Citation
Children's Social Learning of Plants in the Peruvian Andes

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Title:
Children's Social Learning of Plants in the Peruvian Andes
Creator:
Borios, Stephanie
Place of Publication:
[Gainesville, Fla.]
Florida
Publisher:
University of Florida
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Language:
english
Physical Description:
1 online resource (296 p.)

Thesis/Dissertation Information

Degree:
Doctorate ( Ph.D.)
Degree Grantor:
University of Florida
Degree Disciplines:
Anthropology
Committee Chair:
OYUELA-CAYCEDO,AUGUSTO
Committee Co-Chair:
MCCARTY,CHRISTOPHER
Committee Members:
STEPP,JOHN RICHARD
GRAVLEE,CLARENCE C,IV
USECHE,MARIA DEL-PILAR
Graduation Date:
8/9/2014

Subjects

Subjects / Keywords:
Adults ( jstor )
Child psychology ( jstor )
Children ( jstor )
Childrens games ( jstor )
High schools ( jstor )
Learning ( jstor )
Medicinal plants ( jstor )
Parents ( jstor )
Species ( jstor )
Women ( jstor )
Anthropology -- Dissertations, Academic -- UF
acquisition -- andes -- anthropology -- childhood -- children -- community -- cultural -- cusco -- education -- environment -- ethnobotany -- experience -- family -- highland -- information -- knowledge -- learning -- motivation -- observation -- participation -- peers -- peru -- plant -- play -- quechua -- rural -- schooling -- siblings -- situated -- socialization -- transmission -- work
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bibliography ( marcgt )
theses ( marcgt )
government publication (state, provincial, terriorial, dependent) ( marcgt )
born-digital ( sobekcm )
Electronic Thesis or Dissertation
Anthropology thesis, Ph.D.

Notes

Abstract:
This dissertation examines social interactions, activities, and settings through which children acquire knowledge and skills related to plants in a Quechua speaking community. It also focuses on the impact of schooling in this learning process and seeks to understand individuals' variations in plant knowledge. This dissertation demonstrates that it is through their daily interactions with peers, siblings, cousins, and adults in productive activities (e.g. tending fields for boys, herding for girls) that children build their expertise on plants. Engaging in these activities is meaningful to children because through it they not only gain life skills and pride but also contribute to their family's well being. By actively observing, listening, participating, playing and working out-of-school, children learn about plants. Yet, in the school setting, plant knowledge is given little value and often ignored. Finally, children's plant knowledge varies in relation to age and gender. Contrary to what we may expect, knowledge test results show that older children tend to be less knowledgeable about plants than their younger peers. Teenagers' lack of motivation to stay in the community, coupled with the poor quality of rural high school education, might explain these differences. Girls on average know more than boys. Nevertheless, among the range of uses plants have, gender plays a role in determining which use(s) is(are) more frequently emphasized. Data collected using participant observation, ethnographic interviews, and drawings shed light on what it is like to grow up in a highland community (i.e., in terms of values and beliefs, involvement in community's affairs, learning in and out-of-school, and life expectations) and highlighted the variety in children's experiences. Data provided by free lists and a plant knowledge test gave an actual measure of children's plant knowledge. This work is based on fieldwork conducted with children and youth aged four to twenty two years in the peasant community of Ccachin in the Cusco Region, southern Peruvian Andes. ( en )
General Note:
In the series University of Florida Digital Collections.
General Note:
Includes vita.
Bibliography:
Includes bibliographical references.
Source of Description:
Description based on online resource; title from PDF title page.
Source of Description:
This bibliographic record is available under the Creative Commons CC0 public domain dedication. The University of Florida Libraries, as creator of this bibliographic record, has waived all rights to it worldwide under copyright law, including all related and neighboring rights, to the extent allowed by law.
Thesis:
Thesis (Ph.D.)--University of Florida, 2014.
Local:
Adviser: OYUELA-CAYCEDO,AUGUSTO.
Local:
Co-adviser: MCCARTY,CHRISTOPHER.
Electronic Access:
RESTRICTED TO UF STUDENTS, STAFF, FACULTY, AND ON-CAMPUS USE UNTIL 2015-08-31
Statement of Responsibility:
by Stephanie Borios.

Record Information

Source Institution:
UFRGP
Rights Management:
Applicable rights reserved.
Embargo Date:
8/31/2015
Resource Identifier:
968783544 ( OCLC )
Classification:
LD1780 2014 ( lcc )

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By STÉPHANIE BORIOS A DISSERTATION PRESENTED TO THE GRADUATE SCHOOL OF THE UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA 2014

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© 2014 Stéphanie Borios

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À mes parents, Dany et Alain , et à mes grand parents, Pauline et Laurent , Françoise et René, û t de la terre et des choses simples . À ma préférée , Mar jorie, pour s a joie de vivre , son soutien , et ses taquinerie s .

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4 ACKNOWLEDGMENTS tried to write my acknowledgements in that sense. Learning in a PhD study is never an individual experience but rather the accomplishment of a community of practice. People acknowledged here belong to this community. First I want to thank my advisor, Dr. Augusto Oyuela Caycedo. Since we met for the first time in 2008, he has been very supportive in many ways. He has always believed in me as a researcher , promoted me, and pus hed me. He guided me and encouraged me to discover my own research a genda without ever imposing his own . Although he says that I am a stubborn person and that sometimes I should have listened to him and did not , he always gave me this freedom of thought an d action. Researching my own topic is the main reason why I wanted to pursue a PhD. During all the different stages of my dissertation, he found ways to make me move forward, advocated for me at the Department of Anthropology and outside, and challenged me to undertake things that I might never have done without his insistence. Thank you, Augusto, for being such a great mentor. Then, I want to thank my committee members, Dr. Christopher McCarty, Dr. Rick Stepp, Dr. Clarence Gravlee and Dr. Pilar Useche. The y always showed interest in my research and confidence about the feasibility of my project . They also provided feedback on my research design and needed technical assistance during data analysis . Dr. Hugh Popenoe, who was in my original committee, disapp ea red too early in this process. Since our first discussion when I just started the program, he had been very supportive and enthusiastic about my research. He suggested that I contact some people he knew in Peru when I did my prelimina ry fieldwork in 2010. H e always had

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5 books to share about Andean crops or agriculture. Several times while in the field, when he had already passed away, I thought that he would b e glad of the direction that my research was taking, e ager to know the results and hear my anecdotes from the field, as he always did. Many thanks go to Dr. Useche who a greed to join my committee when he passed away. On a more personal level, I want to thank Danny for his love, and continuous emotional and intellectual support during all these years. Although I had long been y love and understanding of Peruvian history and cultures grew out of our encounter. All the conversations and debates that we had and still have helped me to appreciate better what I encountered in the field and feel that I was not a real outsider. On many occasions, I felt much more knowledgeable about the Peruvian reality than many (urban) Peruvian themselves. Also, through all these years, I feel that my Peruvian identity grew and now nicely combines with my French one. Thanks, Danny, for all this. Thank you also for being my assistant in the field. ( my grandparents , mother , aunts and uncles, cousins, and sister ) for their fantastic support . I ha d the chance to be born in a very supportive and warm family. Even though I left France more than ten years ago, most of my family members keep on being interested in what I am doing and supportive in many ways, both emot ionally and logistically, sending me wherever I decide to live and work, wonderful parcels full of French delicacies. I know that for some of them it is hard to accept the kind of life choice that I did but despite this, they always demonstrated love and s upport.

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6 My mother Dany and my sister Marjorie have been the main source of support and mess age carriers between the Borios clan and myself, informing them of the intricacies of my life in Peru and the United States . They have always been available for me w henever I needed them and very persuasive in reminding me that I could do it and would succeed. During this last year of writing, they have been very good coaches, as well as my dear cousin Anne. Also, I wanted to thank my dedicated sister for spending a w hole afternoon scanning efficiently my drawings in the library instead of enjoying her holidays in Gainesville . I also owe much to my marvelous friends , here in Gainesville and elsewhere. I consider that the PhD is a very challenging pr ofessional and personal endeavor. Friends like them make it a unique life experience. I want to especially thank Deborah and David , Miriam and Jacob, Michelle, Haiyan, Nathalia, Marlon, Carlos, Gina and Zach, James and Meg g an , Meng, Alison and Lee , Jennifer, Shaikha, Khadidja, Nick, Jorge, Janusz, M a ï t é, and Sonia each of them being important in some if not all stages of my PhD . They made my time in Florida more enjoyable , having nice communal lunches /dinners , going on small trips, making me laugh, or helping me out with my English wording. Also, in Lima, I want to thank Peggy, Sally, Teddy, and Gladys for their love and support. In Cusco, I met great people such as Jean Jacques and Telma. Through their logistical assistance and our c onversations and nice gatherings a round food and drinks, the whole experience in the field took a uni que turn and became even more enjoyable . My research was approved by the University of Florida Institutional Review Bo ard 02 (protocol #2012 U 0162), and prior informed consent was obtained from community

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7 members through a public explanation of the project. Fieldwork could not have been completed without the logistic al and financial support of several institutions and their people . The Asociación ANDES staff took me for the first time to Ccachín. In 2013, I also received the institutional support of the (French Institute of Andean Research) as an affiliated researcher. In terms of funding, a preliminary stage of my rese arch was funded by the Tropical C onservation and Development Center here at the University of Florida (UF) . I also benefited a lot from the training provided at the National Science Foundation Summer Institute for Research Design in Cultural Anthropology i n 2010. Then, the main phase of the research was supported by the Center for Huma nities and the Public Sphere ( UF ) which provided me with a Rothman Fellowship, th e Department of Anthropology ( UF ) with the Paul and Polly Doughty Research Awar d , Gogging Awar d, James C. Waggoner Jr. Grant in Aid, and the Centro Tinku in Cusco (Peru) which gave me a fellowship to learn Quechua. In fall 2013, I also received the Graduate School Doctoral Research Travel Award , which allowed me to col lect additional information an d double c heck some of the collected data . I wanted to particularly thank the ant hropology main office staff , Nita, Pa m , Pat , and Karen. It was a pleasure to work with such dedicated, efficient and kind ladies . As for the writing of this dissertation, it c ould not have been completed without the College of Liberal Arts and Sciences Dissertation Fellowship funded by the Carol B. Currier Scholarship Fund awarded in the Spring 2014. Finally, I want to thank the Graduate School, the Graduate Student Council, th e Department of Anthropology , the

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8 Center for Latin American Studies, and the College of Liberal Arts and Sciences for providing funding to present my results to several international conferences in 2013. Last but not least, I w ant to acknowledg e my best friends and compadres in Ccachín. The main supporters of my endeavor have been Paulina , Ermelinda , Wilson , their parents Daniela and Hector , and their newborn Zulema , and all the children from Ccachín who were so great teachers for me. Aside from sharing their perspectives on life in their community, Daniela and Hector also provided s helter, food, and even a special and quiet area in their house for me to work on my dissertation in the second phase of my data collection, understanding that I had to study. I hope that this ethnography will shed light of Ccachín they would like if they could read English. Rather than describing the hardship of their daily lives which is not to ignore , my objective t hroughout this work was really to depict the richness and diversity of their learning and living experiences. Thank you all.

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9 TABLE OF CONTENTS page ACKNOWLEDGMENTS ................................ ................................ ................................ .. 4 LIST OF TABLES ................................ ................................ ................................ .......... 14 LIST OF FIGURES ................................ ................................ ................................ ........ 15 LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS ................................ ................................ ........................... 17 ABSTRACT ................................ ................................ ................................ ................... 18 CHAPTER 1 INTRODUCTI ON ................................ ................................ ................................ .... 20 Overview of the Research ................................ ................................ ....................... 20 Significance of the Research ................................ ................................ .................. 22 Intellectual Merit ................................ ................................ ............................... 22 Broader Impacts ................................ ................................ ............................... 23 Research Problem and Questio ns ................................ ................................ .......... 25 Theoretical Problem of the Dissertation ................................ ........................... 25 Research Questions and Hypotheses ................................ .............................. 25 Organization of the Dissertation ................................ ................................ .............. 26 Notes Regarding Language and Orthography ................................ ........................ 29 2 THEORETICAL BACKGROUND ................................ ................................ ............ 31 Learning and Knowing about Plants ................................ ................................ ....... 31 ................................ 31 Role of Motivation in Learning about Plants ................................ ..................... 40 ................................ .............................. 41 Language and Plant Knowledge ................................ ................................ ....... 44 Plant Knowledge, Biodiversity Conservation, Sustainable Livelihood s, and Identity ................................ ................................ ................................ ........... 45 ................................ ...... 48 ...................... 49 ................................ ................................ ................................ .............. 50 From Theory to Testing ................................ ................................ ........................... 53 3 METH ODS OF DATA COLLECTION AND DATA ANALYSIS ................................ 59 Site Selection ................................ ................................ ................................ .......... 59 Samples ................................ ................................ ................................ .................. 60 Data Collection ................................ ................................ ................................ ....... 60

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10 Participant Observation ................................ ................................ .................... 61 Roles in the community ................................ ................................ .............. 61 Roles in my host family ................................ ................................ .............. 67 Personal involvement with informants: from Paulina to Paulinacha ........... 70 Ethnographic Interviews ................................ ................................ ................... 72 Field Notes: Jotting, Personal Diary, and Field Notes Per Se .......................... 73 Free Listings ................................ ................................ ................................ ..... 76 Plant Knowledge Test ................................ ................................ ...................... 81 Preparation of the test ................................ ................................ ................ 81 Cond uction of the test ................................ ................................ ................ 81 Problems in understanding the indications ................................ ................ 82 Drawings ................................ ................................ ................................ .......... 83 ................................ ....................... 86 Data Analysis ................................ ................................ ................................ .......... 89 Preparation for Coding ................................ ................................ ..................... 89 Coding and Analyzing Texts ................................ ................................ ............. 90 Plant Knowledge Test ................................ ................................ ...................... 90 Descriptive Statistics ................................ ................................ ........................ 92 4 THE ENVIRONMENTS ................................ ................................ ................................ ... 95 Geographical Location and Ecological Context ................................ ...................... 95 Community Brief History ................................ ................................ ......................... 96 People of Ccachín ................................ ................................ ................................ .. 97 Economic Activities ................................ ................................ .......................... 99 Agricult ure ................................ ................................ ................................ .. 99 Herding ................................ ................................ ................................ .... 102 Weaving ................................ ................................ ................................ ... 103 Trade and gift giving ................................ ................................ ................ 105 Gold mining ................................ ................................ .............................. 105 Tourism ................................ ................................ ................................ .... 106 Festivities ................................ ................................ ................................ ....... 107 Community Institutions ................................ ................................ .......................... 108 Loca l Political Authorities ................................ ................................ ................ 108 The Church ................................ ................................ ................................ ..... 110 The School System ................................ ................................ ........................ 110 ................................ ................................ .......... 113 Overview of Development Projects in Ccachín ................................ ..................... 117 Perceived Benefits and Impacts of Development Projects ................................ .... 117 Final Remarks ................................ ................................ ................................ ....... 128 5 CHILDHOODS IN CCACH ÍN ................................ ................................ ................ 133 ........ 133 Growing Up In Ccachín ................................ ................................ ......................... 139 ................................ ................................ ......... 141

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11 ................................ ............... 148 ................................ ....................... 149 ................................ 153 Some Life Portraits ................................ ................................ ............................... 158 Wilson ................................ ................................ ................................ ............. 158 Ermelinda ................................ ................................ ................................ ....... 163 Paulina ................................ ................................ ................................ ........... 165 ................................ ................................ 169 Final Remarks ................................ ................................ ................................ ....... 170 6 SOLO NO MÁS HE APRENDIDO PLANTS ................................ ................................ ................................ ................ 176 Learning By Observing, Listening, and Working ................................ ................... 177 Domestic Work ................................ ................................ ............................... 178 Herding ................................ ................................ ................................ ........... 179 Tending Fields ................................ ................................ ................................ 181 Importance o f Play ................................ ................................ ................................ 1 84 Knowledge Transmitters ................................ ................................ ....................... 187 ....................... 188 Influence of School ................................ ................................ ............................... 192 Final Remarks ................................ ................................ ................................ ....... 193 7 ................................ 200 Plant Naming ................................ ................................ ................................ ........ 200 Knowledge of Plant Domains and Uses ................................ ................................ 204 Plant Domains ................................ ................................ ................................ 204 Main Categorie s of Plant Uses ................................ ................................ ....... 205 Medicinal plants ................................ ................................ ....................... 206 Edible plants ................................ ................................ ............................ 207 Less Commonly Mentioned Uses ................................ ................................ ... 209 Knowledge of Harvesting Places, Times, and Techniques ................................ ... 211 Questioning the Harvesting Concept ................................ .............................. 211 Harvesting Places ................................ ................................ .......................... 211 Harvesting Times ................................ ................................ ........................... 213 Harvesting Techniques ................................ ................................ ................... 214 ................................ ....... 214 Mastication, Rubbing, and Other Direct U ses ................................ ................. 215 Herbal Infusions and Baths ................................ ................................ ............ 216 Unguents ................................ ................................ ................................ ........ 217 Discussion ................................ ................................ ................................ ............ 218 Correlation Age Plant Knowledge ................................ ................................ 218 Correlation Gender Plant Knowledge ................................ .......................... 220 One Mode Matrices: Plant to Plant and Child to Child Relationships ............ 221 Potential Problems and Limitations in Data Analysis ................................ ...... 224 Final Remarks ................................ ................................ ................................ ....... 225

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12 8 CONCLUSIONS ................................ ................................ ................................ ... 236 Main Findings ................................ ................................ ................................ ....... 236 Contributions to Anthropology of Childhood ................................ .......................... 238 Contributions to Ethnobotany ................................ ................................ ................ 239 Reflections about Working with Children ................................ .............................. 241 APPENDIX A CCACHÍN CENSUS (2008) ................................ ................................ .................. 244 B CALENDAR OF FESTIVITIES IN CCACHÍN ................................ ........................ 245 C ................................ ................................ ............ 246 D KNOWLEDGE TEST QUESTIONS ................................ ................................ ...... 247 E .................... 248 F ............. 250 G TS) ....................... 252 H ................... 254 I ............................. 256 J GRADE) ................................ ................................ ................................ ................ 258 K PARTS OF THE PLANTS USED ................................ ................................ .......... 259 L VERNACULAR NAMES OF WILD OXALIS SPP. ................................ ................. 260 M CALCULATION OF INDEX OF PLANT FAMILIARITY ................................ ......... 262 N CORRELATION AGE ......... 263 O AVERAGE INDEX OF PLANT FAMILIARITY PER GENDER .............................. 264 P AVERAGE RATE OF CORRECT PLANT NAMING PER GENDER ..................... 265 Q SPECIES PER ATTRIBUTE ................................ ................................ ................. 266 R NUMBER OF USES PER PLANT SPECIES ................................ ........................ 267 S FREE LISTS OF EDIBLE PLANTS (CHILDREN AND ADULTS) ......................... 268 T FREE LISTS OF MEDICINAL PLANTS (CHILDREN AND ADULTS) ................... 269

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13 U FREE LISTS OF FIREWOOD SPECIES (CHILDREN AND ADULTS) ................. 270 V FREE LISTS OF PLAY PLANTS (CHILDREN AND ADULTS) ............................. 271 W TOTAL NUMBER O F PLANT SPECIES MENTIONED IN FREE LISTS .............. 272 X KNOWLEDGE TEST PLANTS ................................ ................................ ............. 273 Y ONE MODE MEDICINAL PLANT MATRIX ................................ ........................... 279 Z ONE MODE EDIBLE PLANT MATRIX ................................ ................................ . 280 LIST OF REFERENCES ................................ ................................ ............................. 281 BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH ................................ ................................ .......................... 296

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14 LIST OF TABLES Table page 2 1 ................................ .......... 56 2 2 Relationship between research questions, hypotheses, methods and samples. ................................ ................................ ................................ ............. 58 3 1 Free listing questions in Spanish with their English translation. ......................... 94 4 1 2013). .......... 131 4 2 Desc ription of the main development projects/programs offered to Ccachín community members. ................................ ................................ ....................... 132 6 1 Repartition of tasks/activities performed by Ccachín children based on their gender. ................................ ................................ ................................ ............. 195 7 1 ................................ ................... 228 7 2 Percenta ges of uses per plant species as identified by children in the plant knowledge test. ................................ ................................ ................................ . 231

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15 LIST OF FIGURES Figure page 4 1 Map of the Ccachín community in the Lares District, Cusco Region. Adapted from a map of the Cusco Region (Peruvian Instituto Geográfico Nacional , first edition). ................................ ................................ ................................ ...... 130 4 2 Distribution of Ccachín community members by age groups in 2008. .............. 130 4 3 A eight year th corn, fava beans, and squash. ................................ ................................ .......................... 131 4 4 A eight year old ................................ ............. 131 5 1 13 . .......................... 172 5 2 Ermelinda drew her own rep resentations of malevolent creatures. . ................. 172 5 3 Hector getting prepared to thank the Pachamama with coca leaves and chicha before tending his field; his daughter Paulina is witnessing the ritual (Decemb er 2013). . ................................ ................................ ............................ 173 5 4 Arturo is the cargoyoq ; he and his father have to carry the Child Jesus around in or velada in December 2012. . ................................ ................................ .............................. 173 5 5 Wilson riding Phaqcha , his horse (December 2013) . ................................ ........ 174 5 6 Ermelinda holding a panti flower . . ................................ ................................ ..... 174 5 7 Paulina with her beloved dog, Mister , who mysteriously disappeared a few days after this picture was taken in November 2012 . ................................ ....... 175 6 1 Daily routine for boys. ................................ ................................ ....................... 197 6 2 Daily routine for girls. ................................ ................................ ........................ 197 6 3 Ermelinda, twelve years old, is carrying her younger sister Zulema while going to buy some products at the community fair (December 2013). . ............. 198 6 4 ................................ ............................. 198 6 5 Paulina riding her mutuy moto rbike. . ................................ ................................ 199 6 6 Ermelinda displaying corn diversity preserved in her attic . ............................... 199 7 1 Variation of vernacular names of wild Oxalis species in relation to children's age (i.e., grades). ................................ ................................ ............................. 22 8

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16 7 2 Variation of vernacular names of wild Oxalis species in relation to children's age (i.e., grades). ................................ ................................ ............................. 229 7 3 Variation of vernacula r names of wild Oxalis species in relation to children's provenience. ................................ ................................ ................................ ..... 229 7 4 Number of uses per plant species as reported by Ccac hín children. ................ 230 7 5 Main uses reported by children for each plant species included in the knowledge test (elaborated by Stéphanie Borios with results from the knowledge test). ................................ ................................ ............................... 232 7 6 Plátano plátano plant picked up by Paulina to be chewed . ............................... 232 7 7 Used parts of the plants mentioned by children. ................................ ............... 233 7 8 Number of plant species enumerated in each domain by children and adults (elaborated with free listing results). ................................ ................................ . 233 7 9 Visualization of the one mode medicinal plant matrix. ................................ ...... 234 7 10 Visualization of the one mode edible plant matrix. ................................ ........... 234 7 11 Visualization of the one mode child ren matrix in relation to edible plants. ........ 235 7 12 Visualization of the one mode children matrix in relation to medicinal plants ................................ .................... 235

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17 LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS AASD ANDES CBC NGO Andean Alliance for Sustainable Development . Alianza Andina para el Dessarrollo Sostenible . Centro Bartolomé de L as Casas . Non Governmental Organization. UF University of Florida .

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18 Abstract of Dissertation Presented to the Graduate School of the University of Florida in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy LEARNING OF PLANTS IN THE PERUVIAN ANDES By Stéphanie Borios August 2014 Chair: Augusto Oyuela Caycedo Major: Anthropology This dissertation examines social interactions, activities, and settings through which children acquire knowledge and skills related to plants in a Quechua speaking community. It also focuses on the impact of schooling in this learning process and seeks to This dissertation demonstrates that it is through their daily interactions with peers, siblings, cousins, and adults in productive activities (e.g. tending fields for boys, herding for girls) that chi ldren build their expertise on plants. Engaging in these activities is meaningful to children because through it they not only gain life skills and pride but also contribute to their ying and working out of school, children learn about plants. Yet, in the school setting, plant knowledge is to age and gender. Contrary to what we may expect, know ledge test results show that older children tend to be less knowledgeable about plants than their younger peers. rural high school education, might explain these diffe rences. Girls on average know

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19 more than boys. Nevertheless, among the range of uses plants have, gender plays a role in determining which use(s) is(are) more frequently emphasized. Data collected using participant observation, ethnographic interviews, and drawings shed light on what it is like to grow up in a highland community (i.e., in terms of school, . Data provided by free lists and a plant plant knowledge. This work is based on fieldwork conducted with children and youth aged four to twenty two years in the peasant community of Ccachín in the Cusco Region, southern Peruvian Andes.

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20 CHAPTER 1 INTRODUCTION Overview of the Research The main purpose of this research wa s to understand how children growing up in a rural community of the Peruvian Andes acquire knowled ge about their natural environment. From an early age, thes e children spend a lot of time outdoors engaging in a set of activities that contribute to the well being of their families. Fulfilling these di fferent activities/tasks on a daily basis, they inter act with other children (siblings , peers , and cousins ) and adults (family members or other adult community members) rely mainly on their use and management of land a nd natural resources, it is critical to understand how young people become acquainted with their surroundings, through which social interactions and activities, and in which particular settings. Additionally, it is important to look at what factors explain and to point out how each child has agency in this learning process and makes it his or her own learning experience 1 . In order to select an appropriate site for my research, I started to vi sit several district s and surveyed several communities in the Cusco region in 2010 . In summer 2012, I went for the first time to Ccachín, a peasant community in the District of Lares ( Region of Cusco), which I eventually chose as my research site. There are about two 1 questionable in the sense that this kind of knowledge is ever changing and might not have much of traditional or indigenous. It is constantly being created/recreated.

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21 hundred families who live in Ccachín, which is enough to be able to observe and interv iew children of different ages. Ccachín provided a perfect setting to engage with children in different contexts such as agricultural work, herding, firewood collection, and weav ing. Additionally, the school sys tem in this community includes kindergarten, elementary school and high school where I could see the influence of school ing in this learning process. At the time of my study, there were also a few development projects in Cc achín conducted by non governmental and governmental organizations and related to the promotion and/o r cons ervation of local agrodiversity . In relation to these projects, I was interested in assessing whether their interventions were affecting in some ways children ways of learning about pla nts or modes of education, , and how community members value their environmental knowledge and way of life . Several anthropologists had already conducted studies in Ccachín on topics such as the value of rational choice theory in explaining collective action (Froemming 1999), the construction of a Quechua identity (Knox Seith 1995), and most recently on representations and practices related to bodies and medical treatment (Cipriano 2013 ). M experiences in relation to plants . It is n either a cognitive development study of learning (cognitive development is within the field of d evelopmental psychology) nor a pure ethnobotanical study. Instead, I mainly focused on the social and motivational aspects of learning. Despite school being the official/legitimate place for learning in the community, the kind of knowledge and skills that children acquire in this partic ular setting is very

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22 different from what they get outside school. indirect effects on plant knowledge and how they value it. F or this research, I was plants (i. e., acquiring general kn owledge about their natural environment) , which almos t exclusively happens outside school. Hence, my ethnographic work combined participant observation with and ethnographic interviews of children and adults. It was complemented by the use of s , and a plant knowledge test admini stered to children . Learning is a long term and c ontinuous process and is part of living in a community of practice . Thus, studying learning was c hallenging and ha d t o be a l ong itudinal pr ocess . S ince this type of learning ( i.e., informal ) is for the most part not voluntary and happen s within daily life activities, it also required a lot of presence and observation. T hrough two periods in the field with a gap of one year, I was able to observe the general pattern of this learning process and describe more in depth cases with the children I was living with. Significance of the Research Inte llectual M erit Studying out of school education is important because i t provides a window into how knowledge and skills of everyday life are transmitted from generation to generation and with in the same generation (e.g., peer to peer transmission). Indeed, l earning is nowledge transmission through play and work gives us a hint of how culture and society are produced and reproduced, one of the core questions of the discipline of anthropology (Pelissier 1991).

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23 Further, my research contribute d to the understanding of plant knowledge as a dynamic and embodied set of information and skills. Ethnobiologists now recognize that plant knowledge is a practice that develops in a relevant sociocultural context. Specifically, my research demonstrate d quisition of plant knowledge in different communities of practice that engage in certain activities and share values and be liefs . Situating learning in its sociocultural context is also key for in situ conservation and sustainable development since Andean families acquire plant knowledge through living and working in a very specific place that will shape their practices, decisions , and knowledge (Zimmerer 1996). In communities such as the one under study that face fast economic and sociocultural changes, ch ildren are the ones who will decide the fate of their cultural knowledge (Katz 1989). Rather than reinforcing the traditional dichotomy betwe en informal and formal learning , this case study situate d learning in a more appropriate and dynamic framework. It offer ed empirical evidence for theories of legitimate peripheral l earning/situated learning, g ave a cross cultural perspective to the process of cultural transmission, and put emphasis on the active role of learners who are not passive recipients of knowle dge but actors in dynamic social interactions. Broader I mpacts In terms of broader impacts, I ha d two short term and practical objectives both triggered by my desire to give back to the communit y I worked with. My objectives we re: (1) to disseminate my res earch results; and (2) to inform local development projects. To achieve the fi rst objective, I will later produce pedagogical material with information provided by my young informants and their parents. Culturally relevant materials are rare in this area w ith the exception of several booklets related to the local fauna and

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24 flora , which were produced and distributed to local schools by Pukllasunchis , an association from Cusco. I will use my professional experience as an environmental educator and communicator to design a bilingual manual (Spanish Quechua) suitable for Ccachín children. This document will list plants belonging to different domains that they identified as important ones. Each plant name will be associated with its use(s) and a pictur e or illustration that children have already produced as part of my research methods. Stories or songs related to this plant might be included as well. I will also environ ment. This exhibition will be shown both in Cusco to promote intracultural awareness and in Gainesville in schools where I volunteer for American children to understand what life looks like for a child growing up in the Peruvian Andes. My second objective wa s to use the results from my doctoral research to bring some thoughtful comments to the implementation of local development projects, specifically one project led by the Alianza Andina para el Des arrollo Sostenible ( ANDES ) , which is at its initial stage in Ccachín. This project seeks to guarantee long term availability of natural resources. Hence, the information that I collected in relation to important channels and settings for plant knowledge transmission could somehow co ntribute to its success. I prev iously participated in the development of such tools when I worked in Peru for five years on natural resource conservation. Additionally, staff that I met during my fieldwork already asked me to advise them on how to and expectations in their workshops. Building upon my professional experience working in development with marginalized groups and classes that I took here at the University of Florida (Anthropology and Development,

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25 Gender and Sustainable Development, and Women and Development), I will provide specific recommendations to better address gender challenges and contribute to make this project sustainable. Research Problem and Questions Theoretical Problem of the D issertation uated in a context that is socially and culturally relevant for him or her heory predicts that a child with his or her limited cultural knowledge and skills will gain full membership of cousins, parents activities. They will pass from a phase where they observe and almost do not participate age of active participation during which the reproduction of their group relies on their engagement. This transformation is situated in a particular cultural, economic and political context that shape s own experience. R esearch Questions and H ypotheses The first question that this research s ought to answer wa s: What roles do parents and other adults (either relatives or community members in general) and children ( e.g., peers and siblings) play in ge and skills related to plants? I hypothesized that this role varies depending on the . The second research question s we re : What is the influence of learning strategies And h ow do children combine different learning strategies? Based on the literature, we know that children learn through different channels such as observation, listening, play and work, and schooling. I hypothesized

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26 that in relation to plants, out of schoo l learning through observation and play and work wa s the main way for children to learn. Yet, schooling and maybe training through workshops organized by non governmental organizations might affect what children know and value about plants and the way they acquire that knowledge. Finally, the third research question wa s: Does plant knowledge vary among Ccachín children ? If so, what factors lead to different expertise ? I hypothesized that plant knowledge varied based on age and gender, but also on their motivation and interest. In order to answer the first two research questions, I relied on participant observation and ethnographic interviewing. I also used drawings to ask children who had taught them how to recognize and use plants that they repre sented. To answer question three, I designed and conducted a knowledge test using the results o f free listings of plants . Age and gender we re variables that were taken into consideration for each of these questions. Organization of the Dissertation The fir st chapter is an overview of the research. It presents its main purpose and provides the reasons why this topic and research site were selected. It also stresses the significance of the study in terms of its intellectual merit and broader impacts, and addr esses the research questions, hypotheses, and methods used to answer these questions. Finally, it provides a dissertation outline and some orthographical notes related to the use of the Quechua and Spanish languages. I n the second chapter I review the different factors that contribute to the learning strategies, in teraction with role models, motivation to learn, and language. I also include a discussion on the

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27 n plant knowledge . I give a brief overview of the direction the field of ethnobota ny has taken in the last decade in order to stress the importance of well being and identi ty . Further, I review other Andean ethnobotanical studies to situate plant knowledge in Ccachín in relation to other Andean indigenous communities . I then highlight why it is important to move forward the dichotomy informal formal learning and I define alt ernative concepts that are used in this dissertation. I finally describe the theoretical framework of and , an d explain how my research questions and hypotheses emerged fr om the literature review and a preliminary visit to the area . In Chapter 3 , I give a comprehensive presentation of my methods of data collection and analysis. This chapter includes a description of the research site and sample s , how I combined different me thods of data collection and analysis , a reflection compensation and gift giving. As for Chapter 4 , it locates the research site, Ccachín, in its geographical, ecological , historic al , and sociocultural contexts. It starts presenting the geographical locale and the ecological environment in which the community is located. Then, after a brief history of the community , I provide background information on community cioeconomic activities they rely on (agriculture, herding, weaving, trade, tourism, and gold mining), and festivities they celebrate . I follow describing as traditional and statutory authorities, the Church, and the school system. Additionally,

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28 this chapter i At last, I give an overview of development projects implemented in the community and their possible impacts on modes of education and knowledge related to the natural environment. In C hapter 5 , I first explain how childhood is socially and c ulturally constructed in the Andean context. Then, I use ethnographic data to describe what it is like to be a child growing up in Ccachín in terms of affairs, experiences of local schools, and mobility. In or der to illustrate these different aspects of childhood, I present three portraits of children from Ccachín. I conclude this chapter In C hapter 6 , I demonstrate how learning about plants is embedded in c everyday life and activities, paying particular attention to settings and actors involved in this process. I focus on hands on learning through different activities that children have to accomplish, such as tending the fields, herding the anim als , and collecting firewood , but also playing and listening . I also explain what the influence of school is. In C hapter 7 , I analyze the results of a plant knowledge test than I conducted among children and youth with the objective to understand variations i knowledge on plants ability to recognize and name a plant, knowledge of its uses, preparation, and place s and time fo r harvesting. To understand these fluctuations in plant knowledge among children, I focus on the relationship between age and plant knowledge, and gender and plant

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29 knowledge . Additionally, I identify potential problems and limitations in data analysis in r elation to the test and cl ose the chapter with some remarks. Finally, in C hapter 8 , I summarize the main findings of this research answering the questions initially asked, and I show their i mportance for the fields of anthropology of chil dhood and ethnobot any. I also share some reflections based on my experience working with children. Notes Regarding Language and Orthography Languages spoken by my informants in the research area were Spanish and mother tongue and Spanish the language that they usually start acquiring and learning at school or working outside the community . The expertise in Spanish differs between community members (y oung people tend to be more fluent than older people ) . When I first visited the community, I remember being surprised by even though they just started going to school . Paulina who later b eca me my best i nformant and friend and was six and a half year s old at the time had just learnt Spanish o ne year ago. Yet, she was perfectly able to communicate in Spanish. Sometimes, with adults in their forties , I could see that interviewing them in Spanish was not very efficient because their understanding of my interview questions was not good. I had more issues with older people who were mostly monolingual Quechua speakers. In these cas es, I would try to use key words in Quechua or would try to ask my questions in Qu echua. The problem was that if answers were too lengthy, I was not able to understand them . Thus, considering that my Quechua skills we re basic and I did not have a local assistant other than my young informants and friends , I decided to record and transcribe only interviews in Spanish , data that I was able to

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30 analyze by myself. With monolingua l Quechua speakers, I either talked to them in Quechua in the range of my abilities and for very specific topics (e.g., free lists of plants) , or I asked my young friends to translate the conver sation . As for the orthography, Quechua words that appear in t his work follow the 1976 Cusihuamá n Quechua dictionary. Even though the Quechua way to express the plural of a noun is adding the suffix kuna at the end of the noun (e.g., varayoqkuna is the plural of the term varayoq ), I made the plural of Quechua terms by simply adding s in order not to interfere with the comprehension of the text. In the case of words of Quechua origin that were introduced in to Spanish and are of common usage , I c hose to use the Spanish version of the word, which is the most common in the literature (e.g., the Spanish word commonly used to refer to ulluk u an Andean tuber is olluco ). Other tha n that, I tried to use words/con cepts in the language used by informants and/or in the language that was more appropriate in the context in which they were used .

