1 MOROCCO By CHRISTOPHER JAMES WITULSKI A DISSERTATION PRESENTED TO THE GRADUATE SCHOOL OF THE UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA 2014
2 Â© 201 4 Christopher James Witulski
3 ACKNOWLEDGMENTS This project and the ideas herein were the culmination of many years of research and collaboration. It would be impossible to recognize all who shared in this process with me, and for those who are not listed here especially the innumerable people who welcomed me to Fez and into their homes ti me and time again may God repay you and your families. A debt of my gratitude goes to colleagues and friends in Gainesville, FL and Fez who listened to me ramble endlessly about the ideas that make it into the pages that follow, including Russell Brown, Ja ck Forbes, Hicham Chami, Josh Neumann, Philip Murphy, Kendra Salois, and Matthew Schumann. I thank Larry Crook for his mentorship, guidance, and detailed readings. To those who took valuable time to read this document in its entirety or in part, I am appre ciative, especially Welson Tremura, Fiona McLaughlin, Alexander Reed, and Philip Schuyler. Of course, even with the help of these individuals, mistakes will encroach into the pages that follow. Any such errors are solely my own. I would have never made it through this project had it not been for the support of many. Jill Sonke, Jennifer Lee, and Chuck Levy lead me to inspired new directions within and outside of this research while giving me the excited perspective that I sorely needed. The project resulted from the generous financial support of many, including the Fulbright Student Grant Program and the Moroccan American Commission for for African Studies, and Alumni Fellowship Program; and the Foreign Language and Area Studies program.
4 There were many who worked closely and patiently with me throughout my time in Morocco. They deserve special recognition for a nswering my constant questions, Mohammed Sousi, his son Yusef, and the members of his ensemble; Fredric Calmus; Yassin e Boudouaia and the Salam; Ahmed Aydoun; Fatima Zahra and the staff at Subul as Qadr of Rabat; Hamid al Tah Walili; Omar Chennafi; and so many others. Abd al Hafez and his family, Sandy McCutcheon and Suzanna Clark, and to my friends Finall y, I want to thank Jessica and my family, who have given so much support, quite understand what it is that I am up to. Your faith and love are gifts from God.
5 TABLE OF C ONTENTS page ACKNOWLEDGMENTS ................................ ................................ ................................ .. 3 LIST OF TABLES ................................ ................................ ................................ ............ 8 LIST OF FIGURES ................................ ................................ ................................ .......... 9 LIST OF OBJECTS ................................ ................................ ................................ ....... 12 ABSTRACT ................................ ................................ ................................ ................... 13 CHAPTER 1 INTRODUCTION ................................ ................................ ................................ .... 15 Methodology ................................ ................................ ................................ ........... 21 Changing Listening and Performance Practice ................................ ....................... 24 Changing Authenticities ................................ ................................ .......................... 26 Boundaries and Trajectories ................................ ................................ ................... 32 Overlooking (and Overhear ing?) a Sounded History ................................ ........ 34 Religion and Ethnicity ................................ ................................ ....................... 35 Shifting Aesthetics and Schizophonia ................................ .............................. 37 Negotiating and Contesting Binaries ................................ ................................ ....... 40 Traditional, Folkloric, and Popular in Music ................................ ...................... 41 Local and Foreign ................................ ................................ ............................. 45 Creating Boundaries through Musical Debate ................................ .................. 49 2 ..... 52 ................................ ................................ .. 54 .................... 59 ................................ ................................ ........... 63 One Minute in Meknes ................................ ................................ ..................... 66 ................................ ......................... 71 Performing an ............................... 76 ................................ .............. 77 The Contentious Novelty of Spectacle ................................ ................................ .... 84 ................................ ................................ ..................... 90 ................................ .............................. 93 t ................................ ................................ ................................ .... 96 3 ............ 102 Popular Music and Public Piety ................................ ................................ ............ 103 Early Collaboration and Borrowing: Nass al Ghiwane ................................ .... 104
6 d al Hadi bil ................................ ................................ 105 Mohammed Sousi's Fes Festival of Sacred Music Performance .................... 108 Ritual and Entertainment in Pilgrimage ................................ ................................ . 110 Ritual Entertainment ................................ ................................ ....................... 115 Borrowing Songs and Spirits ................................ ................................ .......... 117 Fusing Context and Content ................................ ................................ ........... 118 Audiences, Listeners, and Believers ................................ ................................ ..... 119 4 ECONOMICS OF PERFORMANCE ................................ ................................ ..... 122 ................................ ................................ ................................ . 125 Rashid ................................ ................................ ................................ ............ 126 Mohammed ................................ ................................ ................................ .... 127 Hamid Sharif ................................ ................................ ................................ ... 127 ................................ ................................ ...... 128 ................................ ................................ ................................ .............. 129 Koyo ................................ ................................ ................................ ............... 130 Hariq sa ................................ ................................ ................................ ........... 131 ................................ ................................ ................................ ............ 132 ................................ ................................ ................................ ........... 133 Creativity and Change in the Educational Track ................................ ................... 135 s ................................ ................................ ............ 139 Tourism and Popular Music ................................ ................................ .................. 141 Working Within this New Authenticity ................................ ................................ .... 146 Realities of Perf ................................ ................................ ............ 151 5 ........... 153 Contemporary Performance Practice ................................ ................................ .... 153 ................................ ..................... 154 Place of In dividual Variation and Style ................................ ........................... 158 ................................ ................................ 159 ................................ ........................... 167 Formal Structures (Songs, Sets, and Segments) ................................ ........... 169 Melodic Patterns and Motivic Development ................................ .................... 172 Rhythm and Tempo ................................ ................................ ........................ 176 Instruments ................................ ................................ .............................. 178 Clapping ................................ ................................ ................................ ... 179 3 stroke patterns ................................ ................................ ...................... 182 4 strok e patterns ................................ ................................ ...................... 188 Faster tempi ................................ ................................ ............................. 190 Changing Accompaniments ................................ ................................ ............ 192 Repertoire Change ................................ ................................ ......................... 195 iyya Performance Practice ......................... 200 ................................ .......... 201 Heaviness Described and Performed ................................ ................................ ... 206 In Rhythm and Meter ................................ ................................ ...................... 209
7 Use of Newer Repertoire ................................ ................................ ................ 215 Influence of Aesthetics on Ritual Content ................................ ............................. 218 6 CONCLUSIONS: NEW AUTHORITIES AND AUTHENTICITIES ......................... 220 Musical Aesthetics and Spoken Histories ................................ ............................. 221 Prioritizing Commercial Success as a Source of Legitimacy ................................ 226 APPENDIX A GLOSSARY OF ARABIC TERMS ................................ ................................ ........ 235 B ................................ .......... 240 C FESIYYA TEMPO CHART ................................ ................................ .................... 246 D AUDIO EXAMPLES ................................ ................................ .............................. 249 LIST OF REFERENCES ................................ ................................ ............................. 251 BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH ................................ ................................ .......................... 258
8 LIST OF TABLES Table page 2 1 Rzaq and as they generally appear in Fez. ............................ 100 2 2 Chart of the differences in the progression of the ritual ceremony in Fez and Marrakech. ................................ ................................ ................................ ........ 101
9 LIST OF FIGURES Figure p age 1 1 Hamid al Qasri (right) performing in a Ramadan festival in Casablanca. Photo by Sandy McCutcheon ................................ ................................ ............. 30 2 1 Google Maps map of Morocco with Marrakech, Fez, and Essaouira boxed in dark red. Note that the dotted boundary to the south demarks the disputed territory of the Western Sahara. ................................ ................................ .......... 58 2 2 Tahir in Tomesloht. Photo courtesy of the author. ................................ ................................ ................................ ................ 63 2 3 ................................ ................................ ............. 82 2 4 Latif in Marrakech taken from promotional material. ................................ ................................ ................................ .............. 85 3 1 Bil televised performance on al Maghribiyya. ................................ ........................ 106 3 2 with note stems pointed up, string melody has note stems pointed down. ....... 107 3 3 ensemble, standing) and a dancer mimicking trance motions (wearing grey). Photo fro m a televised performance. Photo is a screen shot taken by the ................................ .............. 108 3 4 Pen ................................ ............................... 109 3 5 Tarps covering the cavern that serves as the home and veneration site for ............................ 112 3 6 Hamdush. Photo courtesy of the author. . 113 3 7 of the author. ................................ ................................ ................................ .... 114 3 8 f the author. ................................ ................................ ................................ ........ 115
10 3 9 ................................ ................................ ............. 116 4 1 Mustapha and Rashid. Photo courtesy of the author. ................................ ....... 125 4 2 Ramadan, 2012. Photo taken by Jessica Witulski. ................................ ........... 147 4 3 Yassine (standing, white shirt) performing in a fusion project with French, American, Moroccan, and Congolese musicians. Photographer unknown. ...... 149 4 4 Fez. Photo taken by Katerina Leinhart. ................................ ............................ 150 5 1 ....................... 162 5 2 ............................ 165 5 3 ...................... 166 5 4 ..................... 174 5 5 Chart of the average are: duple (1), triplets (2), march (3), hemiola (4), heavy sixteenths (5), quarter note clap (6), total (7). ................................ ................................ .......... 183 5 6 are: duple (1), triplet (2), march (3), hemiola (4), heavy sixteenths (5). ............ 187 5 7 The 3 and 4 stroke patterns. A) In 3 with an even second half. ................................ ................................ ................. 188 5 8 Chart of standard deviation duple (1), triplet (2), march (3), hemiola (4), heavy sixteenths (5), quarter note clap (6). ................................ ................................ ................................ ..... 191 5 9 ................ 193 5 1 0 ................................ .............................. 194
11 5 11 Rzaq in Sidi Ali. ........... 197 5 12 9) as it appears in in ................................ ................................ ................................ ... 199 5 13 Rzaq in his half underground office. Photo courtesy of the author. ..... 204 5 14 triplets (2), march (3), hemiola (4), heavy sixt eenths (5), quarter note clap (6). ................................ ................................ ................................ .................... 210 5 15 duple (1), triplets (2), march (3), hemiola (4), heavy sixteenths (5), quarter note clap (6). ................................ ................................ ................................ ..... 212 5 16 mance. sixteenths (5), quarter note clap (6). ................................ ................................ . 213 6 1 Photograph courtesy of the author. ................................ ................................ .. 223
12 LIST OF OBJECTS Object page D 1 Seg Rzaq. Meknes, November 8, 2010. 249 D 2 ..... 249 D 3 Rzaq. Meknes, November 8, 2010. ................................ ................................ ............. 249 D 4 Praise singing segment during the early part ................................ ............................. 249 D 5 nt out during their concert, Turiq ................................ .......... 249 D 6 ..... 249 D 7 m Hamid. Fez, November 20, 2012. ............ 249 D 8 .... 249 D 9 ................ 249 D 10 ......... 249 D 11 .......... 249 D 12 ....... 249 D 13 2011. ................................ ................................ ................................ ................ 249 D 14 .. 249 D 1 5 April 4, 2011. ................................ ................................ ................................ .... 249 D 16 249 D 17 ez, March 5, 2013. ... 249 D 18 invoke improvised lyri January 11, 2013. ................................ ................................ ............................. 250
13 Abstract of Dissertation Presented to the Graduate School of the University of Florida in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy MOROCCO By Christopher James Witulski August 2014 Chair: Larry Crook Major: Music identity from both the sub Saharan population brought to Morocco through the slave trade and from the Muslim traditions and beliefs of the majority of its practitioners. It is an ol independence. In this dissertation, I argue that much of this change derives from a shift in the demands and expectations of audiences. As they request a ritual sound that more c losely aligns that of the popular music appearing across everyday life, the musicians respond by adapting their performance practice. By exploring the economic pressures s that pepper contemporary performance practice, I argu e that commercial success and the virtuosic incorporation of these new musical trends in ritual is now a powerful source of the local concept of a discursive ly created marker of authority and authenticity piety, African heritage and, now, I argue, popular success.
1 4 This dissertation is based on two and a half years of fieldwork in Fez, Morocco. In it, I utilize interviews, participant observation as a performing musician, and the close musical analysis of selected recordings. The economic pressures and musical change as audiences gain increased influence over a historically bounded spirit possession ritual. Furthermore, these shifts in performance practice demonstrate the breadth of Moroccan Islamic musical practices and their intermingling, as performers and audiences constantly traverse boundaries between diverse religious musical devotion and popular entertainment.
15 CHAPTER 1 INTRODUCTION Over the past two generations, G an enclose d ritual to new contexts now splayed across Moroccan popular music. The West Africa, having come to the Maghreb 1 through the slave trade. Their music is now heard in cafes in Fez , in nightclubs in Casablanca, in bars in Rabat, and in music festivals across the country. The music heard in these large public settings is based within the constructs of the ritual, but the artists filter it through audience tastes as they adapt it to new setting s . Different artists take any number of aesthetic paths through this creative process while audiences and indi viduals choose their favorite singers based on some combination of aesthetic pleasure and perceived authenticity. listen. They return to the rituals, events that continue in both the poorest neighborhoods and the richest . It is the listeners who, when ill or in need of rejuvenation and catharsis, hire musicians and outfit their homes with the trappings of ritual ceremony. They are the ones who watch the events unfold, smell the incenses, wear the colored fabrics, and trance in tune with their possessing spirits. They hire their favorite singers and ask for their favorite songs. They ch oose to request the spectacle the burning of candles against the skin of the possessed dancers, the slicing of possessed fles h with knives 1 The Maghreb refers to northwest Africa and includes Morocco, Algeria, and Tunisia. Some authors also identify as Moroccan, but there remains a sense of authenticity and p ride connected to those performers who are black or can otherwise connect their family histories to these regions to the south.
16 or they decide to hire musicians who avoid this kind of ritual manif estation entirely, instead deciding on a quieter, subdued ceremony. The G an event led by and oriented toward the paying host and the present audience of listener s . While musicians and ritual leaders direct the proceedings, they constantly defer to the tastes and requests of those present in the room. Musicians and others who work within the ritual economy fight to be hired by potential clients , catering to their tast es . I describe how these performers adapt and adjust their performance techniques to compete with others for a limited number of engagements. As younger performers enter the scene, this competition only intensifies and the price charged by different musici ans becomes a dominant factor among hosts of ritual events . These musicians, both young and old, use ritual and musical authority strategically to warrant their hire for jobs or their reasons for charging higher fees . As listeners hear popularized versions of these songs and look for their favorite star musicians to lead their rituals, popular aesthetics creep into ritual settings, changing the way ritual events look and sound. The lines between sacred experience and entertainment blur as each individual us es personal taste to guide his or her engagement with the sounds, scents, sights, and spiritual practice. One central goal of my research has been to widen the typical ethnographic lens, telescope out, and find ways to approach relationships between Morocc o's diverse aesthetic and religious landscapes. Instead of an intensive account of one tradition or another, I used my time in Fez to examine the rise of a sacred/popular musical sphere and some aspects of the economics and industry surrounding it. This re quired working with a number of performers and groups across a variety of diverse genres . To account
17 for this, I chose to limit my scope. First, there are multiple genres that interact regularly, with the musicians, ritual leaders, and listeners crossing e stablished boundaries. While I came across some who were dismissive of traditions outside of their own specialty, I noticed that most were pragmatic in that they perform ed and otherwise were supportive of multiple genres. Collaborations were common and pro fessionally beneficial . I chose to work most closely with artists who used multiple genres in their professional life. as sub Saharan. Their instruments bear close resemblan ces to those of West Africa (see Charry 1996) and many of their songs include texts that highlight their history of slavery (see Chapter 2 and el Hamel 2008). The sound of Gnawa music centers on a low bass string instrument called the aj castanets played by an ensemble. There is one male vocal leader who sings, generally in a call and response or verse chorus form with his male percussionists. The music is borne of the possession ritual, a ceremony in which adepts trance and give sacrifices to maintain a relationship with their possessing spirits. Others watch and listen as spectators who enjoy the sounds and are attracted to the tradition even if they are not possessed . As the music rose from marginality to prominence within Morocco, some Gnawa musicians began seeking out fusions with other musical traditions in Morocco. Many choose to focus on local or national genres, like those I describe in Chapter 3. Others, especia lly the young, orient their music toward their own tastes and enter into the worlds of hip hop or rock. Second, some of these genres and the musicians who perform them have attained a high level of attention internationally, but I concentrate on those who focus on
18 domestic markets instead of international tourism and international music festivals. have begun touring internationally and performing on major festival stages alongside international superstars like Wayne Shorter, Randy West on, and Pat Metheny. They participate in festivals domestically that cater largely, though not exclusively, to tourist audiences while continuing their own ritual work in an effor t to maintain their credibility and percieved authenticity . Most groups navig ate the industry such that they might achieve international successes , something that they often dream of and reach for , but the vast majority of performers focus exclusively on local and regional successes whi le waiting for their opportunities to come . Wh en reorienting performance practice and self representation for a wider, non Moroccan audience, these groups present interesting nuances into their staged performance as they work to appeal to what they understand to be the aesthetic tastes of an audience that does not have a lifetime of experience with these musical traditions . Third, while I locate my work in the city of Fez , m ost of the traditions I deal with have geographical origins elsewhere ( intersecting amadsha ), but they are all active in this self ascribed holy city. My self imposed geographical boundary helped to limit the network of social and economic circles, making my research more feasible and my understanding of these networks more complete. In addition, most artists with whom I worked took s pecial pride in representing a f (i.e. from Fez) performan ce practice within their genres . Finally, while similar stories could be told of many of these interwoven religious traditions, such awa or Its practitioners, like those of other practices across Fez, freely use musical and religious
19 content from other brotherhoods and popular culture in their performance, meaning that each of these brotherhoods maintains a presence in my research. In the following pages, I examine different ways that ritual leaders engage their changing audiences by negotiating , performing, and asserting their own authenticity. Most find a point at which they are comfortable negotiating the wants of their audience against what they discern as the needs of the spirits and the integrity of the ritual. I argue that the increasing influence of popular music aesthetics is dramatically changing this debate while the . This chapter continues with an outline of the central themes at play: how music cre ates and traverse s social and ethnic boundaries , the dynamic understandings of popular and traditional music, the role of schizophonia in musical and ritual performances that I describe elsewhere, and the effects of my own methodological approach to this music as an active performer. Chapter 2 speaks more directly about the identities that form the core of G . Most scholarship and journalism represents the G its sub Saharan history and tends to downplay Islamic and Sufi connections. This effe dominant and privileged Islamic perspective within Morocco. However, many practitioners see the ir and incorporate this element of their identity into performance . T hey strategically navigate the construction of their performative identity along the strength of their Muslim piety or their connections to
20 This chapter explores the relatio nship between the elements of the ritual, music, and belief structures to debates surrounding these two sources of authenticity and authority. Chapters 3 and 4 together explore how skilled audience engagement, accomplished through virtuosity or the adoptio n of non Gnawa stylistic nuance, becomes an important source of authority and authenticity. In Chapter 3, I argue that popular success and forms of performance practice borne of popular music aesthetics greatly influence both the music and trance of the rit ual and wider conceptions of authority and authenticity first entered mainstream popular music. I then move to an ethnographic example from the pilgrimage ack into the context of the ritual ceremony. Chapter 4 continues in this vein by looking more closely at the economic concerns that inform aesthetic decision making. It follows the changing educational and profess i onal pathways available to musicians, the pressures of competition, and the changing nature of creativity within the ritual. The focus of both chapters is on why and how musicians increasingly prioritize audience tastes as they navigate the complexities of a professional Gnawa life. In Chapter 5, I analy ze two performances in order to explore the aesthetic dimensions and differences between a locally acknowledged newer and older performance practice in Fez . First, I outline the history of the rise of mar awiyya style, informed by the popular music aesthetics of the Casablanca region. A close analysis of tonal, rhythmic, and melodic tendencies pairs with a later analysis of a fessiyya performance practice . I compare the newer mar awiyya style with
21 the older fessiyya style while looking closely into the ways in which local discourse does and does not accurately describe the relationship between them. I conclude with Chapter 6, where I return to the questions of who or what saints are through a discussion of the example of Sidi Mimun. The connections between musical and ritual change become clear especially, as I argue, when considering the economic and technological influences that affect how performers perform and how listeners listen . Methodology My primary tools for engaging in this research project were interviews, collaborative performance, and close analysis of recorded ritual performances. I center ed my interview questions on changes in musical performance and venue, garnering a more specific history of musical activity over the last few generations. I also use d analysis to inform my interviews, allowing me to question the memory and performances confront the memories of contempo rary audiences. Through ethnographic and commercial recordings, we have access to very real sources regarding stylistic, performative, and aesthetic change. ethnographic work, prov ides the recognition of a musical product worthy of attention, I different performances of the same or similar repertoire (Agawu 2003:53). I carry out this type of t ranscription and analysis on recorded ritual performances and folkloric presentations , though as mentioned earlier, I steer away from large festival
22 performances. 2 Agawu questions the lack of popular music studies in African contexts, st widely heard music on the continent not also the most written goal of my project is to more fully examine the constituent parts of the music, aesthetic choices of the ar tists, and larger social meanings of these sounds as they appear so widely in popular music coming from CD stalls across the country. During past research trips to Morocco, I completed preparatory work in the city of Fez. I met musicians in a variety of pe rformance genres and worked closely with some of each in an attempt to better understand their practices, performance styles, and opinions regarding histories, contemporary practices, and change. In the early phases of the research, m y language skills were good enough to complete in depth interviews but I had a high enough degree of comprehension when I was in control of the conversation. This led to a solid cursory understanding of a diverse set of musics in the city and a basic realization that there were significant exchanges occurring between friends and colleagues across genres boundaries . At the very end of my previous visit, I began to participate more directly as a musician, playin g violin with Mohammed Sousi's M al Abd a r Rahim A m r ani amadsha group. Instead of just visiting people to learn through lessons, I was suddenly showcased on stages and inevitably asked to say a few words to the audience in Arabic. To local audiences, I was a novelty, but my training in aural skills, music theory, and jazz improvisation prepared me to follow the music well enough without looking foolish (usually). 2 Moroccan audiences in the coun
23 There were two major elements that made my later research experience , funded through a Fulbright award , different from those of my earlier research trips . The first was my continued language study and increasing linguistic competence . By continuing my work with Moroccan Arabic with the Critical Language Enhancement Award and further Fulbright language study support, I was able to reac h a point in my abilities that allowed me to dialogue and joke in a way that I previously could not. Informants became friends, interviews became conversations, and the modes of expression that people were using with me shifted. By conversing, I may have l earned a little less "information" in each meeting, but the quality of opinions expressed rose significantly. Histories and names were embedded deep within stories, not isolated as short responses to my questions. I was exposed to the decision making proce sses in a way that I previously had not been. The second major change I made in my own approach to research was in how I placed myself within the musical community. Instead of looking for a pristine account of contemporary musical practice, I worked within the context of flux that permeates and informs performative decisions in Morocco. Instead of just observing and listening, I decided to actively participate. I noticed that my respect from those with who m I had worked for so long changed almost immediatel y d uring a Mal performance at the Fes Festival . Performers reacted to me, both socially and musically. Different pe ople reacted, unsu rprisingly, in different ways many of which belied deeper opinions about their music and contemporary performance (or li stening) practice s . Some expressed their desire to participate in hybrid projects with me : bluegrass M al idea that came up, though I also enjoyed playing funk banjo G fusion . This desire for mixture opened up fascinating new avenues f or analysis, as my recordings give me
24 a record of just how quickly practitioners are able to respond to new sounds and adapt their playing or singing to fit something vastly different from their normal performance practice . Instead of capturing moment s of well rehearsed presentation, I witnessed moments of decision making, of exchange. Ethnomusicologists often focus on rehears als in an effort to understand the priorities and values of ensemble leaders, what choices are made in presenting the music, but I be lieve that these decisive moments of interaction with an outside influence give me a vast array of new observations about the priorities held by different musicians of different genres. These two changes in my field methodology gave me a new way to experience Fez, to interact with friends/colleagues/informants/interviewees/musicians/artist s labels so often fail to capture the depth of a relationship and left a distinct imprint on my results. Assisted by an ever growing appreciation of what I need ed t o do (and not do) to keep my creative energy and motivation constant in Morocco, these two shifts also allowed me to be more extravert ed, a role that fit local expectations about musicians . Despite my own introverted tendencies, when I was working I could maintain an overly happy, aware, funny, and comfortable cadence to my personality that did more to further my work and improve my relationships than I could have possibly imagined. Changing Listening and Performance P ractice In the sections that follow , I outline general examples of the types of interactions that I highlight throughout this document. Because they are interactions between traditions, a good description requires a full disclosure of details regarding each genre. A ll of these genres have been the subjects of previous scholarship, so I will only roughly describe the traditions relevant to my work here.
