then the text turns to the Ka ale family , elaborating on the previous version of the story. The additions begin with the description of the Ka ale patriarch who founded Mysore rested the three worlds in his arms allowing the Tortoise, on whom the earth rests, and the elephants, which bolster the world at the four card inal directions, to take a holiday and go roam ing around at will. The text then relates similar information about the subsequent Ka ale aiya, at which point the inscription details his virtues i n piety and war over some forty lines. 36 While the text does refer to K 35 REC V.TN 16, 351. 36 REC V.TN 16. Li nes 64 106 detail his service as general, his formation of the , and the overall virtuosity of the gift.

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184 II as the king of kings ( ), the reference seem s to be nothing more than lip service to the monarch within a text intended to praise the true power in Mysore ; this is a drastic break from the inscriptions of the previous medieval vassal states. alliance with the British in Madras in an effort to maintain his claim to the throne in Hyderabad and to wrestl e its te rritories away from the Muzaffar Jang French alliance. Though the British alliance was met with success for much of the campaign, during an attempt siege of Pondicherry on 16 December 1750 Jang was surprised and assassinated. However, the death of the rival did not quell the political unrest, and three months later Muzaffar Jang was also assassinated by a group of his n s All of the internal fighting be tween the n s reased the independence of his allies . After the Carnatic War of Succession, the focus on the Arcot N ship once again intensified. Muhammad jah (r. 17 49 1795), son of Anwar ud previous l y powerful N of Arcot, clai med that he had been appointed N by Jang and that this appointment had been confirmed by the h B ahaddar (r. 1748 1754) . 37 Li ke Jang before him , allied with the British and both sides immediately began reconfiguring the political landscape within the region. Before long all of South India was divided along the lines of the two claims to the title of N of Arcot. Mysore was heavily courted by both sides. It see ms clear that My sore, being too short sighted to truly understand the magnitude of the situation in South India, were only interested in the struggle as far as it would suit their ends of gaining i . During the chaos that was the Carnatic War of Succession, t he Mysorean armies led by the aiya 37 b not officially being recognized.

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185 had captured Dindigul (Ti ukkal) , a strategically located fort city that lays roughly 60 kms north of Madurai and could give them easy passage to i , which was only 100 kms to the Northe ast. The careful posi tioning and selection of Dindigul illustrates that they were acting, as they had in previous decades , to secure this traditional seat of power to solidify their clai m as the regional power in the S outh. 38 Mysore finally entered into the Carnatic Wars in September 1751, when Muhammad Ali offered them i , where he was residing, and its surrounding regions if 39 In exchange, Mysore gave a legion of horses and foot soldiers and eighty thousand rupees for his war for Arcot. Just after Mysore agreed to enter the war and eleven days after Dasara, da aiya, who was looking after the affairs of K commissioned a Kanna d a a a. 40 This inscription is curious not only because it is one of the first Wo eyar inscriptions solely in Kanna d a, but also because it lacks the genealogical details of many of the other inscriptions from the Da R egime . Additionally, the only reference to the Ka ale family is the invo cation of their tutelary deity: 41 Instead, the focus of the inscription wa s its praise of K 42 The exaltations con tinu e with other great epithets: K ), supreme lord ( a ), the sun king ( a ), the profound king ( ja ga bh ra ), the cause of fear in the minds of royal families 38 Wilks, Historica l Sketches Volume I , 387. 39 Records of Fort St. George: French Correspondence (1752) Records of Fort St. George: Country Correspondence , no. 117. 40 REC III.Gu 80. 41 // 42 /

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186 ( k ), [Yudhi hira], in strength Bhima, weaponry Arjuna, horsemanship Nakula, knowled ge Saha i n matha, taking of any country he has seen ( ka u ) he is the keep er of countries he has already taken ( ada ), lord over his vassals ( ma al i kara ga an t ), rules over the world ( p lotus throne. 43 The invocation of K given that those traits had typically been aiya aiya in all of the other inscriptions from the period. Th e usage of Kanna d a instead of Sanskrit is another development within this inscription . The choice of language defini tely demonstrates that the target audience of the eulogy was different from those that used Sanskrit and was probably directed at the same Kanna iga audience as those for whom the details of the land grants had been written, which would have been the local , albeit highly educated, people within the realm. U nlike the previous inscriptions, which were intended for an international or interstate audience, this inscription perhaps served local ends to rally the local chieftains to provide both financial and hum an resources for the ensuing war. While Mysore was raising its army and war coffers, marched a preemptive strike against the in i . Aware of the alliance that had been formed between and Mysore, route to i . As t he Mysore army eventually made their way to aid , they were seized by the French. Upon their capture, the Mysore army denied that they were marching to i , arguing instead that they marched as a defensive measure to sure their own aiya, in true Mysore fashion , concocted a ruse to fool the French into grant ing them immediate release. The acting da 43 REC III.Gu 80, 63.

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187 sent their (advocate/emissary) in Pondicherry a message instructing him to nego tiate their release for safety of the Mysore kingdom . In exchange for their release, the Mysore army agreed to join the French forces against . 44 aiya and his army marched to i and joined a nd the British forces. By January of 1752, aiya and the armies of Mysore (along with forces from Tañj in i against Due to the Mysore reinforcements, Can gam by February . After the victory, performed a public ritual in which he symbolically gave the i aiya , who gifted the N with ten thousand s . 45 After the cere aiya and his men exited the fort in order to complete their task of capturing and killing aiya conjured another scheme to draw their enemy from his stronghold. During the period between gam and June 1752, the da had false rumors circulated from i that suggested aiya an d the Mysore aiya was able to secure a meeting with ali tion. Under this false pretext, was lured gam and attacked . While he retreated the surprise attack, was captured and beheaded by a joint Mysore force. After which his head was paraded around i five times, hanging from the neck of a camel and then sent to 44 Ananda Ranga Pillai. The Private Diary of Ananda Ranga Pillai Volumes VIII . ed. J. Frederick Price (Madras: Government Press, 1904 1928), 57 71. 45 R ao, History of Mysore Volume II , 129.

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188 gapa a a for display on the city gate. 46 While this deceit provided the immediate ends of the capture and execution of aiya to employ deceit to suit his ends led the British Captain John Dalton (b. 1726 1811) to severely distrust the Myso re general . Though the alliance between Mysore, , and the British had secured victory over their common rival Indian counterparts. aiya an d the Mysore forces ; according to the ma , Haidar Ali B ahaddar recognized the trap and led the Mysore army away from certain slaughter. 47 aiya , set on occupying i , instructed his soldiers, which included the forces of he fort in order to seize it. This campaign would last three years, spend several crores of rupees, and would eventually prove fruitless for the Mysore general. The initial reluctance to give over the fo aiya was a result of a semantic discrepancy between the two forces over the proper fulfillment of their treaty. According to aiya , which seems to be consistent with most sources, the presentation of the i fort was contin gent on the death of , the debt would not be settled until after he had won Arcot. After further negotiations, the alliance continued and aiya (for which the acting da gave the British 60 lakh rupees) and the promise of i fort within two 46 Robert Orme, History of the Military Transactions of the British Nation in Indostan Volume I (London: F. Wingrave in the Strand, 1799), 241; Rao, History of Mysore Volume II , 131. 47 in MAR (1930), 79 106 no. 4.b.

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189 months. 48 After the agreement was settled , was escorted to Fort St. David a a in Cuddalore) and proclaimed the N of Arcot. By October the fort had Si futility struggle for i gh turned against his Mysore allies , claiming that the fort of i was territory temporarily moved their capital there in 1660. Settling in for a long siege aiya moved gam. Taking gapa a a onl y after he had secured the i fort for Mysore. 49 There he tried several different approaches to reclaim his foothold around i . First, he sought the aid of the British in negotiating the surrender of the i fort as per the terms of their agreement. The British, however, decided on stating that this was a matter between two Indian sovereigns , arguing that they were not principals but merely t 50 Owing to that response, aiya ordered an unsuccessful assassination attempt of British military leader and emissary Captain James Dalton, whose The Defender of Trichinopoly i) . 51 When that proved fruitless, he turned to monetary means and attempt ed to bribe the British captain, which also proved futile. 52 Perhaps sensing the desperation of 48 Records of Fort St. George: Diary and Consultations Book (1752) Records of Fort St. George: French Correspondence ( 1752 ) , no. 17. 49 Rao, History of Mysore Volume II , 137. 50 Dodw ell, H. A Calendar of the Madras Despatches Volume I 1744 1755 (Madras: Government Press, 1920), 177 9. 51 Charles Dalton. Memoir of Captain Dalton: Defender of Trichinopoly, 1752 1753 . (London: W. H. Allen and Co., 1886). 52 Rao, History of Mysore Volume II , 138.

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190 aiya Hyderabad. However, Captain Dalton army desertion from the Mysore co ali tion . As such it constituted an act of insubordination and dissolved the Mysore. But in real ity it was probably the excuse for which he had been waiting to attack his On 3 January 1753, Dalton and his forces attacked the Mysore soldiers, gam temple complex. The Mysore army was able to withstand the onslaught and even managed to push the British back to i . However, Major Stringer Lawrence arrived with reinforcements soon after and was successful in beating aiya gam. Growing more frustrated at every turn, Nañja aiya d emanded either the fort or financial restitution from the British and N to be given to Mysore immediately. If his demands were not met , threat ened violence against Arcot and its neighboring villages and towns. Because of the threa t to British and territory , Governor Thomas Saunders (r. 1750 1755) aiya and Mysore official enemies of the state for the N and the British. 53 These events coincided with a series of donations to temples al l of which were recorded in short inscriptions. He first commissioned a tower ( ) to be built on top of the T a ) of the Kanna d a November) 1753. 54 In this inscription , he briefly states his genealogical aiya aiya , whom he 53 Records of Fort St. George: Country Correspondence (1953) , 78 no. 124 54 REC V.My 85. This would have been during the period in Mysore.

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191 still calls the da of Mysore. Several other inscriptions of which the dates have been corrupted must also be attributed to this period because of the similar format and details. 55 Given the dearth of details contained within the inscriptions, it is difficult to speculate about why part of a vow undertaken by the da for success in his mission. This might be confirmed by his donation of an undated image of Ca adapura. 56 If this e a martial goddess for aid; however, i of Mysore. During his period of self aiya he ld his ground and formed a soft alliance with the French as the wars and battles waged onwa rds. Finally in July of 1754, emissaries of the N and Mysore were sent to i to work out a peace treaty with aiya with the British and French acting as mediators. Both sides agreed to return to the original terms of their agreement i and foregoing the 55 These can be contrasted to those which come after his exile, such as R ECR V.Kr 69, from 1767 CE in which he is referred to as honor of the chariot festival ( ). and the of M ysore ( REC IV .Pp 79 ). Also likely dating to this period is an undated temple inscription on the pedestal lotus similar gift with similar descr iptions and eulogistic features ( REC VI.Sr 29). commemorating the gift of a tank to the temple could also be from this period ( R EC IV.Ch 228) . Within the details of this gift there are several discrepancies, which make exact dating difficult. The inscription reads that the gift was would h ave been made in 1758. While the editors of Epigraphia Carnatica prefer the later date, I believe that the similar details particularly referring to his brother as the place this and the previous two undated inscriptions within the time that Nañja , an attempt to gain favor with the gods. An argument could certainly be made that these inscriptions were from the is unlikely that there would be no alteration in the modest details of the donor or the inc lusion of the former name. 56 REC IV.Pp 79.

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192 monetary payment. O nce an agreement was reached the British EIC leaders in Madras accept ed the terms of the treaty citing the surrender of the i fort instead of payment would enabl e the EIC army to continue its war efforts if need be. In their official correspondence concerning the treaty and the debt owed to Mysore , they remarked that the monetary payment was not feasible. 35 lakh rupees, a sum which, should the Company not recover , may greatly affect their credit at home, a debt which, if the war continue on the present footing, will be daily encreasing [ sic ] an accommodation with the Dalloway [ ] on th e terms proposed by the Vencat R ka a Rao, Mysore , who was negotiating the terms] will immediately discharge the whole or greatest part, which, if there should be a necessity to continue the war, will certainly enable the Compa ny to wage it with fresh vigour. 57 The East India Company Board in London , however, disagreed with their decision an d sent a reply explaining their rejection of the terms. The EIC Board feared that since the Mysore c offers were yet to be exhausted, their ag gression and territorial expansion would not cease but only be strengthened if they obtained the strategically positioned fort . Thus, they reentered negotiations . The talks, however, proceeded at an extremely slow pace because the British claimed they coul d not find a suitable translator and refused to discuss the details of the treaty with the da until another interpreter could be found . aiya had a dispute with his ally Colonel Jacques Maissin, the Fre nch commander gam, because the da threatened kill himself and his entire family by explosion if the French ar my left . 58 In the midst of this drama, aiya left the negotiations gam. In his absence, the acting French governor, Charles Godeheu (r. 57 Records of Fort St. George: Diaries and Consultations Book (1754) , 146 7 no. 858. 58 Pillai , Private Diaries Volume IX , 45 6 , and 69 80 .

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193 1754 1755) signed a treaty with Thomas Saunders, governor of Madras, relinquishing the fort to the N aiya nor any of his advisors, effectively leaving aiya and his army with no allies and little hope for achieving their aim of acquiring i . ka a Rao, the Mysore em issary in Madras was called back gapa a a at the behest of K eyar II , who had grown tired of the expensive campaign for i that had yielded no results. The ongoing war seems to have demor al i zed the Mysore state, and the balance of power started to Mysore, N surro aiya . Moreover in their weakened state, Mysore was open to more attacks, which inevitably came from a co alition between the s of Madurai and the a gapa a a in March of 1755. Wit h the impending threat from the N aiya gave up the campaign for i and the southern gapa a a on 8 April 1755 . Then Muhammad Ali i and marched to Arcot, escorted b installed on the throne of Arcot. The and Hyderaba gapa a a in June 1755, but the threat never materi ali zed into warfare as the French governor intervened and negotiated a truce in whic h Mysore paid against . In re ali ty, the march toward Mysore may have merely been a ploy of the aiya in th eir impending pursuit of the Raz allied claimant to N of Arcot ) against

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194 and the British, which would become known as Third Carnatic War (1757 1763) that roughly coincided with the broader Anglo Franco Seven Years War (1756 1763) . as a general mismana gement of the Mysore army, K jamma (Do amma) aiya ka a Rao as the of Mysore. 59 aiya got wind of the plot and sent word to Cikkamma, his daughter and wife of K order to persuade her to kill her husband, the king, in his sleep. The queen, though, did not comply. Instead, she informed K aiya , not one to go down without a fight, aiya , the administrative and titular da , and presented the situation to hi aiya . He imprisoned ka a Rao in the Malava i fort and placed the king under palace arrest on 1 November 1756. Almost immediately after the coup , due to the volatility of his brother, even the da aiya gapa a a for Satyama ga gapa a a and in control of the entire Mysore kingdom. 60 Sensing the dire nature of the situation and the aiya , and fearing for his l ife, K from all possible sources, foreign and domestic. Initially, the decided to intervene aiya ka a Rao , and then himself if any armies app roached. 61 Eventually the turned a blind eye to Mysore in aiya . The king also pleaded to the French, but it also fell on 59 She the queen mother is of because they will often be employed in regards to the el der and younger wives of the king, to paternal aunts, or to women in general. But here the meaning is clearly the head or dowager queen. 60 , 184; and Wilks, Historical Sketches Volume I , 897. 61 Rao, History of Mysore Volume II , 200.

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195 deaf ears as the French wanted no part in the matter. Therefore, during the period from November aiya was for all intents and purposes both the da and king of Mysore. Eventually, K aiya public reconciled following a invasion in June of 1758 . They agreed that power would be divi ded between the Ka ale family aiya and Wo eyar family with the former taking Mysore and controlling foreign gapa a a to deal with domestic administrative issues. As part of the reconcil iation, the Na agreement was signed in which the Wo eyar and Ka ale families were said to be of equal status and could intermarry freely. However, soon after the deal, K employed Haidar Ali da r, one of generals who had earned large revenue yielding territories and the title of within Mysore, against the da . 62 The agreement was most likely officially commemorated on 23 May 1759, when K Ali the village of Ca amagere an d its areca (betel nut ) palm orchard, who in turn gave the revenue back to the palace treasury for the maintenance of the poor at the The details of the two grants (the village and the orchard) are fascinating because of the way they blend traditional styles in the cautionary refrain. In the inscription that details the gift of both plots, the warning is the same as those usually found c ommemorating temple donations if anyone obs tructs this donation it i however, it adds an import ant phrase that clarifies the warning only pertains to those who are Hindu ( hindurava 62 in MAR (1930), 79 106 no. 4.b.

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196 ). 63 An inscription on a smaller stone, which only details the grant and the subsequent donation of the village, elaborates the meaning, giving the warning in terms specific to both Hindus and Muslims by adding that for any Muslim ( ) it is equal to eating a pig in Mecca. 64 The warning clearly shows that Hindus and Muslims were two dist inct groups with different restrictions, but it also shows that they operated within the same framework of patronage and karmic consequences. Furthermore, the establishment of the trust demonstrates Haidar Ali s argued is reserved for the establishment 1732. 65 Haidar Ali , by giving this gift, is establishing himself as a member of the ruling elite above the typical rank and file or even elite generals. From this point onward, it is quite clear that Haidar Ali was attempting to fashion himself through patronage as a ruler within the greater system of South Indian polity. It also seems that K A kanaha i ( near as he attempted to assert his authority and autonomy. In June 1759 in an inscription was installed that commemorated a grant given by the A kanaha i townspeople to 66 Th is is the first inscription from K named as the ruler without any reference to his da s or Ka ale family whatsoever. While it could be coincidental, the location is quite curious as it was the home of the previous king who had been imprisoned and killed by the Ka ale da s . T his gift could have been an 63 REC VI.Kr 103. 64 REC VI.Kr 102. 65 Dirks, The Hollow Crown , 19 54. 66 REC IV.Ch 218. Like with many of the other inscriptions from this period there are some discrepancies with the date details. to the historical circumstances in this situation, I am inclined to agree with the date revisions of the editors of Epigraphia Carnatica , which correct

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197 offering to the god either t o garner the favor of the deity for the arduous battle with Ka ale or celebrating the new independence of the ki ng . Either way, the timing and location of the gift in addition to the Wo eyar centered eulogy suggests to me that the town recognized the import of the summer of 1759 in bringing an end to the Ka ale Da K Ali gapa a a to Mysore during aiya and exiled him to with a severance of three lakh (300,000) rupees. 67 Having secured the fort, Haidar Ali and his army marched back to ganpa a a to momentaril y return power to the king. For his efforts, Haidar Ali was granted four of the ten administrative districts ( taluk s ) formerly under the aiya for his ongoing military expenses and as payment for the siege o f Mysore. In addition to this, Haidar Ali and his armies in the South were also amassing a great deal of territory from his stronghold in Dindigul . 68 Additionally, Haidar Ali supplemented with 2 lakh rupees per month and income from sev eral territories (Tyaga Fort in karapura , and V ali ko apura and a promise of Madurai after the British were defeated) that he was receiving from the French as payment for his military alliance. 69 Fearing Haidar Ali curtail his authority and growing influence. negotiated a co ali tion with the gapa a a, promising to pay the complete balance of the back tributes owed to the ruler, which had been shrewdly 67 Rao, History of Mysore ,229. 68 Wilks, Historical Sketches Volume I , 419 25. in MAR (1930), 79 106 no. 4.b. This was heavily protested by the 69 Pillai, Private Diary Volume XII, 162, and 187 8; Records of Fort St. George: Military Consultations, 624 6 and 642 5 .

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198 negotiated down to one fifth of the original sum by Haidar Ali earlier that year, if they attacked and killed Haidar Ali . Presumably re ali zing that a major conflict with Haidar Ali was im minent, K a ministers in order to replenish the Mysore war funds and to solidify his alliances with those whom benefited from the sale. 70 The inscriptions, which attest to this wholesale project, are qui te mundane, and the dearth of laudatory language ic genealogies reflect ed the tenuous position of the king in relationship to his hired sword. The land sales and their laconic inscriptions, however, continue into February of 1762, seven months aft gapa a a fort. 71 In August of 1760, Kha e Rao, K da of Mysore, who had been amongst Haidar Ali contingent onto the river island of gapa a a, destroying all means to c ro ri as they entered, in an effort to imprison the powerful general, who had taken up residence within its walls. Haidar Ali , however, was able to sneak out in the middle of the night with a small contingent of soldiers, leaving his famil y (including an eight year old p ) behind. Retreating back to Bangalore, Haidar Ali immediately started to build his army , enlisting the services of Mir Fuzzul in ra on a monthly stipend in his effort to re take the city. 72 In the meantime , the kingdom of Mysore public ly decried Haidar Ali as a traitor and sent a large force to Bangalore to capture him. For this purpose, they requisitioned their allies to obstruct 70 REC VII.Md 24 (29 May 1760); REC III.Nj 318 (24 October 1761); REC III.Nj 109 (20 November 1761); REC III.Nj 319 (21 November 1761); REC III.Nj 316 (7 December 1761); REC III.Nj 317 (1 February 1762); REC IV.Ch 197 (23 February 1762); REC IV.Yl 145 (9 March 1763), which begins to elaborate within its eulogy. 71 in 1761 and the time of the last such inscription in March of 1763 , many inscriptions had reincorporated much of the genealogical material (e.g. REC V.Kr 46 and REC V.Kr 47). 72 in MAR (1930), 79 106 no. 4.b; and Rao, History of Mysore Volume II , 243.