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31 CHAPTER 2 THEOR ETICAL BACKGROUND In Andean rural communities, where livelihood relies mainly on the use and management of land and natural resources, children need to learn about their natural environment from an early age. Thus, in the literature review, I examine strategies and I also focus on how language and motivation matter in learning about plants. Additionally, I evaluate locate plant knowledge in terms of its relevance for natural resources conservation and local peo well being and identity . After reviewing the relevant literature, I compare plant knowledge in Ccachín with other Andean indigenous communities . Finally, I present concepts (i.e., informal versus formal learning, and teaching versus learning) and theories (i.e., situated learning theory, legitimate peripheral learning, and communities of practice) t hat will be key in conceptualizing childr Learning and Knowing about Plants Strategies and Role s Learning Children worldwide rely on a variety of learning strategies, schooling being only one of them. Actually, cultural knowledge is usually acquired in out of school settings. and how they lear n it) also vary in relation to individuals to whom they are exposed, their natural environment, age, gender, and interest among other factors. In a small rural community such as Ccachín ies are tied plants is built, that is to say under which ways of teaching and/or learning and through

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32 which role models and activities, is pivotal in terms of cultural repro duction (e.g., acquiring and transmitting social norms and values), economic development, and in situ conservation of local natural resources . Before shedding lights on the process of learning about plants for Ccachín children, I review factors that have b een identified in Learning strategies . García Rivera (2005 ) studied socialization processes in a Bolivian Quechua community and looked at how linguistically the difference i s made Quechua term yachay n/the learner. Thus, rather than focusing on teaching modes, it makes more sense to assess this process of acquisition of plant knowledge th r ough the perspective of the learner, in this case a child . Similarly, as noted by Haboud (1980:107) , the child ha s to learn how to learn (i.e., take advantage of what he/she observes in order to acquir e skills, knowledge , and enough maturity to be an active member of his/her community) . Parents only create the conditions for hi m or her to learn, that is to say the nece ssity to (Haboud 1980:110). Despite cross learning, researchers who focused on modes of education/soci alization and ways of learning have encountered that rural children rather than learning with detailed instruction, acquire relevant knowledge observing and imitating more expert individuals of their surroundings (Bird David 2005; Bolin 2006; Hewlett and L amb 2005; Lancy

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33 2008; Lozada et al. 2006; Moritz 2008; Puri 2005; Sillar 1994). In many societies learning through observation in daily life is the main pathway of cultural transmission from one generation to the ne xt (Gaskins and Paradise 2010). This is p articularly true for the plant domain. For example, Turner et al. (2000) describe how a young girl and her siblings from British Columbia learned techniques and criteria to harvest and manage a root vegetable, while watching their grandmother selecting thi s root how to select seeds while watching and helping their mothers. Franquemont (1987 :68) note s that observation takes place during childhood and conditions how children later descri be plants , for instance in their use of double word names ( e.g., sophu sophucha , a plant with furry leaves, from the Quechua term su phu meaning furry) . In addition to observing and i mitating , participating in everyday family and community activ ities, play ing and work ing , are critical activities for children to acquire knowledge and build their repertoire of skills, spending time with their peers, siblings, cousins, parents or other community members . , collaborating and contributing with their family and community , cultural learning (Paradise and Rogoff 2009) and even a critical socialization agent for a child growing up in a rural community (Haboud de Orteg a 1980:85) . In relation to play, s everal disciplines, such as developmental psychology and child development, have evaluated its importance the field of a nthropology, Lancy (1980) argues that play has been selected t hrough evolution as a powerful medium to practice and learn skills because it does not necessarily require a teacher and it makes learning enjoyable. Another work that guides

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34 this line of inquiry is Lancy 2008 that focuses on children of different cultures for whom mechanism in their socialization and development. Playing wit h plants also stimulates s the groun d for their future endeavors, for example as weavers (Franquemont 1986) . Recent e thnobiolog y research coincides with this focus on examining play with peers and siblings as an effective way to learn the environment (Hunn 2002; Katz 1989; Lancy 1996; Ruiz M allén 2013; Shenton et al. 2011; Wyndham 2004; Zarger 2002a). In the Peruvian An dean context, Bolin (2006) showed that children living in rural areas acquire more plant knowledge observing and participating in everyday activities, and playing and working w ith their relatives or peers, than they do from schooling. Franquemont (1987 :58) who also conducted her research in an Andean community reported how Quechua children learn from playing, for instance pretending they are herding or planting . Further, many of their games involve using plants, such as drinking nectar from the Oxalis steinbachii flowers and pretending that it is alcohol and that they are drunk ( Franquemont 1987 : 65) . When children play together, they modify the landscape making places for their games (Hart 1979), and doing so they teach one another tasks and skills (Lancy 1996). Through games, gender roles are also reinforced (Lancy 2008). Actually, it is very difficult to separate work and play activities (Chick 2010; Montgomery 2009; Tucker and pleasure, pride, and su 162) puts it, make

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35 they observe adults and instance, through their games they practice agricultural tasks with miniature tools 986; Tayanin and Lindell 1991). Franquemont (1987 :57) also encountered that Quechua children learn about their environment through work and play, especially among peers and without being accompanied or directed by adults. She contrasted eaving and learning about plants. While learning how to weave is a serious activity loaded with e judgment , involving a lot of observation , imitation, and counting, she noted that learning about plants is more about talking and playing . ( Fr anquemont 1987 : 58) . While learning about plant s , children do not fear peer pressure to perform well. They just experiment and make mistakes. This is different in the school setting. Indisputably, children also learn in school but in many cases schooling has a negative impact on the quality and quantity of ethnobotanical knowledge. First, schooling has been found to be negatively correlated with the number of plants people can list (Quinlan and Quinlan 2007; Voeks and Leony 2004) that is the theoretical k suggested that among different elements of modernization, access to formal education is the main reason why this knowledge is lost. Second, schooling implies that indigenous c hildren have less time to engage in other activities important in terms of cultural apprenticeship. Among the Sumu Indians of Nicaragua , Godoy (1994 ) showed that while children spend more time attending school, they have less free time to go fishing or col lecting plants thus decreasing their practical skills. Similarly, Eyssartier et

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36 al. (2008) described how in Patagonian communities children have now less opportunities to interact with their parents, grand parents, or other caretakers either in horticultur al or wild plant gathering activities, partly because of schooling. Along the same line, compulsory schooling affected the time Cree children spend with their family and consequently knowledge they acquired from them (Tsuji 1996). Third, schooling interfer skills acquired by children (Ohmagari and Berkes 1997). Levin (1992) even pointed out that there are now "lessons" in natural history; role models (i.e., any potential teacher for the child siblings, peers, parents, or other adults ) want to reproduce formal educational models of teaching and learning at home. Similarly, Visscher (2010) found that schooling affects how young children are taught by their parents or older siblings : they receiv e more verbal teaching , which is the school teaching style , in the conduction of different kind of tasks either academic or not (e.g., weaving) . Finally, another unattended and serious consequence of schooling that Godoy (1994) observed is tha t increasingly attending school altered the qualit y of the material, intellectual, and spiritual link rural people had long established with their natural environment. Despite all these negative effects of schooling on knowledge acquisition, specifically e thnobotanical knowledge, other studies have shown no significant evidence of the erosion of this knowledge when rural children are getting more educated. Reyes García et al. (2005) demonstrated how schooling was positively correlated with agreement in know ledge of plant uses. Indeed, peer interactions and in turn learning opportunities and exchange of knowledge might be favored by schooling. Mathez Stiefel and Vande b roek (2012) also concluded that in the two Andean c ommunities where they

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37 conducted their stu dy , education in school do not interfere with out of school education. streng ( Mathez Stiefel and Vandebroek 2012: 14) , in the case of individuals wh o are interested in medicinal plants and wish to increase their medicinal plant knowledge. Finally, I will stress t he value of these out of school modes of education/ways of learning not only in terms of gaining useful information about plants but also in terms of making children proud, responsible , and mature actors of their family and community. Bolin (2006) in her ethnography on socialization of Chillihuani children, showed how these children develop certain values, such as respect, and the degree to whi ch they are prepared to face their future responsibilities and perpetuate their culture. Haboud de Ortega (1980:86) ons with their peers while commenting on tasks they are able to accomplish by themselves (e.g., feeding animals, get ting water, etc.). Shenton et al. (2011) also believe that an impoverished folkbiological model of local ecology goes beyond the erosion of plant knowledge and As f or Franquemont (1987 :65), she argued that since s of learning are dependent upon their exploration of and movement in a broad and varied natural environment, these children are able to develop very detailed and extensive cognitive map s (i.e., mental images) of their world. Role models . To understand how and what children learn about plants, we have to understand with whom they interact. Role models from whom children acquire any kind of cultural knowledge include peers or siblings, cou sins, parents, or any person of a

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38 different generation and not related biologically to them such as community members, schoolteachers, or compadres (godparents) . Interactions and learning opportunities will be different at different ages. In early childhoo d, parents most commonly socialize children, although other adults or children can act as caretakers and play a role in social learning. When children are older (10 12 years of age), siblings and peers play a more significant role in their socialization an d personal development (Maynard and Tovote 2010). One of the classic works on childhood socialization in non industrialized societies colleagues compared cross cultural child r earing practices and studied chi experiences of learning by observing children in their natural environments and noting social partners with whom they interacted. This landmark study emphasized the importance of early socialization through family an d peers in the development of a Western children. It also stressed the cultural variability in childhood. In sibling caretaking communities, older siblings help their younger siblings while parents con duct their daily tasks (Maynard 2002; Wilbert 2002). Peers also play a crucial role in the acquisition of practical knowledge about plants through games and interactions in the fields (Agbemenya 2011; Setalaphruk and Price 2007; Zarger 2002b) and they are sometimes given more attention than adults such as schoolteachers (Phi lips 1983). As Franquemont (1987 :56 57) showed in her research on acquisition of knowledge and skills related to weaving, children learn how to weave interacting with their shepherd peer s and not from their parents. It is while they spend time herding

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39 animals on the hillsides that older children teach younger children how to weave , with no exception of gender . As a consequence, not participating in this activity at this stage of their liv es would imply not getting that f o undational knowledge of weaving. She concludes that the same happens with plant learning. Wyndham (2004) who worked with children in Mexican Rarámuri communities asked them to report from whom they learned plant informatio n, and to whom they relationship to the children. She found that children learn primarily from their parents, grandp arents, and peers and siblings. In general, much of c ultural learning takes place in middle childhood from six to the beginning of adolescence (Nabhan and Trimble 1994), and adult expertise is acquired for the most part by adolescence (Bird and Bird 2002; Bolin 2006; Pilgrim et al. 2008; Stross 1969; Zar ger 2002b). In terms of differences between boys and girls in the way their parents educate them because of their gender, although Bolin (2006) considers that Quechua parents do not educate their children differently based on gender, main role model s vary with a s age and gender . young girl will spend more time with her mother and/ or sister and a young boy, as soon as he is independent enough, will accompany his father. When children get older, only girls are taught how to select seeds and care for home gardens, while other aspects of cultivars and crops and their ability to select seeds have long been r ecognized (Zimmerer 1988). They play a critical role as transmitters of plant knowledge in early

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40 childhood (Eyssartier et al. 2008). In some communities, they are healthcare givers for the family and thus might be more knowledgeable on medicinal plants tha n men (Finerman and Sackett 2003; Voeks 2007; Voeks and Leony 2004). Role of Motivation in Learning about Plants In trying to understand why some children are more knowledgeable than others, motivation to learn about plants is a factor that cannot be neglected. As Paradise and Rogoff note (2009:124), the lea rned best explains the intrinsic motivation and desire to learn on which the effectiveness of this kind of learning in g . M athez Stiefel and Vandebroek (2012) whose study focus es on the distribution and transmission of medicinal plant knowledge in two rural Andean communities in Peru and Bolivia show that the amount of knowledge about medicinal plants is determined by individual motivation , similarity in life experience among age peers , and personality , and not by age, sex, schooling, m igrat ory activity, or market integration 1 . S aynes Vásquez et al. (2013) who worked among the Mexican Isthmus Zapotecs conclude that local knowledge is marginalized at school and that a more urban lifestyle is encouraged, distancing and disinteresting peopl e of their local environment. Wyndham (2010) also highlights knowledge. 1 Age, migratory activity, market integration, and place of residence influence the type of medicinal plant knowledge that pe ople ha ve (Mathez Stiefel and Vandebroek 2012) .

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41 and P l ant Knowledge Among factors that lead to changes in or erosion of plant knowledge, m odernizati on and its different aspects have been pointed out. As predictors of modernization, some authors have used schooling , incorporation to the market economy (e.g., cash earning, consumerism , distance to the closest market town ), loss of indigenous language, and urbanization ( Benz et al. 2000; Quinlan and Quinlan 2007). W e still lack an understanding of how these different predictors of modernization interplay and affect the way knowledge is transmitted and acquired in a given environment . As a resul t of these varying ways of defining modernization and quantifying it, there has been much debate about whether or not it affects negatively ecological knowledge . The a spects of modernization that have been identified as the cause of erosion of ecological k nowledge are: biodiversity loss, urbanization, acculturation, and lack of motivation to teach and learn ( Cristancho and Vining 2009 ), and the forest (Ross 2002), pa rticipation in the market for crops and wage labor ( Godoy et al. 1998 ; R eyes García et al. 2005 ; Reyes García et al. 2007 ), loss of native language and access to f ormal education ( Zent 2001) , and even the perception that ecological knowledge is not useful anymore in a new socioeconomic and cultural context (García et al. 2013) . Nonetheless, other scholars studying some ethnic groups who have been incorporated into the market have observed the maintenance of their knowledge, or at least part of it ( Godoy et al. 2009; Ohmagari and Berkes 1997; Qu inlan and Quinlan 2007 ; Zarger and Stepp 2004). This is particularly true if this knowledge is key in T he inco rporation to the market can accelerate

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42 knowledge acquisition provid ing that the economic activity is derived from the natural environment (Guest 2002) . For instance , Godoy et al. (1998) showed that market access favored dependence on the sale of forest goods , which in turn increase d knowledge about commer cial forest species . Reyes García et al. (2007) came to the same conclusion about the sale of forest and farm products . In the same way, McMillen (2012) who looked at ethnobotanical knowledge transmission in medicinal markets in Tanzania found that commerc ial harvesters were more knowledgeable about medicinal plants . In that case, rather than eroding medicinal knowledge , markets Peru among farmers proved that despite pressures of population gro wth and incorporation into regional market systems, farmers maintained knowledge and diversity of native potato varieties. More recently, Aston Philander et al. (2011) showed how conditions of forced segregation of ethnic groups in South Africa actually le d to the preservation of medicinal plant knowledge by some groups despite urbanization . In the case of children orphaned by AIDS in Benin, contrary to what could be expected, rather than a loss of agroecological knowledge, some of these children showed a strengthening of their knowledge (Fagbemissi and Price 2011). Mathez Stiefel et al. (2012 a and 2012 b) also found that despite the introduction of government run health care and biomedicine, Andean community members maintained their medicinal plant knowle dge and practices . Actually , the same plant species can belong to several cognitive domains imp lying that if knowledge is lost or maintained in one of these domains, it will affect knowledge in the other, eroding or maintaining it . This has consequences fo r

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43 transmission that needs to be understood in terms of overlapping knowledge of non mutually exclusive domains. Nonetheless, not all domains are as sensitive to changes. Reyes ar e more likely to be eroded. Traditional Ecological Knowledge is dynamic and can respond to particular needs of a group at a given time, different domains responding differently to changes in livelihoods. gical knowledge as an effect Maffi (2001) defined this concept of extinction of experience as the reduction of the ability to have contact with, and to le arn about the environment. For wild edibles in southern Arizona. She observed differences in the quality and quantity of knowledge these two groups had in relation to wild d esert foods. Young people showed less knowledge than their elders because they did not have direct outdoor experiences as they elders and instead acquired some of their environmental knowledge watching television, reading books, and from school. Saynes Vás quez et al. (2013) came to the same conclusion that changes in occupational activities led to the extinction of experience and a subsequent decrease in local botanical knowledge (in terms of generic and specific names of plants and knowledge of uses). As a solution to face the lack of experience in/within nature, some educators such as Gatt et al. (2007) proposed school as the setting where young Maltese children (pre school age) should be taught about plants. Ladio and Molares (2013) in their study of trad itional wild edible plant knowledge among teachers of Patagonia also suggested

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44 not neglecting the cultural capital of teachers and relying on their expertise when desert p lants stressed how important it is for children to learn through personal experience or a person, since this results in higher plant knowledge. Reyes García et al. (2010) also showed that when knowledge taught in schools is at least partly contextualized, advocating for the inclusion of local environmental knowledge with adapted teaching methods (i.e., more hands on works) in the school curriculum of indigenous schools. Language and Plant Knowl edge Since this transfer of information to and among children is usually oral, language is crucial as the repository for cultural knowledge (Maffi 2001). It conveys ideas, ways of knowing, and ways of talking about the world (Harrison 2007). It also shows how individuals, even young children, strongly identify with their environment , for instance talking about their animals, fields, or agricultural products (Haboud de Ortega 1980:104) . Further, a s Turner et al. (2000) highlighted in their study of aboriginal peoples in British Columbia (Canada), when children are prohibited to use their own language in that case due to governmental regulations they lose part of their specialized knowledge such as their ethnob otanical knowledge. Indeed, this knowledge is encoded in their language. And when one switches from one language to another, not only words but also concepts are lost. Language can be represented as a packaging of information hierarchically organized and e mbedded within names ( Harrison 2007). In the research area, children usually speak Quechua at home, and when they begin attending school, they learn Spanish. Most of the schools in the Cusco area are

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45 bilingual: children are first taught in Quechua, then in Spanish. C ethnobotanical knowledge packaged in Quechua might not have an equivalent in (Harrison 2007). Hill (2004) am people of the Sonoran Desert that when indigenous names are lost, biological knowledge disappears lost a significant amount of animal and plant names that encoded cultural informat ion about nature. Indeed, this cultural information is not found in American English (Nabhan and St. Antoine 1993). Anggoro et al. (2008) also highlighted the importance of language and naming practices in the acquisition of T herefore, as Harrison (2007) showed , language endangerment and death have direct effects on the amount and type of knowledge about the local environment that gets transmitted to younger generations. Language loss also affects cultural practices. In the p revious example from British Columbia, the traditional root vegetables yellow avalanche lily ( Erythronium grandiflorum ) and balsamroot ( Balsamorhiza sagittata ) , which are culturally important food plants, are associated with specific practices of harvestin g, man agement, processing and storage. The deterioration or disappearance of these species o r of the activity of gathering would imply the loss of all the practical kn owledge linked to these plants. Plant Knowledge, Biodiversity Conservation , Sustainable L ivelihoods , and Identity Many terms are used in the literature to refer to the knowledge people ho ld about their natural environment. Berkes (200 8) operationalized this kind of knowledge , or

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46 Traditi onal Ecological Knowledge, Other scholars prefer to label it Environmental Knowledge, L ocal E cological K nowledge, Indigenous K nowledge , or simply traditional, local, or ecological knowledge . Actually, m any of these terms are contested. For example, referring to this knowledge as being indigenous implies that there is knowledge exclusive to indigenous people and that it is a category easily bounded (Berkes 2008). This variety of terms and definitions might be ex plained by the fact that this knowledge encompasses many domains such as plants, animals, and soils . I t is unlikely that one unique definition of what indigenous knowledge is can be presented (Reyes García et al. 2006). Yet, whatever term we choose to use, we cannot ignore both theoretical and practical dim ensions of indigenous knowledge (Rey es García et al. 2006). Since my own research focused on h uman interaction with plants, I used in this dissertation the ethnobotanical knowledge considered as a subset of the broader category environmental knowledge. Indeed, as mentioned in Chapter 1, I consider ed is questionable in the sense that this kind of knowledge is constantly being (re) created and might not have much of traditional or indigenous. D uring the last decade, scholars conducti ng ethnobotanical research explored other directions than the mere classification and listing of useful plants. They moved towards the study of proc esses that includes how ethnobotanical knowledge responds to change (Alexiades 2003). T he meaning of useful plant also shifted from economic /utilitarian to a more encompassing meaning, including all uses that make

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47 sense to particular individua ls or gro ups of people because of their experiences with plants. Results of recent ethno botanical studies stressed rapid changes in or loss of ecological knowledge, especially due to social and biological factors. Some of these social factors are migrations, rapid incursion in the market economy, changes in livelihoods, access to education, and government policies. As to biological factors explaining changes in or loss of ecological knowledge, they correspond with a disappearanc e of flora and fauna worldwide. Another important contribution of ethnobotanical studies has been in promoting ecological knowledge as an input for biodiversity conservation (e.g., merging it with see V andebroek et al. 2011) , natural resource management , and susta inable development of indigenous and/or rural communities who hold this knowledge ( Alexiades 2003; Cunningham 2001; Nazarea 2006; Stepp et al. 2002). Additionally, links between biological and cultural diversity have been exemplified (i.e., how the preserv ation or loss of one of them affects the other, see Carlson and Maffi 2004; Maffi 2001; Maffi 2005; Stepp et al. 2002) and the significance of gender in ethnobotanical knowledge systems demonstrated ( Beltrán Rodríguez et al. 2014; Camou Guerrero et al. 200 8; Guimbo et al. 2011; Howard 20 03; Voeks 2007; Zimmerer 1996). Finally, in a globalized context of accelerated and massive multiethnic human migrations (e.g., from rural to urban areas , or transnationally) , researchers pointed out how ethnobotanical knowl edge survives and/or is reshaped through past and present

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48 identities such as in the volume edited by (2000) work on Candomblé eth nobo tany . All these new themes in ethnobotanical research have been treated both qualitatively and quantitatively. Following A lbuquerque and Hanazaki (2009), these different kinds of studies can be classified as : (1) descriptive studies that inventory the useful flora in a given locality and produce lists of species ; (2) causality studies seeking to identify factors that explain and validity of certain techniques and meth (2006). Among those works, some scholars highlighted the importance of precisely defining used concepts and ways to operationalize them. Indeed, this would in turn result in more rigor and consistency in the field of ethnobotany and would allow cross cultural comparisons. For instance, what do we mean by (plant) knowledge? How do we operationalize knowledge? Is the ability to name a plant enough? Or should other factors be taken into consideration? The same could be s Reyes García et al. (2007), as well as Kightley et al. 2013, warned us about the importance of distinguishing between knowledge and skills in relat ion to plants, finding that there was no association between one measure and the other. Comparative Knowledge of Plant Domains Richness I n order to asses s whether Ccachí n community members manage a similar number of plant species as other Andean indigenous people, I compared the number of species listed by indi viduals who engage in agriculture and/or pastoralism and live in similar environments in other Andean regions (Per u, Bolivia, and Chile) . I selected two plant domains that are particu larly sensitive to changes, that is to say edible and

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49 medici n al plants. In knowledge. Yet, methods of data collection, sample size, and age of informants varied. Results a re summarized in T able 2 1 . C omparing data from the literature with th ose generated in this resea rch suggested that the number of edible s and medicinal pl ants that Ccachí n community members enumerated is not that low. Including children in free listings and conducting most interviews in Spanish might explain some of the relative low number s of species that I encountered. For instance , for medicinal plants, individuals who are now children will build their knowledge later in life. Also, I not iced that one individual with whom I conducted the free listing in Quechua was more fluent that if I had intervie wed her in Spanish. Thus, if all the free listing questions had been asked in Quechua, the , I might have collected l onger lists. In this dissertation, I move d forward the traditional dichotomy between informal and formal. Indeed, this dichotomy tends to reinforce the superiority of formal learning, basic ally learning in a school setting, over informal learning or out of school learning, which has been traditionally given less importance by academics and policy makers. Instead of referring to formal and informal learning, I use interchangeably concepts of learning and education. By learning or education, I refer to the act through which children acquire knowledge, in this case on plants, either intentionally or not, in a myriad of settings and with a variety of actors. Education needs to be understood in it s broader sense, as the process through which an individual is incorporated into his or her group.

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50 In that sense the concept of teaching or transmitting information is also problematic because it implies that knowledge can be equated with a set of data tha t can be passed on from one person to another. Moreover, teaching/transmitting information conveys the idea of an intentional one way process through which a transfer of information occurs with the teacher/transmitter playing an active role and the learner /receptor being passive. In my view, all the individuals involved in reproducing cultural knowledge play an active role in reshaping the information . It is almost impossible to isolate what constitute teaching/learning moments. Learning and teaching are no t distinct activities, except in a school setting; they are entangled by essence and occur simultaneously. What matters is that through interactions between individuals, in this case between children (i.e., peers, cousins, siblings) or between a child and an adult, and in par ticular settings, the child gain s expertise in the plant domain. As a consequence, rather than distinguishing between formal and informal learning , and using teaching/transmission of information, from now on I focus more on the outcome that is to say learning. , Theoretically, I relied on the situated learning theory developed by Lave and Wenger (1991) , which posits that learning occurs in a context that is socially and culturally relevant for the learner, in this case a child. The learner with his or her limited w ill progress from a peripheral stage called legitimate peripheral participation with little

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51 membership of their social group or community of practitioners. Legitimacy is k ey in explaining learning process. I chose to rely and use more the concept of learning than teaching for reasons previously mentioned. As a result, Lave and Wenge appropriate. Even if it has been developed for learning in a professional setting and with adults as referents/learners , it is flexible enough to be adapted to the process of learning in children. Positioning this theory in terms of childhood, as a child gets older, they will participate more and more in activities that are important for the cultural reproduction of their group. He or she will progress from being a sole observer with limited cultural knowledge and skills to a competent member of their group s uch as the community ( Angioni 2003; Bolin 2006; Gaskins and Paradise 2010; Lancy 1976; Maurial 1999; Ruddle and Chesterfield 1977; Vermonden 2009). As Ingold (2000) points out, these practitioners are actively engaged with their surroundings since they are born. Then, through practice As suggested by Paris and Cross (1983 : , through different activities that they perform, children get to interact with significant others such as family members and friends. T his learning has a purpose charged with pragmatic and emotional meanings (i.e., affect and beliefs are involved rgize and guide lear 142) and it requires challenge and adventure to keep children motivated to learn. Paris and Cross (1983)

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52 matter how capable the individual is, desire an d purpose must fuel behavior for ordinary 141). Paris and Cross (1983) explain ed how learning processe s are better described not as . Indeed, g aining knowledge , skills , or improving the performance of a task , that is to say learning , is the result of multiple trials performing the same task over and over but incorporating change. Thus, p rogress or learning is made possible w ith p ractice, personal reflection using one ast experiences , and guidance from other people. So, as Gaskins and Paradise (2010: 85) note d in a situation where the individual , the child) is not concerned with learning but more interested in interacting with the person who is at w ork. Crickmay (2002) also posited in her study on the acquisition of knowledge of weaving in a Bolivian Quechua speaking community that people who gro not learn first and then live, t Rudd le and Chesterfield (1977) demonstrated how parents on Guara Island spend a significant amount of time training their children so that they acquire skil ls that they consider to be important for their future social lives. When boys are between six and fourteen years old, fathers allocate specific times of their daily work routine for teaching. Whereas school knowledge is gained in a location set ap art from everyday life, most l earning on Guara Island occurs in places ranging from the household and its surroundings (e.g., in home gardens) to the whole communal territory or even outside. Yet, the common ground is that this learning always has a situated natur e as described

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53 by Lave and Wenger (1991): it is embedded in a particular sociocultural, economic, and Franquemont (1987 :56 ) who studied two examples of social acquisition of knowledge among Q uechua speakers of Chinchero in Cusco, learning how to weav e and learning about the environment , concluded that both processes are part of larger daily experiences (e.g. , shepherding) that include Andean ri tual s and symbolic life . In the context of this wo rk, the learner is an Andean child who lives in a rural community and engages with different cultural practitioners (e.g., peers, siblin gs, cousins, parents, grand parents, other adult community members , super natural beings ) and in different communities of practice ( e.g., home, school, fields, communal events ). The child is not a sole individual; he or she is affiliated to their extended family in a complex network of kin and in their community. From Theory to Testing Since learning occurs in a context th at is socially and culturally relevant for the they are socialized and learn. Based on the preliminary research that I conducted in the Cusco region in 2010 and my prio r knowledge of the Andes where I worked, I knew that two main spheres of socialization/interaction are the family and the community. In each one of these spheres, there are different places and different tasks that are critical to focus on. These two spher es are interconnected but for each of them, I tried to distinguish specific places and tasks. At the family level, children evolve around their community level, main plac es where children interact with others are the fields, communal areas (e.g., main square, market square) or festivities, and the school.

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54 matters as they get older , and the develo pment of their experti se in relation to plants, I observed children of different a ges and their involvement in famil ial and communal life. Based on Lave and Wenger (1991), I assumed that there is a progression from an observational phase, the child being m ore an observer than an actor, to an active phase where he or she participate s more actively in some tasks acquiring more knowledge and skills. The knowledge I focused on in this dissertation is a snapshot of what Ccachín community members shared with me during the time I spent there. It is knowledge related to plants, specially some plant domains that were se lected using free listi ng. In each domain, I selected certain plants and tested ch Additionally, I observed specific tasks such as domestic chores, herding, firewood collection, and tending fields skills are put into practice. Thes e tasks are relevant because they are performed on a daily basis and involve different kind of interactions (adults children or children children) . In this research I was interested in looking at both learning from peers as well as learning from adults. He adults (family members such as parents, uncles, aunts, and grandparents, and other adult community members). They are also other children (siblings , peers , and cousins ) despite the common belief t hat since children are beings in construction, their knowledge is limited.

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55 To answer my research questions, I combined participant observation, ethnographic interviewing, drawings, free listings, and a plant knowledge test. I ivities and observed children in different contexts to evaluate with whom and how they interact with other people. I also conducted a knowledge test to assess factors that affect what children know abo ut plants and how they learn it. In T able 2 2, I linked research questions and hypotheses with the methods and samp les that I used to answer them. Thus, considering those rapidly changing circumstances that many peoples face, how does cultural information, especially information related to plants, is passed on? Do children of different ages who live in an Andean rural community suffer from the home? Is experiential learning key in their way of learning? What do they know abo ut different domains of local plants? Are these children competent enough to make a living knowledge (e.g., motivation)?

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56 T able 2 richness. Name and location of the community A ltitude (meters above sea level, m.a.s.l.) Methods of data collection, sample size, and age of informants Number of wild edible plants listed Number of wild medicinal plants listed Reference Ccachín (Calca Province, Cusco Region, Peru) 3,250 m.a.s.l. Free listing with 20 individuals, 6 70 years old 34 total vernacular names according to children, 35 total according to adults 90 total, 8 plants on average per person Borios 2014 Chinchero (Urubamba Province, Cusco Region, Peru) 3,810 m.a.s.l. Interviews 45 total vernacular names N/A Franquemont 198 7 Two communities in the Pitumarca District (Canchis Province, Cusco Region, Peru) 3,700 m.a.s.l. and 3,680 m.a.s.l. Free listing in 18 households (the adult most knowledgeable in the household was interviewed and contributions from other household members were added to the list), 21 76 years old N/A 249 total Mathez Stiefel and Vandebroek 2012 Nine villages in the Callejón de Huaylas (Ancash Region, Peru) Up to 3,700 m.a.s.l. Informal conversations with village elders, traditional doctors, and herbalists N/A 33 total Hammond et al. 1998 Canta (Lima Region, Peru) Up to 2,832 m.a.s.l. Interviews of 150 participants and collection of species, over 30 years old N/A 87 total De la Cruz et al. 2007 Uchumarca (Bolívar Province, La Libertad Region, Peru) 2,900 m.a.s.l. Interviews of 60 participants (8 healers=plant specialists), average age of 43.5 +/ 19 N/A 124 total Monigatti et al. 2013

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57 Table 2 1. Continued Name and location of the community A ltitude (meters above sea level, m.a.s.l.) Methods of data collection, sample size, and age of informants Number of wild edible plants listed Number of wild medicinal plants listed Reference Apillapampa (Capinota Province, Cochabamba Department, Bolivia) 3,250 m.a.s.l. Household survey, 50 participants (random selection of the member of the household interviewed) N/A 36 total, 1,6 plants on average per person Vandebroek et al. 2004 Uncia (Bustillo Province, Potosi Region, Bolivia) 4,400 m.a.s.l. Interviews, 56 participants, 40 80 years old N/A 56 total Fernandez et al. 2003 Two communities of Waca Playa (Tapacarí Province, Cochabamba Region, Bolivia) 3,330 m.a.s.l. and 3,450 m.a.s.l. Free listing in 18 households (the adult most knowledgeable in the household was interviewed and contributions from other household members were added to the list), 27 71 years old N/A 150 total Mathez Stiefel et al. 2012a Toconce, Chile 2,700 m.a.s.l., up to 5,000 m.a.s.l. Interviews of 1 2 participants, 16 90 years old 20 total 37 total Aldunate et al. 1983

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58 Table 2 2 . Relationship between research questions, hypotheses, methods , and samples. Theory Research questions and hypotheses Methods and samples Situated learning theory, legitimate peripheral learning, and communities of practice (Lave and Wenger 1991) 1. What is the respective role of adults knowledge and skills related to plants? Participant observation, ethnographic interviewing (N=25 ), and drawings (N=125) Hypothesis: it varies depending on the 2. What is the influence of learning knowledge? How do children combine different learning strategies? Hypotheses: out of school learning is the main way for children to learn about plants. Observation and participation through play and work in culturally relevant activities are critical to gain knowledge. Schooling and children know abou t plants, the way they acquire that knowledge, and how they value it. 3. Does plant knowledge vary among Ccachín children? If so, what factors explain different expertise? Free listing (N= 20), plant knowledge tests (N=63 ) , and drawings (N=125) Hypothesis: plant expertise varies in

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59 CHAPTER 3 METHODS OF DATA COLLECTION AND DATA ANALYSIS Site S election After visiting several potential communities in the highlands of Cusco (southern Peruvian Andes) in 2010 and 2012, I selected the peasant community of Ccachín in the District of Lares, Province of Calca, and Region of Cusco . In Peru, the term community refers to an officially recognized organization of rura l families who collectively own lands that have been legally titled. The political organization of these communities follows a structure proposed by the state according to the 1987 General Law of Peasant Communities. I selected this research site because i t is a large community in terms of population (about two hundred families live there) and its school system is well developed. It includes three separate teaching institutions: a kindergarten ( inicial ), a n elementary school ( primaria ), and a high school ( secundaria or colegio ). Moreov er, children attending Ccachín schools a re also from different anexos (annexes ) that belong to the community and are located on the communal territory. Even if the bulk of my research was conducted in Ccachín a nd most of my in formants we re from the nuclear part of the community , some children I wor ked with we re from these annexes 1 . Thus, I was able to observe and interview children of different ages and with different experiences of living and learning. One factor that also det ermined my decision to work 1 Some children who go to school in Ccachín live from Monday to Friday in the community and then go back home walking on Friday afternoon. Others who live closer just walk every day back and forth between the ir annex and their school in Ccachín.

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60 in this community was that after my first visit and my conversations with the community president, I had his approval to work there. Sample s My research questions determined the size of my samples and methods used ( Table 2 2 ). C hildren with whom I had unstructured interviews were recruited on a purposive sample. I chose them because they were of different ages, gender, and had parents who engaged in somewhat different activities. I interviewed them while interactin g with them whi le walking, herding, playing, etc. I also conducted semi structured interviews with twenty five people, among them adults and children. For my drawing exercise, I had twenty five participants in kindergarten , eighty in elementary school, and twenty in high school . Finally, I took a plant knowledge test to twenty one children in elementary school and forty two children in high school . Data C ollection My research was approved by the University of Florida Institutional Review Board 02 (protocol #2012 U 0162) . Before starting collecting data, I obtained prior oral and informed consent from the president of the community and community members through a pu blic presentation of the project. I collected my data using ethnographic methods such as participant observation and ethnographic interviews . In addition, I relied on fre e listings, a plant knowledge test, and d rawings. In this section I also detail my use of different kinds of notes in fieldwork, such as jottings, diary, and field notes per se. La stly , I explain the way I compensated my informants for their contribution to my study.

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61 Participant O bservation During my stay in Ccachín, I participated in many children and assumed different roles at the family and community levels. For t he sake of the discussion here, I separated my roles in my host family and in the community. Yet, livelihoods , that is to say herding and cultivating. As a female anthr opologist, I was also domestic chores such as cooking. Additionally, as an educated person, I was sometimes asked to help children with their homework. I also took part in t faci litate the workshop with community members, leading group discussions, and trying to engage women and youth in discussions. Finally, since I was travelling back and forth between Cusco and Ccachín , I committed to carry messages or information either betwee n the villagers themselves or between villagers and outsiders. Thus, my roles varied from sheep keeper, assistant in the fields (sowing/planting/cleaning), cook, helper with that I had was that of a teacher. They would call me profe (professor). I think that for the children, I was just a friendly adu lt engaged in some ways with community schools. After visiting the ir schools, many of them would greet me in the street calling me by my name. Roles in the community M y role as a messenger . I played the role of a messenger both between the community members themselves and between them and outsiders. On several occasions, the public phone located at the local convenience store rang while I was buying some food supplies. Sol , as the owner of th e store, received the call and sent for

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62 the recipient of the call . Since I was going I told her that I would inform him or her that he or she had a call. Also, Hector wife, Daniela , of something on my way to interview people . The reverse also happened, Daniela asking me to tell Hector something or bring him lunch. To me, it was interesting to see how peop le perceived my presence in the community. During the first weeks that I was there, I got tired of hearing people asking me in Spanish or Quechua whether I was paseando ( paseankichu in Quechua ) which could be translated in English by I al so acted as an intermediary between the NGO ANDES and community members. Some of the tasks that I performed were more about the logistics of an upcoming event, such as reminding the presiden t the date and time of the meeting, installing the com women to cook food and serve it to attendees . anthropologists had worked in Ccachín and community members recorded each of them affectionately. One of these women is an American anthropologist, Barbara, who did her doctoral research in the community in the 1990s and is now working in Washington D.C. The other woman is a French anthropologist called Marion who worked in Ccachín more recently, from 200 9 to 2011, also for her doctoral research. Barbara had gone with her husband at that time, both of them being graduate students in anthropology. They had lived in the community during several years and had created strong ties with community members , which resulted in them having many godchildren .