25 A number of histories and ethnographies of the G scholarship in both English (see Kapchan 2007, Fuson 2009, Sum 2011) an d French (see PÃ¢ques 1991, Hell 2002, Chlyeh 1998 and 1999). What struck me during past research trips was the claim, by elder practitioners of the G r lifetimes they saw normative G itual to an Africanized "spectacle" that bore little relationship to their own religious values and musical tastes. They saw saints, living figures in Morocco's history, become known as Saharan while they als o witnessed the . The ensuing debate regarding ritual aesthetics and musical performance practice, most frequently occurring either across the generation gap or between those who strive towa rd commercial stardom and those who worked more consistently within ritual settings, informed my early questions. This, of course, brings up a number of other concerns, each of which I will examine at length below. The first is the changing relationship be tween listening as ritual experience and listening as entertainment. This, I argue, is a shift generated as much by listeners as by performers. I suggest that listeners have adopted listening strategies from the realm of popular music and link their experi ences of concert and staged setting s of music into ritual settings by dancing, chatting with friends, and requesting popular songs of the musicians . The pressure on musicians to appease both audiences and spirits, instead of focusing exclusively on the spiritual and physical health of those present, is the impetus for the widespread nature of musical change in this tradition. While i t is true that the performers especially those pursuing careers in
26 the commercial music industry are often the promote rs of creative developments, those who are able to find economic success and stardom do so because their innovative changes are best adapted to the desires of ever changing Moroccan and international audiences. In open ended interviews, performers frequent ly mentioned their e fforts to keep up with and . This was a constant trope of my interviews and indicated to me that this was an important issue among musicians . In order to analyze such issues , I recorded a number of newer mar awiyya ritual performances, including some that did not work as th e clients wished i.e., the spirits were left unsatisfied and I recorded and collected examples of elder musicians who are acknowledged as experts in the "older" styles. I then i dentified points at which individual creativity, virtuosic playing, plasticity of formal structures, and other types of flexibility have increased. Where there is no change evident between old and new style , I describe the disconnect between discour se s about stylistic change and the actual musical practices that are equally as interesting and important in understanding the tradition . Changing A uthenticities Success within this newly flexible performance practice is increasingly defined by the commercial measures standard to the music industry, rather than by ritual criteria . A central crux of my research points to a novel mode of measuring authenticity and authority within a growing G very closely to market led systemic changes characteristic in young learners. Most performers and journalists locate ideas of ritual efficacy as the result of an effective command of two distinct sources of authenticity: Muslim piety and African heritage . That
27 these are conceived in opposition is demonstrated by common responses when I re Saharan Africa and Moroccan identity. 3 Musicians highlight specific performance characteristics or person al narratives in an effort to claim effective authenticity as Muslim or African, usually opting for a combination of the two sources , intentionally locating themselves as possessing both Islamic piety and a personal linkage to sub Saharan Africa . I have a number of examples for this, including a variety of reference s to Mahmoud Guinea as a "true G Abd al Kabir Merchane self identifying as "African" despite his whiter complexion via his "black wet nurse." Conversely, in other interviews, elders like Moulay at Tahir of Tamesloht highlight resembling the sound of . Similarly, Aziz wuld Ba B la n of Fez , who has the black phenotype an d lineage to prove his heritage, cites his recent pilgrimage to Mecca as demonstrating his Muslim piety . These outward ly performative and personal attributes the Sufi and African sources of their iden tities , and stress the importance of strategically noting the existence of both identities within individual performer s . Other main symbols one way or another include the importance of prayer and pious behavior : th e sound of the performed music , residence in a city that was a known slave trade post, correct 3 This is changing as music festivals and state part of a diverse Moroccan population.
28 pronunciation of Arabic texts, use of non Arabic words, age, chain of lineage to previous h extensive efforts to locate the musical and ritual practices within historical and current circuits of migration, most frequently recognizing and pursuing African lineages while analyzing their contemporary manifestations within Moroccan society. Schaefe self identification within the terrain of Moroccan conceptions of race and ethnicity. Stembali linkages with sub Saharan communities that share specific ritual or musical practices. These shared But just as these writers cannot cite specific and documented lines of lineage, the Saharan history (see Kapchan 2007:20, Becker 2004, Ennaji 1999, Lovejoy 2004, PÃ¢ques 1991). African identity is one borne in a distant past that is remembered in legend and r eiterated and embodied through song and dance. Despite the lack of a documented link, however, the shared characteristics noted by previous scholars do provide evidence for the African forms of authenticity that notes a number of sub Saharan Islamized populations that also utilize possession ceremonies including the bori (Earlmann and Magagi 1989, Masquelier 2001) and Songhay (Stoller 1989). Most of these scholars, furthermore, are able to outline the general tre nds of the slave trade, identifying the high point of the trade during the Saadian dynasty, between the 15th and
29 16th centuries. This time, just after the Moroccan kingdom con quered Timbuktu and the Song h ay E mpire, saw the full opening of these trans Sahar an trade routes, many of which led to the region around Marrakech. Simultaneously, the Portuguese were benefiting from sea bound trade routes that centered around the port city of Mogador, which later became Essaouira. This historical moment, with these tw o cities serving as foci of the sea and land slave trades, serves as the source of this locally oriented African authenticity. Much of the wealth of anthropological scholarship on Islamic practice in Morocco attempts to either delineate a specific form of amadsha in 1973) or draw general conclusion s about common practices across the pilgrimages to their tombs (Eickelman 1976) become mark ers for explicitly Moroccan variations of Islamic practice in these older ethnographic accounts. Recently, however, more attention has been paid to public forms of behavior, the performance of individual or communal forms of religious practice. While many of these new ethnographic approaches focus on other regions of the Islamic world (for example, Hirschkind 2006 and Mahmood 2005, both working in Egypt), the idea of performed values, both religious and otherwise, have appeared in the Moroccan context. Kapc s account of those who were imprisoned (2005) show the vast usefulness of this growing perspective. Within ss a variety of Sufi groups (2005) locates embodied actions within the larger realm of religious experience. Similarly, Goodman (2005) is one of many who explore the
30 constitution of communal identity (much research focuses on contemporary Amazight identity Figure 1 1. Hamid al Qasri (right) performing in a Ramadan festival in Casablanca. Photo by Sandy McCutcheon I argue that the advent of popular music aesthetics and the observable shift in l authenticity: the ability to engage an audience, most often demonstrated through commercial success or shows of virtuosity. This is exemplified by the respect accorded t o Hamid al the palace in Rabat and made a career for himself through television and other new
31 media (Figure 1 1). As a musician, he aimed for a clear studio sound by using nylon inst ead of gut strings, amplification, and rehearsing his ensembles for tight performances. He has worked closely with jazz musicians on a huge variety of fusion projects. Some in the community of performers degrade his style and pertformance abilities, claimi ng that his word play and movement between unrelated songs demonstrates his lack of ritual knowledge. Other ritual leaders commend his virtuosic negotiation of contemporary aesthetic tastes. Initially, I attempted to conceive of this ability to entertain a s a second layer of performance practice, something differentiating between sacred and commercial or secular activity, but I came to realize that these ideas do not usefully map as a continuum . There is commercial activity present in the rituals of the mos t revered elders who eschew musical change. Simultaneously, the success of ritual , as measured by the instigation of healing trance, seems to be dependent not on a specific style of can be vigorous in those rituals led by young musicians who learned from CDs and I have witnessed possession trances in the middle of large audiences listening to festival banners hanging on each side of the stage. Some adepts are so sensitive to the music that they can fall into trance TV, opening up a host of que stions of commodification . Instead of focusing on the intentions or his efforts to earn an income, I find it more fruitful to consider his approach to his audienc e 4 . This places control over the experience in the hands of 4 role. I have found one
32 the listener or trancer, which is important because it is the listener who chooses which performers to listen to, which ones to support financially through employment or monetary gifts, and which ones to promote to his or her friends. Now, the road to notoriety and respect can proceed thr ough pious activity as a Muslim; performance that effectively represents an African heritage; or superstardom, virtuosity, and a legion of fans. These three very different self identifications must, in reality, interact as an individual notes his strength s and embarks on a career as a professional G musician . The first may concentrate on rituals and Islamic festivities while the second orients toward performanc in turn, may navigate toward work with fusion bands, on television, and collaboration elements of each of these strategies , drawing on each source by navigating the styles depending on the audience. Authenticity is very much a negotiated performance of self, but in this case a new mode Boundaries and Trajectories performance in Moroc co, I highlight both how people use music to reify boundaries and simultaneously to build trajectories across them . This research emphasizes the specific one who runs rituals. Similarly, a woman almost always carries out the role of muqaddima, the person who cares for any non musical practical concerns that arise during the event. Because of this , and a study of their experiences as trancing bodies could be quite fruitful. I, however, as a man in a divided society did not have sufficient access into those conversations.
33 strategies of musicians, audiences, religious authorities, and the government, both successful and oth erwise , to define themselves and their competition through musical practice and other sounded debate. I demonstrate how music and performance practice sit alongside verbal discourses to identify, create, and critique claims of identity. These claims are no t only those of the individual performer aggrandizing his authenticity. just as it is to even wider conversations on what Islam is and should be, what it should look and so und like, in Morocco. While I focus on the economic pressures of the music industry, I do not deny that these questions carry out long lives within the conversations relig ious identity and especially tangle when those two begin to conflate, as they so often do. Discourses, both verbal and musical, live their lives in public or semi public spaces and in Morocco. Few who overhear are reluctant to join the conversation , to int erject, or to contribute their own boundaries and trajectories . As Davide Panagia describes, the noise of the utterance, so central to the soundscape, is lost, undocumented. As a result, the sounds that constitute everyday life disappear, leading to the p that dem as it passes, these aspects of life are noisy, defined, in some ways, by their sounds. While Morocco may not be a democracy, these loud and assertive debates circle some
34 of the significant public spaces. Panagia laments the lost utterances that defined these quarrels, but by reading popular and folkloric musical productions as performances embedded deep ly within the relevant historical and contemporary debates, I reintroduce the agency and influence of musicians, artists, and popular culture more generally into the social history of the Moroccan state. As I will describe below, negotiation of boundarie s (or drawing of trajectories) constitute s an important aspect of nderstanding the agency of artists, audiences, and authorities draws previously underappreciated trajectories between participants in these musical practices and their larger aur al li ves . Overlo oking (and Overhearing?) a S ounde d H istory Sterne 2002) and anthropologies (Porcello et al. 2010; Samuels et al. 2010; Weiner 2009), a surprisingly small port ion of these texts address the Islamic world (see Gaffney 1994; Hirschkind 2006; Lee 1999). Yet the connections between aurality (or orality) and Islam are striking. The stylistic and referential power of shows in the scholarsh ip of Virginia Danielson and Kristina Nelson (Danielson 1987; Nelson 2001) and the importance of communal listening is central to works on music, ritual, and preaching (Gaffney 1994; Shannon 2003; Waugh 2005). Furthermore, one could argue a theological bas is for an aural reading of history in Islamic societies from the institutionalized privileging of the aural over the visual. Sterne 2002:17 regarding Ong 2000), there are a spects of Islamic belief and practice that warrant such considerations. Educational systems based in recitation and
35 memorization (Eickelman 1995), for example, imply a privileged sense of hearing or listening. As does the prevalence of the afe , a Muslim its entirety by making use of the poetic and aural elements of the text. Moreover, t he contentious relationship between Islam (especially in its conservative reformist varieties ) and religious iconography suggests a theologicall y uncomfortable space for visual representation . Perhaps most powerful, however, is the direct connection to the divine that aurality, or hearing, can give the Sufi adept. , ( listening ) is the most important communal practice within many Sufi brotherh oods and holds within it a transformative potency. Through listening, the adept might achieve into the divine (Racy 2003; Waugh 2005). Just as Ong suggests in reference to Christianity, Islam most closely associates t he sonic with divinity. Therefore, I contend that an examination of the sonic elements of history and contemporary social life will illuminate an overlap between the sacred and the secular realms in Morocco . The constant fluidity between these two alleged poles permeated my entire research experience, and it was only when I abandoned attempts what listeners were experiencing when they heard th is music. Relig ion and E thnicity M usic is also a tool with which people draw trajectories across religious and ethnic boundaries. While m any individual musical styles are linked to specific ethnic or religious group s, s ince Moroccan independence , musician s have increasingly used musical performance to negotiate and traverse such boundaries . Stokes remind s us that ethnicities urban areas that constitute
36 the basis of my research, these power relations involve religious fragmentation just as often as they establish ethnicity. Musical practices exist within specific social and theological contexts. As actively engaging in the Sufi liturgy allows the individual embodiment, these aural and physical practices create ub a od (or sisterhood) is in a foreign land. The larger power relationships that Stokes references, however, span the boundaries between individual organizations. The interactions between groups can lead to social collaboration, but it often also results in co mpetition and heated theological debate. These debates, which invoke music in important ways as I address shortly, exist between religious practices that are and are not conceived of as somehow ritual as being marginalized or otherwise contested. The practices that exist within the ritual involve interactions with spirits who exist fully within the Muslim wordview yet simultaneously sit outside of the institutionalized and top down manifestations of Islam that most of the population concieves of as appropriate. This is the Islam of the state, led by the king. The received much scholarship in Moroccan studies ( see Waterbury 1970 and Munson 1993). While professing to be Muslim, however, many in Morocco do not carry out the required or recommended practices that fully demonstrate piety. For example, just as many Christians in the United States do not attend weekly ch urch services, many faithful Moroccan Muslims do not visit the mosque or even pray on their own five times
37 daily. Certain activities, such as fasting during the holy month of Ramadan, are conscripted by society thanks to the overwhelming majority of the po pulation being Muslim. Moreso, many restaurants like McDonalds that stay open during the daylight hours of Ramadan will forbid the sale of food to Muslims (or those who may appear to be Moroccan) due to legal ramifications of helping a Muslim break the fas t. As such, the practice of mainstream Islam can be a very public activity, even for those who do not participate in their professed faith privately, or eve n for those who do not believe. tion sit as a similarly public act of religious practice that is outside of this mainstream conception of Islam does not match the practice of all who identify as mainstr eam Muslims. Further, a very well show something far removed from the expectations of the top down Islamic practices sanctioned by state religious institutions. Therefore , when I refer to mainstream, institutional, or popular Islamic practice, I speak of this idea the concept of what most Moroccan Muslims feel that they should though fewer actually are doing it and not to the actual measureable religious practice of the po pulation as a whole. The place of music within these public discourses in creating and reinforcing mainstream vs. marganlized forms of Islamic practice should not be underestimated, an issue that I will address shortly. Shifting A esthetic s and S chizophonia In dealing with ritual, religious, and folkloric musical performances, I examine the ways in which aesthetics shifted over the past decades, especially since the dominant influence of mass communications and commodification. Ritual groups including the
38 a madsha, G A issawa have a long history of commodifying their own musical practice in market squares, at weddings, and at sacred festivals that may or bridged the di vide between religious and economic performance, using their musi c to advertise their in home ritual services to potential clients , or to otherwise collect money from the larger community. I contend that the public presence of these groups historically led to the introduction of their musical style s into the larger soundscape of the nation , in other words into national consciousness. Thus, the understanding of this music in Morocco shifted, as a larger uninitiated community had the opportunity to publicly l isten to music that would otherwise exist within the boundaries of a religious or ethnic sub group . Once ag ain, the literal trajectories of music in public space traverse d otherwise strict boundaries. The aesthetic changes and innovations born out of thes e public sounds flow ed directly into the creation and consumpt ion of popular music in Morocco. T hey are also embedded into the meanings and nostalgic references of folkloric presentations across the country. The commodi fication of a musical product be it a previously religious song, instrument, groove, timbre, text, melody, or even an extra musical aspect of performance changes the aesthetics of the community. Artists have new sounds and structures at their disposal, just as audiences develop new expectatio ns. This process of commodification existed in the colonial era market squares, and while it continues in similar venues today, its influence grew exponentially with the rise of technology and adaptation to the economic opportunities of the contem porary music industry .
39 The concept of schizophonia, an idea that is inextricably linked to the soundscape itself (Feld 1994; Schafer 1977 ), applies to the removal of context from musical sounds and ideas . As music is separated from its surroundings through recording, staged performance, or something similar , it is open to manipulation of the type that is instrumental in popular music. Schizophonia, used most frequently in arance of context as musicians use the medium of recording to reduce music from contextualized social practices to flat (though interesting) sounds . From here, they reuse these sounds toward ends that bear little resemblance to the original musical context : a rural harvest song can provide exotica in a dance club track, for example. In this way, music and musicians can be easily exploited, especially because they often bear little decision making power in how their musical creations are later used. While th Chapter 3), I focus here on domestic circulations of musical ideas. Instead of a reducibility from a r Morocco that commonly allowed for artists to remove and revise ritual weight or meaning from their musical products in an effort to orient their own authenticity in performance. They used rec ordings and performances to perform their own type of context, demonstrating that they were a certain type re contextualized and reoriented themselves in different settings for different audiences and to different ends da y in and day out. The logic of being a freelance musician proved a powerful strategy for navigating the complexities of professional life. As such, I
40 investigate the ways in which musicians intentionally manipulate local knowledge of context s , creating new religious and musical statements from this background understanding , not despite previous aural connotations to ritual and religion . I examine the ways in which artists utilize referential meanings in their source materials to support their own needs, esp ecially in reference to curating a status of authenticity based on a combination of Muslim piety, African heritage, and commercial success . Negotiating and Contesting Binaries When viewing common dichotomies b etween traditional and popular or local and for eign, I consider how these terms are created boundaries. Music, I argue, serves two contradictory purposes depending on the goals of artists, producers, officials, or listening audiences: it creates and reinforces the space between each linked pair, or it provides a path (trajectory) between them. Binaries are constantly negotiated, contested, and mutating . I examine the ways in which all those involved in m usic production and consumption play role s in the support or contestation of these dichotomies. Furth ermore, I struggle against the idea that a these types of pairs are carries both sacred and secular elements, and how many of its characteristics are both sacred and se cular, performing certain roles for the listening experience of specific audience members. Mutual exclusivity, boundaries between ideas about what music is and does, simply points out the variety of trajectories that poke holes throughout the bounded categ orical walls. Someone can be both entertained and healed in a ritual, just as a certain performance can carry a multitude of layers drawing from an array of influences. In fact, as I argue throughout this dissertation, seemingly exclusive categories overla p throughout musical and religious life.
41 Traditional , F olkloric, and P opular in M usic Agawu notes the difficulty in defining and classifying popular music. His speak simply of var musical practice in Morocco, as anywhere, has the power to cripple any attempt to create a tight, comprehensive, and cohesive definition of popular music. Genres and authenticity? On what is it based? To whom is the music traditional? When did it move from contemporary to traditional? Who innovated new ideas? If they were borrowed, is that still innovative ? How? Each of these questions , and the constellation of others that by simple distinctions of technological usage (Larkin 2008; Lee 1999). As Sterne describes, narratives that forget th technologies themselves as primary agents of historical change: technological gy is a major part of many forms of popular instead, that the ways in which the artists decontextualize their own experiences, is intentionally defined as popular, deems a music as such. As such, I attempt to give a place in my analysis for the artist to determine the ontology of his or her creation.
42 styles (either popular or otherwise) and created explicitly for the purpose of entering into the modalities of distribution that exemplify the music industry. This, in itself, is a flexible term as the music industry is becoming an increasingly complex sys tem of formal and informal economic relationships between artists, labels, and audiences facilitated by personal relationships, web 2.0 social media sites, and contracted business agreements aracteristics that make it appear dissimilar from that of the USA, but localities aside, both are attempts to monetize musical performances and therefore share broad similarities. In defining ngaging these forms of distribution to find wide audiences, whether across a neighborhood, city, region, country or world. Popular music, as I will read it, is music that often combines previously extant styles in the process of either creating something new (a genre, style) or entering into a world beat, etc.). The Rolling Stones did not use the blues, for example, to become blues musicians tourin g in the Southern United Sta tes. T hey intended to incorporate elements of the blues into their distinctive form of rock and roll en route to becoming international popular music artists. This conception of popular music shares a strong correlation with my understanding of schizophoni a presented above. It emphasizes the internal musical content of musical creativity. In the Moroccan context, music that brings together different styles to create something new is most apparent in the hip hop y incorporate samples from across the
43 produced beats. Even more famous is the music of Nass al Ghiwane, who combined previous rural forms to create a novel sound in the 1970s. Music that intent ionally enters into a previously amadsha ritual, are an excellent example of something that references the religious context but is firmly a part of the popular music circuit. referring to musics within this category, I intend to emphasize the a specific form of commodifi cation. Professi onal musicians in Morocco who perform as part of commercial in this specific segment of the music industry and the recre ation of past or present rituals in public, commodifie d settings for domestic audiences . These performances, removed from either the past or their functional purpose, become sites for the definition and redefinition of many aspects of identity: performances imply what is or is not a part , ethnic, and religious history . I examine the ways in which past and present forms from performative categories that are typically considered or labeled as These two taxonomies are not intended to be inclusive of all musical practice in Morocco. On the contrary, they are very specific, process oriented terms that will prove
44 analytically useful for my research. They are labels, applied by artists, fans, adepts, cri tics, and scholars alike, that do productive work in describing some aspect of how the music or performance practice exists in the world. They illuminate the roles played by the music, whether it juxtaposes an idea into something new (as popular music can do) or, perhaps, attempts to reify an idealized form of something deemed worth celebrating (as folkloric music can do). Both terms, popular and folk loric, carry a depth of baggage. Much of that baggage intersects and overlaps, and I make no attempt to clai m that alongside each other to describe certain performances, such as those on stage at the Essaouira Festival of World Music where the folkloric and popular forms of Gn performance can be nearly indistinguishable. Or, perhaps better put, these performances carry out both roles at once. W I look to identify. Few agree exactly on what those musical traits are, though many suggest faster tempi 5 and increased s pectacle in ritual performance. Even those who fail to identify explicitly those traits based in popular music aesthetics, however, no like popular music and its practitioners are actively pursuing those ideals of the popular music industry. Therefore, it is this intentionality in practice and ambiguity in sound that I pursue as important. Walter Armbrust w purpose definition of popular culture. Trying to arrive at one would be a waste of time. The forms 5 Faster tempi is an interesting marker of popular aesthetic influence, moreov er, because my analysis in the chapters that follow suggest that it is not actually identifiably present in the musical performance practices that carry heavier influence from popular music aesthetics.
45 (Armbrust 2000:25). I intend for the flex ibility of these terms to open the space within my ethnography for locally relevant definitions of popular culture (and folklore). By ease into the rough analytical label. claim to newness in our approach to popular culture is that we want to shift our focus follow in this path, looking at popular and folkloric performance styles in terms of what they do , rather than what I think they are . Local and F oreign While the popular/traditional divide is almost completely a negoti ated site of meaning creation, the status of music as either local or foreign carries extra implications. The first is the intermediary step of the nation state . For various political reasons, the government weighs in, defining social groups and musical styles as national or foreign. The rise in festivals after independence (Kapchan 2008) and which the state uses music to define Islam, tolerance, and Moroccan identity. Similarly, an were (Grame 1970:79), a status similar to other itinerant musicians. But more recent festival literature and journalism celebrates the as as a group central to Moroccan identity. These accounts rarely utilize historical information in more than a cursory
46 nature, and instead create boundaries and trajectories along as useful economic or folkloric categories . music is now celebrated as an important part of a Moroccan identity, raÃ¯ music music , a group who came to Morocco from sub Saharan West Africa under the poorest of conditions, are prioritized over raÃ¯, an incredibly popular music, especially in eastern Morocco, closer to the Algerian border. Ultimately, b oth types of music could be demons trated to be in large part, foreign, yet both have been shaped by their distinct past s . But, for various political, social, and economic reasons, raÃ¯ is marginalized in festival and political discourse, possibly as a result of contention with Algeria over the Western Sahara. In response, artists from the eastern region as well as from the major commercial centers of the western part of the country have begun more recently to part. This has led, in turn, to a gentle increase in Algerian artists participating in major summer music festivals across Morocco. Ideas and ideals of national and foreign are by no means sturdy, but they are instead useful for various practitioners who m anage them closely. It is in these ways that the local/f oreign distinction exist s as sites of negotiation. This is even more pronounced in terms of the ambiguities of the international music industry. Local m usicians frequently operate in cosmopolitan way s in order to control and use the systems of other dominant cultures (Guilbault 1993; Malm 1993). They often use these systems (musical styles, technologies, economic strategies, etc.) in
47 and international contexts. Martin Stokes describes Turkish rap artists, marginalized musical performance (Kapchan 2008). RenÃ© Lysloff addresses technology in similar terms. The use of media, technology, and I would add , musical style may be especially empowering to those with little political or economic clout. As new users, artists, and audiences creatively manipulate technology, or any of these other musical systems, they change social meanings and shift cultural boundaries (Lysloff 1997). Technologies, musical styles, and other strategies that originate outside of the local community or Moroccan borders, those that are firmly foreign, provide n ew opportunities for the creation of meaning and the manipulation of social norms within the country. While elements of musical style and performance practice may be traceable to foreign origins , I believe that is far more pertinent to discern just what th ose elements add to local production s meaning to the process or product, not solely because of its status as foreign. popular music in the country . V isiting artists and internationally circulating recordings of popular music led artists like Nass al elements of Amazight , artistic activity in Interzone Tangier and the surrounding Rif mountains highlighted the ways in which
48 Moroccan artists (in this case, the Master Musicians of Jajouka) could enter into the global circuit via a local context . lobalization follows the processes outlined by domestic commercial interests co ntinue to promote the country, and each of its localities, through festivals intended for international audiences. The prices in markets rise during festivals, as do lodging costs. The Moroccan nation al economy , in many ways, relies on an ability to promot e and market Moroccan cultural identity internationally. In order to represent and promote themselves on the world stage, artists and officials must effectively commodify and reconstruct their performances. According to Jonathan Shannon: If musical aesthetics is based on the naturalized or iconic associations of stylistic patterns, as Steven Feld has argued, then the aesthetics of world music styles such as sacred and Sufi must be sought in how such styles are constructed and naturalized in represent ational practices and processes of commodification and consumption in global political and cultural economies. (Shannon 2003:18) the competing authenticities and realities promo 2003:17). The process of commodification, as it plays out in the promotion of identity (either locally or globally) excludes the type of tradition based authenticity, de centering it from the process of meaning creatio n. Competing authenticities, promoted in popular and folkloric musical presentations, struggle against one another, highlighting the
49 importance of viewing these sites as points of negotiation, not concrete attributes of music or tradition. Samuels goes fu rther, including the role of generational change and technology in the schizophonic separation of authenticity and place. He describes the coming of age of a generation for whom global consumption of media products is not necessarily seen as oppositional to their local appropriation in certain parts of the world, which decenters place as the arbiter of authenticity or signification. (Samuels et al. 2010:338) Authenticity itself, separated from its geographic, traditional, and historic origins, becomes a to ol for the promotion of self identity on the global market. In an area as diverse and complex as Morocco, and also as dependent on cultural tourism, these as I describe above . Creating Boundaries through Musical D ebate While global influences and processes are important for the continual development for the Moroccan music industry, festival circuits, and nationalist goals, most of the music comes from, and is consumed, locally. Most Moroccan artists who perform at festivals or whose CDs are for sale at market stalls have not achieved the international success of the Master Musicians of Jajouka (see Schuyler 2000). The folkloric and ritual groups that make their livings through performances within Morocco and to Mor occans may be the most responsible for aesthetic changes that I discuss in the following chapters . They are also the most susceptible to critique on theological grounds, as they commodify religious performance practices for local audiences who recognize and understand the connotations and significance of their new musical styles in relation to older t raditions .