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199 Ali nch forces in Pondicherry, from returning to aid their master. Though, they did not succeed in capturing Haidar Ali , the Mysore alliance was able to force him into a treaty and win back some of the Mysore territories that the French had given Haidar Ali. During this same summer, two copper plate inscriptions were engraved that commemorated two large land grants ( ) from the K as, each consisting of twelve villages that were collectively renamed K n of K mother) . These ic genealogy, beginning with the story of the churning of the ocean of milk and proceeding all the way down to Yadu. The K asamudra in scription relates e pilgrimage within the narrative that had been missing from the M ysore genealogical materials since the rise of the d a s . Both accounts lavished elaborate praise upon K of his Wo ic kings. By renewing the rhetoric of the imperial per iod, K independence through gifting land and through the use of medieval genealogical paradigms. from the Ka al e da s leaning. The treaty and K did not last long, however, because Haidar Ali was able to convince the f orces to leave their alliance with Mysore and join his cause . Then Haidar Ali marched his troops to the Western gh s , prompting Mysore to seek an alliance

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200 with the B 73 The Britons, though, were not keen on forming an alli ance with Mysore after the various deceits and double de ali ngs employed by their armies during the Carnatic Wars, and they were certain that this was yet another deceitful ploy. Therefore, after extended negotiations between the two sides, the alliance was finally officially rejected by the Governor of Madras George Pigot (r. 1755 1763) in July of 1761 after Haidar Ali gapa a a . Distraught by the insolence of Haidar Ali , K e Rao to march the Mysore army to the territories of Nañja u and Ha adanaha i, which were now in the Ka ale a iya , whom Haidar Ali had defeated a year earlier. There Kha e Rao routed Haidar Ali 18 December . 74 Haidar Ali aiya , who gave Haidar Ali his entire army to attack Mysore . The Haidar Ali aiya alliance was formed for one stated purpose: to execute the surrender of Kha e Rao, ending the battle in the Ka ale territory. Perhaps considering the king powerless, they sent several letters to K gapa a a unless the king surrendered Kha e Rao to them. The king refused; so Haidar Ali marched his men to Ka ali , where he fooled Kha e Rao into a trap by allowing fabricated secret correspondence to fall into the My sore da hand. The letter related that several of had defected and planned to help Haidar Ali aiya capture the da . Thinking he had intercepted a secret plot and assuming his own men were against him, Rao took defe gapa a a. Without their leader, the Mysore army was easily captured by Haidar Ali 73 Rao, History of Mysore Volume II , 246. 74 Records of Fort St. Ge orge: Military Consultations , 15 19.

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201 After capturing a larg e contingent of the Mysore army, Haidar Ali had the upper hand , and by June of 1761 he and his gapa a a and blockaded the city. Claiming that Kha e Rao was originally his servant, Ali demanded that the general be returned to him along with the rest of his rightful payment for previous military service to Mysor e . On 20 June 1761, K and the kingdom was divided. Under the agreement, K three lakh aiya was given one lakh villages, and the remainder of the territory would be maintained by Haidar Ali , who was also given Kha e Rao. Local legend says that Kha e Rao was forced to suffer through his remaining years in an iron cage in center of the Bangalore market, though De La Tour suggests his sentence was eventually commuted. 75 With the absence of their general, Mysore soon fell to Haidar Ali . On 3 July 1761 Haidar Ali gapa a a fort, became the Mysore da , and was given the title of n in royal inscriptions and correspondence. 76 Haider Ali , however , chose to allow the king to maintain more than just a titular role, and seems to have served the king well as strong da to the Wo eyar family until the time of K 77 The r emaining five years of K Wo eyar kingship, as ic Wo eyar paradigms of authority that had characterized their courtly productions since their imperial pe riod . However, the political landscape of South India changed when the Treaty of Paris (1763) was ratified re 75 Rao, History of Mysore Volume II , 254 fn. 16. Maistre De La Tour in Charles Stewart, A Descriptive Catalogue of the Oriental Library of the late Tippoo Sultan with Memoirs of Hyder Aly Khan and Tippoo Sultan ( Cambridg e: Cambridge University Press, 1809) , 71 6. 76 Century South India 77 1763 and assumed the title of the King of Kanara and King of Coorg issuing

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202 classifying European holdings in the subcontinent as official colonial territories. 78 Prior to the Treaty , the European powers had allied themselve s with kings, , and n s claiming to be auxiliary forces and non political entities; however, within the terms of the Treaty , France and Britain actively rearranged the hierarchy of the Mughal court by determining amongst Ali ) and N of Arcot (Muhammad Ali ). As a result of the Treaty of Paris , the two major colonial superpowers in India entered into the game of king making in an official capacity. This perhaps was only possible as the Mughal power in Del hi was rapidly waning and lacked any means of opposing the Europeans. With this agreement that was signed thousands of kilometers away in Paris, Great Britain in one fell swoop had usurped regional dominance from the rulers of South India, who had fought f or centuries over it. calculated lineage construction would take on a new meaning for the Wo eyar dynasty , and the devotional alliance would be cast into a new metaphysical mode to which I will return in Chapter 6 . 79 4.4 Conclusion Given the volatility of K rule, which was marked by multiple rebellions and usurpation of power, the royal eulogies and genealogical materials in the various inscriptions from this period shed interesting light on the Wo eyar po sition in the region. There is no doubt that prior to his reign the kingdom of Mysore had arisen as a viable candidate for the imperial vacuum left by the Vijayanagara kings; however, with the rise of th nflicts distracted them from maintaining this role into the 18 th 78 Rao, History of Mysore Volume III , 16 ff. 79 I employ Dirks terminology h ere because it succinctly summarizes the changing from a medieval political landscape to something completely different under French and British domination. Dirks, The Hollow Crown, 55 107.

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203 century . Nevertheless even during the Da regional power that fashioned its rulers through medieval genealogies, clinging to what Nicholas D irks has term in the face of the changing political landscape. 80 The epigraphic and literary records from the period reflect authority and significance within the region and the struggle for power within the ir own realm. It also reflects the duplicity of the Mysore state during this period in which the Wo eyars and the Ka ales Vai ava devotional traditions co existing with the literature of the court . Consequentl y, the Da remaining in the medieval perhaps best demonstrated by their dogged persistence in pursuit of i caused them to fall behind their regional counterparts, who had already formed strong alliances with the emerging European powers. The lack of strong intraregional bonds caused Mysore to lose its place a regional power and, thereby, its identity as a terri fying martial state perhaps reflected in the absence of the goddess. A fter the Treaty of Paris was ratified in 1763 , it became obvious that the political landscape had irrevocably changed, and Mysore had to update its approach to interstate affairs. With t he death of K a change would come that would spark a return of the goddess from an unlikely source . 80 Dirks, The Hollow Crown , 55 107.

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204 CHAPTER 5 THE HALF HINDU KING, THE TIGER OF MYSORE, THE GODDESS AND THE TRANSITIONAL POLITICAL PARADIGM OF SOUTH INDIAN POLITICS 1762 1799 5.1 Introduction The last third of the 18 th century saw the rise of Haidar Ali as the da and regent of the Mysore kingdom of Mysore and his son stablishment of the Mysore Sulta nate. Though neither were from a royal line, they enac ted and evoked many of the pre existing South Indian paradigms of fashioning kingship in which the goddess and lineage were paramount. Far from the characterization of the rule of Haidar Ali and a complete break from traditional South Indian kingship, we shall see, these kings continued to operate under the aegis of traditional motifs and rules incorporating royal rituals, genealogical materials, and even mimicking origin stories of their predecessors . However, this period also saw the emerge nce of the British as the political power within the region and both Haidar Ali and were shaped in dialogue with their external influence . 5.2 Haidar Ali, Ruler (1762 1782 ) Haidar Ali, as we saw in the C hapter 4 , rose from the rank and file of the Mysore army to eventually become head of the Mysore state. He is probably best known, however, as the father of court and by thos e outside it) are extremely different. In his history of Mysore, Wilks frequently praises Haidar Ali for his patronage of a local fierce festival. 1 Rao sentiments remark ing 2 These characterizations demonstrate the 1 Wilks , Historical Sketches Vo lume I , 445 . 2 Rao , History of Mysore Volume II , 292 .

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205 degree to which Haidar Ali continued the modes of kingship constructed by his predecessors. Indeed, a eyar kings and the efficacy with which they brought success to the state. 5.2.1 From da to regent ruler looked upon quite favorably in Mysore history. He is often praised as the da who was able to reinstitute Wo eyar rule and end the Da military grew more powerful he gained more control over t he Wo eyar kings. Though he never considered himself the king of Mysore, Haidar Ali slowly transitioned from da to regent, who not only guided the kings, but single handedly chose their successors. To fully understand his rise to power within Mysore, it is important to consider the full breadth of his role within regional politics. It is clear that prior to Wo eyar (r. 1766 1770) , Haidar Ali emerged as a great power in regional politics . His ascent began 1763 when he and his arm ies defeated and usurped the Ke adi been a major force in central and coastal Karnataka after the fall of the Vijayanagara kingdom. They had also been a major thorn in the side of the Mysore kingd om. After losing a particularly been bitter enemies of the Wo eyars often allying with their enemies against the Mysore state. Since that infamous war, the Mysor e da battle but were never able to completely defeat them. However in 1763 Haidar Ali conquered continued his role as the Mysore da as the head of a vassal state like all of his predecessors. Even within this structure Haidar Ali pushed the boundaries of vassalage by

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206 issuing coins from his coins did not break with any of the previous conv u with Kannada and Arabic scripts copying the style of the Ke a d i ruler s . 3 Haidar Ali was also recognized by the Abd n, the n of Sava r u, who solidified the Mughal alli ance with the Mysore da by offering him his daughter in marriage: an alliance that in 1780 Haidar Ali would use to claim that his son of the Carnatic against his enemy . 4 However, after a M attack in 1766, he left his new kingdom to lead the Mysore army in Malabar; however, after only a short time there he was called back to Mysore to intercede in a dispute over the succession of the Mysore throne during which he also assumed the role o f regent . 5 The circumstances surrounding the coronation of the new Wo eyar king of gapa a developing power in Mysore state . After the death of K had arisen over who should be selected as the next king . Traditionally, the kingdom would pass to the eldest of K stead and made arrangements for his corona tion accordingly . At this time, Haidar Ali was l r. While o n the battlefield, he received word of the steps taken by the ministers from the queen mother, Do amma of the Ka ale family and daughter of 3 J. R. Henderson, The Coins of Haidar Ali and Tipu Sultan (Madras: Government Press, 1921) , 1 7. In the final two years of his ruler Haidar Ali minted coins in his name that bore an elephant motif mimi cking coins issued by both 4 87; Rao, History of Mysore Volume III , 31 2; Wilk s, Historical Sketches Volume II , 687 8. 5 Rao, History of Mysore Volume II 5), he glosses regent with governor of t he king and ruler of the kingdom , and , 185, 190, 194.

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207 the former kara ika was placed on the throne. Haidar Ali responded by immediately leaving the battle and returning gapa a a to crown Wo eyar as the kin g of Mysore in defiance of the other ministers of the court . 6 Wo eyar (r. 1766 1770) , Haidar Ali seems to have continued his subordinate role as the da in service of the king of Mysore . The state hierarchy was even enacte d during the annual Dasara festival during which Haidar Ali continued the tradition of previous da by ceremonially reporting to the king a full account of his military exploits in the previous year . 7 This ritual rendering of deeds in service of the rulers enacted the hierarchical system for the Wo eyar court and demonstrated how Haidar Ali fashioned his relationship with the Wo eyar kings. Even though military and administrative power had shifted to Haidar Ali, the Wo eyar king continued to perform t he central ritual role of the kingdom. Wo he died after only four years as king at the age of twenty two. The circumstances of his death are shrouded i n mystery . 8 eyar had grown increasingly in depend ent as his da was away fighting wars on several fronts against the N of Arcot , the British, and the s, and a lmost all sources point to some degree of treachery by Haidar Ali as part of a pol itical power move. 9 6 In his discussion of this period Rao defin itely shows bias against Haidar Ali. He gives extremely heavy weight to rumor concerning treacherous and deceitful acts committed by Haidar Ali. In this case, he suggests that the hat he could march back to mother. However, it seems that Haidar Ali had a surplus of power in the Mysore court in which as we have previously seen the minist er, whom he reprimanded in this case, probably wielded more power than the king. Rao, History of Mysore Volume III , 1 177. 7 Rao, History of Mysore Volume III , 233. 8 Even the year in which he died range s widely from 1770 1772 in many histories of Mysore . 9 Rao follows the contemporary history of Peixoto in which it is suggested that Haidar Ali poisoned the young king with a glass of milk. Rao, History of Mysore Volume III , 170. athed. Wilks, Historical Sketches Volume I , 560 ff.

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208 W o eyar in 1770 , Haidar Ali continued his role as regent in addition to da and when th Be Wo eyar II ( r. 1770 1776) was coronated at the age of eleven . However, the da spent most of the next two years battling the forces from Pune in addition to continuin g his incursions into the r coast and Coorg (Ko agu) in 1774. His status in the kingdom was only solidified as he continued to push the boundaries of the Mysore territory in the northwest, which inevitably gave rise to more skirmishes with the s , and in the northeast, during which he finally exacted Rao by conquering Gooty in 1776. After his siege of gapa a a in August 1776 for a period of rest from his many river in the north, making it almost as large as present day Karnataka. During this period, however, there wa s some ambiguity over paramount kingship in the region. In a n inscription commemorating the installation of a temple pinnacle ( ) from in August 1774 . The inscription sta n ), the n the verbose bahad da r , who is named Haidar Ali, was also the king ( ) who was ruling the earth . 10 This inscription transposed the medieval paradigm in which the emperor suzerain ought to be called demonstrates that Haidar Ali to some extent was being fashioned as the primary ruler and the Wo eyars as his vassal. F rom this point forward, Haidar Ali started to as sume many of the titles death provided in the . MAR (1930), 93 no. 4.b. 10 REC IX.Bl 14.

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209 that had previously been reserved for the suzerain such as and . 11 will see he always recognized the import ance of the Wo eyar line and their function in ritual preservation of the kingdom. military successes into real political strength in South India. He progressed from ba haddar to da , to n , and finally to all the while amassing more and more power. Along with his accumulation of titles and prestige, he also grew the Mysore state to include much of what is now the state of Karnataka and Northern Keral a. However, he still continued to operate through the traditional roles respecting the ritual position of the Wo eyar kings for the benefit of the kingdom and his military. 12 For Haidar Ali, the Wo eyar kings served an imp ortant role within the kingdom. He understood that while he could introduce administrative measures and lead the Mysore armies, he did not have the credentials that made the Wo eyars the kings. Therefore, during his rule they served a central role as ritua l functionaries for the state. Haidar Ali saw the need for the royal rituals and their efficacy and continued to promote and patronize these rituals throughout his career with such dedication that you can see why both Wilks and Rao have characterized him a s at least partially Hindu. 11 12 Rao, History of Mysore Volume II Haidar was, in fact, in matters of this nature, more Hindu than the Hindus and did not desire interference in anything that helped him to keep close to the reigning king and his subjects.

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210 A popular tale about Haidar Ali relates that the regent did not see himself as a king or the kingdom as Muslim: 13 Hyder was indeed a different character: he might be an usurper, but he certainly governed the provinces he had seiz ed from his sovereign, or conquered from the neighboring princes, to the benefit of the inhabitants, without permitting his prejudices, as a Mussulmaun, to influence his conduct to the detriment of the Hindoos, as the following antecdote will very remarkab ly show. A celebrated Mussulma u n saint, called Peer Zaddah, resided at Seringapatam, and was greatly reverenced. On the festival of Shri R unga, 14 the Goddess of Abundance, when her statue was, as usual, carried in procession from the temple through the stre ets, it unfortunately passed the door of the Peer, whose pupils being irritated at the idolatry, sallied forth, beat the people, and dr ove them and the Goddess back to her sanctuary. The Brahmins complained to Hyde r, who told them that they ought to defend themselves when attacked. The next day the procession again went forth, and was again attacked by the pupils of Peer Zaddah. The event was however very different; for the Hindoo s, being by far the most numerous, beat their assailants, and continued their procession in triumph. The next day the Peer presented himsel f, with all his pupils, at the d urbar of Hyder, and complained of the injuries they had received. Hyder heard them patiently, and then asked them what they wanted of him: they had attacked the pa rty, and had been deservedly beaten; what else could they expect? and what had induced them to act so? The Pee that the proc ession was an insult to the Muss alma u n religion, and ought not to be suffered under a Mussalma u n government, whilst he, a Mussalma un prince, was at the head Hyder instantly interrupted him Who told you that this was a Mussalmaun government, or that I was at the head of it? I am sure I never did. On this the Peer desired a private audience, which was gran ted; when, finding he could not change Hyder's determination, he declared his intention of quitting the place. Hyder told him he might go wherever he pleased. Extremely indignant, he retired to Arcot, here many faqu irs at that time resided; but not finding his new residence as pleasant as his old one, he shortly returned to Seringapatam, and wished again to live within the fort. Hyder however positively refused his permission, telling him that he had proved himself unworthy of doing so, but that he would give him a house any where else. The Peer reti red in wrath to the Black Town [Madras: home of the British government, another rival of Haidar Ali] , where he died, and was burie d at Chinapatam [Chennai ] . 13 George Viscount Valent ia, Voyages and Travels to India, Ceylon, the Red Sea, Abyssinia, and Egypt in the Years 1802, 1803, 1804, 1805, and 1806 Volume I (L ondon: W. Bulmer and Co., 1809), 417 8 . Emphasis added. 14 Valencia must have been confused because of what he perceived as effeminate features of the deity like many oth er Europeans of the time.

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211 Whether or not this anecdote related by Valentia in 1804 was based on actual events, the details display a memory of Haidar Ali as a ruler who was fair and just regardless of personal religious proclivities. Furthermore, when his relationship with Hindu rituals are viewed through the lens of pre existing South Indian courtly paradigms of kingship, it is clear that Haidar Ali was actively engaging these traditions. during which we can see his co mplex relationship with the Wo eyars and the goddess. 15 After Haidar Ali immediately ruled out both direct heirs: both grandchildren of K one from the Ka ale family and the other from the Arasu family. Wilks relates th at it was Dasara season in Mysore and the da wished to celebrate the festival with a great deal of pageantry; so Haidar Ali quickly set about choosing from amongst all other possible heirs to the throne. 16 The regent had the darbar hall filled with va rious toys, fruits, sweets, weapons, et cetera and had children from the royal family brought inside. 17 he instructed them to choose their favorite items from amongst the collection. When one young boy picked up a dagger and then a lemon, Haidar Ali proclaimed him as the successor to the throne. The i (ca. 1860s) elaborated on this selection process . 18 In this version, the queen mother was indignant and insisted that one of her candidates be selected as 15 histories suggest foul by Haidar Ali and called upon the Britis h to intervene in the matter. Letter from Lakshmammann i, Dowager Queen of Seringapatam, to Governo r of Madras, dated May 28, 1782 Records of Fort St. George: Country Correspondence , 339 no. 10; Rao definitely agrees with the queen and does not mince w ords about the treachery of the Haidar Ali. Rao, History of Mysore Volume III , 230 4. 16 Rao History of Mysore Volume III , 232 to hide his own selection of an heir. See Wilks, Historic al Sketches Volume II disputed succession. 17 Wilks, Historical Sketches Volume I , 391 2. 18 , 217 9.

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212 the next king. However, Haidar Ali remained firm in his decision that t hey were unsuitable for the throne. Instead he argued that the next king ought to be chosen by the goddess. Her chosen candidate was to be verified by bringing all suitable heirs to the throne to palace, which was to be filled with a variety of items that ranged from toys to domestic items to kingly accoutrements. The goddess would lead the candidate to the items that that displayed her proclivities, thus bestowing the kingdom on the new king. 19 This test could not be refused by the queen as all of the other ministers and people in attendance agreed that this ritual was indeed the preferred method . On the day of the contest, all the contenders were brought into the hall and told to choose whichever items they liked. Arasu , picked up a mirror and a dagger. Seeing this, Haidar Ali proclaimed that he ought to be the next king because he alone had picked up the items 1796) . 20 e in the selection could have been added during the 1860s when the i was written. Indeed the Va i introduces several novel metaphysical explanations for non biological succession and exalted the goddess as eyar pantheon. 21 However, I do not believe that this was completely an invention of the later Wo eyar dagger and lime i Hill 19 , 218. 20 tadbhava of shining. The other is that it is from legitimate. T History of Mysore Volume III , 244. 21 See Chapter 6 . reflects the changing nature of the goddess in t benign Mother Goddess.

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213 festival the aniconic fierce goddess of the hill is offered limes to cool her anger. Ali saw the goddess in her fierce form, and we know that the regent had patronized fierce local goddess festivals. 22 The fierce power that the goddess represented was important to H Wo eyar king played a special ritual role in harnessing that power for military success , a role that he himself could not fulfill. In fact, in the rhetoric employed by Haidar Ali as the , the goddess is much more prevalent than in that of Wo VI during t he Da . The continuance (or perhaps even revival) of the role of the goddess in the Mysore state under Haidar Ali can also be seen in the importance placed of Dasara during his reign. T here is plenty of evidence to suggest that under Haidar Al been in the decades during the Da . Haidar Ali spent large amounts on the festival, 23 Rao, again, the ritual itself was indispensable to Haidar Ali for political motives because it kept the citizens happy under a . 24 viewed as an attempt to continue the imperial precedent that went back to the Vijayanagara kingdom . 25 Indeed, rise to power closely resembled the rise of the Wo eyars in the 16 th and 17 th centuries during which they also incorporated Vijayanagara methods . Haidar Ali 22 Wilks, Historical Sketches Volume I , 445. 23 Rao, History of Mysore Volume II , 292. 24 Rao, History of Mysore Volume II , 29 2 3. 25 E Rao, History of Mysore Volume II , 293.

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214 came from a family of little or no regional significance and only won territory as he acquired land in battle . Therefore, the nature of Dasara as a program and outward display of military prowess was critical in staking his place in the broader regional political structure. While he continued to build his reputation through military service , he would have, wi thout a doubt, been highly invested in . While this might be surprising since Haidar Ali is often considered a n Islamic ruler, it demonstrates ic South India modes of kingship , nor does it make his rule Islamic. Indeed, he was eager to work within ic devotional structures and uphold the traditional ritual life of the Mysore court, even though historians since have chosen to deride his eagerness as political machinations . Haidar Ali, like ic background to legitimize h imself through his genealogy. Instead, he had buil t his kingdom through war . As we shall see, once the kingdom was secured, the job of fashioning a new lineage fell to his son , who sought to connect his family with the descendants of the Prophet Muhammad translating the ic paradigm in to a . 26 many, who boundaries around kings and their rituals in South India. There is also ample epigraphic evidence, which suggests that Haidar Ali continued the donative paradigm of the previous South Indian rulers, including at least three donations to jagadguru of the ri 26 adaptations and elaborations. This term is not meant to overlook that history.

