The Literary Journalism of Aurora Bertrana

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The Literary Journalism of Aurora Bertrana a Voice of Modernity in Catalonia in the Early Twentieth Century
Liminyana Vico, Elisabet Virginia
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[Gainesville, Fla.]
University of Florida
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1 online resource (100 p.)

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Master's ( M.A.M.C.)
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University of Florida
Degree Disciplines:
Mass Communication
Journalism and Communications
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Subjects / Keywords:
Journal writing ( jstor )
Journalism ( jstor )
Literature ( jstor )
Narratives ( jstor )
Travel ( jstor )
Women ( jstor )
Womens studies ( jstor )
Writers ( jstor )
Writing ( jstor )
Written narratives ( jstor )
Journalism and Communications -- Dissertations, Academic -- UF
bertrana -- catalonia -- colonialism -- exotic -- journalism -- modernity -- otherness
Electronic Thesis or Dissertation
born-digital ( sobekcm )
Mass Communication thesis, M.A.M.C.


As historical research, the focus of this study is to analyze Aurora Bertrana's contribution to literary journalism. She was Catalan, a writer, a traveler, an activist and a female with access to public intellectual life at the beginning of the twentieth century. In these roles, she became the most remarkable voice of modernity in Catalonia. Writing from countries like Switzerland, Oceania and Morocco, her journalism, fictional literature and political activism had a strong commitment to social justice, as well as women's and labor rights. At the same time, Bertrana used her time abroad to describe and criticize Spanish and French colonization, bringing a taste of the exotic and otherness to Catalonia. This study argues that she is not a traditional reporter but a literary journalist. And in defining her as such, this study opposes the hegemony of the traditional literary journalism canon by revealing the work of an artist marginalized by both her gender and geography. She wrote and published in a language and in a country outside the majority of Anglocentric and Americentric discourse on literary journalism. From these observations, it is intended to show that Aurora Bertrana's literary journalism left one of the strongest traces of modernity that contributed to the renewal of Catalan society, promoting a model for the new female intellectual. Her fresh writing style and observational innovation engaged her audience, making her well recognized by society, critics, and media. ( en )
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In the series University of Florida Digital Collections.
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Includes vita.
Includes bibliographical references.
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Description based on online resource; title from PDF title page.
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This bibliographic record is available under the Creative Commons CC0 public domain dedication. The University of Florida Libraries, as creator of this bibliographic record, has waived all rights to it worldwide under copyright law, including all related and neighboring rights, to the extent allowed by law.
Thesis (M.A.M.C.)--University of Florida, 2014.
Co-adviser: TRIPP,BERNELL E.
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by Elisabet Virginia Liminyana Vico.

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University of Florida
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Copyright Liminyana Vico, Elisabet Virginia. Permission granted to the University of Florida to digitize, archive and distribute this item for non-profit research and educational purposes. Any reuse of this item in excess of fair use or other copyright exemptions requires permission of the copyright holder.
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908645664 ( OCLC )
LD1780 2014 ( lcc )


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2014 Elisabet Virginia Liminyana Vico


To God, who never fails me


4 ACKNOWLEDGMENTS I than k Xavier Pla, my professor of Catalan contemporary literature in the University of Girona, who encourage d me to research the work of Auror a Bertrana. Neus Real deserve s a special mention, since her work and her attention to me some years ago directed me to Ronald Rodgers, who helped me so much during the process of writing and editing this thesis, dedicating time and effort in assisting me. Also, I would like to thank Dr. Bernell Tripp, who believed in me. Her suggestions when I was somehow lost at some parts of the research pr ocess were priceless. Finally, I thank my friends Mara Eugenia and Jaime Zelaya, as well as Oscar Gonzlez, who gave me the personal support needed to complete this thesis.


5 TABLE OF CONTENTS page ACKNOWLEDGMENTS ................................ ................................ ................................ ............... 4 LIST OF FIGURES ................................ ................................ ................................ ......................... 7 ABSTRACT ................................ ................................ ................................ ................................ ..... 8 CHAPTER 1 INTRODUCTION ................................ ................................ ................................ .................... 9 Literature Review ................................ ................................ ................................ ................... 11 Aims and S tructure ................................ ................................ ................................ ................. 13 2 LITERARY JOURNALISM ................................ ................................ ................................ .. 17 The Literary Journalism of Aurora Bertrana ................................ ................................ .......... 17 Understanding Literary Journalism ................................ ................................ ........................ 19 Challenges of the New Journalism ................................ ................................ ......................... 21 The Forgotten Journalists ................................ ................................ ................................ ....... 26 Journalism in Context ................................ ................................ ................................ ............. 28 Reflections about the Conflict: Bertranas Narrative ................................ ............................. 32 The Reporter with a Personal Voice ................................ ................................ ....................... 35 Conclusion ................................ ................................ ................................ .............................. 39 3 METHODS ................................ ................................ ................................ ............................. 42 4 FINDINGS ................................ ................................ ................................ .............................. 48 Modernity: A New V ision of Society and Power Relations ................................ ................... 49 Second Spanish Republic: A Modern State Project ................................ ............................... 53 Changes in Social Structures ................................ ................................ ................................ .. 55 Changes in Religious Structures ................................ ................................ ............................. 58 Awareness of the Otherness in the Colonies ................................ ................................ .......... 59 ................................ ................................ ................................ ... 63 A Modern Woman for a New Age ................................ ................................ ......................... 66 ................................ ............... 69 Journalistic Publications of Aurora Bertrana ................................ ................................ .......... 71 Media Accept ance and Impact ................................ ................................ ................................ 75 Media portrayal of Aurora Bertrana in magazines ................................ ................................ 77 Media portrayal of Aurora Bertrana in newspapers ................................ ............................... 79 Bertrana as a Literary Writer ................................ ................................ ................................ .. 80 Bertrana as a Political Activist ................................ ................................ ............................... 83 Bertrana as an Intellectual and Modern Woman ................................ ................................ .... 84 Conclusion ................................ ................................ ................................ .............................. 85


6 5 DISCUSSION ................................ ................................ ................................ ......................... 90 LIST OF REFERENCES ................................ ................................ ................................ ............... 96 BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH ................................ ................................ ................................ ....... 100


7 LIST OF FIGURES Figure page 4 1 1935) ................................ .................. 75 4 2 Aurora Bertrana in Magazines ................................ ................................ ........................... 79 4 3 Portrayal of Aurora Bertrana in the Press ................................ ................................ .......... 80


8 Abstract of Thesis Presented to the Graduate School of the University of Florida in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Master of Arts in Mass Communication THE LITERARY JOURNALISM OF AURORA BERTRANA: A VOICE OF MODERNITY IN CATALONIA IN THE EARLY TWENTIETH CENTURY By Elisabet Virginia Liminyana Vico May 2014 Chair: Ronald Rodgers Major: Mass Communication to literary journalism. She was Catala n, a writer, a traveler, an activist and a female with access to public intellectual life at the beginning of the twentieth century. In these roles, she became the most remarkable voice of modernity in Catalonia. Writing from countries like Switzerland, Oc eania and Morocco, her journalism, fictional literature and political activism had a strong used her time abroad to describe and criticize Spanish and French colo nization, bringing a taste of the exotic and otherness to Catalonia. This study argues that she is not a traditional reporter but a literary journalist. And in defining her as such, this study opposes the hegemony of the traditional literary journalism can on by revealing the work of an artist marginalized by both her gender and geography. She wrote and published in a language and in a country outside the majority of Anglocentric and Americentric discourse on literary journalism. From these observations, it strongest traces of modernity that contributed to the renewal of Catalan society, promoting a model for the new female intellectual. Her fresh writing style and observational in novation engaged her audience, making her well recognized by society, critics, and media.


9 CHAPTER 1 INTRODUCTION respirava, la palpava, la mastegava. Life, in capital letters, entered like jets through my eyes, through my nose, through my ears. I breathed it, I touched it, I chewed it. and the Aurora Bertrana, Memries fins al 1935 ( Memoirs until 1935 ) The 20th century was a complex time in Spain. At the turn of the century, there were strong ideological and artistic movements that placed cultural develop ment in a central position ( Renaixena, Noucentisme, Modernism ). They included the political foundation of Catalanism, a civil war, two dictatorships with a strong intellectual repression that promoted secrecy, exiles of intellectuals who wrote to defend o r denounce their situation, and other controversial issues (Hobsbawm, 2006, p. 84). In the case of Catalonia, an authoritative system that began in 1923 the dictatorship of Primo de Rivera causes a regression and power loss of Catalan political structu res. As a consequence, Catalan politics and society tended to promote cultural initiatives to resist the institutional scattering. Political parties stood for Catalanism (Catalan nationalism), and intellectuals created artistic movements. At the same time, the rise of Catalan culture found a perfect match with the political establishment of Modernity that the Second Spanish Republic (1931 1939) promoted. The renovation of Catalan culture gained great influence. One important achievement was the incorporatio n of women especially those who were married into the workplace at the beginning of the century. Also, women started to integrate into the intellectual society of the nation during the twenties and thirties, as producers as well as consumers of journal ism, literature, and other cultural fields (Real, Dona i literatura de


10 preguerra 2006, p. 9). Thus literature produced before the Spanish Civil War (1936 1939) reflected a changing, modern society especially the work produced by women. Modernity came to be central in Catalonia, and female writers and readers became publically empowered by the situation (Real, Dona i literatura de preguerra, 2006, p. 15). These include examples of influential women writers such as Aurora Bertrana (1892 1974), Carme Monto liu (1893 1966) and Merc Rodoreda (1908 first female writer that openly introduced the agenda of modernity in Catalan, as well as effectively introduced the exotic and the concept of other ness in Catalan media. Aurora Bertrana was born in Girona, Catalonia. Her father was one of the most notable cellists. That alone was revolutionary. Society frow ned on a woman playing an instrument placed between her legs. Bertrana had an adventurous character, which led her to travel abroad. She moved to Geneva to study musical education, forming one of the first female cello groups in Europe. The places that cha nged her imaginary were the exotic countries, like Tahiti in the French Polynesia, and Morocco in North Africa (Esteban, 2001, p. 47). Bertrana married a Swiss engineer who found a job in Tahiti, and there in Polynesia she discovered a whole new world and a different social system. When she came back to Catalonia, she became involved in politics as a candidate for Congress, but she did not win (Pla, 1999, p. 64). Bertrana then decided to report for a newspaper from Morocco, where she wanted to explore the female Muslim world. Together with her background in Tahiti, Bertrana used her experiences to bring relevant concepts to the Catalan public sphere, things such as the concept of p, she was forced to go into exile in Geneva and Prada de Conflent (North Catalonia in France). She worked as a


11 journalist for several Catalonian newspapers and periodicals from different countries. Her articles were well received by the bourgeois Catalan society of the twenties because she brought to literature and to the Catalan culture a new level of modernity. The reception of her literature in Catalonia left a strong trace of modernity that, together with other authors, renewed the concept of the Catal an intellectual as women with opinions and with the talent to write (Real, 2007, p. 13). In explaining the concept of modernity, Anthony Giddens argues that: At its simplest, modernity is a shorthand term for modern society, or industrial civilization. Por trayed in more detail, it is associated with (1) a certain set of attitudes towards the world, the idea of the world as open to transformation, by human intervention; (2) a complex of economic institutions, especially industrial production and a market eco nomy; (3) a certain range of political institutions, including the nation state and mass democracy. Largely as a result of these characteristics, modernity is vastly more dynamic than any previous type of social order. It is a society more technically, a complex of institutions which, unlike any preceding culture, lives in the future, rather than the past (Giddens 1998, 94). Literature R eview production. Some schol ars of Catalan literature have been striving to compile a comprehensive biography of Bertrana for years. But an in depth study about her writing has been needed since her work has been ignored because she was compared as a writer with her father, the well known novelist Prudenci Bertrana. Her first biography was written by Catalina Bonnn, Aurora Bertrana. vida ( Aurora Bertrana. The adventure of a life ) (2003). This publication coincided with that of Maribel Gmez, pel desconegut ( Aurora Bertrana. Attraction to the unknown ) (2003). They are both excellent works that represent the experiences of the author. An interesting point is how Bonnn saw the life of the author like a novel. Indeed, most of the studies dealing with Bertrana focus on her life rather than her work. Bonnn has also written articles in


12 to continue the equally necessary in depth study of her work as a lite rary journalist. the collection of articles she wrote for several Catalan newspapers when she was abroad in such places as Geneva, Polynesia, and Morocco in the twenti es and thirties. Neus Real, who is the newspapers of the period. In addition, Real advocated the importance and the need to study the reception of modernity th ic agenda left a legacy that must be recognized. the situation of pre war women, Dona i literatura en la Catalunya de preguerra ( Women and literature in pre war Catalo nia ) (2006) and recepci crtica ( The female novelists of the thirties: narrative works and critic reception ) chocolate with iced buns to the German mustard: Aurora Bertrana, a new model of Catalan There are other authors who have also resear ched the work of Bertrana. Special attention should be paid to Marta Vallverd and her studies on the work in relation to Oceania, and to Joan Antnia Oliver wrote the introduction of th e last edition of El Marroc sensual i fanatic ( The Sensual and Fanatic


13 Morocco ). Oliver observed that Aurora Bertrana, as other Catalan authors, especially women, has largely been forgotten and that her work still must be studied in depth. She suggests that her literary work may not be outstanding (which is still to be demonstrated) but it had a function in society and social repercussions (2000, p. 8 9), such as placing in the public sphere things like ical struc ture was ready to embrace them. Aims and S tructure Therefore, the reasons to carry out this study have been defined by earlier research into the work of Bertrana. First, the literature and journalism of Aurora Bertrana have had a considerable imp ortance in contemporary Catalan culture (Real, Les novellistes dels anys trenta, 2006, p. 36), offering a different and innovative writing creation, since it was based in her experiences around the world. And it had a personal style not similar to the wor k of other writers. She suggested social and political changes needed for a new modern time such as publical discussion of divorce and universal access to education, etc. Bertrana became a referent 2006, p. 37). Much remains to study about her writing and how it was received by media. As Oliver noted, Bertrana, as many other female writers, had an audience and a social function. However, gaps remain in the studies of literary journalism written whe n modernity was changing social paradigms, especially literary journalism produced by women in pre war Catalonia at the beginning of the 20th century. politics, and Catal onian society. That was because she acted as a female model for journalists and intellectuals. In doing so she promoted the ideology of the new social construct modernity such things as divorce, legalization of prostitution, and equal access to education independent of gender and class. Moreover, Bertrana brought to Catalonia a writing style that helped to introduce concepts


14 of otherness, of the exotic, and of equality. He r literary journalism was well narrated and well accepted by the media and intellectual spheres, as we can see in the numerous times she was named in political and literature prize speeches. With her particular style of writing, she was able to bring to th e public sphere topics related to women that had rarely been discussed before as intensively. On top of this, Bertrana helped to establish working class educational centers for women, as well as other cultural activities to nurture working class education. Also, she Lyceum Club of Barcelona, to promote intellectual influential female activity among women with more education. Also, there are gaps in the study o f journalism published under Spanish and French colonial occupations, and this study aims to lightly address the writing production from these space where the exotic and the otherness was growing up. Even though, this research will not treat colonialism in depth, leaving the study open to expert colonial theorists. Finally, this research is intended to begin the work to reveal the contributions of the largely forgotten early literature produced by women in Catalonia. The work of these female writers is sign ificant to the history of mass communications because they were the ones who led the cultural production and who stipulated the quality levels and commonalty values of journalism in Catalonia, among other cultural fields, during a time when media effect on society helped to reconfigure a new nation. Female journalists of this stage early on jumped into writing novels, poems, and tales, which was significant in Catalan cultural history (Real, 2006, p. 35). Bertrana especial ly transmitted, with a fresh style due to her use of literary journalism, modern that she shaped the Catalan public sphere of the twenties and thirties in Catal onia.