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63 As for Marion, she lived with one family whose mother happened to be the sister of my host mother. She also had one godchild and kept very good memories of her life and friends in the community . When I began to wor k in Ccachín, people mentioned the names of these two women several times. About Barbara, the American anthropologist, people said that she spent several years living with them, that she spoke very good Quechua , and used to dress in a fancy way. As for the French anthropo logist, Marion, several children and adults mentioned being friends with her, having walked with her to La Loma (high pastures on the communal territory) , taught her about medicinal plants, danc ed with her, and went fishing with her. I volu ntarily became the mediator between some community members and these two women. Indeed, upon returning to Cusco for the first time, I tried to contact both of them. I knew that Marion had been affiliated to the Centro de Estudios Regionales (CBC), an association well known for its research with Andean peasants. I went there and asked if they knew how to contact her. They gave me her email address. I sent her an email and we began a virtual communication. As for Barbara, I fo und her email online and also contacted her. She wrote me back and since then, we are in contact. have recent news of her friends. I proposed that she send me some presents/items that she would like to share with people in Ccachín, such as a letter or pictures. She agreed and sent me a PDF with some recent pictures of her and a letter for all the people that she knew. I printed the letter and pictures an d took them to the community on my next

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64 trip. I looked for people who had known her (mainly her fictive kin) and also visited her host mother, Valentina, with whom she had lived for years and showed her these pictures of Barbara. When her host mother saw p ictures of Barbara , she was moved to tears and began to kiss the pictures. make a short video of her. She wanted to send a message to Barbara. I agreed and I recorded a one minute video message in which she sent her greetings to Barbara in Quechua. In this video, she shared some news of the people Barbara had k nown and told her how she missed her. Once in town, I sent the video to Barbara who later told me that she had been very touched by this video. Valentina al so wanted me to take a parcel to the U.S. for Barbara, an offer that I had to decline since she wanted to send her corn, dried potatoes or cheese, all prohibited items by the U.S. food and drug administration. Sol daughter in law, later told m e that Barbara was like a daughter for Valentina and that she loved her more than her biological daughters. The same happened with the French anthropologist, Marion. She wanted to have some recent news of her host family, especially the children, one of th em being h er godchild and asked me to send greetings to people she had befriended . Back in Ccachín, I visited her host family and took pictures of her host mother and godchild . Then, once in Cusco again, I sent her the picture of her godchild and of a youn g girl called Nilda . Nilda Marion was in the fie ld and both women were friends. Both experiences allowed me to make contact with some people that I might not have met otherwise. People were ha ppy to remember both women, have ne ws from

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65 them, and be able to send them news through m e . Talking about them was a good entry point in many local families, which made me think of the importance for a researcher to establish good relationships with people they are working with in the field and to work professionally to leave the door open to f uture researchers. By the end, I also got two new friends and professional s with whom I can share and discuss my research results. One of the only drawbacks of t hese p ast research I identified so far is that, at research, which is recent, some community members thought that I was part of the same project . Our research topics we re similar in some ways. She was researching medicinal plants, local percep tions of health/healing and health seek ing behaviors, and my research focused on plants. People assumed that my work was following hers and that I was specifically interested in medicinal plants (this might have influenced responses I got during the free l isting). I was also asked if I had come to replace her. My role in school related activities . When I asked teachers in the primary school if I could work with their students to collect some data for my dissertation research, some of them mentioned that it would be good for the students since they needed to hear more Spanish (I communicated with the students in Spanish). This reinforced some comments that I heard f rom parents, especially mothers that some teachers always talk to the children in Quechua , which mothers do not like . Mothers consider that children do not go to school to learn Quechua. The language that they need to master is Spanish. Hence , in that case my small contribution was to make children work in Spanish.

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66 During Ccachín anniversary, teachers from the primary school organized a competition of paper lanterns or antorchas . Each grade prepared paper lanterns with their teachers . The central day of the anniversar y, I had gone to see children parading with their creations when I met the el ementary school director . He ask ed me whether I would be the judge for this competition and decide which child had the nicest paper lantern. I diplomatically refused and explained to him why. I told him that since I was working with these children, this could compromise my relationships with them and thus my research. Many paper lanterns were original and pretty and I did not want to have to choose. Some children might feel bad about my decision and I wanted to keep my informants as friends. I was finally forced to accept publicly announced that they were honored that their visitor who had come from France , Stéphanie Borios, would be the judge of the competition . My role as a female anthropologist specialized in gender a nd development . As a female anthropology student trained in gender and development, I was asked by ANDES NGO workers who were mostly men to make sure that women and youth from the community would have their voices heard in their participat ory workshops. Wo men and youth we re usually invited to attend these workshops but sometimes d id not engage in the conversation. One of the workshops I contributed to was designed to fish and hunt, collect firewood, plant their fields, and changes they had witnessed in their lifetimes in those places. Th r ough these group discussions, the objective was to elicit information, map and evaluate the extent to which the availability of natural

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67 resou rces ha d changed ove r the last decades and pests had beco me more prevalent in the area impacting food availability/security. Roles in my host family M embers of my host family were Hector (forty two years old), president of the community, his wife Daniela (thirty six years old), and their three children: Wilson (thirteen years old), Ermelinda (eleven years old) and Paulina (six and a half years old). I conducted most of my fieldwork by myself and on some occasi ons was accompanied by my partner Danny . I not iced that this impacted the kind of relationship I had with community members. On the one hand, his presence helped me to spend more time with Wilson . When I was by myself in the community, Wilson did not interact much with me , while when Danny was with me , Wilson would ask him or us to do some activities with him. Thus, through Danny, I ha d a better access to boys woman, it was easier for me to have access to girls hand, when I was by my self, I go t more invitations from women to visit them in their ho mes . My role in food related activities, cooking and carrying food . Because of my interest in cooking and the fact that I wanted to help my host mother with her domestic chores, I was involved in food related activities almost every day. I had lunch and dinner with Daniela the meal ready so I would help her to prepare it. Also, o n special occasions such as a workshop organized by th e NGO ANDES or a n ayni where community members would help her out in her fields, she had to prepare food for more than ten people. In these cases, she would ask me or I would offer my help .

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68 The tasks I fulfilled were as varied as peeling fava beans and pot atoes, slicing onions and garlic, removing corn from the cobs, and getting herbs from the home garden. Actually, there were more similar to tasks fulfilled by children. One day that Daniela cooked with other women to take food to men and boys who were sowi ng corn fields, I helped these women carry ing the food on my back. They gave me a (Andean square of textile used to carry items) with the lightest burden and we all walked together to the fields, carrying the food for men to have lunch there and be able to keep on wor king. I also participated in killing and seasoning a pig that my host dad coo ked for our consumption. Additionally, I cooked for my host family on several occasions such as Daniela , although it was qui te challenging for me since ingredients and cooking materials (e.g., firewood cooking) were not the ones that I was used especially to talk to women. On several occasions I entered a house and started removing corn from the cob because women I wanted to talk to were doing it when I entered their homes . As a way to engage in conversation and h elp them, I did it too. Yet, sometimes this would be counterproductive since I was not able to distinguish between a healthy cob and a rotten one. My role as a she pherd and animal caretaker . Sheep herding is mainly a female activity in which gir ls, young , and old women are involved. I went to severa l sheep herding excursions with children and adults accompanied with their dogs. Yet, since my herding skills were very limited, I think that I was not of a great help. O nce I went with Daniela . She had freed the sheep on the hills close to the village early in the morning and had le t them roam by themselves while she was cooking breakfast and

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69 lunch. So, before taking them to more distant grasslands where grass would be be tter , she had to find them in the vicinity. We left the community and walked together looking for her sheep in the surroundings. We could not find them so she asked me to wait for her while she would look for them. I sat and waited with two of her dogs, ke eping her filled with some food and wool to spin. I waited for about an hour and when she came back she told me t hat she had not found the sheep. We en ded up going back to her house. On another trip with Paulina , her daughter, I realized that Pauli na assumed that I knew how to herd sheep. I asked her what I had to do and she told me to just guide them and prevent them from going out of track throwing them small stones whenever they would. The first excursion that we took together was an all day excu rsion during which we spent the whole day herding, playing , and eating. That day we lost a few sheep , which later came back home by themselves . Occasionally , I would also put some water in a plate for the ducks and chicken to drink and I would feed my host My role in helping children with homework . Hector , my host dad, helped his daughters and son in their homework. Yet, he and his spouse were always very busy and tired at the end of their working day . Whenever I could, I would help their children to complete their homework (either at their deman d or on my own initiative). It wa s one of the few fields where I felt that I was competent enough. Paulina , was the one who requested most of my help. We used to work together either at her house, w hen her classes were over , by night while waiting for the dinner to be ready, or in my room (she would visit me, calling me from the street when she needed help). Also, my downstairs

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70 neighbors were two siblings who lived in the community during the week to attend school and would go back to C ochayoq , an annex of Ccachín where their parents live, during the weekend . These children also asked me for some help on a few occasions. P ersonal involvement with informants : f rom Paulina to Paulinacha Here I illustrat e my personal involvement with my informants through my relationship with my host family , especially one of the girls in the family. The youngest daughter of Hector and Daniela at that time was Paulina . After a few weeks spent with this family, I noticed t hat they would call her Paulinacha, using the Quechua diminutive cha , which shows affection. Thus, as my relationship with Paulina evolved, she became Paulinacha . One night that I was playing soccer with Paulina and Ermelinda in their bedroom, I heard tha t their father commented that I got along very well with his children. That was true. I spent a lot of time with this family, initially because Hector , as president of the community, had invited me to have my meals (lunch and dinner) with them, and then be cause I became friend s with the whole family. I think that we developed this friend ly relationship because there was a mutual interest in knowing more about each other and learni ng from each o ther. The night before I le ft the community to return to Cusco, then Lima and Gainesville in 2012 , I spent some time with Paulina and Ermelinda . We sat on their bed, watched TV, tickled each other, and giggled together. I was already nostalgic of leaving them and wondering when would be the next time that I would see t hem, so I told them that we should take a picture together. When their brother took the picture, Ermelinda , for the first time, hugged me. I think that she was also sad that I was leaving. The morning that I left, it was almost time to go to school, but Er melinda , Paulina , and I

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71 started play ing volleyball together. That day, Paulina did not even have time to have breakfast. Her mum gave her an orange and she left to school when the school bell rang. Hence at the end of my field work the whole family was really dear to me, although my relationship with my host mother and her daughters was stronger than the one with my host father and Wilson . I knew that I could count on them and that I would miss them a lot when I am gone. Daniela also told me that her children, especially Paulina , would miss me. Other community members also became good friends and invited me to acco mpany them in their houses or go to their fields, but th ese friendship s w ere not as stro ng as with my host family. Some people with whom I interacted on a daily basis never became my friends. For example, I ren ted a room in a house where Juan de Dios was living with his wife, daughter and grandson but our relationship never evolved toward fri endship. We would greet each other every time we would meet. Yet, they never invited me nor shared anything with me, while my relationship with my host family was based on trust and reciprocity in terms of goods and services. As I eventually returned to th e community to collect final data in Dece mber 2013, I lived with Hector and Daniela 's family. On that occasion, I stayed in the sam e house as my host family. I was thinking to rent a room for myself as I had done in the past but soon realized that it would be offensive for my host family. They knew I was coming and had already decided to offer lodging . At the end of this stay, they refused that I pay for food and accommodation . I understood that I had come back as a friend and they could

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72 not ask a friend to pay for these services . Also, Daniela told me that I had brought presents and food so they could not accept any payment. On the night before I return ed to Cusco and then Florida in December 2013 , the whole family had gathered in the kitchen . Hector very solemnly invited me to be the godmot her of his younger child, Zulema, the six month old baby. I was not very surprised becaus e Daniela had already mentioned the possibility. I accepted and told them it was an honor for me. I had never accepted this kind of commitment before because of the money and responsibilitie s it implies. In that case, I knew they were requesting it because of our friendship relation and not only because I was potentially wealthie r. The ceremony was short and I quickly became a comadre . Through this ceremony, a new k ind of fictive kinship was created between us. I realized our new connection when back to Cusco, Hector talked to me on t he phone, and called me comadre for the first time signifying our new commitment to each other. When I asked him w hat I would have to do as his daughter madrina , he said nothing, do not worry . Ethno graphic I nterviews I interviewed community members during my whole stay in Ccachín, while visiting houses or accompanying people in their daily activities. I took notes of my mments. Yet, I only began asking a specific set of questions and record ing my interviews at the end of my fieldwork. I decided that it was better to wait for more structured interviewing because my understandin g of the life in Ccachín was better after several months spent there. Also, I felt that at the end of my stay, there was enough trust between community members and myself for them to feel comfortable answer ing my questions.

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73 In total, I used semi structured interviews with twenty five people, both adults and children, ranging from five years old to seventy years old. I asked children and adults acquisition of plant knowledge. The n, I had specific questions for each age group. Children were asked questions more related to activities they engage in and in which they exchange information, such as play and school. I also asked them questions about their expectations later in life. As for adults, I asked them questions about changes they had witnessed in relation to the process of plant knowledge transmission , and what they thought about the importance of this knowledge for children growing up in Ccachín . Each interview lasted about fifteen minutes and was held in Spanish, either in of the community where children gather ed to play soccer at the end of the day. To conduct i n depth interviews with the elderly in Quechua would have required a better mastering and understanding of the Quechua language or having a bilingual assistant Spanish Quechua. Because of time and economic constraints, none of them was possible. Field Note s: Jotting, Personal Diary , and Field Notes Per S e Following Bernard (2006), I divide d notes that I took into jottings, personal diary and field notes, these latter being methodological, descriptive, and analytic. I wrote my jottings in note pads since the y are smaller, easy to carry and take notes discretely. Then, in the same notebooks activities as well as my comments and feelings about the research process or the information that I was obtaining. I thoug ht that it was not relevant to keep a separate diary because personal feelings arise in a particular situation of the research. They are

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74 part of the fieldwork accounts. At the end of every day, I would sit at my desk in my room, read my jottings and expand them to write my field notes. For each day spent in the field, I used a different page of my notebook . Most of my notes are chronological accounts of my daily interactions with community members. I a lso included results of free listings and interviews in these notes . Sometimes when I was too tired, I w ould just go to sleep and record these notes either the following day or in the next couple of days. In Cusco, I began to type my paper field notes in a word document to save my preliminary data and be able t o code them later. I found it very useful to read through my paper field notes again while in Cusco . It helped me to see some pattern s and problems in answers I was receiving or to think about how to move forward with my research. My jottings consisted in writing down key words , expressions , or ph rases that people used and c aught my attention. Reading them later that day or a few days later would jog my memory and would allow me to write field notes about it. In my jottings note pad, I highlighted with fluo rescent colored marker information that required further questioning. So, at the end of the day, when I would transfer the information from my jottings n ote pad to my field notes note book, I would see wha t was left to ask and investigate the following day. I al so recorded in my jottings notepad results of my free listings and interviews. Additional techniques that I used to jog my memory and then take notes were visual aids such as pictures and sketches. For instance, when I was on a day trip with my inform ants and would not have time to take notes on the spot or would feel uncomfortable taking out my note pad, I would take a picture of specific scenes or

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75 situations. These s napshots would catch a lot of information that I would later translate into words in my field notes notebook . I assigned numbers to my pictures and related these numbers to chunks of my text. In other circumstances, when I did not know how to describe a place or an object with words , I drew it in my jottings note pad or field notes notebook . My field notes are for the most part written in Spanish. When I could not find the appropriate term in this language because this concept does not exist, I used the Quechua word. If I could not remember the word in Spanish, I would rely on French, my mat ernal language, or English. I tried to use the term in the language that I thought was most appropriate to describe what I wanted. So, my field notes although mainly in Spanish, are also written in English, Quechua and French. Even though the majority of m y notes are descriptive, I also have methodological and analytic notes. In my descriptive notes, I wrote dow n the description of events I was participating in and observing. In combination with these descriptive notes, I reflected upon the methodologies th at I used to collect data while being in the field, wrote some comments about what worked and what did not. Since I was reading in the field about methods of data collection that other researchers used, I added as methodological notes, references of articles or books that I should check about a pa rticular method. Finally, I used my notebook to begin analyzing my ideas of what was emerging from the data collection writing down questions that I neede d to reflect on. Actually, I visually differentiated between descriptive and methodological ana lytic notes: descriptive notes we re written with a pen while my met hodological and analytic notes we re in pencil.

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76 Hence wh ile read ing my notebook , I c ould easi ly find my methodological and analytic notes. My sketches are also in pencil. Free Li stings I initially used free listings because I thought that it would be a fast and reliable way to get some understanding of Ccachín important plants . After a few weeks i n the community, I had interviewed twenty informants from six to seventy years old and asked them questions related to different categories of plants. Discussing with key informants ld and cultivated food plants, fodder plants, medicinal plants, plants used for the construction of fences, firewood, and plants used to play. Each interviewee was asked the following questions (successive free listings) in order to determine the content o f each domain, that is to say species belonging to each category. I asked question s in a general way but of course, people answered from their own particular perspectives. Most of the free listings were done in Spanish. Yet, in some cases I asked all the q uestions in Quechua , and in others I combined questions in Spanish and Quechua. I tried to make sure that my wording would have the same meaning in both languages. As for the answers, except for school age children who were asked to write down their answer s themselves, I wrote them down myself because most of the interviewees either did not know how to write or were not very famili ar with writing. After testing the questions with the first pe ople interviewed, I slightly modified them to make them more relev you grow in your fields in Qué cultivos tienen en su chakra en Ccachín?¿Qué productos cultiva la gente en Ccachín? ). In the case of question 1b (wild

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77 food plants) , in order to increase recal l, I made the question more specific and added en L a L oma , which is a place where community members harvest wild plants. When informants could not think of any wild food, I specifically asked for plants to prepare herbal infusions ( plantas para tomar ) because the first people interviewed asked me whether I was referring to plantas para mates/tomar . For question 2 about pastures , to increase recall and get all possible answers, I added for cows, goats, sheep, and guinea pigs. In the case of question 3 (medicinal plants) , I sometimes asked the question in Quechua using the term hampiqorakunapaj (herb s that heal). For question 4 about plant materials used to fence that people use wooden sticks to build fences and prevent sheep from escaping, which kind of plants/ (plants used to play) , w hen adults did not know what to answer, I gave them the examp le of plants used to build doll houses ( para hacer casitas ). Another pro up question to capture all the information that might have been left out by the other questions. One of the problems that I encountered using this methodology was related to the wording and language that I used. For example, there is no real equivalent in Quechua for the term plant. When I decided to use free lists to elicit the p lant domain, I had thought about asking only one question ( Can you tell me all the plants that you know/use? ). I translated the term plant into qora in Quechua. When I tested this phrasing in Quechua with one informant I realized that it would not work. My informant asked me which kind of plants I was talking about. Indeed, qora means herb and this

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78 concept does not include tr ees or other life forms. I asked a twelve year old girl to show me in her home garden what qora w ere and were not . She included neit her flowers nor trees. According to Daniela , qora asking about plants in general, I took the decision to u se sub categories of the plant domain. Another issue appeared when I interviewed people I had never seen before and with whom there was not a trust relationshi p. Indeed, I interviewed people I met in the street and since they did not know me and were shy, I think this influenced the kind of results I got. A third issue is related to the fact that other people than my informant wanted to join the conversation and answer my questions. For example, in one case , I wanted to interview an adolescent boy who was working in a grocery store but there was a female adult in his surroundings. I explained to th em that I wanted to know what young people knew about plants so we went out of the shop and I began interview ing him. Unfortunately, when the boy could not answer one of my questions about medicinal plants (question 3), he went back inside the shop and ask ed her to come and help him. To solve this issue, Danny began to interview her while I was interviewing the young boy. Thus, she was busy and did not feel excluded from the study. Another similar case happened when I wanted to interview a male adult and hi s son was with him. Both of them were coming back from the fields with their tools. While I was interviewing the father , his son began to participate in the interview. I asked Danny to talk to him while I was asking his dad questions. I used the same trick when I interviewed an old woman and her grandsons were around. Danny played with them , while I was talking to her.

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79 ¡Esto no más! at the end of their list meaning that they did not know more plants and /or they wanted to end the interview , which I respected . Once I had collected all the lists for each interviewee and each sub category of plants, I typed the lists in Notepad, Microsoft Windows text editor. Before importing the data into ANTHROPAC, I homogenized the terms mentioned by the informants. Question 1, mashua and añu refer to the same species ( Tropaeolum tuberosum Ruiz & Pav. ). Whenever informants used añu , I replaced it with mashua . The same happened with olluco and lisas , both terms being used to refer to the same tuber ( Ullucus tuberosus Caldas ). I c hose to use olluco . One informant mentioned maíz followed by sara . I considered that he was referring to the same species, corn , although sara could be the white corn and maíz the yellow one. Then, for terms derived from the Quechua such as olluco that can have several writings or that people pronounce in several ways (in Quechua the vocals o and u are interchangeable), I chose the Spanish spelling o lluco . For some species such as the potato, most of my informants used the term in its plural form, papas . Be cause of the diversity in potato varieties in the Andes, papas make sense. Yet, for the purpose of free listings, I was not interested in knowing the variety of potatoes but rather the different products people are growin g in their fields. Thus, I kept the singular form ( papa ) instead of the plural form ( papas ) in the list s. One informant, Teod ora also distinguished between pot atoes that people grow in home gardens ( papa mahuay ) by their houses , and the ones that they grow in fields in the upper area of the community ( papa de altura o papa nativa ).

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80 Along the same line, interviewees gave me first the generic name (e.g., muñas or mints), and then cited plants under this generic name (e.g., muña ) . Question 1b, Teodora answered muñas in plural because she said there were several of them, different in sizes, flavors, and medicinal uses. Question 4, Eleuterio mentioned the espinos category and cited under this category thankar , llaulli , and cheqchi . In that case, I did not include espinos in the list but the Quechua names of these three species. Teodora did the same. She answered espinos in Spanish and gave the following Quechua names: thankar , llaulli , cheqchi , and kishka . Then, some people were specific about which part of the plant they used. For instance, question 1b, Ermelinda made it clear that the edible part of the llaulli is the flowers, and Yamil mentioned that the edible part of the sauco is its fruits ( rayanruro in Quechua). Informants even made temporal and geographical distinctions. Question 5 som e of them distinguished between species that were used as firewood in the past and species that are currently in use (nowadays, eucalyptus is more prevalent than in the past) . Others highlighted the difference between firewood sources nearby the community nucleus and in upper grasslands or La Loma . Finally, I took advantage of question 7 to recall all the plants that informants might have forg otten to mention or plants they did not have the opportunity to mention because I did not ask anything about this sub category. Informants were simply asked if there were more plants that we did not mention and that they thought were important for Ccachín community members.

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81 F ree li stings were imported in ANTHROPAC in text files and their results analyzed to design the knowledge test. Plant Knowledge T est Preparation of the test To build the plant knowledge test, I kept the three most relevant sub categories of plants: food plants, m edicinal plants, and construction plants. In each sub category, I selected photographs of about ten plants (thirty plants in total). These p hotographs were taken in different locations in Ccachín (e.g., fields, home gardens, schools, and in the vicinity of public places) , making it more familiar for children to recognize, and almost equivalent to real outdoor sightseeing. As recommended by Wyndham (2004), I selected items of different saliency (the saliency frequency and its rank in the list, and was obtained while importing the free lists in ANTHROPAC). Additionally, I included twice two different photographs of the same plant to verify whether children could dist inguish them . I printed these thirty photographs of plants and put them in a binder. Finally, I prepared a PowerPoint presentation including all these plants that children had to identify. Children were neither shown herbarium voucher specimens nor botanical samples of plants. Conduction of the test After writing down their name, age, birth place, and household residents, children had to answer the following questions on a sheet of paper for each photograph (for youngest children who were not literate , I wrote the answers myself): (1) name of the plant photographe d; (2) use (s) of the plant; (3) from whom they learnt how to recognize the plant; (4) from whom they learnt how to use the plant; (5) where does the plant grow; (6) which part (s) of the plant is ( are ) used; (7) when do they harvest the plant; and

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82 (8) how do they prepare the plant. Thus, the indicators that I used to assess plant knowledge are name, use (s) , useful part (s) , harvest location and period, and preparation of the plant. R ight answers to the test were prov ided by interviews, observ ation , and with ch I conducted both individual and collective knowledge tests. For individual testing, I personally conducted the test with one child at a time in an informal setting such as my room . By collective, I mean that all the students took the test at the same time in the classroom, but each of them answer ed individually. Group tests were taken in elementary school and high school . With the first classroom where I conducted the test (sixth grade in elementary school ), we used the projector since there were not enough individual computers. The problem was that I could not prevent students from cheating. Although I gave indications and told them it was not a graded test and that I was just interested in knowing what each of them knew , some of the s tudents e xchanged information. For the following tests in high school, I copied a PowerPoint presentation onto each computer and after giving instructions to the students, I asked them to open the file that they had on their computers and answer questions about each plant individually . Problems in understanding the indications There were some issues in the administration of the test. Aside from cheating, some studen ts did not really understand instructions. They answered questions for the first plant (the r e were eigh t questions per plant) and thought they were done. Other students did not get the meaning of the question. Before they start ed the test, I made sure to read them the questions and see whether they understood what they had to do. I told them that they could answer either in Quechua or Spanish, whatever la nguage

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83 would work best for them, and that they could just skip any plant that they did not know and move to the next one. Drawings I conducted the drawing activity in elementary and high school cl assrooms. It lasted about an hour and a half up to two hours depending on the slot of time allotted by the teacher. As a result of this activity I collected 125 drawings from 125 children. My objective in using drawi ngs wa s to visually s representations and knowledge of certain culturally important plants. I am well aware that some children might have know n the plant but were not able to represent it. Nevertheless , I h ad the impression that the more familiar with the plant the child was, the more detailed the drawing was. director s , I went to each grade in elementary school (grades one to six) and to one classroom in high school to draw with the students what they knew about plants. B ased on my observa tions and free lists, I decided to ask them to draw medicinal plants, edible plants, plants for play, and their chak ras ). In s ome of these grades, children are originally from different locations, either the community nucleus itself or its annexes (Rayancancha and Cochayoq). Others come from the nearby community of Rosaspata. What I did first was to el icit a free list asking children in the classroom to re call all the wild food plants that they knew. I translated this b y purun mikhuy in Quechua ( ¿ Qué plantas que se comen y crecen solas conocen? ) and gave them the name of a specific location where I knew that community members harvest wild edibles ( La Loma ) . I listed all these plants on the board in the order given by the children and k ept notes of the lists. Once I got the impression that the list was long enough and that they had no more

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84 plant names in mind, I asked them the second question which was: What plants do you play with? ( ¿ Con qué plantas juegan? or ¿ Qué plantas agarran para jugar, ya sean flores, palos, etc. ). To elicit answers, sometimes I added that I ha d seen them playing with plants, so I asked them what these plants were. Once listed all the answers, I would pass to the next question: What medicinal plants do you know? ( ¿ Qué plantas conocen para curar? hampi qorakuna in Quechua). The last category I asked them to draw was plants that they grow in their fields or chak ras . Free lists sparked discussion s among children , one child answering something and others disagreeing. In this case, I would write down the name of the plant only if there were at least a few students agreeing on this plant belonging to one category. Considering that these children are from different locations , I t hought that some might use the same plant in different way s . When children would make fun of their peers that would cite a plant that the majority either did not know or did not know for that particular use, I would tell them that maybe where this person is from, it is used in a different way. In some classrooms, children got so excited about it that they would come to me and grab my arm or whispe r in my ear the name of a plant that we had not listed yet. Once I got a list of plants in each category (medicinal, edible, play, and chak ra ), the studen ts and I would choose which students would be in charge of drawing certain categories of plants. For example, I would ask them who wants to draw edible plants. For each child agr eeing, they would choose about four plants that the y would have to draw . I pro vided all the classrooms with materials such as drawing sheets. In the first classroom, I provide d them with watercolor painting. It did not result in nicer drawings ,

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85 so I decided to ask them to use their own color pencils. They could use any orientation ( landscape or portrait) and could virtually divide the sheet in four parts with one plant in each corner. I asked children to include in their drawings their name, age, birth place (Ccachín, Cochayoq, etc.). After I conducted the exercise with the first classroom, I decided to ask them to write down who showed them how to recognize the particular plants they were drawing. I insisted on the fact that if they did not remember, they should not write anything. Most of them seemed to remember and wrote somethi ng (e.g., sibling, mother, father, grand father, etc.) . In the first two classes where this methodology was used, teachers were not told not to help their students. I noticed that they whispered some plant names to them and helped them to draw. For the fol lowing grades, I asked teachers not to help their students. I told the children that they could consult each other if they did not know how to draw a plant , but could not ask the ir teacher , who was , by the way, very likely not knowledgeable about it (most teachers are from Calca or Cusco and do not know much about local plants). With the first grade children, this methodology did not work out well. Since they d id n ot know how to read, I had to read them loudly all the names that I had written on the board f or them to decide which plants they wanted to draw. The problem was that some children would not recall what they were supposed to do and would draw another plant. The idea was that each child would remember or take notes of the plants they had to draw and then draw them on a sheet of paper.

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86 For the drawing of their fields, I told them that they could draw fences , which, in some cases, resulted in the child spending all their time drawing fences instead of plants. I had to remind them that what I was intere sted in were the plants growing in the fields. Some children also represented their houses in the field. Once they had finished this drawing with approximately four plants each , and if there was still time available, I asked them to draw their favorite pla nt (¿ Cuál es tu planta favorita? ). I told them that it could be any plant (tree, flower, etc. from any sub category) that they like d, either because they f ound it pr etty or it wa s useful to them. I noticed t hat in some classrooms all the girls drew the sam e flower ( a rose) and all the boys a tree (e.g., eucalyptus or pine). ving Sin ce my research funding was limited, especially during my main stay in the community, it would have been impossible for me to pay my informants. I tried to find other ways of compensation that would help my informants in some ways. Only once a man that I interviewed for the free list ing exercise asked me some money ( una propina ). I told him that I did not have anything and gave him a pen. He was not asking much (S/0.20, about $0.10) but I did not want to give the impres sion that I could pay to get information. Another way I found to t hank adults (especially women) for their collaboration was buying them their hand made textiles. With the children, it was easier. I had bought pens, color pencils, and watercolor paintings. To thank them for their participation , I also printed the picture s that I took of them and gave them. Each time I would go back to the city of Cusco , I would print the pictures of children and adults I had taken and bring them back to the community.

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87 Then, for my closest informants such as Hector who provided fo od and shelter and became my friends, I took special care of bringing them some items that they could not get in the community. For example, for All Saints Day, I brought them some traditional Cusco breads called that are used as a gift to dea d people, taken to the cemeteries , and then eaten. I cooked for the family on several opportunities, especially dishes that they said they never had b efore and wanted to try . I also bought them useful manufactured goods such as an original Thermos beverage bottle and a planner for Hector who now works in an NGO and has scheduled meetings. On another occasion, for the village anniversary, my host mother ask ed me if I could bring her one kilogram me of garlic, aji panca (half a kg or less depending on the pric e), and some vinegar. She needed these ingredients to prepare her seasoning to roast her pig. Her husband was going to Cusco but she told me that these were not the kind of things that she could ask him to bring back. She said that she would give me some m oney to buy those food items in Huancaro (a market where products were cheaper, according to her). I told her to pay me back upon my return , thinking t hat it would be a gift for her. Also, some of my friends in Cusco and family members back in Fra nce who heard my stories from the field or saw pictures expressed the desire to give me some presents for my host fam ily. A friend from Cusco who had a gift shop there gave me Paulina . Since they we re about the same age, they felt that they wanted to share

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88 When I returned to the community in December 2013, I decided that t he best gift for my young informants and friends would be to take them on holidays to Cusco. All of them had been to Cusco when they were younger but apparently did not recall it very well , especially the girls. Since school was over, I felt that their par ents might accept my invitation to take their three older children ( Wilson , Ermelinda and Paulina ) away for a few days. Knowing the importance of the children as helpers in the family's affairs, I thought that I could not propose the y stay for too long in the city. I first asked parents permission and told them that I wanted to do this to thank them for their kindness. I left them time to discuss it in private a nd the following day, they told me that they agreed and that I could take the ir children to Cusco. Since I wanted to spend a few days in Cusco on my own to work on my dissertation and prepar e children's holidays, I went first to Cusco. Before leaving the community , I pa id in advance child ren's transportation from Ccachí n to the town of Calca where I would pick them up. I had made arrangements with a community members that children knew (their mother's cousin) and who provided transportation services . On January 5 th , I picked them up in Calca and we traveled all together to Cusco. Wils on , Ermelinda , Paulina and I spent almost three full days visiting Cusco historical monuments and museums where they had never been before ( i.e., Sacsahuaman , the Cusco cathedral, Qoricancha , the Machu Picchu Museum, the Inca Museum, the Sa n Blas church), discovering mass consumption paradise in the newly constructed Cusco mall, playing electronic games, and eating ice creams and pizzas, delicacies not available in their community. In addition to these holidays, I ga ve parents money to pay for children's sc hool fees , which is usually an important annual expense

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89 for the family. I thought that investing in children's education was a good compensation for all their help. Data A nalysis This research produced two main types of data that were analyzed: (1) texts, such as field notes, drawings, tra nscribed interviews in Spanish , and photographs; and knowledge (Appendix M ) . Each kind of data has be en analyzed in a different way. Preparation for C oding I typed all my paper field no tes in a Word document. I kept different files, each file corresponding with e ach trip to my field site. I nterviews were transcribed in their integrity using Express Scribe, a free transcribing software for audio recordings. As for the drawings, they were all scanned. Yet, only some of them were selected for coding. Criteria that I took into account to keep or discard some o f these drawings were first representations of plants evolve d through time and with schooling, and to see whether Additionally, I decided to keep drawi ngs that were different from others, either in terms of quality of the drawing (e.g ., the plant was represented in a more detailed way), variet y of plants depicted, or style. D igital photographs that I took in the field show ed community members in their daily activities, especially children playing, working, and at school. I also took ma ny photographs of local plants in order to have some expertise of the local flora and have some visual materials to design the knowledge test and later produ ce pedagogical materials for local schools. I kept my digital photographs in several folders; each f older

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90 corresponded with one visit to the field site , and photographs we re orde red in chronological order. knowledge test. Coding and Analyzing T exts The different kinds of texts were code d to identify thematic codes (i.e., themes). Field notes were coded line by line. As for the semi structured interviews, they were coded following particular questions that all the informants were asked; headings of the questions were used as thematic code s. Additional thematic codes emerged from the answers that I got to the questions. Regarding the drawings, I coded them looking at the types of plants that the child had depicted (i.e., food plants, medicinal plants, plants for play, and plants cultivated Quechua and/or Spanish, whether the child added elements on their own initiative (e.g., people, landmarks), and which person had taught them what this plant was (children were asked to write do wn the name of the person who had told them how to recognize each plant). As for the photographs, not all of them were coded. I coded the ones that I used for the plant knowledge test; they were coded in relation to the type of plants that they represented (i.e., food plants, medicinal plants, plants for play, and plants their daily routines (i.e., schooling, herding, and tending the fields). These photographs were coded by activity, people interacting with the child in this activity, and setting and timing of the activity. Plant K no wledge Te st Data res ulting from the knowledge test we re responses to eight questions per plant with twenty to thirty plants in total (because of time constraint with some grades,

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91 the test dealt with only twen ty plants in some cases). They we re qualitative and hand written on sheets of paper. Most of the information contained in the knowledge test s wa s written in Spanish, although some children c ombined answers in Spanish and Quechua . For instance, Viqui (17 years old) anwered teninapaq allin to the question about the use of a plant called thiri . Quechua terms were also used for specific ways to use plants, such as picchar ( m asticate in Quechua, usually used for coca leaves) . After administering the test, I asked children whether they had found it difficult, too long, whether the pic tures were o f enough quality. Julio César ( 18 years) answered t hat it was easy because they kn e w these things. answers were imported and coded in Excel (Appendix E to I ) . To analyze I used one spreadsheet per use (medicinal, food, construction, play, firewood, and other). Then, the way I coded each student answers wa s a s follows: 0 when the plant did not have a particular use , 1 when the plant had a particular use. For instance, if a student said that eucalyptus was used as a medicine and did not mention any other uses for eucalyptu s, I coded the answer as 1 on the medicinal use spreadsheet and 0 for other uses, assuming that medicinal use was the only use that the student knew for this plant. Finally, when the student did not answer anything about a plant leaving a blank space on hi s or her an swer sheets, I coded the lack of answer as missing data and left the cell blank . Re taking the example of the eucalyptus plant, if a child successfully named the plant but was not able to recall any use for this plant and did not explicitly sa y t hat there were no uses for this plant, I coded the answer as missing data and left blank cells for all uses of this plant in all the spreadsheets. Blank cells also correspond ed to cases where a

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92 student either did not know anything about a plant or did not have time to answer the question. Nevertheless , coding dif fered for the spreadsheet that contained information 1 ood for right name and 0 wrong name given for the plant ba se d on interviews and observations living in Ccachín. Descriptive S tatistics I used d escriptive statistics with the objective of describ ing uses of each plant included in the knowledge test . That classification allowed me to summarize these data in a single t able of plant s per feature (i.e. medicinal, edible, construction, firewood, play) . Additionally, I calculated a n index of plant familiarity for each child , which wa s basically obtained from the proportion of non answers in the knowledge test) . The calculation of this index relied on the assumption that children who were familiar with a plant answered something , while missing data reflect ed a lac k of familiarity with the plant. It enabled comparisons in relation t o plant knowledge across children of different ages, gender, and places of origin, and graphical representations of these variations. Finally, in order to describe the nature of the relationship between p lant knowledge and variables such as age, I calcu lat ed the Pearson product moment correlation coefficient. Although I had initially thought about using consensus analysis methods to evaluate agreement in relation to plant uses , competence scores (i.e., to know whether some children had more expertise than others ) based o n this agreement , and culturally correct answers keys (i.e . , which plants children agreed on classifying as being medicinal, edible , etc.), I did not rely on this model to analyze my data . Indeed, the way data were collected did not fit the I had

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93 more than one answer per question (children could answer that a plant had different uses), and there were too many missing data in the knowledge test . For these reasons, I used descriptive statistics knowledge on plants.

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94 Table 3 1. Free listing questions in Spanish with their English translation. Original question (Spanish) Question translated (English) 1a: ¿ Qué pl antas cultivan para comer? 1a: Which plants do you grow to eat? 1b: ¿ Qué plantas que no son cultivadas cogen del cam po para comer? 1b: Which wild plants do you harvest for food? 2. ¿ Qué tipos de pastos hay en Ccachín? 2: Which kinds of pastures are there in Ccachín? 3: ¿ Qué plantas usan para curar en Ccachín? 3: Which medicinal plants do you use in Ccachín? 4: ¿Con qué materiales naturales hacen los cercos de canchón? 4: Which material do you use to build fences? 5: ¿Qué tipos de leña se usan en Ccachí n? 5: What do people use for firewood in Ccachín? 6: ¿ Qué plantas usan los niños de Ccachín para jugar? 6: What plants do children use to play in Ccachín? 7: ¿ Hay otras plantas que son importantes para los pobladores de Ccac hín y de las cuales no hemos hablado? 7: Did we forget to mention other important plants?