50 L ocal concerns gain steam when the debates enter the realm of Islamic theology. As noted by a number of researchers in the past, Islam in Morocco is a complex of local practices, making anthropological research into practice and belief quite dif ficult (Eickelman 1976; Geertz 1971). Perspectives on the proper methods and traditions for demonstrating faith are borne out of vigorous discourse and debates (Asad 1986; el Zein 1977) that often include the appropriateness of specific music (and ritual) practice. dhikr, and the performative the non initiated domestic and international listeners. As I discussed in my masters thesis (Witulski 2009), public discourse about T A issawa, amadsha, and G groups present a n example of the ways in which these debates define groups as appropriate or inappropriate, Muslim or not Muslim, and Sufi or not Sufi, often with As Barth describes, poly ethnic (or in this case, poly religious) interaction forces (Barth 1970:16). This for which groups define themselves in terms of the Other. These musical and ritual debates, then, are the driving force behind the creation of group boundaries. The commodified musical forms, both popular and folkloric, incorporate elements associated with various groups , both affirming and contesting the boundaries that these arguments seek to establish .
51 P ub lic musical performance is , therefore, an important realm in which artists and authorities (political, religious, and commercial) create and transform these identities. Donna Buchanan , following James Clifford, asserts include social relationships (religious or ethnic communities), relationships with th eir own beliefs and religious perspectives (negotiating sacred and secular), their past (reconstructing tradition, nostalgia), and the world around them (interacting with national and global economic and political systems). While this dissertation concentr also works through the networks of interaction extant through the contemporary economics of this particular ritual goes, for the opportunity to return and complete similar work with the preliminary research suggests have dealt with these pressures in very different ways. My research and performance experience ga ve me the opportunity to do a very different type of ethnographic study, one that certainly colors my writing with broad and unexpected stro kes. It also gave me the privile ge of working closely as an artist with artists, and as a friend, with friends.
52 CHAPTER 2 upon his possession of an the sum of the aesthetic de ness." Fuson, however, prefers to define it as "The art and craft of entry). Where carpentry comes from the root "carpenter," of the practitione t must have proven his legitimacy through a combination of spiritual knowledge and artistic craft. While this was once demonstrated exclusively through ritual performance, commercial or recorded performances can now contribute to the projection and maintenance urthermore, many artists use the concept of (or the lack thereof) to compliment or deride their compatriots, the meaning . t, however, is fluid and d ebatable, as is its presence within s who lack it still carry out ceremonies, and any specific performative act that demonstrates a lack of knowledge or ability on the part of the fa) opens tha t per t must be prominently and frequently throughout casual discussions, which occasionally become heated, about performers, performative decisions, the hi relig . These discussions, which are typically be tween
53 listeners s and knowledgeable ings of their self identification and practices. In this chapter, I outline t t, one that invokes an African ahistorical reading of the music and ritual and another that locates these practices firmly within Islamic practice in Morocco, highlighting the existence of a s orient the as some combination of these two potential sources , yet all of those with whom I spoke explicitly highlighted one or the other in their own self identification . As described in Chapter 1, musical performance serves to blur these boundaries. In m s draw from both sources African heritage and Islamic piety his ensemble work strategically within the professional pressures of a life as a musician, an idea that I return to in Chapter 3. s intentionally demonstrate their identities and credentials through the musical ering elements of their history, faith, and version of their own ability that they can reasonably claim and defend. Because the possession of, and ability to publicly demonst deemed essential to professional success practitioner , is it common for a demonstrate their possession of one source of
54 t or the other . In the following chapter, I assert that a third are na of professional life has become a third legitimate source in the minds of many listeners and performers: the ability to effectively engage an audience, both those participating in ritual for healing reasons and those who are listening for th eir own entertainment . As music that more closely incorporates the aesthetics of popular music, they look for performers who borrow songs and performance styles from t he wider musical soundscape of Morocco. In this way, musical virtuosity and commercial succ ess stand as a valid p erformable source of authenticity or authority in ritual. In turn, as I describe later, the musical content of the ritual shifts to account for changing listener expectations. To best understand how these mance , I begin with a short outline of the central healing ceremony. s past slaves. 1 Between 1492, when the Iberian peninsula returned to Catholic hands, and 1591 when the Moroccan empire claimed Timbuktu, the Kingdom trans Saharan trade routes and fully opening the door for sub Saharan slavery to replace lost European supplies. These new slaves brought religious beliefs with them 1 e most commonly narrated history, by both
55 and, over time, they fused them with new Islamic f aith into a syncretic cosmology . 2 The resulting juxtapositions of spirits an d saints, of rituals and practices, gave rise to the identity of the marginalizati on, and ritual power in Morocco . 3 possession ritual typically lasts from 10pm until shortly after sunrise. After an opening of s the space, invite the spirits, and begin the trance (jadba) segment of the ceremony. It contains eight parts, each dedicated to a specific spirit or set of spirits. These spirits , alongside the slaves, brought from their shared past. Each of the eig ht sets of spirits is associated with a color (manifest by bright cloth draped over those who are in trance), a scent (specific incense that feeds the se spirits and saints ), and a unique musical acts of possession draw criticism from many Moroccans and mainstream conceptions of appropriate Islamic practice. The relationship s forged through possession with spirits are mutual ly benefi cial and serve to men d or reinforce the link between possessing spirits or saints ( often 2 Many of the newly arrived slaves were already Muslim, having converted before the arrival of the Moroccans. This le d to long theological debates and some instances of legal gymnastics as religious scholars struggled to justify the enslavement of fellow Muslims, something forbidden in the Quran. (See el Hamel 2008:247 8) 3 This process of religious fusion is not unique Catholic syncretic practices in Brazil and Cuba.
56 called ) ). 4 Through music and purpose of he aling illness or providing a divine or super natural blessing, called baraka . carries the threat of repercussions that most frequently manifest as harm to one's health, finances, family, or employment. activity can be , the primary use of the word applies to the p rofessi onal musicians and dancers who perform at these ceremonies. The leader of the performance troupe, called membrane. It is constructed much like an ngoni 5 or banjo with the leather membrane stretched over a rectangular wooden body under one short and two long strings. The gut strings are connected to the wooden neck with movable leather loops for tuning . While striking the strings with his fingers using a technique similar t o that of the certain notes by percussively hittin g the skin membrane . The Gnawa instrument goes by three names depending on region and language: aj r . 6 The 4 occupied residence, as in an apartment that has a central conception of the relationship between spirit and human strengthens the long term implications o f 5 An instrument from West Africa, most commonly associated with the griot traditions of praise singing based there. See Charry 1996 for details on the organological relationships between these instruments throughout North West an d West Africa. 6 The origins of these three names are debatable, but the descriptions I hear most frequently are that
57 responses. These other members, usually between two and seven in number, clap and play , 7 they also dance during the their segment of the ceremony. The content of these dances can include d ancing while balancing a bowl on their head for Sidi Musa, Moses, who has control over water (referencing the Biblical escape through the Red Sea, but arguably referring instead to a , drinking boiling water, or covering oneself with dripping candle wax for Sidi Mimun, a particularly violent sub Saharan spirit; eating raw eggs or meat for the Ghabawiyyin, a set of spirits from the forest; or holding a Qur an, using prayer beads, and ch anting verse s for Sidi Brahim, Abraham. Following each of these specialized trances is an exchange of monetary donations for baraka (supernatural blessing) . 8 wa but, because there are other instruments that share this term, I will use 7 ritual. 8 Baraka is typically considered "divine" blessing, but the unclear nature and mot ives of the spirits from reason to use "supernatural" here instead. The baraka received from Sufi ceremonies, pilgrimages to tombs and shrines, the ki ng of Morocco, or other proximity to holy figures maps out identically to the Saharan origins and other religious, social, and economic factors give fodder to critics who deride their barak a as ominous, evil, or witchcraft. See Eickelman (1976) and Crapanzano (1981) for more on the logic of baraka in Moroccan spirituality.
58 and groups locate and then prioritize their strongest connections to authenticity. One common way to do so is through lineage, especially in terms of geography. The t supports depends greatly on where those lines lead. Figure 2 1. Google Maps map of Morocco with Marrakech, Fez, and Essaouira boxed in dark red. Note that the dotted boundary to the south demarks the disputed territory of the Western Sahara.
59 Performin While I have spent a total of about two and a half years in Morocco between majority of that time in the south, conside red to be the geographic center of the tradition. Instead, I have liv ed mainly in Fez, a city in the northern mountains that prides itself as as the home of Sufism w hile Marrakech and Essaouira, a coastal hub of the slave trade Figure 2 1). Over the past two decades this dichotomy has been effectively reinforced by the Fez Festival of Sacred have some s ense of local identity expressed musically and through and rhythms of songs, the inclusion or omission of certain saints and spirits, or the o rder of the ritual event itself . These differences are intentional and performers often describe them as effective representations of the region. For example, many in Fez begin ceremon ies with the (a procession from the street into the household) before opening the space by performing music for entertainment and the professional Bambara" and "Naqsha" suites, collectively part of s in Fez cast the difference in spiritual (from Marrakech) separate that portion from the rest highlighting its
60 entertainment value , and segregating it from Marrakech and Tamesloht is to allow the to sing responses and perform specialized trances to demonst rate their abilities as professi onals (Fuson 2009). By carrying out exte nded synchronized and acrobatic dances, they show the audience that they are competent in the tradition and raise the expectations and confidence for and in the ritual that will follow. Those from Fez use th is entertainment to accomplish ritual goals more directly by keeping it within the boundaries of the entrance and the rest of the event. It completed the ritual's processional entrance, the entirety of the per formance that follows, from this point until the following morning, serves the purpose of welcoming spirits, fostering the conditions for trance to occur, and facilitating the improvement of the musicians and dancers the opportunity to perform these synchronized and acrobatic dances for the the bodies of soon to be trancers. As they describe it, this is im portant since Fez is a ar Rzaq , p. c. 2012). As a researcher working with the G a number of minority variants. Many of t he grew up in Marrakech, Essaouira, or Tamesloht , a town about 25km outside central
61 Marrakech. 9 Those who did not grow up in these regions often visited them to learn, spending years as apprentices for older master mu sicians in order to learn their performance styles and techniques. This attention elevated the performance practices, ritual process, and musical style s from Marrakech, making them the dominant voice. This also created a sense of strict authority and practices. foreign artists or Fna , the central market square that features c asual Moroccan listeners to prominent scholars. In 1997, with the advent of the Essaouira Festival of World Music This aut hority, however, is discursiv ely created. Essaouira and Marrakech were sites of major slave markets. 10 This history, which explicitly links these two cities to sub Saharan Africa through routes of transit, provides the region with a strong sense of authori t y based upon its link to a past African lineage. Building on these historical links, the regions prominence is enhanced by the perceived centrality of the African 9 marketplace f or slaves arriving from the trans Sahara caravan routes. Essaouira, however, was a prominent port for the sea routes of the slave trade as a Portuguese port city (then called Mogador). 10 The city of Essaouira also hosts the zawiya of Sidna Bilal, one of ve ry few open zawiya s dedicated to
62 performance practices that exist in these southern cities. Many artists and mu conceive of these practices as historically bound, unchanging, and demonstrative of an authenticity based within historical consistency. Thus, authenticity and authority, coming together, endow artists from the region with a natural (even genetic) for many s and mu performers on other grounds, not just regional. Local forms from across the country, practice. More centrally, even, t implies. The southe rn centric accounts that highlight the Gn African origins often overwhelm other aspects of the tradition that place true authenticity and authority (and therefore, t) within Sufi and larger Islamic sphere s . The performative markers of Islamic or Sufi Marrakech region, but they more rarely emphasized in this part of the country than they are in places like Fez. This ively , are performed. This example, however, is just one way in which Muslim ness /Sufi ness or African ness can be emphasized. I now turn to each of these two poles individually to explore more thoroughly how they operate and to provide specific instances from my fieldwork in which each was performed in ritual.
63 Figure 2 Tahir in Tomesloht. Photo courtesy of the author. While in Marrakech and Tamesloht in the spring of 2011, I had my first opportuni s between 70 and 80 years old. They posited placing them within the larger realm of Islam. The possessions of the Gn wa were then equated with dhikr, remembrances of God and local saints and a term explicitly connected to modern Sufi ritual practices. In their descriptions of the way the tradition should operate, a one or two times each year. This is in contrast to the present Gn wa tradition that I observe d Moreover, in the past, s were not
64 economically tied to the performance of rituals. They only accepted gifts, as an exchange for ba raka, and had other jobs: Mulay a t Tahir (Figure 2 2 ) , long since retired and speak to him, I was not given his name as Mulay at Tahir al but ins tead as Mulay at Tahir al iyya musicians throughout the country, I was always told to append "al names. While his vocational title is an anomaly today, Mulay at Tahir and others described the s of previous generations in terms of their day jobs (the carpenter, etc.). A nnual or semi s featured music described as slower accompanyi ng the aj uj. The sound was less virtuosic, the dance less acrobatic. Listeners would reach al consciousness associated with Sufi ceremonies . Furthermore, the spirits of today were all once livin g saints, historical figures, real people. Sidi Mimun , the violent black spirit the poor. Sidi Musa was not the Biblical Moses, but a local holy man. Songs directed to these figures did not have the goal of inciting possession. They supplicated these saints, asking them to pray for the living and provide the baraka that Allah had bestowed upon them. Like many Sufi saints, Sidi Mimun has a number of tombs across the country. B odies are buried in each, but pilgrims do not know exactly which one Rzaq once took me on a walk around Fez and showed me the venerated burial sites of Sidi Hamu, Lalla Raqiyya , Sidi Mimun,
65 Lalla Mira, and Each was well marked and can be a powerful space for ritual activity when clients require intervention that goes beyond the sacrifice of the standard ceremony. That these tombs may or may not contain the actual body of the saints, for my purposes, is not as important as the fact that those who come to these sites conceive of saints like Sidi Mimun as historical figures who once lived and have now passed. This is quite different from interpretat ions of these figures as spirits, who come from sub Saharan Africa or elsewhere and have never been living, embodied, historical figures. The s relayed to me, grew out of economics. By including the specific trances mentioned abov musicians could create a spectacle and request donations. By entertaining the audiences, performers could assure themselves more work and create an occupation from their ritual knowledge and technical ab ility. What you see now, they said, bore little I entered into many of these conversations by asking about the addition of new repertoire to what was considered to be a closed ritual ceremony. "Who added these new mu other interviews. Not surprisingly, many from these older generations knew the musical and ritual histor ies better than younger artists. Perhaps the most interesting and important difference between these two narratives lies not in their provable or disprovable content, but in their use of tense. The n the definable and
66 experienced past. Conversely, what I call the African reading emphasizes who they are and always have been since their arrival from sub Saharan Africa. The sense of past extends all the way back to the unknowable. History, according to this narrative of community and music within a specific time and place that is no longer identifiab le. As a is and has been constant whil practice was something different than it is now. The following occurrence One M inute in Meknes Less than a week after arriving in Fez in November 2010, I made sure to visit ar Rzaq, a Blida neighborh yard where he sat while sewing G paraphernalia and meeting with prospective clients. The noisy setting made it difficult to converse, just as it always had been. His secondary responsibility was as a guardian for away at brass plates and teapots, making piles of new goods to be sold in the nearby tourist mark ets. The courtyard opened onto a street connecting the Qarawiyyin Mosque and the nearby leather tanneries, arguably the most heavily fr equented tourist spots in the me dina, and it was common for me to be hindered by large groups of camera wielding European s attempting to weave through the tight alleys as I hustled from one place to the next.
67 Abd ar Rzaq was surprised and excited to see me as I descended to his office. He immediately stood up and handed me the obligatory piece of thick cardboard, so I woul d not have to sit directly on the stone floor. After the onslaught of introductions that open so much conversation in Morocco y ya in nearby Mekne s. 11 y begins earlier in the evening and concludes in the middle of the night. It is generally shorter in length and, therefore, costs the hosts less money for the services of the musicians, the rental of the spac e, and the preparation of food . 12 We mad e the appropriate plans, and I quickly became excited as, it appeared, this fieldwork visit was off to an auspicious start. The event took place in a second floor apartment in a poor neighborhood between Mekne s medina and the ville nouvelle . After a delicious chicken couscous meal provided by the hosts and shared by the musicians, we descended to the street for the opening, the dakhla procession. Accompanied by a pair of large drums ( Rza brother Hamid, serving as trance in the public space of the dirt road in front of the apartment. The sound of the instruments and the singing of the Abd ar Rzaq , attracted a large crowd that, eventually, encircled the central actors. After an extended procession, blessings of 11 ceremony, including the standard order of eve Rzaq himself, in Fez. 12 ally conclude with a large breakfast and, sometimes, even a meal that required.
68 the ritual objects to be used later in the evening, the instruments, flags, candles, people, and sacrificial animals, the large group of musicians, participants, and spectators made their way through the small door, up the steep, tight staircase, and back into the e event, calling for blessings from Allah and pra yers from the Prophet Muhammad. Incense and sound together thickened the air, making it heavy with odor and vibrant with motion. Zakari, one of the o Meknes Rzaq or Hamid , dances many of the virtuosic acrobatics. He tells me later that, when he was younger, he would breakdance with his friends. The skills he learned in that context translate well to his new role with the causing him to stand and ease into a trance. Sidi Musa, Moses, has control over water. He is the blue spirit, and those who are possessed by him are draped with blue cloths by the muqaddima, t he woman in charge of the event , 13 as they fall into trance. While, in my experience, fewer adepts are actually possessed by Sidi Musa , those who are enact an int ricate dance that mesmerizes the surrounding spectators, and presence becomes an early dramatic highlight of the ceremony. 13 frequently, but not exclusively, carried out by an older woman. She is generally the liaison between the host and the musicians and maintains control over the enti rety of the ceremony, including the preparation usage of most ritual paraphernalia, including the colored cloths, candles, sacrifice, and incense over the course of the evening.
69 This evening, as Zakari is falling into the trance, holding his head above the incense burner, feeding the spirit, enticing it to take firm hold over him, no other participants appear to be falling into trance under Musa. Zakari, alone, begins to dance, bent deeply forward, syncing himself into the music. A small bowl of water appears, b rought out by the muqaddama while the room holds its focus on Zakari. He balances the bowl on his head and begins to spin. The dance that follows includes rolling on the ground, twisting, jumping back and forth, and spinning, all with this bowl balanced. He enacts swimming motions while lying on th e floor, contorting his body so as to keep his head upright, holding the bowl. But, at one particular moment, he is swaying in front of Islamic call to prayer, drifts in through the open window. When on any music, stop speaking, and listen, waiting, for it to end. Upon its conclusion, the practicing believer has a period of time to go pray. Some immediately cease any current activitie s and begin their prayers. I have been in taxis in both Morocco and Egypt when the driver pulled over, opened up a prayer mat, and prayed on the sidewalk next to the generally, do not pray so dutifully, or at all. Some do, some do not. It is a matter of personal religious practice, a daily decision made by believers each time they hear the and waiting patiently for it to pass before continuing in their previous activities. This act of reverence marks the day, with each pause becoming a signal for the passage of time. ound, as
70 listeners to recorded sermons pause their moral education during these few minutes when the call to prayer is audible (2006). never experienced this moment, what I p erceived as a conflict of the G they are so loud that, I assum e, they covered the sound of the call. Here, though, was an intimate moment as Zakari quietly settled into his possessed state, standing next to an open window in an apartment that happened to be in close proximity to the neighborhood mosque. Our altitude on the second floor removed any hinderance from walls or other tall buildings lending both a beautiful view of the outside sky and an unimpeded path for traveling . After just ove r 15 minutes of music for Sidi Musa , the room fell into silence for aj j melody and brought it to a terse is barely audi ble on my recording, but it speaks loudly in the absence of all other sound. descending vocal interruption. He re engages the room and the spirit, who spent the animates, stepping back into the groove of the aural ceremony ( Object D 1 14 ) . 14 All objects cited in this dissertation are audio examples. See Appendix D for a links and further information on the content of each example.
71 The moment, a literal su spension in time and space, displayed the web of self on whom you ask. Sidi Musa is joined in t s , literal or spiritual descendants and ancestor s of the Prophet throughout the ceremony. Mulay Brahim possessed ashiy ya later, as she picked up a Qur an tim e it is held, but here, in Mekne s th is evening, Sidi Musa paused the event, becoming T dentity (Feriali 2009:41). Their worldview sits firmly within the bounds of Islam. Names, places, language, holy figures, histories, stories, prayers, songs, family ties, legal issues, interpersonal relationships, dress, medicine... The everyday life of a is a public piety, one that is performed, but not necessarily consciously so . Of course th ere are those who actively adjust their behaviors, countering those of society around them, in an effort to change, or reform, perceived incongruence between the will of Allah and the faults or misunderstandings of man. There are intentional symbols that a dorn the body of a man striving for a holy life, outward signs of internal su bmission to Allah.
72 devout prayer, the pressing of the forehead to the tile floor fives times ea ch day for an entire lifetime. The doubter, instead, will insist that such a bruise was self inflicted, the absolute symbol of a man whose desire to be seen as holy by his neighbors incite him to wound his own forehead solely for the sake of appearances. T he truth, however, is resigned to Allah: Islam, as it is practiced in Morocco, is a very public religion. But as such, it is taken as a given. Custom, habitus, orient daily life, leading the most innocuous of acti vities through a ritualized performance of piousness. Some may be conscious, some unconscious. Much of the everyday performance of religious affiliation is taken for granted, it goes unnoticed or undervalued. In contrast, difference is obvious, noticeable, and questionable. Difference in practice might imply disagreement, contradiction, even aggressive attack. With religious practice, and especially the public manifestation of it, points of difference become topics of public discourse. They quickly come to embody the whole of practices, instead of simply the small departures. Morocco, historically, has been a fascination of anthropologists. As a site where the ways in which people and communities negotiate the disconnect between traditional and modern religion, transnational and local belief, religious power structures, and a host of other local, regional, national, and international issues. When writing about the else; they are black, racially not Arab or Berber; their religious practices are African, not Muslim. I argue that the focus on difference has obscured an important element of
73 identification. Simultaniously , the stress upon the African histories behind Musl im piety, which is just as important to many potential clients. Different audiences search for different sets of criteria when selecting performers for concerts or rituals, and hey claim within their professional lives. public life in Morocco, and should be understood accordingly 15 : they are self identified Muslims, some even Sufi Muslims; they pr actice their faith in much the same way as most Moroccan Muslims, complete with pilgrimages, the veneration of local saints, and the exchange of baraka; they ope rate, both professi onally and otherwise, firmly within the complex networks of Sufism, even whe n they make no claim to being Sufi. Also just as so many Moroccans who vehemently consider themselves Muslims, many do not pray often or at all, many drink or use drugs, and many have little interest in the trappings of their faith. While I have no statist ical evidence to claim specific proportions, I also have no reason to firmly state that I can agree with the oft stated suspicions leveled against the G the population as a whole. 16 15 must be studied on a plane of equivalence, with the same techniques, strategies, and goals as those used for the analysis of Western music. While there are, of course, differences and difference itself is interesting and useful to the researcher (see Erlm limit our possible conclusions. 16 who were younger participated in the sam e sorts of practices as their social and economic peers. The practitioners who went to the mosque regularly generally did not use drugs or drink. Those who did not were more likely to engage in ilicit activities. Mosque attendance or frequency of prayer, among other
74 The vigne highlights the complex relationship between the two sets of practices. The symbolized by the s ounds entering through the open window, identifies the importance well as their important interaction within everyday life. The two narratives, sitting as poles on a cont extreme examples of infinite possible alternatives, to negotiate this relationship within the realm contemporary personal and social life. these ritual practices from the realm of Islam, noting that one can be non simplified sense, this is not dissimilar to American communities that self Identify as Sufi and participate in musical, dance, and meditation p ractices borrowed from a conglomeration of various Sufi paths. Practice (music, dance, chant, and meditation) that is bounded firmly within a religious, historical, and so cial context (Islam) is replaced with an idea of the sacred that is flexible, personal, and open for interpretation. For 6) and musicians who these are questions that are outside of the larger scope of my research. It appeared to me that those who education. As such, the assumptions leveled against the poor and uneducated were often blanketed to or upper classes, many criticisms were generally accurate, though for socio economic reasons moreso
75 Because of this research, I often carried a aj uj around the old city, earning the title name and the feigned honorific . 17 Yet, if that are bounded within Islamic belief and historical context, the meaning of being herefore depends closely upon these ideas of narrative, yet they are highly negotiable, debatable, and ever changing. As an approach to these negotiations between narratives and ideals, so called ry. Eickelman (1996), Geertz (1971), Rabinow (1977), Crapanzano (1981), Gellner (1983), and other past scholars note certain shared practices between many Moroccans in the activities, the quotidian rituals, that shape public and private life. With increase d urbanization, new educational systems, the increased presence of mass media, the advent of advanced personal telecommunications, the use of the internet, and a host of other facilitators of communication within and across previous local, regional, and na tional boundaries, however, practices have, of course, shifted. Popular culture, changing power structures, and shifting social norms make a drastic impact on what daily life looks like. Tradition, unsurprisingly, takes on new meanings. It, in so many form s, comes under attack from all directions. Conversely, new defenders from throughout society, some more Islamic narrative tity outlined above is one such defense of so called tradition. 17 See Schaefer (2006) for a discussion of his own similar experiences while completing fieldwork. He
76 In the sections that follow, I utilize the contrasting sections of the ceremony to clarify the distance betwee n discursive accounts of Muslim and African . Musicans f rom across t perform both segments in their ritual work, and each one negotiates his individualized position within that terrain by incorporating performance practic es, professi onal values, religious sensibilities, and aesthetic tastes in unique ways. My intent here is to pull apart the discursive and pragmatic forces that influence performative decisions. Contrasting s ources of t authenticity inform individual iteration s processes of self location clear. I argue that i perform ing it are act s of sel f identification that invoke personal history and experience alongside religious ideology and aesthetic taste. By highlighting the differences between the two portions of the ceremony, I do not mean to imply that they are mutually exclusive. It is, however , common for certain groups to prioritize one or the other (the Sufi continuum. For instance, a group that aims to orient and project itself as especially African w ill often accentuate in conversation its virtuosity in performing the profess i onal pre tell the story of 18 18 Artists often highlight the Afro Moroccan elements of their music and repertoire when performing for "non initiated" Moroccans, as it reframes the group alongside Bob Marley, jazz, blues, and, in general, discourses of pan Africanism and diasporic African liberation.