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215 Ke adi kings whom he defeated in 1763 . 27 However, it is abundantly clear that within the broader system of rule amongst s that devotional backgr ound was hardly ever at the forefront of the discussion. Instead, the rulers operated within a system that followed a similar set of unspoken rules and methods of fashioning kingship that had been present in the region for at least a millennium. Though thi s royal program was changed and ava, Jaina, and Muslim rulers to some extent or another. Haidar Ali simply continued in this old way, which was perfectly suited with his aptitu de for war and conquest. Just as the Wo gapa a a; so too Haidar Ali adopt ed these rituals from the Wo eyars after he took the fort. All this suggest s that Haidar Ali fashioned himself as a South Indian king and not as an Islamic king. This style of rule led Wilks to call Haidar Ali Hindoo and Rao to remark that in 28 Their sentiments, however, wer e contrasted to the rule of his son 29 However as we shall see of polity . 27 Shastry, A. K., , 162 5; MAR (1916), 17. 28 Wilks, Historical Sketches Volume I , 445; Volume II , 164 and 349. Rao, History of Mysore Volume II , 292. 29 Wilks, Historical Sketches Volume I , 445. Rao, History of Mysore Volume III , 921 and 1048. Much of the different characterizations owe to the context that the histories of the two figures were written. Haidar Ali was the because they had defeated the former but never fully vanquished the latter.

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216 5 .3 : The Rise of the Tiger of Mysore In his most recent book, The Black Hole of Empire , Partha Chatterjee discusses Asia . 30 He ar gues that embodied the changing political landscape between the medieval and the colonial as an a bsolute monarch . For Chatterjee, position because he made decisions, without regard for traditional rules or precedent , and for that is the power required to preserve the 31 He continues: The attempt to explain Tipu and Christians in terms of a consistent ideology has l ed to much confusion, with some accusing him of being a hateful fanatic, and others emphasizing that he made numerous grants to Hindu temples and promoted Hindu officials to senior positions in his government. It is possible, however, to argue that in the strategic aspects of his politics, Tipu was not a zealot at all but instead entirely pragmatic, dealing with Christians and Hindus both within and outside his kingdom according to the dictates of policy. But, on the claim to legitimacy of his personal auth ority and the sovereign foundation of his state, he needed to assert with the fullest force of conviction that his was a kingdom given by God himself, to further the cause of Islam, and that there were no limits to his absolute authority except those that God might choose to impose on him. This was a new, almost revolutionary political claim, unknown in the traditional culture of Mughal politics. 32 king who ruled during a period of transition, in this section I will demonstrate that the ruler was that his Sultanate through pre existing paradigms of royalty in South Asia, constructing authority through 30 Partha Chatterjee, The Black Hole of Empire: History of a Global Practice of Power (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2012), 67 103. 31 Chatterjee , The Black Hole of Empire , 89 90. 32 Chatterjee, The Black Hole of Empire , 90.

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217 emulation of regional and Mughal models. However, was innovative in the ways that these paradigms were implemented that was uniquely bioptic, looking to traditional sources of authority and acknowledging the changing tides of political power in South India. 33 To put it another way, he was an exemplar of t he transitory period of the early modern; just not in the way Chatterjee imagined. 5.3.1 Creation of the Mysore Sultanate has fascinated many scholars of Mysore and modern India , who have painted a varied picture of the king that ranges from a secular socio political genius to a fanatical Islamic funda m entalist. 34 Though certain recent studies have taken a more objective approach, namely is still one of the most misunderstood characters of early modern India. This is not altogether unwarranted , as he was a dynamic personality that incorporated many diverse practices throughout the various phases of his life. For most, is known for his strong martial presence and his radical departures from the Wo e yar style of governance, which is often characterized in terms of his allegiance to Islam. There are definitely instances th at this seems to be the case, enough that he, unlike his father, wa s never connected positively with any of the official Wo eyar lin eages. 35 However, as Brittlebank suggests in many ways he continues the South Indian paradigm of kingship. 36 He, like his father, marched against the Nagara region and crowned him 33 as in the term biopsy the he optical sense as in biOptics the term refers to a mechanism that allows one to focus vision things nearby but transition to those far ahead. I wish to collapse those wit hin the local and Mughal tradition and towards the future. 34 3. 35 2 36

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218 (Bednur/Haidarnagara) on 4 May 1783. U nlike his father , though, he distance d himself from his Wo eyar predecessors usurping their kingdom and breaking their royal succession; however, he continued to work within pre existing royal par adigms borrowing from his South Indian predecessors and from the Mughal court . During the first few years of his reign, followed most of the admini strative measures of his father. 37 However , in 1784 he committed to the suzerainty of the Mughal e mperor and dat ul Mulk Mubarak ud Daulat e Empire Blessed of the State the Sh 38 This new title demonstrates the shifting political worldview of this too was not without local precedent as eyar by the Vijayanagara king in the Gajjiganaha i copper plate of 1639. 39 Between 1784 and 1786, after a series of successful campaigns in Ko agu (Coorg), of , sending a royal emissar ies to Istanbul and France in search of recognition of his state by the Ottoman Caliph and King Louis XVI, and removing the Mu currency. However, he eventually acquiesced to Mughal suzerainty at least nominally after 40 37 The only major change was that he replaced the Mysore currency wi elephant motif coinage but added images of the sun and babri (tiger stripe) motifs where Haidar Ali had left images of Hindu deities. He named the precious metal (gold and silver) coins after Muslim saints and Caliphs an d the copper coins 38 39 EC III.Nj 198. 40 why th

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219 After this brief period of independence, administration into his court. By 1787, began to completely overhaul the Mysore kingdom . He issued a written order ( ) in which he restructured the administrative units of the kingdom removing much o f the bureaucracy and centralizing power under the throne. He also instituted his own Islamic calendar replacing the South Indian calendar. Additionally distinguishing himself from his predecessors, fort and palace and constructed a new fort and renamed it Na z rbar . This same year he also completed construction of th gapa a a and demanded foreign royals address him as 41 After a successful campaign in Travancore in which he captured the state treasury, solid gold with the famous tiger ornament adorning its pinnacle. From this point onward, ( babri ) motif. These last measures coincided with the first year of the Third Anglo Mysore War (1789 1792). While most of the war was fairly evenly fought, the final year saw the Mysore armies pushed back to the cap ital with the Madras British army pressing them from the East and Bombay British army from the West. The war ended in February when surrender to peace talks. On 24 February Charles Cornwallis, the Commander in Chief of British Ind ia (r. 1786 1793), demanded negotiations. The war was officially over when the two sides signed the Treaty of Seringapatam shortly after Northwestern territory . 41 Brittlebank L.A. Yoon to Charles Malet 14 March 1787 in Malet Papers OICC MSS Eur.F.149/2

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220 on 18 March 1792. According to both Kirmani and Rao, the golden tiger throne was completed in 1792, but due to the outcome of the war 42 It is often said that after the losses military and familial of 1792, zealously to Islam. Kirmani argues that Hindus ministers of his court and sought to only have Muslim advisors. 43 Rao attest s that after the ratification of the treaty, the ruler officially changed the language of the court to Persian, replaced all of his a ministers with Muslims who swore their oath of office on the , and resumed taxation on many of the formerly tax free and that had been given to Hindu temples by previous rulers. 44 Brittlebank suggests that this is also the first time that adopted the moni ker thoughts turned toward 45 She goes on to explain that in 1793 he commissioned two works that focused on ( kufr for me his usage of these terms did not connote a strict communal or religious divide. It is likely that h e saw his side as the were necessarily wrong and infidels. Looking more closely at the full context of his writings, it is clear that was directed solely at his enemies and did not include allies that were non Muslim Indians or the French. 46 At t imes, warned his Christian French allies against losing the faith 42 Meer Hussein Ali Khan Kirmani, The History of Hydur Naik Otherwise Styled Shums Ul Moolk, Ameer Ud Dowla, Nawaub Hydur Ali Khan Bahadoor, Hydur Jung, Nawaub of the Karnatic Balaghaut , trans. William Miles (London: Oriental Translations Fund, 1842).; Rao, History of Mysore Volume III , 916. 43 Kirmani 230 1. 44 Rao, History of Mysore Volume III, 922. 45 Kate Brittlebank, (Delhi: Oxford University Press, 1997), 27. 46 Ifran Habib, Confronting Colonialism: Resistance and Modernization under Haidar Ali and Tipu Sultan (New Delhi: Tulika Books, 2012), xxv xxvi. P erhaps he was taking a lesson from his Mughal predecessor Akbar (r. 1556

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221 when they questioned their alliance . But in contrast, 47 Additionally , of Arcot , who was also a Muslim. Therefore, I suggest that munal sense but as broader political terms in which he classified his allies and enemies. A closer exploration of his rule demonstrates the complexities that existed within multiple religious and devotional tradi tions. Part of that context is his relationship to the South Indian political apparatus and the emerging structures of the European imperial forces. Indian political para digm under While many of his actions have be en read as an attempt to distance himself from the previous rulers and administration, engaged in many paradigms of statecraft that pre existed in the region , indeed mimicking the practice s of those from whom he is said to have been disassociating . 48 Indian kingship through genealogy, patronage, and artistic symbolism. blended the South Indian t ropes with Mughal and Islamic paradigms and produced a vision of the South Indian king that was fashioned through a dialectic of both imperial traditions. His court may not have been the first to do this, but its thorough integration of both systems was in deed novel and exemplary. 49 ic 47 Wilks, Historical Sketches Volume I , xv xvi. 48 Brittlebank, Tipu Sulta , 57 73. 49 For a greater understanding of the context of blending of many of these themes, such as empowered teachers, kings, and places, between Muslim and non Muslims in South India see Bayly, Saints, Goddesses, and Kings , 10 70.

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222 Prophet Muhammad. Additionally, orporated regionally significant symbols of kingship such as the tiger and sun and moon that spoke to both his allegiance to Islamic rulers in Istanbul and Delhi and was faithful to the regional and local traditions. In this way, and adapted the South Indian political paradigms that stood between the old and new (i.e. European imperialism) political systems in the subcontinent. 50 From early in his reign, it is clear that fashioning through proper descent. In 1784, two years after the death of Haidar Ali, commissioned the , a Kannada text that detailed the exploits of his father. 51 Within this text several of the South Indian imperial paradigms are evident, including th e significant outsider migration and the two descendants of the line as the Prophet Muhammad who had come from Arabia and settled in service of the Bijapur court in the 13 th century CE. 52 After several generations, two brothers one being left Bijapur going through Kolar before Fath Muhammad Ali became the jahgir of the Mughal 50 In this dissertation, I will not have the time or space to address the developing anti European imperialist Pan 1897) or the Khilafat Movement (1919 1924). While it was c Muslim Caliph as a source of political strength around the same time that he enacted Islamic political reforms. This ah (1703 seem to have any resemblance to the teachings of Muhammad ibn Abd al Wahhab or any form of Pan Arabic a nti European imperialist political movement. 51 , MAR (1930), 80 1 no. 4.b. 52 History of Hydur Naik , 1 16.

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223 of the kingdom in gr eat detail. T he rhetoric of this text showed the same concerns of descent that had been present in all South Indian courts centering connecting him to the line of the Prophet and his Arabian kingdom. In addition to the textual connection between the Mysore Sultanate and other former and current imperial powers s cestry and had been ousted by the family of While one might argue that rulers, other literary evidence from his reign suggests that he was inv ested in the genealogy of the Mysore Wo eyars. After losses sustained in the Third Anglo Mysore War , which was the first time he had not been able t o completely overwhelm his foes, justified this claim to the Mysore throne throu gh the role of t he da , proclaim ing that lands had always 53 This rhetorical shift demonstrates eyar kings and placed himself amid their cir cumstances as d isplaced kings of Mysore. Additionally, after the fall of 1799, amongst his many antiques and curiosities gathered (and pillaged) by the British army, there was a Kannada paper manuscript titled Arasu ga ga u or The Succession of the Kings of Mysore from Ancient Times that had been copied from older cloth it at the request of 54 Additionally, there was a Persian manuscript that the colophon explained w as translation of that same Kannada 53 Kennaway Narrati ve , 31 32. 54 Mack Gen. Mss. 3.8.b Mysore History: Mysor Aroosoogaloo Porvaabyoodayagalu or the Succession of the Kings of Mysore from ancient time by Nagara Pootta Pundit 1798 201 227.

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224 it in the same year. 55 ic genealogy of the Wo eyars, it reiterated the two brother motif found throughout So uth India and in the genealogy of the Wo gapa a a. 56 The text was obviously extremely important to the ruler for him to commission a copy and translation of the manuscript into both the local and court lan guage. 57 It demonstrates that behind the genre, recognizing the importance of va i texts in fashioning kingship in the region. The legend surrounding the birth of ommon trope that had been found in the region the child born by supernatural power that was present in the region since the earliest genealogical materials from the Ga gas of Ta u. 58 According to the legend, (Fatima Fak h r un Nissa) went to the tomb ( ) of the Sufi saint liya in Arcot to pray for a son after which the queen became pregnant with 59 In honor of the miracle, the couple named their child whose power permeated the sacred site . This story resembles the narrative from the region in which the goddess granted her devotee and heirless king a child; however, the power local goddess was replaced by a powerful . Susan Bayly in her study of 55 Mack Gen. Mss. 3.12 Account , 262 296; Mack Gen. Mss. 40.4 Historical Account of the Rajahs of Mysore from the Persian MS by Dr. Leyden ,65 100; and Wilks, Historical Sketches Volume I , ix xi. 56 The g eyar, but the two brother motif continues throughout. 57 orpus , 58 See Chapter 2 . 59 Brittlebank, , 23.

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225 Tamil devotional traditions, Saints, Goddesses, and Kings, has argued that Sufi saints and local goddess es serve d the same function as the givers of power and bestowers of physical boons. 60 growing devotional networks or domains, the Muslim cult saint moves quite naturally into the world of the sakti 61 She goes on to explicate her thesis by showing the overlapping fields of power and place that emanate from saints ( avar ) or s , who embodied both fierce and benign spiritual power, function just like the fierce local goddesses in South India. While these miracles ( t ) were by no means restricted to royal devotion, the theme of miraculous birth as a result of a boon from a powerful local source be it or goddess was certainly part of the South Indian eulogistic tradition: one that would be repeated often by the court of the next Wo eyar king (Mumma i) K ce of 62 Also , just like the devotional alliance made with the goddess priests by the Hoysa as, Vijayanagara, or Wo eyars, a devotional association with the site of a powerful was common amongst upstart Muslim kingdoms of the region and p eriod. 63 connected to the of the fascinating imperial Sufi saint Muhammad al 1422) . 64 s ancestor Sh eikh Wali Muhammad is said to have lived in 60 Bayly, Saints, Goddesses, and Kings , 132 50.. 61 Bayly, Saints, Goddesses, and Kings , 133. 62 See Chapter 6 . 63 Bayly, 182 3 64 For a full discu ssion of the saint see Richard M. Eaton, A Social History of the Deccan, 1300 1761 Eight Indian Lives (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2005), 33 58. Also see Carl W. Ernst, Eternal Garden: Mysticism, History, and Politics at a South Asian Sufi Cente r (Albany, NY: State University of New York Press, 1992), 121 3. z contributed to the stabilization

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226 Gulbarga at the of the saint during the reign of 56). with a da ughter of one of the of the in the mid 1790s. 65 Just like I have argued about the alliance made with the goddess in non Muslim courts, Bayly argues that the connection to the Sufi saints helped the courts of aspiring kings to fashion their r ulers in a manner that circumvented the need for an established imperial seat. The connection by marriage with a / was common trope for small Muslim rulers that blended elements of local goddess devotion and genealogical materials from the courts of Non Muslims upstarts in the region. 66 Bayly suggests that the originally the region spiritually and through a marriage alliance that power wa s transferred to the lineage of the ruler genealogy . 67 She states th possible for newly established ruling lines to claim ties of descent or spiritual kinship to the great saints of the past, and through them to the Prophet himself. Such extended geneal ogies were 68 argument echoes my reading of the origin stories of post imperial southern Karnataka in which the goddess , who has conquered the land and is the r u ler over the realm, transferred power to rule to the worthy king after proper devotion. 69 and indigenization of Indo Muslim society and polity in the Deccan, as earlier generations of Sufi shaikhs had A Social History of the Deccan , 33. 65 Brittlebank, Search for Legitimacy , 42. 66 Bayly, Saints, Goddesses, and Kings , 183. 67 Bayly, Saints, Goddesses, and Kings. 183. 68 Bayly, Saints, Goddesses, and Kings, 183. 69 Bayly focuses merely on the ancestry portion of the narrative. S he argues that connection with the lineage of the Prophet places the new rulers within what I have termed significant time to the line of Muslim prophets . dissimilar to the origin s tories of southern Karnataka that I have argued were an attempt to locate the kingdom and its ruler within significant space through an alliance to the local goddess. Indeed, the Gulbarga la id realm ment ; however, this could have been an attempt by the Mysore ruler to extend

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227 through genealogical and devotional analogies, but he also interwove both tradi tions within the visual and material culture of his kingdom. Kate Brittlebank , in an essay on of the tiger and sun motif in his courtly productions , argues that notions of barakat , the power of Sufi matrial p , with the pre existing notion of and its association with South Indian kingship. 70 Brittlebank relies heavily on the aforementioned work of Susan Bayly on Tamil Hindu, Muslim, and Christian communities in which she demonstrates the overlapping mot ifs, symbols, and rhetoric employed by the communities. Brittlebank posits that s tapping into the wealth of potential of martial goddesses that exists within South Indian political complex. This is without a doubt the case as he blends the n otion of the lion of God (a.k .a. Ali) with the tiger of the g oddess to seamless ly integrate two martial identities , creating something that is uniquely his own. However, Brittlebank argues that of the tiger eating the double headed eag le ( ga a ) was primarily created to distinguish himself from the Vai ava Wo eyars, who used the ga a as their symbol. She suggests that his authority into the proposed marriage to the hter was rejected. Additionally, t hroughout this reign, s within his realm whose s were inside his realm and mark ed sites of spiritual power that did display the significant space within his kingdom d to have been . believe it likely that he was part of the Qadri order in Bangalore. (Brittlebank, , 42) This devo tional alliance could have operated similarly to the southern Karnataka origin story as Bangalore and Saiyid Baba Fakiruddin Husain Sistani Vijayanagara empire and where buried one of his wives . He is also known to have visited a tomb of a y implies imperial connections to He also employed at least one Sufi named Saiyid Muhammad Medina Therefore, in his relationshi ps with both significant time through a connection to the prophets of Islam significant space through patronage of local sites of sacred power . 70 Kate Brittlebank, Mode rn Asian Studies 29 no. 2 (May1995): 257 269 .

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228 imagery was a symbolic overture to his dominance over the former kings of Mysore. While t here is no doubt that this image was a direct response to the imagery of the former rulers, it did not refer to the Wo eyars . Instead, it place d within the context of South Indian political visual rhetoric , as in the Hoysa royal emblem of their patriarch Sa a killing the ( a ) lion . The insignia highlights adi kings whose primary emblem was the ga a and can be found prominently carved adi. The image when read properly visually demonstrates 71 c reading of the image leads her to conclude that was proclaiming to be the conqueror of the Wo eyar kings. Though many Mysore historians attribute this symbol to the Wo historical inst ance of the ga a in association with the Wo eyar kings came in the i (ca. 1680) and the (ca. 1686), and it was just one amongst many banners and titles mentioned. 72 After this, t he symbol continued to show up occasionally within royal treatises but was never the major symbol of the Wo eyars until after the reinstallation of the line in 1799, when the British also possibly 71 There might be a visual or paronomasia at work in the image since the image was also a common subordinate insignia for the Vijayanagara Empire and their successor states. If a more liberal reading is ta ken, the that is a bit of a stretch. 72 , 26 colophon. Rao uses later works like the (ca. 1860s) to argue that the pseudo was the official state symbol a t that time. image from the Vijayanagara as their primary insignia.

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229 misreading incorporated it into the in signia they gifted the new king. 73 Instead, the Wo eyar emblem must be read as a modified version of emblem, and not the other way around. The image does however show that same field of visual political rheto ric as their imperial predecessors that was continued by his successor (Mumma i) Kr in his banners and coins was another interesting innovation that contained multiple nuanced meanings . Brit tlebank demonstrates the usage of the sun motif by Muslim rulers in India as it relates to the divine light of both Allah and the king; however, I believe that within this context the motif had a paronomasic quality that also reflected the importance of th e sun within the eulogies of the South Indian royal paradigm. 74 While it spoke to the Mughal tradition and their conception of kingship, ruled under the sun banner that flew alongside the crescent banner, visually articulating the epigraphic eulogy that the king and his kingdom that would last as l ong as the sun and the moon, the same way that many South Indian royal inscriptions reflected the phrase by carving the sun and crescent moon in stone above the text. Thus, even the banners that represented his kingdom fit into a pre existing field of (vis ual) royal rhetoric. In addition to the genealogical and symbolic rhetoric of king actively continued the pre existing paradigms of royal patronage . Epigraphic records record gifts from 75 B . A. Saletore has noted 73 This new emblem contained is a small t iger eating the decapitated head of a buffalo a clear allusion to their that rests atop a large victory of the right over evil that is confirmed by its slogan myaham 74 7. For a more detailed discussion with specific examples see A. Azfar Moin, The Millennial Sovereign: Sacred Kingship and Sainthood in Islam (New York: Columbia University Press, 2012), 36, 123 5, 143 152, and 219 22. 75 Habib, Confronting Colonialism , 111 4.