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95 CHAPTER 4 Geographical Location and Ecological Context The nuclear center of the peasant community of Ccachín stands on a mountainside above a valley, at 3,25 0 meters above sea level (almost 10,700 feet) . It is located on the eastern slope of the Andes in the Urubamba mountain range, at about 130 kilometers by road (four hours by public transportation) north of the city of Cusco , southern Peru . Froemming estimated that in 1999, 70 per cent of Ccachín population live d in the nuclear center of the community, whi le the rest of the population was di stributed between its t hree settlements or annexes ( anexos in Spanish): Cochayoq (annex located in the puna or high grassland area, and where community members rely more on pastoralism) , Rayanca ncha ( at the same ecological level as Cca chín , very similar in terms of modes of subsistence ) , and Yerbabuenayoq, the sm allest and now almost abandoned annex (only one family lives there) 1 . Ccachín is considered to have a large territory with 5,600 hectares that range from 9,000 to 13,000 feet above sea level. Thus, b ecause of the location of the community and its proximity to low lands as well as high lands, Ccachín agropastoralists have access to a variety of ecological zones. Following the road that leads from Lares to Ccachín, one crosses the lower parts of the community, where the annex of Yerbabuenayoq (2,800 meters ab ove sea level) is located. This is a relatively wooded area that had been reforested with pines and eucalyptus and that community members use as a common pool resources when they need firewood or building materials. 1 Yerbabuenayoq that is on the way from Lares to Ccachín used to be the area market place. A few families lived there. Now, it looks like a ghost town.

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96 Travelling up in direction to Ccachín, o ne can observe more corn fields and less tree cover. located, there are almost no trees. This area is at 3,800 meters above sea level and corresponds to the puna with pasture are as and potato fields , at the foothill of the Qolqe Cruz glacier . About fifty community members live there and their main activity is potato farming. Despite officially belonging to Ccachín, Cochayoq inhabitants are very independent and hold their own autho rities and communal meetings on the tenth of each month. In Rayancancha, there are about twenty families. Down the hillside where Ccachín is located, lies the Yanatile valley , at the eyebrow of the jungle, with a warm and humid climate approp riate for the production of agricultural products such as cocoa, coffee, coca (leaves), chilies and fruits (e.g., mango, pineapple, and banana among others ). The community nucleus has four sectors or barrios although it was not officially divided into neighborhoods ( barrios or ayllu ) in living memory (Froemming 1999). In practice, these neighborhoods are completely articulated and do not seem to play a role in the organization of the village life or for communal work parties. Community Brief History Settlement in what is now known as Ccachín dates back to pre Inca times. Some archeological remains of an earlier occupation of the Cultura Lares are still visi ble . This site is called Punku Yunka . A child from the community commented t hat community members had torn down so me of the archaeological remains , so that the National Institute of Culture ( Instituto Nacional de Cultura ) would not bother them, many agricultural fields being located in this area of the community.

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97 In recent history, Ccachín acquired a lot of lands afte Reforms in the late 1960s. These lands used to belong to local estate owners or hacendados (Knox Seith 1995). There were three haciendas adjacent to what is now Ccachín community, although none of them really cover ed s territory. After the agrarian reform, Ccachín officially became a comunidad campesina (peasant community) in November 1966. It is part of the Lares District, Calca Province, and Region of Cusco. People of Ccachín There are about two hundred families li ving in Ccachín , which represents about one thousand people. The most recent survey conducted in 2011 in the community registered 620 people over eighteen that is población electoral . The distribution of the population in 2008 is represented in Figure 4 2. At that time, 41.46 per cent of the population was composed of children and youth (under the age of 20). Some community members live permanently in Ccachín while others temporarily. This is particularly true for men, alt hough some young women also leave Ccachín to study and/or work in nearby towns (Lares and Calca). In the case of men, they might leave temporarily to work as porters or cooks on the Inca trail, to be hired by the Lares municipality to participate in some c onstruction projects, or to go and work in agriculture in El Valle (either in their own fields or as labor force for others). In the case of adult women, they rarely leave the community for more than a few days, especial ly women who are mothers and in char ge of their families. They might leave to go to a market town to buy some items that they need (e.g., clothing for a special occasion) or sell their products (e.g., corn or textiles). Some older and single women are actually more mobile

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98 and are able to spe nd more time outside the community. When they leave, they can rely on family members or and/or compadres and comadres to take care of their animals. Young people, both men and women, have in some cases migrated to Lares and Calca and to the city of Cusco ( Figure 4 1) or even farther away in hope of getting a better education or a job. Some come back on week ends (for example, young people who go to school in Lares), others less frequently depending on the distance. Yet, on s anniversary in November, most of them will make the journey back to the ir community. On a website created by one of these migrants, they placed a call for residentes (those who reside in Cusco) to gather and defend the loaded information about what life in Ccachín looks like with pictures and videos and several tabs providing information on local agriculture, textile, cattle ranching, customs (with some videos of the 2012 anniversary), and archaeology. The objective of t his website, aside f rom showing foreigners what life in Ccachín looks like, seems to be to connect the residents among themselves and to create a feeling of community outside the physical boundaries of Ccachín. In one of these videos posted on the website, there is a gathering of men from Ccachín in Cusco. Most of the people living in Ccachín are originally from the community. People who came from other areas and are married to Ccachín community members are either yernos or yernas , the former meaning foreig n men married to women from Ccachín and the latter meaning foreign women married to men from Ccachín. The owners of the two main convenience stores in Ccachín are married to outsiders and they are actually the misti or wealthy and powerful people . The othe r groups of outsiders are the

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99 schoolteachers originally fro m Calca, Cusco or Puno, and staff working at the medical post. markets, there is still a very prevalent perception from other Peruvian citizens that people living in these areas are disconnected from the regional and national economy and even backward . It is striking to see how governmental officials describe people from Ccachín in a publication that they published as an ou tcome of a regional government project. This project called Proyecto Corredor Puno Cusco aimed at rescuing and interpreting the diversity of Andean textiles of the Lares district. In this publication, people from Ccachín are stereotyped . They are represented as being quiet and hard workers, that wom en transcribe in their textiles . They are not depicted at all as modern actors of the regional economy with modern desires and expectations. Economic Activities Community members are highly mobile and combine economic activities both inside and outside the communal territory. When work related to agricultur e is lower in the community (e.g., after c orn sowing) , adult community members, especially men, temporarily leave the community to work on the Inca Trail, in gold mining, as municipal workers, or in lowland agriculture (e.g., harvesting coffee). Agriculture Agricultural production varies following the dry and rainy seasons, and the elevation and exposition of a particular field in the community. The main agricultural products on a year ly basis are: potatoes, corn , fava beans, green leafy vegetables, root

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100 crop s ( o lluco Ullucus tuberosus Caldas, mashua Tropaeolum tuberosum Ruiz & Pav. , and oca Oxalis tuberosa Molina ), squashes, beans, some grains such as wheat, quinoa ( Chenopodium quinoa Willd. ) , and kiwicha (amaranth Amaranthus caudatus L. ). Community m embers grow these pro ducts in their small family plots or home gardens ( canchones ), as well as bigger fields. Corn and potatoes that are the two main crops in Ccachín are grown in different areas: corn is grown in plots below the community while potatoes a re grow n in plots above the community. Community members reported that they used to grow potatoes communally, in sectors de signated as muyuy in Quechua. Muyuy are large territories located in the high lands of the community and each of them would be divided into several big plots. During several years, the community as a group would cultivate several plots in the same muyuy . They would cultivate these muyuy for several years and let them rest for seven years in order to recover soils. Most of the community members also have home gardens (locally called huerta in Spanish and canchón in Quechua) , which are usually closer to their houses. In these home gardens, they have medicinal (e.g. , chamomile, mint) and food plants/herbs (carrots, parsley, cilantro, sometimes potatoes a canchón variety , corn ), and some ornamental/medicinal flowers (e.g., roses, carnations). Most of these products are for self consumption or barter , others to sell . Community members who live in the higher lands (Cochayoq) produce exclusively potatoes. To get access to other resources, they sell or exchange their potatoes. When the provisions in potatoes are over, people will heavily rely on corn as the main staple.

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101 Also, when community members living in the main residence area of the community need to renew their potato stocks of seeds and get varieties resistant to main low land pests such as rancha , they would get them from Cochayoq people (buying or exchanging the m). All the family members contribute to th e agricultural production , each of them playing a different role. The selection and storage of the seeds (e.g., potatoes and fava beans) is usually the corn is sown in August or September. It is done through ayni , community members exchanging labor. While boys expand manure, men sow corn seeds that women have selected . While men are working in the fields, women cook and bring th em food. potatoes. They manage about one hundred varieties of potatoes. This number could seem high in comparison with the diversity that can be found in the United States. Yet, in comparison w ith nearby places, it is not that much. For example, in some communities in the upper part of Pisaq, people currently grow about one thousand potato varieties in their fields. This is the result of a project supported by the NGO ANDES aiming at securing fo od for local people through the in vivo conservation of potato varieties. Some of these varieties of potatoes have been imported from other areas of Peru. In order to get more variety of agricultural products, community members also engage in barter ( trueq ue ). Many valley products such as oranges, bananas, coca leaves, coffee, and cocoa are traded for potatoes and corn . Also, people in Ccachín

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102 have a lot of connection with what they call El Valle . Many community members actually commute to this area to grow lowland products such as pineapple, coffee, and mangos. Some have house s there where they spe nd some months of the year . For example, Don Juan de Dios, when asked what he would do during the rainy season that was starting in December, answered that during Valle and chak ras (fields) cultivating coffee. Indeed, there are not many agricultural activities that can be conducted during the rainy season in Ccachín ( corn is growing; there is not much field tending). Other people have definitely moved to these lowlands in search of more profitable activities. Products such as coffee have more market value than potatoes or maize. Herding Herding is a female activity, exclus ive to young girls and adult women. It is very rare to see m en doing it. Some boys will herd their animals usually in the case that their mothers are busy and they do not have any sisters. Wilson , a thirteen year old boy, son of my host mum, when asked why he would not herd the family animals, said that it was too difficult, that only his sisters could do it. It is a very time consuming activity. When girls are free, they will take the animals to the pastures but since in the mornings they have to go to sch ool from Monday to Friday , many women/mothers will take their animals (i.e., sheep and goats) to the grasslands. Once girls are back from school , they will rel ieve their mothers and go to the pastures where adult women left the animals. Girls as young as f ive years old herd animals, although at this age a sibling or a peer usually accompanies them . People possess animals to have meat but also for the manure that these animals produce and that will serve to enrich soils in the fields.

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103 Weaving Weaving as well is a strictly female activity. All women know how to weave, some being more experts than others. Girls are taught how to weave when they are about ten years old. When they are younger, they always observe their mothers but do not do it t hemselves . Weaving actually represents a good opportunity to observe mother daughter interactions and understand what learning by observing and doing mean. Ermelinda wove her first watu ( strip of woven wool ) last year and gave it to me . This year, one woman from the communi another watu that Ermelinda was carrying and she told her that it was very nicely executed. Women in Ccachín like in many surrounding communities are known for their mastery of this art. The designs that t hey represent in their textiles are very diverse and contain a lot of animal ( e.g., tarantula s , horses, llamas, condors and other birds, donkeys, and snakes) and plant symbols, elements from the environment (sun, lakes) , also human beings and historical fi gures (e.g., Tupac Amaru , indigenous leader, being executed). Basic patterns are called pallaes and the main color in these textiles is the red color. Some women weave with their own wool (sheep or alpaca) or the one that they trade, while others buy synth etic wool. To dye the sheep or alpaca wool, they use mainly synthetic dyes that they buy at local fairs . Natural dyes are also used but with a minor frequency. They are extracted from plants (e.g., the walnut tree produces a brown dye) and the cochineal in sect. One young woman told me that she prefers to weave a lliklla with synthetic wool because the colors are nicer (brighter/fluorescent colors).

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104 Women weave different items on back strap looms: ponchos for their husbands or sons, llikllas (shawls) for the m or their daughters, (carrying cloths), uncuñas (small clothes used to carry food), chompas , scarves, and blan kets for the whole family . Occasionally they also weave small items for their children although it seems that most of the clothing items that the children wear are manufactured and bought on local markets or come from donations . Some of these items woven by women are for sale. Women might have good connection with external buyers and are contracted ( a pedido ) to produce a certain quality and quantity of items. These women invest time in weaving. For most of the women who do not have th is kind of contacts, weaving is really an extra activity that they will perform whenever they have free time or someone from their family needs a particular item such as a poncho or a llillka . This does not happen much. On my last visit to Ccachí n, Daniela was finishing weaving a scarf for one of the teachers who had as ked her (her daughter told me it took her several week s to complete this item) and had also started a q to c arry her new born. Fifteen women from Ccachín are organized in a There u sed to be more women. Yet, they do not see it as profitable anymore to belong to this group. Indeed, the offer in very nicely woven Andean t ex tile is very high in the Cusco area and there is no particular market for their production, despite th e high quality of their work. Costs associated with their membership to the as sociation (e.g., fees to cont ribute to the maintenance of an exhibit room in Cusco where their products are sold) discourage them fro m subscribing to the association .

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105 Trade and gift giving There are different trading places in Ccachín. Some are visible ones such as the convenience stores and the market place while others are mor e subtle (e.g., home and street). People engaging in trade are both men and women, even children. Trade is directed towards the acquisition of goods or services and can imply the use of cash or not. Indeed, barter is a form of trade , which is very common in Ccachín. It can happen in a formal trading pl ace such as the market or feria , which takes place every Tuesday or at any place and any moment in the community. For example, Daniela told me that sometimes she exchanges her corn for s ome alpaca wool from Cochayoq. I witnessed her daughther, Paulina , going to the market with some corn in order to trade it for fruits , oranges and mangos . Also, when visiting family members or compadres , community members such as Daniela either trade or gi ve . Daniela went in December 2013 to visit her comadre in Urubamba and brought her some dried fava beans, as a present. She came back with some agricultural products such as rocotos (peppers). Gold m ining About thirty men from Ccachín are currently involve d in gold mining and settled with their family in the low lands of the Madre de Dios regi on 2 . Most of th ese men left temporarily the community and always come back to tend their fields , help out in agricultural tasks , or to visit their family members who s tayed in the community. With 2 When Froemming (1999) did his study in Ccachín in 1999, he repor ted that nobody engaged in mining at that time.

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106 the money that they earn, they continue to support their relatives (e.g., their parents) in Ccachín and buy some tools (e.g., chainsaws) that will improve their work as miners or peasants. Axel , younger brother of Daniela , had spent the first part of the year (January to August) in the community because the rain would prevent him f rom working in mining. Then, in August, after having helped his mother who is a widow to tend her fields, he and his family went back to their mining camp in the lowlands. Axel does not own the land where he is gold mining; he works for a patron (the owner of the plot is another person). Axel finally came back to the community after being infected with leishmaniasis on his leg, a very common disea se among gold miners. H e t old me that the price of gold is currently low (S/102.00 , about $36 per gram) in comparison to what it used to be a few months ago (S/120 S/130, between $43 and $46 ). For some of them, mining is a lucrative activity. Some community m embers fro m Ccachí n have secured enough money to build a three story house in the lowland city of Puerto Maldonado. Tourism There is no proper tourism in Ccachín. Very scarcely, some tourists will pass by Ccachín on their way to other destinations. Yet, l ike in many other communities in the Cusco region, men from Ccachín are involved in the Inca Trail tourism. Most of the time , these men are hired as porteadores on the Inca Trail. Some of them get jobs as cooks for trekking expeditions, either on the Inca Trail or other routes. As for the most qualified men, usually younger, who have some experience in or studied tourism (usually younger men), they work as local guides. A fifty seven year old man from Ccachín who works as a porter commented that their conditions as porteadores improved in comparison with what they were in the past. Indeed, they used to be given one kilogram of rice, one kilogram of beans, and one

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107 kilogram of sugar and had to arrange their own cooking while carryi backpacks . Now, companies that hire them provide them with food, a jacket, sugar and beans. All the men who work as porteadores need to be register by the former INRENA ( Instituto Nacional de Recurs os Naturales ) before they can work. It seems that in Ccachín, all adult men have worked or are working on a regular basis on the Inca Trail as porteadores . The peak season ranges from August to September , period during which more labor is required . Festivi ties The re are several important festivals for people in Ccachín. Most of them follow the agricultural calendar (e.g., planting work parties) and religious dates. They represent an opportunity for community members and residentes to gather and celebrate. O ne of the festiv als of community members or family members of community members came back to Ccachín from Cusco and Lima to reconnect with the community , their kin, and friends . Som e of them brought along products from the lowlands or coast ( e.g., fruits, coffee, meat), either to sell or to give as presents to their relatives and friends. The anniversary is celebrated in November and lasts several days during which c ommittee collecting funds and planning the celebration) organizes act ivities in partnership with schoolteachers . Classes are not canceled officially but all the activities planned in the school at this time of the year geared towards the anniversary (i.e., the paper torch competition), cleaning of the streets, etc. During this festivity, people had a chance to compete exposing their agropastoral products (potatoes, fava beans, corn , Guinea pigs,

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108 cows, etc.). There were also horse and bike races where children (boys) competed with adults. Christmas is celebrated very simply. On Christmas Eve, people gather in the house of the child who was in charge of presenting the Baby to the community members; it is la velada . There, people share some hot chocolate and discuss. On December 25 th , some families have a special breakfast with panetón (fruit bread) and hot chocolate. Others prepare a special lunch with guinea pigs. Children generally do not receive p resents from their parents but do receive some from several organizations , which visit the village during the whole month of December ( e.g., Fundación Niños del Arco Iris, nearby municipalities with their authorities in search of votes, and the state progr am Cuna M ás ). The medical post and the church with residentes inv ite children for hot chocolate. An exhaustive list of festivi ties can be consulted in Appendix B . Community Institutions Local Political Authorities In Ccachín, as in many Andean peasant comm unities, a traditional authority system ( cargo system) coexists with statutory authorities, which were imposed by the Peruvian state with the creation of communities. Members of the traditional authority system are elected for one year. They are referred t o as varayoq s (staffs holders in Quechua), mayordomos (stewards of the saints and in charge of patronizing fiestas; it is the only office where women can serve), and carguyoq s (cargo holders). Both mayordomo and carguyoq are religious cargo s while varayoq is a civil one. Whoever holds one of these offices is expected to provide services to their fellow community members. Th rough their lifetime, these authorities will pas s from one office

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109 to the other , each of them having different responsibilities and corr esponding to the fulf illment of different activities . In return, the holders of these positions gain prestige and respect from community members they served. There are four levels in the Ccachín varayoq system hierarchically organized in terms of prestige and status (Froemming 1999). In order of importance, these positions range from three regidores (town criers, the less prestigious position), several alguaciles , three alcaldes de barrio (neighborhood mayors), and alcalde de varas (the highest ranking posi tion). Men who are selected as regidores are usually young and unmarried while the alcalde de varas is older and has accumulated experience, knowledge, and wea lth (Froemming 1999). O ne cannot serve as alcalde de varas without having served in l owest positi ons (Froemming 1999). The individual elected a s alcalde de varas then assumes many responsibilities in public rituals and ceremonies , and is the warrant that obligations are fulfilled and tr aditions followed (Froemming 1999). When I asked the current presi dent of the community what the role of the alcalde de varas was, he said that el varayoq ahora es para seguir las costumbres no más , meaning that his role is limited to ensure that traditions are followed. As for the statutory system, it consists in locall y electing people who are going to represent the government. They will meet in a general assembly (whose member s meet monthly) and will be the elected representatives of the co mmunity. Some of these official positions are presidente de la comunidad, tenien te gobernador , and the alcalde de menores . The community has a president, w hich is elected by the varayoq .

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110 The same person can assume both traditional and governmental official positions s uch as Hector , who has been a varayoq and was the former president of the community. The Church Although Froemming (1999) mentioned that Calca Salesian priests used to visit the community to say mass three or four times a year, there is not a real presence of the Church in Ccachín anymore . T he German catholic priest comes from Calca in some occasions like burials or preparation for the first communion. He will come for a few hours and will leave on his motorbike. In the time that I spent in Ccachín, the only time that the church in the commun ity nucleus was opened was on December 8 th , the Fest of the Immaculate Conception. They also opened it around Christmas for the Saint to be returned inside the church. Each annex has its own chapel. It seems that in the past, the former priest would visit the community more and organize some workshops for Ccachín inhabitants . The teachers would call for him to organize a ma ss for them and he would come. That is not the case anymore with the new priest. The Seventh day Adventist Church ( Iglesia Adventista de l Septimo Día ) , a Protestant Christian denomation , is also present in Ccachín. Its followers do not consume alcohol, and thus sometimes do not engage in reciprocal work parties since the consumption of alcohol is involved. The School System Ccachín is a we ll equipped community in terms of educative institutions. There are about two hundred and twenty seven children who go to school distributed between the kindergarten ( inicial ), elementary school ( primaria ) , and high school ( secundaria ).

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111 The elementary scho ol was created in the 1930s, high school opened in 1987, and kindergarten is the most recent service provided to Ccachín children. Although education is compulsory starting at the kindergarten level, the exact number of students who go to school is a bit l ower than the total specified in Table 3 1. Indeed, some children who are registered do not always attend school. For instance, in kindergarten, there are thirty three children officially registered but only twenty seven regularly go to school ( In Table 3 1, the number of registered students appear s in brackets). Actually, school attendance rate is relatively high in Ccachín. This is likely to be correlated with the fact that the social program Juntos from which Ccachín families benefit require s parents to register their children in school and children to attend school (regularity and punctuality are criteria of attendance) . In elementary school, about three quarter s of the children who attend school are from Ccachín (the main community). The oth er students are either from Rosaspata, Rayancancha or Cochayoq. Boys as well as girls go to school and there are even grades where the majority of students are girls. One teacher from the primary school mentioned that in the past, his students would be of different ages, some being teenagers (between fifteen and twenty years old). Now, most of the students in one grade are more or less the same age. In the annex of Rayancancha and the community of Rosaspata , there are also kindergarten and elementary school s (e.g., there are nine children in kindergarten and seven in elementary school in Rayancancha) . Yet, after the third grade of elementary school , children have to go to Ccachín . As shown by Canessa (2004 :187 ) in a Bolivian Aymara speaking community, despit e teachers and pupils sharing a language and cultural b ackground, and be ing

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112 seemin g ly phenotypically the skills and knowledge children obtain outside the classroom The educational context per se In Ccachín, s ome teachers hold prejudice against children. None of the teachers is from the community. Many of them are either from Calca and Cusco ( elementary school teachers) or Puno ( high school tea chers). Because of the status they acquired through their profession and despite their Andean origin and the fact that they are Quechua speakers, many teachers feel that they occupy a higher social positi on than Ccachín community members. Teachers themselv es reinforce this class distinction having prejudices against indigenous children and their learning abilities. One elementary school teacher explained to me that he could not follow exactly the official requirements from the Ministry of Education and have the same kind of expectations for students from Ccachín Other teachers in high school ( Colegio Agropecuario ) make students work in the fields. Parents often complain that they do not want their children to attend this school confused. To me, studying is working so I did not know what they meant. W hat they re asked to sow potatoes, tend the school fields, raise trout or chickens (second grade children were the one s who bought the chickens and raise them ), etc. According to p arents and children , teachers take advantage of the situation and use these products themselves either for the ir own consumption or to sell them. The problem is that studen ts do not benefit from that work. They do not receive food products that they

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113 contributed to grow. As a consequence, if parents have the economic possibility, they prefe r to send their children to study elsewhere. In high school, in comparison with elementary school, children are not provided with lunch. They will have to take it at home after school. In elementary school, parents have to pay a monthly fee to provide thei r children with different meals during the day. In the morning, during the first break (at about 9:45am), children are given a herbal infusion ( mate ), tea , or hot chocolate. Then, during the next break (11:35am), they have lunch at school. Mothers are call ed on a rotating basis to prepare lunch (if they cannot go, they will send someone in their representation) , the ingredients being provided by the school. Students have the possibility to ask for a second plate if they wish so. Thus, when elementary school children g o back home at about 1pm, they have already eaten. There are also some conflicts between the teachers. Parents gossiped that one teacher had attacked another one. S ome teachers are also criticized for not hanging out with others, not sharing meals or activities with them . Corruption is also pervasive . Parents, especially mothers, are concerned about the fact that some teachers talk to the children in Quechua in the classroom . I whe ther to use Quechua or not depend s on the age of the students and incentive to use Spanish since this might create some communication issues when students do not master well the language. As García (2005) highlights in Making Indigenous Citizens: Identities, Education, and Multicultural Development in Peru , there is still a strong connection between language, class, prestige, and citizenship. Speaking Quechua means being poor while speaking Spanish or any other foreign languages is related to prog ress and moving ahead. For parents in Ccachín and in many rural

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114 communities in Peru, the acquisition of the Spanish language is related to their community and study or work ou tside and be consid ered as real Peruvian citizens. Many parents told me that they did not want their own children to have the kind of life that they had. When I asked Paulina if she wanted to study outside of the community when she would be older, she said that she did not want to. She wanted to stay in Ccachín. Ermelinda , her sister who was finishing elementary school when I was there, was going to be sent to study in Chinchero by her parents. She was not very happy about it. She told me that she wanted to stay in the community. Hector and Daniela , her parents, have conocidos (acquaintances) in Chinchero and thought that she would receive a better e ducation there than in Ccachín high school. Lucía , mother of Arturo , told me that a few years ago, she began to send Arturo to Cusco during the summer for him to study in a private educative institution ( academia ) and be better prepared. When in Cusco, Arturo stayed with a nurse who worked in Ccachín and had a house in Cu sco. In summer 2013, Arturo other took the mornings , and took some classes in the afternoon. Arturo godmother had been a nurse in Ccachin for a year and that is h ow they met. Daniela criticized the attitude of Lucía who she describ ed as ambiciosa (ambitious) . In summer 2014, the plan is that Arturo will go to Coyaq, a few hours from his community, to stay with his new god mother (one of t he new health post staff/nur se). There, he will also attend the soccer school/academia.

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115 Another example is that of Sol years old. Both study in Cusco: one is finishing high school and the second one is a freshman at the national universi ty. As for their brother, he stayed in Ccachín and studied in the Colegio Agropecuario (high school) , although I guess he would have preferred to be sent to Cusco too. In his case, his parents send him only for the summer to an academia. Sending children t o a summer school i s not economically possible for most of the families. Only more well off parents can afford it. Paola is in her thirties and has two daughters and a son. The oldest of her children, Robert o , is still in primary school but Paola is alread y thinking of her life when her children are older. She supports he r family with a family business (i.e., convenience store) and her husba nd who is from El V alle and spends most of his time there, has a truck and transport s agricultural products and passengers from the highlands to t he different fairs in the nearby towns. Before having her children, Paola had started to study in a private institute in Cusco. She never finished her studies and feels unaccomplished. S ince her desire to study business is still present, s he decided to start over and after fifteen years of not using a computer, she registered to a course in Calca where she goes every Friday on her motorbike. She is even thinking to register to an online course in administration. The future that she envisions for her children is not in Ccachín. She says that she is preparing herself to follow them wherever they go to study , which is why she is studying to be able to get a job in Cusco. When she was a teenager, she u sed to live in Lima with her sisters and she got her education there. Now, she is thinking to send Robert o , her eldest, to study there at least for the summer.

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116 , which she thinks are useful in hi gh The reasons why parents send their children elsewhere at least during the summer are related to their desires and expectations of advancement ( superación ) . E ven if these parents did not get their w ealth through education or studying, their idea of success in li fe or becoming a professional is getting their children educated. They invest summer when, by the way, there ar e fewer agricultural tasks since most of the agricultural products are growing, is the first step to prepare their children to leave the community some days. They send them to the academia for them to open their minds, go out of the community, know new pla ces and make new friends such as Paola , and develop new skills that they cannot get in the community acco rding to parents . Different parents value different things (e.g., oratory for Paola, selling cooking marketing for Daniela) . It is interesting to p oint out that local vendors want their children to lea rn how to speak better in public . Both mothers, Sol and Paola , talked about improving their children speech while Daniela whose children are not immersed in a business want them to develop these busin ess skills. While some parents send their children to study and improve their academic level only during the summer, some parents send their children to Lares, Calca , o r Cusco , as soon as they start high school . This is sometimes a decision that the child himself or herself takes. In the case of Angela who is the mother of four children, she had started to take her eldest to Cusco during the summer. One summer, he told his mum that he

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117 did not want to go back with her to the community. He was twelve years ol d. She y in his convenience store and by night, from 6 9pm , he studied. This lasted four years . Last November, the boy called his m other from Cusco and told her she should travel to Cusco and get him. His mother told me that she d oes not know why the teenager took such a decision. She thinks that he suffered some kind of abuse while h e was in Cusco and might have hu ng out with some not rec ommendable you th . She finds him more aggressive with his brothers and sister since he came back from the city . Now, she wants to persuade him (and asked me to help her doing so) to stay in the village where he would retake his studies to finish high school . When I asked Samuel what he wants to do, his answer was that he did not know. O verview of Development Projects in Ccachín cts were mainly focused on health and food security , for example promoting and preserving local agricultural diversity , and were undertaken either by governmental organizations (both at local and regional levels) and non governmental organizations . I n T abl e 4 2 , I summarize d development projects t hat I encountered in Ccachí n bet ween Mid 2012 and January 2014. Perceived Benefits and Impacts of Development Projects P erceived benefits and impacts of both governmental and non governmental development projects r eflect my own perceptions a nd observations of the outcomes of these projects in Ccachín a s well as p about them . For most projects targeting children, school is the main pathway to reach them.

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118 Asociación Para la Naturaleza y el Desarrollo Sostenible ( ANDES ) . Using the model that they developed with t he Parque de la Papa communities and relying on the experience that they had for having previously worked in the area , ANDES started t o implement field schools ( escuelas de campo ) in Ccachín in 2013. These field schools are basically design ed for farmers to exchange information and crop varieties 3 . The underlying idea is to provide a space for farmers to discuss and experiment pest resistance and ad aptations of d ifferent varieties of crop s ( i.e., for a particular crop, Ccachí n farmers usually manage several varieties that they plant in different areas of the community based on the requirements of each variety in terms of soil, sun exposure, altitude, etc. ) . T his experimental plot also provide s farmers with the opportunity to come up with com mon solutions to climate change effects such as the appearance of new pests , plagues or diseases in the area. In Ccachí n, the experimental plot was lent by a community member and sown with corn (in other co mmunities where ANDES works, they experimented with potato varieties ) . Another project that is being implemented by this NGO and involves women from Ccachín is one focused on training them in food preparation with local ingredie nts ( quinoa , guinea pigs, lo cal herbs, etc.), and production and preparation of medicinal plants . To date, it seems that ANDES workers have managed to establish a genuine relationship with some community members. This might be due to the fact that they recruited local technicians who are inhabitants of the villages where the project is being 3 International Potato Center to continue their in situ work on adaptation of native potato varieties to changin g climatic conditions. In the long term, the objective is to foster conservation and promotion of native potatoes and crop diversity in general, and ensure food security for local populations.

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119 implemented , Ccachín being one of them . In January 2013, the association has recruited Hector , former president of the community, to serve as a local technician. The association is also reasonable in terms of outcomes and avoid s making promi ses that c annot be kept . On top of receiving institutional support for the organization of some events and training in different areas, women and men appreciate these gatherings where they have an opportunity to meet farmers from other areas and sometimes gain new skills. Yet , turnout at workshops is still quite low (about twenty to thirty people ) despite the fact that these workshop s are open to everybody . W orkshops sti l l lack a more active partic ipation from youth that constitutes a major part of C cachí n population. Actually, these kind s of trainings could be an appropriate platform to engage children and youth and give them a chance to hav e their voices heard . Asociación Pukllasunchis . Pukllasunc his based NGO that aims at i mprov ing education al experience , fost ering intercultural and bilingual education programs . The organization has a long history working with Quechua speaking communities, either in urban areas (e.g., in Cusco ) or surrounding rural communities. Pukllasunchis has been very active in Ccachín with some interesting init iatives such as radio programs with regional coverage created by and for children . Sisichakunaq Pukllaynin ( El juego de l as hormiguitas ) is one of these programs created with and for bilingual children . It is much appreciated by Ccachín children who wait patiently for the program to start every afternoon. Actually, Sisichakunaq Pukllaynin airs two kind s of programs in Spanish and/or Quechua: (1) programs designed and produced by children with their own voices in their schools or community; and (2) programs based on ethnographic research

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120 Chil dren like these programs because they can hear recording s of their own stories or stories they can e a sily relate to ranging from information about local plant species , description of local agricultural practices, to legends, origin myths, traditions (e.g., first hair cut) , or my thical beings . Fundación Niños del Arco Ir is . This group from Calca provides free medical and odontological assistance to Ccachí n community members of all ages twice a year . They also give s upport and information in relation t o family planning . On top of medical services, they provide free c lothing and shoes for children , items that come from international donations. Usually, in Cca chí n, th ey settle down on the school ground. Services and goods provided are well appreciated by the local community although the way the NGO coordinates its stay in Ccachín with some schoolteachers and not the school director himself created tensions a mon g teachers in elementary school. Around Christmas, the foundation also offers hot chocolate and presents to children assuming that Christmas would not be the same without their intervention. One way to justify their intervention in this area is to present the community as extremely , (Foundation Niños del Arco Iris 2008 report) , which is not true. Andean Alliance for Sustainable Development . A few years ago, the NGO Andean Alliance for Sustainable Development (AASD) based in Calca installed three g reen houses in Ccachí n, one at th e elementary school and two at the high sch ool . At The objective of diet s introducing vegetables that they do not

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121 usually eat on a regular basis. If there was a surplus in the production, the children could sell it and have some economic benefits for the school. The project seems to work well in elementary school but has not been successful in high school. I visited the green house in the ele mentary school and children were very proud to show me what they produce d there. In addition to green houses, they have some gardens where they cultivate more agricultural products. This initiative seems to be sustainable in the elementary school. When I c ame back a year later, they were still using the green house and producing vegetables. Yet, my observations confirmed what parent s told me: one teacher is making her students produce only to sell vegetables and herbs. Pr ofit t hat children get from selling at Ccachín fair every Tuesday benefit the classroom of this particular teacher and is not shared with the rest of the students . The rest of the production is used to feed children for the free lunch program. Another aspect of this development intervention that I find irrelevant is that through a video posted on th e NGO website, activities with children in the greenhouse are promoted as a way for these children to get rticipatory hands . Even if it is tr ue that children do not have experience in greenhouse vegetable cultivation or maintenance , they are sons and daughters of farmer s and their daily activities r evolve around farming. Moreover, as we will see in C hapter 5 , through their intera ctions and performance in famili al and communal activities , children gain values and learn to be responsible members of their group . as mentioned in the video is a mode of education that they are alread y familiar with.

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122 Governmental P ro grams : Juntos , Vaso de Leche , Cuna Más , and Agrodiversity Project. The Peru vian government offers to its ci t izens several social programs established to help them fulfill basic needs such as housing, food , health, and education . Households eligible to receive these social ben e fits are classified as poor or extremely poor ( they usually live in rural areas ) by the Ministerio de Desarrollo e Inclusión Social ( Ministry of Developme nt and Social Inclusion ). Despite their short term and sometimes long term ben e fits, the implementation of these programs might lead to unexpected and problematic outcomes . In Ccachí n, community members can benefit from Cuna Más, Juntos , Qhali Warmi , and Pensión 65 . Classifying these families as poor families could seem paradoxical since they are almost self sufficient. Hector recounted that a few decades ago, the only items that they needed to get from the local market of Yerbabuenayoq were oil and salt. We could won der how being cl assified as affect them, their sense of identity, productivity, expectations, and the way they value their livelihoods/economic activities which is obviously not considered as productive enough for the stake of go vernmental statistics . Juntos. Juntos is a conditional cash transfer program implemented by the Ministerio de Desarrollo e Inclusión Social and whose objective is t o improve education, health , and nutrition . It targets the poorest sector of th e Peruvian population , that is to say households officially classified as poor or extreme ly poor . Households that have been classified as eligible receive a bimonthly cash transfer of S/200 ( Peruvian Nuevos Soles ), approximately $70 for two months ($35 per month). In return, beneficiaries have to comply with some requirements: health check ups, vaccinations, and nutrition seeking behavior. In the Lares district (district where Ccachín is located)

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123 considered as the poorest district in Peru, 1,200 househo lds out of 7,540 inhabitants benef ited from this programme in 2009 (almost 98% of the population lives in poverty) . As a result of this social program, school attendance has increased significantly, health check ups are done on a regular basis, and nutriti on seeking behaviors have improved (mothers like my host m other Daniela addition of protein sources in the soup such as chicken feet other parts of the chicken are expensive in Ccachí n convenience stor es). One of the problems is that the amount of cash that caretakers receive is not proportional to the number o f children per family . T his program is based on the assumption that mothers, as head households, are better managers of cash than men 4 . Thus, the y are the ones who receive the cash from the government , not men , and they are the ones who are required to comply with the conditions . As confirmed by Jones et al. (2008), Juntos expenses (i.e., to cover transportat ion costs to the district town in order to receive the payment) and workload for women and might be perceived by some of them as additional tasks that they have to accomplish, instead of balancing right and responsibilities that they have with the state. O n an official poster of the program, the appeal seems to be that if women/mothers want to keep on receiving this stipend, they just need to make sure that their children will stay in school. I n practice, what happens is that in return for the payment that t heir household receives , they have to give away labor (e.g., in road maintenance, street cleaning) and 4 It might be the case that they are less inclined to alcoholi sm or be perpetrators of domestic violence but they might be pressured by their husbands to release the money to them.