77 n) African History slavery and as Islamic spirituality. Lyrical content, especially, has become a focal point of scholarship as it provides a distinct source of direct referential di scourse in to the past. By explicitly noting transcribed lyrics and analyzing them with an eye for places, peoples, and languages from sub Saharan Africa, scholars construct a defense for the s the place of slavery. Ch ouki e l Hamel, an the blues in America (2008). He identifies moments in songs that, like the blues, maintain a collective memory. They create a repository that direct ly connects a alongside African American musical traditions appears throughout journalistic that are unfamiliar with the histories of Morocco, sub Saharan Africa, or Islam. P romotional writing and scholarship frequently note the parallel between African and American slavery. For example, el Hamel notes that there are a number of songs, dances, the means to access the spiritual realm" (2008: 244). He references the lyrics of "Lalla Yamma" (Lady Mother), which call out to specific ethnicities as the Lady Mother. There are term for the Sudan or Sahel, the region spanning from modern day Sudan to Mauritania), and the Hawsawi (the Hausa, also of Niger). Specific calls to these four regions, la nguage groups, or ethnicities occur throughout the opening segment
78 spirits are even categorized together by many artists as "al aw awiyyin," those from Hausaland. 19 Their histories, though, are imprecise, a s is the geographic knowledge of s who use the terms. The uses of Fula ni, Bambara, Sudani, and Hausa all came, but they also illuminate the storied aspects of su ch a performed discourse. Taken together, references to these four groups suggest the sub Saharan origins of the unknown past dislodged from the specific geographic loca tion of their referents. again in order to firmly buttress this trans Saharan link. For instance, Abd ar Rzaq told me of a trip he had taken to Mali for a festival. Wh en he performe d "Vangara Vangara," the Bambara speakers in the audience understood the lyrics. This is one of a handful of songs that contain words whose specific meanings are unknown to the it exists as an artifact from this past. The texts are said to come from sub Saharan Africa, brought to Morocco with the forced migrations, and identify explicit points of historic connection between the "motherland" (as seen in el Hamel's a. At present, the words exist as aural symbols of the past, icons or indexes with little semantic meaning. Some are names of unknown places or individuals, others are simply interjections. "Vangara" is a close ords phonetically, and while he could not recount to me the exact lyrics that were understood (or what his sub Saharan listeners 19
79 said they meant), the importance of the story was that, first, they were understood by non tion, these lyrics demonstrate a common Saharan communities. Many such tales exist, and performers pass them around frequently, almost as if to reaffirm historic linkages. These linguistic vestiges, along with the naming of ethnic groups and particularly Saharan Africa, and by association , to the history of tra ns Saharan slavery, are f Bambara ). Again, B ambara is taken generically as either the entire Sahel region 20 or the spiritual deity B ambara , are the descendants of a lineage that links directly back to that region. Most of the explicit this portion of the ceremony. ectly perform their history as sub Saharan Africans. Not only do lyrics contain these explicit images of migration, yearning to return (E l Hamel 2008:247 8), and inequality (Fuson 2009:281), dances enact the same ortion of the event provides an opportunity for the performers to emphasize their training, it features acrobatics, difficult synchronization of rhythmic clapping or foot stomping, and demonstrative choreography. The acrobatics include spins, jumps, and du cking in pairs or groups, all 20 The Sahel refers to the region south of North Africa but still north of West or Central Africa. The term generally connotes countries that are within the Sahara, including parts of Mauritania, Mali, Niger, Chad, and the Sudan. Mali and Niger are the most often their ancestries or the origins of the spirits who appear in the ritual.
80 in specific orientation with the music coming from the aj uj. The synchronized clapping, and barefoot stomping on the tile floor, borders on the acrobatic, as individual dancers, pairs, or groups will step out in front of the line of dancers in order to mirror the virtuosic rhythms of the aj uj through what Fuson calls "co enunciation" (2009). Dancers continue to mime narratives of slavery with symbolic gestures of carrying guns and working fields. Through dance , they perform a history of forced work in the fields or military servitude when these elements were added to the performance segment , or when various performance practices codified into their curre nt form. Yet el Hamel's comment that these songs, dances, and chants "are claimed and common misconception and stereotype : one that, I argue, adjusts the fundamental roles p by definition, not part of the trance. Fuson's study of wa from the region around Marrakech, describes the fr ja as occurring before and remain outside of the ceremon y itself. The musicians begin inside the ritual space with these songs and dances before moving outside for the procession (dakhla) that opens the spirit possession portion of . His description of the entertainment segment of the event gives it a "ritual goal" that has little to do with the "spiritual realm," as its purpose is to allow for the demonstration of the profess i onalism of the musician dancers. Even in ritual ceremony (after the procession), it is not part of a concerted effort to bring spirits. Its role is one of welcoming, inviting spirits and saints to the gathering, sanctifying the ra la, the tiled or
81 dirt floor that will hos t the coming possession t rances . 21 in my experience, this is far removed from the songs that "access the spiritual realm." Their purpose is distinct and the musical content, both aural and textual, differs as a result. Deborah Kapchan quotes Viviana PÃ¢ques, writing that: Today not all Gna wa have a history in slavery (d ue to apprenticeships by non Gna wa), yet this part of their past remains prominent in representations by scholars (PÃ¢ques 1991), music producer s , and only sometimes by the Gna wa themselves. Foregrounding the history of Gna wa slavery links them to the larger African diaspora... Of course one is never actually liber ated of or by the spirits in Gna wa ceremonies, as the spirits are permanent inhabitants of their hosts. In the spiraling of tagnawit into the world music market, however, trance is represented more as a medium of liberation than a symbol of possession. (2007:23) This perceived liberation that is so often linked to the notion of tr ance by outsiders among pa rticipants that could be interpreted as liberation evening (Feriali 2009:87), but this falls closer in line with a metaphor of cooperation. As Kapchan argues here, the liberation via trance that ap pears in world music with slavery and the African diaspo ra, tying the performance to the larger world of internationally distributed commercial musical products , a line of inquiry that her research follows closely . W hat Kapchan also notes is the importance of the trance, or at least the idea of trance, in public performance contexts . As I mentioned above, a number of artists use songs that are explicitly linked 21 use carpets on the floor and lean against the wall.
82 non ritual public performance. While slavery and the profess i addresses the spirits directly and invo kes trance . It is here that songs access another realm as, instead of unilaterally welcoming spirits to a space, they form a complex of interaction between the musicians (usually id j performer ), the trancer (who is entering an experience of possession via groove), and the spirit (see Figure 2 3 ). Figure 2 3. Directions of int Different segments of the ceremony, different aural components of the sound of the event, different texts, behaviors, and practices all direct the attention of the m usicians, audiences, participants, detractors, and scholars toward the representation of "Africa." T he continent is made present, enacted through the arts and healing practices, even embedded into these sounded practices. The performance is of a remembered "Africa," what Jankowsky refers to as "the idea of Africa" (2010:199). In his book on the S tembali of Tunisia, a population that shares a number of characteristics and th eology that connect those in Tunisia to possible historical ancestors, groups in
83 sub Saharan Africa (mostly the Sahel region) who partake in similar activities today. He orients the S tembali as "African" by linking them with past and present relatives, cre ating a sort of family tree based upon ritual practices and linguistic relationships. solidify these networks of performed culture through the clear and precise review of recent eth nographic literature that Jankowsky provides. The vast majority of his S tembeli, and a replication of analysis is not my aim here. What is more intriguing, and more important within Morocco (and within i nternational world music economic systems) is the performance or presentation of th e idea of Africa , African history, African religion , and the slave trade. Here I wish to u nderscore ways in which the performance relates to the self Islam. There is a wealth o f scholarship on the commercialization and commercial Kapchan 2007, Sum 2010), and economics certainly comprise a powerful influence on any musician's self representation. H ere, though, I hope to outline domestic concerns. While I reference commercial "temptations" like money and fame, I see these forces as local, opportunities that have an impact on individual artists' lives. Instead of looking globally, I hope to emphasize the locality of these decisions, these representations, and the ways in which the opportunities presented to a few musicians might have an effect s.
84 Similar ly, my interest in th e presentation of "African ness " is useful when one intentional economic strategy, in international festivals for non Muslim audiences or even in presentations for middle class Moroc can youth, for example. It can also be part own po sition as "mainstream" Muslims by saying things like "that isn't real Islam." In both senses, this imagined Africa p lays a central role in defining and redefining both the "mainstream" Islam in Morocco is largely aligned with its African ness and, depending or to which historical narrative they subscribe, practice to a demonstration of the extent to which unbelievers twist the religion itself. The question itself becomes a proxy for the place of outside influence within Islamic practice, with the idea of Africa taking the role of either innovator or corruptor. music echo criticism against African American music during various moments in that tradition's history: it is overly (and overtly) sexual or powerful, overcoming the body in some supernatural way . It is toward contentious questions of the between music and th e body, questions of changing performance practice that highlight , that I now turn. The Contentious Novelty of Spectacle La ti f (Figure 2 4 ) sits with me in his small home in Marrakech. The thin door opens from the busy street into a steep stairwell, which winds up to a tiny room. There is a refrigerator halfway up the next stairway, blankets on the floor, and a
85 television high up on a dresser. A stereo with a pile of CDs and cassettes sits on the opp ti of an older generation, who wears sleeve. He answers questions in paragraphs, leading himself in new directions as he responds, forcing others in the room to grasp on as he weaves back to the same topics after each question. There is a dramatic passion in his speech and stories. Figure 2 Latif in Marrakech taken from promotional material. La ti f is one of the old masters that claims to have taught many of the most s throughout Morocco. Yet his concern, his vehement and recurring diatribe, is that they move on too quickly, they neglect the years of work with master
86 musicians that used to be a requirement. Instead, he says, they learn a few songs with the intention of moving to Casablanca as quickly as possible. Casablanca, the home of Morocco's recording industry, represents an opportunity in the eyes of many aspiring musicia ns. It is a place where one goes in order to record, to achieve success in the recording industry. They chase fame, money, women, drugs, and the other expected trappings of music stardom. To others, Casablanca is a place where the art of the to commercial popular music, falling into a two dimensional marketable commodity. The criticism from La , centers on the commercial nature of you nger musicians . When young attempt to learn for the sake of going to Casablanca, they make changes, slight adjustments, which make their music more widely accessible or exotically interesting. 22 The change, according to Mulay at Tahir (the fisherman introduced above) and La ti s attempted to monetize their knowledge and abilities, making what was once an occasional ceremony for the dispersion of blessing (baraka) and prayerful enchantment into an occupation. It is likely that there was a ceremony each year, every adept had to host one event each year in order to receive the baraka of their possessing saint. What caused this change remains unclear, but it, along with a moment in which these helpful saints became possessing spirits, led to a 22 The following chapter follows this change as it opened a space for commercial success and virtuosity to
87 series of adjustments that, as they gathered momentum, made the business of being a As s began to fight for clients. Continuing with the narrative of a t Tahir and al Latif spectacle and marketing reasons. This, they say, is the point at which outrageous acts of possession entered into the event. In order to prove their adeptness and power over the spirits an s would act out extravagantly performed trances. Suddenly, Sidi Mimun , they were drinking boiling water straight from the kettle or pouring hot wax from b undles of lit candles onto their naked backs. Furthermore, they did so as self identified Africans, claiming an exotic power and control over these mysterious and magical spirits from their ancient homeland, sub Saharan Africa. While I struggled to get a complete account of the history of change from these older men (something that indeed warrants further research), Mulay a t Tah ir in particular emphasized how certain spirits were individuals: they were living, breathing men, from Morocco, who lived holy li ves and, especially in death, gained an inordinate amount of baraka. Known for their generosity and altruism, they heard the prayers of this sense, they epitomize the idea of the local saint described by Eickelman (1976) and Geertz (1971). Small shrines to men of this stature dot the countryside. The two that he emphasized during our conversation were Sidi Mimun and Sidi Hamu . These two are
88 Mimun , according to a t Tah ir, was a generous physician who wandered the countryside administering remedies to the ill. Hamu , a butcher, was a similarly magnanimous member of the community, helping to feed the poor. Now, however, most consider both to be spirits hungering for sacrificial acts, demanding actual animal sacrifices from their adepts, and causing them to, when in trance, fiercely self mutilate. Sidi Hamu , due to his history as a butcher, is now acco mpanied in the ritual by the color red, and occasionally with large amounts of blood (to the point where some drink the sacrificial blood during the possession). The outpouring of kindness that, according to a t Tah ir, defined the lives of these individuals has shifted drastically, creating savage spirits, said Africa This emphasis on self highlighted a s descendants of African slaves, a specific power over those African spirits. As Bertrand Hell writes: creation where the genies reign. They are in fact and in essence marginals playing the game of the strang e stranger (in the double sense 23 that is contained in the Arabic term gharib). licit. Marked by a fundamental ambiguity, they are believed to be tr ansgressors who can handle blood with impunity and can control the most dangerous of forces. Embodying a "troubling strangeness," these descendants of black slaves see themselves as invested 23 (alien) and as bizarre or weird.
89 with the most powerful supernatural powers (Hell 1999:160, quoted and translated in Fuson 2009). tside the tradition. Someone with a condition that requires assistance from the spirit world knows that they that can be explicitly different than that of the Sufis, as they have the optio n, provided by the African operate outside of the standard s of Islamic spirituality. While terms, as Africans and in the night. They enter into the depths of the spiritual world and come out victorious, successfully negotiating the darkest of the unseen alongside ( and on behalf of) their clients . 24 El Hamel, continuing through his historical stud connection with the divine, songs instead contain issues of displacement, dispossession, depravation, misery, nostalgia for a land and a fo aims for al al, the condition of divine connection. Such representations , from el Hamel or Bertrand Hell, take this dominant narrative at its word and rarely describe 24 e that these spirits Muslim myself, I do believe that these spirits exist and play a signific presence at ceremonies as well as extensive conversations with those who profess transcendent and transformative experiences.
90 as members of the Islamic community. In doing so, they neglect the strategies used by performers in orienting their identity as they push into the background the lived ers (ma Many G s interact with specific Islamic practices in such a way that embeds their performance with a vividly M without being Muslim, there are others who disagree vehemently. These ideologies have always been and continue to be discursive. There are those from various levels of Moroccan society that as illicit and Satanic. There are others who divide the practice from Islam in an attempt to maintain its acceptability: if it is a healing practice, not worship, then it simply exist s in another sphere and does not conflict with Islam. Many self permeates the ritual. My aim here is to outline some of the prominent points of evidence us ed by those who read through a lens of Islamic authenticity. In doing so, I extract certain debates surrounding the Islamic character of the theology and ritual as examples of discourses that I heard during the conversations that comprised my field work. these spiritual figures, or sets of spiritual figures, were at once the focal point of t he ritual and the target of external criticism. The debates revolve around two general
91 perspectives. First, the common assertion from non the educated middle class with backgrounds in reformist movements, was that these s pirits were jinn s. Mentioned in the Quran, a jinn is a spirit of dubious intent, either a worshipper of Allah or Satan. By elevating these spirits, making them the subjects of ese ancestry and force their human possessions to drink boiling water, cut themselves wi th knives, or run hot wax across their bodies give ample evidence to the idea that the Scholars, especially Moroccans, who these perspectives also they flatten some scholarly pursuits by firmly staking out a theological opinion as to the ontology of spiritual actors, an ontology that is not only unknown, but is well beyond our human ability to understand and defend. I believe that, by declar ing demons or saints as a starting point for research, I would miss the dynami c social, theological, and musical perspectives that enter into the creation and definition of . Islam A i s sawa and amadsha frequently hear similar critiques . Yet, with the G have an additional element: a racially charged
92 tone. M targeted look into the historical and social forces at play. the concrete relationships enacted through the supernatural ability to overtake consciousness (Kapchan 2007:18). The internal perspective, however, allows for the associated spirits to be either good or bad, or, rather, to act for the benefit or harm of the possessed individual. Thus, the pu rpose of the event, and the focal point of the these relationships. larger forces of good and evil, though cer to prophetic lineage or menacing intimidation. Just because the spirit is of a holy lineage does not mean that it acts exclusively out of benevolence. Finally, an actual taxonomy of who and what these s pirits are, according to the s is quite difficult as there is no consistent agreed upon standard. For some, there are eleven spirits, for others, there are eleven groups of spirits. The number eleven, seven male and four female, is not consistent ei ther. The female spirits (or groups of spirits) vary by region or even between individual rituals appears in many rituals in Fez, for example, yet she rarely joins a ritual or maintains a relationship with people elsewhere in the country. N ames and identities are similarly
93 never clear, or better put as never co nsistent, if the three songs spoke to three spirits or the three songs spoke to different characteristics of the same spirit. number of further interesting considerations that I will outline in the following chapter. While many of thes e certain practitioners hold that there is a distinction While the j the disembodied spirits that appear in the Quran, wliya were living saints . M any of those who lived or died in Morocco have shrines or tombs across the country . , or a prophet. Generally speaking, prophets appeared in the Quran and they cease after Mohammed, who was the seal of t he prophets. They provide the religious community with the words and Realm of the Saint (1998) outlines thematic consis educated, urban while others were poor, healers, rural, hermits. Most crossed through overarching categories and navigated their own ways through the pressures of contemporaneous societies in efforts to embody the virtues laid out by their faith. each is known for h is or her general character. The are descendants of the Prophet Mohammed. They are therefore noble, wear white, and
94 beha viors and ritual practices. Al k u l spirits (led by Sidi Mimun ), for example, wear black and are powerful and dangerous. When possessed, their adepts use a knife, Fez, is owned by one of the al k u l spirits, and held his arm in front of me to show the long series of deep scars along the length of his forearm. Lalla Malika the only point where those who are not possessed join in, p articipating alongside those who are. The other figures are similarly known by their characteristics and those behaviors of their adepts. Recognizing the behaviors and fostering the presence of a spirit is one of the foremost responsibilities of the muqadd necessary for the proper unfolding of the ceremony. The colors manifest in the clothing worn by individuals who hope or intend to become possessed over the course of the evening. They also match colored scarves provided by the muqaddama as the event progresses. In contemporary practice, a host would maintain one such relationship, but most events that I have seen the host would leave the room aft er each trance, returning with a new jallaba (clothing) in the color of the following spirit. She (most hosts and afflicted are women) would then enter into a s that this practice of tranc ing for each spirit is a recent trend. In the past, each person attending a ceremony may have a spirit, but such a relationship was not a requirement for participation in the ceremony. Those who were
95 ally through clapping and some chanting. They also have the option of assisting in simple tasks including the distribution of food, chairs, or tending to the entrance (to keep out members of the public who may not be welcome. Those who have a relationship with the spirits maintain similar roles throughout, until the music begins for their spirit and they begin to fall into the trance state. Table 2 1 outlines the collection of spirits and the their order through the This is a skeletal overview since, as conversations with s demonstrated, the order and contents of the ceremony are not strict. There is a vast difference between how the progression of events deals with the male spirits and the femal e sprits. With both sets, it is not always clear as to the existence of one definitive spirit or a group of supernatural beings that fall into a category. Therefore, Sidi Musa might be the Moses . It may also be a group of spirits that claims dependence upon or ancestry from that figure. Furthermore, he may be conceived as neither as many view him as the spirit of an individual Moroccan saint who lived near the water. (In this case, he is linked with a shrine on the Atlantic coast o is not totally set but rather provide s The appearance of these male spirits is strictly ordered . The specific order however, varies from one regio n to another in Morocco . As can be seen by the various descriptions of the ritual ceremony that appear in scholarship completed throughout the rituals progress differently th an those in Marrakech or Essaouira ( see Table 6 1 ). The
96 chain of songs, colors, and scents, therefore, adjust according to the coming and going by those who reside in o s in Fez note that they enclose the entirety of the ceremony within the ritual instead of conceptualizing allowing the m to claim a greater spiritual authenticity that lines up with their city, posit s the city more firmly, though performance, as the authentic geographic center of this sub Saharan African tradition. The female spirits, unlike the male, are not strictly ordered. Furthermore, the inclusion of specific female spirits is not completely nec country, the set of female spirits that appear in any given ritual is the result of local negotiation. Certain cities have relationships with spec ific female figure s often include La old city. A host might have a relationship with a specific spirit that he or she can request ahead of time. Or certain participants may simply enjoy the music associated with one of the women, requesting their inclusion in the ceremony. The order of these spirits is therefore inconsistent, but the four in Table 2 1 appear as l isted in most ceremonies in Fez . Through this s identify in a
97 continuum between African and Muslim / Sufi forms of authenticity. These strategically defined authenticities l end authority to the performer and validity to the practices within larger spheres of societal networks, leading to the constr uction and performance of t. The elements of history, theology, and performance practice that contribute to the variety of c experiences that inform the ways in which performers and audiences engage with music in the post independence industrial circulations of music and ideas in Morocco . The African contribut ion t continue s to grow from a strong sense of tradition based in Marrakech and Essaouira. These two cities, as major slave markets of past eras, provide a geographical way to embed the history of slavery (and therefore, of diaspora and African li neage) into the music, ritual, and religious identity. As contemporaneous slave owners successfully broke familial and social ties between s and their ancestry are often created, imagined, or extrapolated fr om very specific identifiabl al Kebir Marsha n, a prominent performer in Marrakech, locates his connection with an African past through his upbringing. Though he is not identifiably dark skinned, he had a black nanny as a child, one who breastfed him. This physical transfer, and the stories she t t based upon a sub Saharan authenticity. Thus, a sub Saharan li neage t is not restricted to those of a racialized physical phenotype o Aziz wuld Ba Bla n, an s known n, borrowing the English language descriptor. He is . H is age and knowledge
98 of a specific set of repertoire, along with his dark skin color, lend him both authenticity and a uthority leading to t derived from a combinati on of lineage, personal history, knowledge, and experience. The moment during which the ashiyya ceremony in Meknes came to a pause during the and the call to prayer drifted through th e window highlights the primacy of an Islamic identity within the prioritize their varies drastically between participants, but the vast majority of practitioners and audiences self identify foremost as Muslims. There appear to be two prominent perspectives taken by most listeners and practitioners , while is not explicitly Muslim, involves participant s who are Muslim. It continues, therefore, that certain Islamic elements make their way into the music and ritual because of these shared experiences and beliefs between (almost) all involved. Often, Saharan practic e imported over history note this type of relationship between practice and faith. t rajectory makes the ritual practi ce more exclusive non Muslims are non believers when it come it remains welcoming to outsiders. I have been welcomed into a number of rituals, observing them as a visiting outsider. In this way , I sit alongside (literally and figuratively) a number of non there to enjoy the music and observe the ritual progression as interested participants,
99 but not as group, clapping and singing the choral responses. If I were to spend more time, I am told, I would be welcome to join the group in a more defined role that would include the dress, ip with the performers, that of an insider, orients my relationship with the ritual participants, that of an outsider. Even as a non Muslim, however, I am welcome to participate in a number of intimate ways. The same applies for friends of the hosts or per formers, even neighbors. There is a space within the ritual setting that allows for Muslim non non Muslims, and full believers to sit together and appreciate the experience through In the following chapter , I outl ine some of the many performative strategies used s to ful t alongside a novel marker of ritual authority and a uthenticity: commercial success, virtuosity, and innovation brought about by the incorporation of popula r music aesthetics . I explore the influence of the music and the ways in which these developments in popular culture, in turn, affect the relationship between listeners, ade pts, and performers in ritual settings.