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230 royal gifts. These were the Ranganatha temple at the capital Srirangapatna, the Narasimha temple at Melukote, the Narayanasvami temple a lso at Melukote, the Laksmikanta temple at 76 While Saletore does not elaborate on the possible reasons for quite clear given the material discussed in Chapters 3 and 4 : all of these temples had been, and were still du region. By giving ritual accoutrements to the temples of Celuva Narasi of e and of gapa a a and politically significant from the Hoysa a and Vijayanagara kings to his immediate predecessors the Wo eyars . 77 Additionally, it connected ocally significant royal Ka ale family, who had usurped the Mysore throne during the Da patronage of Lak ale and the Nañju u, where he even installed a li ga that is commonly called th ga . 78 Even beyond ritual gift giving kalai and Va akalai a factions avism in e in a sanad from 1783. 79 His royal patronage also extended to the celebration of Dasara. Like his father, royal goddess rituals . He also seems to 76 Confronting Colonialism , 118. 77 REC VI.Pp. 171, VI.Pp 197, VI.Sr 13, VI.Sr 14, and VI.Sr 16. 78 MAR ( 1940 ), 23 6 . 79 MAR ( 1938 ), 123 5 7. In a previous sanad from

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231 have continued the celebration of Dasara as an important military ceremony . 80 In 1785, used the Dasara confirmed the traditional role of the ritual. 81 Even as late as 1789, is said to have been fulfilling the role of the da and paying homage to VIII and public ly recounting his military exploits during the festival. 82 Lastly, as will be discussed more in depth below, for the destruction of his enemies including Ca i and Ca i from ma ha his reign, including his last Dasara season in 1798 CE. Therefore, like his royal predecessors including his father, phases of his reign. The totality of his actions and rhetoric has caused Brittlebank, following CA Bayly, to suggest that during traditions. While I have primarily focused on tinuance of medieval modes of political fashioning, I believe that it would be erroneous to neglect the changing face of the By the rise of Haidar Ali and , Europ ean notions of the r igid boundaries between r eligious groups were being introduced into India , which were reflected into the ways the court fashioned the 80 He was not the only one to enact the reason for the season. In 1783, the year after Haidar Ali died, the dowager queen Laksmi amma planned ippu on the final day of Dasara. 81 Aut hentic memoirs of Tippoo Sultaun, including his cruel treatment of English prisoners; account of his compaigns with the mahrattas, rajahs, Warren Hastings, Lord Cornwallis and Lord Mornington; plunders, captures, intrigues and secret correspondence with Fr ance as laid before the House of Commons; also descriptions of eastern countries, hitherto unknown places, gardens, zenanna, &c. &c. with a preliminary sketch of the life and character of Hyder Ally Cawn by an officer in the East India Service (Calcutta: T he Mirror Press, 1819), 38 . 82 According to correspondence from Colonel Reed (30 Jan 1789 and 27 Jan 1790) in Various Notices in the M ackenzie General Collection. could have accepting the privilege and right to rule that is granted by an overlord . Dirks, Hollow Crown , 166 7.

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232 king. was certainly aware of the emerging and growing distance between communal gr oups in India and attempted to plant/use that discord against their . 83 clear that by 1786 was operating within a system that was distinguishing hi s kingdom as a zill i Ilahi ). 84 His court was also actively incorporating themes from throughout the Muslim world (i.e. Mughal and Ottoman) through which they fashioned the Mysore Sultanate . Therefore, I think it best not to neglect the difference in religious and devotional traditions, but to accept, as Chatterjee suggests, that Sultanate exemplified a period of transitions in South Indian political life and that his kingly ritual life, instead of ignoring communal differences, worked in the space that connected them. 85 ha as a site for understanding ritual expression k anedu ni My confi dence is based on three strengths. First, the full grace of God; second, the blessing of gurus like you; and third, weapons. If God wants to grant victory, out of these three things, victory only comes with the blessing of a great person such as yourself. jagadguru ha 24 June 1795 86 83 84 Habib, Conf ronting Colonialism , xxiv. 85 Chatterjee, The Black Hole of Empire , 75 7. 86 A. K. Shasty, 4. Translation mine.

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233 In 1944 A. Subbaraya Chetty succinctly divided the predominant characterization s of into three schools: those that believe Muslims in his own realm but not in of Hindu rituals Amazingly though these charact erizations are more deeply not much has changed in the ways in which the ruler is discussed among academics. 87 Given the multiple characterizations of Sultanate , the above quotation is quite perplexing. It is even more confusing if you agree with the common portrayal of Mysore history in which it is argued that after the Treaty of Seringapatam in 1792 CE Sult n became increasingly zealous in his promotion of Islamic go vernance. 88 Even administration could not disrupt his relationship with the jagadguru of the Ma ha . So what are we to make of the ja gadguru which are numerous in his letters in relation to his portrayals as related above? 89 In this section , I will briefly explore how letters highlight the role of the 87 88 Rao, History of Mysore ; Brittlebank, ; Wilks, Historical Sketches ; H. D. Sharma, The Real Tipu: A Brief History of Tipu Sultan (Varanasi: Rishi Publications, 1991). 89 nature of his rule. The is a site through which we can see the political (between medieval and Within the above quotation we can see the multiple sources from which ( of polity. during his reign; therefore, I will leave further discuss of how these letters relate to his vision toward the future. A great starting Modern Asian Studies 1 9, no. 3(1985): 387 413. Tipu Sultan: The Tiger of Mysore , ed. R. Gopal (Mysore: Directorate of Archaeology a nd Museums, 2010), 18 38; and three essays in Habib Confronting Colonialism :

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234 ma ha in his South Indian trans communal and transitional religio politica l landscape. The ma ha had been a center for political engagement since its establishment as an by the Vijayanagara kings with furt her endowments from the Ke adi N , the Wo eyars of Mysore, and the s . By patroniz ing the dh armasa na engaged in a transcommunal poli tical paradigm in which the ma ha was central. Set against a com plex can help us to rethink the multiple functions of the ma ha a wa rd of the dharmic ruler, site of Goddess devotion, and powerful ally within Sultanate and more broadly within late medieval and early modern statecraft . By examining the details of these letters within their historical context , we can s ee the pre existing complex position of the ma ha as an institution within regio nal politics with which the relationship between jagadguru more closely. Between 1783 and 1798 sent fort y seven Kannada letters to the jagadguru of that are still in the possession of the ma ha . 90 In these letters expressed his reverence for the preceptor, requested prayers and rituals for the betterment of t he state , and deta iled gifts that he sent to the ma ha . In the first year of his reign (1783) , became a regular patron of the ma ha when he sent the a shawl and a passport for a pilgrimage the guru was about to undertake . 91 p atronage and correspondence continued even gapa a a during the Third Anglo Mysore War when the ruler sent aid to the ma ha after it was attacked and pillaged by the armies of the in June 48 164. 90 MAR ( 1916 ), 73 4 ; Shastry , . 85 220. 91 Tipu Sultan: The Tiger of Mysore , 178.

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235 1791 . 92 In that same y ear, near the time of Dasara , jagadguru to undertake a vrata (vow), conduct Ca i , and recite ( japa ) the hundred ( i ) and thousand names ( sahasraca i ) of Ca ma ala (forty eight days) for the dest ruction of their enemies . Furthermore, even after the Treaty of Seringapatam continued his correspondence including the letter quoted above that was sent June 1795 wherein he named the jagadguru his ultimate source of victory . His last correspo ndence to the jagadguru came during his final Dasara season in 1798. In this letter, for the successes that had come from his previous goddess rituals and commissioned another Ca i for the defeat of his military rivals. For my purposes I will take up the instances in 1791, 1795, and 1798 in order to show the complexities in the relationship between ma ha . In 1791 while Anglo My sore War against the British, the N of Arcot, and the s, the ruler sent twenty four letters to the jagadguru , over half his total letters and by far the most sent in any year. Since September of 1790 a large garrison of an d British soldier s led by including a twenty fort. During this time, different letters asking the jagadguru to conduct ritual s and prayers to God he uses the Kannada term four times and once for the destruction of his enemies. 93 As the ha (June July) one legion led by 92 4. 93 deeper look, but again I lack the time and space to take up such a detailed conversation.

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236 vardhan attacked and plunde ma ha as, plundering sixty lakh 94 After the attack, the jagadguru 1814) sent word of the attack to requesting his p rotection and asking him to bring the guilty parties to justice. 95 responded with nineteen different letters addressed to the guru often replying to a non extant letter written by the jagadguru to the Mysore ruler about the raid and his reaction to the offense. In his responses, we can see that defender of dharma in a manner that transcended his personal religious affiliation and was at the core of a healthy and wealthy kingdom . In his first letter, the Mysore ruler expressed the outcomes that such actions against sacred sites have on the kingdom. Now, they must experience the processes ( iddannu ) of the kali yuga for this offense that has been committed against a place a s fine as this, for as the 96 There is no doubt that the lineage [of those who committed the deeds] will be destroyed, because of this offense to the guru . These wicked men will cause 97 He continued in the letter and in those that shortly followed to outline how he would see to the restoration of the temple and dharma and thereby the entire state. 98 In this reply, which is exemplary of the overall tone of all this responses, two aspects demonstrate ma ha as precious ward of the state. First, the king suggested that by disrupting the actions of the ma ha everyone in the kingdom ( prajega u 94 litical context of similar raids. 95 the financial compensation. Shastry , , 171. 96 in Sanskrit: , which in itself is a significant aspect of the letter. 97 Shastry , Records of , 170. Translation mine. 98 Shastry, , 169 97.

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237 ) wo uld face hardships, and it was the responsibility of the king to quickly rectify the problem. Another letter from 1793 demonstrates benefits of the proper functionality of the ma ha and its jagadguru . 99 In this letter, requests that the not linger on a pilgrimage, but promptly return to his ma ha to conduct penance ( tapassu ) so that the entire world could prosper. He continued by explaining that wherever the jagadguru resided, plenty of rain would fall, implying that no rain would come to Mysore in his absence . must you stay at demonstrates the centrality of the ma ha within the overall success of the state. Second, raid within the parameters of the Indian cyclic time through invocation of the degradation of the kali yuja . As we saw in Chapter 2 , cyclic time and the defe nse of dharma during the kali yuga was an important element of fashioning the king and his dynasty for the medieval court. By implying that he could restore order even within this microcosm of lost morality, me parameters as his imperial predecessors back to the Pallavas. Clearly, of the ma ha ma ha as a vital part of the overall prosperity and maintenance of his kingdom. While his first six letters about the pillaging of the ma ha by the s addressed the importance of the ma ha and planned a goddess ritual for the eradication of their enemies the entire tenor o f the conversation changed. In the short span of five months, mentioned the recitation of names of the goddess and/or the Ca i , which he insisted on 99 Shastry, , 208 9.

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238 fully funding. By providing patronage for the rituals, was accessing medieval modes of martial kingship by petitioning t he g oddess for victory against his British and foes . Since his initial letter was sent in the second day of the second half ( k a pak a (August Sep (September i in Mysore. 100 In the forty days between the first letter and the inauguration of the ritual, the ten day festival o f Dasara was celebrated. In fact on the day of Dasara, perhaps inspired by the other rituals that he had observed, jagadguru . 101 In that letter, he expressed his sheer delight ( a ) in the u five line letter. ritual did not take place during Dasara, it must be viewed within the same cognitive field of goddess oriented devotion and ritual. transaction similar to the relationship of the local fierce goddess and the u tha t I have discussed in Chapter 2 , or the amma After conducting his business with the goddess, she nor her rituals appear in any other letters from ma ha until his last letter to the . 102 T hat letter, which was written in the gapa a a, explained that previously when the guru had performed the Ca i for the destruction of the enemies of the state therefore, the ruler once ag ain requested that the jagadguru perform the ritual on his behalf. 100 day celebration in Karnataka that begins on Naraka (four teenth) during which underworld. 101 Shastry, , 183 5. 102 Shastry, , 219 20.

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239 Since that letter is the final extant letter between , there is no way of knowing whether or not the ritual was conducted; however, we certainly know that engaged the guru and the goddess for this particular ritual on two isolated occasions during which his capital was about to fall to the enemy. This expression of ritual is very different than the frequent and standard requests within most of his letters in which While those petitions represent an ongoing and continual relationship, his approach to the goddess is about immediacy and ef ficacy in battle. In this way he circumvented the ritual role of the Wo the pomp and pageantry of the Wo that had reaffirmed the imperial hierarchy and mimicked the Vijayanagara style famously discussed by Nicholas Dirks . 103 Instead, his commission of these goddess rituals harkened back to the pre imperial model from the time and destruction. Lastly, I return to the letter from which I quoted to begin this section. In between the Third and Fourth Anglo Mysore Wars 1792 and was resolidifying his kingdom and army for the next round of battles. In January 1795 a letter from jagadguru ma ha had fallen ill and that the ruler wished h im a full recovery from his illness. 104 103 Dirk s, The Hollow Crown , 35 ff. 104 Shastry, , 212 3.

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240 demonstrates a completely different relationship between the ruler and the i n which the guru was 105 In this forty seven line letter quoted above his second longest to the guru expressed that for success he needed three u. But he went on to write that even spiritual alliance with the preceptor. In order to solidify their relationship, sent the jagadguru an elephant, a h orse, several shawls, and three li ga s , for which the was given detailed instruction about how to conduct and offer worship ( arcana ). In the final instructions of the letter, jagadguru li ga within the [plac e of] worship of the primary ( ) deity and the perform 106 Though it is amongst many instructions contained in the letter, the significance of this final request should not be overlooked. The temple to which kara temple in the ma ha complex that was said to have been commissioned by the founders of the Vijayanagara Likewise, the brothers had a li ga installed in th e garbha gu i upon completion of the temple. Therefore, by commissioning a special li ga and asking for it to be installed in the main shrine of the temple, Vijayanagara origin story. Certainly, this was no mere coincidence. Instead it shows that engaged in replicating them in the Mysore Sultanate . 105 Shastry, , 213 5. 106 . equating

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241 ma ha can be used as a cipher for understanding the complex relationship between Islam and Hinduism in court of the Mysore Sultanate . As a ruler ought to be and what he ought to do. Fo llowing these precedents, protector and restorer of dharma , engaged in transactional rituals to the goddess for destruction of enemies, and sought to make efficacious alliances : both spiritual and political . When viewed through thi s lens m any of actions even his so called fanatical Islamic reforms w ere not solely motivated by devotional or communal sentiments, but they were ways the court intentionally performed kingship in relation to their allies and enemies . H is r elationship with the ma ha was about accessing the power that resided at the site , through the goddess, within the preceptor , and as an imperial analogy, just as the court had done with the Sufi saint Muhammad al a site of kingly power and alliance, the ma ha was inherently a trans communal institution that needed protection from its kings and in return blessed the entire kingdom and all its inhabitants, regardless of religious affiliation. 5 .4. Conclusion Despite many previous characterizations of the rampant changes that took places in Mysore during the reigns of Haidar Ali and same paradigms as their South Indian imperial predecessors. The court of Haidar Ali e mphasized the ritual role of the king and the need for military success through goddess rituals. and his court drew upon the genealogical, symbolic, and ritual practices of the region and blended them with those of the Mughal court in order to fashion a bioptic kingship that simultaneously looked through the lens of different traditions to the past and forward into the future. Many of the innovations of the courts of Haidar Ali and

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242 Chapter 6 , were central for pu rposes of both emulation and derision in fashioning the Wo eyar dynasty during the 19 th century after the child king K s installed on the throne of Mysore on 30 July 1799 after the defeat and death of gapa a a on 4 May 1 799. ic mode, the Mysore court incorporated many of Haidar Ali and s and ritual and devotional inclusivity to refashion the world of the Wo eyars. 107 However, without the potential for military power the new kingdom s hif ted even more strongly to metaphysical constructions of power, which ultimately le d to the refashioning of i as the benign and soteriological Great Goddess and Mother of the U niverse . Without the brief Mysore Sultanate , the Wo eyar kingdom would never have developed the way it did and might have never become 107

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243 CHAPTER 6 THE G ODDESS BECOMES THE GREAT GODDESS: THE RECREATION OF KINGSHIP AND THE WO EYAR DYNAS TY THROUGH DEVOTION 6.1 Introduction The story of K 1868), like many of his contemporaries , is a tale of coming to terms with the colonial presence in India. His rule was always intimately related to British power and one could argue that it had its entire foundation in the colonial project. In this chapter, I discuss the Mysore kingdom during his reign as a period in which kingship was re articulated in contrast to colonial rule. I argue that this period continued the transition from the medieval to early modern kingship through a new articulation of power and new paradigms of authority. The courtly productions maintained and enhanced the central features of pre modern royal rhetoric, especially royal genealogy. Howeve r, this new articulation of kingship dealt with the loss of political power administrative, military, and revenue collecting all the while establishing the transcendent power of the king. The transcendence of alliances and enhancing the role of the deities within the lineage histories. The Wo eyars right to rule became situated, not in their military prowess as in earlier texts described in C hapters 1 5 , but through the favor of the deities. The insertion of deities into the Wo eyar histories was part of an inclusive project that expanded the devotional framework of the court to incorporate all major devotional traditions of the Mysore state and incorporated many important pan Indian devotional pilgrimage sites beyond K realm. Power in the early modern Mysore court was articulated as a metaphysical, supernatural, and divine authority that could transcen d the strictures placed on it by any colonial force. The project of the Mysore court successfully shifted what it meant to be king making it a spiritual and religious phenomenon with importance above and beyond any mundane position of

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244 administrative power; however, as we will see these articulations continued to adeptly address the political and social needs of the court in extremely innovative and ingenious ways. In this vein I hope to answer the questions posed by Janaki Nair in her book Mysore Modern: In his attempt to recreate, though in very different ways, the glories of the Vijayanagara court during the periods of direct rule (1811 31) and indirect rule (1832 68), Krishnaraja Wodeyar III displaced the practice of power into the realm of the symbolic . How might we understand this production that occurred in the entered into an overall hierarchy of political and social power, and the emergence emergence of art in the singular? How do we name this expression of powerlessness except as a way of incubating the hope of a revived kingship? productions by looking at them as a site in which power namely kingly power is being reconstituted (or perhaps even re invented) from the political into a divine and devotional phenomenon that was not situated in the hope for the future but a reconfigurat ion of the contemporaneous. While the Britons constricted K the realm within a pan Indic network of devotion. The courtly productions were represen tative of a reimagined divine order in which K king ran parallel and tantamount to those of his colonial overlords. Thereby, the new articulation of power could subtly subverted the colonial politic al order by not engaging with it or to use different set of criteria. 1 The subversive project was thoroughly integrated in all courtly productions during the reign o f K 1 Ashish Nandy, The Intimate Enemy: Loss and Recovery of Self Under Colonialism (Delhi: Oxford University Press, 1983).

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245 a mere illustration of the evolving idioms of political power in nineteenth and twentieth century 2 I demonstrate that power was constituted through these media. In this chapter, after a brief historical overview, I discuss how this process was carried out in three types of artistic productions. First, I examine the literary creations of the court of K va i texts and in the shorter passages of royal inscriptions and to a lesser extent epigraphic s. Next, I discuss the installation and identification of Wo eyar bhakta vigraha s during K a va i paintings that were produced during the same time in order to show how the court was creating and displaying the devotion of the lineage. Finally, I discuss the re articulation of divine space within temp le wall paintings in the Ve ka arama new map not only reconfigured the devotional topography, but it also redefined the map as a the kingdom into the territory of the divine, an incorporeal empire in which the Wo eyar king in contrast to the Bri tish had a monopoly on power. medieval sources, who gave kings the power to overthrow their enemies and establish rule, into e Universe, who gives salvation to her devotees. In many ways this was the only deity to which the king could turn and the only deity the goddess could have become. She was a mirror of the king; so like K power to admin ister her realm on earth but granted unending spiritual power. 2 Nair, Mysore Modern , 66.

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246 6.2 Historical Background Prior to the final stalemate of the Second Anglo Mysore War (1780 1784), the savvy widow of the late K , al lying the Wo control of the kingdom in 178 3. 3 In the event of the eventual victory by the Britons, the East India Company agreed to return a share of stwhile Wo eyar king, who at the time was K 1796), for direct rule. 4 After the death of gapa a a in 1799, the East India Company upheld its end of the bargain and res tored the kingdom to the Wo eyar line , albeit considerably smaller than when they originally relinquished power to (other portions were given were retained by the East India Company). The final terms of the restoration were outlined in the Subsidiary Treaty of 4 July 1799, which arranged for an annual tribute of 70,000 Ka pagoda s the establishment of the position of British Resident in the Mysore court , and the relocation of the Wo gapa a a to Mysore City. 5 i K 1868), who would turn five years old on 14 July 1799, as the new king. On 30 June 1799 , in a very telling symbolic gesture, the young king was led to the temporary coronation platform constructed within the walls of the Lak r a appointed ay ya, who had also served Haidar A li and 3 Recor ds of Fort St. George: Country Correspondence Volume XXXI , 350. 4 R. Gopal and S. Narendra Prasad, Krishnaraja Wodeyar III: A Historical Study (Mysore: Directorate of Archaeology and Museums, 2010) , 16. 5 pagoda was equal to 3.5 rupee s .

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247 East India Company Army in Madras. 6 He was then placed on the throne by General George Harris, the senior member of the Mysore Commission, who offered the king the royal signet and seal . 7 1811 while the ayya ruled as regent; 2) 1811 1831 the period of K rule , these phases was the time of K under the . The and the Queen grandmother Lak mamma i arranged for both traditional military, , musical, linguistic ( Kannada, Sanskrit, Hindustani, Marathi, Telugu), etc. that is, English medium education for the young king. ayya completely reworked the system of land revenue and implemented a series of duty ( ) taxes on items such as liquor, tobacco, and sandalwood. He was also responsible for increasing the cultivation of cash crops (like tobacco and sandalwood) by arranging programs through which farmers could obtain seeds and saplings. These measures led to a great swell of wealth for the M ysore administration. 8 However, the success of the programs led to several internal problems. Because of the hardship caused by taxes levied in cash rather than in kind, several rebellions broke out amongst the chieftains of the Nagara (t he former kingdom of the Ke adis and Haidar Ali and i n the northeastern periphery of the Mysore territory led by eyar rule in favor of 6 Gopal and Prasad , Krishnaraja Wodeyar III , 20. 7 Rao , History of Mysore Volume III , 1088. 8 Gopal and Prasad, Krishnaraja Wodeyar III , 30. taxes averaged nearly a crore rupees.