15 The research questions this study is trying to answer are multiple, but interrelated. They at role did modernity play in This research is framed within the pre neys. Bertrana had a restless motivation to know more about the exotic, when she was in Oceania, and the role of woman in the Muslim world, when she was in Morocco. In both colonies, Bertrana committed herself to unveiling the inequalities and injustices t owards the locals by the colonizers. Moreover, she dedicated much of her writing to her own people, Catalan women and men. She social paradigm towards the working c lass. Of these traveling and life experiences she wrote several articles, some chapters of her memoirs which are a literal copy of her articles but expanded and different novels and travel writing books. This research intends to carry out an analysis o f her media production and the reception of it by the media. It will be focused on the importance of journalism for modern women within the historical frame of the Second Spanish Republic when she was traveling around the world. Colonialism is an important factor in depth this point, but will briefly approach it to open some possible ways for colonial theorists to continue investigating. The structure of this research is divided into five chapt ers. This introduction provides the contextual framework of the author and her work, including a brief literature review and the main concepts considered, as well as the justification of the importance of this study. The second chapter aims to investigate


16 writing of factual articles. Chapter 3 will explain the methodology for this study. The following political factors of depth the change of paradigm that modernity brought to Europe at the beginning of the 20th century. Indeed, concepts such as modernity, individualism, and human rights and those concepts were reflected in the socio political agenda of the Second Spanish Republic rose up when Bertrana became an active agent of modernity. suggest her popularity and how she was received by the media. Since Bertrana was highly versat ile, being a musician, a politician, and an intellectual, she was publically recognized for many reasons, especially as a writer. Finally, Chapter 5 will discuss and make some conclusions about her work and life and point to a proposed path for continuing the research of the journalistic work of Aurora Bertrana.


17 CHAPTER 2 LITERARY JOURNALISM The Literary Journalism of Aurora Bertrana Modernity brought numerous changes to society, as chapter four will show, and journalism was not exempt from modifications. After the French Revolution, the partisan press classic models of writing opinion articles, was the norm (Casasus, 1991, p. 11). Modern new narratives of informative journalism were introduced by modernity Anglo Saxon reports about travel stories, or war reportage arose in Europe, bringing a new taste forf journalistic narratives (Casasus, 1991, p. 12). Some notable examples are English journalists, such as Harriman reporting on the Peninsular War (1807 18 14), or William Howard Russell writing from the Crimean War (1853 1856). In Catalonia, the new journalism was well received, and the poet Jacint Verdaguer was its main exponent during the nineteenth century. Literary journalism was one of the innovative n arratives in the press, along with other journalistic styles, such as political, philosophical, religious, social, scientific, economic, and artistic (Casasus, 1991, p. 11). Verdaguer renewed the narrative of travel stories in Catalonia. He looked for func tionality and engagement with the reader, using new narrative techniques and combining language registers such as local dialect and colloquialisms (Casasus, 1991, p. 14). In the twentieth century, literary journalism was present in many Catalan outlets. In 2011 the University of Girona research group Catedra Josep Pla held a symposium about Catalan literary journalism in which it looked at the golden era of the genre from 1906 to 1936. Many journalists were researched and recognized, such as Josep Pla, A gust Calvet (aka Gaziel), Just Cabot, Manuel Brunet, Domnec Guans, and Sadurn Ximnez. All of them were men and


18 contemporaries of Aurora Bertrana, as well as many female literary journalists, such as Carme Monturiol, who has largely been forgotten by t he experts. The aim of this chapter will be to show that Aurora Bertrana was a literary journalist of the European inter war period (from 1928 to 1936) in Catalonia. She renewed the narrative in journalism, bringing modernity, rebellion, and freshness to her work, as we will see in further analysis. As well as other female journalists, Bertrana became professionalized in the intellectual world through journalism. Her articles were a combination of claims and commitment to her time, revealing to her Catalan audience the presence of the exotic and the existence of otherness. the modern intellectual women as a representative of modernity. She became a journalist, a nove list, and a traveler; and she shared her opinions and experiences around the world with her readers. Bertrana mastered both literature and journalism, jumping comfortably from one genre to the other, and mastering literary journalism. First, however, liter ary journalism must be defined as best we can. Thus this chapter will look at how the genre is formalized, how the content is chosen and the strategies of the literary journalist. First, we will look at the challenges of the genre focusing on the use of sources and the bias inherent in this genre and the limitations of the research that scholars have done regarding literary journalism. Then, the work of Aurora Bertrana will be closely analyzed in relation to literary journalism as a genre. Since her jo urnalism is extensive and in order to conduct a deeper analysis, the samples have been limited to 21 articles produced in Morocco, which is the last section of her journalist articles, so her professional maturity could be well appreciated.


19 Understanding L iterary Journalism Journalism is a form of writing based on curiosity, accuracy, and social service. A journalist could cover news, feature stories, investigative cases, etc. Journalism is also about opinion, which is presented by editorials, columns, revi ews, etc. Recently, on line journalism is transforming the field, with journalists hosting blogs, discussions board or wikis, among others. Roberts argues that the main point of journalism is to find a story that needs to be shared, since it heart; stir the will to action, to arouse pity, compassion, to awaken the together: photography (images) and journalism (stories). Literary Journalism amalgamat es two narrative styles: one is literature narratives that bring textual subtleties. The other is the reportorial techniques of traditional journalism. The connections within this fusion need a further analysis to be better understood. For John J. Pauly, l ethereal goal of objectivity and reduced reporting to a bureaucratic function within the new contemporary press establishing the norm of traditional journalism, but literary journalism follows the second (Pauly, 1992, p. 176). Naming, classifying, understanding or defining the genre has been controversial. Jan Whitt provides a list of names used when referring to literary journalism, such as narrative literary journa lism, factual fiction, art journalism, artistic nonfiction, creative nonfiction, para journalism, intimate journalism, etc. (Whitt, 2008, p. 1). Nancy Roberts outlines the genre as a med into a story or


20 1992, p. xiv). Whitt describes literary journalism as a journalism based on the essence of social n extended symbolic system of meaning. (It contains) emotion, personal voice, contextualization, and commentary (and it is used) in addition to are two spher es interacting in the genre: traditional journalism offers facts to inform (real people, real stories, accurate description), in combination with the narrative methods of fiction. in the text. The presence of the journalist provides interpretative ideas, since it introduces personal points of view. It is fair to indicate that the active presence of the writer is not always used in literary journalism. In the words of Gay Talese, the new journalism (another name for contemporary literary possible through the mere compilation of verifiable facts, the use of direct quotations, and adherence formalization of the narrative of literary journalism uses rhetorical devices to win literary density. Since the reporter is present, the form requires techniques for an immer sion in the report. It is usual to employ dialogue, concrete descriptions, detailed scene setting, imagery, irony, stream of consciousness, metaphor, symbol, point of view, narration, dialogue, suspense, etc. The literary heritage allows the development of complexity in the narration. The diffusion of the genre is usually made by travel stories, news with a personal flavor, opinion columns, editorials, reviews or reflections about life experiences. Nowadays, literary journalism is also used in digital journ alism, such as blogs, wikis, or even social networking.


21 Literary journalism could be seen as a melting pot of genres, narrative styles, linguistic registers, and even fields. Norman Sims perceived new journalism as a fusion of narrative techniques, persona l engagement, and disciplines such as sociology and anthropology, memoir writing, fiction, history, and standard reporting (Sims, 1995, p. 19). Sims saw the use of literary techniques as a natural resource in journalism, since it belonged to storytelling More nonfiction you can create a tone and a point of view. Point of view affects everything that Critics have denounced the text ual attitude of literary journalism. They have questioned the accuracy of the work of journalists and scholars. Whitt defines these methods as ones that creation of a scene, manipulation of timelin manifestation in a field that traditionally has denied showing a trace of the reporter in the story. Weber opposes these critics, empowering literary journalism as an unr estricted new sought instead to mesh traditional reporting disciplines of research, accuracy, moral objectivity and clear thinking with a new freedom of litera Weber find a path to justify the credibility of the new journalism. Even though, changing traditional patterns could be seen as a threat. For that reason, traditional journalism is cha llenged by this new discip line. Challenges of the New Journalism The new journalism challenges the tradition of the field. But what are the innovations and contributions of the new journalism? What are the different strategies used? It could be said that editors and reporters are p rovided a space to show more of themselves in literary journalism.


22 Therefore, as Manning indicates, in this journalism social commitment and political activism can be promoted. The values of traditional reporting are respectable, but could be accused of be ing The presence of experience contributes to empowering engagement with the reader, which the traditional practices lack. For that reason, Whitt explores the re levance of objectivity when referring to the new journalism: Rather than distancing themselves from the subjects of their stories and striving to maintain objectivity, literary journalists immerse themselves in the lives and the environments of their subje cts and, while they strive for balance and fairness, trust the reader to realize that their stories are bounded by time, space, and human limitation. There is no place for omniscient point of view in literary journalism. (Whitt, 2008, p. 14) The presence o f partiality in journalism is a sensitive subject. The concealing of bias in traditional journalism needs to be addressed when analyzing literary journalism. Whitt opens a gnored. The fact that journalists are a human component makes subjectivity a possible influence, as well as the interests of industry. When talking about objectivity, the difference between traditional and literary journalism is simple: the bias is more ob vious in the last one. The dichotomy of the new journalism is not about objectivity and subjectivity (or fact and fiction), but between the inclusion of the consciousness of the reporter to the story or the denial of it. Hellman approached literary jour (Hellman, 1981, p. 4).


23 Since bias is more detectable in literary journalism, this genre could be seen as more hon est than the traditional form or, at least, as more engaging. Connery argues that the main goal of literary journalism is to make possible the identification of the reader with the subject of the story (Connery, 1992, p. 3 20). In line with this, Eason bel ably to a text with admitted biases and an acknowledged point of view. It is easier for many readers to accept that there is a personal voice behind a story than that the 7). Contrary to the traditional belief in jour nalism, trust could be created through a subjective channel, as the explicit voice of the reporter. Objectivity, 1990, p. 13). The focus becomes the essential component of nonfiction narrative. Whitt declares that who are affected by those institutions (Whitt, 2008, p 4). In the new journalism, the experience of who is involved in the new is the substance to report. The reporter is the screen through which the information is outlined (Hellman, 1981, p. 8), but the content is about those who the report is about. Hellma p. 8). It is understood that what readers want to see in an article is not jus t what happened, but how people changed. This is due to the identification of the reader with the person that experiences the case explained and the reporter who is conducting the information, since all


24 actors do not just live or know situations, but they grow with them. This is what Hellman calls consciousness of a transforming power. The readers want to acquire the experience, rejecting the distortion of the attempt In order to analyze the results of both journalisms, Whitt suggests the existence of the journalists espousing news values and literary journalists because it purports to be objective, but literary journalism does a better job of engaging the reader. Mo Literary Journalism p. 3). The cultural mediation of literary journalists can be found in t he process of transform into interior reality. And if the events and people with whom we come in contact transform us, they most assuredly transform the reporter 22). The nonfiction narrative, then, could be presented as a process towards maturity, which starts in the people, who experienced the new. It then continues in the reporter, who immerses in the new for reporting his or her vision. Finally, the readers can understand the involvement of the previous participants. They value the new not just for the informative purpose, but for the learning process detailed. of an event who is invested in human experience, using techniques such as immersion,


25 delicate instrument of observation necessaril p. 6). The writer is the essence of the transaction, since it is the instrument of the process, offering the filter of her or his consciousness to share the new. Again, the importance of the implication of are projected into the receptor. New journalism relies on the connection between writer and reader. The way of performing the task of journalism is based on the interchang e or reliable creation and reception. 2008, p. 8). Manning recal ls the words of Herr, who argued that literary journalism is about writing meaningfully about the subject, not just writing (Manning, 1990, p. 7). As all critics used in this section observe, the genre is about completing the responsibilities, connecting j ournalism with social commitment. What are the limits of journalistic and literary discourses in this combination? to journalism, is always a refracting rathe r than reflecting medium; it always to some degree something desired, even needed, but stipulated by an artistic process. Reality, social issues, etc. could be perfectly reflected on it, if wanted. Social responsibility is not required, and narrative is supposed to be well received by the reader anyway.


26 In turn, jo reflect. There is a commitment and a responsibility towards ethics and professional standards, as well as a faithful adhesion to reality. Literary journalism melds the fictional formalization with purpose and ultimate goal of both journalism and literature: to entertain, challenge, and educate As genres, how do literature and journalism interact? As previously noted, literature is an artistic genre, with freedom of creation besides evidence. Literature contributes to journalism with a fresh style that engages the audience. At the same time, the jou rnalist provides a narrative artifact that better suits the needs of presenting his or her own point of view. It is interesting that many literary journalists are flexible, feeling comfortable jumping between the two genres. Many of them publish travel wri ting books, novels, etc. and combine it with journalism. The Forgotten Journalists When reading several scholars of twentieth century literary journalism, it is easy to find a common pattern in the United States, as well as in Catalonia. As Whitt indicates there is a to address the lack of information about and access to the work of women journalists and women alls the hypothesis of Julia Klein, who brings out possible restrictions for females: Why? Is the culprit rank sexism? Male editors hiring their male buddies? Or else male writ as devoted mothers and daughters and wives, are they simply unavailable to devote the months and years of zealous, almost superhuman effort required by immersion journalism? (Whitt, 200 8, p. 18)


27 Why does the canon reject women? Why does academia forget a number of journalists? like American literature and art was dominated by men. To be more specific, stories were often those created by, valued by, and communicated to (Whitt, 2008, p. ix x). Whitt encourages scholar s to research female literary journalists. She argues there is a need to do so because many talented journalists have been consigned to oblivion (Whitt, 2008, p. 10). In the early 20 th century, specifically, female literary journalists took a very relevant position. In many cases, journalism was the professional space for them to access the public male intellectual world. But because women have been ignored, there is a research gap in the discipline, which is lacking half of its history. Moreover, if women are unknown, many good works and other ones not so great are being left behind. the work produced by the female literary journalist Aurora Bertrana, who was both a novelist and travel writer. Some interesting criticisms have arisen about her work in the last decade. Bertrana comfortably moved between fiction and nonfiction writing. Still, the interest about this journalist has been mainly biographic. In turn, her li terary journalism has been ignored, as Neus Real journalism is influential for Catalan journalism. It could be defended that Bertrana renewed and refreshed the nonf iction narrative of the 1930s in Catalonia, since she was a powerful modern female model. She started to write in newspapers using the craft of literature and her modern