100 Table 2 Rzaq and as they generally appear in Fez. Mluk Color Description and prominent figures Al These first seven sets are primarily male White Qadr Jilani Al Black Powerful, often self mutilating, Sidi Mimun, Ghumami Sidi Musa Blue Use of water during possession, including a dance while one of the on his head, refers to either a saint enshrined in SalÃ© or the Moses who parted the Red Sea Sidi Hamu Red Butcher, red drink passed around the room and consumed by those in attendance Buhala Multicolored Wears a patchw ork jilaba known as a darbala, Mulay Ibrahim Green beads and recites verses from the holy book, refers to either a local saint from near Marrakech or the Abraham who was willing to sacrifice his son Isaac Al Brown Unknown spirits from the forest, slower, more powerful and secretive than most of the others, trancing adepts may hold candles close to their faces and clothing Al The f inal spirits are primarily female and much more interchangeable than those listed above . The four Lalla Malika Purple Loves to dance, wealthy, the only point in the ritual where non trancing members of the audience rise and dance along with those who are possessed Lalla Rqiya Brown Not commonly included outside of Fez Lalla Mira Yellow Appears in ritual across the country Black The most powerful of the female spirits, includes music adapted off for the trance
101 Table 2 2. Chart of the differences in the progression of the ri tual ceremony in Fez and Marrakech . In Marrakech In Fez Ritual goal: Demonstrate professionalism Process into the home Access: Public Public Audience role: Watching, clapping Spectators (following procession) Space: In the home In the street Ritual goal: Process into the home Sanctify the space Access: Public Private Audience role: Spectators (following procession) Watching, clapping Space: In the street In the home Ritual goal: Possession Ritual goal: Access: Private Private Audience role: Trancing, watching, clapping Trancing, watching, clapping Space: In the home In the home
102 CHAPTER 3 Spiritual sounds and beliefs percolate into popular culture, quickly engaging the conflated sounds and specific aesthetic and Islamic values through performance, aurally joining sub Saharan and Sufi rituals, their sound became a malleable part of the Moroccan popular culture industries. In this chapter, I illuminate how artists, both fr om spiritual beliefs, demarcating novel boundaries for publicly articulated Muslim values. As many changes as well, thanks in part to the shifting aesthetic tastes of audiences and performers. In the following pages, I locate ways in which audience demands influenc e hat truly blurs boundaries between the ritual and entertainment settings. These ethnographic contexts demonstrate the interrelationships and overlaps that obfuscate boundaries of sacred and secular in the musical world of these listeners and performers. In doing so, comes with virtuosity, commercial success, and an ability to adjust musical and ritual content to effectively match audience expectations and taste.
103 Popular M usic and Public Piety Public performances of diverse and previously marginalized sacred ritual practices have widened the bounds of what constitutes proper public Islamic piety in Morocco. This has been the result of an intentional top down cultural projec t led by the monarchy since independence in 1956, and grew out of French attempts at negotiating political power during the colonial period. The project has not simply led to a more tolerant population, however, as it has given fuel to the rise of conserva tive reactionaries within the debate about appropriate public (and private) behavior. While larger processes and communities are obviously at play in such debates, here I focus Jonathan Shannon uses the metaphor of improvisation to describe the ways in which practitioners of Syrian tarab play with intellectual and economic capital to navigate the local challenges and opportunities of modernity, recognizing the importance of the global distribution of material and ideas, while providing a nuanced bounds of Islam. Names, places, language, holy figures, histories, stories, prayers, songs, and dre ss, for example, all inform everyday experience through what could be and other ma rginal brotherhoods become more conspicuous and celebrated, more diverse artists draw upon their music. Fans and detractors alike publically debate these changing markers of public piety. This improvised negotiation of aural aesthetic signs constantly proc esses significant ethical tastes, as heterogeneous communities engage this modernity.
104 Early Collaboration and B orrowing: Nass al Ghiwane industry that has changed dramatically sin ce independence. In 1956, the Moroccan recording industry became a collection of disconnected regional networks after the institution of new legal business ownership structures (Callen 2006). Musical genres that thrived in one part of the country were virt ually unknown elsewhere, systematically reinforcing the fractured aesthetic tastes of the new nation. The 1970s, however, saw the rise of a new generation of bands exemplifying changing aesthetic trends: Nass al ining stylistic attributes from various sacred and secular musical traditions across the country, they assembled the beginnings of a nationally resonant popular music. Nass al Ghiwane, in particular, became foundational for changes in the perception of Gn Abd ar Rahman Kirouche, known as Paco, came from a with a new focus and dramatically changed their sound. They began to perform aj sound, a low bass, contributed a feeling of weight to the ensemble sound that enhanced the perceived depth of Nass al Ghiwane's music. The importance of these 1970s era bands cannot be overestimated, as they al , amadsha Aissawa into pop recognized Moroccan musical practice. While there are similar populations with comparable musical -
105 d a much wider variety of musical borrowings into the national popular music frame. musicians domestically and internationally, I will focus on two specific projects that depict demonstrates a significant shift in public expression of Islam in Morocco. Enjoying the sound of the outside of the bounds of mainstream Islamic piety as it once did. Instead, it allows for breadth of pious performance techniques and aesthetics, many of which inform the strategies t hat s use in studios and on stages. This gives fodder to certain conservative audiences for whom these aesthetic and ethic links continue, and brings the debate about public piety into public spaces. Abd al Hadi bil Khiyat: "Ya " Hadi bil Khaya t , tells the story of unrequited love, as the 1 He invokes ritual paraphernalia and begs for assistance from a spirit who ignores his calls despite his intentions and attention. Mu sically, the song is a departure from bil Khayat influenced style. As an 2 player who studied and performed in Cairo for much of his early 1 The performance described was broadcast on the Maghrabi a television station. Many versions have been published on YouTube and elsewhere, though the highest quality video and audio recording at the time of this writing can be found at https://www.youtu be.com/watch?v=c_fJx2Emkg4 . 2 Andalusian tradition and eastern (Egyptian, Syrian) musical genres. It has 6 courses of doubled strings, though the lowest generally is a single string. See the photo in Figure 3 1.
106 of Egypt audiences, and his listeners are much less likely to fit the young revolutionary Biographical narratives about bil Kh aya t bil Khayat completed the pilgrimage to Mecca and quit music. He refocused his life and passion on his Muslim faith and decided to cease performing. A t the request of the previous king, Hassan II, he returned to his career, but with a newfound ethical focus. The fact that this song was problematic for conservative audienc es and performers as they once were. Figure 3 1. Bil
107 (right). Photo from a televised performance on al Maghribiyya. In the song, bil Khayat maintains his classical ensemble, but adds two string instruments (Figure 3 1). One, the aj uj , directly reflects hi s desire to incorporate the sound a Berber lo ar , which aurally cites other Moroccan popular folk music genres and the sound of the amadsha , another marginalized ritual brotherhood active throughout the Qadr of Rabat, who played the aj uj in the debut performance, explained to me that they were taught their parts to the song orally by rote over the course of the week preceding the staged performance. This was not a collaborative project, and even though was present, his aesthetic input was not requested. The aj uj and lo ar accompaniment pattern dividing a 6/8 into twos and threes. The vocal melody refocuses on major with a simple modulation (Figure 3 2). Figure 3 with note stems pointed up, string melody has note stems pointed down. bil Kha yat utilizes much of the language of or about the
108 rcling me, smoke burning my eyes, and the fire all around startling connection for a conservative religious singer whose standard elite and educated audience often disregards degradation of Islamic belief. Figure 3 ensemble, standing) and a dancer mim icking trance motions (wearing grey). Photo from a televised performance. Photo is a screen shot taken by the Mohammed Sousi' s Fes Festival of Sacred Music P erformance A second example is from a performance that occurred during the Fez Sacred Music Festival in 2011. Mohammed Sousi, a singer who specializes in Mal to create the first ever Mal form of sun g poetry that emphasizes long texts over repetitive musical accompaniment. There are only about 30 common melodic settings for new and old poems. Introducing a innovation within the tradition. This is more striking given that M al city of Fez, is linked to Islamic piety in even the most secular of love poems. While
109 instrumental accompaniment and poetic style makes this less explicitly devotional than other genres , 3 most poems praise Allah and the prophet, often culminating in a rise of excitement that evokes the aural climax of local Sufi ceremonies. The use of instruments from various religious traditions aurally couple these musi cs. ensemble and had one of the older members of his group get up and dance (Figure 3 3). 4 The musical content is based almost exclusively on the major pentatonic with a call and response form that quickens as the piece moves forward, showing that his and bil Khayat similar (Figure 3 4). This repetitive melody is simpler than that of bil Khayat . Perhaps mos Mal piece for Figure 3 4. Pentatonic violin and vocal melody used in Mohammed 3 upcom ing dissertation for an examination of these two genres in Fez. 4 have been uploaded to YouTube. The highest quality audio and video at the time of this wr iting can be found at https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=n8y3ojsBcJ8 . In the opening, the emcee announces this
110 Ritual and Entertainment in Pilgrimage through the popular music industry, audiences took note and began requesting sim ilar cross the clients who hire musicians and the listeners who populate the ritual c eremony saw an increase in influence over the ritual content. Musicians honored their requests of songs in styles borrowed from popular music or other brotherhoods unrelated to the families view the performance as a sort of entertainment while clients or possessed invitees may enter trance at some points. This confluence of entertainment and healing ritual drastically changes the pressures on the musicians and the music, as th e performers must now cater to two very different, yet overlapping, listening audiences. Those who are especially adept at navigating these pressures gain prestige and, due to the effectiveness of their ability to connect with ritual participants in both e ntertaining that a new type of virtuosity measured in fame, popularity, and adeptness at negotiating audience expectations in this new milieu rises alongside Islamic piety and African heritage to form authority within economic, social, and musical circles. To more fully explore how this occurs, I introduce ethnographic material taken imp ortance for understanding this process, I explore how the pilgrimage demonstrates a musical aesthetics. Just as was the case with the popular music industry as described
111 above, personal ethics and pious activity play a major role in the negotiation of these an instance of surprising and creative musical and contextual fusion as aesthetics are borrowed and re borrowed, emphasizing the nuances complexity of these overlapping aesthetics. Sidi Ali, a small Moroccan mountain town north of Meknes, hosts an annual pilgrimage attracting ritual performers and popular musicians. Setting up makeshift ven ues in tents, rented apartments, and half finished basements, adepts from a variety of semi marginalized traditions participate in ritual healing. Various types of music and dance animate the events, which are usuall y open to anyone interested in watching. Interspersed between the makeshift rituals are equally temporary non ritual popular music venues. An unfinished second floor between two taller buildings operates as a nightclub with a large tarp strewn across the gap, long and tangled extension cords sus pended mid air, and an ear piercingly loud stereo. When I witnessed these pop up nightclubs in 2013 they seem ed almost as pervasive as the sacred activities overpowered by their speakers .
112 Figure 3 5. Tarps covering the cavern that serves as the home and veneration site for The pilgrimage orients around a pair of holy sites borne from the history of the Ra him al , a prominent amadsha leader , described Hamdu sh to me in the following manner. Sidi a student in Fez during the 17 th century when he fell into a n ecstatic trance and became Sufi. He left Fez and walked to the site of the current town where he settled near a sprin g and began to incessantly recite prayers , tying his hair to a tree so he could not fall asleep . Sidi A h med Dghughi, a professed thief, came to him and entered Sufi life . Eventually, the master sent Dghughi to West Africa to see a king , who presented the t raveler with as a gift Upon his .
113 famous until she suddenly disappeared. Her cavern (Figure 3 5) just downhill from Sidi nd shrine (Figure 3 6) became a place where one could bring a sacrifice, light candles, and be healed. These two points constitute the main pilgrimages to Sidi during the festival, which follows Figure 3 6 Hamdush. Photo courtesy of the author. The loudest ritual events during the festival time are by troupes of amadsha musicians ( Object D 2 , Figure 3 7). These troupes play music from the climax of their ritual as they process for up to an hour and a half through town. The start and stop walk through the winding markets gives leaders an opportunity to chant blessings in ex wa, whose music and ritual
114 work diffe rs greatly from the amadsha, orient their shorter descents toward cavern (Figure 3 8) . Individual families or small groups bring gifts of food, milk, meat, and candles to the spirit. representatives, get twisted up, crossing paths in the main square, in the small dirt paths between the sites, or when squeezing through the tight market areas that line the two routes . Figure 3 tomb. Photos courtesy of the author. pay for musicians, paraphernalia, and sacrificial animals. Each tradition follows its own practices, but in all cases the events occur in space s that fail Walking past these tents, dirt patches, unfinished concrete buildings , or rented out apartments, therefore, allows a non participatory listener into these sacred sounds as
115 they dovetail against one another , prefi guring musical interactions that I describe below. In many, but not all, cases a casual uninvited listener can enter a ritual to trance or spectate . T his confluence of ritual participation and entertainment a model for savvy practitioners of other traditions like the amadsha who seek similar later. Figure 3 8. Image the author. Ritual E ntertainment Here, I describe three controversial aesthetic interactions between popular and ritual music that fuel this and similar claims of ethical appropriateness or
116 i . a region of the country ar ound Casablanca. Long a, a type of regional popular music, the region became synonymous with upbeat dance songs. As the recording industry expanded from a localize melodies and comple adapte for a section of the ritual dedicated to dancing female spirits (Figure 3 9) . Figure 3 before the onset of mar Instruments are now tuned tighter, vocals a re higher in pitch range, and vocal melodies are increasingly independent of instrumental accompaniment. Audiences celebrate and reward improvisation and virtuosity through larger monetary gifts in ritual, concert attendance, or the purchase of MP3 and CD recordings. Those who disapproved of these shifts increasingly claimed that ritual leaders became performers in a spectacle. Such musical changes demonstrate that musicians were beginning to view listeners more broadly, looking beyond ritual participants a nd searching for new audiences and new economies of sacred music. On a smaller scale, they became more willing to
117 present themselves as entertainers for those present in ritual who were not trancing, not possessed, and not in need of healing. Borrowing Songs and S pirits The pilgrimage is historically a beginning to attend in the mid 19 70s. 5 In these close quarters, audiences mingle and influences interact , leading to songs and spirits filtering between ritual p ractices . a powerful song that ends ceremonies , entered the repertoire when an audience member requested that ritual leader from nearby Meknes named Sidi Omar perform a amadsha poem during a ritual. He did not know all the text and only n al d , which quickly became the famous ( Object D 3 ) . Distinctly non First, it is in a loose fi ve stroke meter, not the standard four . could not play the difficult 5 . 6 Second, the melodic content is based firmly within a amadsha scale, unl formula. a madsha, a group experiencing few of the commercial opportunities seen by the G in recent decades , reacts in turn as ritual leaders from that tradition, most Abd ar amadsha tune alongside famous amadsha verses, but had 5 6 in Figure 5 13.
118 playing the song. He uses every performance, even those in ritual settings, as a circum stance in which he can follow the model of making the sacred entertaining, of performing for the aesthetic pleasure of his audience. As the history of the song makes clear, the attempt to appease an audience member request of a song from a different tra dition turned into an integral part of ritual because audiences found it powerful and compelling . Its incorporation led to a novel climactic ending of the ritual , during which the lights are put out (as seen in this photo) and most women in the room enter into noisy, simultaneous trance . Not only did the amadsha, they borrowed the spirit amadsha leader adapted to align with public taste and forward his career. Fusing Context and C ontent One Sunday even friend from n earby Fez named Yassine . After walking past amadsha performances , I heard Amazight music, popular in the interior region of Morocco , c oming from under a large tarp hung over an open space on a street corner . I pulled Yassine back and paid the $2.50 for us to both enter. The group consisted of before, two interchang ing violinists, and the lo ar player whose playing had caught my attention . The bulk of the performance featured the singer inte rjecting between pop songs with improvised comments about men in the audience. She followed the chants by climbing through the g rowing crowd, standing in front of a man, dancing with her belly in his face for a few moments, collecting her small tip, and moving onto someone else . Other women would get up and dance with her, and she wowed the audience with an occasional somersault, l ong dark hair flying through the ai r ( Object D 4 ) .
119 Then the lights and amplifiers went out. A complex web of extension chords was interrupted by a short in a bulb, creating a puzzle akin to finding the dead light on a Christmas tree. During the half hour that it took to find and replace the bulb, the performance took a surprising acoustic turn. In the darkness of the tent, lit only by the flame of a propane tank heating Nescafe, the music gave way to a playful mimicry of the concluding segments of the described earlier . The crowd whispered, some of Casablanca , took the an to play a song abo Senhaji that open the song, firmly connected with a ritual climax ( Object D 5 ) . Yet, the women, especially the lead singer , laugh ed and joke d throughout. They mimed the trance, undoing their hair and swinging it up and down. M en and women mocking the ways in which women trance in ritual punctuated my recordings of t he energet ic close to the short set. Yet other women entered into trance during these pop covers in the dark row as they fell to the ground. m ar performance practice borrowed rhythms f rom these popular genres to accompa ny the Malika songs in ritual and a popular ensemble . Audiences, Listeners, and B eliever s These episodes whether in ritual, under a tented unfinished basement, o r the larger concert halls of the music industry illuminate the democratic nature of these public and semi public spaces. The tastes of audiences push performers of even the
120 Hadi bil character (and characters), other artists choose to avoid doing so. Audiences then have the opportunity to use their attention and money to reward one artist or the o ther, or simply to continue listening to whichever songs from a range of musicians that they find entertaining, relaxing, moving, morally benificial, or otherwise valuable. Deborah Kapchan describes experience of nasha , the energetic pop dance and music, subject (2007) . This shared metaphor speaks to not just the similarities, but to the woman who fel l to the ground while others danced, laughing. I felt the air as alternately heavy with sacred weight and light with dance and humor. The actions of listeners defined the music and context as either a ritual or a concert, individually. Or, better put, they allowed for it to be both, to be open and unbounded, emplacing their own defense against rigidity in religious practice. This pilgrimage serves as one of the many focal points for the playful interactions The innovat ions described above illuminate how audiences compel artists to borrow and toy with diverse musics . In semi open concerts and rituals , participants negotiate the ethics, efficacy, and value of these traditions as both powerful transformative experiences an d entertainment via their active
121 and embodied listening. T hese acts of participation attract both supporters, building communities, and detractors, inciting debates contesting and reifying ethical worldviews. Furthermore, the very public nature of being in these settings makes them an effective marker of how each listener individually navigates his or her own way through the relationship between the everyday and sacred spheres of life . In the following chapter, I move to the economic and social pressures that shape the relationship between musicians and between musicians and audiences. In this way, I continue to explore the process by which popular music aesthetics influence the sound of the ritual. In Chapter 5 I turn toward the musical content itself as I demonstrate the
122 CHAPTER 4 ECONOMICS OF PERFORMANCE The performative decisions outlined in Chapter 3 , and further analyzed in C hapter 5 , are rarely made for strictly ideological or aesthetic reasons. The econo mic whether a , group member, a commercial stage performer, or one of the many who circulate the tou rist and cafe laden streets aligns closely with performative choices. In this chapter , I will outline some common ways in which the presentation of facilitates or hinders professional success in contemporary Morocco. This discussion continues to draw primarily upon my own ethnographic research in Fez. The nuances of t al the general patterns I discuss remain consistent across these regions. While it is easy to consider artists to be working within e ither ritual or commercial spheres, and indeed, much criticism leveled between competing artists utilizes this binary dichotomy engage in some type of commercial activity alongside employment in ritual con texts . Most of these artists compete for a limited number of employment opportunities. Some concentrate on strengthening their reputation as ritual leaders, in turn strategically securing more lucrative middle and upper class istently attempt to grow their name recognition through recordings and festival performances, often eschewing ritual performance opportunities for larger, public gatherings. Yet, even those who primarily enjoy fame through these public contexts must contin ue to lead occasional Qasri, easily the most popular artist in Morocco due in part to the vast catalog of studio recordings
123 and jazz fusion projects to his credit, epitomize s thi s situation. When asked about al s responded with indignation. He records in the studio and no longer runs rituals, they often responded. Yet, when speaking with al Qasri himself, I learned that this was not the case (p.c. 2011). He invited me, twice, to rituals that he was hosting in wealthy subu rbs of Rabat, Morocco's capital . 7 erefore, is reserved for those who are deemed to truly know and understand wiyya). Al Qasri was often referred to as s, emphasizing the widespread belief that he is only a commer cial performer and n ot a practitioner of the As such, the economic and intersect a great deal. Even those artists who avoid commercial performances for the non t engage in the economic sphere, music and ritual are sources of income, potentially supplying a sufficient living wage. Abd ar Rzaq achieved the level of economic stability that allows him to effectively provide for his family between his a workshop. They have a house in the old city of Fez, and he maintains an office in Blida, one of the more traditional quarters, not far from a musical instrument shop owned by his past teacher, Si clients come directly 7 Despite two invitations that demonstrated his desire to show that he was, in fact, a ritual leader, I was unable to attend. I look fo rward to reconnecting with al Qasri during a future research visit, when I can even though the intention of trance is absent. Even during these eve of ritual healing.
124 Rzaq , in his office, and negotiate the terms of a future ritual. 8 He then hires the appropriate number of his most trusted each performer af ter the completion of the event , 9 all owing him to reward those who performed well or completed extra tasks throughout the ritual. He keeps about half of the income for himself. is skill either as a vocalist or an instrumentalist, and artists do not express the interest in making the shift from (as an apprentice) to Abd ar Rzaq explained th e risks inherent in making such a step. As a with one or two specific s , ensuring that they are the first to be called for any performance. Others spend much of thei r time and energy "circling" ( duwwar) the streets, essentially busking for both Moroccan and foreign tourist audiences sitting in cafes. As a professional s, learning the nuances of their personal tastes , styles, and pacing, he is able to demand a larger Furthermore, once a him to busk, nor is it typical for 8 Often clients hire a muqaddima, a woman who runs the practical aspects of the ceremony, to a rrange everything for them. When this is the case, it is the muqaddima who comes to Rzaq to arrange the agreement. The muqaddima, therefore, maintains a significant amount of control in the event and nurtured professional relationships with muqaddima s acr oss the city can provide a great deal of employment for musicians. This role, almost exclusively played by women, is deserving of increased scholarly attention. 9 n the
125 specific circumstances (sharing duties or performing with close friends or family are two s that I have met who continue to busk are those who are criticized by others f or not completing their training before claiming their honorific title. These behaviors, therefore, are taken as demonstration of the immaturity Figure 4 Musta pha and Rashid. Photo courtesy of the author. Rzaq's 1). As two do not lead their own ensemb les, they are not called to set up events, and they can
126 more consistently than a typical since they receive invitations to perform with a number of troupes. Their primary skills are not j b. They must understand and follow the subtle differences in each performance, learning ale strengths, and weaknesses. A good , therefore, knows how to adapt his own performance to fit within any troupe's ritual. With experience, he can do this from the outset, remembering past events with e ach group and fully recreating himself as a member of that group, responding specifically to the needs and desires of that . Rashid Abd ar Rzaq's most trusted , was present at each of the rituals and public perfo rmances that I wi Abd ar Rzaq was the leader. He was always the first to be called and invited when the was engaged for a job. His interaction with his was rehearsed (due to years of playing together), clean, and efficient. When a change in text ure wa Abd ar Rzaq notified Rashid that it was time to make the adjustment. Furthermore, Rashid's high, na Abd ar Rzaq, lending a larger range of vocal timbres to the music. The call and the res ponse sounded distinctively different. I was later told that Rashid did not perform with many other and, as a result, lived in a small room in a shared house with many other families. His was a simple life, fitting the generalization of the impove Abd ar Rzaq, leading to consistent employment, at least as far as is expected in this line of work. He occasionally " turns ," (duwwar) busking in the streets of Fez, but did so in the poor areas of town. H e made a living, enjoyed it, and was able to sustain his basic needs as a single adult.