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248 ch eventually led to both the involvement of the British Army and Colonel Wellesley and the relocation of the Vellore to residences in Calcutta. There was also growing resentment between the regent and his teen ayya of neglecting his full range of duties and of nepotism. As a ayya sought to solidify his authority by claiming that his position, like others in the , was hereditary and that his family ought to hold the pr in perpetuity . The pronouncement reminded too many people of recent Mysore history in which the families of both the Ka ale da s and Haidar Ali claimed their positions to be hereditary and eventually u surped power from the king; so t he Governor of Madras George Barlow (r. 1808 1813) respect that most colonial officials afforded him. The officially resigned at the end of 1810, and K a III officially beg a The administrative ineptitude of K the kingdom quickly fell into arrears in their tribute payment to the East India Company. By 14 February 1814, Arthur Henry Cole (r. 1811 1825), the British Resident in Mysore, wrote to the acting Governor of Madras John Abercromby to warn of the deplorable economic situation in the kingdom, which he said was as a result of misrule. 9 The Resident suspected that th exorbitant stipends to his relatives and the lavish and expensive donations to temples were the cause for the situation; however, K ayya had mishandled the revenue : an argument that the British simply did not buy. So the acting Governor gave Cole instructions to intervene on behalf of the Compnay, warning that if economic conditions did not improve and tribute was not paid in a timely fashion he would enact Schedule 9 M.H. Gopal. The Finance of the Mysore State 1799 1831 . (Calcutta: np., 1960), 63.

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249 Four of the Subsidiary Treaty and subsum e the administration of Mysore under the Government of Madras. As a result, from 1814 1818, K the king against extravagant temple endowments. By 1825, the situation had grown so dire that Cole requested the intervention of Governor of Madras Thomas Munro (r. 1820 1827). On 19 September 1825, Munro met with K The king firmly placed the blame on the the king also refused to depose. Munro, however, agreed with Cole that the primary cause of the ds and religious gifts in addition to , and James Archibald Casamajor (s. 1827 1834 ) until the death of Munro in 1827. Along with the death of Munro many natural calamities including a severe drought in 1827 and a cholera outbreak in 1828 exacerbated the dire situation in Mysore. The administrative mismanagement coupled with the unfores een natural misfortunes led to an almost inevitable rupture in the political fabric of Mysore in 1830 north ern portion of the kingdom. Ke adi kings, had contested K s to the newly restored crown had earned them steeper taxes under the cash tax system instituted

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250 agara. 10 With the help of the community in the of Madhugiri, A d. Burton Stein states that at the time the rebels by threat of excommunication from the sect via pronouncement of pollution if they did not fall in line with the insurgency. 11 ra s i a (r. 1673 1704), under whom tax ja gama s ) with whom they were a llied, which undoubtedly was used as a rallying cry against K discussed in Chapter 2 . Stein relates the story in the fol lowing way: The central figure of conspiratorial evil is one Sarada Malla, a peasant from Kumsi in Shimoga. He transformed an unprepossessing criminal career (having served two gaol terms) into one of royal deliverer from the Mysore yoke. Sarada Malla bec ame the acolyte of an aged jangam , allegedly the purohita of the last raja (or poligar) of Nagar, and still in possession of some of the royal emblems of that ruler. Under the name of Budi Basavappa, and armed with these royal insignia obtained from his ja ngam guru, Sarada Malla began to claim descent from the adopted son of the last Nagara raja, one Dodda Basavappa. He was fortified in this claim by obtaining a Company passport in the name of Budi Basavappa from the collector of Kanara in 1812 when he was released from gaol there, after serving a term for a robbery in headmen and installed by them as ruler of the area; at the same time, an amildar in 10 , 27. 11 ,

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251 the Nagar region is said to 12 Just like the origin stories of their medieval predecessors, these rebels were seeking to make a claim about their divine right to rule through an alliance with local devotional traditions and their i nstitutions of power and through an association with the rulers of old ensconced within their new articulation of power that lacked military punch, the revolt was crushed by very different means. In February 18 31, the East India Company armies with the aid of Mysore general A appa occupied the hostile regions and subdued the riots. This, along with another outbreak of cholera in the region, ga ve the Resident Casamajor time to visit the northern districts. After his tour of the region he along with the Governor of Madras Stephen Rumbold Lushington (r. 1827 1832) sent official correspondence to the Governor of India William Bentinck seeking his g uidance on the final resolution on the matter. On 21 October 1831, which Gopal and Prasad point out was on the 4 th day of Dasara, a letter from the Governor was delivered to K all administrative and revenue collecting power in the hands of the Governor of Madras and the newly created office of the Mysore Commissioner. 13 After the transfer of power, no more political disturbances occurred in the northern districts; it is unclear whether this was out of fear and/or admiration of the British. eyar III , the Mysore kingship was bereft of any and all administrative power, reduced to a titular position, 12 , 17. 13 Gopal and Prasad, Krishnaraja Wodeyar III , 62.

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252 the pom p of which was allowed to continue only within the constraints of the stipend afforded him by his colonial overlords. This period produced a great change in the king, who lived the remainder of his life as somewhat of a recluse. He spent most of his time i n the palace cavorting with his wives and court ladies, meeting with local and foreign dignitaries, and writing letters to decision to place Mysore into the hands of the British. When he did leave the confines of his self imposed house arrest, he visited the sacred sites within his realm or the hunting fields in as, ma ha s, and temples was re duced during this period, epigraphic evidence does not support this claim: the king still managed to give quite liberally to many sacred institutions, albeit not through land grants, which he no longer had the power to bestow. 14 K During this period of palace sequester, the king became a great patron of arts and letters. He commissioned a wide variety of texts and paintings most of which concerned the history of the dynast y or devotional themes; the two, of course, not being mutually exclusive categories. It is also claimed that he was even a skilled artist and poet himself, with many texts of the period being attributed to him. 15 In fact, it is from this aspect of his life that his legacy continues through the innovation of Mysore style art for which he is credited. 14 Nair, Mysore Modern , 72. 15 His authorship of these texts and paintings is somewhat disputed. Though in his book Historical Sketches of the South of India printed in 1810, Wilks, who had been the British Resident from 1803 to 1808, mentions that one o f Historical Sketches , xiv. While I will not associated with the king of Travancore and may be part of the re imagination of the role of the king during this period as a devotee scholar king.

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253 On 28 March 1868, K eyar III died at the age of 73 and was succeeded by 1894). The new prince was adopted at the ten der age of two and a half years old in 1865 and was a perfect uncarved log, which the British could shape into a strong and willing ally in South India. Proving that the British had always viewed K as a threat to their power, the British Vicero y reinstated direct rule anointing Mysore as the model princely state as soon as the king died and the young prince ascended the throne at the age of five. 6.3 Re newing the Medieval: , , i , and the Recreation of the Wo eyar Kings as Exemplar Devotees in Literature and Epigraphy. Perhaps the most significant shift that took place during the period of K eyar dynasty. Though the Wo eyar court had been engaged in writing their past since the period of eyar, in this period the Mysore court took the previous practice to the point of interactions with their European counterparts which can be seen even in renew the history of Mysore by commissioning two copies of u u one in Kannada and one in Mughal Persian in 1798. 16 Indeed, the British themselves pro duced many accounts of the history of Mysore including those by Wilks, 17 Howev er, the 16 Mack Gen. Mss. 3.8.b Mysore History: Mysor Aroosoogaloo Porvaabyoodayagalu or the Succession of the Kings of Mysore from ancie nt time by Nagara Pootta Pundit 1798 201 227; Mack Gen. Mss. 3.12 296; Mack Gen. Mss. 40.4 Historical Account of the Rajahs of Mysore from the Persian MS by Dr. L eyden, 65 100 . 17 Wilks, Historical Sketches ; Francis Buchanan, A Journey from Madras through the Countries of Mysore, Canara, and Malabar Volumes I III . (London: T. Cadell and W. Davies, 1807); Mss. 3.8.a. Unfinished Memoir: History of Mysore supposed to be written by Captain Hathway, 65 79; 83 95.

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254 Mysore court also produced an astounding number of its own histories. In this section, I discuss the histories that were composed in the Mysore court in order to show how the genres of , , and va i were developed during the period of K the court used these texts in similar ways as their predecessors as a site through which kingly identity could be worked out by placing the king within a particular devotional framework and by establishing the descent o ic lines, situating K significant space and time. Furthermore, just as has been the case in the previous p eriod s, the ways in which the king and his lineage were fashioned varied in response to the political p osition of the Mysore sovereign. In the case of K reconsidered in light of a completely new set of circumstances in which his rule was simultaneously acknowledged and dismissed. Therefore, the project of these te xts was to formulate a new reckoning of power within South India politics using wholly indigenous forms to circumvent the European notions of power and governance under which they had been subsumed. The new epistemology of power was rooted in an ethereal r ealm of devotion. The three literary genres that I will refer to as and va i were crucial in the refashioning of the Mysore king as the culmination of an unbroken line of legitimate heirs to the throne a response to the British requis ite for rule whose kingdom was founded on the fruits of devotion instead of the spoils of war. Or to put it another way, while the British governed the physical land, the reign of K which the realms. First, let us turn to the epigraphic records from the period. We find more inscriptions from K r Wo eyar kings combined. While some have

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255 administration, there seems to have been no major shifts in his donative patterns between the first and last periods of his rul e. 18 In fact, the amount of donations recorded in dated inscriptions is quite consistent throughout his career. However, the nature of the gifts did change. After the king was stripped of his administrative power after the Nagara Rebellion, his gifts could no longer be focused on the establishment of s or s, which seems to be the case prior to the insurgency. Instead he began donating gifts that were purchasable, such as jewels, implements made out of precious metals and the like, with a particul ar emphasis on processional accoutrements and pilgrimage sponsorship. The commercialization of K practices is certainly an interesting avenue of inquiry. I believe this shift reflects a development in the nature of devotion from a ce ntrifugal process to a centripetal practice. 19 Instead of sending power from the throne, his donations brought the world of pan Indian devotional traditions into the colonial period in which pan Indic devotion was central. To be certain, donations of jewels, precious metals, processional images et cetera had been a common practice of kings throughout medieval South India. I am not arguing that the practical shift in donative practices alone suggests novelty; however, the nuance in the language of the introductory or eulogistic portions of the inscriptions shows the contrasting flow of the donations: one flowing out from the throne and bestowing power and the other deriving its power from the deity and pulling it back into K portray the king as the ruler seated on the jeweled throne, who can establish temples and gave 18 Nair, Mysore Modern , 72. T he major exception was that the king was no longer able to give land grants to 19 I u se the terms centrifugal and centripetal flow as heuristic devices to discuss the prevailing role of the donations, but surely the process was always more complicated and involving multiple levels of power relations.

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256 land based on his power as king and out of his d evotion. However, after he had lost administrative po wer, the number of imperial epithets greatly decreased while the number of donations remains relatively stable. Therefore, it is imperative that we examine these texts in order to understand the changing nature of his kingship during this period. The first thing that becomes abundantly clear upon a close examination of the epigraphic record from the period of K s. I use p , which literally ibe a particular inscriptional genre that relates the genealogy of the ruling family from progenitor to the contemporaneous king. s are typically rather brief and describe only the direct line of kings excluding the details of other siblings or not able family members and usually only relating one major detail (if any) about the rulers. The intention of the genre was to place the contemporaneous ruler within a proper line of descent and to praise him as the highest culmination of a powerful dynasty. Prior to K had been the primary epigraphic genealogical genre for the Wo eyar court; however, in my research I have only been able to locate one inscription from this period in which a full was recorded. 20 This inscrip tion from 1860 comes from the k a (lineage tree) brass plate inscription. The was also represented in pictorial form as a (lineage lotus) in which the twenty two Wo eyar rulers were depicted on the petals of a lotus bud. 21 Th e epigraphic focus of the period was instead firmly placed on K use of (also called or ). Unlike , which seeks to place the contemporaneous king in the context of his lineage, is only concerned wi th the deeds and 20 REC V.My 26. 21 When coupled with the might .

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257 epithets of current ruler. In this genre, the number of eulogistic lines can vary quite widely, but for our purposes it can be quite useful to see the ways in which the king is portrayed divorced of any lineage history, imagined or otherwi se. The of an inscription usually follows immediately after the introductory invocation of deities and contains a list of praises and epithets of the king. 22 As a genre, however, it goes beyond the typical monikers that reflect administrative life (e .g. , , etc.). Instead, the seeks to establish the role of the king within a broader context of historical and mythological significance. Often kings (e.g. one whose feet are illuminated by the jewels that adorn the crown of rival kings) or alludes to one or two perhaps a nod to the medieval preoccupation with pra s. Additionally, the literature also describes the metaphysical significance of the king through mythological allegory and simile (e.g. one who sits at the feet of the Goddess). s were a ubiquitous presence in the history of South Indian inscriptions, even marking the completion of many s. Inscriptions with s are numerous throughout the years in which K during the 23 . The inauguration of the epigraphic program of K the disposition of the Pur ayya, and in the invocations, s, and s of these 22 The line that demarcates what I refer to as the genre and mere titles is somewhat arbitrary. It can certainly be contr ast to inscriptions that offer only one or two titles of the king. At times, though, it becomes more difficult when long lists of royal epithets are strung together within the composition, such as REC III.Hg. 118 or REC V.Tn 140. 23 Inscriptions that were not dated or that were not part of a larger epigraphic program in which one inscription III , rarely contain any of the laudatory language of or . Perhaps this is because they were no t part of the courtly program or because they were not deemed important enough to bear all the details of the king or his lineage.

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258 inscriptions we can see the development of Wo eyar devotion as part of K identity. The very first inscription, which is found on the golden umbrella of the lion throne, is exceptional for a variety of reasons. Firs t, the inscription does not bear a date. 24 However, it can be dated to 1812 because we have records that indicate that in this year the throne was greatly refurbished. 25 Only one year into his management of the kingdom, the young king and his advisors probab ly thought that the refurbishment of the throne was a way to demonstrate his independence and assert his majesty over the realm. 26 Second, the inscription is a Sanskrit composition in the anu ubh as , instructing them to watch over the throne. Lastly, the inscription begins with k a common idiom praising the compassion of the Goddess in Mysore. In this inscription the phrase is drawn into the context of the first verse stating that the eternal wealth of the kingdom came to K ). As we will see, this refrain became the most consistently employed mythological motif in the s of K ada variants, during the period of his direct rule. In 1816, another epigraphic motif that appeared throughout most of K was engraved on the swing ( ) for Lak a atantra ma ha in Mysore. 27 This Kannada inscription that became quite typical for K invocation kin g, including titles that placed him in both politically and mythologically significant terms, his 24 REC V.My. 97. 25 Nair, Mysore Modern, 84. 26 27 REC V.My. 17.

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259 birth is attributed to a boon ( vara ). Thereafter, i as Mother became standard in the epigraphic records . This same ( ) occured again in 1819 when the king had the festival chariots ( ratha ) of u refurbished. 28 It also stands to be noted that the name of the deity at the temple had been updated from the Kannada Nañju overall project of the court to show the pan Indian significance of the Wo eyar kingdom discussed in more detail below. In 1821, K grant to the West of the Mysore fort. 29 In this Kannada inscription she states the reason ( artha ) for the donation was to secure a long marriage ( galya ), wealth, and prosperity by mere goddess, but ushering her into the elite realm of devotion with the courtly deities such as Ka point forward the After this rhetorical transformation, the Goddess maintained her status as the family deity whom K (tower) w ith golden s (pots/finials) adorning its pinnacle and installed devotional images 28 REC 1943; so I wil invented 29 REC 5.My 1.

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260 30 The invocation in this inscription, i by incorporating it into vara sa nidhige ) i hill ( i be a i be i ). While a slight shift , it shows the centrality of the Goddess during the reign of Mumma i K and the incorporation of her invocation and blessings within his , the composition demonstrates how the Goddess and K a c entral part of his royal identity. Vai ava temples as well. During his installation of the royal Prasanna K Mysore fort in 1829, an inscription was engraved recounting the details the navaratna or nine chartable acts of K Vai ava images in the temple. 31 Again, we find a long blessi ng of the Goddess and culminates with the refrain that all these navaratna were done to However, there was a dramatic shift in rhetoric after the Nagara rebellion and the British seizure of admi nistrative power. After a brief period from 1829 1834 with no dated 30 REC V.My 148. 31 The navaratna were the donations of the 1) nd gems s , 6) construction of dams, 7) establi shing feeding houses, 8) issuing coins, and 9) creating commentaries on texts like the and original literary works like the .

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261 epigraphs, the epigraphic program of Mumma i K u i n 1839. 32 the king. The first inscription that commemorates a donation made by K a was engraved in 1843 in the Ve ka le in Mysore and likewise lacks 33 The next epigraphic record that included a was engraved in a Narasi hapura, had an inscription engraved, which included a pr aising his suzerain. 34 The king returned to the Goddess in 1857 when he donated the (The necklace was engraved in Sanskrit with 1,000 words of prai se to the Goddess in meter said to have been composed by the king himself. The hymn closes by invoking the devotional relationship between K eriological emphasis in the verse. ba, the moon light to the ocean and the grantor of universal kingship for the family of the illustrious K a, devotee of the Goddess, wholly devoted to her ser vice of meditation on feet composed the and offered it at lotus will enter communion with the Goddess. 35 universal sovereignty. It is clear that he is not describing his political life or his aspiration to go to war with the British, but he framed this royal composition through devotion to and uni on 32 REC III.Nj 1. 33 REC V.My 5. 34 REC V.Tn 140. 35 REC V, 818.

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262 ( ) with the Goddess. His supplications fully display her metaphysical and soteriological role. 36 i signal a shift in the epigraphic dated inscriptions installed in the name of the king after this the in 1860 and donation of the inscriptions the Goddess was invoked and reference to her favor in his birth was mentioned. This began pursuing with fervor in 1857. Perhaps K empire neede d an heir. The dearth of inscriptions in favor of the shorter genre is quite striking, but eyar history. During and was usually only 37 During the reign of both K Amongst these texts the genre of va i or the family tr ee either as standalone texts or chapters within larger works was pervasive. Unlike the literature in which the line was related rather quickly, the composers of these texts were able to relate many deeds and exploits with the goal of relating the entire history of the lineage. During the periods of both K 36 This hymn is similar in content to the invocation found in the first chapter of the encyclopedic . This and spiritual liberation. However, the text lacks prop er dating. We only know that the illustrated manuscript at the Mysore Oriental Research Institute depicts the king in his later years. Additionally, we know that an illustrated manuscript of the Since the date of this text is 37 For ex amples, see REC III.Gu 189 192.

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263 genre pr ovided. Therefore, the value of the as a means to ground the ruler in proper dynastic descent was diminished and subsequently replaced by the more thorough genre of va i . In order to see the role performed by the va i texts, I now turn o ur gaze toward the va i genre and to one exemplary text from K u i (ca. 1860s) attributed to the king himself. 38 The va i literature of the Wo eyar court is an interesting genre that is part a. By that I mean, the y are meticulous in their details of dates and places for major events and battles throughout the texts; however, they also cast the entire history ic fra mework in which gods and goddesses manifested within the world to guide the Wo ic in nature as the texts build upon older texts, inserting new tales and stacking devotional elements upon one another in order to produce a new narrative thrust. In this way, the Mysore va i texts operate similarly to the ic materials ic 38 Others include the many oral narratives recorded at the request of the British along with manuscripts from the period such as (ca. 1800 ) and (ca. 1800); though within these indirect rule and will not be discussed in t his chapter. The other text which provides for an interesting comparison is ( The Stream of Stories of the Line of Kings This text was composed scholar, who work for Colonel Colin author relates the entire history of kings from the speaking region. The is a decidedly Jain eyar family and draws heavily from the (ca. 1678) but ex plicitly In his . ed. B.S. Sannayya (Mysore: University of Mysore Press, 1988).

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264 texts gives insight into historical events when we exa mine the development of narratives over time. 39 contemporaneous debates within the events of a divine past that gives the resulting narrative both divine and temporal a the present, and at the same time these past narratives are presented as future predictions of 40 Thus, just as the Pur ic va i texts ground themselves by re imagining the events of their medieval predecessors within a realm of divine human interaction The first volume o f i ( Annals of the Royal Family of Mysore ) is said to have been originally composed by K III and was subsequently published in the Kannada journal edited by M. Ve katak ayya st arting in March 1881. In 1916, the full run was published by Mysore Government Press by the order of K eyar IV (r. 1902 1940), the eldest son of K 1894). The i relates the life and deeds of the first twenty one rulers of Mysore and the birth of the twenty second K events of K and was created for a Rao by piecing together fragmentary evidence from the Palace and Government records. 41 For our purposes only the first volume of the printed Kannada 39 Travis L. Smi newing the Ancient: The Acta Orientalia Vilnensia VIII, no. 1 (2007): 83 108. 40 41 , iii.