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124 attend regular capacity building or awareness raising workshops. When f emale beneficiaries are asked to work, they have to go by themselves to the locat ion where this communal work is going to be conducted. They are not provided with the means of transportation nor tools. For example , they might be asked to fix potholes in a road but they have to carry their own tools. Moreover, they might be busy attendi ng their domestic chores but they still have to attend Juntos work parties . Finally, for these mothers, this da y of work outside the community implies lea ving the community for a whole day, which is problematic if no caretaker is available . Vaso de Leche . This program was created several decades ago in Peru. It takes the form of food subsidies , more specifically canned evaporated milk . Each month, caretakers (i.e., mothers, grand mothers, or any other adult in charge of caring for the child) of children younger than 13 years o ld receive two cans of milk per child . Nonetheless, as suggested by Jones et al. (2008) in their study of the p rogram Juntos , power relations intrinsic to the community imply that community members are often reluctant to speak out about who should be excluded from the program. This might be the case in the Vaso de Leche program in Ccachín. One day that I witnessed milk distribution, I observed that better off women living in the community (i.e., women who own petty businesses and thus have an income) request ed the milk that they are entitled to get, despite having the economic power to buy it. All women , either moth ers or grandm others caring for children , were waiting for their names to be called. Despite this process being led by a local authority (a female regidor / councilor originally from C cachí n but who now lives in the district town of Lares), the locally powe rful female business owners were among the beneficiaries .

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125 Cuna Má s . I t is a recent national program created in 2012 . Through the in volvement of Cuna Má s supports pregnant women and/or families who have children under the age of three . This support consists in giving information and providing advice and training to these families on topics related to childcare and development. It also includes home visits , once per week, and at a time convenient for the family. D uri ng these home visits the extension agent bring s food such as yogurts and fruits for the young child. In Ccachín, two women have been trained to be extension agents for this program . Each of them is in charge of ten children that they have to monitor. Angel a , one of these extension agents, told me that after the training she received and because of her experience as a promotor of a former program called PRONOEI ( Programa no escolarizado de Educación Inicial , precursor of kindergarten) , she can see when a child is well taken care of; she observed that when a child ge t scared with the visit of a newcomer, it is a sign that his parents do not demonstrate enough love. She said that she now knows how important it is for a child to have both his parents to show affection and interest. She s aid that she is learning a lot and she wished she had had her children now, now that she is informed. If duri ng her house visit she witnesses domestic violence, Angela says that she tries to talk to the parents. On an informative video produced by the ministry about Cuna Má s , they insist on the impor tance of parents as caretakers and making parents respons ib le as sole caretakers or agents in charge of the socialization of the child. This is not the case i n most o f these households where other children (siblings, cousins) or other adults s physical , emotional, developmental an d social development.

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126 One of the benefits of such a program is that , as highlighted by Angela , cases of domestic viol ence can be det ected and acted upon. P arents are accompanied and mi g ht benefit from good advice and support. Nevertheless , she stressed how difficult is it for her to talk to people that she kno ws in case one or more members of the family suffer some kind of violence . Yet, in a n article written in June 2013 by Sarah Klaus, director of the Open Society Early Childhood Program in London (England ), Klaus hig hlights the fact that upgraded community centers or new infant and toddler centers with enhanced learning environments . Considering that in rural communities out of school interactions are critical for socialization and learning, we can wonder how the fact to temporarily remov e children from this environment (relationships and interactions) will affect these processes , on top of depreciating the time they spend with other people than their parents. Klaus (2013) adds th at: If the adult caregivers live in dire poverty, inhabit in adequate housing, do not have regular access to nutritious food, have limited access to health services and information about child development, are too ill or busy to play and interact with their children, the children will, inevitably, suffer sh ort and l ong term consequences Most of Ccachín community members live in these conditions and this does not prevent children from being very mature and smart individuals . Children do not lack potential; they lack better educational opportunities that would give th em additional skills necessary in the job market . We could wonder whether this program really counteracts the effects of discrimination or just perpetuat es the idea that local ways of raising children cannot account for the full development of a child and need to b e improved.

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127 Taking the example of play, I never observed parents playing with their children except in the case of infants and toddlers . Actually, those involved in playing are simply other people such as siblings and peers. Parents are not the only ones that might play with the young child. Cuna Má s boasts of respecting diversity and being based on the fact that child, the family, and the community must be seen as competent and be treated with respect Nevertheless , the way the program is promoted and implemented does not reflect different forms of raising children and make one appear superior to the other: being a love and provide infants with the right learning environments following the progra definition of what is the right environment . Agrodiversity Project. The agrodiversity project led by the Regional Government of Cusco failed a few months after having started. During one of the first meetings that I attended, the leader of th e project praised her project for being the first one really looking for local peop before its implementation . It seems that this was not enough. Right from the beginning of that project, I could observe some signs that it was not going to be sustainabl e. Indeed, in order to recognize the work of some peasants who had more diversity of corn, the project leaders had given these peasants wheelbarrows creating envy among the other Ccachín inhabitants on their first visit to the community . Th is pro ject was lau n ched a t the end of the year 2012 and e nded in 2013 , officially because of lack of funding. It might start again in 2014 . This project with a regional scope sought food security and the promotion of new economic activities for

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128 local people. Government o fficials implemented it in response to a perceived loss of native agrobiocultural diversity . It was supported, in the field, by the NGO ANDES. Government representatives and NGO wor kers wanted to work in collaboration with peasants from Ccachín to recover the diversity they once had in their fields ( in situ conservation). Some of the crops that they included in this project we re quinoa , potato, and kiwicha the branch of the regional government in charge of biodiversity affairs hired field workers 5 In addition to state projects, regional and local governments implement some projects that serve both the benefit of local population an d elections interests. For instance, in 2012, the municipality of Lares ran the pavement of the main street and installed the public electrification system in Ccachín. Final Remarks Like many other rural areas classified as poor by th e Peruvian government, Ccachín community members benefit from many social programs. The main issue with these programs is that they assume that people need to be guided and are not able to care for themselves. They assume a paternalistic approach , foster d ependence, and do not necessarily empower their beneficiaries. Worse than that, trainings that they provide are in some ways disrespectful of and living conditions . For instance, in relation to Juntos , J ones et al . ( 2008) 5 N one of these workers who were hired to conduct interviews and gather ethnographic data had an appropriate training in anthropology or social sciences in general.

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129 they have to improve their personal appearance , living conditions making them feel that the way they us ed to live before receiving these training s was backward and not appropriate . C leading to poverty/extreme poverty go along the same line as implying that these liveli hood options are not the right ones and do not have any value. Jones et al. (2008) also pointed out that higher school attendance changed s use of time. E activities when they come back from school and during week ends and holidays, their parents (esp ecially women ) are now carrying out some of these activities. That is why when on one occasion the nearby city to cash their paychecks, Daniela did not feel it was a pain. On the contrary, she was relieved and told me that it was good because her daughters and son would have more time to help her. Most of these programs are beneficial to children and significantly help their families, yet they also perpetu ate this relationship patron client maki ng people dependent upon external aid , instead of providing real opportunities for these children to move forward and not need these subsidies anymore. Rather than really addressing structural inequalities and providing economic opportuni ti es, or as suggested by Jones et al. (2008) access to employment, credit, and technical assistance, they are more like a temporary and partial solution to poverty .

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130 Figure 4 1. Map of the Ccachín community in the Lares District, Cusco Region. Adapted f rom a map of the Cusco Region (Peruvian Instituto Ge ográ fico Nacional , first edition) . Figure 4 2. Distribution of Ccachín community members by age groups in 2008. 28 26 88 186 24 35 49 92 200 39 0 50 100 150 200 250 300 350 400 450 Under-five children Elementary school-aged children High school aged children Adults between 20 and less than 60 Adults over 60 ("elderly") Female Male

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131 Figure 4 3. A eight year n, fava beans, and squash. Figure 4 4. A eight year Table 4 2013). Grades Kindergarten Elementary school High school First 27 (33) 17 (20) 24 Second 23 17 Third 12 (13) 19 Fourth 18 11 Fifth 23 16 Sixth 20 N/A Total 117 87 Source: E laborated with data provided by schoolteachers.

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132 Table 4 2. Description of the main development projects/programs offered to Ccachín community members. Type of institution Name and starting date of the organization/program's activities Objectives Beneficiaries Non Governmental Asociación Para la Naturaleza y el Desarrollo Sostenible ( ANDES ), 2013 Preserve indigenous biocultural heritage (e.g., land, traditional knowledge) and manage local agricu ltural diversity All community members Prevent crop failure and identify solutions to face climate change Asociación Pukllasunchis Value local knowledge and folklore School children Prod uce bilingual programs (e.g., ra dio programs) Fundación Niños del Arco Iris Provide health services , free clothing and shoes All community members Andean Alliance for Sustainable Development (AASD) Help address malnutrition School children Produce vegetables in school green houses for lunch programs Governmental Cuna Más , 2012 development C hildren under age 3 and their families Provide food and support/counseling to parents, especially mothers of infants (from pregnancy to three years old) Juntos Improve situation and secure access to health and education for children Families with p regnant women and /or children Qhali Warmi Women Pensión 65 , 2013 Improve elderly people economic situation Elderly people

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133 CHAPTER 5 CHILDHOODS IN CCACH ÍN Asking how or from whom one learns is not meaningful if the general context of this apprenticeship is not presented , which is what I do in this chapter. After framing the meaning of childhood for Quechua speakers in the Andean context and explaining how particular rituals characte rize this stage of life, I beliefs shape their daily actions . Since school is the offic ial setting for learning, I school in Ccachín. Dep icting the childhoods of rural Quechua speaking children would not make sense without highlighting their mobility and understanding how and why they move locally and/or reg ionally. To end this chapter, I illustrate the experience of childhood through the life portraits of three children, one boy Wilson and his two sisters, Erm elinda and Paulina , who were my closest informants and friends during my fieldwork. I finally asked children to reflect on their future and share with me the ir expectations. an Andean Indigenous Community ? Despite the existence of an official and supposedly universal definition of children as individuals under the age of eighteen years old (definition recorded in the 1989 Convention on the Rights of the Child regionally defined. Indeed, the meaning of being a child, stages of childhood, and roles and activities that a re supposed to be inherent to a child are all social constructions that vary in time and place. Even regionally, trying to characterize childhood is a complex task due to all the variations between urban and rural settings in addition to individual

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134 experiences. Here, I reflect on the meaning of childhood in a rural Andean and indigenous context as it is the case in Ccachín. Through both li fe cycle r ituals and events and practices of daily life (e.g., the acquisition of skills such as language or skills that improve the life of the family or community Knox Seith 1995: 101), Andean children become competent adults. Quechua terms used to differentiate li fe stages are wawa (baby), erqe (child) both terms wawa and erqe are gender neutral, sipas / wayna (female/male teenager), warmi / qhari (adult female and male), paya / machu (female/male elderly although machu also refers to the ancestors), and alma (Spanish w adulthood is divided into three development stages: wawa (birth to about one year and a half or two years), erqe (from one year and a half or two years to ten or twelve), and sipas / wayna (pre teen through early twent ies). To pass from one stage to the following, each child has to pass through a series of rituals. There are also tasks and responsibilities that children need to be able to fulfill at respective ages. The two major rituals during childhood , which affect b oth girls and boys and are complementary, are the baptism and the first haircut or chukcha rutuy in Quechua ( corte de pelo in Spanish ) . The timing of these two events varies but baptism usually happens first 1 . While baptism represents the transfer of the H oly Spirit to the child and has a salvific effect, the first haircut has been described as having several functions. In some places, like the Apurimac Region of Peru, performing the first haircut ns and with first direct links with the s 1 Ackerman (1991) actually suggests that timing of both events depends on social class .

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135 other rituals, is reflected by changes in clothing; the child is given a new set of cloth by their godparent and after the ceremony , they will start to identify with their gender wearing clothes that mimic adults (Ackerman 1991). According to Radcliffe (1986) and Crowder (2003) who respectively worked in Peru and Bolivia, not only do es the first haircut marks t he beginning of gender clothing, it is also the moment when children start to fulfill appropriate tasks in relation to their gender and socialize in their future productive roles. Celebrating the first hair cut might also be a w sphe products (e.g., potatoes, fruits, cereals) , which might be used to feed the guests who attend the ceremony. Suremain (2010) observed that among Quechua speaking families o f Andean origin who live in the Bolivian lowlands, the first haircut is the transition between early childhood and childhood. It usually occurs between two and four years and the choice of the godparent is made based upon their geographical and socioeconom ic proximity (i.e., same village and same level of wealth). Through this ritual, the child transitions from an asexual being designated by the term wawa to an autonomous person with a proper name and gender. In other terms, the first haircut is basically t or her existence ( in the area where Suremain (2010) worked, only at that moment parents

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136 The first t erms of motor and social skills: the child should be able to walk, eat by himself/herself, and start to talk. Considering that after the ceremony children start to participate in this involvement is that community members will start to exert social control, monitoring their behaviors and emotions (Suremain 2010). Thus, there are some variations in terms of age of the first haircut ritual, timing in relation to baptism, the way the expectations. These variations are regional and even local, different families living in the same community proceeding differently. For instance, age of the first haircut varies between boys and girls bec ause as Daniela Daniela s concern of differentiating genders). It seems that it also depends on how fast ows. Yet , from my own personal experience, the most important criterio n in deciding when the haircut was going to happen related to the availability and opportunity. I illustrate this with my own experience participating in a corte de pelo in w Upon my return to the community in December 2013, I said something about Daniela madrina (godmother). W hen I asked Daniela whether her daughter was not too young (I remembered seeing pictures of Paulina

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137 first haircut when she was three), Daniela answered that in Zulema grows very fast so it is all right to do it now. During the few weeks that I spent in the community in December 2013, Daniela and her husband Hector did not mention the night before traveling back to Cusco and then the US, Hector official ly asked me to honor them cutting Zulema accepted. That night before my departure, once I accepted the invitation to be the godmother, Hector asked if I would accept to drink something to celebra te . I agreed and he sent his son Wilson to buy a bottle of the soft drink Sprite at the convenience store. Since we had had dinner already and there were no other guests than me, there was no food involved in the ritual. When Wilson came back from the stor e, I took the scissors and Daniela 2 . I cut them one by one and put them in a plate. I saw that Hector pou red Sprite on them. Zulema observed and helped me to maintain Zulema quiet. Once the hair was cut, Hector gave each of us a glass of Sprite and we chatted for a bit. The whole event took less than an hour. Thus, the circumstances under whic h this ritual is undertaken have changed and are very flex ible. The first variation I observed concerns the age at which the haircut is done. In this case, it was quite early for Zulema to have her hair cut. The second one is related to the use of food and ritual drinking. Food was not served because we had 2 In the anthropological literature, descriptions of the first hair cut show that hair is tied into several small braids and cut.

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138 already eaten and there were no additional guests to feed. As for the alcohol, I think that maybe because my hosts had never seen me drinking and I was a single woman there, it might not have been appropriate to invite me for a drink. Also, since I was not prepared to be a godmother and did not know in advance this would happen, I had not bought any present (e.g., a new set of clothes) for the child. Most importantly, I did not Hector , what I had to do as a madrina Zulema and there is a new bond of compadrazgo between her parents and myself, one obligations and fulfill t hem. In conclusion, infants in Ccachín are seen as beings that need to be cared for by nox Seith 1995: 100). T social, humans but not yet Seith 1995: 101). This in turn affect s the way other people, both older children and adults, interact with them. Yet, when they get to the stage of erqekuna (children) after these rites of passage, children achieve a different level of autonomy. While younger erqekuna are still dependent on adults or other caretakers such as their siblings, peers or cousins, some four year old children can be already very independent beings and accomplish a lot of work to support their family. Knox Seith (1995 : 99 ) stresses how modern s ocial historians have had the tendency to depict children living in agrarian communities like Ccachín not as other children but as miniature adults. Yet, she insists that Ccachín children are like other children. They might have more responsibilities than their urban peers but it is as

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139 children than they partic . In addition to responsibilities, they have rights commensurate with their life stage. Growing Up In Ccachín When I came back to Ccachín after b eing away for one year, Hector and Daniela nice little girl, Zulema (my godchild). When I mentioned this to my friends in Cusco and Lima, their first reaction was to blame the mother for not being able to control her sexuality. One of my fri ends even commented that she should be told that she has enough children already. This comment made me reflect on the prejudices and misunderstanding of urban people in preju dices, a wealthy family from Cusco or Lima would not have been blamed for having four children. Indeed, it is assumed that the wealthy family is educated and if they have four children it is the result of a choice while in the case of the poor family, it m ust be the result of misinformation/lack of education and the mother is seen as a victim of her own sexuality. It is partly true that broadly speaking, women who live in the countryside do not have an easy access to Western contraceptive methods. In additi on, they might feel pressured by their husbands or other relatives to have more children; their role as (re)productive beings might be endangered if they do not have more offspring . Yet, my also reflect a very paternalistic/maternalistic attitude of urban people who make the assumption that rural people are not in control of their lives and should be told how to behave. In comparison with other contexts where children are considered an econom ic burden, children born and raised in the coun tryside are viewed by their . The arrival of a new member in

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140 the family is not h ing to worry about and not even talked about ( Ermelinda and Paulina did not know they were going to have a new sister t ill the day their mother had contractions). As Collins (1983) found in her research conducted in an Aymara community, the fact that children as young as six years already perform tasks such as herding animals and taking care of their siblings free parents. It gives parents time to engage in other activities such as subsistence agriculture or trade. Collins (1983) also described how through co parenthood, parents expand their social networks that will be beneficial in case of need. Thus, Aymara children are a valuable asset and not a burden for their activities and social relations, which in turn leads to a better stability of the household. Knox Seith (1995) highligh ts the fact that for people who live in Ccachín, growing up does not equate with becoming an independent being. On the contrary, growing up reciproc Seith 1 995: 100). This vision impacts local child rearing practices which tend to embed the child in their community instead of making t hem different. S ince children are incorporated from an early age in the s ocial fabric of their community that is relatively small (about two hundred families, many being related to each other), children know most of the people and the ir relationship with each other . They are also familiar with their routines. One day that I was seated on the pavement and chatting wit h Paulina , an adolescent girl whom she apparently knew passed by our side. Paulina

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141 direction the girl was taking. She indeed took the path that leads from Ccachín to Rosaspata. In many opportunities, I witnessed how children c lassified in to good or bad thei r daily experiences or even refer ed to people as being nice or mean bas ed on their perceptions and values . Paris and C ross (1983: 142) express how beliefs and attitudes e them to attain certain goals. e that give rise to mean ingful goals and intentions. Beliefs and attitudes energize and guide learning. Consider that most ordinary learning is self initiated and directed toward particular ends. Goals provide rationales for the behavior. Many incentives, intrinsic and extr insic, may accompany the goals. Some values such as to be thank ful and to share are highly priz ed by adults in Ccachín. It is expected that children will thank anybody (especially adults) for anything they receive. Sharing whatever one has (e.g., fruits or bread ) with people one is talking too or interacting with is also highly valued and is not exclusive to family members or friends. One afternoon that Paulina square, she came back home with some candies and biscuit s that were given to her. She wanted to keep them for herself. Her mother got upset and had her share with all of us. Despite this incident, children usually shared with me spontaneously whatever they were eating. When I invited Hector and Daniela en to go to Cusco and spend a few days with me, the eldest child, Ermelinda , was concerned about the cost of our holidays. In order to contribute to the expenses, she stated that she would bring some dried meat ( charqui in Quechua) and boiled potatoes so t hat I would not have to spend my own money. Once in Cusco, a friend of mine gave the three children a few dollars

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142 ( una propina, here it refers to a small amount of money ) for them to spend during their stay in town. In a reciprocal exchange, Ermelinda suggested to give my friend some fava beans that she had brought from the community. In addition to acquiring important values that they will need in their future lives as social beings, children are immersed from their birth in a world of imaginary being s who share the same space with them. Children strongly believe in the existence of these entities. Even though adults distill these beliefs, children reinterpret them in their own ways. Malevolent creatures such as condemned souls ( kukuchi s in Quechua, co ndenados in Spanish) and q arqacha s are recurrent xplanations, stories, or games. Kukuchis/c o ndenado s are what Allen (2011) labeled as the undead . As she observed in a Quechua speaking community in Cusco , when people die, it is be lieved that flesh and bones separate . If these people who died had engaged in some kind of deviant behaviors (i.e., incest, adultery, suicide, being selfish) during their lifetime, the ir flesh will never fully get away from their bones and they will be condemned to roam in the Andean landscape avid for human flesh (Allen 2011:126) until they gain salvation eating three people (Ossio 1999) . These undead people are the kukuchis . As pointed out in they take many forms, either human or animal. Their pres ence and even their gaze can lead to death (Allen 2011: 127) . For Ossio (1999) , t he difference between kukuchis and qarqachas is that q arqachas correspond with what incestuous people turn into while being alive , while becoming a kukuchi represent s a punishm ent in the afterlife. The distinction between these two creatures is made by Ermelinda in her

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143 drawings. I had asked her to illustrate the differences between kukuchi and q arqacha and this is how she represented them. On several occasions that I was playing with Paulina , she was chasing me and saying soy kukuchi or pretending that she was a mini condenado wanting to eat me (as noted by Allen 2011, Froemming 1999, and Ossio 1999, a condenado is supposed to be a cannibal). I asked her how she could recognize such beings. She said that she did not know what they look like. Nevertheless, she knew that there are a lot of them on La Loma and that her grandmother and her brother had seen some. Paulina also commented that on the sacred site of Punku Yunka there machula Ermelinda, while we were walking by night on the hillside reported that she was afraid of the condemned souls roaming there. On another occasion that one of her dogs had eye congestion, she explained it saying that he had seen the condenados that is why he was crying. While we were removing corn kernels from the cob, Ermelinda was telling me stories of q arqachas that she described as brain eaters and dress ed in black , although she acknowledged there were no q arqachas in Ccachín. As encountered by Haboud de Ortega (1980:85) among children fr om San Pedro de Casta ( Lima Region ), for the majority of Ccachín children, death is part of life and they seem not to h ave problems dealing with it. Death of human beings and animals is frequent and cannot be ignored. One of my young informants, Nilda , showed me pictures of her dead baby brother the day he was buried; her mum had died while giving birth to her brother. Sin ce then, Nilda was living with her grandparents because her dad had left and was working in Arequipa. Dead family members are also remembered in

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144 places such as the panteón (cemetery). Paulina enjoys visiting this place that she describes in positive terms as a colorful and stuccoed place (some graveyards are Paulina are used to frequent the cemetery whe re they go at least once a year for the Day of the Dead to spend some time with deceased and alive members of their families. When I went back to my field site one year after my main stay, I observed many quired about them, I was told they were dead: the cow Lucy and her calf, the dog Duque , her baby dog Chabucha (apparently poisoned), the cat Mimicha that I had brought them from Cusco which was killed by Chabucha , smashed, the black cat Negrita and her kittens, the pigs, chickens, as well as the duck which had been eaten. The family had bought new pigs and a few hens. To replace the cat, an important asset to scare away mice and rats and protect the corn, they had gotten a new one from Calca (br ought by a teacher ) that looked sickly. While playing with Paulina , I saw two hides on the ground and the ir color s reminded me of her dead cows. I asked her and she sa souvenir of her beloved animals. One morning there was a lot of chatting in Quechua in the kitchen. I did not know what they were talking about until finally, Daniela told me that one of their cows, Seferina, had been found dead in a meadow. She apparently fell in the grassland where she was grazing and broke her neck, about an hour walk from the village. That same day, the whole extended family ( Daniela were the cow had been found. Using their horses, they brought back the meat and

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145 leather of the animal. Paulina had stayed home to take care of her younger cousin and me. by supernatural beliefs. One day that I wanted to comb t he six Ermelinda stopped me saying that since her younger sister did not have her first tooth yet, we could not comb her. Children are aware of these beliefs at a young age. Yet , they do not necessarily know why they have to do certain a ctions in certain ways or what the consequences would be if they would not follow the rules. For instance, when I asked Paulina who is now eight years old to explain to me why when she combs her hair she cannot throw it away, she did not know the reason. S he just said that this is what her mother says. Ermelinda who is older, twelve years old, knows that if one does not burn their hair once combed, this person will have to look for it once dead. Another belief that Ermelinda shared with me appeared when she explained to me why Cynthia was born disabled. According to Ermelinda , Cynthia who is a hunchback and small lady in the community, was born this way because her mother, while she was pregnant, was digging up yacón ( Smallanthus sonchifolius (Poepp.) H. Rob .) in the community of Choquecancha (on the other side of the valley) and she fell asleep. The place where she fell asleep was where the ñaupa machu (ancestors) had their houses 3 . There, a being that lives in the air touched her pregnant belly and the baby girl she was carrying, Cynthia , suffered from her action and was born disabled. Children also predict the weather reading the sky and anticipate the birth of a baby looking at the stars. One night that I was walking back home with Ermelinda and 3 There ar e Inca terraces in Choquecancha.

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146 Paulina , P aulina saw a star in the sky. There were no other stars. She said something to her sister in Quechua. I asked her to translate what she had just said; una wawita ha nacido cording to Paulina , that was the reason there was a star in th e sky. In the same way, children are capable of deciphering the sky and predicting the weather although their predictions can go wrong. They know that when there are a lot of stars in the sky, the following day will be sunny. They are also able to see a fa r away rain coming. They can even blow away the clouds for the rain to stop. When the three brothers came to Cusco and I told Ermelinda that the day and night prior to their arrival had been raining and that we were lucky because the rain had finally stopp ed, Ermelinda said that she had blown the clouds away before leaving her community. Other beliefs are related to the importance of giving offerings to the Pachamama or some apus and the appropriate way to display these offerings. These rituals usually happen before receiving or taking something from the land as a way to get permission from these deities. For example, talking about hunting with Wilson , he mentioned that before going out to hunt, one needs to perform a despacho al apu para que te entregue Also, the day that Daniela and her family members went to get the cow that had just died on the hillside, they took a bottle of soft drink. I later realized that this drink was both for them to drink but would first be used as an offering to the Pachamama . Paulina recounted how her mum would pour out the soft drink in the direction of the rising sun (this action is called tinka in Q uechua; it is a libation ) before taking away the cow. Since children accompany their parents and help them in many of the activities that those undertake, they witness them making offering s and observe how they perform them on

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147 a regular basis. Children internalize these actions as being legitimate and indispensable. These offerings are the first necessary step that will guarantee the proper functioning of their following actions. In conclus ion, children are well aware of the cultural norms that operate in their social world and they do respe ct them. T hey understand that if they do not follow the rules, these deities will punish them in some ways. argument tha t Andean people tend to explain negative things occurring in their lives blaming themselves for what happened. For example, while walking with Ermelinda I saw a nicely crafted bird nest on the floor. As a child, I used to collect nests so that day I showed enthusiasm at my finding. Ermelinda seemed worried. She told me not to touch the nest and put it back on the floor. I obeyed and asked her why. She replied that it is bad luck to touch a nest. When I told her that I used to collect them and keep them in a paternal orphan. Her explanation was that my inappropriate action (i.e., the collection of bird nests) might have caused the death of my father. Through stories that are orally transmitted, children learn information about the history of their community and its connections with nearby places. While I was visiting the Cathedral of Santa Domingo (Cusco Cathedral) with Wilson , Ermelinda and Paulina , an interesting conversation aros e. Children wanted to have a look at the statue of the Saint of their community, Patrón Santiago . When we arrived at the chapel, area of the cathedral where the statue was displayed, we looked at Santiago and started a conversation with a conservator resto rer who was leading a team of researchers working on the restoration of an old canvas of the cathedral. Wilson started to claim that

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148 the patron saint Santiago was theirs (i.e., that it belonged to the community) and that it had been stolen from Ccachín. In xplained that these children we re from a place where Santiago is the main saint. Answering Wilson theirs and they had some proof ( e.g., pictures, arch ival documents), they could file a complaint and ask for the Saint back. I told the children that as future communal authorities, they should try to get it back. According to Wilson , a few centuries ago, the machu (ancestors) went with the Saint from Ccach ín to Cusco and on their way back, they got drunk and the Saint was stolen in the vicinity of Sacsahuaman . From that day on, the Saint Santiago is the property of the Church and stationed in the Cusco Cathedral. Ccachín community members never got it back. They later got a small copy that was stolen. At the commun ity level, children assume offices ( cargos ) like adults do . Traditional leaders ( varayoqs ) of the community can assign them responsibilities . For instance, in preparation of Christmas, a child is selected to be the person who will carry a small statue of Jesus Christ from one house to the other compadre labeled by Froemming 1999) . Through this ceremony, people and their households are blessed and offerings are collected for the velada (an evening event). Indeed, on Christmas Eve, the child and his parents will share what the child has collected during his /her tour with whoever visit or . Boys and girls can be offered the office. Once the child has been elected, the child has to go everyday to visit different households starting in November, the objective being to visit all the households before Christmas. Since the statue is too heavy for the child to carry, on e adult usually accompani es him or her. In order to catch people before

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149 they go to the field or to work, Arturo who was cargu yoq at the end of the year 2012 would go to visit households before going to school, more or less from 6am to 8am. When I accompanied him, I saw that people gave him candles, money, eggs, items that he carried in a basket and stored in his house till Christmas Eve. Nathalia (twelve years old) commented that she was a cargu yoq a few years before Arturo . She remembered people giving her flowers and money for th e Child Jesus. The s election of the child as a cargo holder is made by adult varayoq s who first ask parents for permission. Criteria of selection of the child are not clear but according to Hector who was a varayoq himself, in his own terms, se suplican lo s padres. This basically means that traditional authorities visit the parents and request that they accept the office for their son/daughter . If they accept which they usually do, children will have about two months to carry the Child Jesus from one house to the other and collect offerings. Froemming who worked in the community in the 90s did not mention that children could get this office. Other young people from the communi ty are in charge of playing putut u , a conch shell traditionally used as a trumpet to pace communal events, for example call for meetings. These young people are regidores , the lowest level of the cargo system , yet the first step to attain one day the more prestigious position of alcalde de varas . Another example of the responsibilities to which young people from the community have to subscribe is to be part of a comparsa (dance group) and start making the pilgrimages to honor divinities such as the . of Local S chools School is compulsory for all children starting at age three. I was able to observe that there was no distinction between boys and girls in terms of attendance. Yet, when

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150 some parents need their children to help them in the fields or do som e domestic chores, they might keep them at home or children might arrive late at school. Also, children might decide by themselves not to attend school or might prolong on purpose the time of their chores. For example, one morning that Paulina gone to attend a meeting in the nearby town of Lares, Paulina did not go to school. She later told me that her m other h ad asked her to wash the dishes and that she also ha d to herd her sheep. s for creating playspaces in rural Bolivia, children take advantage of that time on their way to school to play with their peers or just have a moment of leisure by themselves. It is one of the few spare moments that they have. I observed on several occasi ons children taking their time to go to school, stopping to play or chat with other children. Kindergarten and elementary school are definitely places where children socialize and play with their peers. The kindergarten is the first institu tion where child ren learn Spanish. Teaching combines both languages, Quechua and Spanish, but the objective of kindergarten is to provide a space for them to socialize with their age group (although they do socialize a lot outside school) and start learning Spanish. T heir caring female teachers in some ways substitute for their mothers giving them a lot of affection. In elementary school, children start to acquire academic knowledge in fields such as mathematics, communication in their mother tongue (i.e., Quechua) and a s econd language (i.e . persona social ) course that deals with identity construction and democratic coexistence, geography and history , physical education, religious education, and science and environment. In elementary sc hool,

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151 children keep the same teacher and peers from the first grade to the sixth grade, which makes it easier for them to pas s from one level to the next . Despite tension and conflicts between teachers in elementary school, Ccachín high school is particularly criticized both by chil dren and parents. T eachers there seem not to be . They are more interested in the labor force that their students represent. Indeed, the scho ol owns several fields and herd of a nimals and students are asked to contribute to the maintenance and production of these fields and the care of the animals. Once the fields have produced and children have harvested them, benefits from the sale of these products (e.g. potatoes) are not kept for the preparation of school lunch es . T eachers sell these products for their own personal benefit. Many children and parents complained about this situation but have little contro l over it. T here is no other alternative, this school being the only high s chool available in the village. In addition, children reported that corporal punishment is common. The new director of the elementary school, a lady in her thirties from Calca, beats with a stick her second grade students on their fingers if they do not fo llow her orders . If they arrive late after the break from playi ng in the playground, they have to stand on their feet at the front of the class with their hands up. In high school, punishment seems to be more psychological than physical. I was told the ane cdote of a male teenager who was insulted by his teacher because he went to school with an earring. The teacher made fun of him in front of his peers and questioned his sexuality, implying he had to be homosexual to wear an earring.

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152 There is still a lot of segregration and racism, among children themselves and between teachers and students . One day I observed three girls playing together. One of them grew up in the city of Cusco while the others were born in Ccachín and Cochayoq. The one from Cusco, M elanie , who was also the oldest and less shy, told me that the youngest girl did not speak would not understand and answer my questions. M elanie was definitely more secure with herself and outspoken, although I later had the chance to talk to the other girls as well. T he poor quality of the public educat ion system in the community, which is representative of the situation of the countryside education at the national level, is what produces these differences bet ween children who grow up in the city and rural children. confidence and valuing their way of living and all the local knowledge that they have, teachers tend to depreciate them. Another consequence of their teaching st argue in the school setting. C hildren are not being taught to think critically or explain why they agree or disagree on something ; most of the teaching consists more in repetitive tasks and revolve s around copying , memorizing, and reciting facts, and not developing an argument. W hen I asked children what they th ought about the fact that they might go to study or work elsewhere, many times their answers were no sé This attitude of insecurity or shyness contrasts with the way children behaved in their homes or outside when I was hanging around with them. One child who particularly struck me was Nathalia . The first time I met her, we went to the fields together to get

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153 some olluco tubers. She was very talkative and even too daring, asking me a lot of questions, touching my camera, etc. A few days later, I saw her in her classroom. When I tried to work with her in the school, she was very shy. I asked her to draw and she w ould barely look at me, talking with a very low voice. The contrast between her two behaviors was very sharp. I could not believe it was the same child. Even my friend Paulina was very shy and distant when I would see her at school. Not only their critic al skills are not developed, schools seem to represent, at least for some ch ildren, an oppressive environment. igration and C irculation It is worth noti ng that as mentioned by Leinaweaver (2008) in her book The Circulation of Children: Kinship, Adoption, and Morality in Andean Peru , Ccachín children migrate as much as adults. Their lives are not settled in the community: they move to different places and for different reasons, sometimes by themselves or accompanied by their pa rents or other real kin (i.e., other adult family members) or fictive kin (i.e., godparents), both serving as support networks outside the community. and offering childr en the opportunity to get skills that they could not get in the community otherwise (Leinaweaver 2008). There are multiple forms of circulation. Children might move locally and on a daily or weekly basis, or locally and seasonally. For example, some childr en commute twice per week from one anexo of Ccachín, Cochayoq, to the most populated part of the community where schools are located . As for children from Rosaspata, they walk daily back and forth from their homes to their schools. In other occasions, when parents or grandparents are herding animals (e.g., llamas) in upper parts of the community (e.g., at

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154 a place locally known as La Loma ), children spend some days or weeks up there before coming back to the populated area. Children might also move (on) long er distances and travel to the nearby towns of Lares, Calca, Yanatile, Cusco , or even Lima. In that case, the frequency to which they come back to their community really depends on their Cristina who studies at L ares school and shares a rented room with her mother there during the week , usually goes back home every weekend , sometimes walking. Quest for education , especially high school or college education, is the main reason why children and youth leave the community. The closest place where they can study is Lares, about an hour away by collective car or truck from the community. Some children go to the lowland and remote Yanatile (district in the lower part of the Lares valley) , others to Calca, Cusco , In the case of Angela to the community and finishing his high school there implies starting again his fourth grade in the community while his friends who stayed in the community will enter fifth Samuel might feel that he failed. Indeed, children and adults who leave the community to go to the city are expected to come back in a be tter socioeconomic position than the one they had when living in the community. Since her son came back from Cusco, she also reported that he is different, torpe ( coarse). He sometimes fight s with his younger brothers and sister who are not used to hav ing him around anymore. When he plays with them, he is quite violent. In retaliation, his brothers tell him to go back to Cusco.