127 Mohammed Mohammed was similarly valued b Abd ar Rzaq. He, however, performed with a variety of different s , performing wherever he was able to earn an income. He was considered to be the ultimate profess i onal, able to adjust and perform to a high level in any situation, with any leader. He was respected as wise and knowledgeable , though also occasionally derided coyly as greedy. By performing often and busking in wealthy suburban neighborhoods, he was able to provide for his wife musician who I witnessed p raying. This led to quite a bit of respect, as most in the day. When performing for two different engagements that I had set up, he was adamant about the necessity for pr ayer, taking a few minutes before each to complete his ablutions and say his prayers before returning to the group to commence the performances. Hamid Sharif A third i s around the city in both ceremonial and staged settings. His main work, however, is based out of his small workshop, hidden away in the old city. It is easy to find and most in town have be en there. Hamid builds a variety of wooden string instruments, but specializes in the aj skill as a luthier with musical and ritual kn d, for exam ple, may be the most respected figure in town with the recent
1 28 Mohammed in 2012 ceremony . Yassine, a young performer with a wide variety of aspirations introduced below , is currently attempting to make his profess i oriented activities more comprehensive and opened a shop to sell his own aj s and other paraphernalia. Hamid Shar if, however, is the only widel y employed to engage in instrument construction, and his instruments are well regarded. More often than not, when asked s forward me to Hamid (with the exception of those who build and sell their own, of course). He also b uilds lo ar s and aj s that are used in other popular and religious traditions. These economic realities and opportunities color the decision making process for being a , yet others see the potential for a larger income of the profess i onal . Furthermore, many musicians in the evening and elsewhere during the day. It is, however, the s profession . dramatically over the past generation. This is likely a continued change from past gene rations, as well, but the stark contemporary developments are what dominate the s. The description of the younger generation is not unlike similar conversations about youth held throughout the world, and they contain large dose s of nostalgia alongside a range of other emotions. While a closer description of contemporary learning practices among groups of youth appears later, here I outline the
129 standard levels of escalation available to a dedicated over the course of a youn g career. A may continue up through these steps in an effort to achieve the he works regularly, or may find a satisfactory place along any of the steps below. Furt hermore, if the as a singer or instrumentalist, he may specialize and take full advantage of the skills that he does possess as a permanent figure in one of these roles. Becoming a renown e d hariqsa because of his vocal ability, for example, will likely lead to an s, and therefore greater economic rewards. musical tasks for his teacher both on a regular daily basis and during ritual evenings. He will be around, generally attempting to learn and understand the life of a while being introduced to the community. During spare moments, he will have the opportunity to ask questions. bringing coffee or tea throughout the day, and carrying the aj j or other instruments. When deemed trustworthy, these tasks extend to the realm of caring for the ritual paraphernalia (incense, rose water, dates, milk, etc.) and holding the sacrificial a nimal still during the a , the ritual killing of the animal . s tell me about how they would hear the way their teacher performed a song, sit all night attempting to
130 remember it, and run home to try and figure the nuances out after a performance was over. T his has changed dramatically, especially with the advent of recording functionality in even the most inexpensive cell phones. It is not uncommon to see a group of young group members, or youth on the street, huddled around a cell phone and listening to a r itual performance from the evening before. At this point, the is unpaid or poorly paid, usually does not play an instrument during the events, and may memorizing th e responses of the songs and may mimic the rhythms of the with his hands. Most frequently, young members of the group hold this role, even children around the age of 10 s who wanted to fea ture the (youthful) acrobatics of their 15 dance portions of the event, bringing them closer to the role of the koyo. Koyo The remaining roles are primarily defined by specific types of musical participation in the ritual event. T he koyo plays one of the two (or sometimes three) s during the opening and closing of the ritual. The segments of the ceremony. Som s in Fez re introduce the s at the end of One of the two s, usually the smaller instrument, is called the and is played by the koyo. Its part is a consistent dotted eighth/sixteenth note pattern. The second, larger
131 s he speeds up the tempo subtly over time, the central job of the koyo (playing the ) is to keep his accompanimental pattern locked into that changing tempo. While this is the standard job of the koyo as described to me, I also hear the word used to c his virtuosity in both standard motions and improvised inspiration. After an especially acrobatic dance, this koyo may turn and begin reciting blessings upon those around him punctuate the end of a ritual segment. Thus, a good koyo can inspire larger gifts from a listenin g audience during the ritual, making his an important economic role for the ensemble. Hariqsa fa could carry out their jobs while only knowing the choral respons es of must know a number of verses for the song and be able to sing loudly, clearly, and when chooses to take a short break during a specific point in the ceremony . For this reason, a hariqsa may not need to know the entire repertoire, but his use is on Usually, there will be one member of a group that is obviously the hariqsa. This person has many opportunities during his turn as the main vocalist to demonstrate his
132 high level of knowledge and understand interacting with the trancing bodies in front of him . Sometimes, though, a is able to achieve the state of hariqsa solely through his vocal clarity and power. This is especially the case for those particularly strong. Interestingly, the uses of a hariqsa that I have witnessed often came during the most well known songs in the repertoire, especially those that required a slightly different vocal timbre, higher range, understanding of scalar patterns heightened end Rza q once served as hariqsa and for his brother in a performance, and took over during the more difficult songs, notably amdushiyya s assisted him after his weaker voice wore out from the struggle to sing over the rest of the ensemble at about 3 AM. The last role, and most respected, played by a is that of the . This is a member o f the ensemble who has the skill to take the aj j and play. The instrument is a very physical one and quickly wears out the hand, especially the right index finger. the u se of henna and other techniques to strengthen the skin, things like cuts, bleeding, song. On occasion, however, the role is pre o take a moment of respite from the expected fatigue. In contemporary practice, with shorter rituals and the frequent use of amplification, the is less common. In more traditional modes of educational and professional ascent, however, it the last step before a
133 the student ceases to be a and goes out on his own, assembling his own ens emble of and looking for work. As stated above, this process might take 30 years or more to complete, and many never ascent to this final point. The reasons may not always be due to a lack of knowledge or skills, however, as many , especially th ose who are a well respected koyo, , or hariqsa, decide to maintain a career at that particular level. Once the , vastly limiting his economic op portunities and putting him into a different category of competition. 10 Instead of trying to become a trusted s, he must directly attempt to secure work for himself and his group by building a wider reputation among the community. Historica lly, the . Students who learn the repertoire and ascend through these steps often move around , usually visiting other s are able to list a variety o f cities from across Morocco in which they spent time working with the most well respected s will claim to have taught a host of learne judgment about how this now well 10 There are a number of exceptions, especially since it is not uncommon for a muqaddima to hire two s for a ceremony, allowing one to occasionally rest his hands and voi ce while the other second on her own in order to Rzaq taught his brother Hamid, who lives in he short bus trip to join him for the ceremony.
134 known performer did not stay long enough and, therefore, has a deficient understanding also common Morocco The bestowal of status and achie vement has changed dramatically according to Rzaq and others in Fez, when a wanted to prove himself, he would s of the city, who would sit in the back and watch, judging. This performance, not unlike a jury or dissertation defense, would end in or to require him to continue his studies and practice until future notice. Some have told me of city wide leaders who acted as final arbiters and made these decisions, something closer in line to conte mporary practice in the amadsha and Aissawa brotherhoods. T hose who go through this process and achieve their rank via this apprenticeship system are celebrated by their teachers, with pictures on the wall and frequent mentions in conversation. The y are held up as proud examples of right practice and patience. Those who do not complete the training and testing, and instead choose to self s, receive the scorn of those same elders. 11 Older profess i onal , however, do not clearly outline these biases, something that is, 11 What I outline here is a form of semi formal education, a system with its own informal institutions. No s with whom I worked were able to identify an explicit system with distinct members, even in th e broadest sense, yet the idea that something that once was is now faltering was consistent in interviews. The difference appears to be in relation to a changing mode of transmission. While the semi formal system still exists, the individualistic mode of l following sections, is now far more common. The celebration of those learners who remain faithful to the apprenticeship system becomes a way to preserve this system and influence young learners away from relying on CDs for their musical knowledge and the trappings of commercial fame. The efficacy of this strategy in the attitudes of young learners would be an interesting and fruitful avenue of research.
135 his ensemble. In fact, some performers who self s go out of their way to hire well respected in an ef fort to bolster the respect given to their ensemble. s and This track of advancement through tasks, dance, singing, and playing sho ws a specific hierarchy of skills. It does not imply that one is more valued than the other as a skill, since every group must be made up of those who specialize in each, but it does demonstrate that, for the , rhythmic understanding and lyrical knowl edge are more important than virtuosity on the aj j. Few groups use a s need good dancers, s, though, is that young students want to learn the aj the younger members turn to CDs and other recordings. Once they learn a few tracks, The insult perceived s is that these younger players are focusing on the musical content instead of the ritual and lyric knowledge. Their repertoire does not go beyond the most famous songs and, when they are asked to continue playing t he songs for a certain spirit by a trancer, they run out of songs and must replay the ones that they have just performed. Creativity and Change in the Educational Track A cursory look at some of t he ways in which this educational system has shifted in the fit contemporary pressures. Traditionally, earning involved a lengthy apprenticeship with a master s from across the
136 country revealed the migratory nature of their education, emphasizing the travel that is Abd ar Rzaq of Fez described many years of his life in which h e was living on floors and traveling via bus from city to city. The stated goal was to search out and learn from a wide variety of master musicians in an attempt to fully come into his own as a leader. His last , Mohammed of Fez, was the last of these teachers, granting him the honorific of and allowing him to form his own ensemble. Over the course of these years, he ascended from simply learning the dances and running minor errands for the musicians (a role that he happily del egated to me when he wanted some coffee ) to a role as , able to take over the ceremony when his teacher needed a break. His payment shifted similarly: early on he was given enough to simply sustain himself, provided he supplemented his income by per forming in the streets as described above. Later, however, he was offered increasingly large sums following evening rituals and invited to perform in staged events. In his view, this rise in income prohibits a to return to public street performances , as any respectable ritual leader should be able to earn a living wage either solely as a musician or in conjunction with a more honorable outside job. The primary goal of this time as an apprentice was listening and learning. During the ritual, ar Rzaq w ould, as he describes, listen carefully before returning home in the morning and experimenting with new ideas. Within this system, the learner cannot immediately turn and attempt to figure out what he just heard. He must instead wait hours, feverishly work ing to remember details. The travel also requires that a in possession of knows and understands regional variations. Not all with whom I
137 spoke could outline the vast differences in performance styles, orders, and spiritual content between th eir region and Fez. Many, I noticed, took regional variation to mean just the differences between their own sound (in Fez, Rabat, Casablanca, etc.) and style. Furthermore, those in Marrakech knew relatively little of the musical diversity that pervaded the rest of the country. Alternatively, aspiring students of the most recent generation garner their knowledge from very different sources. First, instead of traveling extensi vely, they possess large and (sometimes) diverse collections of recordings, fostering the ability to identify and replicate the performance and vocal style of the country's most recorded s . Those who are not well connected turn to street performance , learning on their own and taking advantage of this informal stage to demonstrate their mastery of the recorded sound. The role of listening and musical memory is vastly different, as learners now have the ability to pause, rewind, an d revisit their aural referents . Aspirations have changed as a result, as few who work outside of the apprenticeship system look toward ritual performance as a viable career goal. Learners who remain outside of the standard semi formal educational system described in the previ ous sections , however, are limited in that they lack a mechanism by which they can prove their ritual knowledge. Instead, they aspire to become famous popular stars, touring internationally and partaking in the trappings of the imagined music industry inha bited by the stars whose recordings they used to learn . While in Marrakech one evening I experienced a salient example of this novel process of musical and ritual transmission . As I was walking with a friend and
138 knowledgeable Adil Wali li, we passed a group of youth on the side of the road. It was the late evening, perhaps even the early morning, yet these young men were energetically engaged in impromptu performances of the most well known A dil, begging him to join. As we sat, I heard exact replications of some of the most known recordings: "Sidi Mimun" or "Baba Hamu" as played by Mohammed Baqbu, for example. They passed the aj between songs, taking turns as the . Each knew m any of the lyrics, but none had a knowledge that appeared to extend beyond those first 5 10 minutes of each song. Most recorded songs are shorter than the versions performed in ritual. The musical diversity of their knowledge was limited, but their vocal a nd instrumental virtuosity was well beyond that of some of the most respected of the older generations. Adil, however, was their . His knowledge went beyond these recordings, but he only rarely performs with troupes in ritual settings. He loo ks forward to continuing his training, but in the meantime he must continue working at a nearby restaurant in order to feed his family. These young adults trade recordings, share YouTube videos, and generally critique each other as they all work to improv e their own performance techniques. Yet they are left outside of a system that still requires a direct relationship for both ritual knowledge and an honorific title of legitimacy. In one sense, their education parallels the crowd sourcing that is so common throughout our modern world's learning, as the internet, with sites like Wikipedia, become collaborative efforts toward an end goal. memory. They are just as competi tive for tourist gigs, some festivals, and recording
139 opportunities, especially in fusion settings. They are almost completely incapable of winning any ritual clients, however. They must prove their through new means, by winning over the respec t of their peers and listeners . Those artists that most fully connect with an audience, either in ritual or on stage, will be successful in monetizing their own version of is changing , thanks in part to educational and technological adaptation on the part of performers. E ven more so , it is a result of a new generation of diverse audiences . Competition Between s The competition between musicians vying for an increasingly limited number of engagements often manifests as statements of legitimacy or authenticity. Often, artists was insufficient as a performer or research contact because of either his behavior, lack of knowledge, lack of playing ability, aesthetic choices, or a combination of these facets. For example, I have heard complaints that almost every drinks alcohol. W sh is widely ac cepted, or even deemed necessa ry for ritual practice community, alcohol (always referred to as whisky ) is highly contested. The beverage (and non is an inexpensive and highly intoxicating fig wine, sometimes mixed to resemble the light green mint tea that is omnipresent throughout Moroccan social life. Most artists whom I spent time with, however, gave no inclination that they are heavy drinkers, d espite the claims to the contrary by their peers. While the truthfulness of such accusations is quite difficult to discern, the claims themselves carry much power as they argue that the invoke a spiritual state through illicit means, they would be considered unfit to lead a ritual.
140 s claim authority by questioning the knowledge and abilities of complain of specif ic instances in which they saw and were unimpressed with another's instrumental technique, vocal quality, or understanding of the repertoire. The performance of a set of songs in an "incorrect" order or verses in a fashion that is somehow disagreeable or c ontroversial are the types of acts that get passed around the community as symbols of a lack of understanding, and therefore lack of . To properly lead a ritual, a performer and his troupe must be trusted by the audience. By keeping misstep s or questionable decisions alive and present in the collective discourse about a another performer, a can certify his own knowledge by, first, demonstrating that the other is less apt and, second, that he is discerning enough as an artist to recogn ize such failings. The array of contentious aesthetic choices made by a over the course of a ritual evening also contributes fodder for competitors. The best example here involves the use of amplification. Some artists use a pickup and a bass or ke yboard amplifier to project their aj . Recent trends toward an increased number of have taken their toll on the acoustic balance of aj percussion, making the most important musical lines inaudible in som e circumstances. While some artists choose to utilize seven or more , lending an overpowering aural and visual element to the ritual, others question this practice since it necessitates artificial sound reinforcement. The reinforcement is often simple , and rarely evokes the acoustic sound of the instrument. It instead sounds explicitly amplified: with an overabundance of mid and low range tone. The timbre becomes a further mark of the
141 et streets than the acoustic rituals of the past. Those artists who refuse to recognize the validity of these equivocally that "When there is amplification, there is no t rance." When I questioned artists about the existence of trance during amplified events, those who consider such innovations to be detrimental to the tradition deride the validity of these trances. Yes, trance does happen, but it is not seen to be pure, or true, in the way that it would be in an acoustic setting. Similarly, many artists are criticized for not playing the aj to other members of their troupe or family who act as a , or for spending too much time on the collect ion of money, a central part of the ceremony that allows the audiences to exchange monetary gifts for spiritual blessings. With these considerations, it becomes clear that aesthetic choices are not simply made for the sake of the ritual itself. They are pa artists. Furthermore, they are the result of a discourse of performance that is firmly embedded into these social and economic struggles. Tourism and Popular Music One of the more significan involves the increased visibility within the tourism sector that coincides with the dramatic squares across the c ountry, now they visually and sonically overpower man y of those
142 in Marrakech, for example, is aurally inundated with the 12 As the loudest and, in most cases, most audaciously pushy performers during percussionists who roam the square made themselves into the central feature. They are mobile coming to the tourist. Other g groups of travelers to join them and watch their show. Every tourist, whether Moroccan or from abroad struggling to get away without be ing coerced through guilt into giving more money. musicians, and occasionally small groups, certain performers who have proven their vocal abilities dress in costumes and brin g their instruments to the tourists. They might set up in a corner of a restaurant or bar and begin singing bits of the ritual repertoire. phase of the ceremony. While the re is always the outside chance that a listener could begin to trance, the audience is uninitiated: tourists, wealthy Moroccans, or educated (multi lingual) Moroccan employees. I have never been told of someone falling into a trance, a housekeeper for exam ple, but it remains within the realm of possibility. For that reason, there remain many artists who are unwilling to perform repertoire from the 12 The square's activities shift as the day passes. T morning and afternoon and the Moroccan youth who arrive much later in the evening. The early evening hosts activities and performances geared toward Moroccan adults and families, including storytellers, acr obats, and a vast array of other musicians (Thomas Beardslee, p.c. 2011, see forthcoming dissertation).
143 as entertainment and can, t herefore, use them as vehicles to demonstrate their virtuosic skill and creativity without regard for spiritual complications. s appear on festival stages and in popular recordings, the se settings are the focal point of competition between most others who have yet to do so . Those who have managed to secure positions in hotels, for example, use their employment as a sign of authority. Conversely, those who operate outside of such circles, opting instead for exclusively ritual income (baraka), assail their compatriots, complaining about how they corrupt the sacred form of music. 13 (That said, of course many ritual artists would quickly change their tune, literally and figuratively, if invite d to a steady job as a hotel musician.) These hotel and market square performance settings are the primary way in which tourists, expectations change in the ears of the uninitiated and s fighting for international listeners, who are willing to pay higher tips and for recordings, adjust their styles to fit these shifting aesthetic values. supplement their income by performing in the streets. They don their costumes and circle the districts that are home to many cafes and tourist markets. Those who concentrate on cafes expect small payments (a few dirhams) from Moroccan listeners. Others, who focus their attention in tourism districts, tend to be more pushy and try t o coerce their listeners, most of whom are European or American travelers, into giving far larger amounts (from 20 dirhams to hundreds, if photos are 13 This commonly chosen option can be economically rewarding and bring much social capital to a circles, as stated before, highlight their ritual authority, purity, and resistance to the temptations of wealth, contributing to their claims of authenticity on the grounds of piety and respect.
144 taken). Performers at hotels, or who are invited to otherwise perform for tourists and students, may bring CDs of their own past recordings. While the quality varies from well produced studio work to incomplete clips from cell phone microphones, they often find success selling these CDs to their audiences for up to 100 dirhams (about $12). Similar CDs are avai lable from CD stalls for 20 30 dirhams or less. These two strategies represent differing values: performing for either a knowledgeable audience of domestic piece of fo lklore. A great deal of animosity exists between those artists who perform for Moroccan audiences at cafes and the "beggars," to borrow the often used disparaging descriptor, who pester tourists. Importantly, the expectations of these new audiences alter the performance domestic and an international popular music genre, they find that, in some cases, they must negotiate mutually exclusive aesthetic tastes. Certain artists em brace the lucrative international markets, increasing their visibility through fusion practices with jazz and rock artists at major festivals across the country. Furthermore, they tour internationally ds and spiritual practices. Muslims, especially at performances. The music is portrayed as central to the religious practice, invoking transcendent experiences (even when embedded within hip hop or funk backing tracks). These artists, Hamid al Qasri from Rabat and Mustapha Baqbu from Marrakech, for example, invoke themselves as masters, virtuosos of the instruments, and representatives of the history of slavery. Furthermore, when I ask non musicians in
145 see them as the primary and purest examples of the tradition. Alternatively, many lesser known artists demonstrate their acumen through other types of fusion. The most prominent examples appear in the domestic popular music scene, manifest through wedding performances and other celebrations. Some achieve success thr ough international markets, but their focus is local. Instead of appealing to international tastes, artists might work toward those Moroccan domestic markets. Fusions of this type include those tha orchestras or Sufi aesth etics. The inclusion of synthesizers or electric violins mark the aural experience. Drum machines pervade the tracks, emphasizing the strict rhythmic motion and downplaying the subtleties of typical techniques. Examples of these styles include the work of Abd al Qadr Aml Abd al Hadi bil Khayat, a popular singer from Fez as described in the previous chapter . The most widely cele Abd ar Rahman Keyroush , known as Paco, who joined Nass al Ghiwane, easily Morocco's most widely celebrated popular band. I will explore the stylistic choices made by these artists more closely later, but for now I only hope to point out that these aesthetic decisions rest within a distinct desire to appeal to on e of two non congruous but overlapping audiences. While an artist can achieve immense fame across both categories (as Hamid al Qasri or Paco demonstrate), that is a rare example of extraordinary success. The far more typical career path involves a choice b etween appealing to either the ritual or the popular marketplace .
146 Working Within this New Authenticity within the novel and ambiguous rules of the system outlined above. Living in Fez, s from around the region, but did not follow through commercial activity, and he orients h is performance practices and economic goals accordingly. He targets youth in non ritual settings and claims to have little interest in he accepts ritual work when oppor tunities arise, opportunities that most frequently result from his active staged performance schedule. As such, he provokes the ire and disdain of most other s in Fez. Their opinions of him range from uninterested to offended, as he is seen as takin s who completed their training. The place that he has carved for himself in Fez is demonstrative of these changes and Yassine is far from alone in this. He is one of the more successful young who has self pursued an alternative career path more akin to that of a professional musician than a ritual leader. When I returned to Morocco in the summer of 2012, I decided to bring my new banjo, an instrument that has be en a mainstay in Moroccan music since the 1970s. When Nass al Ghiwane d in favor for the louder and easier to tune 6 string banjo, he found an instrument that closely approximated the sound of a variety of traditional instruments. This allowed him to borrow these styles and incorporate them without carrying an arsenal onto the stage. I, on the other hand, had just rediscovered American old time music and the claw hammer technique. Despite the
147 fact that claw hammer and d rop thumbing (the basic techniques used for old time banjo playing) closely approximate aj 14 the banjo rarely appears in popular d by the Essaouira Festival of World Music. Figure 4 2. The author (left, violin) and Yassine ( ) performing in Fez during Ramadan, 2012. Photo taken by Jessica Witulski. I performed with Yassine during a religious music festival in Fez in R amadan of 2012 organized by prominent amadsha leader and local impresario, Abd ar Rahim Amrani . As is common for his events, the conclusion of this concert featured a hastily 14 Drop string makes it very easy to play faster lines and accompanimental rhythmic patterns. Even so, whenever I tried to sneak one into a difficult pattern, I was scolded and told that I needed to develop stronger techn ique and stop borrowing right hand skills from other instruments.
148 assembled fusion project. Five of us, myself on violin, Yassine on aj two percussionists (one on djembe, an instrument uncommon in any tradition featured during the event) accompanied a Mal 2 ). At this point, I only knew a small handful of songs, so I was forced to rely on my aural skills to follow. Yassine, filling out the roll of a rhythmic bass part, did the same. This surprised and impressed me, as I had rarely met a who had the musical skills to adapt his melodic ideas to a music that was not closely related to specific songs from t was taking the time to search for the tonality and improvise a bass line to fit my playing. The idiomatic characteristics of the sound of the aj were the aural links to the Later, I was re introduced to Yassine by a mutual friend, Omar Channafi. Omar, a young Moroccan photographer act ive within the young expatriate and foreign student population as well as the middle class student community in Fez, is also something of a budding impresario of cultural events. His cultural ev ents are frequent and well attending, including photography exhibitions and showings, and readily featuring musical performances. For one such event, Omar invited a number of musicians from different backgrounds, representing his ideals of this young, affl uent community (Figure 4 3) . Through the rehearsals for this event, I toyed with a few ways in which I could join resulting performance included freestyle slam poetry in a v ariety of languages, opening
149 an opportunity to bring in a funk and hip hop rhythmic sensibility. Alternating between repetitive rhythmic phrases and beds of open claw hammer patterns, I was able to settle into the ambiguous harmonic motion implied by the p entatonic scales used by the Figure 4 3. Yassine (standing, white shirt) performing in a fusion project with French, American, Moroccan, and Congolese musicians. Photographer unknown. After this performance, which went over incredibly well with the audience of 20 somethings and teenagers, Yassine invited me to continue playing with them. We began by learning a few Nass al Ghiwane songs, but in practice, these sounded stilted. Later, he asked me to ce to his own mane of dark hair (Figure 4 4) . In my second time playing with this group, I started to toy with the idea of
150 harmonizing th e vocal lines on the banjo . Filling the spaces with a mixture of tightly voiced minor or open and incomplete dominant seventh chords, I paid closer attention muted funk guita rist. Figure 4 Fez. Photo taken by Katerina Leinhart. flexibility of creativity he afforded me and the excitement with which he met each of my ad ditions included Western funk and hip hop. Other members of the most recent version of the Lions was Fouad, a violinist, and Bin Kiran, a keyboardist , both experienced in Moroccan popular music. They spent these two performances, like I did, searching for
151 ways to fit their sounds and specialties into a collaborative success behind and . His array of percussionists, two young players and a djembe player, kept in closer rhythmic conjunction with the standard . They sang , and the sound very much in the front of the texture was that of the tradition. No performance was identical, not least because there was no set list . The of the group knew the repertoire well enough to follow each new song that Yassine began. The rest of us, however, would pause for a moment as we listened to the new melody and either doubled it (as is common practice in much of Moroccan popular music) or created counter melodies (as I often did). On occasion, the keyboard and I would take a moment to link up as we both hazarded a different harmonization . With each passing performance, however, we found our respective pocket more quickly came less ragged. And after each, Yassine was increasingly excited about the next. This with the range of new technologies available to young lear ners and listeners to greatly influence the aesthetics of public performance. Modes of learning are dramatically changing thanks to the innovations and aspirations of young artists like Yassine or those youth on the side of the road in Marrakech. They are not only performers, but they As their s w ho compete for work. The
152 success of those musicians, in turn, leads to a new basis or source of respect, honor, of changing traditions in order to view just how thes e social and economic shifts affect the sound of the ritual. First, Chapter 5 outlines the musical innovations inherent in a specific style of performance practice that has spread across the country in recent decades by incorporating aesthetic ideals from a variety of popular musics. Chapter 6 then explores a reversal, as those who perform using older styles orient themselves wn lineages or piety as Muslims.
153 CHAPTER 5 MUSICAL ELEMENT Contemporary Performance Practice In the previous chapters I discussed extra musical dimensions of in order to place the musical and religious content of both ritual and public performance into their dyna mic context s . My argument, that this music has and continues to change in the face of these pressures, is not a new one, but my goal is to add depth to the work of previous authors by more directly engaging musical content and discourse about musical conte nt. music who have taken a musicological approach to ritual in order to defend specific points in their analysis. Fuson, for example, finds comparisons and interplay between r Moroccan rhythms (2009), cites additive forms to note the elasticity by which ritual moves, and locates the crux of his thesis interaction between mo ving bodies and performed music (2011), a more concise work, uses transcribed melodic lines, as performed by different ritual leaders in ritual and on stage, to draw connections between setting, audience, and performance practice. Other scholars, inc luding Richard Jankowsky (2010) in his work with a related c ultural practice in Tunisia, have also used close analysis to strengthen observations about these types of music and ritual. In this chapter , I provide a short history and analysis of the most prominent le different artists sing and play in diverse ways, based largely on regional variation s , linguistic difference s , individual goals, or aesthetic preference , the past three decades have seen a rise in an overwhelmingly consistent approach to mar awiyya, the contemporary style and
154 repertoire of songs that make up the ritual . This branch of what used to be a full tree of stylistic diversity is now the norm throughout the country and across most age groups. After describing its history and rise, I will point toward some major musical features and note how contemporary aesthetic characteristics , drawn from popular music, impact ed and transformed the spiritual content of the ritual. This chapter concludes by reflecting back upon the previous style dominant in F ez, that of fessiyya. By comparing the contemporary performance of both mar awiyya and fessiyya, which are most frequently defined in opposition, my analysis draws conclusions regarding discourse on past performance practices and innovations via interactio ns with non musical traditions. The Codification of M tyle practice. The term specifically refers to musical choices and repertoire selection and lab distinguish one set of aesthetic and ritual choices from other options, but it is loose in both understood and performed meaning. The individual performer maintains a vast fle xibility within the ritual structure, opting to omit or include songs for the sake of a some commonly understood implications, most of which set the mar 1 performer ag ainst an older generation or non music heard both within ritual and in popular contexts is almost universally mar 1 rmance practice as described below.