28 female point of view. This research, then, is intended to celebrate the work of a fem ale Catalan literary journalist. As Neus Real observed in Aurora Bertrana: periodista dels anys 20 i 30 ( Aurora Bertrana: journalist during the 20s and the 30s ) her work was essential for her career as an intellectual, author, and politician, until the Spa nish Civil War ended any activism. Bertrana wrote articles about the countries she lived in: Geneva, Catalonia, Oceania, Spain, and Morocco. Regarding her time in Oceania and Morocco, she converted the articles into books, through novels or travel writing works. For that reason, many of the stories she shared were known through her literature, instead of her journalism. Her large memoirs compiled all the stories again at the end of her life. The press became the platform Bertrana used to succeed since she used it to establish an intellectual public image (Real, 2007, p. 10). For example, in her travel writing, Bertrana both describes foreign places while also offering opinions about conditions in her home country revealing her commitment to political and reveals her contribution to Catalan journalism. She used journalism to promote her ideological principles, focused on Catalan nationalism, her left wing ideology, labor and social equity, feminism, and mod erated anti be highlighted. Journalism i n Context In terms of Occupation, the Spanish military presence in Africa began between 1859 and 1860, with the African War, when Spain tried to mat ch the European powers. Berber tribes (North African natives) were positioned against Spain as well. Finally, Spain won the confrontation and, as a consequence, the protectorate. Well along, between 1909 and 1919, a second war was declared in which Spain w as working to obtain a military position in colonial


29 Africa, especially after the disappointment at the loss of the last American colonies. The last war was conducted against Arab and Berber tribes; France put up some resistance, but eventually formed an a lliance with Spain. As a result, Spain obtained a different protectorate than the one it already had, which enabled it to establish a border with a French occupation in Morocco. Bertrana criticized the Spaniard area because of the lack of culture and manne rs of its officials. The author also had bad experiences in the French part, but at least the officers were well behaved. Nogu indicates that the political spaces that Bertrana described and experienced were notably polarized, since the colony was ruled d ifferently by Spain and France, who shared it: The Spanish Colonialism in Morocco could barely be compared to the French one: they did not have the same economical and human resources invested, they did not have the same Protectorate extension, and they di d not have the same political presence between the nations with Afro Colonial interests. (Nogu, 2001, p. 67) In 1935 Bertrana arrived in Morocco in order to approach the Moroccan world, under the trana, Boires islmiques [ Islamic Fog ], 1935, p. 278). This mission statement was repeated in many articles, as well as stories about the pressure that the administration exercised against her to leave the colony, since it was controversial to have a singl e women with a camera, writing about her opinion. Bertrana complained of police threats, which targeted her as a woman and as a writer, but especially as a female intellectual. In her travel writing book El Marroc sensual i fantic ( Sensual and fanatic Mor occo ), 1936, she writes: But my friends and readers were surprised and confused when I tell them that the few complaints and problems which have troubled me in the land of the Moors were not temperatures daughters, or beasts, or physical ailments, or men of Africa, but the Europeans in Africa. (Bertrana, 2000, p.17)


30 As Nogu shows, Bertrana did some deep travel reflections about scenery and monuments by the eyes of a sharp female traveler with a neat style (Nogu, 2001, p. 67 68). Bertrana was already a we ll accepted novelist and journalist. Bertrana published 14 books, novels, travel writing and memoirs, as well as many articles. She extensively wrote about her previous experiences in Polynesia, work that was well received in Catalonia. However, Bertrana w rote many articles and a travel writing book in Morocco, El Marroc sensual i fantic ( Sensual and fanatic Morocco ), 1936, where she compiled the experiences reported in her articles. It seems suspicious that she decided to publish a travel writing book, si nce the genre was not highly respected at the time. One of the main features of this new female intellectual was the use of genres that at that time were considered "second rate literary genres" for instance journalism (consequently the incorporation of women into the teams of newspapers and radios was overwhelming), the short story, children's literature, and travel writing. The reason for the choice of these genres was the difficulty of publishing novels and poetry (which were considered the main genre s), because of the male domination in the intellectual field. Moreover, it is difficult to find a reason to explain why Bertrana decided to use what was considered a lower genre, when she already was an admired novelist. It should be noted, however, that i n many cases, female authors chose travel writing to express social and political critiques with more freedom. Travel writing, for example, could introduce opinion in the narrative (Domnech 15). Therefore, Bertrana shared her judgment about the colony usi ng a literary strategy in order to be safer while in Morocco. Even though, as Real indicates, the twentieth century saw an explosion of female novelists in Catalonia as they overcame male intellectual dominance took on leading roles in the Catalan writing scene (Real, Les novellistes del anys trenta, 2006, p. 19).


31 in top Catalan newspapers, such as La Veu de Catalunya o La Publicitat She used media to provid e an unofficial overview of the Spanish Protectorate in Morocco. Previously, when she was in Papeete, capital of Oceania, she also criticized the French colonization there, as the next chapter will show. The presence of her personal voice was overwhelming in her articles, in which she is the prism of the experience. In On s el Marroc? ( Where is Morocco?), 1935, Bertrana use many techniques of literary journalism. She describes a map, a simple task since maps are factual. The article displays accurate, interdisciplinary content from geography, anthropology, and politics. Even though, she questions reality t o introduce a deep ethnographic reflection using her experiences. She tries to find the exotic and the authentic in Morocco, but she instead found an artificial tourist environment: Geography teaches us that Gibraltar separates Europe from Africa. Once aga in, I cling to my old belief. Political frontiers are overwhelmingly conventional, and are more subtle than the dividing lines which draw official geographers, and ethnogra confess that I have not found it. I'm like a blind person seeking, clueless to her surroundings, with outstretched arms, nostrils dilated, attentive ear and restless heart. I walk, I p alpate, I hear, I smell. (Bertrana, 1935, p. 251) Her narrative is blooming, pleasant, seriously constructed. Objectivity is present, subjectivity is alive. The intention of the article is to inform about reality in order to reflect. This can be seen in h er descriptions denouncing the unfair domestic life of women in North Africa as well as in Catalonia. At the same time, her articles seek to entertain, so she uses, among other resources, irony and humor. On the one hand, Bertrana offers her own imagery and sensibility to transmit a fact. It is easy to be transported to her world, where a reader could be identified with


32 through her nonfictional style. Both, together, grow. The reader knows how subjective Bertrana is, since she is clearly delimitating her limits of understanding. Her writings were plausible since she cou ld publish (this fact was a really difficult task for a female intellectual) and was well accepted. Owing to this, Bertrana experienced administrative problems in Morocco, both in the Spanish Protectorate as well as the French. The authorities started to f eel threatened by her work, which they tried to censor, and they restricted her presence there. One woman all alone, with a camera and a pen connecting with locals was too free to be tolerated. Reflections a bout t he Conflict: Bertrana s Narrative Women and colonization are inherently inseparable elements in Bertranas work in Morocco. The terms are presented as spaces of internal conflict those within the occupied individuals whose very minds were being colonized in the Spanish Protectorate of Morocco. But the occupied area also defined the outside conflict that involved the physical and structural psychological forces upon biological sexual identity. To consider gender means considering other coordinates that define the identity, the network that co nstructs the inner composition of individuals and society. applied to both men and women, combined with other factors such as family and the social status or culturally m andated social behavior of the person. As for the male, Bertrana used her Europeans, whom she called incompetent in administration and family environment, as well as Muslim s, who she accused of enslaving women.


33 The interior conflict between being an oppressed women and colonization is expressed with an adaptive narrative. Bertrana found it difficult to meet local women, since they were highly controlled by their families. B ecause of this distance, Bertrana uses descriptions of spaces, people, houses, etc. to transmit the factual impossibility of contact. The reader becomes an observer, as she is. Finally, Bertrana established contact with some local women, but they are worki ng class from poor families. Usually situated in the Kabyle, rural areas, the narrative adapts to the register of the new friends. Therefore, interesting dialogues are used when reporting about them, as the one in the article Visita a una Kbila ( Visit to a Kabyle ), 1935. Bertrana met poor women from a fishing village. One of these women, Daua, was seen by the author as an unusual woman, inasmuch as she smiled and talked to men about her everyday life. For that reason the family decided to force her to mar ry at around 13 years old. Instead of offering another simple description, Bertrana prefers to report in direct speech what the woman said: Daua tells me she is engaged, and I congratulate her, innocently. woman with ideas such as free take other wiv


34 love the other, and the o Bertrana identifies with the oppression of women, as well as with the oppression of class, with poverty. Female interlocutors feel free to say what they really think. Nevertheless, when men are present, women remain silent; then, Bertrana uses description again. It is remarkable how Bertrana makes it possible to listen to a marginal voice, as the one of a poor Muslim rural woman Since women just speak to women in Moroccan culture, Bertrana give us an exclusive opportunity. There were not many female journalists reporting from conflict spaces, so there were not many opportunities for accessing the world of women in the Colonies. Even if the bias is explicit, it is worthy, since it is the only way to access otherness. Bertrana uses description for objectivity, and dialogue to provide veracity. Since she is one of the interlocutors, subjectivity is there. The reader feels engaged w ith the naturalness and fluidity of the conversation, witnessing the development of the reporter when interacting with e see in Visita a una Kabila ( Visit to a Kabyle ), 1935: Everything is black around. Only disclosed is a clear spot in the torrent that humbly guides us in our way, and in the distance, on the Atlantic, the agony of a stormy sad brightness, greenish under the dense clouds of blackness. The wind blows wild the waving olive trees of the nearby forest. Now calms down, now comes back, enjoy a perfect silence, harmonious, which highlights the distant voice of a child, the missed r oar of a bull, the sound of a melancholic flute of a shepherd. (263) Spanish and French police who tried to expel her from Morocco and wealthy Arab men who did not allow her to access their women saw a subversion of the established order in


35 Bertrana. They rejected her because she represented a threat to the system; along with that, they believed she was a negative example for their women. The author recalls when she attended an Arabic play at a theater, where the audience was composed of all social classes of men, from slaves to the nobility, but the audience was exclusively male, since the attendance of women was prohibited. Bertrana was shocked to find that women were banned from spaces of public leisure and that all the actors were men, whether interpreti ng male or female roles. Bertrana did not know that classic Arab plays last between six to ten hours; accordingly, the function lasted nearly all night, which contrasts with the perennial sequestration of Moroccan women to the home. In her travel writing b ook El Marroc sensual i fantic ( Sensual and fanatic Morocco ), 1936, Bertrana offers a last thought on the situation: While the many and very concentrated verses of the Arab poet were flowing from the mouth of the boring actor, on the face of the actress a hairy shadow grew louder and more blue and bushy. When I left the scene, at three and a half of the morning, the vizier's daughter had a mustache and beard. (Bertrana, 2000, p. 38) Bertranas spontaneous thought offers the reader an opportunity to engage with the dramatic fact of the sequestration of women in a situation of double oppression: by local men and by colonizers. Moreover, Bertrana accepts her power as a channel for interpreting the tragedy of the female other, using her insight to make the rea der a participant in the pain of injustice. The Reporter w ith a Personal Voice Most of the work of Bertrana relates to situations in which the difficulty accessing the world of Moroccan women is significant. Finally and after dedicating notable effort, Ber trana could access a harem, a group of women that are married to the same wealthy husband. Still, she was not allowed to meet all the women, lacking the oldest and the youngest wives. The description of the moment is emphasized by several questions and dou bts about the freedom of


36 women, the satisfaction of coexistence with other wives of the same husband, the superficiality of family appearances, etc. Bertrana concluded that, despite the interaction with women, she could not access the female world, since w omen were not free to have ideas or express themselves about public sphere topics. She explained this episode with these words: However, who could believe in the peace in a family where four women aged 50 to 16 years, were vying for one man? I left the har em as ignorant as when I entered. I could just acknowledge the luxury, perfumes, wealth, refinements. ... Between the truth and me was imposed the discretion, silence, the eternal Muslim mystery. It is s, and even though, today I winding road that needs to be followed to get to inside of the inner Islamism. (Bertrana, 1935, p. 270) The impeccable description of a harem is narrated with a stream of consciousness. There is a mix of ethnography and anthropology, which are combined in a detail scene setting portrayal. Related to the narrative technique, the description contains traces of memoir and opinion, offering a clear per sonal voice. The intention of Bertrana goes further than reporting an interesting scene, but to write for the commitment with reality. When Bertrana recognizes her limits of understanding, or even approving, the story, the connection with the reader emerge s. understanding a situation, even knowing the particulars? Bertrana uses her literary skills for reporting the complexity of reality. In other interactions with Morocca n women, Bertrana accesses the lower class; nevertheless, it became really difficult to meet marginal females. At first, the author spent an evening with Muslim and Jewish prostitutes. Later, Bertrana visited a prison with the help of a Catalan female pris on doctor who worked to bring humanitarian services. Finally, the author met poor women in a fishing village. Bertrana bitterly discovered that female prisoners were guilty of crimes punishable under Islamic law unacceptable from her perspective such a s disobeying a


37 father, having a flirtatious glance, and even serving the sentence for a man who had committed a crime. The author empathized the oppression of Moroccan women, and offered a reflection for the reader to feel it, too. In the article Presons m usulmanes ( Muslim prisons ), 1935, in which she went to a prison with Dr. Valls, a Catalan female doctor, she wrote: We were not going to the women's prison just because we were curious. She went on behalf of the exultant professional mission; I went, not o nly to consider the concerns of the physical pain of those women, but to investigate the causes of those I evoke female Muslim social life and do not understand bigger pris ons than those deep, dark rooms where women, often locked, embroider, yawn, sigh and gossip with servants or friends). (Bertrana, 1935, p. 342) At another time, after meeting with the poor fisher women, Bertrana reflected about their lives, and introduced a key point for this research, which culminates with a gendered perspective of Muslim women in Morocco. The conclusion from the experiences of meeting higher and lower class women were very similar: they were cloistered in physical and symbolic spaces wher e they lacked freedom. For that reason, the author declared private confinement as the only of the other shows the effort of narrating their realities, as is seen in the article Visita a una Kabila, ( Visit to a Kabyle ): My question disoriented them. It seems that they have not ever dreamed of being free. Today they are held by the father; the hu sband will shut them up tomorrow. In the walled courtyard without overtures, under that rectangle of blue and small sky, they will love and get bored, they will suffer, they will breastfeed and will learn from friends of her husband's infidelities; they wi ll grow old, sicken, die. (Bertrana, 1935, p. 260) reporting the tru th of wealthy and poor women is sophisticated. Meanwhile she uses techniques


38 of direct speech with working class people such as direct quotation, dialogue, examples, etc. She used more description, imagery and irony when talking about wealthy people. Be rtrana plays with the language to transmit a reliable taste of her interaction with those whom she writes about. Bertana devoted many pages to general reflection on women in Morocco, but there came a moment when her thoughts were focused on herself. She kn ew she was being observed by both men who were suspicious of her for being a single woman with a camera, paper and pencil and by women. Bertrana was accepted in the intellectual world of Morocco. The author was respected by men, who talked to her as an equal, and validated her in the public social life. In contrast, she was not allowed to be in women's private spaces, as she explains in El Marroc sensual i fantic ( Sensual and fanatic Morocco ), 1936: (Women) looked at me curious, with the evident desire of questioning. They longed to know how I was dressed underneath, what brand of red (lipstick) I used, if I dyed my hair. ... The more spiritual ones would have wanted to know how I managed to get men to admit me among them, how they conversed with me and considered me. ... It would have been a pleasure for me to share, from time to time, the boredom, tea and gossip of women, but I was at the home of the Moors, and as an intellectual I participated only in the tea and the talk of men. (Bertrana, 1936, p. 2 8 29) Bertrana became the otherness of Muslim women, since it seemed she was the perfect Bertrana defied the societal gender roles by attending public activities intended just for men and then writing about the experience. The issues when communicating with Eastern women emphasized her Western conceptions of herself. The closer she reached the Muslim feminine soul she was trying to meet, the more insecure and unco mfortable she felt. When Bertrana left female spaces, she felt released, as she notes in Boires islmiques ( Islamic Fog responses like these, I went back home more disoriented than ever, dizzy of perfumes and tea, eager to take some air and for empathy is expressed in a poetic tone.