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265 text, which is from the period of K l be examined. The primary focus will be on Wo gapa a a. Within this text, many of the lineage narratives that had developed throughout the K to the Lunar line through Yadu and K with the a detail that was introduced in Wo i develops the narrative to new heights offering many points that emphasized their devotion to a variety of deities and formed the basis for the rearticulation of kingly identity for K helpful to turn to my translation of the text before attempting to sift through the novel narrative approach. 42 According to instruc 43 If you go to that mountain of great power and do to me, you will marry the daughter of the king of a city named Mysore, which is next to that mountain, and t his city will fall into overjoyed. So he, accompanied by his younger brother K ed in i and took si ha, 42 , 13 7. 43

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266 asvami, who was the wealth of the family of mountain, they pe rformed , the Mother of the universe ( ) , and dwells on the mountain. They bowed u], which is one yojana [approx. 20 mil es] on the right side of the mountain. That night they slept peacefully meditating on the feet of the Goddess. At daybreak, the my mountain first thing tomorrow morning, and j ust as you have worshipped me, do Jvalajjihva and resides there. 44 ibhairava temple beside the pond i T n abindu, that is on the East side of Mysore city, and stay there. At that time, a man wearing a li ga and the robes of a Ja gama will come. When he sees you, he will say a few words. If you do as he says and according to the instructions I have given you i n she vanished. the words of the Goddess, he joyously p erformed ibhairava gama, who was wearing a saffron robe and a li ga , came just a s the Goddess arose and showed him honor by touching his lotus feet. He sat back down and the great Ja of your feet as was foretold by the Goddes along with his family for a variety of reasons. He came through Karnataka, gained wealth and the kingdom of Mysore, and lived happily because of the blessings of born and ruled the kingdom. He had a jewel of a daughter, but he died without a i, the wife of that king. With my blessin gs, you will acquire the power to kill that wicked man. Another great Ja gama will also come and give you all the instructions in detail. If you follow this, not only will you 44

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267 l prosper eternally [lit: will become like the sun and the moon]. If you do whatever that great Ja Ka ara, who we saw far away [in Nañja u], just came here to this hill in this form [of a Ja gama]. If we complete the task that the Goddess has commanded, u 45 behooves my current project to halt her e and discuss the range of devotional practices and alliances narrated in this passage. propitiation of her that I have described as the origin story of the post imperial period that was incorporated by most ra as, in which the local goddess was propitiated by local rulers for military victories as they sought to establish their territory and regional influence. However, this text goes beyond the short narrative of local significance and beyond the mere allusi i, the slayer of the buffalo demon that had been written in previous Wo i to the goddess of the Vindhya Mountains. 46 The i suggests that both goddesses are manifestations of the Goddess, only known by different names in her different abodes. By connecting the Mysore goddess to the well known goddess from the Vindhya Mountains in 45 , 4 7. Translation mine. 46 Indeed there seems to be a the goddess Vindyavasini see Cynthia A. Humes,

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268 central India, the author of the text was clearly attempting to lin k the local goddess to the pan ic narrative but through connections with specific and important deities within the subcontinent. The texts is clear, however, that these goddesses are not equal manifesta , the ), a distinction that was first given to her during the reign of K hi ll that receives human sacrifice or delights in the carnage of the battlefield, but she is the Mother, who visits her children and provides safety and security for her Wo eyar wards. 47 Through this depiction, the text altered the nature of Goddess devotion in the region, simultaneously expanding its scope and centering pan Indian Goddess devotion within the Mysore kingdom and its capital. eyar devotional fervor, the narrative of the i opened itself and the Wo eyar kings to the entire devotional landscape of Southern Karnataka, connecting the rulers and the Goddess perf orming eyar brothers traveled to Nañja to offer worship to the [blue them to go to the T which were centered around the Nañju e in Nañja u had been fully 47 See Mack Gen. Mss. 17.6 Traditionary Account of the worship of Chamoondee Sactee: or Chanoondee Betta the Hill of Mysore and of the Orig in and Commutation of the Sacrifice of Men on that hill, compiled from information at Mysore in 1805 , 17 19.

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269 incorporated into the devotional program of K introduced into the Wo eyar courtly productions during Da tion can also be seen in the connection between 48 The co development of the folk and court traditions shows a general shift in the region that reimagined the goddess of the hill as a do mestic deity. The reference within this portion of text is vague family goddess, Nañju but the text it is clear that the capture the local folk devotional tradition that was developing simultaneously in which Nañju i of Mysore were married , but the i refashioned the narrative connecting Nañju the i is also evident where the narrat ic 48 The local folk tradition is much more difficult to trace historically, but clues can be found within the bardic tradition of the Mysore and Nañja collection titled ( ). P. K. Rajasekhara , (Mysore: Ta. Vem. Smaraka Grantha Male, 1972) . The songs contain a mixture of modern vi ) suggest that the bulk of the narrative was concretized during the colonial period. These narratives remain extremely play titled Celuve that was performed d uring the Dasara season of 2012. Originally, the play was scheduled to run for one weekend; however, due to popular demand, the run continued for several weeks despite all the actors being unpaid volunteers with day jobs. The play has continued to be perfo rmed throughout the city and was featured several times in a several venues during the Dasara season of 2013. Akki, Sujatha, (Mysore: Vismaya Prakashana, 2012).

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270 i H the details of the given in Chapter 1 i and the local folk tradition, it is Uttanaha i (a.k.a. Jvalamukhi, Jvalajjihva, or more recently Tripurasundari), the goddess of the village Uttanaha credit for this fierce and polluting act, narratively purifying the Goddess who dwells on top of medieval manifestations as the emaciated hag goddess of the cremation grounds. All this seems was a relatively late process that was becoming prevalent during the reign of K ava flavor: the ic narrative of the birt u is alluded to in the very first verse of the i ; the brothers are connected to the line of Vi form a appears in the initial dream in which they were told to leave e (a.k.a. ava no surprise as Vai ava devotion was the most prominent mode of kingly devotional rhetoric found in Wo eyar courtly productions since the rise 49 However, the Vai ava rhetoric in the i was toned down in comparison to their medieval narratives. In previous Wo eyar literature, their kings were 49 See Chapter 2 .

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271 proclaimed to be incarnations of Vi u on earth. But in the i , the only allusion to a Mysore king as an incarnation of Vi Wo avism, is said to have become one with a asv e. But the text explains that this was in order to show that there is no difference between the gods Vi pluralistic devotional program of K away from rigid sectarian boundaries. The only remaining devotional element to be discussed is also striking in yat a small i ali ga that is worn around thei founders of the movement, had solidified into a group and had grown highly influential in many areas of the Kannada with the Wo e yars after they took part in a rebellion during the 17 th century; thereafter, they had Vai hat was perhaps the eyar devotional program came during the reign of K the Northern Mysore territory that result ed in the British seizure of the Mysore administration. The origin story of the i , which was written nearly thirty years after the rebellion and its subsequent British takeover, can be viewed as a post hoc attempt to make a place transcendent kingdom. 50 50 Historical Sketches. We know from the title page of his book that Wilks relied quite heavily on

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272 Devotional alliances with priests and religious institutions that bestowed spiritual and martial power to aspiring kings had been crucial in the origin stories of all the major dynasties in the Southern Karnataka in the medieval period. However, here for the first time in Wo eyar enemies either by strength o i was made explicit when the Ja eyar as the lineage name. This small referenc e is easy to overlook but is crucial for the refashioning of the Wo eyar kings have already seen, the term o eyar, which became Wo eyar over time, was a mediev al term employed within imperial administration that denoted a small local vassal. This title was given to 51 The Wo eyar clan certainly developed their family name from this petty administrative and poli tical position within Vijayanagara polity as a way to maintain royal authority as the empire crumbled. Simultaneously, the term had also 52 By reworking the (i) From a note found later in his Appendix IV, innovated etymologies and interpretations of the philosophical origins of the word . They explained that the te rm wa to die. The word Jungum thus constantly reminds them of the most important dogma of the sect, namely, that the man who performs his duties in thi s world shall be exempted from these changes in a future state of existence, and shall immediately after death be re (514) Wilks supposed to have secretly professed their ancient religion; and it is known to me that seve ral relations of the house It seems probable that all this innovative information came from a similar, if not the 51 Rao, History of Mysore Volume 1 , 41 and MAR (1924), no. 6. 52 The use of imperial terminology to describe the leaders of devotional institutions is an interesting phenomenon that developed during the medieval period. The terms for viceroys ( ) has also been employed by .

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273 narrative and providing an alternate etymological origin of the Wo eyar family name derived i refashioned the entire lineage as devotional, instead of politica l. In addition to the devotional elements that were introduced in the Va i , the text fashioned Wo eyar succession as a supernatural enterprise that did not operate according to physical laws, transcending biological succession thro ugh an innovative gapa a a and its inauspicious consequence. 53 All records of the Mysore kings prior to the reign of K events as a conquest in which the Vijayanagara vice roy Tirumala retreated from the capital because of the onslaught of the valorous Wo eyar king and his army. 54 However, the i Tirumala, who was afflicted by a disease of the bac k, and was invited to succeed him on the throne because he was martially competent, ambitious, and most importantly from the Yaduva 55 Then the text inserts a completely new narrative, which is to this day the most famous from the text. According to the i , when retiring to 53 For a detailed discussion of these events see Chapter 2 and Caleb Simmons 1617 Indian History , I, n o. 1 (Spring 2013) : 27 46 . 54 , 54 , 2 and 27 28. The first portrayal that so refer to his life after military retreat. Wilks, Historical Sketches , 27. His source for this information was almost certainly from record of oral account titled the Mack Gen. Mss. 3.14 Account of Seringapatam as given by Sid ray a relation of the Dalwa ys found in the Mack Gen. Mss. 3.8.b Mysore History: Mysor Aroosoogaloo Porvaabyoodayagalu or the Succ ession of the Kings of Mysore from ancient time by Nagara Pootta Pundit 1798 1799 according to Tippu s Inauguration ,; though this information does not exist within the text, but it was used in Captain Hallaway Mack Gen. Mss . 3.8a. 55 Hugh Murray, Historical Descriptive Account of British India from the Most Remote Period to the Present Time (New York: Harper and Br others, 1836), 69 70. Haidar Ali is said to have died of the same affliction.

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274 Tuesday and Friday to orn eyar was obliged by his dharma as king to requisition the ornaments from the former queen. She refused the ornaments except one nose ring into her (the end of the sari the text does not state her curse, the details are extremely well known in the region today and often quoted in reference to the Wo gi (the village on the other side of the river) be a whirlp 56 u is perennially inundated with sand gi side of the river, and why every other gen eration of Wo eyar kings had died with no male heir. While it is an interesting explanatory device, the narrative was without a doubt part of the supernatural refashioning of the Wo eyar lineage during K mergence of the narrative elucidates the innovation. During the reign of K was firmly established by the East India Company (EIC) and the subsequent annexation of the subcontinent in 1857. One of the most important means through which the EIC and British 56 This curse is extremely well known in the Mysore region, and almost everyone can immediately recite the phrase : adirali.

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275 on. 57 Immediately thereafter, the British court decided that those kingdoms that the EIC had established as independent sovereigns as a result of a treaty, could be overtaken in event the ruler died without an heir. 58 In 1834, this ruling was further amended to allow provisions for approved adoptions. The same year as the amendment, during a review of a d the position of the EIC in 59 He declared that the EIC operated within India as a sovereign nation that had the ability to enter into treaties; therefore, the Company also had the authority to enforce the treaties and take cont native king failed to uphold his legal and financial responsibilities. In the case of lapse, the EIC wo Forbes also reiterated the role of the EIC in establishing the native king in a manner that suggests that the throne and its authority ultimately rested in t after India became part of the British Crown. Indeed this debate over succession and lapse loomed large for the Mysore royal during the years in which the i was composed. In 1857 the same year the India officially became a British colony K 57 adoptions were quite typical in South India kingship, but the idea was foreign and perceived as a treacherous attempt to maintain a royal line despite the lack of foresight of the king to select an heir. 58 Thomas 2007, p. 22. 59 See Letter dated 26 February 1834 in Proceedings of the Directors of the East India Company with Reference to the Instructions Transmitted to Them by the Com missioners from the Affairs of India to Dispatch a Letter on the Subject of the Claims of Baboo Ram Doss and Baboo Ram Chown Loll, Heirs and accredited Represtatives of the late Monhur Doss and Seetul Bahoo to the King of Oudh, according to the Tenor of a Draft Sent by the Commissioners to the Court ( London; s.n., 1834 ).

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276 III, reaching his twilight years and still without an heir, petitioned his colonial overlords for p many of his subjects, and his British friends engaged in a letter writing campaign intended to impress upon the British administration the loyalty of the king and the unusual circumstances by which he was unable to produce an heir. 60 The i was written British insistence on biological succession. Eventually in June of 1865, less than three years before his death, K succession of lineage had been proved to be a supernatural endeavor. For the court of K va i or ge nealogical literature was a site in which they were able to fashion K narratives of his ancestors and redefining the very nature of kingly identity, authority, power, and succession. Nair has only form of cultural capital through which he maintained some element of independence. The period when Krishnaraja Wodeyar III withdrew to a reclusive life of restricted patronage w kingship and his line ending with his own death. As a stipendiary of the British, Krishnaraja Wodeyar III was left a small sphere of autonomy; the cultural corpus alone connected the king with his ancestors and asserted his right to continue the dynasty serving as a coin of exchange to cement the loyalty of the royal Ursus and negotiating his relationship to the colonial masters. While I agree with the importance Nair has placed on the role of t s the true project of 61 60 Gopal and Prasad, Krishnaraja Wodeyar III , 80 1. 61 At another point, Nair puts it even more plainly mentioning that ad preoccupied him his rule . Nair, Mysore Modern , 73).

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277 that could negotiate his relati onship with the British, it is seems more prudent to view them as something completely different and novel in which the very nature of kingship and the kingdom was being rearticulated in terms of devotion and supernatural power. The new plethora of divine characters, devotional alliances, and the rupture of the genealogical descent through supernatural intervention suggests that the Mysore kingdom was being recast onto a different plane with the n the British or even his medieval predecessors. The supernatural thrust of the new narrative shows the manner in which the Mysore court was attempting to circumvent any British claims to authority over their kingdom or their descent by re casting kingshi p as a supernatural appointment. In this way K addressing contemporaneous historical debates using medieval events to predict and explain current realities. The Wo eyar court did not simply reproduce the idioms of the past during hi s on existing and emerging idioms of monarchy, reviving o lder religio political models from 62 Instead throughout K rooted in an inclusive and Pan Indic devotional network through which the king gained access to supernatural and transcendent modes of power and significance. In order to see the full scale of this project, it is important to look beyond the textual tradition at other media through which the kings of Mysore were reimagined as rulers of a transcendent realm to which we will now turn. 62 Nair, Mysore Modern reality. For more see Chapter 5 .

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278 6.4 Illusion of Permanence and/or the Installation of Piety 63 Along with the inscriptional and textual records, the devotional patterns of the Wo eyars can be see n in their devotional images ( bhakta vigraha ) placed within temples throughout Southern Karnataka. In addition to displaying devotion, these devotional images also became objects of devotion in their own right and reaffirmed the hieratic position of the li neage as rulers of the land. The practice of installing images of royal patrons in devotion was carried out with a period 64 through the Vijayanagara period and continued in the Wo eyar king dom of Mysore through the early modern period. 65 These portraits enshrine the donors as part of the visual and ritual space of the temple, and when viewed as more than aggrandizing eulogies but as complex sites of identity formation, we can begin to get a s ense of how K Wo eyar lineage through patronage and donative portraiture. 66 In this section, I explore the stone devotional images that have been identified as Wo eyar kings. There are nine such images two identifie eyar (r.1578 1617), two of Ra eyar (r. 1637 1659), and five of K eyar III gapa a e in various Vai emples. 67 63 Much of this section was presented at the Ecole Franc will appear in a revised version in the forthcoming publishe d proceedings of the conference . 64 As Kaimal Padma Kaimal, Artibus Asiae 59, no. 1 2 (1999): 59 133. 65 I n a way t his practice in a modified form has continued up to the present and is perhaps more common in contemporary times as photography a nd mass reproduction of portraiture has made the process very easy. A good i Hill. In this temple, portraits of every heir to the throne from . 66 and Padma Kaimal, 970 Artibus Asiae 60, no. 1 (2000): 139 179 . 67 There is possibly a fourth ki Rao suggests that a relief of a section of his first volume in which he bemoa . Rao, History of Mysore Volume I , 515.

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279 The three kings that are represented and the temples in which they were installed were certainly not happenstance nor the result of mere coincidence. These three Wo eyar kings are linked because they each ruled during transitional periods in Mysor eyar was the successor of the Vijayanagara viceroy; Ra eyar was both the protector of the Vijayanagara emperor and his successor; and K the line after sixty years of su bordination to their ministers. The presence of their devotional images in these regionally significant temples demonstrates the consistency of the Wo eyar kings by displaying their devotion at all three major stages of Mysore Wo eyar history: regional, im perial, and colonial. However, when these images are placed under closer examination, it seems that the identification of these images as portraits of the Mysore kings was a later attribution made only during the reign of K eyar III. There is a dearth of historical evidence (inscriptions or contemporaneous literature) to date any of the images other than those of K Absence of inscriptions was not uncommon amongst temple donor portraiture, but it requires us to look deeper into the p rocess by which these images were identified. I suggest that the traditional dates given to these images were part of the conscious attempt on the part of K tha t these images have not been traditionally recognized as representations of the Mysore kings, but that their identification was part of a 19 th century royal project to elevate the status of the Wo eyar family in the region by emphasizing their royal histor y, displaying their devotion, and installing the kings of the lineage as objects of devotion. Through this process, the images became reminders to both the British and the people of Mysore that the Wo eyar lineage was the

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280 longstanding royal patrons and devotees of the important pilgrimage sites/temples of Southern Karnataka. 68 This forces us to acknowledge that images depicting royal devotion and temple patronage were no t only vital in the process of the formation of state identity at the time they are installed, but in the case of Mysore, the accumulated effect of several images also functioned as a visual exalting the lineage through several generations culmina ting in the contemporaneous ruler, who at that point was K eyar III. 69 The devotional images that were installed by K eyar III and those that were identified as his predecessors served a function similar to the i by (re)creating Wo narrative of the i , the ritual life of the images also served an important function in reiterating the transcendence of the W o eyar line. 70 At the moment of K identity of the Wo eyars since his coronation came on the heels of the defeat of who along with his father Haidar Ali ha d been popular rulers and were viewed as stalwarts against British encroachment. 71 Additionally, as we have seen above, several chieftains from the 68 This seems Nicolas Can e, Workshop cum . Presented August 9 th, 2013. 69 This lineage is glorified through a series of narrative reliefs on the inside wall of the outer pr k ra , which relates the same deeds which are typically f ound in the inscriptional s . 70 mana temple in the Mysore palace ) to the imag e of the king, he replied that he used to perform it every morning. However, after the ratification of the 26 th Amendment to the Indian Constitution that abolished all official symbols of princely states, he and his family were forced to cease the daily j . 71 It can be debated how popular the last few years of reign was, but I believe that many of the counter arguments are anachronistic readings through a series of communal interpretations of le there was a distinct shift in his rhetoric in his later years, I believe this to not be a rhetorical mode of his new allies in Delhi via Hyderabad . See Chapter 5 for more .

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281 periphery of the kingdom had already been openly critical of the validity of Wo eyar rule and their alliance with the British and had tried to rebel. It was necessary, then, for the Wo eyar line to be re accepted by the populace and by their vassal states. Part of this process was the formation of a devotional identity through the installation of devotional image s and identifying other devotional images as past Wo eyar kings. This resulted in the Wo eyar lineage inserting itself into the ritual landscape of Southern Karnataka in a way that could transcend time and integrate the sacred space into the territory of K and devotees went to the important temples of the region, they would interact with the lineage while they were worshipping the deity and the Wo eyar kings, thus reaffirming the Wo position as divinely appointed rulers. The relationship between the development of the Wo eyar state and the incorporation of different family deities is explicitly displayed in the oil painting Rulers of the Mysore Dynasty from Adiyaduraya to Maharaja Sri Krishnaraja Wadiyar III with family deities and sindars in Wo eyar family tree ( va along with all the other kings enc seated on the Mysore throne within elegantly shaped porticos cut from the pure gold matting in an exquisite representation of the Mysore style. At the bottom of the image K II sindar s) are illustrated seated on the ground atop fine Oriental rugs in full ceremonial dress. buffalo demon, Ga Vi u with Lak mi). Each of the images is painted in vivid color and is visible through the

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282 circular holes in the matting, making the images resemble the famous Mysore cards. 72 The deities portrayed as the bookends nd Vi u had been the focus of royal devotion the Mysore state and theological rhetoric during periods of its independence in the 17 th and 18 th centuries, particu e and his lineage and the composition and depicts the essential role she played during the reign of the the remover of obstacles, and lord of beginnings, without whom the painting could not truly be auspicious. The last image is somewhat of an enigma to many who view it, but in fact it is the key to unlocking the full spectrum of Wo eyar devotion. This goddess is of decidedly lower pedigree. She is shown in a deep red color holding all the war mongering accruements i. Though out of place in the context of a palace painting, similar images appear in folk art forms in many small villages throughout Southern Karnataka as the or village goddess. When this is read into the painting, the goddess must be the goddess of Mysor e: the fierce protector goddess of the city before she became the regal , then, becomes a visual representation of the Mysore lineage alongside the progression of their family deities, mirroring the arrangement of the kings starting with the deities of the beginning (Ga ) moving outward to the universal deities (Vi 72 or was a card game that was introduced to India during the Mughal dynasty. It was extremely the small cardboard disks became the canvas for Mysore artists.

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283 or K conscious attempt to fashion state identity in tandem with royal lineage and devotion. K eyar lineage through devotion but wanted to display that identity through the installati on of devotional images in temples. Of the nine devotional portraits that are identified as Wo eyar images five of them depict K and his nuclear family in devotion. At this point, I will discuss three of his images the statues temples and return to his image in Mysore below. 73 All of these images bear striking similarity in their style, composition, and medium. Each of the images are intricately carved in the round and depict K are painted in high contrasting white with black pupils, showing that at some point in the past the image was ritually enlivened. 74 The king is alwa ys depicted with his signature thick and bushy mustache covering the majority of his cheeks. He wears a simple cloth turban over the one that is presumably carved underneath. He wears rather modest jewelry: a few rings on his fingers, bracelets, a necklace , and pearl earrings that have been placed through the holes the sculptor made in his ears. At his sides are the royal military regalia: his sword and dagger. His clothes are in keeping with his typical iconography. He wears a long coat with floral patter n long sleeved shirt underneath. His queens, which flank him to his right and left, are all depicted with hair knotted to the right side and about two thirds the size of the king. They too are shown in 73 definitely evokes the importance of lineage, it did not serve the same function as a historically impor tant devotional albeit in this case a very wishful and ill advised endeavor. 74 Diana Eck, (New Yo rk: Columbia University Press, 1998), 59 76.