155 those who do not perform this style, or who are able to perform another style in addition to it, are often celebrated as traditional culture bearers of rare esoteric knowledge and respected by other and wider knowledgeable listeners. The word orig inates from a region of Morocco called the Mar a, surrounding Casablanca and the A tlantic coastline. Long recognized as a center for a type of synonymous with upbeat dance songs. As the recording industry changed and distribution shifted from a localized to a nat ional phenomenon (see C hapter 3; Callen 2006), the notoriety of these simple melodies with complex rhythms spread across the country. The characteristic rolling 6/8 2 the ever ion of the r itual, but i t was the high tessitura of the voice that is the most often cited fundamental musical element that changed the sound consistently described as always guesses, but they were also consistently placed around the early or mid 1970s. My aim here is not to create a definite timetable of this music al development . I am particularly interested in the are venerated, celebrated, or degraded and how they appear in Fez today. 2 musical identify of these adaptations in the sections that follow.
156 Hamid Sharif, the instrument maker and profess i onal in Fez mentioned in Chapter 4 , explained to me that the mar und came to Fez just as independence was taking hold. Having first become a at the yo ung age of 6, he learned from n, commonly cited l to Fez from the south, represents a tyle conceptualized locally as the opposite of mar as the performance practice that was supplanted when mar Wa id Stitu from Tangier, with learning and spreading mar Qasri, has since become initiated popular audiences, spreading his own version of mar proving extraordinarily professional goals. awiyya generally agrees with details given by awiyya to Fez was corroborated by others within and was shy about his role when I met him in Meknes (he now lives in Brussels) and instead of answering me directly, he had me speak with his many group members, family, and friends who joined him for his travel back home. They all sang his praises, stating that he did, in fact, bring mar awiyya across the northern part of the country, but they avoided giving me specifics. He became more animated as he described h career, po inting out his own influence in
157 Conversations about mar awiyya circled around two major aesthetic shifts across the country . The first, beginning during the end of the colonial period, saw the regional st yle gain influence nationally while other styles such as f essi yya (from Fez), and became less often requested by ritual participants. As audiences and those who required heali mar awiyya style, ritual practitioners adjusted by learning it. Later, perhaps in the 1980s or 90s, Hamid al Qasri and others appeared on television. National shows offered peeks into r egional styles, introducing Morocco to its own diversity of folkloric tradition s . Qasri then went into the recording studio and began producing hi fidelity cassette tapes recordings presented shortened versions of ritual repertoire an d did not include as much ambient sound and noise present on the few other recordings that existed . These new recordings became popular successes. innovative style and clear studio sound in particular spread through commercial recordings, heavily influencing a generation of young artists who began learning these songs from the CDs instead of through the apprenticeship system outline in Chapter 4 . The change in distribution technology made these two stages of mar ite different: the first happened mostly in the context of ritual performance and was incremental and slow, while the second phase , clearly a schizophonic turn, separated the music from its clandestine past, disassociated it from the ritual atmosphere, and , as I argue below, had a more fundamental impact on a younger generation of performers and audiences. Both phases affected major changes in contemporary ritual practice.
158 Place of Individual Variation and S tyle in Fez regard mar awiyya practice to be musically different than what came before it. It is a performative style that is intrinsically conceptualized as something newer and different from an undefined older set of performance practice s . The specific detai ls of this cha n ge were recounted to me in different versions depending on who was speaking and ritual, musical, and historical knowledge, but the overarching story presented below remained consistent. Aft her, Ba Blan , brought the older style ( fessiyya or awiyya sound became influential with his students. At the time of my research in 2007 s remained who had memory of this shifting em Aziz wuld Ba Bla n of the Moulay Ab d Allah quarter near the palace continues to be the most conservative and does not claim to know mar 70 years old) who has not changed his playing sty lived in Oued Z ya in the older part of the medina, played the and enough clients desired mar awiyya style that he switched his playing to accommo date them known awiyya performance practice after originally learning the older styles. Others who currently live in Fez, asid e from some who perform exclusively with Aziz wuld Ba Bla n, only learn mar awiyya because of its popularity. As the number of clients requesting the older style Aziz or Hamid are able to satisfy them with their gro ups alone .
159 My argument here is that mar awiyya is conceived as a new practice, different from a largely unknown earlier practice. Statements abound regarding the higher tuning and faster tempi of mar awiyya when compared to fessiyya , claims that my analys is of contemporary performances dispute . Not surprisingly, as I explore below, the relationships between these two performance practices are not so consistent. The most common characteristics used to define mar awiyya in relation to the older practices are : (1) faster tempi , (2) the higher vocal and instrumental tessitura , (3) the increased use of instrumental accompaniment patter n s independent from the vocal line, and (4) its changes to the songs that make up the repertoire . Note that these claims do not s tand on their own as statements about mar awiyya, but instead compare it to fessiyya , a style s have never heard yet universa styles exist as a pai r as each is defined in opposition to the other, though one is omnipresent in ritual and public performance while the other is rare. This relationship inform s the analysis that follows. First, I outline characteristics about mar s in Fez. Second, I analy ze one performance to explain how these described characteristics sound, looking for any consistencies or inconsistencies between discourse about music and the musical performance itself . istory After roughly two years spent in Fez, I finally made the acquaintance of one of s: Hamid. 54 years old when we met in late 2011, Hami d is one of the more active ritual leaders and performers from the city in the national circuit . He regularly appears across the country in festivals, and he has seen his pupils gain commercial success nationally as well as internationally. A dark skinned, quiet man
160 Hamid performs almost exclusively in mar awiyya, but the fact that he learned eno ugh fessiyya (from Aziz w uld Ba Bla n) to negotiate a ceremony lends weight to his reputation. In one conversation, Hamid did something that is becoming exceedingly rare: he performed short segments of one piece of the ritual in three different styles in or der to demonstrate the musical differences between them. His short demonstration points toward some characteristics of mar awiyya that I will delineate in this chapter, and his descriptions highlight his conception of the mar awiyya performance practice as a dramatic shift from that which came before. As with many similar conversations, we fell into the topic of fessiyya style by way of a tirade against changes in the ritual tradition s with whom I spoke, lamented the chang ing quality of the ritual ceremony. It is rarely the per se that captures the frustration of elder leaders . Rather, it is the shortening of the ritual that is often cited and decried for upsetting the traditional balance of the cere mony ake two to seven days day musical event was a part of a weeklong wider ceremony, identified two long ritual evenings lasting from sunset until 5 AM. The other five days of the week were spent procuring and ritually sacrificing animals, cleaning, celebrating, decorating the body with henna, and, interestingly, included musical performa nces of A issawa, Jilaliyyat, Arabiyyat, or others). This fes s
161 Instead, the music was part of a much larger ceremonial complex, one that, according to Ha mid and s o many others, eclipsed the single afternoon or evening event that characterizes contemporary mar awiyya rituals. Mar awiyya events, in turn, are shorter and most frequently consist of a repetition of only the most well known segments of each group of spir Elders decry the vast difference in necessary ritual knowledge, noting their own awareness and memorization of a deep repertoire of songs, enough to fill many nights of music, contrasting that with the shallow memories of the stereotypical younger artist who can only play two or three songs for each spirit. It is in discussing the impoverishment of the repertoire that conversation s move from ritual to music. Because mar awiyya artists know fewer songs, they concentrate on learning those that are changes, described by Hamid as he began to tune one of the many decorated aj s that sat in the corner of his dark first floor room in Fez . The popular ae sthetic that led to, and animates much of, mar awiyya style includes a high vocal tessitura s iyya style possessed a low, booming vocal quality. The ideal mar awiyya sound, influenced by popular artists like Hamid al Qasri, more clos ely approximated the nasal and vocally strained sound of poetic or recitation . I will examine the aurality of these general differences later. Important here is that the higher pitched vocal sound required a higher pitched aj ument, as described by Hamid, is pulled tightly for mar awiyya performance, creating a sound that he a metallic . When he prepared his instrument for the short demonstration, he place d the strings a t the very low D -
162 flat/G flat/D f lat tunin g, a bout a second below a typical E flat/A flat/E flat or D/G/D mar awiyya tuning. Paired change gave the ends of phrases that descend to the lower range of the instru ment a rough growl , a sound far removed from the ubiquitous mar awiyya. Figure 5 Hamid demonstrated with a syncopated melody in the l owest r ange of the instrument (Figure 5 1 , Object D 6 ). The melody foreshadows the vocal line, but does not mirror it e xactly. His call, low in his vocal register, is on F and relaxes to a D before rising back ( aj flat to C, proving an element of counterpoint or closure
163 flexible line in measure 4 that concludes with a cadential B fla ). This verse like two bar phrase has two distinct parts, with the second measu flat. Both measures end with a syncopated B flat to C in the aj al coherence underneath the rather uneven vocal melody. This is followed by a two measure aj no sung melody, where the had his ensemble been present (measures 5 6) . Hamid paused to state that this was , from the northern region of the country, from the mountains between Fez and up to Tangier. This song was typically appears alongside the ku l ritual as performed in Fez , just after the w hite descendants of the Prophet . For the second example , Hamid played a short introduction, using a similar pitch set. His B flat, when sung and played, was slightly flat to his earlier version, and was now performed closer to an A. He was now singing the fe s which was longer and contained more formal complexity than his example. 3 The contour of this melody is vastly different than the previous example, not least because it has three distinct parts. The first part is a n ornamented and syncopated octave descent (Figure 5 2a , Object D 7 ). This higher octave requires Hamid to yell in a strained voice 3 This could be a result of either formal si yya and
164 example. This descent moves thr ough the s cale o utlining what I call the and sixth or seventh. 4 Whereas the melody used the B flat to move back to C, the fessiyya example is using the sixth (A) to pus h the melody downward toward the lower half of the octav secondary dominant toward the dominant (V) for a modulation or extended resolution. examples here use whole steps (B flat to C or A to G) and therefore maintain the pentatonic sound. This is a notable feature as fessiyya performance pr actice is often described as accentuating the bottom half of the scale, yet it makes use of the upper half more than aj t does not include the B flat to C closure at the end of the measure, and instead uses an A to C figure that drops to the lower octave with an abrupt C F downward (Figure 5 2b). 4 flat) would have the same pitches as an G minor pentatonic scale (G, B flat, C, D, F) but with a different tonic. The 7 th , however, is often low and approaches the 6 th (A). This ambiguity between the final chord degree (the subtonic) is one of the features of the scale that provides a range of flexibility in helping songs s ound tonally different in subtle ways.
165 Figure 5 awiyya style ( Object D 8 ) . He, once again, played a short introduction before exposing the melody. This time he moved directly into the aj segment that would normally accompany the aj 3) was distinct from that of the fessiyya version (Figure 5 2). First, it opened with a D to F figuration that rose up to a high C, whereas the comparative segment of the fessiyya version alternated between G and D, rising only to an A before returning to the lower octave. The overall motion is one of a rise and a fall. Because the fessiyya version did not rise so high during the instrumental measures, its co ntour is an overarching descent followed by another wave of descent. Again, the same pitch set yields a very different
166 motion, with the fessiyya version reinforcing the lower segments of the small range and the mar awiyya utilizing a contour and playing st is slightly more agile, his right hand strokes are not as firm, and the increased ction, but there are melodic elements that ground or lift the music in a different way throughout each of his examples. Figure 5 It is these types of melodic motions, and similar musical elem ents, that I will examine in the sections that follow. My analysis of mar awiyya performance practice here, and of fessiyya and other styles in the following chapters, show a limited space for analysis also demonstrates
167 ways in which these different performance practices and the performers themselves efficiently maximize and exploit these spaces, leading to novel and fresh sounds within While performers and audiences alike make many statements about mar awiyya supported by musical analysis. A close examination of general and specific tendencies within mar awiyya performance draws out larger patterns, be they melodic, rhythmic, textural, or contextual, and lends a great deal of depth to descriptive comparisons between performers and performative settings. Furthermore, a closer look at stylistic patterns wil l provide a stronger basis from which I examine the choices made by ritual and popular artists in later chapters. In the following sections, I use one recorded performance to present some of these internal structural patterns. Throughout my time in Morocco , I had frequent opportunities to create recordings s (evenings). Always invited the performers, leading to 11 complete or nearly complete recordings of different events in Fez, Meknes, and Sidi Ali between 2009 and 2013. This, when added to the wealth of recordings made by performers themselves that are readily available in the markets usually of a low qu ality on cell phones or ethnographic recordings from previous researchers given to the performers and demonstrations occurring during my interviews (like the examples from Hamid described above), provide me with an array of examples from different performe rs in various settings and from diverse regions.
168 These ritual recordings document events that unfold in a variety of ways in relation to ritual needs . This means that the group of musicians adjusts their performance throughout the event based on the needs of the present sprits, the tastes of the audiences, and other extra musical concerns that may be as simple as tea not being ready for serving, or the desire of the group for a smoke break. Maisie Sum (2011) and Timothy Fuson (2009) do excellent jobs of ext rapolating some ways in which spirits (Kapchan 2007) , engaging the possessed. As these things take time, they s repeat otherwise change the musical content based on specific practical concerns. These ritual concerns do not change the fact that there is a core se t of mar awiyya songs . With each colored set of spirits, there are certain songs that remain almost universally present in ritual. Some sets of spirits have a larger number of these two or three. These songs, however, constitute a canon of mar awiyya practice, one created in part by the changing learning practices described in Chapter 4 and the prevalence of successful commercial artists repeating a smaller number of songs. In an effo rt to best capture a recording of the most consistently present mar awiyya melodies, I hired Abd ar over three days. He brought his two longest tenured , Mohammed and Rashid, both of whom also perform wit his recent passing. By using a smaller number of knowledgeable , the recorded
169 sound more clearly highlighted the vocals and aj parts , and the rhythms were tighter than they often are in groups of five to seven . There were no possessed adepts who tranced during the events, meaning that the group progressed from one song to the next without the extensions or returns that often pervade ritual performance. The result was much closer to a staged event than a ritual, but one that gave me short examples of the melodic movements through the complete ceremony. In the sections that follow, I analyze the 84 distinct songs from the spirit inducing segments of the ceremony to outline musical patterns in an effort to better describe and understand the performance practice, decisions made by Rzaq and others, and the relationship between conversation about music and the realities of performance (see Appendix B) . I am not including in this analysis the (the opening procession) or the entertainment portion of the event ) . Formal Structures (Songs, Sets, and S egments) accompaniment. S ome songs have more than one melodic idea, a return form, or other larger structures. Timothy Fuson (2009) went to great lengths to effectively describe and chart the variety of formal types common to the repertoire and it is not my goal to rehash his anal ysis here. Instead, I will look more closely at smaller scale internal relationships as well as the types of melodic coherency that extends across songs within this music. In doing so, I argue that there is a motivic development present in many of the sets that cuts across songs and develops a larger coherence in the repertoire for each given saint . Rhythmic and textural traits are the most obvious elements that drive this development and the increase of intensity , but these melodic
170 ideas reveal the complex ity of this music and I believe that my analysis unfolds and reinforces the impressive musicality The music is organized in songs, sets, and sections. The songs are individual vocal melodies, sometimes of great length an d complexity . A single song may be a long call and response with four or five verses, a bridge, a return to the first melodic idea, and a coda like tag. It may also be just a 30 second call and response. I take the defining factor, for my analysis, to be t interlude that signals the conclusion of one song and the preparation for the next. This interlude usually features an increase in tempo, meaning that the following song is almost always a few metronome click s faster. pause allows the group to reset to a slower tempo: the beginning of a new set. The pause may be a three second lift for the to stop, look at each other, and st art anew. It may also be a smoke break or a period where one gets up and exchanges baraka for monetary gifts. The defining factor is the resetting of the tempo from fast to slow. Sets only increase in tempo, and single songs that move from 88 BPM to 150 can constitute their own set. The spirits are organized most obviously according to color. The muqaddima bring s a sack of fabrics or ja l laba s to a ritual and takes the responsibility to cover any trancers Sidi Mi mun, Lalla Mimuna, Ghumami and others, all of whom require the adept to wear black. This
171 continues through blues, greens, browns, yellows, multi coloreds, etc. The women use purples and other bright colors along with black, blue, or yellow. Each collection of spirits under one section is consistent in their color and incense needs, save for a few The sections are typically named for either the color or the primary spirit. The Sidi Mi , and others may be the subject of songs performed during that section. There is usually a logic to the combinations: Mulay at Tahir, for example, described to me that Sid i Mimun, Lalla Mimuna, and Ghumami were sibl ings who lived in and around the Tamesloht and Marrakech region. Sidi Musa, the major spirit of the blue section, has a close relationship with water: not because he parted the Red Sea (Musa is Arabic for Moses), but because this local saint lived near the ocean. There is a shrine and lodge [zawiya] in his name near Rabat, on a beach outside of SalÃ©. Other spirits in the blue section also have relationships with water, creating a consistency in their histories that aligns them together within this sec tion o wear white and trance to sandalwood brought from Mecca. They are holy: f, means (brown), butchers (red), other pro phets such as Abraham (Ibrahim, green, the color of Islam), and so forth. Songs, sets, and sections are not consistent throughout the country, between performers, and in different contexts . 5 The spirits within each section are constant with 5 organiza oriented musical education. They are learned through experience and not explication, so I introduce these
172 one exception t performances in Fez (both mar awiyya and fessiyya ), though the song appears in the (multicolored) section of performances elsewhere, most notably in the popular Rabat based performa nces of Hamid al Qasri. The sections themselves, however, appear in various sequences throu ghout the country. There are specific songs that define the section and therefore appear consistently throughout performances by s in differe . With or without all songs, though, sets general ly progress in the same order. The slowest songs move to the same middle tempo songs and on to the fastest closers, just adding or dropping some of the less known transition pieces. Therefore, a longer set in shortened performance, or extended to seven or eight if required by the trancer. Those same four songs would arrive in the same order, but with other songs inserted between them. A set from one segment will never enter another segment unless there is an e xtreme ritual need, such as a spirit from the previous segment who remains unsatisfied and continues to control a trancer. In this case, the group may return to the previous segment to play another set before moving back to the standard procession. Melodic Patterns and Motivic D evelopment terms that I base in specific musical phenomena (instrum ental interludes, resetting of tempi, and color/spirit change) to clarify my analytical points.
174 Figure 5 Photo courtesy of the author.
176 Rhythm and T empo subject of previous analyses. The difficulty of capturing this sound and writing about it points to the larger problematic nature of working with non Western musics using speaking with ritual and popular musicians, I find that there is little descriptive language used to describe these aspects of musi cal sound. Perhaps because the tradition, the small set of rhythms are learned through listening and repetition, embodied between the six distinct rhythms that I identify implies an understanding of and ability to perform innumerable micro temporal variations as one rhythm shifts, over a period of minutes, slowly turning into another. Tu nisian S tembali rhythmic shifts (2010) appeared in print as I was grappling with similar temporal movement in Morocco, and he aptly identifies the close link between the traditions. His description of attacks getting closer together as tempi increase, m oving from what I deem an eighth note followed by two sixteenth notes to an eighth note triplet is roughly equivalent to one specific type of movement that I describe below.
177 In Abd ar differentiate. These fell into three clear categories: 3 stroke rhythms, 4 stroke rhythms, and a clap. In categorizing these three types of rhythms, I took the basic unit to be one c avoiding the difficulties of working with subdivisions below the cycle level. The main ells his to put down the and begin clapping mid song, there is never a switch between 3 or a 4 stroke patterns. Furthermore, again discounting the clap, which can be used as a texture as well as a distinct rhythm, there are only two instance s of a single song in a 3 or 4 stroke rhythms framed by songs that feature the other type. Both instances involve one of the longer songs in the repertoire, which helps them to stand on their own, and both are bounded by pauses in the playing before and after, easing the transition and keeping the from having to change patterns on the fly. Within both 3 and 4 stroke patterns, however, there are multiple rhythms that do shift mid song, mid set, and very much fluidly. 3 stroke patterns are not alway s in triple (3/4 or 3/8) or compound (6/8 or 12/8) meters, and they often shift from a duple feel to a observations, and I will add my own below. The 4 stroke patterns a lways subdivide evenly, with the first and third strokes creating an even eighth note feel, but the second and fourth strokes can shift dramatically and affect great change on the feel of the groove. My data suggests a close link between rhythmic pattern and tempo, likely due in part to the physical limitations of the percussive instruments, the , at high tempi.
178 Using the same recording as the observations above, I recorded the tempo at the beginning and ending of each of the distinct songs played b y Abd ar Rzaq. The gradual increase in tempo, described below, makes these numbers approximate, as I chose a clear moment near the beginning and end where the group was locked in and rhythmically tight, generally occurring within 20 seconds of the beginni ng of the track or 30 seconds before the ending. Some sets conclude frantically, and I attempted to get a tempo from a clear, tight moment as late as possible before the performers stopped or moved to the slower first song of the following set . The distinc tion between specific rhythms within the 3 or 4 stroke categories also leaves room for human judgment . As tempi changed, especially when the group was in the midst of a transition from a slower tempo to a faster one, some of the rhythms take the shape of a middle ground between one and the other until there is an audible lock as the group settles into its new rhythmic space. The two 3 stroke rhythms and the three 4 stroke rhythms I use here are the most common poles, or points of settling, groove, and most common rhythms that accompany singing. The in between variants appear in transitional aj song to the next or as he attempts to adjust his tempo to match the desires of the possessing spirit duri ng trance. Instruments large instrument called a headed marching drum is slung over the shoulder and played with two sticks. An experienced plays one, called the , which holds a steady beat with a flam played with a straight stick on the back head and a loud strike on the beat played on the front head with a larger curved stick. This flam
179 can create a duple (dotted eighth sixteenth note) or a triple (eighth s ixteenth note) feel. on the , the ornamentation. He toys with doubling the , reversing the rhythm, playing even strokes, interjecting syncopated accents, or any number of other individual creative variations. The playing and showmanship of the hear a number of regional and individual variations in different recordings and performances, these entertainment segments of the ritual are not the focus of my rhythm discussion here. 6 The , however, are the pervading percussion instruments throughout the ritual. Often described as iron castanets, the underlie the opening egments, and they fill the ritual space with their distinctive echoing clatter during the ceremony. The sound of the players in a standard tiled room often defines the quality of a group, as the echo makes a tight performance very difficult. Those who are experienced and skilled, however, find that the loud instruments fill the air while leaving plenty of aural space for listeners to clearly hear the aj Clapping Musicians also occasionally clap. There are two types of clapping that happen throughout a ceremony, and both are participatory as the group invokes members of the audience to actively and creatively contribute to the aural product. The first is a dry clap 6 curved sticks. Some have noted relationships between th Saharan the co percussion instrum ents ;
180 of quarter y, most notably amdushiyya note clap frequently appears during borrowed songs, when the rhythms described below do not fit particularly well. The surprising aural heft that co mes when the are put down and the are only clapping quarter notes might also become a variation in and tell them to put down their instruments when he feels that the spirit or audienc e may respond w ell to the change. One of the may perform a quarter note pattern on the almost exclusively when the rest of the group is clapping and as an attempt to engage the audience or spirit, or as a bit of showmanship. The quarter note clap, used as the primary accompaniment for a song, is rare. In the mar awiyya performance, this rhythm constituted 4 of the 67 songs, or 6%. In the fessiyya performance that I address below , the clap only appeared in one of 38 distinct so ngs. This particular song was after a conclusion of a section, when the trancer asked that the group return to the song so that he could continue. He was in the midst of a possession that required him to burn two handfuls of large candles and drip the wax to begin again and began pacing the room asking for donations in exchange for baraka. It is very likely that the group did not pick the back up for non musical reas ons (they had just concluded a long segment of the ritual and were nearing the end). Because of the relative rarity of the quarter note clap in fessiyya performance, it remains as a likely innovation used in mar awiyya performance practice, one of the
181 many markers that distinguishes mar awiyya attention to dynamic musical texture from The songs that utilized quarter note clapping also regularly signaled musical ets of songs in a cohesive rhythmic pattern that increases in tempo until a stop. These sets can range from single, more complex songs to much larger groupings: the largest in this particular performance was seven songs. In each case, a song with clapping appeared right before a stoppage or as a bridge between the conclusion of a set of 3 stroke songs and 4 stroke songs. As such, the tempi of these songs utilizing the clap is consistently fast. Average starting and ending tempi for these songs were 138 BPM and 157 BPM respectively, much faster than that of any other rhythms aside from the rolling triplet. At these tempi, physical limitations prevent 4 stroke patterns from being clear and one likely reason that groups put down the as they accelerate: they sacrifice the loudness of the for the clarity of the clap. The intensity lasts for one song, then the group pauses and restarts with a slower beginning to a new set. A second type of clapping is identical to a form of audience participation t hat extends throughout Moroccan popular music. Listeners occasionally begin to clap on the beat, along with the music, and then improvise to fill the rhythmic gaps. This leads to a groove of interlocking claps on off beats and syncopations that lends a thi ck texture to the aural space. Because so many in the audience participate, and are seated in a circle, it also evokes a strong sense of the connection with the physical space and the other audience members. This type o f clapping can be spontaneous quickly spreading aft er one audience member begins or a member of the group can request it through
182 hand and head gestures. At some times, the ensemble and the audience will intensify a choral passage using these syncopated and improvised patterns while pulling ba ck to straight quarter notes for verse sections. This is yet another musical innovation seen in mar awiyya performance that was uncommon, if not absent, to fessiyya and other older practices. The same clapping patterns animate music, wedding songs, and other importation of aesthetics from elsewhere. 3 stroke p atterns In my ana lysis, I hear five distinct rhythmic patterns making up the bulk of the accompanimental grooves, plus the quarter note clap, making a total of six . T his is a small set of patterns, 7 , and there are neither new rhythms nor spaces for grou p wide rhythmic variations in ritual performance. While it is possible for a single iterations of one of these patterns, the improvisation always accentuates extant featu res of the pattern. In ritual, I have never heard a member of the group play (on the ) an even triplet over an eighth note two sixteenth note pattern, for example. Any improvisation will continue to be in a duple meter, even though it may invoke 4 s trokes over a 3 stroke pattern. The end result is an improvisation by omission, where the performer highlights the accented notes by leaving out the others around them. Finally, these patterns define the grooves. While such improvisations may break away fr om the 7 in many musical genres throughout Morocco and the Middle East. While musicians of some genres have ot have native terms to describe these different rhythmic patterns as I define them.