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155 As for Nilda , a ten year old girl, she is a maternal orphan. Her mother and the baby boy she was going to deliver both died when she gave birth several years ago. At that time, Friday stayed with her grand parents. Her two brothers went to study to Calca and Urubamba while her dad was working in the city of Arequipa, fa r away from the community. When I saw her in December 2013, she was getting ready to leave and settle in Calca with her father. Since she had just finished elementary school, her father wanted her to study in Calca where he thought she would receive a bett er education than in the community. Nilda is quite happy of this coming new life with her father and her brothers who will join her in Calca. Other reasons why children leave the community are visits to kin and/or work. They might leave temporarily and by themselves or accompany their parents (e.g., to the lowlands where they produce some crops). These movements might occur during the school bre ak (from December to March of each year), which corresponds with the rainy season when the agricultural demand is less intense in Ccachín (i.e., most of the demanding work has been done in the fields and the only required work is weeding). For Lina who is three years old, the first years of her life were spent close to Puerto M aldonado, in the Madre de Dios R egion, where her father was gold mining. The anniversary. Now that the illness, she c ame back to the community to live in the same house as her grandmother. It seems that Lina Arturo , about ten years old, he grew u p in the lower lands of Yanatile where his father is originally from. After spending many years in the lowlands, his family resettled in Ccachín. Yet, his

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156 parents still have some connection with the lowlands and go there on some occasions, for instance to bring back agricultural products (e.g, bananas and coffee). to seek technical training or news skills for their children. As mentioned by Leinaweaver (2008) in her work in the Ayacucho region, what might be understood as an abandonment of children by their parents is actually an elaborate strategy used by Andean parents who want to secure better opportunities for their children. Indeed, these summer experiences give childre n the opportunity to gain needed (work) skills (skills the community. During the summer of 2014, Ermelinda might be sent to the town of Chinchero to stay with Dani ela comadre (i.e., this woman is the god mother of Paulina ) who is a s mall scale trader at Chinchero Wilson , the summer plan was that he might go to Urubamba and help Daniela comadre to raise (and sell) chickens. By doing so , Daniela d aughter Ermelinda will have learned un poco de todo ): how to cook, talk, and sell, skills that according to her she cannot get in the community. As for her son Wilson , h e will acquire practical experience in animal husbandry that might be us eful for his future employment. For some children, travel projects do not crystallize and remain unreachable dreams. Luis Daniel told me he was going to spend the summer of 2014 at his house in Brazil. The plan was that while his sister would be working (she works in a shop), he would help tending to his nephew. His mother had told him that they would

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157 leave Ccachín on December 23 rd 2013 to go to Cusco. Then, his sister would pi ck him up and take him to Brazil. I saw him on Christmas Eve; he was still in the community. Thus, there are many spatial trajectories possible for these children who do not only rely on their parents to get educated (both in formal and informal ways, that is to say in getting education at school and work skills) as it is the case for most urban and well off children. The kin network of the family provides them with a myriad of potential individuals involved in caring for them and supporting them. In exchange, these children also support, work, and/or accompany these caretakers while studying and/or working. the community while ot hers grow up moving a lot . Yet, these micro or macro migrations represent a dilemma that children and families likewise have to face. Although local families usually assume that migrating will turn that is not only pleasant. They have to leave a social and natural environment that they master and like, and whose codes they know, to enter a bigger and more chaotic environment which they hardly know how to navigate at least upon they arrival. Such things as contamination and traffic jam s are foreign to them. They also experience more class differences than in their community or might feel disc riminated upon for not knowing the city codes. In many cases, they miss their homeland and family/parents. But most importantly, the autonomy and freedom that children had in their community

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158 are definitely going to be affected by their new living condition s in the city and will have to be downsized. As a result, for children like Samuel who attended the night shift of the secondary school in Cusco, life in the city was not easy. His m other w ould visit him once a year for his birthday but the rest of the tim e he would be by himself, accompanied by his cultural landmarks that he is comfortable with, surrounded by his brothers and sister. Going back to the community is not easy either. After four years spent outside the community, things have changed. Friends and family members got older and they all need to learn again to live together. Samuel also needs to adjust to the village life again. Some Life Portraits Wilson Wilson is a fourteen years old boy whose main passions are currently horses, bicycles, Andean folklore (music and dance), and technology. His daily routine is as follows: as soon as he finishes class around 1pm, he goes home and if he does not have to do some wo rk in the fields, he rides his bicycle around the house or goes towards the main square to see his friends. Every year, he participates in a bicycle and (the fact that he had no brake s did not prevent him from participating!) . The biking competition consists in biking the fastest possible from Ccachín to Rosaspata ( a nearby community ). Adults and children compete together. Wilson is always among the winners of the race. When I took him to Cusco, we entered a bicycle store where he saw different models and got an id ea of the cost of a good bicycle.

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159 His father occasionally helps him. When his uncle was work ing in gold mining in the Madre de Dios region, he had asked Wilson to take care of his five horses. Horses spend most of their time grazing in upper lands of the community. When they need them as pack animals, their owners go and get them. Thus, taking care of horses consists in going to check whether they did not get lost while they were grazing (it is at least an hour walk or more), checking on their health (e.g., lice infestation or injuries) , bringing them back home when they are needed, and riding them once in a while. Wilson is now the owner of one horse that he bought to his uncle. His name is Phaqcha. Wilson gave him this name because of the birthmark that looks like a waterfall ( Phaqcha in Quechua) on his forehead. Children like Wilson are very proud of the responsibilities that they have towards their animals. Their world revolves around them and they always are usually associated with boys while sheep are associated with girls). When Wilson and his sisters joined me in Cusco, we were walking in a street and he saw a horse doorknocker and asked me to take a picture. Even eating , special breads pre pared for All Saints festivity and the Day of the Dead in the month of November, he would eat the bread in the shape of a horse (the horse is actually believed to be the carrier of the souls). Wilson is also fascinated with electronic devices. When, I met him in 2012, he cell phone to make phone calls since there was no coverage, at that time, in the community. Nevertheless , he used it to listen to his favorite mp3 songs of Andean music

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160 while going to and working in the f ields and taking pictures of lakes and his horses . With some money he had earned working in the fields for a community member (S/10.00, the equivalent of less than four US dollars his savings), he bought a new battery for this cell phone. Wilson knew, better than me, how to transfer music from his cell phone to mine, since the music was stored in the memory card. He was an expert in opening the phone, removing the card, and transferring it to another devi ce. Also, each time he would handle my phone, he would change the home screen wallpaper . Whenever he would come to visit me in my room, he would ask for my devices: he was fascinated by my e reader , and tactil screens (touch screens) . The first thing he as ked when he saw my old laptop was its price. and used by many children. García, in her ethnography about the making of indigenous to own and use such devices (videos cameras, etc.) was verbalized as a challenge to common conceptions of Indians as One day that I went to one of the convenience stores to buy some food items, I was s urprised to see a big box of incoming items. I looked into the box and saw plenty of brand new flash drives. The price wa s very reasonable, the same as in Cusco, and they were good brands. I naively asked the store manager, Paola , who was going to use this /who needed this. She rep At that time I had not realized th at children had computers in school s and some of them used cell phones to listen to music. From Wilson

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161 age and even younger, Wilson plays an active role helping out family members or oth er community members to conduct different kind of tasks. During the maize sowing, while his sisters had stayed home to help their mother cooking and then carrying food, Wilson had gone to the field with his father and other children and men. In the middle of the morning, he had passed by his house, coming back from the maize fields, to pick up some chicha that men needed to keep on working. When his grandmother needs his help to sow maize, Wilson goes and receives no money for his services although other ch mother says, Wilson siempre ayuda Wilson Daniela commented in 2012 that Wilson , likes blue jeans , and she does not want to buy him some. In stead, she prefers to buy him more classic pants such as chino pants. According to Daniela , Wilson is ashamed of being an Indian (she actually used a Quechua term equivalent to Indian ). He does not like hand woven alpaca sweaters either because they look t oo indigenous. When I returned to Ccachín one year later, Wilson had a pair of blue jeans. Wilson hobby as a dancer. His favorite type of music is huayno (Andean music). He listens to it on his cell phone and exchanges songs with his friends. He also likes to buy DVDs of Andean folk singers such as the one he bought in Cusco, Chinito del Ande . His favorite singer of the moment was a young woman who sings in Quechua. In th e video clip of one of her songs that he liked ( Qachu Pampapi translated by Wilson as en pampa de pasto characters are peasants, mostly young, and dressed with

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162 ponchos for men and polleras for women. The video clip shows a young c ouple flirting in the ichu ( high altitude grass) of the Andean altiplano. In addition to listening Andean music, Wilson comparsa (dance group). His group performs with many others for the Lord of Qoyllur during a very popular religious festival held along the Sinakara Valley in the Cusco Region every year. He attended this pilgrimage for the first time in June 2013. He told me that he went by himself (i.e., without his parents but with other dancers from Ccachín). Duri ng this pilgrimage that lasts a few days, groups from different regions dance to honor the mountain shrine. At one point of the ceremony, comparsas line up and start the ascent to the glacier where they stay overnight. This part of the pilgrimage is known to be physically very tough, even for experienced adults. In their intent to get to the summit of the glacier, some pilgrims faint or even worse e very year. Wilson said his uncle helped him to climb. To remember his experience at and getting prepared for his next trip there, he bought a DVD depicting the pilgrimage. Thus, aside from sweets, the only things in which Wilson spends his savings are accessories (e.g., memory cards) for his new cell phone (he had gotten a better cell phone with Blue tooth and Internet in 2013), music and dance DVDs, and items for his animals (i.e., a horse halter). For example, with one daily wage that he had earned (S/10.00), he mentioned that he would buy some leather blinkers ( tapa ojo) with a horse design for his horse. He had seen some on the Lares market and wanted to get a pair of them for S/15.00 (about $5). At school, Wilson does not seem to be a very good student. He is simply not interested in studying or reading. I never saw him doing his homework, except o nce that

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163 he was copying some definitions from the dictionary just before going to school. When I took him to a library in Cusco and told him to choose a book, he did not find anything that he liked . The only book that caught his attention was Don Quijote d e la Mancha . He laughed at the cover when he saw the figure of Sancho Panza. Wilson is a very smart and capable child but definitely his teachers do not encourage him. The fact that he just repeated the first grade in high school, rather than being explain ed by his lack of intellectual abilities, seems to be related to the fact that he had not paid a monthly fee to the teacher in cha rge of computing. When I asked him what he would do as a career, he answered chacarero, ¿qué más? Farmer , what else can I do military entering the Chorrillos military school i n Lima. Ermelinda Ermelinda is a twelve years old young girl. As the older sister of the household, she has a lot of responsibili ties taking care of animals, especially sheep, and doing domestic chores when her mother is away or busy. On many occasions, I saw her leaving just after school to go and herd the animals on the flanks of the mountain, either by herself or with a girl frie nd or an adult. For example, I recall that once she le ft with her friend Nathalia to go and herd her sheep. It was Friday afternoon and the plan was that the two girls would spend the whole weekend in the mountain herding the ir animals. They both left after school, as soon they came back from school, with sugar and rice (to be able to cook there in the stone hut). Ermelinda came back the same night because the door of the hut where they were going to stay was closed and they did not have the key. On another opportunity, when Ermelinda Teresa , suddenly widowed, she was designated to acco mpany this elder woman. Ermelinda

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164 being worried that the old lady was not eating enough , she s ent Ermelinda to stay over night in her house and take care of her. Ermelinda Teresa also consisted in herding her animals with her. When I was in Ccachín in 2012, Ermelinda was finishing elementary school. The question was whether to send her to Chinchero for her to st udy. From the complicity that I have seen between her and her younger sister Paulina , I thin k it would be difficult for sisters to live separated. Ermelinda had never lived outside the community and all her daily life was tied to the community life. What w ould she do after school? She would not have her cousins to play with, her animals to take care of, and her mountains to play in. When I asked her whether she wanted to leave Ccachín, she answered no. When I went back one year later, she had finally stayed in her community to study at the local high school. She was happy like this and her sister too. She had the same daily routine as when I first met her except that because there is now a newborn in the family, she was taking care of the baby as well. I saw Ermelinda bathing the baby on many occasions, changing her, getting her dressed, feeding her, playing with her, and carrying her. Ermelinda is a very sweet girl. She also liked a lot to make fun of me and trick me. So when I asked her what had happened to one of their dogs, Duque , I did not know whether to take her response seriously or not. I thought that the dog had died because of its age. She confessed to me that she was the one who killed Duque. N obody in her family seemed to know that she did it, although her sister Paulina suggested it was either her or their mother. When asked why she had taken such a decision, she replied that the dog was d igging too many holes in their piece of land

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165 around the to buy some poison (S/1.00, about 35 cents) at the local convenience store and gave it to the dog. When the dog started to convulse and fell on its head, she could not stand the sit uation and left it die by itself. When I asked Ermelinda what she would like to do later as a career, she said that she would like to be a contadora (accountant) or a lawyer. When I saw her in December 20 13, she had started to go to a summer school subsidi zed by the Lares municipality. Every Saturday till the month of December, the municipality provided a bus for Ccachín children. They pick ed them up early and t ook them to Lares where children would study the whole day (lunch was not provided, only transpor tation) and supposedly get prepare d for the new school year. Ermelinda had gone several times, not every Saturday because she did not wake up on time to catch the bus. At this summer school, they asked her about her career plans and she told them that she would like to become either a lawyer or an accountant. She seemed to e njoy what she was learning there. She proudly showed me her textbooks with mathematics exercises provided for free by this program . Paulina Paulina , also called Paulinacha in a caring manner, is the third child born in Daniela and Hector turned eight years old in January 2014, birthday that we celebrated with her first birthday cake ever 4 . Paulina has an outgoing personality. She is a very smiling and playful child whose mood is never down. It was 4 Before her birthday, Paulina had told me that while other children have birthday cakes, she never had one. Back in the city of Cusco I asked a friend of mine to borrow his oven and baked her first birthday cake. Other chi ldren whose parents travel more often to town have a chance to buy a cake .

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166 really a pleasure having her as my main i nformant and plant teacher but also as a friend. Sometimes I would hear adult community members commenting that they had seen the gringa (i.e., me) hanging out with Paulinacha , which I guess was hard for them to understand. Why an adult woman could be inte rested in spending so much time with this child? Paulina longer while Ermelinda wakes up and helps their mother in her domestic chores. Paulina also plays with her younger sister, Zulema , in the bed that they share. When she gets up, she is already dressed. She goes straight to the kitchen where she will have breakfast and might start feeding the animals (guinea pigs, chickens and ducks, dogs and cats). Then, she get s prepared to go to school sometimes without a proper breakfast if she wakes up too late. It does not really matter because she gets a real breakfast at school. When she returns from school around noon, she will get ready to go herding. Sheep are usually out by that time (they are r eleased in the morning and roam by themselves on the hillsides) and her job is to find them, take them to other grazing areas, and bring them back home at the end of the day. By night, after a day of study and work, she usually does her homework. To me, sh e is a conscientious student. I have seen her do her homework, especially her algebra exercises, almost ever y night. In 2013, she learned how to write which was useful for me; when I did not understand a Quechua term, I would ask her to write it down. Obse rving animals and their behavioral routine is part of her duties and something that she is very keen at. While her brother sees horses everywhere, Paulina

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167 enter the yard of her house, what routes they take when they cross the village, what kind of flowers/plants they like to eat, where they graze, and on which side of the mountain they like to walk when she herds them. Her knowledge of her animals enables her to distinguish her herd fr her sheep, she told me it was easy, I had to look for the ram. On several occasions that I went out with her to herd her sheep, we had first to find them in the surrounding landscape. Indeed, some mo rnings the sheep are freed from their corral and they go to graze by themselves. Then, a child or an adult woman will go and find them and take them to o ther grazing areas or to the corral back home . On these occasions that I accompanied Paulina to get the sheep without us knowing where they had gone, she would search the landscape and try to recognize where her sheep were from far away . herds at a long distance. One l ate afternoon that I was resting in my room, it was already dark (about 6pm), I heard someone calling me from the street. It was Paulina . She told me that her cousin Mariana who had just got back and Paulina sheep had lost one of the sheep called Wistucha ( Paulina cousin simply informed her that both animals were missing and that she did not feel like going back and getting them. Paulina was worried that the fox might attack them. She wanted to go and look for them. Since there was nobody home (the other members of the family were busy working) and she did not want to wander by herself, she had come to look for my help. I grabbed my coat, scarf, and a torch , and went out with her. We climbed the hill following the road. I naively asked her how we could see the sheep in

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168 the dark. She responded that obvio usly we could see them when poin ting at them with the torc h since their eyes would be re d. We walked and checked on both sides of the road but could not see them. We climbed a bit and after about one hour, she told me that we should come back. On our way back, we took the path that she knew her sheep liked to follow. On the path going down to wards the village, we saw some feces. She fingered them and got very enthusiastic. She recognize d what she said to be Wistucha feces. There were more feces by the side and she even exclaimed that those were Wistucha asked how she could be so sure about it, knowing that there were so many sheep roaming on the hillside, she seemed Wistucha give up and admit that she might be right. I did not ha ve enough skills in that domain to be able to make the difference. I was amazed to fin d out that Paulina had learned Spanish only quite recently, when she was about five years old. Indeed, she had a very good command of her second language. She would make and vice versa) and some past participles. Yet, she was quite confident while speaking Spanish. All our oral communications were in Spanish and she had no problem understanding me or communicating her i deas. Her mother told me she had taken her to Urubamba and Chinchero where she was selling food. There, Paulina spent some time with her cousins with whom she learnt Spanish very quickly. When I asked her where she wants to live later, she said that was wa nts to stay in Ccachín because she likes to walk around on the hillsides.

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169 I interviewed Ccachín children about their expectations for the future. I asked them where they would like to study, which kind of career the y would pursue, and if they would like to live in the community when they finish their career. There are many factors that dictate what children will be able to do in the future. Some are related to their responsibilities as older brothers or sisters a nd/o to opportunities that they will be given (e.g., getting a grant Beca 18 to study elsewhere). Yet, this does not prevent children from having their own dreams of what they would like their future lives to look like . According to Froemming (1999:69) who lived in Ccachín in the 19 90s , parents reported that their children did not want to work as hard as them, and young people were complaining about the hard work that their parents expected them to do and were thinking about moving to the city. Similar to the tendency Froemming observed at that time, s ome of the teenagers that I interviewed in their classroom told me that they do not want to be peasants like their parents. One male teenager said that he is tired and alre ady worked enough in the fields. This comment could be surprising in a Western context where it is unusual to hear a teenager complaining about how much (physical) work he accomplished so far. In the Andean context, where children start to support their pa rent s at a very young age, it is u nderstandable. Sonia high school. Her mother explained to me that when Sonia finished elementary school (one year ago), there was no other option for her tha n staying in Ccachín to go to high school . Indeed, she had to take care of her younger brother, Alberto , because their pare nts live in Cochayoq. Alberto is still studying in elementary school. After school, she

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170 cooks for both of them and wash their clothes . Once she finishes high school, Sonia is thinking of becoming a civil engineer because ganan plata dice does not really know the city . She says th t is she would miss Cochayoq, she agreed but said that she would visit on some occasions. She recounted that when she had to move to Ccachín to attend elementary school, she was sad. Her mum had stayed in Cochayoq and she did not like anything in Ccachín. As for Luis Daniel who is finishing elementary school in one year, he tol d me that he would study at high school, not in Ccachín (Yanatile is a district down valley from Ccachín, farther inland) . When asked why, he said that the matrícula (registration fees) is lower there, S/5.00 (less than $2) versus S/25.00 (about $9) in Ccachín. He has family there and he is not nostalgic of leaving the community although he mentioned he might miss his friend s. As for his future career, his desire is to study music in Cusco. He wants to become a huayno musician and live in Cusco. Final Remarks When talking about childhood, it is important to frame it in local terms. In the Andes, especially in a rural setting, being a child means having to fulfill different tasks to confidence. This is due in part to the curricula, but als o t attitude s toward their students and the little value given to local livelihoods and knowledge . work, most of the time being spent working. What needs to be stressed i s that work does not seem to be perceived by children as an obligation (at least when they are

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171 young) but more as a desired contribution to the well being of their families and community . Children realize the importance of their work and not even question the fact that most of their time is sp ent working. Indeed, while work ing they also engage in other activities (e.g., play) and i nteract with other people . Ames (2013) found out interviewing children about their work in the Andahuayllas region that they had She pointed out how learning practical and social skills outside school provides children with a sense of identity, belonging and responsibility, which are all very important for their construction as valuable members of their families and communities. Andahuayllas children liked to perform these tasks and felt empowered by these actions in terms of learning, autonomy, responsibility, and acquisition of practical skills. In the same way, Ccachín children are proud of t heir own work . Gender, birth order and family structure affect the experience of children of the same age, producing notable differences even in the same community. Through these three life portraits, I hope that I put faces on these many childhood experie nces and provided a glimpse of what growing up in a Quechua speaking rural community means in the tw e nty first century. It is a complex relationship that children constantly negotiate between different settings (i.e., family, community, school, etc.) , actors (i.e., parents and other caretakers, siblings, teachers, etc.) and with their own desires.

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172 Figure 5 courtesy of Ermelinda). A B Figure 5 2 . Ermelinda drew her own representation s of malevolent creatures. A) The condenado (or kukuchi ) , apparently inspired by television movies , and B) The qharqacha .

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173 Figure 5 3 . Hector getting prepared to thank the Pachamama with coca leaves and chicha before tending his field; his daughter Paulina is witn essing the ritual (December 2013 ). Photo by Stéphanie Borios. Figure 5 4 . Art uro is the cargoyoq ; he and his father have to carry the Child Jesus velada in December 2012 (Photo by Stéphanie Borios).

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174 Figure 5 5 . Wilson riding Phaqcha , his horse (December 2013). Photo by Stéphanie Borios. Figure 5 6 . Ermelinda holding a panti flower ( Photo by Stéphanie Borios) .

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175 Figure 5 7 . Paulina with h er beloved dog, Mister , who mysteriously disappeared a few day s after this picture was taken in November 2012 (Photo by Stéphanie Borios ).

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176 CHAPTER 6 SOLO NO MÁS HE APRENDIDO This morning, Janu ary 28 th 2014, while I was leaving graduate housing s where I live, I witnessed a scene which reminded me a lot of my fieldwork and the importance of observing and doing in any learning process. What I saw was an elderly man, presumably the father of a n Asian graduate student living in my apartment complex. He was cleaning a plot of land in front of the apartment where he wa s staying and preparing the land to sow. A toddler came running and started watch ing what his grandfather was doing . He wanted to he lp him and contribute to the work. Then, an elder lady came and started to help too , and the three of them started plant ing lettuce . As I have experienced myself as a child and witnessed in Ccachín, t his process of observing and contributing as far as poss ible is really fundamental for a child growing up in a rural area. The simple fact to observe and contribute allows the child to learn theoretical knowledge, gain a skill, and sometimes master the task , aside from gaining confidence and feeling part of a g roup (e.g., in the previous example of this toddler, being part of his grandmother and grandfather what makes the experience valuable and formative). Plant learning in Ccachín follows the same process. It is intrinsically linked to rticipation in and contribution to tasks that they perform as useful members of the family production ( herding, collecting firewood, tending the fields, caring for animals, weaving , etc . ), the family being their first community of practice. After having set the stage and situated children in their social environment in Chapter 5, in this chapter I explain the reasons why these children are so knowledgeable about plants even at an early age, focusing on tasks and responsibilities

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177 that they fulfill in their families, and ways and role models through which they acquire knowledge and desire to learn. Learning By Observ ing, Listening , and W ork ing Children are very keen observers o f the ir natural environment since they spend a lot of time outdoor , caring for animals , or tending the fields. One aft ernoon, I was herding with Ana and Yeni , two sisters, respectively seven and five years old, and Paulina . The three of them were playing. While playing, the y were lifting some stones . I told them to be car eful because the re might be some apasanka s (Andean tarantulas) underneath the stones. Yeni told me that it was not possible because the apasanka (s) go out by night and not by day . Indeed, t he only times that I have seen this insect was by night, not by day. By this observation , she demonstrated her knowledge of the local fauna and my ignorance . When I interviewed children and adults about ways of learning about plants, the most common respon se is well summarized by Lucía viendo pues The example that she gave to illustrate this was that when adults replace the roof of their house with new ichu (grass), children learn how to do it watching. Actually, a lot of people now prefer to have corrugated iron roofs that last longer and do not need to be replaced annually ( in addition to harvesting ichu in the puna , thatch ing a house is quite labor intens ive people request the help of other community members through ayni ). Actually, observing goes hand in hand with listening. C hildren are always present gatherings and as suggested by Claudio in his forties and father of two ch ildren, los hijos escuchan

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178 and his wife discussing in his house about a lady from the community being sick and one of them suggesting to treat her with a part icular medicinal plant ( T al se ñ ora está mal y ahor a por qué no curan con esta hierbita ? . His children were listening to the conversation, and for him this is how they learn which plant is good for each medical condition. Even though chi ldren might only observe and start listening to conversations when they are young, as soon as they are capable of moving by themselves and carrying things, they start working as well. C cachín children are involved in activities in at least two inte rrelated spheres, the family and the community. In each sphere, their tasks and responsibilities are different. They also vary depending situation. Drawing from my observation rent ages daily routine, Table 5 1 lists the tasks/activities commonly performed by children according to their gender. Activities are divided by type (i.e., domestic and agropastoral work) and gender, and not by age, gender differe ntiation being the most pertinent trait in t he performance of most of them. The way boys and girls split their time between these different activities is represented in Figures 6 1 and 6 2. Domes tic W ork At the family level, it is expected that a child will contribute to many domestic chores and activities. In the household, children help in many ways. Actually, girls perform most of the domestic chores. As early as five years old, young girls are their to cook, firewood for fuel, tending the animals, or taking care of their siblings (e.g., changing and playing with the baby). Other more delicate tasks such as attending visitors, (i.e., inviting them to enter the house,

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179 chatting with them , and inviting th saw Paulina who was eight years old changing her baby sister and playing with her, she would only carry her on very short distances (i.e., from the kitchen to the bedroom), never to go on an errand outside the house. This would be Ermelinda and take care of her, sometimes carrying her around in the community. It is worthy to note that the same task can be c arried out either by girls or boys depending on the location. For in stance, lighting called area of La Loma , they sometimes stay by themselve s overnight and sleep in a family stone hut ( choza ). In that case , boys will light the fire. contribution is most needed in these domains that are gendered specific , herding being s ( trabajar . On one occasion one boy commented that herding is too complicated for him, that it is a job for girls. Other to care for them and ride them. Herding Some of the animals that community members own, for example sheep, goats, and llamas, especially girls (Alfonso, 70 years, mentioned that is a duty for girls ) . It is one of the most important opportunities that they have to socialize with their peers, siblings, and sometimes their parents or grandparents . On weekdays, once they are done with school around 1pm, g irls take animals to pasture. During weekends, th ey spend the whole day

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180 out with their animals. Girls as young as five years old go and herd animals. At this young age, they are accompanied either by their older s ibling, mother, or grandmother. When girls go out herding, they are responsible for leading the whole herd to pastures and making sure all the animals will return safe to the enclosure at the end of the day. Actually, h especially because of the manure that animals generate and that is la ter used as a fertilizer in agriculture. When I asked my informants why they had sheep, I was surprised to learn that one of the main reasons is the provision of manure to secure a good crop production. Nevertheless , the activity of herdi ng cannot be isola ted from co l l ateral activities of importance as well. Not livestock will feed in an appropriate pl ace and with appropriate grass. W hile roaming on the hillside and tending animals, girls collect firewood 1 , which is the pr incipal source of cooking energy in the community , even though some families use gas . S ometimes , they also bring back home medicinal plants and/or wild food plants either on demand (i.e., their parents might have asked them to look for these plants) or the y might have decided to harvest them when seeing them because they knew they would be useful. knowledge extends well beyond knowledge of grazing areas (th ey are aware of the variations of water availability during the year and thus whether the pasture will be dry or wet at different times of the year), appropri ate plants for fodder, and animal be havior. I t also includes knowledge of firewood species , 1 As Maxwell (2011a, b) proposes , the collection of firewood is also an important intergenerational activity when children spend time with other children, their parents , or elderly people.

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181 collection techniques, qualities of each of these wooden species (e.g., some specie s are more prized because their charcoals last longer) , and knowledge of growing areas of these species that they collect along the way . When I free listed plants used for fodder and as firewood, young girls were able to cite between five and fif ten s pecies in each domain . is indispensable i n the familial agropastoral system and in terms of subsistence . If a family does not count on young female labor or if girls are not available because of school, adult women will take upon the task of herding . Young boys might too . Yet, in most families, primary caretakers of sheep and goat are girls. Not having the support of girls in this activity is a burden for families . One day that teachers announced that students would not have classes on Friday because they had to go and get their paychecks to the nearby town, my host mother was relieved and the f irst comment that she made was that her daughters could help her with the sheep. Tending F ields In relation to agricult ure, t ending fields is an activity in which adults invest a large amount of time and labor . In that case too, children , especially boys, fulfill different jobs during each stage of the agricultural production . Their work will complemen t or even replace adu Everyday after school, boys will go to the ir home gardens or fields, either by themselves or accompany ing their parents , aunts or uncles, or grandparents. Depending on the time of the year, boys will be busy contributing in different ways , the rainy season being less demanding than the dry season. Actions that c hildren carry out are not physically as demanding as what adults do , but they are necessary steps either in preparing or maintaining agricultural fields.

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182 Depending on the size of the plot and task to be accomplished, children will work by themselves or with other children or adults. Weeding fields, carrying manure and seeds, and digging tubers (e.g., potatoes, olluco ) are some of the activities that children do on their own. If the fie ld is small, the boy might even sow it by himself. Yet, for sowing whose area is bigger , the boy will be one worker among others. For instance, in prevision of corn sowing, boys might be in charge of preparing the land, removing st ones and burning debris. Once the soil is ready, they will pair up with adults; a male adult will dig a hole and introduce corn seeds and the child pairing with him will add manure on top of the seeds before they move on to the next hole. Although boys do spend more time in the fields than girls, girls also have a good knowledge of plants that can be found in the cultivated areas. While we were walking in the village with Paulina , I pointed at her an orange flower that I found pretty. I told her meaning that it is a weed and as such it is not a desirable plant. I later saw the same plant in cornfields and her father confirmed that it was a weed that they had to remove other wise it would grow around and strangle corn plantlet s . Weeding is one of the activities in which girls participate, which explain s that they can identify weeds in the fields . Not only do adults count on their sons to conduct some agricultural tasks by them selves, they also need them as work partners to contribute to reciprocal exchange of labor ( ayni in Quechua) very common in the Andes. As mentioned earlier, sometimes children pair up with adults to work in the fields. This might be in the context of ayni . A man might be solicited by another community member for helping him tending his fields.

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183 Working in a yni implies that the person who receives the service (e.g., labor) will return it, on short or longer term. If a male adult community member is busy or a way, he might ask his son to replace him. Sometimes only young boys work together in the fields, all of them replacing their fathers. This kind of help has been most of the time reported in the literature describing Andean forms of reciprocity as an adults remarkable to see that children too engage in it . Wilson mentioned several times that he was going to work in ayni . These were opportunities when his father was not available and Wilson would go to substitute for him. In that cas e, Wilson would either work with adults that had been called for the work or with some of his friends (i.e. , other children ) that might be r eplacing their fathers as well. The person who requested ayni might not appreciate that the child comes in replaceme nt of his father because a child will not be able to perform the same tasks as an adult. Wilson recounted that once that he went to work on behalf of his father, le han botado ( hey kicked him out ). The person needing help was visibly upset and said: a t u papa le he dicho Wilson decided to go and work for another person, his aunt Hualberta. When I asked Alex , six years old, whether there was ayni among children, he answered positively and proceeded on explaini ng how ayni works. He explained to me that the adult/child (usually, one of his friends) requesting ayni would go to his house and tell him: Va s a venir ma ñ ana a mi chakra After helping this person out, in turn, he w ill be he lped in his fields. Yet , his sister Melody story and said that he does not go by himself but with his father. Despite his young age,

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184 Alex accompanies and helps his father, even if he does not fulfill work for others by hims elf . This example demonstrates the extent to which young children are involved in respo nsibility. Parents ask their sons to request help from their peers or Yet , the deal might be actually made between children themselves. As a consequence, children understand reciprocity networks on which ayni is built and enter their pare communities of practice. Even if the child does not have the physical strength to accomplish the work by himself because of his young age, he feels that he is the one being requested/returning the favor 2 . What is also remarkable is that adults do not necessarily direct them in what is required in the field at that time. Boys know what needs to be done in different stages of times of the agricultural calendar. Im portance of P lay One day that Paulina and I were walking ear ly in the morning in the community, we stopped several times to look at and pick up plants. We saw some wild strawberries ( frutilla ) and rata rata ( a sticky plant that children use to play they throw it on people and th is plant wi ll stick on clothes). We tried to harvest the strawberries but they were growing on top of a steep rock and were unreachable. Then, we played with rata rata and Paulina pretended throwing its sticky seeds at me. As I dem onstrated some 2 ayni too. Yet, it seems that in this case, reciprocity is limited to helping each other out for homework.

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185 impatience for going back home to have breakfast, Paulina said no hay que ir todavía prolong the play moment with me. She knew that once home, we would ha ve to help her parents with domestic chores. Indeed, even i f children do play a lot among themselves, either with their siblings or friend s, these privileged moments of freedom , pure leisure, and no responsibility as we conceive play , do not exist per se . This is because play, as highlighted by researchers who stressed the relationship play work (Bolin 2006; Chick 2010; Lancy 2008; Montgomery 2009; Punch 2000; Tucker and Young 2005), does not solely exist by itself. It usually happens in the making of other acti vities . For example, firewood co llection and herding are often done in conjun ction with play expedition trips. Mar tina , who is now a teenage girl , reported that she used to play with eucalipto, rayan , mutuy , and on her way to round her goats up with her brother. Combining play and work does not mean that children do not get pleasure out of it. As pointed out by Punch (2000: bility is rarely motivated by leisure reasons and usually fills adults have little control of places where they go and things that they do when they are by themselves. Children value and enjoy this autonomy. Additionally, the a ssumption emerging from development programs such as Cuna Má s that aim at stimulating young development , is that pl ay between children and adults i s a necessary condition in the

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186 fathers and mothers, playing with their babies or toddlers, passed a certain age, it is very unusual to observe children and adults playing together 3 . This does no t mean that children are not functional being s; adults simply have other ways to engage with them and they do it through other meaningful activities than play . What happens is that through this kind of development program, a certain model of well being/goo d life and quality time is imposed making community members feel that the way they were doing it was not correct. Even if Ccachín children have a lot of plastic toys such as dolls and cars like their urban peers, and like to play soccer , when they go outdo ors to work they usually do not carry th ese toys with them and once on the hillside or in the fields, they build their own imaginary world s and stories using plants. While pretend play ing , imagining and doing , they engage in different actions and with diff erent people. Plants they prefer to play with are sometimes related to gender , girls using flowers and boys trees (Figure 6 5 ). When I accompanied children on their way to accomplish some work, we would always play on the road , either kicking a can, drawin g on stones, hiding from each other, making earrings with fuchsia flowers, juggling with round fruits, play ing a musical instrument with a fruit or a leaf , fighting with a stick, using a wooden bow and arrow, climbing a tree, cook ing an imaginary meal wher e spaghetti s would be lichens ( thanu in Quechua) or ichu (grass) , leaves piece s of meat, and a stone the plate . We would also build houses and ride imaginary motor bicycles like Paulina . 3 For the community anniversary, adults play and compete with children in horse and bi cycle racing.

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187 in which I engaged inclu des casita or cocinita (house or kitchen), zorro (fox) or oveja con zorro (sheep with fox ), caballo (horse), vaquita (cow), ganso (goose), gallinitas gallinitas ( hens hens ), cosquillas (tickling), vendedor (seller), esconditas (hide and seek). Most of these games have farm names and are related to animals with which children interact and/or care for. In their pretend play, children act as if they were these domestic animals (e.g., sheep) chased b y other wild animals (e.g., fox ). During these games, they display their Knowledge Tr ansmitters When I asked children from whom they learned , the question did not make sense for some of them . This is when I understood that even asking about this was not a relevant question because in most cases, transmission/acquisition of plant knowledge does not refer to a formal training with a particular person and does not happen in a p recise moment. The answer that I go t from sev eral children and teenagers was that they just knew : solo n o más he aprendido or yo no más ( learnt by myself ). This induced me to use this expression as the title of this chapter about plant lea r ning. Indeed, I chose to develop this aspect of learning that does make sense in a rural context. Since children are not really taught by someone or at least might not formally identify particular instructors because learning just happens , observing and doing, they feel that they learn by themselves and that nobody really teaches them. I thought that this sentence , solo no más he aprendido , really conveys the idea that learning about plants is not intentional .

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188 Following Wyndham ( 2004 ) , I asked my informants whom they teach abo ut plants. Paulina she teaches her younger cousin with whom she likes to play and the other person she tea ches things about plants was me. Teaching between siblings is equally important. Yet, in the case that the teacher is a boy, he might transfer more plant knowledge related to field cultivation ( e.g., how to sow corn) , which is the domain where his skills belong . Additionally, learning am ong peers is very frequent as highlighted by Ramon (65 years old). Entre ellos hablan también, se preguntan, y se avisan. Se transmiten ellos más que los papas lo que saben ( They talk among themselves, they ask questions to each other, they give informati on to each other. They transmit more between themselves among peers can happen through play as suggested by N aida (11 years old) who said that she teaches her friends about plants when th ey play kitchen in their pretend play. Robert o , a child from Ccachín who is finishing elementary school, proudly shared with me that the way he learned how to sow and add manure to his fields was observing o t her people doing, in that case his friend Carlos from high school. Actually, elementary and high schools manage som e fields where children do agricultural work. This particular setting is opportune for children to exchange information with their peers and/or friends. In these fields, they grow mainly co rn, potatoes and fava beans. Ramon also added that sometimes children transmit information to their parents , in that case what they learnt from teachers . Settings of Embedded in P layscapes Since our conception and experience of l earning is extremely tied to an educational setting ( e.g., school, college, university), one could wonder whether there

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189 are real/special places for learning about plants. Actually, maybe the sole idea that l earning takes place in a particular setting might reflect our E uroamerican vision and expectations a nd be the consequence of the pervasi ve ness of learning at school . This vision would impl y that the only valid place to learn is a school set ting, seated on a school chair. There are actually some places wh ere children spend time conducting activities either by themselves or with their friends or family members. It is in these particular places , mostly outdoor s , that more knowledge about plant s is exch anged or acquired. As stated by Franquemont (1987 :58), st ages of learning about plants can be associated with setting s of learning such as the house (hold) for younger children and then, when they grow up , fields, hillside s and high pastures. Franquemont (1987) in her ethnobotanical work in Chinchero (Cusco Regio n) highli ghted how shepherding on the hillsides is a crucial setting and time lives , not only in terms of learning about their natural environment but also about other cultural domain s such as weaving . If ch ildren do not have these outdoor experiences, they will never get to learn. Sh e pherding and wandering on the hillsides is how children get to know their local geography, places where there are plants for their animals to feed on, drink, etc . These first plants and places child ren get to know are what they will use as prototypes ( Franquemont 1987:55). Furthermore, an Andean indigenous c hild who grows up in a very diverse vertical ecology and likely remains most of his or her life moving in the same environment and conducting similar activi ties, keeps o n encountering these plants/tree s that become very familiar to them. In this way, they reinforce t hese prototypes in their memory . C hildren are also able to observe changes in the morphology of individual plants following their annual cycle an d encounter

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190 different specimens of the same (plant) prototype since they are repeatdely exposed to this environment. Also, the fact that they use different parts of the plants s uch as flowers and fruits make them more aware of changes in the evolution of a particular plant i n relation to the season ( Franquemont 1987: 56). When I interviewed children and parents and asked them where children learn more ab out plants, I got different kinds of answers . On the one hand, t hose adults who tend ed to believe that I was a conservation ist interested in promoting natural resources conservation answered that children learn more about plant s ( i.e., plant conservation) at school. These adults said that they teach their children to respect plants, how to take care of them , and t alk ed about the importance of not cutting trees down and reforesting. On the other hand, most of the children answered that they get most of their plant knowledge in the field . A third kind of answe r combines both visions. Lucía (32 years), mother o f two boys, told me that they learn more in the field about plant protection because when they are outdoor s , there in the fields, and if there is no plant coverage, no tree s, and the sun is hot , they will understand why it is important to protect plants ( P ara que se sombreen, tienen que cuidar they need to pr otect (plants ) As previously mentioned in this chapter, playing is an important medium for learning. Thus, focusing on playscapes g ive us a hint on lear nin gscapes . By the term I refer to any setting/location/circumstance under which the child acquire s cultural information. These are fields, grasslands such as La Loma , edges of paths. Nilda reported learning more about plants in the field, herding her sheep and playing.