39 The only space in which the author could openly communicate with women was the brothel, where Bertrana saw these women as colonized by the Wes under the shadow of Western civilization where the best teachers (about the role of women) can describing her time with prostitutes is lyric, like a long recited poem. She felt comfortable and, finally, found women whom she could freely communicate with. It is a delight to read the article, where the presence of the voice of the journalist is easily detectable because of the pleasant writ ing. Bertrana shows her expertise in using the craft of fiction: a literary storyline. Thus, she realized the only path for a fluent communication and a comfortable position with Moroccan women was when it passed through the filter of what she was, a Weste rn woman with liberty of movement and thought. Conclusion Aurora Bertrana was an exponent of literary journalism in Catalonia at the beginning of the twentieth century. She was relevant as a writer for her commitment to modernity and to worlds. As an author and as a journalist, she combined her writing skills to create a very personal narrative. Therefore, she used the textual subtleties of fictional narratives to report factual stories. Fully aware of being the instrument that brought th e analyses of the reported stories, Bertrana positioned her personal voice in every article written. She knew how present she was in the stories, sharing her opinion, her rejections, her doubts, etc. The journalism of Bertrana testified about situations, people, places, traditions, and any objective fact that she considered worthy to share. Even her thoughts, emotions, feelings, judgments, and experiences were superstructure of her articles. She did not deny the subjective bias of her journalism, being her self the one that was experiencing the world she was reporting. Bertrana invites the reader to discover the world with her. In


40 Yussef ( Prayer of Sidi Mohamed ben Yussef me. I think we will discover something, small or big. Behind the walls, near the prestigious mosques, in the heart of the gated neighborhoods, the soul of old Morocco still vibes; and it is warrior, fanatical sensual, intriguing, strong, powerful and mysterio 299). She uses suspense to maintain the need of the reader to continue knowing. As well, she writes with irony and symbols to make it attractive. As a journalist, she does not understand herself as a machine to transmit infor mation, but as a guide to push the reader into an unknown world. Bertrana wants to grow with the reader, to be a confidante; but at the same time, she aims to explicitly show what she sees. Bertrana openly declared her discontent with the colonization of A frica. She considered herself an anti colonial person. She did not believe that the Spaniards were so powerful and stable, and the Moroccans were just vulnerable and needy. Bertrana also highlighted the resilience of East on West and complained of the west ernization of the East. Bertrana criticized the French and Spanish occupations, and chiefly the Spanish one since, in her opinion, it was unable to "civilize" others. She makes this point clearly in El Marroc sensual i fantic ( Sensual and fanatic Morocco ) 1936: If we are going to be teachers of civilization, we should show ourselves more civilized, less Moors and more Westerners. But could the old Spanish people consider themselves as a purely European race? Could we represent the West? Would not it be in finitely interesting as an old community, deeply respected, but unable to westernize other people? Would not it be better, if we really have to westernize, we began with ourselves? (Bertrana, 1936, p. 90) Bertrana defends the Moroccan people as being able to deal with their land and culture. But despite the defense of the East, contempt for the Moroccans can be seen in her work in which she treats them as inferiors. The same situation applied to Moroccan women. They were


41 the strata of society that the autho r defended and wanted to know, but her approach to them led her to feel oppressed. The processes of knowing the otherness caused discomfort and dizziness for finding an internal representation of ourselves. Bertrana experienced a change in her view of the Moroccan culture after she attended a "disgusting" religious rite in which men self injured themselves (Bertrana, 1935, 256 257). Bertrana started to reject the other and she recognized her own limits for the search; she saw herself inappropriate becaus e she was a European bourgeois woman with a Catholic moral education, even though she fought against those elements. The contradictions of Bertrana are one of the most interesting points of her writings; even though she understood herself as an authoritati ve intellectual, it could be said that she brought to the table many of the dichotomies that the active agents of the occupation and colonization raised.


42 CHAPTER 3 METHODS This is a qualitative study intended to answer three main questions. First, what made the style is analyzed in depth and where her role as a literary journalist is explicated. The second question deals with the importance of the roles of modernity, colonialism, and women in active modern agent who promoted the paradigm changes that modernity was causing. At the same time, Bertrana was a critical voice against colonialism, as well as a staunch defender of The third question to an Chapter 5 will show that because she employed a fresh and engaging style in combination with modern ideals, she was admired and publically recognized by the media and readers. This an alysis of the historical and cultural background of Aurora Bertrana is the contextual tool used in this historical study. The author uses the times and the environment of Bertrana to identify the implied meanings of her socio political roles, and how those are portrayed in her writing. The results of the analysis are combined with historical reasoning and the culture of the societies Bertrana lived and worked in as a world traveler. Therefore, political, ideological, religious, philosophical, intellectual, and economic factors at the beginning of the 20th century help explain what motivated Bertrana to write for her audience in Catalonia. One of the oldest methods applied to the study of history involves research in virtual archives of Spain and Catalonia. T study then combines the results of that research with knowledge about the author with the


43 existing th eory and research related to such things as literary journalism, the history cultural background of Bertrana and colonialism from other scholars for triangulation. The author has also attempted to apply, as honestly as possible, epistemological constru ctivism, which in the words of Maxwell (Maxwell, 2013, p. 43). The conceptual f ramework of this historical study is based in what Aurora Bertrana, whose life and intellect are explored by primarily using her narrative writing while us ing such disciplines as history, sociology, political science, and anthropology to inform the analysis (2007, pp. 78 79). The method helps to establish a central thesis for the research, which focuses on reception by the media in Catalonia. political context and how modernity influenced her, as well as the importance of the use of a journalistic genre where her voice was present, it is possible to suggest how innovative her jou rnalism was, how much her literary journalism impacted society, how much she influenced Catalan society as a female intellectual role model, and how well received her work was by the media in a moment of paradigm change. collection published in Aurora Bertrana, periodista dels anys vint i trenta (Aurora Bertrana, journalist of th e twenties and the thirties) (2006), and Aurora Bertrana, viatgera (Aurora Bertrana, traveller) (2007). The collection has 130 articles, which are all the known articles of Bertrana. All of them belong to the stage of life when she was a journalist (the en d of 1920s and


44 the beginning of the 1930s). Bertrana focused on fictional narratives after the thirties. They are mainly in Catalan, and some of them are in Spanish. Since we know Bertrana used to write also in French, it is quite possible there are artic les that have not yet been discovered. In addition, 1935), 1973, and from the travel writing book El Marroc sensual i fanatic (The Sensual and Fanatic Morocco), 193 6, has also been employed in this analysis. To analyze her journalism in the chapters related to her narrative style, several critical research works have been used. To define literary journalism, this study has relied to some degree on the work of the med ia scholar Jan Whitt, whose book Settling the Borderland explores the link between literary journalism and literature and the fact that work by women in both genres has been woefully underrepresented. Whitt persuasively defines literary journalism and list s the factors that the genre deals with. Literary journalism is relevant for this study because it style unique. In addition, to better define this style, the stu dy also relies on the scholars of literary journalism Norman Sims, John Pauly, and Thomas Connery. Each of them has made an effort to explain how literary journalism is formatted, what are the tone and aim of the genre, and how other writers have used it. ze the texts. To better understand the concept of modernity, this study draws on the work of several scholars, to include Carlos Barker, Anthony Giddens, Enrique Dussel, Johannes Fabian, and Frederick Powell. To better understand the historical context su rrounding the Second Spanish Republic and how


45 modernity shaped the political and social discourse of the time, experts such as David Lynch, Angel Duarte, Ronald Coase, and Pedro Bosch Gimpera, among others, have been employed. Debra Merskin has been the ma in expert used when talking about colonialism, but other names have been relevant to this study, including Maribel Gmez, Joan Nogu, and Ismael Saz. In addition, two scholars of colonization theory, Ella Shohat and Robert Stam, were used to better underst developing this chapter are Catalina Bonnn, Neus Real, Leila Rupp, and Susan Magarey, for shaping the background of Bertrana. Another part of C hapter 4 examines the rece from 1928 to 1936, when Bertrana was an active journalist. In magazines, the attention will be given to which magazines, wi th how much frequency, and for what reasons Bertrana was named. This chapter also answers how she was publically seen in newspapers as a writer, as a politician, and as an intellectual and modern women in order to determine Bertranas influence on Catalan journalism and society. In order to discover how the media portrayed Bertranas work and how her work influenced Catalan society, databases from two libraries were accessed, using three different archives. When it comes to her appearance in magazines, the Biblioteca Virtual de Prensa Histrica (Virtual Library of Historic Press) has been used. The second library employed is the Biblioteca Nacional de Catalunya (National Library of Catalonia), where the Historic Archives of Barcelona are stored. This librar y offers access to La Veu de Catalunya (The Voice of Catalonia), the most important national newspaper during the pre war stage. In this outlet,


46 selected because, f the first Catalan government, used to introduce political discussions and other topics into the public sphere. For example, Enric Prat de la Riba, president of La Mancomunitat, us ed to write to promote political initiatives. To give a clear idea of the power of this outlet, Spanish political forces used it to understand what was happening in Catalonia. What it is been sought to prove by f how the media of her time saw her, and how accepted or rejected she was by her peers. It should be noted that the search system for the Historic Archives of Barcelona is rching for more than one word. So any other Bertrana, as her father or other people, was also chosen, as well as any other woman called Aurora, aurora used as a noun, or the much cited Aurora Street in Barcelona. At the same time, the number of entries is not related to the number of appearances of the searched word. Instead, it is related to the number of papers where the searched word appeared. That means, if in the publication of a day the searched word appeared more than once, it counted just as one fo und. For that reason, the first group of selections of the searched word does not indicate the number of times that it is really used in the press. Another limitation found is the fact that the newspaper had two publications in a day, in the morning and af ternoon. Accordingly, some articles are constantly repeated. In many cases, it appears for several days if the new is considered politically relevant, or if it is a promotion of a book, a conference, or something similar.


47 Finally, the Arxius Municipals de Girona (Local Archives of the city of Girona), where Bertrana was from, were used to find any criticism of her work in local newspapers. Again, the


48 CHAPTER 4 FIN DINGS This chapter aims to analyze the social, political and intellectual spheres that interacted in the life of Aurora Bertrana. Sixty seven of her articles have been coded, from 1923 to 1936, the period of time when Bertrana was a journalist. First, seve n articles of her early stage as a student in Geneva were selected to show the beginning of her social critiques. Forty more articles have been analyzed from her stage as a politician in Catalonia, since this is one of the main periods for understanding Be eight more from Morocco, to approach her vision of colonialism and her otherness. Finally, two random articles were analyzed of trips around Spain to have a comparative taste of the difference between already known landscapes in comparison with the exotic ones of the colonies. The coding has been done by classifying fragments of her articles in sections such as morality, politics, colonialism, class, feminism, etc. Then, themes have been created in order to analyze the content, meaning, and values of her narrative. This chapter will first review the main findings of the coding: the presence of modernity. After a sociological and philosophical view of will address the political context of Catalan in the early 20 th century in which she was an active agent of social change. Then, the colonization periods, and the colonial commentaries on her articles will be analyzed. Finally, gender and her commitment t It is important to remark that all these documents were in Catalan, her language, except one article that was in Spanish. Therefore, all the excerpts in Catalan of the chapter were translated into Englis h by the author.


49 Modernity : A New Vision o f Society a nd Power Relations Machiavelli, Descartes, Bacon, Newton, Hobbs, Hegel, and many others (Smith, 1991, p. 369) from the 15th century onwards. At the end of the 18th century, Enlightenment attempted to 2000, p. 14) with the universal use of objective science. This proposal provo ked a number of changes in the traditionally rooted beliefs of some Western cultures. As a consequence, people of the nineteenth and twentieth centuries experienced an alteration in their perception of knowledge, social practices, and individual relations with the environment. Modernity, which is considered a European phenomenon, was the main effect derived from the emergent modifications. The progress of humanity was a transformative process that lost power at the beginning of the 20th century. Modernity a lso became a political project, the supremacy of the Nation State, economic project (the establishment of capitalism), and a cultural homogenization of Western values (Dussel, 1993, p. 73; and Giddens, 1991, p. 215). The three paradigms of approaching inqu iry (ontology, epistemology and methodology) were also redefined during this stage of modernity by positivism. The first one, ontology, epistemology, asks wh at is the nature of the relationship between the knower (the inquirer the subject) and the known (or knowable the object). The last model, methodology, queries how the inquirer should go about finding knowledge (Guba, 1990, p. 18). Positivism is the scient ific method that constituted the foundation for Modernity. It allowed theorists to understand reality as a tangible and scientific way of interpreting the world (Giddens, 1991, p. 8). This philosophy converted ontology in a realist perspective, since ontol ogy is understood as an objective matter


50 unchallengeable natural laws and mechanisms. For that reason, the idea of chronological time was basic, as it will be addres sed later in the chapter. Epistemology became a dual and objectivist way for the inquirer to take distance and no interactive posture towards other entities, i.e. the subject and the object were distinct. Methodology was seen as an experimental process mea nt to empirically test hypotheses under controlled conditions. It is also known as the scientific method of Positivism. The three paradigms to understand knowledge mutated, changing multiple collective ideas. Modernity founded the vision of reality, since everything was newly understood through dualities. When Western powers started to colonize the world, they used time as a way of otherness, since they created the concept of time as a natural and universal property (Dussel, 1993, p. 74) that dictated the t iming of progress or the timing of incivility. Colonialism was notably conceptualized by the doctrine of time duality, establishing the idea of past and present. The ones living in the past were not evolved enough; the ones living in the present were the o nes literate vs. literate, traditional vs. modern, peasant vs. industrial, and a host of permutations which include pairs such as tribal vs. feudal, rural vs. be explained by Positivism and industrialization: time was understood in a chronological way, as the one that dictated the working factory time, or the one showed in a watch. This defense of time was debated, since it was used with the purpose of homogeniz ing society, as another tool to command who the other was. Europeans believed they were living in a time of progress. Everyone living outside of this era was considered uncivilized. As Johannes Fabian, 1983, noted: Anthropology contributed above all to t he intellectual justification of the colonial enterprise. It gave to politics and economics both concern with human Time a which not only past cultures, but all living soci eties were irrevocably placed on a


51 temporal slope, a stream of Time some upstream, others downstream. Civilization, evolution, development, acculturation, modernization (and their cousins, industrialization, urbanization) are all terms whose conceptual c ontent derives, in ways that can be specified, from evolutionary Time. (p. 17) civilized and the primitive (Fabian, 1983, p. 2). Accordingly, another sign of Modernity a rose: to see the world as a group of dualities. This dual perspective contributed to building other interesting considerations. Since the world was seen as a subject and object relation, the conception of the environment emerged. The subject was the human being, and the object was the environment. People became aware of their surrounding landscape (Dora, 2009, p. 335). Modernity also brought the end of the union between the land and men. In the previous system, people were attached to the land because of a spiritual and traditional tie. Landscape awareness, along with industrialization, caused salaried workers to forget their union with the land. Marxism, considered either historical or cultural materialism, is a doctrine that is largely situated within Mode rnity. The economic division of the society into bourgeois vs. working class was another duality that emerged. Baker indicates Marx proposed that: The first priority of human beings is the production of their means of subsistence through labour. As humans produce food, clothes and all manner of tools with which to shape their environment, so they also create themselves. Thus, labour, and the forms of social organization that material production takes, a mode of production, are central categories for Marxis m. (p. 12) Marxism, as a modern philosophy, is deterministic since progress explains socio cultural causes, and few other explanations are presented. Progress is seen as a different mode of production, which culminates in socialism. Determinism is believed to be an economic factor because of the confrontation between classes. Marxism was a totalitarian theory. It sought for subaltern classes and models of production to fight against processes of alienation, such as social class or economic capitalism.