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284 traditional dress, wearing a sari and blouse, along wi th the same jewelry as the king with the addition of an armlet on the upper arm and an ornament in the part of their hair. His adopted son u and appears in very similar style as the king though with a much s impler hat and the same size as the queens. 75 The 3 foot (91 cms) image in his right) and is located on the south side of the ardhama apa across from the process ional image of the deity (Figure 2). This is the closest any image is installed in relation to the main was K e is approximately 2 feet (60 cms) tall and includes four of his wives (Figure 3). It is located on the inside of the Eastern wall of the outer u is truly a family portrait and includes K 76 This image is the largest of all of his devotional images standing approximately 3.5 feet (107 cms) tall. It is the final image that one would view on the Southern before entering the ma apa bhakti saints, which were probably installed around the same time. 77 This placement suggests that the king was not only the culmination of the family lineage, but he was also the pinnacle o f saintly devotion ( bhakti ). From K they were quite important for the construction of his identity. The association between kingly identity and devotion is a direct result of his political situation. As a king whose physical power 75 76 This temple is also interesting because of another bhakta vigraha that is in the temple. According to the Annual Report Archaeological Survery o f Mysore a identify the portrait. MAR (1940), 24. 77 MAR (1940) 27 .

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285 as ruler and conqueror was virtually non existent, K from the terrestrial to the transcendent. Instead of focusing on the power to possibly bring about t he end of the kali yuga ic overlord ( ), the court of K the interest of the state from the political to the spiritual and the king from conqueror to devotee. 78 In order to enact this transition within the lineage , there was no better place to start than 1734 and post 1799) a Wo avism. He is said to have lavished gifts, including the bejeweled diadem named after himself ( i ), upon the temple. Rao suggests that his devoti on was so great that he even had an image of himself installed in the temple, so that he could be in constant devotion even while he was dealing with administrative issues in gapa a a or away on the battlefield. 79 It is possible that the emphasis on e was an which they could vie for the position of regional overlord ( ). 80 e (literally: to it for the fort built at the top of a massive given to the city because it was the traditional sacred site for the descendants of Yadu and had been visit ed by K a in the . However, there was no direct link between the 78 P erha ps invoking the promise of the Goddess to her devotees in the but preferring the path of the overarching emphasis of his reig n would be the progression of his lineage along their devotional path climaxing with his devotion to the Goddess as the highest form. 79 Rao, History of Mysore Volume I , 70 . 80 Ali, ; Simmons,

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286 eyar. 81 However, by the time of the i to the devotional patterns of the progenitors of the Mysore line. The addition of these devotional details displays the conscious attempt to show the Wo e pilgrimage site in the northern territory of their kingdom. e had been a site of kingly devotion for the rulers of the region since the time of the Hoysa as. The Hoysa ava a rulers, and promptly converted the Hoysa a avism. Thereafter, the Hoysa e, which became an important pilgrimage site for de votees from the Kar countries. The site also continued to be an important center for the Vijayanagara kingdom after the Hoysa as, though they seem to have preferred Tirupati for their patronage. By emphasizing the link between the Wo e, the court of K incorporating the motifs of their imperial predecessors. Only this time, they did not fashion themselves through genealogical or political paradigms but as devotional successors of th e regional powers that had ruled before them. Wo eyar in the temple (Figure 5). The image is by far the smallest to be discussed in this section and has the most inte resting placement. The 8 inch (20 cm) image is carved in relief and is located about 1 foot (30 cm) high on one of the 8 columns in the apa of 81 T hat con nection was not made explicit 25 years later in the after which the . , III.1 6.

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287 carved and shimmers from the oil deposited from c enturies of camphor offerings. The image depicts a mustachioed man with extremely large ears wearing a large turban cocked to the right. The figure has broad shoulders, covered with ornately carved cloth and metals, and a slightly paunched stomach. He is a dorned with a variety of jewels on his head, chest, arms, and legs. Though he does not carrying a sword or dagger, his shield hangs over his left arm. The figure wears a flowing pañce ( dhoti ) ceremonially pleated in the front. The portrait is certainly a r oyal figure and a person of quite some means; however, he demurely joins his hands in silent devotion facing the main image of the deity in the sanctum sanctorum ( garbha gu i ). ey ar himself, who wanted to be in constant devotion to the deity of the temple, in the second decade of the 17 th century. The placement of the image is quite similar to an image of his Vijayanagara contemporary Ve ka ence that is inside the temple at Tirupati. While I cannot firmly date the image based on style except to say that it was added to the column after the installation of the pillar, which tells us very little in such an old temple. What can be said about the identification of the image is instead based on the small inscription under it. This inscription was not engraved prior to the 19 th century during the time of K a eyaru, which was a common spelling of Wo eyar during the 19 th century. As with the narrative additions in the textual tradition of this time, I cannot say whether eyar predates this ins cription, but it is important that the identification was made explicit with the engraving during or after the refashioning of the Wo eyar line during reign of K

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288 could be read by any literate p erson of the time, served as a physical reminder of the Wo long standing relationship with the temple. e also immortalized the king as an object of veneration within the temple. This c oincided with similar efforts at the eyar in the i . In this text the author eyar with the divine: On the 13 th day of the waxing moon of the Jyes ha month of the Pa gala year o f the 1540 th eyar, who possessed a part of u e. At the time of the ma all the pe ople saw him and gapa a Wo eyar had attained heaven. 82 white horse. I think that this reference is actually the most striking of the three as it shows that the Mysore court was also described in the . 83 This idealized royal program described the m illennial or divine overlord as Kalkin and prophesied that such a ruler could arise during the kali yuga (Age of Craps) from any royal lineage that descended from either the Solar or Lunar lines to restore the (the Come Out Age) and i nstitute divine rule on the earth. It seems , then , that or at least could have been the 82 48. Translation mine. 83 Ali,

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289 lineage to save the worlds from dharmic degradation if not for the regression caused b y the insurrection and British intervention that started in the middle of the 18 th century. The on par with other exemplars of devotion like the bhakti become one with their deities and were apotheosized by the tradition. The next phase of Wo eyar history is displayed in the figure of Ka Wo eyar. He was the only medieval Wo eyar king to have const ructed a royal temple the Lak gapa a a. 84 Inside this temple, on the inside wall of the northern is an image identified as Ka approximately 2 feet (60 cms) tall and delica tely carved in the round in dark grey stone. It depicts the king with a large crown (that resembles the mu i eyar is said to e) from which the main ornament points upward in rather phallic fashion and the cloth portion droops to the right. At his side is a large sword (said to be Narasi ha Vijayam) with curved hilt and round shield. Like all the other images, the figure humbly joins his hands in supplication before the deity giving n o hint at his Vai ava var s and s (similar to the image of K in relationship with the u) that would be viewed as devot ees circumambulated the garbha , and 84 By royal temple, I am referring to a temple that was intended primarily as a state temple that was visited by the royal family. He built this temple for his chosen deity, who had also been ext remely important to the Vijayanagara le. The would have encapsulated the characteristics of the ruler as an able warrior. However, by this time it seems that the been redundant. symbol of the state since it connotes celi palace.

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290 u, Ka To my knowledge, f Ka 85 If Rao is suggesting that this image was installed by Ka image was commissioned to portray him. Even a casual student of Indian art history can see tha t this image comes from the same material, period, school, and perhaps even the same workshop as the devotional images of K nearly identical to those of K strikingly s imilar to those of the early modern king . Additionally the workmanship on the floral and geometrical patterns on the clothing leaves no doubt that this is a work of 19 th century Mysore sculptors. Here we can see that the Mysore court was concerned with the recognition of the lineage gapa a a the former palace of the Wo eyars had been completely destroyed by the British; so the Wo eyars continued to reside in Mysore as they had done during the years u nder the da gapa a a had been completely changed and was probably more associated with the rule of gapa a a and the Muslim preserv Gu the island. Though the island became largely uninhabited during K was important that the town, which had for centuries been a site of regional power, to become re associated with the Wo eyars. It would make sense then for the Mysore court to commission an image of the Wo eyar king, who had made the lineage a truly indep endent regional power and 85 Rao, History of Mysore Volume I , 70 .

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291 who had constructed a royal temple on the island, to remind the people and the British that this was indeed the realm of the Wo eyars. To conclude this section, I turn our attention to the seat of K eyar III rule with in the walls of the Mysore Palace. Within the palace standing temples and two within the Palace itself (a small shrine to Ga 86 ch is the central temple both spatially and symbolically. In three of the free standing temples (Lak T of one of the kings discussed within this sect ion. Like the painting of K the sacred landscape ava deities and his K The smallest and the most recent temple within the Mysore Palace walls is the Prasanna K apa there is an image of K bhakta i s a. This image needs no further elaboration because it is very similar to the other images of K In the Lak identified eyar (Figure 8). The figure is carved in the round in grey granite that has been 86 The current stone Mysore Palac e was constructed and expanded in the first half of the 20 th century in the Indo Saracenic style; however, it was designed as a more grandiose version of the wood palace, which had stood on the same spot prior to burning down. as not damaged by the fire and is currently on top of the Mysore Palace Board offices.

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292 painted black. He has very large ears but is shown clean shaven. Instead of a large turban like in e, he has a simple but high crown. He wears only a simple pañce ( ) very unceremoniously tied. He is ornamented with large floral earrings, several necklaces, and two bracelets on each arm. The image has clearly been moved and placed in a small ma apa that was constructed at the site of K ma apa is an inscription that commemorates the same coronation on its fortieth anniversary. 87 The only other inscription in the temple is from 1853 and simply states that it was in this temple that Lak eyar from an assassination attempt. 88 Clearly, this is another association with the former glories of the Wo eyar line by the court of K In the T wall of the West fa cing temple, two figures, one approximately 18 inches (45 cms) and the other approximately 1 foot (30 cms), stand with hands joined facing the garbha gu i (Figure 9). The images are very crudely carved, but depict the rounded body style that was popular du a period. These images have been identified as Ka eyar. This identification was made long after the images were installed as they appear to be of a much older style and composition than the period of Ka later identification in the reign of K figure. Do local administration while the king dealt with foreign affairs and waged war against his foes from gapa a i hill and installed the 1,000 steps to its precipice, the original 87 REC V.My 74. 88 REC V.My 73.

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293 Na i at the 600 th step up the hill. Though it is unclear when exactly this image was identified as Ka Wo eyar devotional history. By ide ntifying Ka devotional portraits in T great patron Do eyar devotional pro gram until the Da When we view these devotional images as Wo eyar kings along with the Goddess temple, which is the primary royal temple in the Palace complex and in which no devotional images have been installed but in which the king was phy sically present, we can see the entire of the Wo eyar line and the cycle of their family deities exhibited before us. When these images are read along with the literature and paintings from the reign of K ous refashioning of the identity of lineage as an unbroken line of devotees. The devotional images, like their epigraphic and literary equivalents from reign of K display Wo g apa a a, u and finally bringing them all back to Mysore and the home of the king. Likewise the Mysore Palace complex served as a confluence of that tradition in which the devotional plurality can be seen beginning with the Goddess in the Palace, going through the various rulers and their deities, and ultimately culminating in the devotion of the king K Just as the devotional images sought to exemplify the Wo eyar kings as paradigms of piety, the court of Mysore used devotional and don ative patterns to extend their significance through the entire Indian subcontinent. This program is evident within the temple and palace murals commissioned by the court of K eyar III. Attempting to expand their

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294 influence, the court of Mysore us ed the new model of pious kingship to re map the devotional landscape of India, centering it within the kingdom of Mysore. 6.5 Centering the Kingdom: Wo eyar Mural Paintings hero to devotee, the process of connecting sacred sites with the Wo eyar line and the kingdom of Mysore was expanded beyond the confines of Southern Karnataka and the Mysore kingdom. This program is masterfully represented in the mural paintings located i n the ka visual representation of the new ideals of kingship within K the sacred landscape of all of India and reiterated the importan ce of royal genealogy. The paintings display Mysore as the center of pan Indian devotion, bringing all the matters of devotional and kingly importance within the subcontinent into the Mysore kingdom. The murals established K he transcendent and incorporeal Indian empire, who even sent a devotional emissary to collect tribute from his spiritual vassals. Thereby, the local, regional, and pan Indian sacred geography became the territory of K watchful gaze of the ideal king devotee and his lineage. 6.5.1. Ra eyar Murals Janaki Nair has effectively demonstrated the pictorial transformation that occurred in the mural paintings in the Ra Mysore City that were completed around 1865 (Figure 10). 89 She aptly describes the scenes in which K 89 Nair, Mysore Modern , 84 93.

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295 These images buttress paintings of the royal Dasara festival in Mysore. 90 On the Western wall of the hall the genealogy of the line is depicted on the leaves/petal s of a large creeping lotus flanked by representations of K Hindu and Muslim. K ( and his lineage ) is the central and most important subject e of rulers to the presence of Krishnaraja Wodeyar III because they are all, from both left and right, made to face the lotus 91 Nair goes on to demonstrate how the lineage of the Wo a w ith K king and god. 92 She further ably shows that the other images of K wives or in the hunting field do more than simply depict the of mundane activities of the king, but they t ransform the king into a divine character through allusion to Vi K a. turned into a sacred one in an interesting shuttling between god and king 93 Together all these images form a systematized program within the mural that depicts the primacy of the Mysore king and centers him amongst all his predecessors, contemporaries, ministers, and even the gods. She, however, continues a few pages later by interpreting the images as a reflection of K Krishnaraja Wodeyar III was under no such compulsion, and in many relaxed portrayals he is shown as a man devoted to leisure. He is either among his forbears and descendants or among the women of his court. In this aestheticization of the very excesses that he was accused of when his kingdom was taken from him, the 90 Similar images of Dasara were probably also found in the Jain been removed and windows installed in their place. 91 Nair, Mysore Modern, 87 88. 92 Nair, Mysore Modern, 86. 93 Nair, Mysore Modern, 88.

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296 king appears to enjoy a new security of tenure, engulfing the viewer in his megalomania. Flanked , moreover, by the officials of his court, Krishnaraja Wodeyar III signals his willingness to be subordinated to a bureaucracy, a full flowering of which would occur in the period after 1881. 94 While I agree with Nair that these images are extremely importa nt in the construction of the role of the king, I believe she stops short of realizing the true ingenuity of the overall composition. Her interpretation of the program of the mural, which had begun with her incredibly insightful discussion of the recreatio in the creation of meaning, is ultimately undermined as she backpedals from the novelty of admini strative life when it is clear that these images contain many important and novel ways of characterizing kingship. Moreover, she further backs away from the depth of the program unreliable index of power of kingship. 95 obsessed the king are ironic testimony to the idea of ki ngship that the Maharaja might have king was made into a man 96 I believe when they are viewed alongside the other mural paintings wi thin the of the nearby in Mysore it is clear that these images fit into the broader program of the Mysore court that was refashioning kingship through 94 Nair, Mysore Modern , 92 3. 95 Nair, Mysore Modern , 93. Emphasis added 96 Nair, Mysore Modern, 93.

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297 devotion. They were part of an en tirely different index of power that is only unreliable when viewed through colonial notions of power and kingship. 6.5.2. An Incorporeal Empire: Murals of the C itrama apa of theVe ka Temple In 1836, five years after the institution of the Co the Ve ka just outside citrama apa, or painted hall, that pictorially displays the new app roach to kingship, devotion, and territory that was being formulated during Kr 97 It also signals the dramatic shift from the ways kingship had been fashioned during the medieval period reflecting a full scale re evaluation of empire of devotion. 98 Before analyzing the murals, I think it is best for me to begin by describing the murals to give a sense of what is being represented. The citrama apa of the Ve ka of the sacred sites within the Mysore kingdom, the South Indian region, and from various regions citrama apa , the first portion of the walls to your left and right depict floor to ceiling images within large painted frames. On the left is a collection of Vai ava images containing depictions 97 REC V.My. 4 8. 98 Nai r has suggested that the purpose of the murals were twofold. First, she suggests that these, along with the Nair, Mysore Modern, 87. Indeed b oth sets of murals would have been viewed often by the king either when visiting playing nk this interpretation by Nair is a bit too superficial; though, without a doubt, the king enjoyed scenes from the various sacred sites of India specifically during his times Mysore Modern , 79. But the territory th at is being depicted in the is not just the territory of the Mysore kingdom. It is the sacred geography of the whole of India, which symbolically and literally places the entire structure of Indic devotion under his watchful gaze.

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298 of several of Vi ) along with various other c haracters that fill out the composition (Figure 12a). On the right side, there is a large map of Tirupati which depicts a processional image on procession up the hill around the various smaller shrines on its way to the main temple (Figure 12b). As you ent er further, on both sides are two columns with small paintings framed in wood depicting Wo eye view representations of the sacred sites of Mysore and South India. On the left and southern wall from top to bot tom is Ha ma ha , 99 and Navatirupati on the first level; e and gapa a a on the third and bottom level (Figure 15). The i temples of Ku a ha i Hill are represented on the next level down. Nañju g e are depicted on the bottom level of the Northern wall (Figure 16). The back/Western wall completes the depictions of the Wo eyar kings (Figure 17). 100 On the ceiling the sacred places from farther away are present. Depicted there are the temple sites along Robert J. Del Bontá has pointed out that the cities, temples, and ma ha s are not depicted accurately by Western cartographic standards. 101 In fac t it seems that the artists cared very little 99 Presumably in Sosale not the one which the inscription states that 100 and his brother. Another character is present who is clearly a minister. This person is commonly identified as the however, the king is shown to be far older than when the was deposed. Given the poor terms on which the was dismi ssed, I doubt this image represents him. I will not attempt to suggest an alternative, though one 101 paper presented at Ninth Annual South Asia Conference, University of California, Berkeley, March 1995. He

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299 for representational accuracy. Instead, we recognize the sites because of the deities and their narrative signifiers that clue the viewer to the identity and sacred significance of each site shown. Through thes e narrative allusions, the murals place the sacred sites temporally within mythological time and spatially within the realm of the transcendent. These murals reflect the same pan Indian devotional cartography that we saw in the i in which deities including the Mysore kings are physically present and living within the mundane world but simultaneously operate in transcendence of it. Additionally, the territory that is being depicted in the painted hall is not just the territory of t he Mysore kingdom. It is the sacred geography of the whole of India, which places both symbolically and literally the entire landscape of Indian devotion under the watchful gaze of the Mysore kings who are also depicted in the hall. In order to fully grasp how the painted hall fits into the program of the Mysore court, we must turn to the epigraphic record of the temple to elucidate our analysis by providing context. Within this temple there are two inscriptions that bear the signature of K first inscription lists a series of donations, including the painted hall itself, that were given by the king 102 The second inscription in the temple five li ardhama apa . This epigraph details a suggests that there is a difference in the accuracy of the Northern and Southern sites. Wh ile some Southern sites 102 REC V.My 4.

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300 K the impetus for the donation of the temple by the king. 103 The inscription relates the entire story of the pilgrimage which I will only summarize. patronage of K Ve ka the form of Vi u from Tirupati ava boy and instructed him to distribute special to the people afflicted by cholera so that the y would be completely healed of the disease. After completing this miraculous task, he was directed by the same deity to go to the k anna i to i in the palace and perform for the king. After doing so, the king bestowed upon him a variety of royal gift s. Upon his return to Mysore, the saint was again directed in a dream to go on pilgrimage and informed the king of his desire to go. K accoutrements necessary for the journey including his royal insignia ( biru a s) and permission/passports ( ) from both the king and the East India Company Resident ( ku pa u ). Then the saint embarked on a massive pilgrimage that included more than sixty eight different cities including all of those painted in the hall murals and even more royal and sacred sites throughout India. Along the way he collected royal insignias returned to the Mysore palace where he presented all the gifts before the king and anointed the ruler with water from the Ga . In honor of this journey, the king constructed the temple with 103 REC V.My 5.

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301 be used in the temple and a stipend ( sanad ) of one hundred rupees per month to be paid to the those that had been given to them by K amma i, to the deity of the temple. 104 The details of the story are reminiscent of the story of the brothers that would eventually be written in the i thirty years later. First, the long pilgrimage was undertaken at the behest of a manifestation of Vi u, who had appeared in a dream. Second, several imp ortant cities, temples, and kingdoms were visited along the way. Last, the pilgrimage ultimately culminated in the anointing of a Wo eyar king. But, of course, this story is very different in other details; mainly in that it is not a Wo eyar who goes on th e journey, and also that the journey originates in Mysore. So what are we to make of this intriguing inscription, the pilgrimage that it describes, and its commemoration in the temple murals? One way to look at the pilgrimage is simply as a historical reco rd of a historical journey experiences [in the murals] reflects the sancti 105 the king play such an important role in the narrative, and why has the entire Wo eyar lineage been depicted 104 The brothers, of course, remained in charge of the temple and the benefits of the were still maintained by their family. Indeed to this Independence temples in the Mysore region that is considered privately owned, which the owner/ is very quick to point out as he requests huge sums of money to view the . 105

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302 passage that views the king and not the pilgrim as the central character and the journey as a wor king saint, but he was also a servant of the court, and thereby the servant of K ended in the presence of the king. It would seem, t pilgrim, but a royal emissary on a devotional mission. He acted like the emissaries of the medieval period, who traveled to the far reaches of the imperial territory to collect tribute from collecting gifts from royalty, leaders of ma ha s, and temple priests and even installing temples in faraway sacred sites such as Varanasi. He traversed a sacred domain collecting tribute with metaphysical significance: the significance of which was far outside the purview of the British. pilgrimage, the temple, and the paintings and the person who they are aggrandizing is not K and his kingdom. Therefore, this pilgrimage and its attendant inscriptions and murals has to be viewed in light of the re articulation of kingly identity through devotion that w as taking place in the the devotional virtuosity of K presented the royal and temple gifts that he had collected to K Wo eyar king with water from the Ga coronation in 1799 when he was given his royal insignia and crowned by the British governor general. This scen coronation of K earthly domain granted by the colonial power, but as the ruler of the devotional realm an

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303 incorporeal emperor, whose transcendent power was given by the Goddess and not bounded by British control. The murals then draw the entire world of Indian devotion into the presence of the king and his lineage. 6.6 Conclusion When the artistic productions that were created during the reign of K examined, it becomes clear tha t the king and his court were interested in placing his lineage in conversation with kings and deities throughout India. This was the first time in the history of the Wo eyar dynasty that such a project of collection and representation was present. However , like the literature and arts of the medieval period, those of K place the Mysore king and his lineage in a position of primacy. This may seem like totally natural royal propaganda, but the ways that it was being depi cted marked a major shift in Wo eyar representations. I do not believe that this reflects a vain attempt to keep face in light of British domination, but that the court of K nature of kingship in order to subvert the power of their British overlords. Through enacting rhetoric of devotion and metaphysical power, his rule was relocated within a realm of trans cendence an incorporeal empire , and his kingdom extended throughout the pan Indian devotional map . As he became the incorporeal emperor, he redefined the nature of the goddess i, who had formerly given military might to the rulers of Mysore in her form as the ic Mahi

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304 CHAPTER 7 CONCLUSION I begin my conclusion as I began this dissertation with a glimpse into contemporary it, the former hea i Hill. Saddened by the news, I remained at home, deciding to use the time to re read a few portions of the i . However, midday on 10 December I received a tex saying that he was in critical condition. Immediately, I left my office to head to the neighborhood photostat shop to watch the news unfold. I was amazed as I walk ed past home after home where I saw families crowded around their televisions also consumed by the news. When I arrived at the photostat shop, the gravity of the events for the people of Mysore started to set in. The Within hours busine sses hung posters of the deceased Wo eyar adorned with garlands. Some closed for the rest of the night. By the next day almost all had closed and remained closed ng ) Yaduva yaduva ). In the Times of India 1 This sentiment was reiterated by everyone with whom I was able to talk two days before most people referred to him as with special reference always being given t o his ancestry. On 12 December, over 1 Rajiv Kalkod, Times of India (11 December 2013), 1.