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191 In the elementary school , children also have at their disposition several learningscapes such as the playground that is an open field with grass and trees ( pines and eucalypt us). Although students did not mention learning there, I observed them playing under the cover of those trees . Other settings for learning are the green houses that the NGO AASD installed in elementary and high schools. There, children learn skills related to vegetable growing. Children mentioned growing vegetable s at school as something t h at they enjoyed but none of t hem designated this place (i.e. , the green house) as a place of learning. Finally, both elementary and high schools own fields where children are in charge of preparing the land, sowing, and harvesting pro duce such as potatoes and corn. Home is also a learningscape , especially in relation to acquir ing or complementing knowledge about agricultural products or crops . In this setting, mothers are also the result of their interactions with their fathers and other people in the fields . M ost crops once harvested are stored in the attic of houses and children a re thos e who are sent to get them for their mothers to cook or to feed the domestic animals . By doing so, they are compelled to know characteristics of each varie ty of a particular crop and its suitability for different purposes . For i nstance, children learn how to distinguish between different varieties of corn and ways to prepare each of them . The less desirable one s (i.e., smallest grains ) are usually kept to feed animals (e.g. , chickens) , to barter, or to prepare corn beer (the corn used to prepare corn beer i s called wiñapuy ) , while the biggest grains are maintained as seeds ( muhu in Quechua) planting or to exchange for food at local fairs or to sell . Other grains are more

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192 appropriate to boil (i.e., ), toast, or pop (i.e., pop cor n making). Ermelinda commented that while some families keep the smallest grains for , in her family they use big ones. T he same happens with potato varieties, which differ in terms of qua lity, properties, and thus uses, and fava beans. On their way t o /from the fields or high plateau lands, parents and children bring back flowers with medicinal or decorative purposes , herbs (e.g., mu ña , sage ) , and/or small branches of medicinal or fuel plants whose use(s) wil l be discussed in the household. Influence of School Although schooling has been mainly described as correlating negatively with 2001), my own observations lead to several conclusions. Since knowledge imparted in school is different from knowledge gained outside school, there seems to be no real interference. The interference might be at different levels. First, children an d their parents do not value th eir knowledge of the local environment as the y do for knowl edge t ransferred by teachers and gained i n schools. C local plants is actually much more extended than the one of teachers who are usually outsiders and not really interested in learning about the place where they live and work. cho knowledge. There are just two kinds of knowledge than children handle in different situations. If traditional knowledge about plants is eroding, it could be because it is not valued in the school setting or because the time that children spend at school (half of their day) is not spent engaging in interactive activities where they gain that specialized knowledge or experience it. Nevertheless , something that I observed when I asked

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1 93 children to draw plants is that older children (around ten years old) tend to draw the same things and use the same style. When I asked sixth grade children in elementary school to draw their favorite plant, most girls represented roses and boys pine trees. Younger children were more creative and drew more sui generis species (e.g., the mora vine used in construction was the favorite plant of one boy). Children and youth talk about school as a place where they learn tareas how to sum, subtract and multiply numbers, how to draw, write and read. they do at school. In an interview that I conducted with Mar tina (15 years old), I asked her where she th ought she lear ned more (assuming that learning could be quantified). Her answer reflected the distinction made between different kinds of learning and learned fers to physical works in the fields or domestic chores at home . At school, she acquired different skills such as sumar, dividir, leer ( sum, divide, read). Mar tina did not finish elementary school (she left during her last year at elementary school) , never went to high school, and is not thinking to go back to study. Her older sister finished high school in 2007 and said she liked it. Final Remarks s about learning, solo no má s he aprendido ( I learnt by myself ), might seem in co ntraction with concept of learning in a commu nity of practice, it shed light on the fact that out of school cultural learning is so cannot even identify a particular instructor/teacher . According to Claudio , adult community member , some children might know more about plants than other s simply because they wander

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194 more ( C aminan por todas partes ) and while wandering they hear more ( A llí escuchan ) , thus implying that they are more likely to interact with some people, listen to what they are talking about , and as a result learn . In Ccachí n, children as young as four five yea rs old already know some plant characteristics or properties because they see their parents using the s e plants a nd engage in some kind of work. Here work is understood as the fulfillment of a agropastoral activities. When I asked a ten year o l d boy to draw his fiel d (i.e., his , he spontaneously titled his drawing mi trabajo en la comunidad children have in their group, being the family or community. Thro ugh th e eng agement in these activities and encounters , children build their plant expertise. Angela , mother of four children, commented that when she meets children while walking in the countryside, these children are always curious and ask her questions such as E sa planta para que es? Comen animal e s? . Angela added, This kind of learning is more sustainable than learning at school beca use it is repeated everyday and relies on tasks that children have to accomplish for their families well being. Moreover, the motivation , initiative , and responsibility that these children show to wards accomplishing these tasks, as well as the pride that they gain , are part of the reaso n s why they have so much understanding of their natural environment.

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195 Table 6 1 . Repartition of tasks/activities performed by Ccachín children based on their gender. Domestic work Girls Boys Carrying water (e.g., from the wash hand basin outside of the house to the kitchen) x Hand washing dishes x Hand washing family clothes x Getting firewood for fuel on the hillside x Chopping firewood x Making and tending fire x x Sweeping x Getting ingredients to cook (i.e., from the field, the attic, or the shop) x x Carrying food to the fields (e.g., in case of communal work) x x Gathering herbs and/or flowers x x Grinding (e.g., corn or coffee grains) x x Shelling corn x Cooking or assisting in cooking (e.g., meal preparation peeling and chopping, or chicha preparation) x x x Managing household resources (e.g., fava beans and potatoes stocks) x Putting water to boil, preparing mate or coffee x Running an errand (e.g., notifying somebody of something) x x Sibling care taking x Attending visitors x Accompanying an elderly relative (i.e., usually a widow) x Spinning or weaving x Agropastoral work Removing the stones from the fields before sowing x Sowing/planting o assisting in sowing/planting x Doing some maintenance work in the fields (e.g., turning over the soil, weeding) x x Harvesting in the fields (e.g., potatoes) x Harvesting in home gardens x x Constructing and repairing fences to protect fields x x Collecting manure from the corral x x Spreading manure in the fields x Burning vegetal remains in the fields x Feeding chickens x Locking in chickens for the night x

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196 Table 6 1. Continued Agropastoral work Girls Boys Herding sheep and/or goats x Penning up sheep and/or goats at night x Checking on horses and/or cows in the grasslands x Horse caring (e.g., check the animal for lice infestation) x Riding horses x Getting forage for guinea pigs x x Preparing food for pigs and dogs and feeding them x Preventing pigs from fighting x Wage labor (e.g., tending the fields) x Source: Table elaborated with data obtained participating in and activities during fieldwork.

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197 Figure 6 1. Daily routine for boys. Figure 6 2. Daily routine for girls. Animal care School Tending fields Leisure Animal care School Tending fields Leisure Meal preparation Herding Sibling caretaking School Leisure Meal preparation Herding Sibling caretaking School Leisure

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198 Figure 6 3 . Ermelinda , twelve years old, is carrying her younger sister Zulema while going to buy some products at the community fair (December 2013). Photo by Stéphanie Borios. Figure 6 4 .

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199 Figure 6 5 . Paulina riding her mutuy motorbike. Photo by Stéphanie Borios. Figure 6 6 . Ermelind a displaying corn diversity preserved in her attic. Photo by Stéphanie Borios.

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200 CHAPTER 7 DGE OF PLANTS After giving an ethnographic illustration of the context in which Ccachín children grow up and learn a bout plants, in this chapter I discuss results obtained in a structured plant knowledge test (A ppendix D ) that I administered to 63 children and youth (33 girls and 29 boys one child did n ot write down his or her gende r) aging fro m seven to 22 years . I also compare and contrast these results with those of free listings in different domain s (i.e., medicinal , edible , construction , play , and other ) expertise in each of these domains and illustrate the ir content. Information that I wanted to get analyzing the performance of children in answering the p lant knowledge test and free listings was : Can c hildren recognize and name a sample of local plants? In addition to recognizing these local plants , do children know the ir uses , modes of preparation, parts used, and harvesting areas and periods ? Are the kinds of domain s that children master and/or uses that they cite related to their age and/ or gender? In this part of the dissertation I follow the struct ure of the plant knowledge test in which I had included th r ough their ability to name each species with its vernacular name, identify its main uses, modes of preparation, parts used, and harvesting seasons a nd areas. Results of the knowledge test were complemented with ethnographic data. Plant Naming Being able to correctly name a plant is one of the variables indicative of know ing a plant . In the knowledge test, I asked children to write down name s of plants either in Quechua or Spanish, whichever language they were more confortable with . As a first

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201 e and name these plants, I calculated the proportion of boys and girls who p rovid ed the right answer for each me 1 . The right answer or correct name (and its local variations) was obtained interviewing knowledgeable individuals and living in the community for several months. On average, 54 per cent of girls versus 46 per cent of boys correctly provided names of plants that they recognized in the knowledge test (Table 7 1) . Yet, depending on the type of plant (i.e., medicinal, edible, construction, etc.), either girls or boys seemed to be more knowledgeable. For instance, boys r ecognized the mora plant (P14 in Table 7 1) , used as a construction material , more often than girls (56 per cent for boys versus 44 per cent for girls ). It is the opposite for the chiqlloq plant (P12, Table 7 1) that is a medicinal plant and more associate d with domain (56 per cent of girls named it correctly and 44 per cent of boys ). In some cases, it is worth notin g that children use d quite a broad range of names for the same species . For example, if we look at the vernacular names of a common wild species which genus is Oxalis , we found the following Quechua names: oqa oqa , chulluku , and the combined form of . As shown by Emshwiller (1999 ), these different names might ref er to different wild varieties of the same genus or might also reflect the richness of names for the same plant. As I observe d in Ccachín, Emshwiller (1999: 21) reported Oxalis species have some use in Andean culture, if only as an occ asional nibble for shepherd children. Stems and leaves 1 I am aware that some children might not remember some plant names but be able to recognize plant species and know their uses. In these cases, this knowledge was taken into consideration in the index of familiarity calculated for each child (Section Discus sion, Correl ation age knowledge, Chapter 7 ).

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202 of many Oxalis species are said to be eaten, or the juice sucked from stems and fl In Figures 7 1 and 7 2 , I represented variations of names for Oxalis spp. in terms of c if the sample in each category is quite small (63 chi ldren), a pattern emerged Oxalis spp. in relation to their age we can see that younger children tend ed to use a larger combinatio n of names than older children. is represented on the graph by their children ( school children ) . The former are aged 11 and the latter are teens . Th e fact that younger children master ed a broader array of names could be explained by a higher reliance of younger children on their maternal language, Q uechua , and a t endency of homogenization in language when children get educated an d older. Yet, I observed that high school students Spanish skills are not much better than elementary school children. Thus, in this particular case, I would say that maybe when children g row up, the richness of the vocabulary that they use mastering both languages decreases. Another possibility could be that since young children use more of this plant as a snack, they are able to distinguish between different varieties of this genus and na me them , while older children who do not rely that much on this plant are not able to make the disti nction between these varieties. To conclude with this example related to Oxalis , I looked at whether there were differences in terms used between different parts of the Ccachí n territory (Figure 7 3) . Indeed, as mentioned before, children who attend school come from either the

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203 nucleated part of the community or one of Ccachín annexes. What I noticed is that Ccachín children who live in a more urbanized and populated area sh ow ed almost the same tendency as older children. More than 75 per cent of them use the term oqa oqa . Unlike Ccachín children, children who come from Cochayoq, high plateau hamlet belonging to the community, dis play ed more variety in n ames than they use , chulluku being the most common form (71 per cent of children used this designation) . The other annex , Rayancancha , and the nearby community of Rosaspata are closer to lihoods. The term oqa oqa frequently used by children from these places (more than 50 per cent of children used it) reflects these similarities. In relation to plant naming, Franquemont (1987 :68) argued that as children play with plants, they play with the characterized by the use of double word s such as in oqa oq a , plátano pláta no , mango mango , wallpa wallpa , etc . This doubled word naming . The purpose of this repetition of words is usually to intensify the quantity (i.e., the in number) or insist on the intensity of something, but it could also serve to signify small in size ( Franquemont 1 988:68) . The root words of plant names are either Spanish or Quechua and refer to different things such as fruit s (e.g., mango mango ) , animal s (e.g., rata rata rata is the Spanish term for rat, khuchi khuchi khuchi means pig in Quechua , and wallpa wallpa wallpa is the Quechua term for chicken ) , or tubers (e.g., oqa oq a ) . Franquemont (1987 :69) asserted that th ese n ames are creativity .

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204 Knowledge of Plant Domains and Uses Plant Domains Out of the answers that children gave to the plant knowledge test , I categorized plant uses in the medicinal (i.e., plants used as medicines) , edible (i.e., plants used for food or as snacks), construction (i.e. plants used as construction materials) , play (i.e., plants with which children play) , firewood (i.e., plants used as fuel) , and othe r domains. peculiar uses that children mentioned o utside of these categories. This includes plants sold at local markets, used in ri tuals related to death an d the spiritual world or for celebrations (i.e. use of plants as musical instruments and for Carnival) , animal care ( i.e., fodder, medicine) and insect s treatment (i. e., insecticide), as wool dye, glue, brooms, or for decorative purposes . In addition to categorizing the plant in a particular domain, some children gave , some children referred to properties of medicinal plants in terms of hotnes s/coldness. This dichotomy is very prevalent in Andean medicine. It corresponds with a certain way of classify ing illnesses and feel ing their symptoms. It also applies to dishes and ingredients used to prepare them, and to herbs and some agricultural produ cts. Qualities of these plants wi ll determine their inclusion or not in a dish in w h ich, ultimately, a general balance needs to be respected . Indeed, this equilibrium between hot and cold will in turn health (Cipriano 2013). Plants such a s oqa oqa and a that are frescos (cold) are used to treat calor (hotness). Some plant species only belong to one domain while others are used in multiple ways. Figure 7 4 shows t hese particular uses or more versatile ones for each plant species . For instance, t he chamomile plant or manzanilla (Table 7 2, P19) is an

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205 example of a species whose use is quite restrained . It is first and foremost a common medicinal plant used in herbal infusions that is sometimes cultivated to be sold at local markets . A few children highlight ed its commercial value. of these domains overlap (e.g., medicinal and edible, construction and firewood, medicinal and firewood). For instance, the fe nnel plant ( hinojo ) is used both in herbal infusions and to prepare a dish called sankhu traditionally served during corn planting in the month of November. Thus, fennel has been classified both as a med icinal and edible plant (Table 7 2, P6). Along the sa me line, ch anchi is a well known medicinal plant in Ccachín; 95 per cent of children put it in this category (Table 7 2, P3). It is prepared as an unguent to treat wounds and/or bruises. Another reported use of this plant is as firewood. Mar jorie (17 years ) explained that the chiqlloq plant is used to feed animals and as a medicinal plant to treat fever and toothache. In this case, chiqlloq has been class i fied in The best example s of these overlaps bet ween medicinal and edible domains are illustrated by answers g iven by Pol ( 16 years) and Fernando ( 14 years) . According to Pol , the t rompos fruit is eaten with the objective of t reat ing eye problems. To Fernando, markhu is given as fodder to sick guinea pigs in order to trea t them . M ain Categories of Plant U se s to the plant knowledge test ( Appendix E to I ), I elaborated Table 7 2 . This table shows how children as a group , and girls and boys more specifically , categorized each plant species according to their use(s) . For plant number one (P1) which was oqa oqa , 84.7 per cent of children said that it is a medicinal

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206 plant, 10.2 per cent classified it as edible, none of them said that it was used either in construction or as firewood, almost 2 p er cent said they use d it to play, and 3.4 per cent cited other uses (e.g., animal fodder). Among these 84.7 per cent who answered that oqa oqa is a medicinal plant, half were boys and the other half were girls. The bar chart (Figure 7 5 ) summarizes the mu ltiplicity of uses of most of the species included in the knowledge test following these analytical categories ( medicinal, edible, construction, play, firewood, and other ) . For instance, oqa oqa is an edible/medicinal plant used to play by children and as fodder for animals.I subsequently focus on medicinal and edible plants, which were the most prominent categories in These two domains are also livelihoods. Medicinal plants considered useful para curar / curación or plants that according to them were para tomar en mate (to drink in herbal infusions), para refresco ( to prepare and d rink as a soft drink ), and para hervir (to boil) . the use of the chiqlloq plant is that it is hampi qora ( a medicinal plant). Most of these plants treat infections (e.g., eye infection), inflammations ( hinchaz ó n ), cold, hotness ( in Quechua, calor in Spanish), fever, cough, pain/ache ( for head, throat, teeth, back, stomach, kidneys, and also muscles, joints and bones), bruises, dia rrhea, and wounds. Eder explained me that trom pos aside from being an edible plant for its fruits is also a medicinal plant. The juice is used in the treatment of eyes infections/problems (one to two dro ps in the eyes). The white rose, as specified by children, has also

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207 medicinal properties in case of ey e problems and was reported by two high school students as good for mal de corazón (disorder of the heart). A third child said it was good for paro cardiaco (hea r t attack), which might be epilepsy, as suggested in Gade 1999 . Although I counted them as a se some plants have medicinal uses related to supernatural causes such as the belief that wind can make people sick ( Eder , 16 years , referred to the use of mutuy to treat people affected by the wind). Children sometimes specified on which organ the plant had an effect. For example, yana kisa is used to treat kidney problems according to Claret (16 years) and Pol ( 16 years). Pol also mentioned its use for joint pain. Edible plants In the food plant domain , som e children mentioned plan ts that are used in the preparation of certain dishes (e.g., h inojo or fennel) or as main dishes (e.g., k allampa ). Pol (16 years) said that fennel is added to the mazamora de calabaza (a kind of soft squash based food) and Luis that rue is used in the sara lawa or corn soup, apparently as a condiment . ( Agaricus campestris L. ) is a wild mushroom that is exclusively used as a food source . It is very common on Ccachín hillsides as soon as it starts raining. All children who answered the question about its use put it in the edible category and said it replaces meat (Table 7 2, P10) . Other children m entioned fruits , both domesticated and wild, that they harvest either in home gardens or on their way to the fields or grasslands . Among wild edible s , children repeatedly mentioned pinchichu from the Ericaceae family (75.7 per cent of children said it is edible) . It is a berry that they gather from small bushes. Pinchichu saliency as a wild fruit is confirmed by the free list where it appeared on top of the list as

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208 the most salient species . Trompos ( Passiflora tripartita (Juss.) Poir.) is equally very successful among children ( P7 in Table 7 1, 100 per cent of children named it corr ectly, and Table 7 2, among those who named it correctly, 85 per cent knew it is edible) . This vine climbs over trees and chi ldren are experts in getting its fruits from the highest part of the trees . Sauco ( Sambucus peruviana Kunth) is another treasured fruit, especially for children who get its fruits climbing trees, as it is the case for trompos . Although sauco is a well known Andean species whose fr uits are commercialized in town to prepare jams, Ccachín children are usually the only ones who take the time to climb trees scattered in different locations of the community and t o pick up fruits that grow i n clusters . 44.3 per cent of children mentioned its use a s an edible plant . Fernando ( 14 years) commented that apart from children, the chihuaco bird ( Turdus chiguanco ) is the only one that eats its fruits. Among what I included a s edible plants are flowers that children chew as snacks since they frequent the areas where these plants grow . While accompanying young girls on their herding expeditions, they invited me to taste the sweet nectars of l laulli ( Barnadesia horrida Muschl. ) and thiri ( Brachyotum quinquenerve (Ruiz & Pav.) Triana) flowers on repeated occasions. Children also nibble at small weeds . They include oqa oqa ( Oxalis spp.) whose sour taste is refreshing for them . Another popular plant that children cited in free lis ts that were do ne in schools was a plant called plátano pIátano (scientific name unknow n). Masticating its stems and leaves produces the same sensation of freshness as oqa oqa .

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209 D espite the low nutritive value of these parts of the plants (i.e., stems, leaves, flowers, and fruits) used as snacks by children , they might provide them nutrients and reflect specific nutritional deficiencies (Franquemont 1987 :71). Less C ommon ly M entioned U ses In addition to most common plant uses , which mainly belong to the m edicinal and edible categories and reflect a certain consensus among children, less commonly mentioned us es are an opportunity to explore more individual variations among children . Most of these less commonly cited uses apply to common species but were not frequently cited. For example, when asked what the rose was used for, Ye rko answered that it is used in flowerpots . During my stay in Ccachín, I did not see roses in flowerpots (they were usually planted in home gardens or canchones ), which seems to be mo re a n urban characteristic. The same child mentioned that the sap extracted from the pine tree could be used as glue. As for Pol (16 years), the rose can be used as a perfume when combined with alcohol. Paulina who was my main informant and friend during my whole stay in the community was the only child who asserted that the markhu plant , if laid on the bottom of nesting box, would induce hens to lay more eggs. She was the only child who m entioned this use , although I forgot to crossc heck and ask about it . In this area where textile production is present in every family, older children (i.e., teens) also know which plants their mothers use to dye wool. Eder ( 16 years) wrote down in his knowledge test that t hiri thiri trunk is used as firewood. César ( 16 years) also mentioned this tinctorial use. While Eder added that his mother is knowledgeab le about the preparation of tinctorial species ( para te ñ ir sabe mi mam a ), Cé sar explained that in order to dye the wool, thiri leaves

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210 need to be boiled with qullpa (salitre in Spanish , salty residue in English ). The wool is later added and will turn yellow. Ofelia ( 16 years) explained that thiri leaves are crushed and added to the water where the wool is then added. A mong other uses that children mentioned, plants with spiritual properties were commonly cited. Although this is a small percentage in relation to m ain uses mentioned by children, it fs that regulate their daily actions and functioning in their family and community , for example their understanding of death and forces that threaten living beings and the equilibrium of life . Indeed, s ome plants are said to be good to ward off evi l spirits, treat folk diseases , or prepare dead bodies for the after life. Rue 2 a nd nettle illustrate this well. In relation to plants used to ward off evil spirits and avoid being ill, Gabriel ( 16 ye ars) mentioned that yana kisa (P21 in Table 7 2 ) (a type of nettle) is good to treat (malevolent spirit which provoke illnesses); the way to treat the person is picking up the plant and rubbing i dres ( 17 years) also stated that kisa treats illnesses such as (malevole nt wind that causes an illness). Rue plant is also said to pr otect from harm caused by mal viento ( or mal aire ) or mal espíritu ( evil/bad spirits). Cé sar described that ruda is burnt and apparently its ash es rubbed on . f death, and life after death. Fernando explained how the same plant, rue, para que no qhayque el alma ( F or the soul not to be harmed ). Pol ( 16 years) mentioned that rue also fulfills a protective role against dead people, para que los 2 The rue plant, imported from Europe has a myriad of supernatural uses.

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211 muertos no te molesten r dead people not to bother . Nettle is another p lant used for similar purposes. Finally, festivities being important land m arks children also talked about plants that are used to celebrate . Eder ( 16 years) mentioned that the capuli tree ( Prunus serotina Ehrh.) is used for yunsada during Carni val . This ceremony consists in putting up a tree ( called yunsa ) c overed with balloons and curling ribbons/serpentines . Co mmunity members dance around the tree and then ceremonially chop it down . Knowledge of Harvesting Places , Times , and Techniques Questioning the Harvesting Concept The way I asked the question in Spanish in the knowledge test (Appendix D ) triggered some reactions from the children. For each plant, I had asked them: ¿Cuándo se cosecha? nterestingly, some children have written on their kno wledge tests that some species are not harvested ( N o se cosechan ). Those species are actually wild species. As illustrated by what one child no se cosecha, es una planta silvestre only domestic species and not wild ones can be harvested/collected ( cosechar in Spanish ). Wild species such as oqa oqa are picked up . For them , the concept of harvest only applies to plant species that require work in the fields such as planting, a s it is the case for the main local agricultural p roducts, potato and corn. Harvesting Places When giving names of harvesting places, ch ildren use landmarks that they know. In some occasions, these places are very personalized , like pointing out fields ( chakras ) . Along the same line , w hen asked what her sheep were feeding

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212 on, Paulina answe red that they were eating Lady Juanita roses . Felicia, 16 years, also mentioned that markhu ( Ambrosia peruviana Willd) g garden. Nevertheless , it is more typical of young children to have the tendency to point out places that are closer to their households because of their more limited mobility , even if back . Thus, for younger children, harvesting areas that they know, both for domesticated and wild species are cl oser to their households ( example of Paulina roses ). Harvesting places described by children either refer to specific areas named by their names su ch as Ccachí n annex es ( Yerbabuenayoc, C ochayoq) , the school , or some sectors of the community where children usually take their animals (e.g., Mutuy Cancha , La Loma , Piquimayo , Ancahuachana , Capuliyoq , Chanchiyoq ) or where their parents have their fields and grow agricultural products. Many toponyms actually come from plant names (e.g., Capuliyoq ) since pla nts mark places in the landscape . Other way that children have used to describe harvesting areas is referring to the kind of ecosys tem where th e species grows in terms of topography or climatic conditions ; by a wall (or even more specific antiguas paredes ) , on top of straw thatched houses, on the riverbank, in the foothill /lower part of the community , loma , in wet , warm or cold areas , on a poor soil, or in a corn field , close to/in home gardens . observatio n of their natural environment.

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213 For the same plant, oqa oqa ( Oxalis spp.) , children used a variety of indicators to refer to the place where it grows. Eder , 16 years old, describes how oqa oqa can be found in between walls or on top of straw thatched houses . Adrien mentioned that it grows in canchones viejos , demonstrating his knowledge in the evo lution of the vegetation of home garden s. As for Luis , he explained that this plant grows in agricultural fields ( chakra s ) and lands with poor soil. In some cases, children were not able to give the name of the plant species but knew the main locati ons where this plant can be found. Moreover , c gone up to La Loma in the upper part of the commun al territory, children know which kind of resources (e.g., medicinal plants) can be found there. Also, they know that in the lower part of the community, there are plots of pines and eucalyptus that belong to the community. H arvesting T imes Most children an s wered referring to months of the year or seasons ( e.g., primavera spring, rainy season, mes de sequia dry season month which is August) . Yet, some children made references to particular events in their community. For example, Sara , thirteen years old, said that the capuli ( Prunus serotina Ehrh) is usually harvested en los carnavales that is to say around March. Another child, Ye rko , same age, mentioned that a certain plant n eeds to be harvested during new moon. Children are aware of the natural cycle of plants in relation to different seasons . Ni colas , 13 years old from Ccachí n, mentioned that oqa oqa plants die with frost. In the case of trees, children refer to the right time to harvest the se species as when they reach m atur ity . For instance, according to Teófilo ( 13 years), the pine tree reache s

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214 maturity and can be cut at about 20 years old while it is 50 years for the eucalyptus . Pol ( 16 years) knows that eucalyptus trees are to be cut when th ey are tall enough a nd straight, and Antonio ( 22 years old) that sauco tree can be cut when it is 20 to 30 years old. For Pol ( 16 years) chanchi leaves are harvested to be prepared as a medicine for wounds when the y are turning red , while ruda ( Ruta graveolens L.) and manzanilla ( Chamomilla officinalis K. Koch) are collected when in blossom ( mejor es cuando tiene n flores , talking about the chamomile) . Harvesting T echniques While I did not ask about the way these plants had to be harvested, I had some mention s of the best ways to do it or observed some of them. For instance, one child mentioned that you have to cut markhu , which is a medicinal plant , with a knife so that it can grow again ( para que retome bonito ). This matches with what I observed with Paulina when we went to collect wild mushrooms together . She gently told me to leave the lower part of the mu shroom in the la nd for other people to find mushrooms next time. When I went to collect firewood with children, I also observed that they would not cut branches from living trees (these would actually not be dry enough and would not be good fuel wood) and rather collect those on the ground. This is not necessarily done thinking in natural resources conservation but contribute s to it. Also, the oldest of the students who took the test, Antonio , 22 years (last grade in high school) observed that llama llama Knowledge of Medicinal and Edible Plants Plant preparation is particularly rel evant for medicinal plants that might need som e processing before being used. Children described three m ain ways of preparing

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215 (or not) medi cinal plants: masticating or rubbing, drinking herbal infusions ( mate ) and taking herbal baths , and preparing unguents by crushing them either alone or with other plants/addi tive s ( e.g., honey, alcohol) . Some plants are used fresh while others are drie d (e.g., manzanilla can be used in both ways according to J ohn ). Children reported u sing different parts of the plants depending on what the plant is used for . Leaves and stems were the most commonly u tilized parts ( Figure 7 6 ). Mastication, R ubbing , and Ot her Direct Uses Mastication and rubbing ( frotación ) are some of the easiest way to administer medicinal treatments. Ofelia ( 16 years) described that for t he rose to be used in a m edicinal way , its petal s had to be masticate d ( picchar ) like coca leaves . P icchar is a Quechua term that children frequently used. It is usually associated with coca leaves ( Erythroxylum coca Lam. ) that people chew in their mouths during rituals or while working. Pol ( 16 years) wrote down that capuli leaves can be chew ed to stop diarrhea . The same for chiqlloq that according to Carlos ( 16 years) se piccha It has to be . In the same way, Adrien ( 17 years) mentioned that mullaka ( Muehlenbeckia vulcanica Meisn.) leaves are picchadas with coca leaves. Cyntia ( 14 years) added that mullaka , remedy for infla mmation, is swallowed and masticated ( L o mueles en tu boca It is used to re lief toothache ( Gabriel , 16 years ). Cé sar ( 16 years) described the same process for the chiqlloq ( Vallea stipularis L.f.) leaves that just need to be masticated by the person suffering from a toothache ( Pol , 16 years , said that you boil chiqlloq leaves and drink the resulting liquid). In this category of plants that are simply masticated, we can find what I c all snack flowers that children chew . Thiri ( Brachyotum quinquenerve (Ruiz & Pav.)

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216 Triana) is one of them , se chupa su flor ( Max , 11 years) . What they extract from these flowers is insignificant in terms of calories but is very pleasant as a sweet flavor . On their herding expeditions, children are used to collect and chew them (when they are still juicy and not dry). Franquemont (1987 :63) reported how children seek sweetness and juiciness in stems, tubers, nectars, and wild fruits, as illustrated by Fernando : S u ( s ) flores chupamos y sale ( n ) uno ( s ) juguitos ricos There are also wild fruits such as frutillas (wild strawberries) and pinchichu ( Pernettya prostrat a (Cav.) DC. ) that children just pic k up and eat right away . Pinchichu and sauco berries can also be cooked with sugar and water to prepare jams ( Pamela 15 years , and Ofelia 16 years ) . An other direct use of plant s is related to edible plants used as condiment s or asnapa ( asnapa is a generic term used to designate fresh herbs that bring flavor to a dish; they are usually added at the end of the preparation of the dish) such as the muna (mint) added to the soup ( Adrien , 17 years) or the rue used as a condiment in the caldo d e gallina (he n broth) (Mili , 17 years ) . Other plants such as the ruda can be used to rub the body . Another way to use ruda when one keeps some in their wallet ( Carlos, 16 years). Herbal Infusion s and Baths Drinking herbal infusion or mate is a very common way to use medicinal plants. Fresh flowers , leaves , or both are left to soak for a few minutes in boiling water. As such, rose leaves are used to treat mal de c orazó n (heart problem) or paro cardiaco ( heart attack), which might be mistaken with epilepsy . Some species are preferentially used dry. They are put to dry and later consumed as mate . Yur i (16 years) gave the

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217 example of the llaulli flowers that are first dried. There is also a specific part of the day when some of these herbal infusions are taken. For example, mate de rosas made with the rose flower is taken for breakfast ( Yanet , 12 years). Raw leaves of species such as markhu or mullaka are sometimes used to bat he sick peop le as mentioned by Adrien ( 17 years) and Ermelinda , who specified that it is used for babies . I actually witnessed Daniela bathing her six month old Zulema with mullaka ( Muehlenbeckia vulcanica Meisn.) leaves in order to relieve her from fever and vomiting. Unguent s Some species such as the medicinal plant markhu ( Ambrosia peruviana Willd . ) just require to be crushed in a batan o metate (kind of stone mortar that each family owns ) before being used (Li z , 15 years ). In some cases, an unguent is p repared. That is the case for the chanchi plant , locally used to treat wounds and/or bruises , lumps . Plant leaves are crushed with rosemary, llanté n ( Plantago spp.) , queto queto and an egg until obtaining a creamy consistency . Other ways to prepare the plant is either crushing chanchi leaves with other plants and add honey , or crushing chanchi leaves with little water and apply it to the wound, or crushing l eaves and mix them w ith alcohol before applying it to the wound . The resulting paste is what is us ed to rub the wounded area. Fernando ( 14 years) described how the chiqlloq plant is heated in the heart h and placed at the bottom part of the bed in order to treat someone who has a cold while this person is sleeping . Gabriel ( 16 years) described the way to prepare markhu and ch iqlloq boi ling their leaves and then rubbing respectively the head in the case of markhu and the body for the chi q lloq . Indeed , markhu is used for headaches among o ther ailments and chiqlloq for calor del cuerpo ( in Quechua , hotness in English ).

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218 Discussion Correlation Age Plant Knowledge First, I calculated an index of plant familiarity for each child (Appendix M ) , which was basically obtained from the proportion of non missing data (i.e., percentage of questions answered in relation to plant uses ). Calculating this index relies on the assumption that children who were famili ar with a plant answered something while missing data reflect a lack of familiarity with the plant . With this index fo r each child, I with/knowledge about plants. As s uggested by Olson (2013), older individuals do not necessarily have more experience with a domain of knowledge than younger individuals. This is particularly true for plants used to play and wild edible flowers and weeds that children like to chew as snack foods since they are sweet; adults do not cite these species as food plants. In these two particular domains, age is not a reliable proxy for expertise. Age is negatively correlated with expertise; the older the individual is, the less likely that they will remember plants that they used to play or eat when they were children. Similarly, r esults from the knowledge test showed that there is a very low correlation between age and general plant knowledge (r= 0.277, p< 0.05 with df=60). There is some relationship between the two variables but it is a weak one. Knowing predicting th eir age very well, and s age would not allow predict ing their expertise in relation to plants . Moreover, thi s correlation is a negative one . T his means that high plant knowledge (i.e., high index plant familiarity) is (weakly) associated w ith young age, and vice versa (Appendix N ).

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219 Actually, what stroke me after administering the plant knowledge test and even before analyzing the results was that older children/ teenagers seemed to score worse than younger children. This was later confirmed by test results. Since they were high school students, I thought that they would be more comfortable with testing, more knowledgeable, and faster to understand the indications and answer the questions . Thi s was not the case. Eder , 16 years old, explicitly wrote in his knowledge test that he did not know a wild tree called chiqlloq ( Vallea stipularis L.f.) . I f ound it awkward because I learned how to recognize this species after a few weeks sp ent in the community. I t is quite present in Ccachín landscape, fo r example on field edges that border cornfields. The same child was able to recognize nettle but unable to enumerate its uses ( N o se usa creo para nada Yet , for other plants, he knew some characteristics of the plant that n o other child mentioned (e.g., there are two types of rud a , female and male ). Motivation in being part of the place , in that case a community of actors and practices, could explain why older children who are interested in leaving the community or thinking to make a living outside are not that attentive to their natural environment anymore. When asked to enumerate plants from different domains during free listings, ch ildren and youth as a group are still very knowledgeable in relation to adults. Nonetheless, for some particular domains, the total number of species tha t children/youth listed . Similar to Mathez Stiefel and Vandebroek (2012) , this is the case for the medicinal plant domain. Indeed, expertise develops through age and facing a concrete illness, or forming a family . During my interviews with young mothers, they mentioned learning about specific medicinal species when the ir

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220 first children were born. F or the play domain, children kn ew more species than adults (Figure 7 8 , children and youth listed 29 species and adults 22) . This result seems logical considering that adults do not engage in play anymore. In relation to wild edible plants, children and youth cited almost as many species as adults (31 species were cited by young people versus 34 for adults) . According to Franq uemont (1987 :63 ) who listed wild edible plants eaten by Quechua children living in Chinchero, the reason why these foods are exclusive to children is because adults scarcely spend time on the hillsides where these plants grow, as children do, and adults do not engage in activities such as herding which goes by hand with play and motivate s children to taste these plants. Correlation Gender Plant Knowledge On average more than 58 per cent (58.9%) of boy s answered questions about plant uses in the knowledge test, versus almost 63 per cent f o r girls. Girls seem to be more knowledgeable than boys. Yet , a mong the range of uses that a plant has, gender plays a role in determining which use(s) w ere more freque ntly emphasized . For instance, in the case of the eucalyptus tree (P15, Table 7 2) , 48.1 p er cent of children said it has a medicinal use. Among them, 61.5 per cent were girls and 38.5 per cent boys . As for the mora species (P14 , Table 7 2) specifically used as a rope in the construction of houses or other structures, 96 per cent of children recognized this plant as a construction material. Sixty seven per cent were boys and only 33 were girls . As I have noticed with Paulina , even if young g irls we re able to recognize this plant and kn e w its use, boys tend ed to use it and cite it more. Fathers are the ones who teach their sons how to split the vine to make a rope.