52 One o f the key points of Modernity that Marxism presents is the assumption of the existence of social structures (Price, 1983, p. 723). Social structures, as well as philosophical ones, changed the understanding of power relations. Hegel and Antonio Gramsci sup ported the description of a society with new ways of interrelating (Powel, 2007, p. 78). They claimed that modernity brought a feeling of liberation, since power was not as evident as before. The consequences were individualism and subjectivism. One of the aspects altered is the notion of family. In the previous system, the family was extensive and included more people because of the social and labor climate. A person in a rural area most likely lived with others, serving a family that owned land. Their fam ily unit included what we would consider co workers today. Modernity made the bourgeois family hegemonic, i.e., the blood family. The extensive family, then, started to be viewed through another perspective. The biological factor also applied to the concep tualization and validation of who was a person (Giddens, 1991, p. 8). Before Modernity, people were differentiated by spiritual, philosophical, or theological factors. A recurrent question was who had a soul and who did not. The general conception changed into human differences based on biology (gender, for example), politics (classes and social empowerment), or time qualities (such as rural urban or civilized Issues of cla ss and inequality, within states and on a world wide level, closely mesh with the arguments of this book, although I do not try to document those inequalities here. Indeed, class divisions and other fundamental lines of inequality such as those connected w ith gender or ethnicity, can be partly defined in terms of differential access to forms of self actualization and empowerment discussed in what follows. Modernity, one should not forget, produces difference, exclusion and marginalization. (p. 6) In Moderni ty, the sense of empowerment of the individual was a key point. Giddens called it the evaluation of the self. Individual rights became a common understanding of social relations and positions. For that reason, Modernity was an incentive for the awareness o f human


53 rights, among other prerogatives. The past was replaced by a rationalized possibility of action taken by men, and the rules of social life were altered. It also contributed to historical rupture, emancipation doctrines, and ideologies and tradition s from the middle ages. Second Spanish Republic : A Modern State Project Bertranas journalism was written during the Second Spanish Republic (1931 1939), just before the Spanish Civil War (1936 1939). Bertrana stopped writing during the war since she had t o go into exile due to her political activism. The Second Republic started on April 14, 1931. After the elections called by Alfonso XIII, the king of Spain, the number of cities with Republican councilmen notably increased, even though they were less than the monarchic ones. Especially in the big cities, Madrid and Barcelona, the Republican representation was triple and quadruple that of monarchical representation. The king decided to move to Paris, first, and finally to Rome, opening doors for a Republican state, i. e., without a monarchy (Lynch, 2007, p.8). The first action of the new government was to reform the Constitution, which was completed in June 1931. The document remarkably defended democracy and human rights, as well as individual rights. The R epublican ideology was born in France, after the French Revolution. It suggests that citizens can achieve high levels of personal satisfaction and happiness through education and technological development. As Duarte and Gabriel, 2000, noted: The republic w ould promote the harmonious development of society and create conditions for a slow and gradual reform. The workers constitute the left side of the Republican Party and without waiting for immediate changes they should strengthen the Republic. Then the gen eral education system was established, and with it, workers would place appropriate legislation. (p 21) The new Spanish system was characterized by modern politics, since it defended reforms such as progress through technology, the equity of citizens, etc. The Republican philosophy was


54 obviously Positivist. Bertrana actively participated as a politician, intellectual, and activist in this political period (Real, 2006, pp. 17 21). Her journalism showed commitment with individual rights, as we can see in El f antasma del divorci (The ghost of divorce), 1934, an article in which argues that divorce must be legal and well accepted by society: Do not panic, moralist ladies. Many of us advocate for divorce based just on morality reasons. Everything that tends to w iden sentimental freedoms of men must be well embraced and welcomed by cultured and civilized people. While people who do not want to divorce despite unhappiness (either by religious principles, either by guilty conscience or personal feelings) can continu e married, I do not understand why divorce comes as a fateful monster. (p. 127) history divorce was regulated. Bertrana highly supported this, and unlike conservative people who argued that it was against morality, she argued that it was the moral thing to do. In this example, as a Positivist agent, Bertrana rejects tradition as part of a progressive society. Equally, her work shows the awareness that the defense of ind ividual freedom was a sign of progress, without forgetting the advocacy of subjectivism. Also, Bertrana identified cultivated people as eties. For her, primitive societies were the ones with less human rights, and civilized ones were those with more education. Economy was an aspect greatly influenced by Modernity. Adam Smith, the father of modern economy, was one of the creators of the law of supply side. His theory was based on the balance between supply and demand in the market as an instrument to regulate prices. He also instituted the ideas of free circulation of people and objects. Smith defended the interchange of work for wages as a perceptual relation of the time used: wage changed from daily pay to hourly pay (Coase, 1998, p. 3). This idea was very well received by modern institutions. At the same time, he defended the notion that people had free will to choose a profession, instead of


55 inheriting it by family tradition. This was due to his conflict with the guilds, which he condemned for imposing what had to be produced and by whom. Similarly, Bertrana openly defended the free will to choose as part of her defense of individual right s. Moreover, she asserted the need for educating members of the working class. That was important to them because it provided the possibility of acquiring intellectual tools for their professions and even the life path they wanted. One article representati De Cara al Poble ( Facing the People the Republican project for a better society. Changes in Social Structures Modernity established new social structures based on new political constructions of liberties. One interesting l iberty for women that Bertrana defended was the legalization of prostitution and the promotion of education for these women. Bertrana was slightly guileless, since she never considered men when talking about prostitution. As well, she never took into accou nt homosexual relations when describing situations in the Colonies where it was obviously practiced. When writing about prostitutes, Bertrana made a very clear point that this work was an individual freedom. That argument ignores the realities that in ma ny cases forced women to get involved in prostitution such as extreme poverty, human trafficking, or sexual exploitation Bertrana was modern, but often, also, nave. Remarkably, she regularly called for access to education for everyone, including prostit utes. La prostituci organitzada ( Organized Prostitution) 1934, illustrates that argument: And if the result of the referendum is unfavorable to the abolition of prostitution, ithout


56 making sure they are not exploited, and procuring their relief, lets worry about their health and their ageing. Therefore, we will show that we are unbiased women an d that we offer all the respect this principle of human freedom deserves. (p. 166) Another trace of modernity in Bertranas journalism is when she talks about social classes and labor conditions. Aurora Bertrana was not a Marxist, but she condemned social inequity. Therefore, she recognized the confrontation of social strata. She affirme d this conflict was based not just on social justice, but also on ethics, as it can be seen at La insolent autocrcia del diner (The arrogant autocracy of money) 1931, in which she condemns labor inequity: The tragic and eternal discord between master and servant and between the employer and the worker is not only social, but, by and above all, moral. League of Nations, International Labor Offices, Unions, Guilds, everything is in vain. The overwhelming insolence of money, powerful master, unique, absolute modern society ruler, lifts and will lift an insurmountable spiritual barrier between the poor and the rich. I look with admiring dismay at the titanic struggle of the working class to improve their living situation, inevitably bad, in which they exist. And moreover I am moved by the superiority, contempt, crushing despotism by which rich people treat the poor. (p. 74 75) Again, Bertrana is not quite a modernist. She is defending the previous order that classified people depending on philosophical or theo logical reasons, such as whether people have subjects, but as individuals with rights. Moreover, Bertranas convincing argument against capitalism is forceful. After industrialization, at the beginning of the 20th century, the government invested resources in public civil works to stimulate economic development. In opposition, the private business sector fought for a non regulated business organization, arguing that a non regulated organization brings with it a natural stability (Lynch, 2007, p. 302). As a consequence, political parties took on a labor agenda. People started identifying with them, and as a consequence mass parties appeared mainly social democrats, Chr istian democrats and fascists. At the same time, labor guilds became popular, and unions began to adhere more to anarchism. In the case of Spain, these movements had an enormous organizational power.


57 herefore, the discourse that questioned capitalism became popular, even if there was not an awareness of being anti capitalist. Bertrana urged a better treatment of the working class, and decided to take action, becoming a politician with a left wing pa rty. There are many examples of Bertrana publically calling for the working class to be treated fairly. She fought for eliminating uniforms in the working place as she does in her article Uniformes ( Uniforms ), 1934. She argued that uniforms were a symbol o f social oppression: Lets assume a man who studied languages with intellectual aspirations has degenerated to be a doorman in a hotel; lets continue assuming an intelligent and studious girl that became an orphan at seventeen and, honest and alone in lif e, agrees to be a nanny. Uniforms aggravate their situations. They want to work, and they recognize that their misfortunes have taken them far lower than expected, but the obligation of being part of the ridiculous high class social comedy must seem such a n unspeakable injustice. (p. 141) though she defended working class rights, she was aware she was not part of that social group. In the first volume of her memoirs, 1973, sh e declared her family was not rich, but she had access to a very good education (p. 151). It can be argued that this is a sign of respect, since there were cases of middle class intellectuals identifying themselves with the working class as if they were ex periencing their difficulties certainly a questionable position. In relation with other structural changes, Bertrana called for a better civil behavior in the use of public spaces and how to relate to others. In order to achieve this, she pointed to the need for the education of all citizens no matter their class or gender. Betrana argued that everyone was responsible for social behavior, not just self acts. Unconsciously, Bertrana was using the concept of the Panopticon in society because she wanted everyone to be part of the power structure by guarding and punishing others. She


58 maintained the importance of a non visible power for improving individuals, under the assumption people were primitive and nee ded to be educated. Changes in Religious Structures The early government of the Second Spanish Republic was mainly composed of anti clerical politicians. For that reason, an official declaration of religious freedom was one of the first measures adopted by the new administration, as well as the separation of Church and State. Under the influence of Positivism, many people distanced religion. Even thought, among anarchists, communists, socialists, and other left wing activists, Christian faith was very much practiced. Against this, fervent Catholics felt threaten by liberalism (Coverdale, p. 3). Even so, many believers agreed with a secularization of the system. Dr. Bosch Gimpera, principal of the University of Barcelona and Minister of Justice during the Sec ond Spanish Republic, affirmed that the Republic separated State and Catholic being persecuted (Bosch Gimpera, 1976, p. 115). Another Republican politician, Sa lvador de Madariaga, regretted the no mercy prosecution of any adherent to Catholicism during the Republic. Religious masses were suppressed and many priests and nuns were killed (Madariaga, 1978, pp. 420 421). The atrocities of the Republic, in most of ca ses, came from organizations that belonged to small political parties taking justice into their own hands (Crcel Ort, 1990, p. 15). Bertrana did not denounce these actions. Instead, she strongly criticized fundamental Catholicism. As a modern individual she denounced fundamentalism as an old way of social control for retaining the power of former systems. As a Catholic, she resolutely defended the values of the division of church and state. Moreover, she defended the need for secularity, i.e., to separa te religion and religious traditions from everyday life actions and thoughts. In her article


59 El fantasma del lacisme ( Secularitys Ghost ), 1934, Bertrana asserted that secularity was the better way to convert people into Christianity. Children would find an ethical and resourceful transmitting secularity implies education, which is always an effort for society to do: Not only those moderately religious, o r those with temperate convictions, as we have many in our country, would convert; but those most deeply religious will find in secularism a guarantee to retain their children in a state of mind as pure and virgin as the great pantheologic mysteries. The d ay the mother, devout Christian or Roman Catholic, wanted to instill in children the principles of these dogmas, she Prayer said commonly at the end of a class will not be as e fficient as a mother talking to her child in solitude in the retreat of a bedroom. (p. 125) Awareness of the Otherness in t he Colonies Colonialism has been defined as exploitation of resources and the enslaving of the populations by Europeans, who have bee n the main agent of conquering other places and the belief in the natural supremacy of Europe/Europeans and, by extension, America/Americans over other countri European expansionism, the conception is superficial since it involved more factors. According powers) reached positions of economic, military, political, and cultural hegemony in much of Asia, tangible elements, but the cultural spheres and the concepts of identity. As Merkins affirmed: (Merskin, 2011, p. 63). Lorenz and Watkins, 2000, defined the concept in depth: Colonialism is based on two kinds of powers: the power o appropriate the resources, labor, and territory of another group or individual for creating hierarchy and inequality [and] the capacity to deny responsibility for


60 having done so to silence resistance and opposition, and to normalize th e outcome. (p. 1) Aurora Bertrana was highly recognized in the field of journalism. She contributed a voice of exoticism to Catalan people and a fresh female perspective through her writings about and from her travels, first to Oceania in 1926 (Gmez, 2003 p. 48), then to Morocco in 1935 (Gmez, 2003, p. 71), and eventually throughout Europe. She was part of the generation of bourgeois women who opened the way for bourgeois females to have a public intellectual life. However, her actions were aggressively criticized, especially her determination to present her political opinion of Spanish society, and its colonial actions. Political and ideological subjugation are the consequences of colonization, but territorial and military domination are the consequence of occupation. Saz, 1998, masterly described the experience of the otherness by the Spanish ountries, has been at times as goes on to argue that Spanish society saw itself as inferior when it compared itself to the other. And this could be applied to general society as well as academics within Spain researching and writing about their own country. Colonialism opened the door for an anthropological vision of the world in which one defines himself through the other. Modernity offered a prominent space regarding this topic. The power relations changed, being more undefined. Firstly, colonizers became the rulers of systems that were not theirs. As a consequence, many indigenous tried to gain more privileges by differentiating themselves from others from t heir tribes by serving colonizers. Since these strategies did not exist before, the power impressively changed, becoming not just less visible, but less understandable for many individuals.