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305 400,000 people crowded unto the Palace grounds in order to attend his funeral. 2 Even more people lined the streets to watch the body of the king travel from the Mysore Palace to the cremation ground ( madhuvana ) taking one last came followed the procession to the cremation site where they watched the ritual on Jumbotrons as it was simulcast on live television by at least five stations. The last rite ( vaiku ha ane approximately 25,000 people joined on the Palace grounds to receive da after the ceremony. Within the palace only a select few had been allowed to enter, including representative of family and friends. The ritual was an amazing display of the devotional apparatus of the Mysore ha, and priests from various Vai ava, ma ha s were present and performed part of the . The was seated in front of images representing a ll the Wo eyar deities. Two of the images, however, had been placed to the right on the smaller of the two thrones. The larger throne was placed at the center of the ma apa demon sat overlooking the ceremony and everyone in attendance. it to the vaiku ha we can see how s uccessfully the Mysore court had fashioned the Wo eyar lineage 2 s fr family were observing a period of impurity and were not able to attend.

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306 vari had become. In the minds of many in Mysore, the Wo eyar king was ic deities and epic heroes of the yaduva a ic form was present at i Hill. The king was even connected to her seat of power in death as the passing o f the former head priest its temple preceded his own by just over a day. 3 While most of these connections could 7.1 The Goddess Mirror The goddess of Mysore had b een central in the process of king fashioning throughout eyar in 1572 CE. Her role in the whether it was as i, ic slayer of reflected the position and circumstances of the Mysore kings, whether they were local chieftains, rulers of an emerging regional power, emperors, or powerless kings under a powerful suzerain. Indeed, more than any other deity , the goddess accompanied them on their rise, ranging the full spectrum from local protector to regal ruler to Mother of the Universe. By looking at how her identity was constructed in courtly productions throughout Wo eyar rule it is clear that she was th e primary site for fashioning kingship in medieval and early modern Mysore. The Mysore program of king fashioning was certainly not without precedents. There had been a programmatic production of genealogical materials in medieval South India that had dev eloped paradigms through which courts placed their rulers within the context of significant 3 at 3:50 a.m.

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307 significance was shown was by connecting him and his lineage to the ic deities and the epic heroes thrusting the dynasty a period after which new kingdoms started to emerge as regional political powers. In order to locate thems elves and their capital within the world of courtly consequence, the origin story of migration and alliance with a local goddess was introduced into the genealogies of new rulers. By connecting the king and the site of kingdom to the local goddess, the ter ritory was configured as a powerful sacred landscape and the ruler divinely appointed. The early rulers of Mysore emerged within this context and developed the genealogical materials to address their circumstances. From the foundation of Mysore to its impe rial period under Ka ic slayer of the buffalo demon and the Wo ped local deities to imperial rulers, who composed hymns of supplication within the ava tradition. By looking into their inscriptions from this period, the co evolution of imperial titles and the epithets used to praise the goddess of Mysor e is evident. The literature from this period also displays the diminishing role of the goddess in longer courtly productions in which the devotion and of Mysor refined servant of the supreme deity. This is dramatically contrasted with rise of the Ka ale da 1734) during which he desperately tried to retain Wo eyar independent rule.

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308 During the Da 1762), however, goddess devotion was pushed even farther into the background as she was regulated to consort of the Ka a Nañju During the Ka ale rule the goddess of the Wo eyars, like their king, was subordinated to the Ka ale master, devoid of the power they once wielded. However, the da s continued the South India political paradigms, inserting themselves a nd their devotional traditions into the royal genealogical material. As their power grew their titles and lineage occupied greater adulation than their Wo Nañju rt of the Mysore program of patronage and devotion. After Haidar Ali overthrew the Ka transition back to the forefront. Haidar Ali, like the early Wo eyars, had attained his power and reputation through military conquest and lacked the developed genealogy of a king. Therefore, eyar kings and supported their role as the ritual heads of state, especially emphasizing their role in the pe rformance of the goddess festival Dasara. His son serving the Wo eyar kings but was fashioned as their successor. During his rule, the Mysore court fashioned otection, and patronage as had the Wo eyars and his medieval predecessors, including propitiating the goddess in times of military need. His circumstances, namely his extended conflicts with the British and Hyderabad, forced the Mysore court to update the program and to incorporate Mughal and European ideals into the formula. The novel ways that kingship was fashioned during the new.

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309 The new construction of kingship was fully developed within the court of K Wo eyar III. The medieval paradigms were modified, shifting the very notion of kingship to productions o Universe, who was worshipped for her soteriological power: a complete reversal of propitiation for immediate needs seen in the early years of the Mysore kingdom. The territory an d position of the king were likewise refashioned and removed from the physical world and transplanted into the metaphysical world, becoming an emperor of an incorporeal devotional empire. Throughout the history of Mysore and the Wo eyars, the goddess of th e hill has mirrored the position and circumstances of the rulers of the realm. Through it all, however, she remained central within the program of king fashioning for the Mysore court. As we saw in Chapter 1 and in the beginning of this chapter, she stil l remains central for Wo eyar and Mysore identity. 7.2 Potential Areas for Future Research As with any work of this nature, this dissertation is not without its limitations. My chronological approach to the process of king fashioning over the broad span o f 300 years has caused me to approach the material of each period in a limited fashion. Since I was interested in the ways genealogical materials were used to fashion kingship, I limited my focus to the courtly productions that dealt exclusively with issue s of lineage and ancestry and innovations within the narratives that could be elucidated by contemporaneous historical data and debates. This approach necessarily left many of the courtly documents, inscriptions, and visual materials un(der)examined. Indee d, each chapter could have been expanded into a dissertation on its own by widening the scope of materials while focusing on a smaller timeframe. One fruitful avenue for future research into the ways that the Wo eyar court fashioned imperial kingship woul d be a thorough examination of the writings from the reign of

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3 10 1704). This would include the typical court literature written by Wo eyar courtiers (e.g. i ) but would also examine the devotional writings of the ki ng (e.g. ). Such an examination would heighten our understanding of the role of devotion as a central component of kingship, as I have argued above. The same could be said for the period of K many histories of Mysore and many more devotional works. In addition to narrowing the timeframe, there are drawbacks related to my choice to focus entirely on one dynasty. While I have tried to contextualize my study in Chapter 2 by showing the history and the development of genealogical materials within the broader scope of South India, much of the discussion only pertains to the Mysore materials. This dynastic focus limits my ability to make many of the broader theoretical claims that I believe would b ecome evident if the study was extended to include a comparative component throughout . This is especially necessary to confirm my conclusions that the paradigms of king fashioning is part of a trans communal South Indian courtly program. One p otential area of inquiry that would elucidate the entire project would be to put the Mysore material in dialogue with the productions of the court different communal af filiation, the comparison would progress our knowledge of king fashioning in the late medieval and early modern period; however, this would require an immense amount of time and effort, especially since the language of the Hyderabad court was Mughal Persia n. Another fertile possibility would be to broaden the field of analysis during the period in which K of Travancore. Like K eyar III, the ruler from nearby Kerala is credited for many historical,

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311 philosophical, and devotional works and was a great patron of the arts, especially Carnatic music. The dual foci of the Mysore and Travancore princes w ould allow us to see the broader trends in the shifting ways that kingship was fashioned as the courts of royal families negotiated medieval paradigms with contemporaneous concerns. 7.3 Making Claims about Kings Building off the work of both scholars of g oddess traditions and of Indian history, this dissertation is an attempt to understand how kings and kingdoms were fashioned through an ongoing dialectic between the ideals of the past and realities of the present. In order to show that, I focused on one k ingdom (Mysore) from their earliest extant records through the advent of the colonial state in South India. We saw that the goddess was the malleable fulcrum that connected the rulers of Mysore through each of its periods and throughout their histories. Fo r the Wo eyar i was the site through which they fashioned themselves and Mysore, but what, then, can we say about kingship and the goddess more broadly? I hesitate to make any bold, far reaching claims for the reasons stated in the previous s ection, but I do believe that this dissertation has broader implication for the fields of both goddess studies and history of state formation in South India: specifically by identifying where they meet; or more aptly, where they do not. The reason for the lack of convergence between the two fields is twofold. First, it is a result of the focus of South Indian historiography that has privileged the early medieval and the large empires, specifically those in Tamil Nadu, and to a lesser extent the Vijayanagara period. Second, historians of religion that are interested in the goddess have failed to look beyond the phenomenological to the broader function of the goddess in the state. That is not to say that there is a lacuna that scholars have necessarily failed to realize; instead that this dissertation is an attempt to continue the natural progression of both areas of study in the direction where they converge.

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312 For decades, issues of the overlord vassal relationship has been debated in which various issue of st ate formation and configuration were the center of the academic conversation. 4 As a result of this debate, interesting discussions about the role of devotion in courtly life arose. 5 Much of the recent work that has been done on the medieval South Indian st ate has asked complex questions about the ways that the medieval court represented itself and its rulers through literary and material culture. 6 These studies have tended to focus on the large early medieval Tamil imperial states. 7 To a much lesser extent, however, there has been growing interest in the late medieval and the way the imperial successor states were fashioned through their courtly productions. 8 These studies, however, have examined these materials as products of a monolithic whole and have fai led to realize that courts and kingdoms developed in response to a variety of circumstances that are then reflected in the nuances within the productions over time. The chronological and contextualized reading of genealogical materials through the cycles o f one dynasty provides an entirely new way of reading the process of king fashioning and courtly production in the late medieval period. It also helps us to see the continuity in those productions that otherwise might be overlooked because of the (over)emp hasis of one deity or tradition in one text, inscription, or mural. 4 For example, D. D. Kosambi, Introduction to the Study of Indian History (New Delhi: Popular Prakashan, 1975); R. S. Sharma Indian Feudalism (Delhi: Macmillan Publishers, 2006); and D. C. Indian Landlordism and European Feudalism Studies in the Political and Administrative Systems in Ancient and Medieval India (New Delhi: Motilal Banarsidass, 1996), 13 32. 5 For example, Chattopadhyaya, The Making of Early Medieval India ; Sas tri, A History of South India ; Karashima, Kingship in South India ; Hermann Kulke, Kings and Cults: State Formation and legitimization in India and Southeast Asia (New Delhi: Manohar Publishers, 1993) ; and Burton Stein, Peasant, State, and Society in Mediev al South India (New York: Oxford University Press, 1980); 6 Courtly Culture ; and Pollock, Language of the Gods . 7 For example, Veluthat, The Political St ructure of Early Medieval South India ; and Subbarayalu, South India Under the Cholas ; Karashima, South Indian Society in Transition: Ancient to Medieval . 8 For example, Rao, et al , Symbols of Substance Temple Ars Orientalis 33 (2003); 146 79; Jennifer Howes, The Courts of Pre Colonial South India: Material Culture and Kingship (New York: Routledge Curzon, 2003).

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313 Goddesses are the common thread that binds a dynasty from its inception to its ruin. This is not quite as bold a statement as it might seem. If one carefully reads any of the materials cit ed above, especially the foot and endnotes, she will find references to the royal and courtly goddess rituals ubiquitously present in all stages of state development. This dissertation, therefore, is an extension of the work of those scholars that attempt s to highlight the pervasive undercurrent of courtly goddess devotion. The presence of goddesses at varying stages, regions, and periods must also be attributed to the malleable nature of goddesses and their dual nature as immediate and soteriological and/ i of Mysore, can range from fierce and peripheral to mothering and central. This is the point at which historiography of the Indian state and goddess studies seem to naturally conver ge. Kathleen M. Erndl was one of the first scholars to highlight the multiple natures of goddesses that transcended the binary of malevolent and benign and questioned the usefulness correlation between ferocity and malevolence. 9 Since her work, the binary model of goddesses has been laid aside, and many scholars have followed in her footsteps by presenting nuanced studies of goddesses and their ritual and devotional lives within context. 10 They have also largely followed her phenomenological method. While th is has greatly enriched our understanding of different goddesses in South Asia, the assumptions about the ontology of the goddess and how she is experienced has limited the study of South Asian goddesses to replicate the same questions ad nauseum : how are goddesses experienced by devotees and why are those experiences of goddesses meaningful? 9 Erndl, Victory to the Mother , 153 8. 10 For example, Foulston, At the Feet of the Goddess

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314 I have, instead, tried to expand the way that we look at goddesses by reversing the question and asking how and why are goddesses expressed within a pre existing set o f meanings. Therefore, my reading is a functional approach that creates the potential for new avenues of inquiry relating to goddesses in South Asia and their role in the medieval courts of India. That is, instead of assuming the nature of the goddess, I h ave attempted to show how the Wo eyar court fashioned the nature of the goddess as part of their process of fashioning the king and as a reflection of his position within the political hierarchy. The process was not meant to manipulate the people into acce pting the ruler, but the court was manipulating the goddess and the very idea kingship to place their ruler in a broader context of South India courtly culture. The goddess, then, was a mirror through which we can see the way courts and kings viewed themse lves and the way they wanted to be viewed by others.

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315 APPENDIX A FIGURES Figure A 1. III with Family Deities & Sirdars. graphed by autho r with permission .

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316 Figure A bhakta vigraha Photo graphed by author with permission . Figure A bhakta vigraha Photo graphed by author with permission .

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317 Figure A bhakta vigraha Photographed by author with permission . Figure A bhakta vigraha Photographed by author with pe rmission .

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318 Figure A bhakta vigraha with permission .

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319 Figure A bhakta vigraha Photographe d by author with permission . Figure A bhakta vigraha author with permission .

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320 Figure A bhakta vigraha , . Photographed by author with permission.

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321 Figure A 10. , , Mysore. Photograph .

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322 Figure A 11. by author with permission . Figure A 12. Murals of (a) avatara s and (b) Tirupati . Mysore. Photographed by author with permission .

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323 Figure A 13. Murals of graphed by author with permission .

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324 Figure A 14. and Photographed by author with permission.

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325 Figure A 15. M urals of , t , , , on the southern wall. aphed by author with permission.

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326 Figure A 16. Mysore. Photographed by author with permission .

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327 Figure A 17. with permission .

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328 Figure A 18. bhakta vigraha Photographed by author with permission .

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329 BIBLIOGRAPHY Collections and Manuscripts Kuvempu Institute of Kannada Studies Manuscript Library: University of Mysore ( KIKS ) Mss. 18.15.18 (ca. 1740). Government Oriental Manuscripts Library: University of Madras Mackenzie Collection ( GOM L Mack ) Mss. B. 47 D.1868 hyudaya V ivara (ca. 1714). Mss. B.3 D.282.2 (ca. 1800). Mackenzie Manuscript Collection: British Library General Collection ( Mack Gen .) Mss. 1.18 The Stala Mahatum of the Cauvery River: transmitted by Ne tale Naina from Chidumbrum and translated by C.V. Ramaswamy Bramin September 26 th 1804, 153 154. Mss. 3.8.a. Unfinished Memoir: History of Mysore supposed to be written by Captain Hathway, 65 79; 83 95. Mss. 3.8.b Mysore History: Mysor Aroosoogaloo Porva abyoodayagalu or the Succession of the Kings of Mysore from ancient time by Nagara Pootta Pundit 1798 Inauguration, 201 227. Mss. 3.10 who reigned over t he Country up to this time on the Salleevahana 1444 in the cycle year Tarana or AD 1524, 255 256. Mss. 3.11 Mysore Nagurda Poorbotara or the Account of the Mysore Government, 257 261 Mss. 3.12 , 262 296. M ss. 3.13 Historical Memoir of Calala Containing the History of the Rajahs of Mysore. Communicated by the Represtative of the Dalawoy of Mysore to the Resident in 1806 and translated from the original Canara in 1807 by C.V. Lechmyah , 299 321. Mss. 3.14 A ccount of Seringapatam as given by Sid ray a relation of the Dalways . 323. Mss. 3.16 History of the Delways of Mysore Translated by D Leyden, 341 355. Mss. 3.17 Nara Puttee Veejayom or the Glories of the Nara Puttee Race or Historical Account of the Sove reigns of Mysore Translated from the Tamul Language by C.V. Boria Brahman January 1800, 397 438.

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330 Mss. 3.19 Sketch of the History of Seringapatam , 461 465. Mss. 3.20 History of Siringapatam CR MS 1799 , 471 473. Mss. 3.21 Account of Seringapatam Translate d from the Mahratta Memoir received from Colonel Close in Sept 1800 , 475 482. Mss. 3.22 Kyfyat Seringapatam Fort Translated from the Marattas by Looba Row Braman December 17 1802, 483 489. Mss. 3.24 The Mysorean Management under Chicka Daiva Rauze Wurria r, 587 597. Mss. 17.6 Traditionary Account of the worship of Chamoondee Sactee: or Chanoondee Betta the Hill of Mysore and of the Origin and Commutation of the Sacrifice of Men on that hill, compiled from information at Mysore in 1805 , 17 19. Mss. 40.4 H istorical Account of the Rajahs of Mysore from the Persian MS by Dr. Leyden ,65 100. Mss. 46.8 State of Affairs of the Native Powers in India being Summary of Intelligence collected from the 22 nd August 1789 to 8 th February 1790 by Captain Read, 105 138. Translations ( Mack Trans .) Mss. 5.9 Life of Hyder from Maratha , 1 72. Mss. 5.15 A translation of Canarese Book: The Account of Mysore and Shrirangapatam Rajahs , 105 111. Mss. 5.18 Mahatyman of Golukonda and Yadavagiri , 122 125. Published Primary Sourc es Akki, Sujatha, (Mysore: Vismaya Prakashana, 2012). (Mysore: G.T.A Press, 1916) . . (Bangalore: Rudrappa and Sons, 1894). (Mysore: Karnatak a Kavya Kalanidhi, 1905). . ed. B.S. Sannayya (Mysore: University of Mysore Press, 1988).

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331 . ed. N. Basavaradhya (Mysore: Geeta Book House, 1985). Dodwell, H. A Calendar of the Madras De spatches Volumes I and II (Madras: Government Press, 1920 and 1930). A Calendar of the Madras Records (1740 1744) , (Madras: Government Press, 1917). EC [ Epigraphia Carnatica ] Volumes 1 12 (Bangalore: Government Press, 1898 1905). EI [ Epigraphia Indica ] Volumes 1 6 (Calcutta: Government Press, 1892 1895). Na . ed. R. Sharma Sastry (Mysore: University of Mysore Press, 1971). with . (Bombay: Nirnaya Sagara Press, n.d.). Nañ jappa, Maddagiri, . ed. M.P. Manjappa Setti (Mysore: University of Mysore Press, 1996). Nuniz, Fernao, (ca. 1537) Chronicle of Fernao Nuniz (Chennai: Asian Educational Services, 2003). Paes, Domingos, (ca. 1522) Narrative of Domingos Paes of The Things Which I Saw and Contrived To Learn Concerning the Kingdom of Narsimga, etc. (Chennai: Asian Educational Services, 2003). Pillai, Ananda Ranga. The Private Diary of Ananda Ranga Pillai Volumes I XXII . ed. J. Frederick Price (Madras: Governmen t Press, 1904 1928). Proceedings of the Directors of the East India Company with Reference to the Instructions Transmitted to Them by the Commissioners from the Affairs of India to Dispatch a Letter on the Subject of the Claims of Baboo Ram Doss and Baboo Ram Chown Loll, Heirs and accredited Represtatives of the late Monhur Doss and Seetul Bahoo to the King of Oudh, according to the Tenor of a Draft Sent by the Commissioners to the Court (London; s.n., 1834). REC [ Revised Epigraphia Carnatica ] Volumes 1 1 6 (Mysore: Institute of Kannada Studies University of Mysore, 1972 2009). Rajasekhara, P.K, ed., (Mysore: Ta. Vem. Smaraka Grantha Male, 1972)

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354 BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH Caleb Simmons is a native of Jay, FL . He graduate d from Missouri State University (formerly Southwest Misso uri State University) with a Bachelor of Arts degree in Religious Studies and Flor ida State University wi th a Master of Arts degree in Religion. He has been an adjunct professor at Santa Fe College, Gainesville, FL and a Visiting Assistant Professor at the University of Mississippi, Oxford, MS. He has lived in Mysore, India for the past two years while researching and writing his dissertation and missing his pets and family very much . In the summer of 2014 after the defense of his dissertation, he will join the Religious Studies faculty at the University of Arizona.