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221 One Mode Matrices: Plant to Plant and Child to Child Relationships Medic inal and edible plant domains we re those for which I got more answers f r om children in the knowledge test , that is to say less missing data . From the two two mode matrices that I had in my Excel database (one two mode matrix associating children an d knowledge o f medicinal plants, and the other associating children and knowledge of edible plants) , I built four o ne mode matrices in UCINET : two for plants ( one relating plants in relation to their medicinal properties, and the other relating plants in relation to their edible properties ), and two for children ( one relating answers in relation to medicinal plants , and the other relating relation to edible plants). Building one mode matrices allowed me to graphically r epresent and visualize relationships between plan ts ( one mode plant matrices ) and between children ( one mode child ren matrices ) . The one mode medicinal plant matrix visual ized i n NetDraw is represented in Figur e 7 9 . It provides information on which plants are centrally considered as being medicinal . Constraint was fixed to five , that is to say that only plants between which there are at least five connections (i.e., on which children agreed that they had a medicinal use at least five times ) are represented . C onsidering that the test included 21 plants, the constraint was established t o about a quarter of the plants . The body of knowledge that children have about medicinal plants seems to be relatively coherent, most plants being clustered. The core of medicinal plants domain revolves around species P1 ( oqa oqa ), P3 ( chanchi ), P5 (rose), P6 (fennel), P9 ( markhu ), P12 ( chiqlloq ), P15 (eucalyptus), P18 (rue), P19 (chamomile), and P21 (nettle). These are indeed medical species easily found , culturally impor tant, and very commonly used in Ccachín. Except the chanchi and chiqlloq trees that grow on the

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222 home gardens so are very accessible. P2 ( llama llama ), P4 ( sauco ), and P7 ( tintin ), which are connected to the core plants but are still on the outskirts, are species whose primary use is not medicinal even if they have medicinal properties. The pattern is quite different for edible plants (Figu re 7 10 ). There is a core structu re composed of P4 ( sauco ), P7 ( tintin ), P10 ( ) and P13 ( pinchichu ) . Then, other species such as P6 (fennel), P16 ( tintin ), P17 ( thiri ), and P18 (rue) are at the periphery. P16 is actually a repetition of P7 (I showed twice a picture of the same pl ant to children, just to make sure that their answers were coherent). Regarding P6, P17, and P18, these plants are edible but are not used as main dishes . The fennel (P6) is added to other food preparations such as the sankhu dish previously mentioned. As to the thiri plant (P17), it was categorized in the edible category because children chew its flowers to extract the sweet nectar. Finally, P18 is the rue plant and it is basically a condiment used in food preparation. As fo r the one mode children matrices , they show which children had more agreement on their classification of plants as medicines or food . Figures 7 11 and 7 12 show the result of the visualization of these matrices using NetDraw. In the case of the one mode ch ild ren matr ix for edible plants, two groups of children appear ed with K34 as a broker. One of these group s includes children K0, K7, K8, K9, K11, K33, and K34. K0 and K7 are actually sisters and they were my main informants and friends. It seems logical th at they share common knowledge about plants since they a re raised in the same household , interact basically with the same people, and go to the same elementary school. Most importantly, they spend a lot of time together. Additionally, five

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223 out of seven chi ldren in this first group are in elementary school, and four in the same classroom. Another characteristic of this group is that it includes both boys and girls. In the second group composed of K22, K26, K34, K37, and K55, four out of five children are you ng b oys between 13 and 17 years old and they all attend Ccachín high school. In the visualization of th e one mode children matrix for edible plants (Figure 7 11 ) , two observations can be made. First, based on age and level of instruction , it seems that you nger children tend to agree more among themselves. The same is true among teens. Second, the fact that the second group of older children is almost exclusively composed of young men, this could be the marker of gender based differences that start to emerge in the way plants are used. Activities that they fulfill and expectations are more marked by gender roles. As for the broker K34, I do not have enough ethnographic information about this individual to draw any conclusions. The only information that I have is his name, age, and that he is in second grade in high school and lives in Ccachín . It would have been interesting to go back t o this person and try to understand why he functions as an intermediary between the two groups. In the visualization of the one mode children matrix for medicinal plants (Figure 7 12 ) , there is more cohesion among children of all ages. As I previously show ed , although children have less knowledge about medicinal plants than adults, they share a common pool of knowledge about plants that have medicinal properties. When they get older, they will acquire more knowledge about this category of plants because the y are going to have different medical necessities and w ill start relying on more medicinal plants. In this case, the constraint was superior to seven a nd there w as still a lot of agreement among children.

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224 In conclusion , t his visualization method of four on e mode matrices complemented well ethnographic results. Indeed, it confirmed the fact that in relation to medicinal plants, there is a core group of culturally important plants on which this sample of 63 children, independently of their age, has expertise . In the case of edible plants, ways of classifying plants and expertise might reflect more their gender and age, and thus roles that they have in their families. Potential Problems and Li mitations in D ata A nalysis We have to be careful while interpreting the results of the knowledge test. This test was for the most part conducted in the classroom, which is potentially an issue since l earning how to recognize plants involves tasting them, touching them , and knowing where and when they can be found. This does not occur in a controlled env ironment such as the classroom and it is not possible through a simple visual knowledge test. Franquemont (1987:58) insisted on the fact that knowing about plants has for children sensory component s that cannot be ignored, that is to say it is related to chewing, touching, and smelling. As Wyndham (2010) reminds us, this way of testing knowledge and considering that it is a corpus of data that can be divided into chunks of information is quite in op position with how this knowledge is produced, reproduced, and experienced. As I explained in previous chapters in relation to the way this knowledge is acquired through daily life and interactions, it is limiting to restrict it to some tangible data that c an be tested in a classroom setting. Yet, the purpose of doing it in this setting was to collect information on how much children of different ages knew about this sample of plant s at t his particular moment. I also wanted to collect a lot of data in a smal l amount of time.

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225 The fact that some children did not answer all the questions related to a particular plant does not necessarily imply that they do not have knowledge about this plant . Indeed, I can give the example of Ermelinda with whom I lived in Ccach ín. She perfectly knew what chamomile was f or, but she did not list any use for th is plant. Since this plant was mentioned towards the end of the test, she might have forgotten or be tired of the exercise by that time . Also, I noticed that some children mi ght have mentioned the main uses of a particular species and not listed all the uses they knew. For example, living in the community, I saw that the chanchi plant is also used as fodder by children. On their way back home after herding, they collect some f or medicinal purposes and also give it to their sheep as fodder. This information does no t show up in the knowledge test . Finally, I think that if I had conducted each t est individually , each child might have been more relaxed and answered differently . I tested it with Paulina who is the only child who did not take the test in a classroom sett ing (she could not write at the time). I was chatting with her in my room and show ed her the plant pictures. I asked her the same questions as the other children but in an informal way, more like a game . Final Remarks In conducting this structured and formal testing, my first objective was to evaluate whether ther e was a relationship between a child age , level of education, gender , and his or her ability t o recognize and name local plants belonging to different domains (medicinal, edible, play, co nstruction, and other). I also wanted to assess whether the kind of domain that a child mastered and/or uses that he or she cited were related to age or gender.

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226 In terms of t he ability to name plants, girls scored better than boys on average (54 per cent for girls versus 46 per cent for boys). Nevertheless , this ability varies in relation to the use o f the plant. Indeed, girls more easily recognize d plants that belong to the m edicinal domain or have medicinal uses , while boys excel led at reco gnizing plants used as construction materials . Through the example of oqa oqa ( Oxalis spp.) that has multipl e vernacular names , I illustrated how s and provenience s c ould affect the richness of the vocabulary they use to name plants. A fter calculating an index of plant familiarity for each child (proportion of answers given ) plants. The result i s that age and the ir knowledge of plants. It seems that the older children are, the less knowledge they are about plants. The low quality of high school in Ccachín might be one of the fac tors that explain this apparent decrease in expertise with age . Another community of practice and ways of living is lower than for young children. Indeed, considering the few opportunities that young pe ople have to make a living in the community, many aspire to leave the ir place of origin and thus do not engage as much with their social and natural environment . Answering knowledge test questions , children demonstrated the broad range of their knowledge of uses, preparation techniques (masticating and rubbing, preparing herbal infusions and baths, and unguent s ), harvesting places and times . Even though in some domains they have less expertise than adults (e.g., medicinal domain), they are still very knowledgeable and for

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227 some categories of plants such as medicinal plants they share a common plant culture. Finally, the category that I proved to be a resourceful categor y w here children demonstrated their individualities in terms of values and beliefs but also their Andean belonging .

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228 Table 7 Naming Total F M P1 100.0 53.3 46.7 P2 95.7 52.3 47.7 P3 98.4 52.5 47.5 P4 100.0 50.9 49.1 P5 98.2 58.2 41.8 P6 98.2 50.9 49.1 P7 100.0 53.4 46.6 P8 30.8 75.0 25.0 P9 95.7 59.1 40.9 P10 90.2 54.3 45.7 P11 100.0 55.8 44.2 P12 97.7 55.8 44.2 P13 95.3 53.7 46.3 P14 90.0 44.4 55.6 P15 100.0 57.4 42.6 P16 100.0 42.9 57.1 P17 100.0 57.5 42.5 P18 94.4 47.1 52.9 P19 100.0 52.7 47.3 P20 100.0 56.3 43.8 P21 100.0 52.6 47.4 Average 54.10 45.90 Figure 7 1. Variation of vernacular names of wild Oxalis species in relation to children's age ( i.e., grades) . 0% 25% 50% 75% 100% 6P 2S 4S 5S Oq'a ch'ulluku Ch'ulluku Oka oka

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229 Figure 7 2. Variation of vernacular names of wild Oxalis species in relation to children's age ( i.e., grades) . Figure 7 3 . Variation of vernacular names of wild Oxalis species in relation to children's provenience. 0 10 20 30 40 50 60 70 80 90 6P 2S 4S 5S Oka oka Ch'ulluku Oq'a ch'ulluku 0% 25% 50% 75% 100% Cca Co Ro Ra Oq'a ch'ulluku Ch'ulluku Oka oka

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230 Figure 7 4. Number of uses per plant s pecies as reported by Ccachín children. 4 6 4 6 4 3 4 3 1 5 4 5 2 5 5 3 2 4 3 0 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 Oka oka Chanchi Rosa Tintin K'allampa Chiqlloq Mora Thiri Manzanilla (Yana) Kisa Number of uses

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231 Table 7 2. Percentages of uses per plant species as identified by children in the plant knowledge test. Medicinal Edible Construction Play Firewood Other Total F M Total F M Total F M Total F M Total F M Total P1 84.7 50.0 50.0 10.2 66.7 33.3 0.0 0.0 0.0 1.7 0.0 100.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 3.4 P2 13.2 60.0 40.0 2.6 100.0 0.0 7.9 66.7 33.3 28.9 63.6 36.4 42.1 43.8 56.3 5.3 P3 95.1 55.2 44.8 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 1.6 0.0 100.0 1.6 100.0 0.0 1.6 P4 13.1 62.5 37.5 44.3 48.1 51.9 9.8 50.0 50.0 18.0 72.7 27.3 9.8 66.7 33.3 4.9 P5 77.1 62.2 37.8 0.0 0.0 0.0 2.1 0.0 100.0 4.2 50.0 50.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 16.7 P6 75.4 46.5 53.5 17.5 60.0 40.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 7.0 P7 8.3 40.0 60.0 85.0 56.9 43.1 0.0 0.0 0.0 1.7 0.0 100.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 5.0 P8 10.0 0.0 100.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 30.0 0.0 100.0 30.0 66.7 33.3 0.0 0.0 0.0 30.0 P9 84.1 64.9 35.1 2.3 0.0 100.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 13.6 P10 0.0 0.0 0.0 100.0 56.9 43.1 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 P11 3.6 100.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 46.4 57.7 42.3 7.1 75.0 25.0 39.3 45.5 54.5 3.6 P12 73.7 57.1 42.9 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 2.6 100.0 0.0 13.2 40.0 60.0 10.5 P13 2.7 100.0 0.0 75.7 60.7 39.3 0.0 0.0 0.0 2.7 100.0 0.0 2.7 0.0 100.0 16.2 P14 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 96.0 33.3 66.7 0.0 0.0 0.0 4.0 100.0 0.0 0.0 P15 48.1 61.5 38.5 1.9 100.0 0.0 33.3 50.0 50.0 3.7 100.0 0.0 13.0 42.9 57.1 0.0 P16 16.7 33.3 66.7 83.3 46.7 53.3 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 P17 5.6 50.0 50.0 19.4 71.4 28.6 0.0 0.0 0.0 13.9 80.0 20.0 30.6 63.6 36.4 30.6 P18 43.8 57.1 42.9 18.8 66.7 33.3 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 37.5 P19 98.0 50.0 50.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 2.0 P20 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 10.0 0.0 100.0 20.0 50.0 50.0 30.0 33.3 66.7 40.0 P21 75.0 71.4 28.6 10.7 66.7 33.3 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 14.3

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232 Figure 7 5. Main uses reported by children for each plant species included in the knowledge test (elaborated by Stéphanie Borios with r esults from the knowledge test). Figure 7 6. Plátano plátano plant picked up by Paulina to be chewed. Photo by Stéphanie Borios. 0.0 25.0 50.0 75.0 100.0 Other Firewood Play Construction Edible Medicinal

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233 Figure 7 7. Used parts of the plants mentioned by children. Figure 7 8 . Number of plant species enumerated in each domain by children and adults (elaborated with free listing results). 0 50 100 150 200 250 300 350 Leaf (hoja) Stem and/or trunk (tallo) Fruit (fruto) Flower (flor) Entire plant (todo) 31 36 22 29 34 69 32 22 0 10 20 30 40 50 60 70 80 Wild edible plants Medicinal plants Firewood plants Plants used to play Children Adults

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234 Figure 7 9. Visualization of the one mode medicinal plant matrix. Figure 7 10. Visualization of the one mode edible plant matrix.

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235 Figure 7 11. Visualization of the one mode children matrix in relation to edible plants. Figure 7 12. Visualization of the one mode children matrix in relation to medicinal

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236 CHA PTER 8 CONCLUSION S In this conclusion I first highlight the main findings of my study in relation to the research questions that guided it. Second, I identify contributions of my work to the fields of anthropology of childhood a nd ethnobotany. Finally, I end this dissertation p roviding some reflections on why working with children and youth should not be avoided by anthropologists. Main Findings First, I wanted to understand the r ole of different role models (i.e . , parents, other f knowledge and skills related to plants. I hypothesized that it varies depending on the . What I found is that children are inserted at a very early age in a p roductive sphere, both at the fa mily a nd community levels, which provide the perfect framework for them to learn. Indeed, immersed in their social fabric . As soon as they can w alk, they are assigned tasks and responsibilities according to their age and gender. Boys accompany their fathers to tend agricultural f ields, while girls tak e care of domestic chores and are responsible for herding animals. T hrough the engagement in these daily activities r elated to natural resources use , activiti es that make sense to them , children interact both with other children and adu lts , and learn about plants without being conscious of it. The diversity of actors to whom they talk, with whom they work, and their embeddedness in their communities of practice (i.e., the family and the community) make them knowledgeable. Second, my goal was to depict strategies that children use ( consciously o r not) to learn about plants , and to understand how they combine them. As I hypothesized, out -

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237 of school learning through observation, listening, and play and work is the main channel for children to learn. One question that I wanted to answer was whether schooling, as a formal way of being taught and acquire knowledge, affected or ways of learning about plants. From my experience in Ccachín, I would say that the is a bit pernicious. Indeed, it is not really measured in terms of time spent at sch ool and not at home (school keep s children busy but they still have half of the day to help their parents), or competing more related to not even have the curi osity to investigate it. School curricula include science classes , but only on very few occasions local environmental knowledge is highlighted . The only formal institution s that show interest in l ocal environmental knowledge are some NGOs working in the area, such as Pukllasunchis , wh ich has been working with Ccachí n children for several years , and ANDES . Another way that children learning could be s a nd have heard about climate change an d the importance of plant conservation now teach their children about these new values , which is not actually that bad. Third, I wanted to I hypothesized that c hildr based on age, gender, but a lso on their motivation . I encountered that depending on their gender and age children will be directed toward learning one kind of knowledge over others (e.g., boys are expert in field cultivation, wh ile girls know be st grass qualities and pasture locations that would be appropriate for the ir animals to graze). I t seems that older children are not necessarily

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238 more knowledgeable about plants than their younger peers. Based on my observation of the situa tion in Ccachín, I would say that considering the po or level of high school and teachers lack of interest in training well these young people, motivation to stay in the community and live as their parents did, relying on the land, is not present among you ng people . F also affect ed the way the y Contributions t o Anthropology of Childhood The literature on sociology of childhood more than anthropology stresses the need to see children as active agents of their own development, culture and society , while recognizing their limitations due to power structures that they cannot control. In that sense, this work reveals the richness of in the Andes with the hopes, expectations, and frustrations that these children might feel. It gives a sense of what growing up in the Andes look s like and how these children negotiate their domestic responsibili ties and tasks with what we expect from them as children, going to school and getting an education. It is time to reflect on view their lives and what they expect for their future. In the past, man y studies that dealt with Andean infants and children/youth focused on issues of health : nutritional status (more displayed in terms of malnutrition) , feeding practices, mother infant relationship and physical and behavioral consequences, survival rates, and infections due to birth at a high altitude . A few other works investigated childcare, mortality, and burials of Andean infants and children. It is only recently that researchers have started to get r li ve d experiences and desires .

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239 allows us to understand better how new Andean citizens are born. What we learn not that different from urban children. They might be more reserved in formulating them but what they and their parents ultimately want is just to live well and hope for a good life. Their horizon might be not so open because they are not offered as many option s as other children, but these children are not afraid of exploring new places to get education or new skills. It is time to hear what children themselves have to say about the way they want their future to look like. Yet , recognizing children as age nts of their own lives d oes not mean that we can disregard the overall power structures they live in. As shown by Hill (2013), Andean also by the diverse cultural conte xts that they have to cross. Despite the fact that they have their own opinions on family and community matters and are taking decisions, children are limited in their actions by adults and decisions/policies taken by adults and that affect them. Contribut ions to Ethnobotany When assessing plant knowledge among individuals in a particular group, it is critical to focus on particular domains where these individuals are more likely to be wledge is that it gives new perspectives. Indeed, it is critical to acknowledge that children make different uses of plants in comparison with adults and that by only interviewing adults on what they know about particular species, we dismiss part of the in formation. Results of this study show ed the importance of considering children as competent and

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240 autonomous botanical informants with expertise in specialized domains (e.g., play/snack plants) that adults do not have (anymore). It also demonstrated that des pite their low nutritive value, plants used as snacks alongside play have to be taken into account when studying food plants, both and nutritional complement . Further , as Zarger (2011 : 372) acknowledges , there were recent changes in the scope of ethnobiology research that shifted from mere listings of names and uses of as through ging nature of this knowledge and its embeddedness in daily practices , as this study showed . What I have ive motivation in learning. In some families, natural resources are really the core of their daily activities and all the family life revolves around taking care of animals and working the land. In other families more geared toward market relations, and no t as much on subsistence, such as the owner s of Ccachín convenience stores, children are less required to contribute or have less opportunities t o contribute to activities that depend on the land . Also, for children whose families h ave migrated to the city or who have migrated by themselves, this knowledge is not applied anymore in their home landscape. The only way these migrant children can reconnect with it is when they occasionally go back to Ccachín , usually for holidays or some particular festivities , and help their parents or other family members who stayed in the community.

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241 Talking about motivation, as P aris and Cross (1983: Skill and 145). Paris and C ross emphasize d (1983:145) the functional nature of learning. based on the value or utility of the activities. Positive outcomes of learning thus help children adapt to the evolving social and cognitive demand Thus, one recommendation would be that ethnobotanical studies should not only evaluate knowledge and its transmission but should only include an assessment of individuals motivations and wil l to learn and be part of their community of practice. As shown by Ruddle (1993), the transmission of plant knowledge is critical for the subsistence of these Andean communities since it ties into many other domains such as language, food, rituals, etc., a nd is critical in guaranteeing long term ava ilability of natural resources. Reflections about Working with C hildren Hill (2013) in his article based on life history interviews of Gina, a Quechua own childhood was altered by her life story. Gina grew up in a Quechua speaking community, left her community, and became a Quechua professor in the United States. With this multicultural background, she reflected on her own childhood experience back home . Hill (2013) noticed that the segregation she suffered as a child and prejudice she encountered led her to disguise some of the hard parts of her experience. He argued

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242 that she made her story more suitable for her white/mestizo audiences, even if in this case her interlocutor was her long time friend (Hill, the author of the paper). Hill gave an interesting anecdote, which reminded me of an exchange that I had with Paulina while in the field. Hill recounted that Gina told him that she kind of remembered dr inking chicha as a child, which he did not know how to interpret (Did she or did she not drink chicha of her childhood memories might come from the fact that it could be deemed strange for an it and embellished it. From my experience with Paulina, I noticed that young chi ldren are definitely more open to talk about sensitive topics, such as alcohol consumption, or they just innocently tackle them (this does not mean that young children are not yet aware of discrimination or prejudices toward them). That day Paulina and I w ere thirsty in the kitchen and there was no boiled water available. She invited me to drink chicha that her mum had prepared and that was stored in the kitchen. I laughed and refused, so she took the plastic gallon jug and drank some. She did not think whe ther I would find it strange that a child is allowed to drink an alcoholic drink. In general, I greatly enjoyed my daily interactions with both children and adults, although I enjoyed more working with children than adults because I thought that it was muc h more rewarding. In many opportunities, I noticed that children were more honest in their answers and somehow excited about the research and in helping me out. For example, Paulina , once she understood that I was interested in knowing more about

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243 plants, e very time that we would be walking together in the community, she would teach me/show me something new. In some cases there were plants that she knew . I n other occasions , she did not know the name of the plant but remembered that she did not show it to me before and that I could be interested in discovering a new plant . Generally speaking, children were also in a good mood most of the time , which made it easier to handle t he difficult material conditions of fieldwork . Of course I am aware that since children are still in the process of learning, some of the information they would give me might not be complete or accurate or might be their own interpretation of reality. But at the end, the accuracy of the information (e.g., the name of a plant or its main use) was not my main concern. What I was really interested in understanding was the process through which these children become knowledgeable about their natural environment and learn how to appreciate it, use it, and live within this space. Comparing what Hill (2013) experienced and my own reflections on although my account is based on my o wn interpretation of the facts, I felt that there were less constrai nts in terms of ways narratives we re framed and self representation or re interpretation than what Hill described . An additional problem that I foresee while working with adults and asking them to recall childhood e xperiences is that they might not recall them well. In conclusion, I think that in addition to be a lot of fun to work with children who are usually curious and interested, i n terviewing them about their own experiences offers an advantage in comparison with using life history interviews with adults and interview ing them about their memories of childhood.

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244 APPENDIX A CCACH Í N CENSUS (2008) Table A 1. Census d ata collected by M. Cipriano at the Ccachín health center in 2008 . Edad Ma sculino Feminino Total Menos de 1 año 6 8 14 De 1 a 4 22 27 49 De 5 a 9 26 49 75 De 10 a 14 52 59 111 De 15 a 19 36 33 69 De 20 a 29 56 58 114 De 30 a 39 46 51 97 De 40 a 49 41 48 89 De 50 a 59 43 43 86 Mas de 60 24 39 63 Total 352 415 767 45.89 54.11 100 Based on these data, I elaborated the following table . Table A 2. Distributio n of Ccachín population in 2008 Age Male Female Under five children 28 35 Elementary school aged children 26 49 High school aged children 88 92 Adults between 20 and less than 60 186 200 Adults over 60 ("elderly") 24 39 Total 352 415

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245 APPENDIX B CALENDAR OF FESTIVITIES IN CCACH Í N Month Event January 01: swearing in ceremony of new office holders ( varayoq s ). Celebration with the wallata dance (the wallata is the Andean goose) 02: new authorities visit each other ( autoridad watukuy ) February Compadres ( oveja chuyay ): sheep are blessed/purified protection Comadres ( waka chuyay ) March Carnaval . It lasts four days April Pascua May 03: Cruz velacuy : the cross of the church is decorated and prepared for its procession to churches in neighboring communities 15: San Isidro : another velakuy (candle night) June San Pedro July 16: Mamacha Carmen (The Virgen del Carmen festival): dance groups perform during the procession of the Virgin 24: Fiesta of the patron saint Santiago . (roster jerking) is part of the festivities 28: Election of the new office holders (v arayoq s ) . Final day of celebration for Santiago. Peruvian Independence Day. August September October 07: Virgen Rosario velakuy November 01: Día de todos los santos 02: Día de las almas 28: Aniversario (community anniversary). Remembrance of the foundation of the community December 12: Fiesta of the patron saint Virgin of Guadalupe ( V irgen Guadalupe velakuy ) 25: Navidad (Christmas) 31: Kachay pari (Farewell of the 2013 communal authorities or varayoq s ) S ome date s are not specific ; they vary depending on the year. For example, in 2014, carnival is in March but it might be another month next year.

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246 APPENDIX C (boys and girls), I calculated an average of hours spent conducting different activities. Activities Average hours spent Percentage Meal preparation 2 13.3 Herding 4 26.7 Sibling caretaking 2 13.3 School 4.5 30.0 Leisure 2.5 16.7 15 100 Activities Average hours spent Percentage Animal care 0.5 3.6 School 5 35.7 Tending fields 5 35.7 Leisure 3.5 25.0 14 100.0

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247 APPENDIX D KNOWLEDGE TEST QUESTIONS Me llamo y tengo años . Soy de Ccachín Ccochayoq Rayancancha Rosaspata Cusco Lares Calca Vivo con mi papá mi mamá mi papá grande mi mamá grande mis hermanos o ........................................................................ ¿Quién te enseñó a reconocer esta planta? mi papá mi mamá mi hermano mi hermana yo solo aprendí mi papá grande (abuelo) mi mamá grande (abuela) mi tío mi tía mi primo o mi prima mi amigo o mi amiga ¿Quién te enseñó a usar esta planta? mi papá mi mamá mi hermano mi hermana yo solo aprendí mi papá gr ande (abuelo) mi mamá grande (abuela) mi tío mi tía mi primo o mi prima mi amigo o mi amiga ¿Dónde crece esta planta?........................................................................................... ¿Qué parte de esta planta se usa?............................................................................... ¿Cuándo se cosecha?........................................... ....................................................... ¿Cómo se prepara esta planta?....................................................................................

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248 APPENDIX E ANSWERS (EDIBLE PLANTS)

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249 Note that: Boys are coded in blue and girls in pink.

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250 APPENDIX F

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251

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252 APPENDIX G

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253

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254 APPENDIX H

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255

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256 APPENDIX I

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257

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258 APPENDIX J

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259 APPENDIX K PART S OF THE PLANTS USED Parts utilized Number of times thi s part was mentioned by the children Leaf ( hoja ) 315 Stem and/or trunk ( tallo ) 188 Fruit ( fruto ) 129 Flower ( flor) 143 Entire plant ( todo ) 121

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260 APPENDIX L VERNACULAR NAMES OF WILD OXALIS SPP.

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261 Codebook oka naming : oqa oqa / oca oca : 1 ch'ulluku : 2 oq'a ch'ulluku : 3 Naming in relation to grade (=age) 6P 2S 4S 5S Form 1 10 10 8 11 Form 2 7 0 0 0 Form 3 3 6 2 2 Percentage 6P 2S 4S 5S Oqa oq a 50 62.5 80 84.6 Ch'ulluku 35 0 0 0 Oq'a ch'ulluku 15 37.5 20 15. 4 Naming in relation to provenience Cca Co Ro Ra Oqa oq a 30 0 6 3 Ch'ulluku 3 2 2 0 Oq'a ch'ulluku 4 5 0 3 Pe rcentage Cca Co Ro Ra Oqa oq a 81 0 75 50 Ch'ulluku 8 29 25 0 Oq'a ch'ulluku 11 71 0 50

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262 APPENDIX M CALCULATION OF INDEX OF PLANT FAMILIARITY

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263 APPENDIX N CORRELATION AGE INDEX OF PLANT FAMILIARITY

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264 APPENDIX O AVERAGE INDEX OF PLANT FAMILIARITY PER GENDER

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265 APPENDIX P AVERAGE RATE OF CORRECT PLANT NAMING PER GENDER

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266 APPENDIX Q SPECIES PER ATTRIBUTE

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267 APPENDIX R NUMBER OF USES PER PLANT SPECIES Species Number of uses Oqa oqa 4 Llama Llama 6 Chanchi 4 Rayan 6 Rosa 4 Hinojo 3 Tintin 4 Markhu 3 K'allampa 1 Pino 5 Chiqlloq 4 Pinchichu 5 Mora 2 Eucalipto 5 Thiri 5 Ruda 3 Manzanilla 2 Chilca 4 (Yana) Kisa 3

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268 APPENDIX S FREE LISTS OF EDIBLE PLANTS (CHILDREN AND ADULTS)

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269 APPENDIX T FREE LISTS OF MEDICINAL PLANTS (CHILDREN AND ADULTS)

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270 APPENDIX U FREE LISTS OF FIREWOOD SPECIES (CHILDREN AND ADULTS)

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271 APPENDIX V FREE LISTS OF PLAY PLANTS (CHILDREN AND ADULTS)

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272 APPENDIX W TOTAL NUMBER OF PLANT SPECIES MENTIONED IN FREE LISTS Wild edible plants Medicinal plants Firewood plants Plants used to play Children 31 36 22 29 Adults 34 69 32 22

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273 APPENDIX X KNOWLEDGE TEST PLANTS Picture Test code Vernacular name(s) Scientific name Family Main use(s) (>50%) P1 Oqa oqa Oxalis sp p . Oxalidaceae Medicinal P2 Llama Llama Oreocallis grandiflora ? (Lamark) Brown Proteaceae Firewood and play P3 Chanchi Unknown Medicinal

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274 P4 Rayan (sauco) Sambucus peruviana Kunth Adoxaceae Edible and play P5 Rosa Rosa sp. Rosaceae Medicinal P6 Hinojo Foeniculum vulgare Mill. Apiaceae Medicinal P7 Tintin (trom pos ) Passiflora tripartita ( Juss .) Poir. Passifloraceae Edible

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275 P8 Chinchircoma Mutisia acuminata Ruiz & Pav. Compositae Construction, play, other P9 Markhu ( S: Altamisa ) Ambrosia peruviana Willd ( Franseria artemisicides ?) Compositae Medicinal P10 Agaricus campestris L. Edible P11 Pino Pinus sp. Pinaceae Construction, firewood

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276 P12 Chiqlloq ( /chijlluq ) Vallea stipularis L.f. Elaeocarpaceae Medicinal P13 Pinchichu Pernettya prostrata ? (Cav.) DC. ' Ericaceae Edible P14 Mora Unknown Construction P15 Eucalipto Eucalyptus sp. Myrtaceae Medicinal, construction

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277 P16 Tintin (trompo s) Passiflora tripartita ( Juss .) Poir. Passifloraceae Edible P17 Thiri Brachyotum quinquenerve (Ruiz & Pav.) Triana Melastomaceae Firewood, other P18 Ruda Ruta graveolens L. Rutaceae Medicinal, other P19 Manzanilla Chamomilla officinalis K.Koch Asteraceae Medicinal

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27 8 P20 Chilca Baccharis punctulata DC . Compositae Other, firewood P21 (Yana) Kisa (S: Ortiga, E: Nettle) Urtic a sp. L. Urticaceae Medicinal Source: Elaborated based on data collected during fieldwork (p hotographs by Stéphanie Borios ) . Scientific names are accepted names i n The Plant List (2013). Version 1.1. Published on the Internet; http://www. theplantlist.org/ (accessed February 2014 ) and foll ow the 1989 ).

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279 APPENDIX Y ONE MODE MEDICINAL PLANT MATRIX AFFILIATIONS ------------------------------------------------------------------------------Input dataset: Medicinal plants Children Matrix ( \ \ psf \ Home \ Desktop \ UCINET tests \ Medicinal plants Children Matrix Dimension/Mode: Columns Opposite Mode normalization: None Recode missings to zeros: YES Method: Sums of cross products Output dataset: Medicinal plants Children Matrix Columns ( \ \ psf \ Home \ Desktop \ UCINET tests \ Medicinal plants Children Matrix Columns 517 missing values recoded to zeros. 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 P1 P2 P3 P4 P5 P6 P7 P8 P9 P1 P1 P1 P1 P1 P1 P1 P1 P1 P1 P2 P2 0 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 0 1 ---------------------1 P1 50 5 46 8 32 37 5 1 33 0 0 23 1 0 21 2 2 11 35 0 14 2 P2 5 5 5 2 4 4 2 0 4 0 0 3 1 0 3 0 2 1 2 0 2 3 P3 46 5 58 8 36 39 5 1 36 0 2 27 1 0 26 3 2 13 44 0 21 4 P4 8 2 8 8 7 7 2 1 6 0 0 4 0 0 2 1 1 1 4 0 2 5 P5 32 4 36 7 37 27 5 1 25 0 0 20 0 0 19 3 2 8 28 0 14 6 P6 37 4 39 7 27 43 4 1 28 0 0 19 0 0 17 2 2 9 35 0 12 7 P7 5 2 5 2 5 4 5 0 3 0 0 3 0 0 2 1 1 1 3 0 1 8 P8 1 0 1 1 1 1 0 1 1 0 0 1 0 0 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 9 P9 33 4 36 6 25 28 3 1 37 0 0 22 1 0 21 1 2 8 28 0 12 10 P10 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 11 P11 0 0 2 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 2 2 0 0 2 0 0 2 2 0 2 12 P12 23 3 27 4 20 19 3 1 22 0 2 28 1 0 18 1 2 10 23 0 11 13 P13 1 1 1 0 0 0 0 0 1 0 0 1 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 14 P14 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 15 P15 21 3 26 2 19 17 2 1 21 0 2 18 0 0 26 1 2 9 21 0 11 16 P16 2 0 3 1 3 2 1 0 1 0 0 1 0 0 1 3 0 1 3 0 1 17 P17 2 2 2 1 2 2 1 0 2 0 0 2 0 0 2 0 2 1 2 0 1 18 P18 11 1 13 1 8 9 1 0 8 0 2 10 0 0 9 1 1 14 12 0 9 19 P19 35 2 44 4 28 35 3 0 28 0 2 23 0 0 21 3 2 12 48 0 19 20 P20 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 21 P21 14 2 21 2 14 12 1 0 12 0 2 11 1 0 11 1 1 9 19 0 21 21 rows, 21 columns, 1 levels. 1 mode matrix saved as: Medicinal plants Children Matrix Columns ( \ \ psf \ Home \ Desktop \ UCINET tests \ Medicinal plants Children Matrix Columns ---------------------------------------Running time: 00:00:01 seconds. Output generated: 06 Mar 14 20:10:41

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280 APPENDIX Z ONE MODE EDIBLE PLANT MATRIX AFFILIATIONS ------------------------------------------------------------------------------Input dataset: Edible plants Children Matrix ( \ \ psf \ Home \ Desktop \ UCINET tests \ Edible plants Children Matrix Dimension/Mode: Columns Opposite Mode normalization: None Recode missings to zeros: YES Method: Sums of cross products Output dataset: Edible plants Children Matrix Columns ( \ \ psf \ Home \ Desktop \ UCINET tests \ Edible plants Children Matrix Columns 518 missing values recoded to zeros. 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 P1 P2 P3 P4 P5 P6 P7 P8 P9 P1 P1 P1 P1 P1 P1 P1 P1 P1 P1 P2 P2 0 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 0 1 ---------------------1 P1 6 0 0 2 0 2 5 0 0 5 0 0 2 0 0 1 3 0 0 0 2 2 P2 0 1 0 1 0 0 1 0 0 1 0 0 1 0 0 1 0 0 0 0 0 3 P3 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 4 P4 2 1 0 27 0 7 23 0 1 25 0 0 16 0 0 8 5 1 0 0 3 5 P5 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 6 P6 2 0 0 7 0 10 8 0 1 10 0 0 6 0 0 3 3 0 0 0 2 7 P7 5 1 0 23 0 8 51 0 1 46 0 0 26 0 1 14 7 5 0 0 3 8 P8 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 9 P9 0 0 0 1 0 1 1 0 1 1 0 0 1 0 0 1 1 0 0 0 0 10 P10 5 1 0 25 0 10 46 0 1 51 0 0 27 0 1 15 7 6 0 0 3 11 P11 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 12 P12 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 13 P13 2 1 0 16 0 6 26 0 1 27 0 0 28 0 1 9 4 4 0 0 2 14 P14 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 15 P15 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 0 0 1 0 0 1 0 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 16 P16 1 1 0 8 0 3 14 0 1 15 0 0 9 0 0 15 2 3 0 0 1 17 P17 3 0 0 5 0 3 7 0 1 7 0 0 4 0 0 2 7 0 0 0 2 18 P18 0 0 0 1 0 0 5 0 0 6 0 0 4 0 0 3 0 6 0 0 0 19 P19 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 20 P20 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 21 P21 2 0 0 3 0 2 3 0 0 3 0 0 2 0 0 1 2 0 0 0 3 21 rows, 21 columns, 1 levels. 1 mode matrix saved as: Edible plants Children Matrix Columns ( \ \ psf \ Home \ Desktop \ UCINET tests \ Edible plants Children Matrix Columns ----------------------------------------Running time: 00:00:01 seconds. Outp ut generated: 06 Mar 14 21:09:0

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296 BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH Stéphanie Borios was born and raised in southern France. In 2000, she received her Bachel or of Science in biology of o rganisms and in 2001 her Master of Science in biology of populations and e cosystems, both of them from the Université Montpellier 2 (Montpellier , France). After her m aster in b iology, she went to England to do a Master of Scien ce in e thnobotany at the U niversity of Kent in Canterbury, which she completed in 2002 . After she graduated from her m Ethnobotanical Study of a Non Timber Forest Prod uct in a Changing Amazonian C ommunity : Geonoma deversa (Arecaceae) and Roof Thatching in the Baawaja C ommunity of Infierno, South and worked for five years with rural communities in conservation of natural resources and environmental ed ucation. In 2009, she started her Ph.D. in the Department of A nthropology at the University of Florida and decided to focus her research on ethnobotany among children. Her interests and professional experiences are rel ated to education ( modes of education especially indigenous education, environmental education) , e cological knowledge acquisition, childhood experiences, and development ( anthropology of development, gender and development ).