61 When in 1889 France declared Polynesia part of its colonial territ ory, the islands were Morocco, we can detect from the beginning her fascination with the exoticism of foreign lands and their people, as well as her discomfort with co lonial forces. Participating in Modernity unconsciously, Bertrana described other places in the duality of the subject and the object. Affecting epistemology, the exotic perspective was a modern way to learn from different cultures and to understand a dive rse world. At the same time, Bertrana reflects on the loss of the innocence of indigenous and African cultures due to contact with Western cultures. We can see this in the article La Martinica ( Martinique ), 1932, when a local invites a foreigner to her hou se to both clean his clothes and offer her daughters to him: It seems that the old black woman has offered him an ice cream and an iced punch. Then she called her two smiling daughters. ... At every movement, they shook their round and firm hips. ... Then I thought about the old Spaniard colonizers that pulled the black settlers from the jungles of Africa. Among those primitive, naive, modest, free soul and strong people and these sad women, centuries have gone by, we have passed by these people, we the civ ilized ones. Now, this gesture of dark insatiable desires, of indefinable ambitions, is our work. (p. 135 136) monuments from the eyes of a sharp female traveler with a well ord ered style (Nogu, 2001, pp. 67 68). At the same time, she criticized the feeling of theological superiority colonizers had over indigenous population. Some of them believed the indigenous did not have a soul, or at least, a soul as valid as theirs. By dis approving this idea, Bertrana was acting as a good modern agent. Bertrana realized it was a new world that she could accept even its diversity but she was not part of it. Colonizers also notice this diversity, and they wanted to import it. For that re ason, Modernity brought to Europe a new space of knowledge to dominate: museums. An example of Bertranas literary journalism is exemplified in her article Arribada a Tahit ( Arrival in Tahiti ) in 1933. The description in this article shows the impact of t he unknown nature. It


62 makes her writing richer in impressions, with her use of endless phrases, as if her mind were not able to come to terms with the exoticism that surrounded her: The sky and the sea seem pure enamel with turquoise colors. The mountains close to them have become a tender green from the sharp peaks to the rolling hills that descend to the lake. And an island far from the coast, tracing its design imperfectly, the whi te foam bursts over the hidden reefs. ... While outside, the boats swing, sea sculpts or screws, and the wind passes soft or violent, and the protective and submerged crest receives the impetuous onslaught of the Pacific with cataclysmic bangs, the quiet a nd transparent lake enameled under the stars. It is hospitable, welcoming, full of silence and eternal harmony near green edges carpeted. (p. 201) In relation to the authors colonial critique, Bertrana was very explicit about the injustice brought, not ju st by the colonial system, but by the colonizers. As she made several affirmations in La moral i el salvatge ( Moral and savages ), 1930: "So the savage discovered morality along with immorality, and the savage confuses them as well, to the point that has n ot yet come to distinguish one from the other." (p. 57) Or more strongly: "While the missionary preached that (indigenous) people had to dress up and tried to legalize the natural bonds of love, white people took their land and women!" (p. 57) One of the f irst articles she wrote about the French Polynesia was titled L'admirable esperit de concrdia de les races privilegiades (The admirable spirit of harmony privileged races), 1931. In this article, Bertrana denounced the exploitation of local people by Euro pean colonizers. She openly declared the injustice as an act of racism: The large family begins to settle down. They built houses and cleared land. But the social or rational law Saxons rely to commit this human abuse with their co 72) As many other critical voices about colonization, Bertrana idealized indigenous people and used the discourse of the Noble Savage. Interestingly, she also spoke of Europe as a space that could possibly be colonized, since she considered that there were many savages over there, r


63 denies the credibility of Europeans to be the civilized ones due to their primitivism. She asserted that her people were not an example of a more sophisticated way of life. This argument is related to modernity since she reflects about her own group with a critical vision instead of just perfectly works in her articles, as we see in On s el salvatge? ( Where is the savage?), 1931: I believe that the word savag e means hard man, foolish, stupid, and in this case, I claim the title for some citizens of Barcelona. ... I will send a message to all the falsely called savages (meaning indigenous) of the world, to apologize for having used the same adjective for them, honest, simple, noble, naive, pure, and respectfully primitives. (Compared to the ones) throwing firecrackers on the pavement of the street, stoning lamp posts, destroying trains, making scandal and martyrizing other travelers, writing dirty sentences on p ublic restrooms, or chasing women on the streets and yelling rude comments. I especially claim the adjective savage for those who entertain their children by tying a birds leg, prompting him to fly because they believe are free, and laughing hysterically before the desperate efforts of the animal. Do not forget those who urinate in the middle of the streets, who ignominiously litter forests and beaches, who systematically destroy trees and plants. Reader: do you know who the savage is? I do not. (p. 77 78) Limits in Bertran riting Joan Pla, professor in the University of Girona and expert in Contemporary Catalan Literature, used to say that there was no interesting writer who did not have some points of incoherence. Pla argued that no one is interested in perfection, but in dialogue and negotiation with oneself. Bertrana also had her internal fights, such as the ones related to the vision of a being superior clashed with her opinions about how primitive and immoral indigenous people were. Again, in La moral i el salvatge ( Moral and Savages ), 1930, we see this point revealed: Any primitive man, when leaving the jungle, wears a thick amorality so significant th at wanting him to suddenly adopt the civilized morality (the superficial one, the one they are interested to teach him) is an absurdity. (p. 57) subjected her to because sh e was a woman (Gmez, 2003, p. 74). Motivated by her experience,


64 she dedicated herself to uncovering the reality of Moroccan women under colonialism. Shohat o f our superiority, not merely our mechanical, economic, and military superiority, but our moral educated woman, but she did not display a feeling of superiority towards Polynesian or Mo roccan women. Bertrana this duality of the otherness, which was bittersweet at the same time. She understood that the connections that strengthened the solidarity among women in Spain were not the same as those in Eastern cultures see her article Daua, Limina i Gmar ( Daua, Limina and Gmar 1935), in which she described meeting with three teenagers who complained of the many womens issues in Morocco. After they vented many emotions, Bertrana wanted to offer them some tea and food, but they refused because their father would be disappointed they shared something with a Western woman, and they left. Bertrana wanted to help them, but they did not accept it. Bertran a was disappointed, since she expected women to share a common link of solidarity. Bertrana, as many other female journalists and writers, used journalism and travel writing genres as way to give them the authority and freedom to express uncomfortable view s of a society. That was because they used a literary genre in which it was easier to introduce opposing opinions through narrative (Domnech 15). We can see that Bertrana recognized that literary journalism offered an arena in which she could freely criti cize the colony. In terms of the occupation, the Spanish military presence in Africa began between 1859 and 1860, with the African War, when Spain tried to attain the same level as other European powers. Berber tribes (North African natives) were position ed against Spain as well. Finally, Spain won the confrontation and, as a consequence, the protectorate. Between 1909 and 1919, a


65 second war was declared in which Spain worked to obtain a militarily position in colonial Africa after the disappointment at th e loss of the last American colonies. The last war was conducted against Arabs and Berber tribes; France put up some resistance, but eventually formed an alliance with Spain. As a result, Spain obtained a different protectorate than the one it already had, which enabled Spain to establish a border with the French occupation in Morocco. Bertrana criticized the Spaniards because of the lack of culture and manners of its officials. The author also had bad experiences in the French part, but at least, the offi cers were well behaved. Nogu indicated that the political spaces that Bertrana described and experienced were notably different in Spanish and French Morocco: The Spanish Colonialism in Morocco could barely be compared to the French one: they did not have the same economical and human resources invested, they did not have the same Protectorate extension, and they did not have the same political presence between the nations with Afro Colonial interests. (p. 67) Bertrana provided an uncomfortable vision of t he colonies. This was a modern sign, since in the name of individual female rights, she emerged as a woman with her own opinion. She criticized colonial powers in the name of human rights, with an anti racist discourse. She effusively wrote strongly agains t colonization and its atrocities, arguing that the colonizer was not civilized enough to "civilize" anyone. Specifically in The Maghreb, she offered an unofficial overview of the Spanish Protectorate. Her writings were plausible since she could publish, a fact that was really difficult for a female intellectual, and were also widely accepted. Due to this, Bertrana was not well accepted by bourgeois women in French Polynesia, and she experienced administrative. problems in Morocco. In Papeete she was a marr Spanish and French Protectorate, when the authorities started to feel threatened by her work, which they tried to censor, they decided to limit her presence there.


66 Even if Bertrana saw herself as an observer in the colonies, she could not refrain from being an active critical agent. The author experienced a change of view of Moroccan culture, ttended a religious rite in which men self injured themselves. Bertrana started to reject the other and she recognized her own limits, since she too partial ob server, because she was a European bourgeois woman with a Catholic moral education, even though see fought against her personal limits due to her education. The contradictions of Bertrana are one of the most interesting points of her writings; even though she understood herself as an authoritative intellectual, it could be said that she brought to the table many of the dichotomies that the active agents of the occupation and colonization raised. A Modern Woman for a New Age Previous researchers have approac hed Bertranas work to discuss her feminism, and her commitment with women. However, in the end, many of them have been captured by her life, which seemed to play out like a novel itself, as Bonnn argues. For that reason, most of the studies have focused on her life, rather than on her work (Bonnn, 2003). The conflict is based on the fact that the work of Bertrana was written from life and travelling experience. Due to this, the life of the author is always present and its writing has been ignored. This s ection, then, will reveal the gender interests in her articles, which is equally necessary to study. One important achievement of pre war Catalonia society during the 1920s and 1930s was the incorporation of women (particularly those who were married) in t he work place and intellectual sphere. Beyond sporadic appearances of authors such as Vctor Catal, pseudonym of Caterina Albert, Aurora Bertrana became an exponent of Modernity for Catalan society (Real, 2007, p. 13). Her articles, political ideas, trave ls around the world, and intellectual propositions showed her contribution to the new age, even though she was not aware of her role as a promoter


67 of modernity. For Bertrana, as she wrote in Feminisme (Feminism) 1931 a modern woman was someone with a Ref ined atmosphere and a properly understood freedom, (with the skills to) analyze without peda ntry, (capable of forming a home with) health, culture, education, balancing moral and spiritual refinement. (p. 62). Modernity brought changes of previous structures. One of the groups that arose to obtain more structural power were women. Feminism, throu first wave feminism during the end of the 19th century, ascended as a social force. The movement created connections across national borders, with special interest in socialism, abolitionism, peace, temperance, and mor al reform (Rupp, 2011, p. 1). First wave feminism has often been misunderstood, since women did not oppose sex or sex education, but opposed such they were passi onate, and passionately engaged in their political campaigns. Rather than being socially puritanical, they challenged social convention at every side. Rather than being repressed, rights was based on individualism. Bertrana saw the need for womens education as an individual right to reach. She criticized the incapability of Catalan women for doing things by themselves, as her article Feminisme ( Feminism 1931 ) asserts: There are still many women in Catalonia who do not see themselves capable of taking a train or even buying a fare. They are afraid of the consequences and, rather than accepting their responsibilities, they prefer that their husbands deal with this, as the priest wi ll do with all moral responsibilities. (p. 65) According to the modern doctrine, Bertrana stressed the biological differences between women and men. She suggested women find a useful social position to help society to improve. She pointed to the biological differences between men and women. Women needed to find a


68 place and a responsibility without copying mens way of behaving, since their main essence was different, she insisted. Her article Impersonalitat ( Impersonality), 1934, is very straight forward ab out this: Being biologically different than men, and consequently also mentally, we cannot and we should not act politically as imitators of our fathers and husbands. Inasmuch as we have a female soul, even if we agree on masculine ideals, our way of actin g must be different. (p.157) Surprisingly, this defense had another modern response. Due to the concerns of male workers about competition for jobs from lower wage earning women and children during industrialization, discourse about biological differences entered the public sphere. Marxism accused working women of helping lower wages in factories. It was socially defended, also, that calls for improving the human race through controlled breeding, was basic in modern society, due to Positivism. Based on this premise, society has to create and help to develop better individuals. Abortion and birth control measures were defended to promote a healthy reproductive envir onment. Bertrana did not directly address this topic, but by inference she agreed with it in her promotion of the need to educate working class women. Bertrana questioned the concept of social roles for men and women, and urged a reconsideration of them. O ne of the proposed changes was to provide familiar and social spaces for women to freely give personal opinions. The first critique she raised was the need to show society that women could be part of a public space of opinion and that was a task of the pol itical system. The problem she found was that women were not taken seriously, even though the ideals of the Republic paid lip service to it, as she noted in Incompatibilitats ( Incompatibilities 1933 ) : Men do not even consider us seriously. ... Administrat ively and in an external way men give us all rights. Practically and essentially they refuse to admit our


69 political and social competence. Sometimes I doubt the strict sincerity of those that say they favor women's rights. I think it obeyed a principle of revolutionary ethics, and in conceiving this project they were not thinking, especially, of us, but of their male political opponents. (p. 103) Bertrana understood feminism as a common agreement among men and women. She thought that once women achieved lab or and educational equality, men and women could have a commercial, intellectual, or ideological, not just in sex ( Feminisme 1931). Bertrana also criticized women who indo ctrinated their children with a patriarchal education, against female married because it was a sign of lost female identity (Bertrana, La senyora de Tal 1934). It must be explained that in Spain it was and it is not legal to change your family name when marrying, but it is popularly used by conservative women. Another criticism against women was against those who, pretending to be feminists, considered men the o nly one responsible for macho culture (Bertrana, Home i dona 1933). This point is really interesting and modern since she is capable of seeing other feminists critically as an object to study. Reflections about Journalism Reception b y Media During the 1930s, the voice of Aurora Bertrana was constantly present in progressive groups through her journalism and literature. She was often interviewed in different press outlets during the thirties. Bertrana became one of the examples of a powerful f emale voice in society and politics (Real, 2007, p. 12). Her journalism showed passion and curiosity: to travel, and to understand the unknown, which she faithfully reported. She brought an attractive female perspective to the socio political years of the pre Spanish Civil War era. Most notably, Bertrana was modern, a feminist, left wing, committed, and adventurous. Moreover, she brought the exotic to Catalonia through her journalism from far away places.


70 A search in the archives was conducted to consider and how she was viewed in order to reveal her work as a literary journalist, its public relevance, and its acceptance by the media of the thirties in pre war Catalonia. By social acceptance is meant the contribution of A war Catalan society in spite of the limitations imposed by the social mistreatment for being a woman. Bertrana influenced the public sphere in writing about the modern women who, she argued in bo th her words and deeds, could be an intellectual. Media acceptance will also be explored to demonstrate that the impact of her work stimulated interest in Catalonia about the exotic and the concept of the otherness. Finally, it will consider how the media portrayed her and the critiques of her journalism, works of literature, and socio political activism. In order to discover how the media portrayed Bertranas work, databases from two libraries were used. The first one is the Biblioteca Virtual de Prensa H istrica (Virtual Library of the Historic Press, maintained by the Spanish government) where the cultural magazines from 1928 to 1936 were selected. The second one is the Biblioteca Nacional de Catalunya (National Library of Catalonia) where the author res earched the archives of La Veu de Catalunya ( The Voice of Catalonia ), the most important national newspaper during the pre war era. The use of the articles from the newspaper is relevant because it shows how Bertranas writing and ideas were important and the media and her reception. It should be noted that this was a challenging task because there is no previous work similar to this and it was difficult to process and interpret the data. Finally, the archives from the City Council of Girona, the city where Bertrana was from, were used to localize extracts of opinion columns and articles about her work in literature and journalism in


71 conducted in about 3 0 newspapers with views ranging from conservative to progressive. In all of them, Bertrana is praised as a writer. A review of the journalistic articles produced by Aurora Bertrana will introduce the section, for offering a perspective to understand the m edia portrayal and public acceptance of Bertrana. Then, it will focus on the media portrayal of the journalist in magazines, using a database for cultural magazines of the time. The same search was conducted in La Veu de Catalunya ( The Voice of Catalonia ). The media image she had will be explored, as an author of literary works, as a politician, and as an intellectual and modern woman. Journalistic Publications o f Aurora Bertrana ummary of Bertrana was reporting, with an anthropological approach in many cases. Following her s well as to better adventure (Real, 2007, p. 21). With the help of her father, Prudenci Bertrana, one of the most admired authors of Catalonia at the end of the 19th century, Aurora Bertrana started to publish articles in La Veu de Catalunya ( The Voice of Catalonia ). Her column was called ( Imp ressions of a female student ) (1923). She published seven articles in which she explained the experience of a female international student in Switzerland. At the time she was studying education and working as a musician, she began to write articles. Bertra na intentionally


72 portrayed herself as a character full of modernity, since she promoted many causes of the new society Catalonia was embracing in the Second Spanish Republic. After a five year break in her work due to her marriage and relocation to Polynes ia, she went back to Catalonia and re engaged with journalism. She published a short story in La Veu de Catalunya (The Voice of Catalonia) in 1927. Fame came to her when she focused on publishing in different journalistic platforms that were connected to a modern and renovated ideology. She explained her vision of Polynesia and her experience, as well as in less extent some other travel experiences at the local level, opening her most productive journalistic stage. From 1928 to the beginning of the Spa nish Civil War, in 1936, she published in Catalan six articles in ( From here and from there ) (1928 1929), six others in Mirador ( Viewpoint ) (1929 1930) and two more in ( The opinion ) (1931). Then, she published four essays focused on diverse topics in La Nau ( Boat ) (1929), Mirador ( Viewpoint ) (1931), and La Publicitat ( The Publicity ) (1932). Then, in Spanish, under the opinion columns Exotismos ( Exotisms ) and Nuestros Colaboradores ( Our collaborators ) she published four articles in El Da ( The day ) (1932 1933). Bertrana wrote a column called Viatges ( Travels ) in ( The opinion ), where she published twenty three articles (1933). Finally, she published four articles in La Publicitat (The Publicity) under the title Els darrers sa lvatges ( The last savages ) (1936). At this point her literary career was growing as she published different novels and travel writing books, as well as some short stories. In this stage, besides exploiting her travel experiences, she flourished as a femini st and leftist intellectual within a new system of government the Spanish Republic. Her journalistic cultural and political action of a committed writer who had earned the rep utation of being modern,


73 most important actors in feminist le ft. In terms of her social commitment, she published seven articles about feminism and the defense of women. The first one was published in La Nau ( Boat ) (1931), five articles were published in Evoluci (Evolution) (1931), and the last one was published in La Rambla had in La Humanitat ( The Humanity ) (1933 1934), where she published 29 articles In the same vein, another article was published) in Bondat Bont. Peridic literari i social bimensual, editat a profit dels pobres i sense feina ( Good and Health. Bimonthly Literary and Social Journal, edited for charity for poor and unemployed ) (1934). As we saw in the previous chapter, her purpose in writing the articles was to ideologically educate women. She participated in the public controversies related to women for example: legalization of prostitution. Her criticism and defense were in accorda a conservative approach to feminism that did not question many essential points of patriarchy. Still, it was a progressive option at the time, expressing hope for social transformation and equality among genders. D uring 1934, there was significant political unrest in Spanish politics, and Catalonia was affected the most. For that reason, Bertrana decided to go on a field trip to Morocco for the newspaper La Publicitat ( The Publicity ). Her project was to write about the oppressive situation of Muslim women in the Spanish and French colonies. She published 19 articles (1935) that later became another travel writing book, El Marroc sensual i fanatic ( The sensual and fanatical Morocco ), 1936, plus another article publish ed in Claror ( Clarity ) (1935). The journalistic production at this stage of her career was clearly engaged with modernity more than ever,


74 including humor, liberalism, cosmopolitism, and fearlessness. Bertrana shows the strongest commitment to her gender, o ffering information from a female perspective to denounce injustices against women. This vow was kept by the author until the end of her life (Arag, 1999, p. 95). In 1936 a Spanish military insurgent group from colonial Morocco revolted against the democr atic government of the Spanish Republic. The group aimed to impose an authoritarian s family, who did not welcome her, and soon evicted her. Bertrana lived in deplorable conditions, renting terrible places, being hungry and cold, and even depending on charity (Pla, 1999, p. 65). She continued her literary career for many years, but Bertra Catalonian society, since she had functioned as a female model for journalists and intellectuals. She promoted the ideo logy of the new social construct modernity working rights to the front of the public sphere with her support for such things as divorce, legalization of prostitution, and equal access to education independent of gender and class. M oreover, Bertrana brought to Catalonia a writing product and style that became unique (Real, 2006, p. 37) as she became a model for other women and as she introduced concepts as otherness, exotic, and equality. Her litera ry journalism was well narrated, and well accepted by the media and intellectual spheres, as we can see in the numerous times she was named in political and literature prize speeches. With her particular style of writing, she was able to bring to the publi c sphere topics related to women that had rarely been discussed before.


75 On top of this, Bertrana helped to establish working class educational centers for women, as well as other cultural activities to nurture working class education. Also, she dedicated e ffort intellectual female activity among women with more education. Figure 4 1: 1935) Media Acceptance a nd Impact Au rora Bertrana was well known as a literary writer, as de Diario de Gerona ( Journal of Girona (1931, May 27, p. 2). Bertrana was adored as a writer. We can see this in examples from many critics working for different outlets with varying political views. This point is important, since Bertrana belonged to a left wing group and could certainly have been ignored by political opponents. Some examples of the good reception of her writing are as follow. The first one was written by the journalist Pilar March in ( The Autonomous One ): Journalist s production of Aurora Bertrana (1928 1935) 1st Stage: Switzerland (1923) 7 articles 2nd Stage: Polynesia (19281936) 49 articles 3rd Stage: politic and social activism in Catalonia (19311934) 37 articles 4th Stage: Morocco (1935) 30 articles


76 Unfortunately, I do not personally know Aurora Bertrana, but as compatriot fellow, I am pleased to honor her with my honest congratulation and regards. I learned that she was mentioned for her enlightened ideas that distinguished her as a writer and as an intellectual. ... How accurate and subtle (in her writing s)! How elegant is her way of describing religion, tradition and customs of that country paradise! ... 31, June 1, p. 2) Even when she was compared to her father, then one of the most important Catalonian novelists, she was respected and venerated. Carles Rahola, the most important journalist from Girona, where Bertrana was from, wrote in ( The Autonomous One ) an article Aurora Bertrana is already a strong value to our arts. She has contributed by adding an exotic, original and brave style. ... I think any subject, any landscape, covered by her, w ill become interesting. Children of great writers are often received with skepticism, even when they are also dedicated to contribute to the literary arts. No one can trust them too much. An anxious shadow is interposed between them. Our writer is an excep tion: she honors the name she bears. There is undoubtedly the instruction and the influence of Prudence Bertrana in her ..., but there is also a strong, a coercive, and painful creative vocation. (1931, October 12, p. 1) As we earlier saw, the literary j ournalism of Bertrana connected the Catalan intellectual society, especially peer journalists. She showed the world what she experienced, and Catalan readers were amazed by her understanding of exotic places and the lives of remote people whom they had nev er met. A journalist who signed an article as M. C. highlighted this point when criticizing a novel by Bertrana. He or she wrote in the newspaper Sitios de Gerona ( Places of Gerona ): In the form of memoirs and without leaving aside her tone of authentic a nd deep sincerity that contributes to the final outcome. A succulent prose, clean, tight and strongly suggestive prose, it can be read with an interest that does not allow breaks, and the reader has sensations of seeing, hearing, and meeting the protagonis that take part in her life, as well as to attend their sufferance and fortune. (1952, October 30, p. 7) However, she was not recognized as a journalist as much as an author of literary works. Different reasons can be found for this lack of acknowledgem ent. On one hand, she intentionally


77 portrayed herself as a professional literature writer. On the other hand, as Real indicates, Bertrana wrote two lengthy memoirs at the end of her life. In the memoirs, she selectively explained her life and intellectual experiences (Real, 2008, p. 19). The public got to know a Bertrana that was not completely real. Scholars who have researched her life and work have found misleading and false information in her memoirs. For example, the scholar Catalina Bonn discovered t hat Bertrana was older than what she wrote in her memoirs. As a consequence, the year of the celebration of the centenary of her birth had to be reconsidered (Granell, 1999, p. 61). Neus Real the main expert in Catalan female journalism and literature at the beginning of the 20 th century collected from different archives. Published in door: the possibility of knowing Bertrana as a journalist, her interests in the field, and influences in the public sphere. Media portrayal of Aurora Bertrana in magazines When conducting a name search in the Biblioteca Virtual de Prensa Histrica (Virtual them were published between 1928 and 1935 in Spain and Catalonia. For that reason, some of them are in Catalan a nd some of them in Spanish. In every magazine it is possible to find more music or political work. The magazine search result has been divided in four groups. Th e first one is seven magazines of literature and art, in Catalan or Spanish. They are focused on the novels, travel writing books, short stories, and tales of the author. All critiques about Bertrana are positive, exalting her quality as a writer and promo ting the reading of her work.


78 Literature and art have been separated from music, since the first group shows her writing skills and her ideology toward some subjects, but her music is alienated from these topics. She was acclaimed as an excellent musician, as well for the quality of a jazz band she led and was part of, rights. The third gro up consists of two satiric journals in Catalan. Surprisingly, neither journal used the author for humor, but for promoting her first book about her experience in Tahiti, the novel Paradisos Ocenics ( Oceanic Paradises ). One of the articles is a review of t he book, and the other one is about a conference she gave about Oceania and her novel. Both are positive The last group is the larger one, the socio political magazines. This gro up comprises 18 publications in which she is named because of her participation in the elections of 1934 and her name appeared in the electoral ballot. She also gave conferences about her admiration for the Second Spanish Republic in terms of the advanceme nt and education of women. The other entries are about her participation in debates and public forums. It is significant that in almost all of the records of Bertrana, she is introduced as a writer, not as a politician. The same pattern is observed in La V eu de Catalunya ( The Voice of Catalonia ), where most of the time she was titled a writer, even when she was doing something political. It is paradoxical that the impulse for most of the media comments about Bertrana stemmed from her political activism ra th er than her role as a writer.


79 Figure 4 2 : Aurora Bertrana in Magazines Media portrayal of Aurora Bert rana in newspapers Searches for Aurora Bertrana in La Veu de Catalunya ( The Voice of Catalonia ) garnered a total of 120 results out of 400 entries, sin journalist. Those results have been divided into three groups: the portrayal of Bertrana (1) as a writer, (2) as a politician, and (3) as an intellectual and modern woman. The author also searched for Bertr literata (literary author). Just one entry was found where a colleague mentioned something she said in the newsroom, so it could not be used, since it is anecdotal data.


80 Figure 4 3 : Portrayal of Aurora Bertrana in the Press Bertrana as a Literary Writer As a literary writer, Aurora Bertrana was named 40 times, or 38.83 %. She is sometimes linked to her father, Prudenci Bertrana, since they wrote a novel together. What seems more impressive is that when she is named because of her political activities, the media viewed her activism as part of her literary work. For that r eason, several entries that refer to her as a things is to appoint Aurora Bertrana as a political candidate, whom he described as an excellent La Veu de Catalunya ( The Voice of Catalonia ), 1933, November 15, p. 15). Bertrana was always praised as high quality author in almost any entry. It does not matter if the entry is about her writing, her intellectual activities, or even a social event; she is portrayed as an excellent author. One example was a story about a roun d of conferences in Barcelona that 0 20 40 As a writer As a politician As an intellectual and modern woman Portrayal of Aurora Bertrana in the press


81 recounting her travels and her stay in Oceania. ( La Veu de Catalunya ( The Voice of Catalonia ), 1931, January 5, p. 3) The new spaper constantly recommended the reading of her travel writing books over her novels. The most striking aspect of her literature at this time was revealing the exotic in the alan person who La Veu de Catalunya ( The Voice of Catalonia ), 1928, September 7, p. 1). She became the voice of the exotic in Catalonia, as Neus Real indicates (2008, p. 19). Her experi ence in Papeete, Tahiti, opened her literary consciousness. Bertrana brought her perspective of another world, and how the uniqueness influenced her understanding of life forever. The exotic gave Bertrana the motivation to grow as an author, thus she creat ed her own style, which was well received in Catalonia. She was the one of the most distinctive voices in the media described as fresh, young, and vibrant in different press articles. Other writers felt the experiences brought from faraway interesting pl aces by her prose. The reception of her work by reception of the exotic, and the possibility of feeling the otherness through her writing. For example, one writer La Veu de Catalunya ( The Voice of Catalonia ), 1928, November 9, p. 1). When Bertrana published a travel writing book about her experiences in Morocco, it was much anticipated by her bourgeois audience. It had been promoted well in advance, so colleagues were expecting it. Bertrana added pictures, and allowed other journalists to read it advance so they could reviews it. The critiques were exc eptionally good, with praise that critics


82 today still mention. Bertrana transported the reader into the mysteries of the female Muslim soul (Nogu, 2001, p. 71): Sensual and Fanatic Morocco This book by Bertrana Aurora will be offered for sale on Book Day It forms a volume of 300 pages, profusely illustrated with photographs the author took during her stay in North Africa. Few writers have managed to penetrate deep inside the Muslim soul as Aurora Bertrana did in this model travel book, published by Edici ons Mediterranea. ( La Veu de Catalunya ( The Voice of Catalonia ), 1936, April 18, p. 8.) The book was well received by the media and intellectuals, as the review above shows, but at the same time it was controversial. Bertrana explained her experience in an other country, with different people, a different faith, and different traditions: the otherness. The problem was that she also explained how the military and police forces in French and Spanish colonial Morocco brutally acted. Her writing gave a vision of the colony contrary to the official one, and was critical of the government and other institutions (Nogu, 2001, p. 69). Furthermore, the book offered a consistent feminist defense of equality (Maria Antnia Oliver, 2000, p. 14). She denounced the female oppression by two actors: Eastern men the relatives (fathers, husbands, etc.) and Western men view of colonial Morocco proved fruitless, however. That was because just a few weeks aft er the publication of her book, the anti democratic uprising against the Spanish Republic began, so the press started to focus on the civil war (Nogu, 2001, p. 67). Catalan intellectuals tried to continue its cultural duties as normal, but there was a war going on, and Bertrana went into exile during this period. Her portrayal as a writer is highly positive as the media praised her for her contribution to Catalan literature. She was recognized as the person that brought the exotic and the concept of the ot herness (Bartrina, 2001, p. 54) to the front line of Catalan society through her work. Her style, fresh, young, and modern, constructed a new world for Catalan society (Real, 1999, p. 71).


83 Bertrana as a Political Activist Regarding her political activism, she was named 54 times, but 17 of them were a repetition of the election ballots, where she was included. Therefore, the total number is 37, or 35.92%. In this case, her media portrayal was not as positive as an author. Bertrana was the main character of a very controversial situation with other female politicians. The president of the Republic, Francesc Maci, was in power with the left wing party Esquerra Republicana de Catalunya (Left Republican Party of Catalonia). In 1933 he was creating the electoral list for the next elections in 1934. There was a group of female activists who were travelling all around expected to be represented on the list. Instead, Bert rana was the woman chosen. It can be argued that the explanation for her selection was based on her popularity as a writer, the social value of being the daughter of Prudenci Bertrana and, moreover, because one of the more important politicians, Ventura Ga ssol, was a good friend of her father. The other activists, in fact, protested that Gassol was promoting her nomination. With this situation, there are many articles based on negative critiques of her appointment, pointing to her selection as a product of the influence of her family. The first article that explains this controversy is repeated more than six times in 15 days, since selection of the electoral list was still open and the press was collecting all the issues about it. One example of this is: It seems the female activists have been surprised by the list because it was expected that the name of some of the female propagandists who have recently been distinguished for their enthusiast performance was to be selected, and they have been disappointed t hat instead of one of their names is included the one of Aurora Bertrana, which they do not yet consider to have sufficient merits. ( La Veu de Catalunya 1933, November 1 15). Other media entries are about her political activities in meetings, her part icipation in her partys voting, and some corrections done to an incorrect list of names. She attended or


84 performed at promotional meetings for the party constantly. She was committed to write about the problems women faced and to defend how the Spanish Re public was fighting against them, as Velez has indicated (1999, p. 74). She is named twice because of her work for equality. In another two meetings, she is remembered as the defender of female education, and showed how the new system was correcting the la ck of access for women. Therefore, Bertrana is portrayed in constructed a new society, as she constructed her public image as a new individual: a modern intellectu al woman (Real, 2007, p. 22). Bertrana as an Intellectual and Modern Woman Finally, 26 entries as an intellectual and modern woman were found, or 25.24%. She was of the entries promoted conferences she was presenting. But many other entries were about her attendance at intellectual, artistic, and other cultural events. For example, she is named as one of the attendants in four different award ceremonies for litera ture competitions. Correspondingly, she appeared in two articles as a juror for literature competitions, being praised for her good performance. Also, there are two entries about her attendance at the opening of art galleries, as well as her attendance at an art exhibition. Lastly, she is named in one as a musician, because of a concert she did with her all female jazz band. Concerning her cultural and intellectual presence in Catalan society, an indicative of how relevant she became, can be seen in an art icle in which she is named in order to excuse her absence, as we see in the text below. This fact gives an idea of how recognized in media she became, since she was even remembered when she could not attend at an event. At the same praised the good work performed by the Lyceum Club of Barcelona, a kind of female working class university that Bertrana founded (Pla, 1999, p. 64):


85 Mr. Bulart i Rialp excused the absence of Miss Aurora Bertrana, who was unable to attend the party.... He loved the admirable task of the Female Club ... He praised the value that represents for woman to cultivate their intellect, without neglecting the social mission that they have. (La Veu de Catalunya, 1931, June 6, p. 5) Regarding her seminars, one group o f conferences was about travelling. She shared her experiences, as well as new knowledge she got from living in other cultures, with suggestive create the Lyceum Club. The last group of conferences found is related to her political ac tivism associations participated in cultural events. Moreover, what Bertrana did was to represent the new woman being empowered by modernity across Europe. The new woman was independent and she traveled, Bertrana very soon became one of the models of the new intellectual for her contribu tions to 70). Conclusion Modernity changed the social way of thinking, mainly through dualities. As well, it influenced the political and legal structures, since the philosophical background of the governmental systems mutated. For example, Colonialism was justified through the


86 anthropological process of the otherness, the primitive, and the civilized. Among these dualities, topics such as the landscape, self unde appeared. The Second Spanish Republic was a modern space for structural changes in society. The new Spanish political project incorporated modernity at many levels. Universal access to education and he alth care was established. Individual rights were legalized, such as abortion, divorce, access to desired education instead of inherited by the family tradition, etc. The economy changed on a small scale, since families did not need to pay for education or health care. Labor rights were implemented, as well as womens rights. The union among religion and state was another important point of the Spanish Second Republic, since the separation of the two forces were openly discussed and politically establishe d. Bertrana called for changes in the social structure in Catalonia. The presence of the traces of modernity. Bertrana did not defend the duality of civilized and primitive people. But at Morocco. She would also sometimes describe both as an ironic jab and at other times she was entirely serious. Still, Bertrana was committed to the claims and needs she thought society needed. She s for females. At the same time, Bertrana defended the position of women at home, because of her reproductive values. Even through contradictory, Bertrana fully lived Modernity, being an example of a modern


87 woman and reproducing this stance in her articles that ultimately impacted Catalan media and the intellectual society of her time. This chapter has gone over the political, social and intellectual powers of Bertranas time, how they influenced her work, and how the media received her articles. Her journa lism reveals Bertrana as exponent of Modernity in Catalonia and her commitment to social justice in a time of changes. She also flourished as a novelist and intellectual. In terms of politics, as an active figure of the Second Spanish Republic, Bertrana st ood for the individual, women, and labor rights. She offered her gift for the cause: an inspirational and refreshed writing style to promote it. Themes such as morality, modernity or commitment could enlighten a deeper understanding of her journalism. Ther efore, a profounder study on themes from her journalism could be done to complete the research upon Bertranas writing. As previously noted in the section about her journalism in the colonies, she was incoherent at times. Bertrana, as she would acknowledg e in her memoirs many decades later, had limits because of her bourgeois and conservative education. For that reason, even in her explicit d family economy depended on them. On the one hand, she held that some women needed to work such as widows, poor women, and women in situations where they needed to be at home when possible. The following is an example in her article Cassolanisme Spiritual (Spiritual Home loving, 1934 ) even if you are dedicated to the cultivation of intelligence, do not neglect cooking or was hing


88 147). respected and admired her as a writer. She was depicted as a literary writer mainly, in magazines and newspapers. The fact that non fictional and fictional narratives were not perceived differently by the press could lead us to the idea that Bertrana was as respected for being a journalist as novelist. Even if the media talked about her politics or musical activities, it was regularly referred to her as an excellent author. Also, she was considered an expert in Oceania, its people, and its traditions, as i t is constantly expressed when reviews refers to her conferences. At any occasion she could, she shared her experience and knowledge in foreign cultures and countries. Moreover, she was understood as an intellectual in her totality because she participated in the political discourse of the Second Spanish Republic while also publishing intellectually complex works of journalism and literature. As a journalist, her writing style was quite different from and more engaging than most other journalists. In additi on, the modern topics she wrote about, such as the exotic or the concept of otherness, brought a fresh new perspective to Catalan journalism. As a politician, she that other female activists where not happy with the media and political importance of Bertrana, peers accused her of being favored and better accepted just because of the social status of her family. factor in her popularity, but her talent was the key point of her success as a writer. Bertrana portrayed an image of hers elf as the modern women she wanted to be. She became a new


89 intellectual, with an admired female perspective, and a respected agenda that renewed the cultural and media scene of Catalonia.


90 CHAPTER 5 DISCUSSION ting has focused on both her fictional narratives and her life. This historical research instead focused on a major but largely ignored part of her writing output her journalism. One of the purposes of the study was to analyze the ew writing style, which engaged with her audience. The point was made that Bertrana employed her literary skills to craft the stories she reported thus she was not just a traditional reporter, but a literary journalist. And in defining her as such, this study opposes the hegemony of the traditional literary journalism canon by revealing the work of an artist marginalized by both her gender and geography in that she wrote and published in a language and in a country outside the orbit of the majority of Ang locentric or Americentric discourse about literary journalism. This study, then, fits well with recent efforts to recognize that literary journalism is the product of both a pluralistic and globalized world. Recent examples of such efforts would be the 200 6 founding of the International Association for Literary Journalism Settling the Borderland: Other voices in Literary Journalism (2008) Literary Journalism Across the Globe: Jour nalistic Traditions and Transnational Influences (2011), and Richard Keeble and John Global Literary Journalism: Exploring the Journalistic Imagination (2012). political agen da that she advocated and promoted through her journalism. She contributed to her society during a time of radical change with a modern proposal to improve society and respect human rights. Finally, the last purpose of this study was to evaluate the recept ion of her writing on the Catalan media.


9 1 Regarding the journalist genre, Chapter 3 focused on defining literary journalism, and showing how Aurora Bertrana used this narrative form, which made her be recognized as a writer with a delightful style. Bertran a renewed Catalan journalism by bringing something unexpected: the voice of a female professional with strong opinions. However, as the media scholar John Hartsock has observed, one of the problems when addressing the study of literary journalism is the n ame. The style has been seen as a genre, as well as a form (Hartsock, 2000, p. 3 15). The critics of literary journalism have been frequent. It has been difficult for many of those critics to accept a journalistic form that employs the techniques of the fi ctionist. In order to avoid this controversy, many names have been given to the genre. Hartsock listed several names, including new journalism, literary nonfiction, and nonfiction narrative. In addition, Jan Whitt has compiled several, such as narrative li terary journalism, factual fiction, art journalism, artistic nonfiction, creative nonfiction, para journalism, and intimate journalism (Whitt, 2008, p. 1). In this research, literary journalism was defined as synonymous with new journalism or nonfiction na rrative. While objectivity is present in literary journalism due to the factual reporting of news, places, people, and situations, subjectivity also dominates. This is not a consequence of the use of fictional narrative, but because of the voice of the re porter, who is the one that reports. Literary journalism could be seen in such texts as editorials, reportage, opinion columns, reviews, news, and travel writing. It is usually interdisciplinary, converging matters from sociology, anthropology, memoirs, an d history. It tends to use descriptions, dialogue, irony and humor, symbols, and other literature resources that make the articles more compelling. Since the reporter is sometimes openly present in the narration, which is the case in


92 is how the reader could better identify with the narration, since it cou ld be seen as more honest. The sources used in new journalism are interesting, too, because along with the subjects of the story, the reporter also becomes part of the story to one degree or another. The reader is eager to discover how the news changes the reporter. Traditional journalism aims to be objective. Revelation of bias is held to a minimum. John Hellman says that since the voice of the reporter is empowered, the reader perceives a subjectivity that openly shows the bias in the report. Therefore, t view unlike traditional journalism (Hellman, 1981, p. 4). Between the entertaining writing style engages the reader. This is in which readers and peers indicated that her personal style brought a new freshness and life to journalism in Catalonia. Bertr she lived in and visited. Her articles from the colonies were a clear example of reportage with an objective tone; however, at the same time, they had a valuable sense of subjectivity when revealing the atrocities of the colonizers. In her articles dealing with her socio political activism innovative writing style. She used her passions in her journalism releva nt to her times is how, even when she tries to be coherent with her ideals, her writing and her very opinions are limited by the fact that she was after all a woman who had been educated within a bourgeoisie and conservative Catholic culture. Bertrana regularly reveals


93 the human battle within the constant negotiation between what we believe and what we finally think. cultural setting in which Bertrana lived, as well a s her media reception. Modernity became relevant, especially beginning in the mid nineteenth century. It changed the paradigms of Western culture by changing the way we understand reality. How people perceived knowledge, their social practices, and their i ndividual relationship with the environment were transformed. Things like ways of dressing, new music styles for example jazz and industrialization are some examples of structural changes. One of the main points was the awareness and defense of individ ualism. Therefore, concepts such as human rights, political ideologies like anarchism, and medical theories like psychoanalysis appeared. Modernity developed an understanding of the world through dualities. One of them was the destruction of the union bet ween the land and men, as traditional rural employment moved to urban areas and factory jobs. Therefore, wages were created; workers were paid by the hours. Another duality was the awareness of the self and the other. Otherness was acknowledged through col onialism, since indigenous people became the other. Modernity brought the awareness of the existence of social structures. Social structures, as well as philosophical ones, changed the understanding of power relations. A sample of these structural changes was the modern political project, which made the hegemony of the nation state the key point of the new system. As well, the establishment of capitalism, together with other economic projects, and a cultural homogenization of Western values became the econo mic base.


94 political agenda of modernity. Bertrana was an active political agent of the Second Spanish Republic, when a cultural revival swept across Spain and politics were leading to a more democratic representativ e society. Bertrana stood for individual rights, such as divorce, access to education especially for women and the working class freedom to choose a profession, and health care for prostitutes. Another major structural change was the separation of the Catholic Church from the state, which Bertrana supported. She also questioned the validity of colonizing other countries. Simultaneously, as a feminist, Bertrana used her journalism to denounce the treatment of women in Western and Eastern countries. Last depictions of the relevance and impact of her writing among intellectuals and peer journalists. Aurora Bertrana was a popular musician, writer, and politician, so she appeare d in media. An archive search was done to determinate how popular she was in the press and through what lens as a journalist, an intellectual, a literary writer, a political activist or a musician she was viewed by the critics of her work. Different vi rtual libraries and archives were used for this part of the research, focusing on, first, in which magazines she was named and what for; and, second, the frequency and the critics she had in a main Catalan newspaper of her time, as well as in local newspap spectrum of Catalan media, from 1928 to 1936, when she was an active journalist. In magazines, Bertrana was named mainly in magazines about politics, followed by art and lite rature publications. In newspapers, as well as in magazines, Bertrana was portrayed as a writer, which is how she was mainly seen by the Catalan media. Bertrana was praised for her personal narrative style over magazines and newspapers, as well as for brin ging to Catalonia


95 interesting and revealing stories from exotic countries. Moreover, Bertrana was acclaimed as a committed female writer and recognized for her political agenda in the media. o Catalan journalism at the beginning of the twentieth century in Catalonia. One possibility could be to search for publications in French abroad, in France or Switzerland. Another option is to implement the search in archives, where many other treasures c ould be hidden, from or about Bertrana. carried out. Themes such as morality, modernity, and social commitment could enlighten a deeper understanding of her wor to be done to better understand her contribution to the modernization of Catalan mass communication. Finally, while Aurora Bertrana knew she had a privileged position as a well educated woman defending female education and demanding intellectual respect from men both in her own country and in the marginalized colonies of Spain and France. Still, as the scion of a n otable family and a conservative tradition, she acknowledged her limitations and contradictions when herself one. She was a literary journalist who used the tools o f the genre to engage with writers and media as an activist for individual freedom. She was, finally, the manifestation of a thoroughly modern woman.


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100 BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH Elisabet Liminyana Vico received her M.A in Pedagogy at the University Level (2005), and has done research toward a PhD in Interdisciplinary Studies in the Humanities (MA equivalent, 2005), with a sp ecialty in contemporary l iterature in the University of Girona. She graduated in Catalan Sign Language in 2003 by the Association of Hearing Disabled of Catalonia (section of Girona). She has a BA in Catalan Philology and another in Spanish Philology (both 2004, University of Girona). She wa s a lecturer in "Didactics of Catalan Language and Literature for Children", and then started and developed Catalan s tudies for the Instituto Cervantes in Leeds, England (2005 2008) and at the University of Leeds (2006 2009). She combined the teaching of C atalan and Spanish at the Instituto Cervantes of Leeds, as well as at the Instituto Cervantes of Algiers (North Africa), and at the Metropolitan University of Leeds (2008 2009). From 2009, she has been coordinating and instructing the Catalan program at U F, where she received a Master in Arts in Mass Communication, with specialty in Journalism, as we ll as two Graduate Certificates: one one in Latin American Studies. H er field of interest is literary j ournalism, with a focus in women' s journalism in the early twentieth century Catalonia, and the social constructio n of modernity.