183 norm (this is a place where an exceptional group member might demonstrate his creativity and virtuosity), they never overtake or alter the underlying groove. Figure 5 are : duple (1), triplets (2), march (3), hemiola (4), heavy sixteenths (5), quarter note clap (6), total (7). These five patterns easily divide into two larger groupings: 3 stroke and 4 stroke. As stated previously, the progression of songs in ritual follows a series of sets. 8 Each song in the set begins slower than it ends, and generally the ending tempo becomes the beginning tempo of the following song. Because I took the beginning and ending tempi of Abd ar roup settled into a groove for the singing and the excessive (and sometimes frantic) acceleration near the end, respectively, the ending of one is not always exactly the same as the listed beginning tempo of the next. Usually it is within 2 BPM, but some a re much greater. This is due to the fact that sometimes groups continue to accelerate after beginning to sing and in 8 . 0 20 40 60 80 100 120 140 160 180 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 Beats per minute Average tempi at the beginnings and ends of songs Beginning tempo Ending tempo
184 of the previous song. The sung portions of songs ge nerally have stable tempi and it is in those closing instrumental segments that the groups accelerate, with the goal of Abd ar performance were in 3 s troke patterns. The first of the two 3 stroke rhythms was the eighth note followed by two sixteenth notes. The second was an eighth note triplet. I discerned between them based on the feel of the meter: the eighth note pattern with two sixteenths had a dis tinct duple feel and from this point forward I will refer to it as the stroke pattern while the triplet did not. Interestingly, however, the triplet was not always even. As the chart shows, the average tempo for the duple pattern was 107 BPM whil quicker 144 BPM (Figure 5 5 ) . In every instance, the duple pattern began a set and quickly changed to a triplet pattern as the tempo accelerated. The only two instances in which the duple did not precede stroke set that concludes with quarter note clapping. The subsequent 3 stroke set begins at a high slowest tempo during this se t (136 BPM) is well above the fastest recorded duple tempo 9 This piece starts slowly with a distinct duple feel bef ore undertaking its own internal acceleration to a very fast 9 See Appendix B.
185 provided an excellent example of the seamless connection betwe en these two rhythmic patterns ( Object D 9 ) . I t is my strong opinion that these two rhythms, the duple and the triplet, are essentially the same 3 stroke pattern . Not only are the two performed with the same hand patterns (RLRLRL), t he difference between them is a matter of the physical constraints of the at high tempi . As the slower pieces accelerate, it becomes increasingly difficult to sustain a duple pattern. While the duple is a 3 stroke pattern, those two sixteenth notes and the following eighth note constitute three consecutive strokes t hat are faster than the tempo marking implies. In order to maintain an even duple feel, those three strokes must be very close together, and a more appropriate measure of how quickly the must articulate the strokes is the average strokes per minute. For the triple t rhythm, this is the tempo (beats per minute) multiplied by three. T he maximum tempo that the must reach before switching to a quarter note clap or stopping is 183 BPM, or 549 strokes per minute. By this point, the triplet pattern is a very even triplet, as the must simply try to keep up with the tempo by finding the most efficient and even spacing between strokes. The equal spacing makes each stroke as long in duration as is possible. any other types of music in Morocco, is a gradual acceleration from beginning to end of songs and sets of songs. As the sets progress, both in 3 stroke and 4 stroke rhythms, the tempi rise until they reach a point in which the rhythm becomes physically uns ustainable. It is then that the rhythm changes to one with more evenly spaced beats (an eighth note followed by two
186 sixteenth notes becomes an eighth note triplet, for example) and finally, the group may shift into the previously described quarter note cla p. At the slower tempos, it is possible to lengthen the first stroke (the eighth note or first note of the triplet) at the expense of the shorter pair of strokes that follow. The average tempo for the duple meter, for example, is 107 BPM. The average tempo for the triplet is 144 BPM. When converted to strokes per minute, I multiply the duple tempo by four instead of three because its distinct characteristic is that the pattern has a duple feel the second stroke is in the middle of the pattern, not any earlier. When it reaches a certain tempo, between 105 BPM (the minimum triplet tempo ) and 120 BPM (the maximum duple tempo) mark in this performance, the first eighth note gets shorter while the sixteenth notes remain roughly the same length. This overlap is the space in which the can still articulate the sixteenth notes without s hortening the eighth note. At tempi above 120 BPM, the rhythm shifts to exclusively triplet patterns as the must give up the duple feel in order to maintain the three strokes per beat. onstrate this shift more clearly. I calculate the strokes per minute of the duple feel by multiplying by four, since, while there are not actually four articulations per cycle, the second half of the cycle has to move at a speed that would be equivalent. T herefore, the strokes per minute of the duple pattern assume 4 even strokes (sixteenth notes). At 107 BPM, the average tempo for the duple pattern, the sixteenth notes are moving at a speed of 426 strokes per minute. The average tempo of the triplet patter n, 144 BPM, gives 432 strokes per minute assuming three even strokes per cycle. This proximity, despite the drastic difference in tempo (the triplet pattern is 37 BPM faster) confirms that
187 shorten the first eighth note and the sixteenth note rate of the duple (426 sixteenth notes per minute) to make the triplet rate at the higher tempo (432 eighth note triplets per minute) no more or less taxing (see Figures 5 6 and 5 7 a ). Figure 5 6. Chart of the strokes per minute and average tempi i are: duple (1), triplet (2), march (3), hemiola (4), heavy sixteenths (5). pattern and feel, a groove mirrored in the aj s it accelerates, it shifts into a triple t feel, or more appropriately, a 6/8 or 12/8 meter. Since beats can be added or dropped to match the action of the ritual, these larger groupings are not always consistent enough to be useful, but the compound meter feel takes hold nonetheless . The infinite range of metric variation that rolls out while this transition is happening is both perplexing and fascinating. In my opinion, however, it is primarily a result of the physical limits of the instrument. Because it is a 3 stroke rhythm here, the accent changes hands each cycle (RLR | LRL). This is a touch trickier than the 4 stroke rhythms, which always see the accent on the same hand (RLRL | RLRL). The result, as 340 360 380 400 420 440 460 480 0 20 40 60 80 100 120 140 160 1 2 3 4 5 Average strokes per minute Average tempo beats per minute Average tempo and strokes per minute Average Tempo Avg Strokes Per Min
188 we will see, is that the 4 stroke rhythms are able t o max out at a higher strokes per minute rate than either the duple or triplet 3 stroke patterns (Figure 5 7b) . Figure 5 7. The 3 and 4 stroke patterns. A) In 3 stroke patterns, t with an even second half. 4 stroke p atterns The 4 stroke patterns account for 58% of the songs in this example. Their relationships are more complex as t hey are not as linear in progressing from one to the next. There are three main patterns. The f irst can be written as a dotted sixteenth n ote followed by a thirty second note, then the same pattern in reverse (a thirty second note followed by a dotted sixt eenth). This has the aural effect of a cluster of activity like in its precision and is pattern. The second i s a classic hemiola: an eighth note followed by two sixteenth note s and concluding with an eighth note. This still maintains a duple feel (eighth sixteenth/sixteenth eighth), yet there is the added triple feel layered above it (eighth/two sixteenths/ eighth ). It should not be surprising that these two have a similar relationship as the 3 stroke patterns: the sixteenth and eighth notes that constitute the final 3 of the
189 4 strokes are close together, and limit the speed at which the pattern can exist without t ransferring into something more even . When listening, I distinguished between these two based on the presence or absence of the triple feel of the hemiola. When the triple feel was absent, but the second half of the cycle was not even sixteenth notes, it w as the march pattern. The third 4 increased, the second half of the pat terns evened out. The sixteenth eighth of the hemiola or thirty second dotted sixteenth of the march turned into two even sixteenth notes. The first half of the pattern, however, remained fluid. It rarely, if ever, became four true even sixteenth notes. Instead, the pattern featured a heavily weighted first stroke followed by a late second stroke that served as a pickup into the even second half. This most frequently resembled an eighth note and sixteenth note in a triplet (like half) followed by two sixteenth notes. The ratio between the first and second stroke, however, varied slightly as the speeds increased. The distinctive feature of the heavy sixteenths pattern is the weighted first stroke. When this pattern unfolds underneath aj The first stroke may be accentuated by an accent, making it louder than the other three first stroke in a way that makes its duration minutely longer than the second stroke. The last three strokes are pushed back ever so slightly, almost as if they were three pickups to the following beat instead of the third three strokes of a 4 stroke pattern. I labeled a pattern as heavy sixteenths when I could hear the even sixtee n notes in the second half
190 of the cycle. Of the 4 stroke patterns, this is the one with the most even spacing of strokes, and therefore it is the one able to exist at the highest tempi. Faster t empi As I describe with the 3 stroke rhythms, there is a defin ite progression of 4 stroke patterns as the tempo increases. The slower tempi see the use of two different patterns: the march and the hemiola. These sound different and maintain a different feel, yet they are still fluidly related. The best example of thi wiyyin between the two patterns: the rhythms are not quite precise enough to constitute a true march pattern, but the three against two hemiola sound only truly begins to come to the fore as the tempo rises near the end of the second song. The first song ends at 113 BPM, just a touch too quick to distinguish the dotted sixteenth and thirty second note character of the march, and easily the fastes hemiola is still uneven as it reaches its own peak at 120 BPM near the end of the second song. Here it starts to break down into a heavy sixteenth pattern, but it is not clear enough to warrant that label. These are flexible terms to describe flexible rhythmic patterns ( see Figure 5 7 b , above ) . The hemiola pattern reaches a maximum tempo of 120 BPM twice. After this point, the songs either shift to a heavy sixteenth pattern or the set comes to a conclusion and the ac celeration starts over. The ranges of tempi used by each pattern demonstrate how the higher tempo patterns, the triplet pattern and the heavy sixteen pattern, see the largest degree of acceleration. From the slowest beginning tempo to the fastest ending te mpo, the three rhythmically intricate patterns, the 3 stroke duple and the 4 stroke march and hemiola, have ranges of 34, 38, and 30 BPM respectively.
191 The standard deviation in rhythms for these three are 10.8, 8.2, and 7.7 BPM. Yet, the triplet and heavy sixteenth patterns, which are more evenly spaced and therefore easier to play at higher tempi, both have ranges of 78 BPM. The standard deviations for these are 14.5 and 16.6 BPM, respectively. They both take over at 120 BPM and proceed to increase in temp o the furthest, reach ing 180 and 160 BPM respectively (Figure 5 8 ) . Figure 5 duple (1), triplet (2), march (3), hemiola (4), heavy sixteenths (5), quarter note clap (6). Int erestingly, these higher tempi rhythms can also be used at low tempi: triplets appear at 105 BPM and the heavy sixteenths sound even heavier at the very slow 82 BPM. While I argue that the anatomy of these rhythms is directly related to the physical restra ints of playing at high tempi, the existence of these patterns at s low tempi shows that they are also aesthetic choices that were made by a composer at som e unknown point in time. Evenly spaced rhythms do not exclusively function as a way to maintain ib patterns at high speeds. That the slowest iterations of the heavy sixteenth pattern appear in the black Sidi Mimun segment is telling: this is one of the spirits most 0 20 40 60 80 100 120 140 160 0 5 10 15 20 25 1 2 3 4 5 6 Average tempo in beats per minute Standard deviation in beats per minute Standard deviation and average tempo Standard deviation of tempi Average tempo
192 frequently defined in mar power ful. Heavy rhythms at slow tempi likely contribute t o this conception of the spirit and in as told by elders with whom I spoke, these musical traits overtake histories of a saint who lived in Morocco. Changing A ccomp a n i ments The aj accompanimental activity falls into two categories: melodic doubling aj melody or something close to it. Despite the differences between this introductory aj melody and the actual sung melody, during interviews, s consistently conceptualize d the introduction as related to the vocal part that follow s . Sometimes the aj i s identical to the accompaniment played for the choral responses of the song. Other times it closely prefigure s it is related to the closing patterns of the song form, not unlike the last four measures of a piano part used to identify the key, rhythm, and starting po int for a church choir. In all these cases, however, interviewees regarded the aj identity of the song. When I played songs without their introductions, listeners both adepts and non initiated alike would stop me and point out that I had neglected this important part of the performance. The other role occurs when the aj vocal melody. The se patterns range from one to four beats, but can also borrow elements from the intr major vocal events. Conclusions of phrases and shifts in tonality are the most common
193 Figure 5 slowly. The y also create a consistency between songs that links directly to the types of grooves and the overall texture of the performance. Patterns like the one heard under note pickup (see Figure 5 9c) . Th at the rhythm lines up with a basic pattern appe aring throughout Moroccan music similar patterns underscore other ritual traditions, popular musics, and sung poetry like Mal The limited range and nuance of pitch on the aj coherence to these accompanimental patterns (Figure 5 9) . This particular rhythm, for example, shares pitch content with the syncopated pattern that appears in both (Figure 5 9a) (Figure 5 9b). Ilaha distinct second half of two sixteenth notes and an eighth note pushing forward into the next song. This is very similar, rhythmically, to the precedin Qadr Sultan) (Figure 5 9d), one of the more famous songs used in these opening sets. Its weight on C does not change as the accompaniment reverts to the earlier (G D F) p itch content. These accompanimental lines can be closely related to the vocal melodies, fueling the developments therein . Such close relationships are not necessary as t hey do not operate as functional Western classical bass lines throughout, and the momen ts when they do are quite rare.
194 Figure 5 s elong ate, combine, or segment as songs pass, providing yet more aural coherency to the ritual. (Figure 5 10a , Object D 10 ) augments to form the se Nabi (Figure 5 10b , Object D 11 ). The faster tempo allows for a shift in rhythm and an insertion of beats. the g, while the third incorporates an idiomatic rocking motion between the (down stroked open stri (Figure 10c , Object D 12 ) contains the same rocking motion, very common throughout, but without the opening F g, making it more akin to other patterns heard throughou t the segment. The second hal (Figure 5 10d , Object D 13 Wali Jani (Figure 5 10e , Object D 14 ) and (Figure 5 10f , Object D 15 ) share these traits and exemplify the close relations hips between the motives of the accompanimental patterns. This constant return to ideas heard previously works alongside the motivic coherency of the vocal lines in creating a cohesive whole out of these distinct songs and sets.
195 Repertoire C hange One of th e most dramatic identifying factors of mar awiyya style is its inclusion of new songs in the repertoire s during interviews to the contrary, there is evidence to support an ever shifting collection of songs in the ritua s like Mulay at Latif w u ld Sidi Umara of the uld Ba Bla n of Fez are able to identify specific songs that were added to the ritual at a specific point in history . Some of the most famous, like sha amdushiyya described in Chapter 3, are consistently attributed to the same person, lending credence to oral testimony . it may be added to the original ritual. When I hosted and recorded an older s tyle fessiyya . These, he told me, are not part of the proper ritual, instead they provide music for dancing, possibly operating as a release at the end of the long event. In mar awiyya p ractice, however, each of the female spirits has a color, scent, and many have in depth histories surrounding their personage. These spirits possess people in the same fashion as their male counterparts. 10 The most well known new piece of repertory in the G amdushiyya (see Object D 3 ). In this song, the shared history Hamdush of the amadsha brotherhood plays out s a set of musical elements including consistent rhythmic and scalar patterns. The primary 10 It is worth noting here that there are also female figures in the male portions of the event. There are few, including Lalla Mimuna, the sister of Sidi Mimun, in the black segment and Lalla Fatima, the daughter of the Prophet Mohammed, who closes the white segment. I was never told definitively when or how these two song s were added to the repertoire.
196 pentatonic (five note) scale within the repertoire lacks a major or minor third ( Figure 5 11 a ). The open sound, neither distinctly major nor minor, flows over a limited set of simple accompaniment patterns performed on the aj space for creativity and interpretation as well as a clear aural component with which the musical activities engage. 11 isha amdushiyya heavy ( ) and causes many listeners to fall violently into trance simultaneously. 12 This weight comes, in part, from the spiritual power of Aisha herself. She exists throughout Moroccan folk beliefs but is primarily associated with the amadsha brotherhood, popular among the poor. 13 In the ritual context, t Aisha amd ushiyya scale and meter as the performers put down loud and clap while the aj shifts into a 5 beat pattern, emphasizing a longer melodic phrase in a scale that oscillates between a natural minor (on G) and major (on B flat), f eaturing dissonant half steps (Figure s 5 11 b and c ). through specific aural adaptations from amadsha musical practice, inviting new ore, the sounds, settings, purposes, and theological meanings of this trance continue to change as leaders and listeners engage ever widening aural discourses, importing musical and theological ideas about the sound of religious life in Morocco from broad aesthetic sources. 11 See Fuson ( 2009) for a description of the engagement between musical and various extra musical 12 More commonly, only a small number of people trance duri ng a specific segment of the ritual: those who are possessed by the spirit whose music is concurrently performed. 13 See Chapter 3 and Crapanzano (1981) for discussion s of the various origin legends that surround Lalla founder of the brotherhood.
197 Figure 5 Rzaq in Sidi Ali. While some of the other songs of the mar awiyya female segment have melodic and accompanimental structures that follow more standard musical characteristics, most performers adapt musical ideas derived from popular music, further separating this final segment from the rest of the ritual examples for this tendency. Her story gives insight into why her songs carry a close relationship to popular dance music. The history I recount here was ar Rahim A mrani of Fez and is contest ed by some . Others who had details to give me regarding her life, however, told me that she was either wealthy or royalty and -
198 g is unique in that it offers more details and localizes her history to the city of Fez. Lalla Malika was from an Algerian Jewish family. She lived here in Fez, in the mella . Back in that time, there was no ville nouvelle or French new city , just the medi na, which was occupied by M uslims, and Fez , which included the mella and its primarily Jewish residents . Drinking and smoking was forbidden in the old city, so those M uslims who wanted to do such things went to the mella . Lalla Malika loved to d ance and drink, as did her family. But there was an older M uslim man from the family of Bin Kiran who loved her. He was wealthy and showered her with gifts. She didn't want to give up her freedom, but a friend came and told her that she should stop drinkin g and dancing and marry this man. She lived for one or two months without her former freedoms, as his wife, until she started to truly miss her past activities, so she decided to try something, a trick. She pretended that she had fallen ill and would not e at or drink anything. After a month, her husband brought a J 14 ) to the house. She explained to him that she was not sick, but was only trying to find a way to win back her freedom. The doctor told the husband that she requires an hour each week to sing, dance, and drink in a beautiful space, to have a party, and she will be well. The husband relented and allowed it. Malika went down to the garden and laid out carpets, arranged flowers, and invited artists. She brought her family and that of her husband, and this weekly party became a tradition. This is why people now say that to relieve their sicknesses. 14 describe a J ewish scholar/doctor.
199 familiarity to it . It follows a trajectory similar to other story telling ideals, especially in regard to the woman as s in Fez, asking them about their thoughts, they found it interesting and did not contest carpets, and arranging of flowers in the garden for a party. Much of her music uses an adaptation of dance music for the aj rthermore, upon reaching her songs during the ritual, near the end of the evening and often after sunrise, all the women present get up and dance with Malika. This is the only point of the ritual where non trancing members of the audience participate so di rectly, and the room shifts abruptly from that of a sanctified space to a post dance floor. Figure 5 9) as it appears in During this segment, t he ib maintain a triplet rhythm while the aj rhythm heard in much music . The rhythm allegedly comes from
200 the Tafilalt regi on of the country, in the south east near the desert cities of er Rashidiyya and Ra ani . It is a rolli ng 6/8 that shifts between a beat in 2 and a beat in 3 based on the right/left pattern of the hand and accent placement ( Figure 3 9 ). The aj this feel r (a large frame drum with a snare) commonly used to play this rhythm and many for ms of music (Figure 5 12 ) emphasizes this constant hemiola and the audience invariably responds by singing along ( Object D 16 , there is no audience in this example) . This aj through many of the songs and also appears at rare points of other ritual for example. Yet it does not appear in the fessiyya form and th is type of adaptation is a reminder of the difference between mar awiyya form and those other styles that preceded it. In this section Fez invoke the fessiyya performance practice that predated the rise of mar awiyya. Previously, I described how the newer style is most frequently defined in opposition to what came before. Because the fessiyya is rarely performed today, many of the assump tions as to its earlier sound may be incorrect. This could be the result of two phenomena, which are not mutually exclusive. First, the memory of what people heard when they were young or what they were told by previous generations could be flawed and infl uenced by nostalgia. Second, due to the lack of recordings of past fessiyya performances, I am dependent on contemporary performances by the few remaining s who continue to play this style. They could also be subtly influenced by the same pressures that gave rise to mar awiyya. In this way, those aesthetic ideals that
201 diversity throughout the country. After comparing the old and new style, I then move into an ana noting especially how it is far closer to mar awiyya than is generally assumed. hanged significantly. In the third has been described to me as well. These two main lineages quickly multiplied in the last decades as ways of learning changed. While int erviews describe a neat and organized system of apprenticeship, it is not immediately clear if these are nostalgic histories reacting against the complexity of the present. The community was certainly smaller then than it is now, as this was before televis ion, international successes, and the advent of festivals in Marrakech and elsewhere after independence brought is known as Ba Blan 15 and worked Coming from the south, he continued to perform in 15 adopted saint of t Mohammed who was renown for his beautiful voice. Upon the reconquest of Mecca, he was the first to His African heritage and the significance of his voice has made him an important symbol for Afro Muslim groups across the continent respectful prefix appears
202 region. Because of this clear lineage, fessiyya style is allegedly identical to this other regional style, but I was unable to find early recorded examples of either performance practice in order to confirm these statement s. Interestingly, the most notable difference between fessiyya and contemporary practice in Marrakech is the order of the ritual. Mar awiyya in Fez and fessiyya share a path through the order of segments that is different from that which is common elsewher e, though they do not perform identical sets or songs within this larger organization. 16 Rzaq (p.c. 2012) his aw iyyin, those from the south. This term refers to the Hausa, a West African ethnic group that is also recognized as contributing a segment of aw awiyyin). These sprits are described as being direct ly from Africa and having come to Morocco with the slave trade, much like the oral the respect given to his group. A friend remembered seeing the group walk through the him as a child. They were serious and obviously not from the medina. This ethic 16 1 of this document exists in Marrak the evening in Fez and appear second in Marrakech), and sp litting of the white holy spirits into two sections in Marrakech. Many other variations of varying diversity appear across the country and the similarities or differences between them would be a fruitful avenue for future research. It is not clear as to ho fessiyya organization that now dominates this city only. Furthermore, it is significant that while ocal organization of songs would have remained consistent.
203 few c s in the city are from the south, let alone descendant of the slave trade. iyyin, who were based in the medina. This , near the zawiya for Sidi Ahmad Tijani and not far from the mosque, library, and school of Qarawiyyin. The zawiya remembers this saint who visited Fez during the middle of the eighteenth century. He remains an important figure for West African Muslims, ma ny of whom make the pilgrimage to the site nearby. The neighborhood surrounding the distinct change in the people who take residence near it. Dress, food options, names of r estaurants all take on a slightly more West African flavor as the community becomes comm been oblique references to potential connections, however. In Sidi Boujida, another to b e cheap lodging for poor or traveling West Africans, many of whom are single there. An
204 Figure 5 Rzaq in his half underground office. Photo courtesy of the author. 1990s, was the grandfather of Si who ran an instrument shop that sold cheap decorative drums or string instruments alongside some of the finer business with tourists and his shop served primarily as an office , giving potential clients an easy way to find him. Behind a curtain on the side of the small room, members of his
205 ar Rzaq carried on this practice, with a nearby office collecting and distributing utility bills and mail for the carpet shops and brass workers who filled the other stalls of the buildin g (Figure 5 13 ). that awwar). Rzaq went on to tell me awiyya in response to the desires of the audience, becoming the premier artist in that style. At this point, fessiyya, now based primari ly in awiyya took hold and t The third figure was less frequently cited as a pole of this previous era in Fez, but a story about him identifies some interesting trends in fes s iyya performance practice. Fatima, the daughter of a muqaddima nam ed Rahim Flali Hakim, and on the opposite side of the district as likely the same space where another prominen Fatima remembers Ba Rami as an older man who played aj would strike the strings with his right hand, but would not use his left to stop them and change pitch (makishadsh) . He would strike the l eather on down strokes (tatfrrd) , something increasingly common in virtuosic and energetic playing now. (Conversely, Rzaq as the nt.)
206 extraordinarily firm, there are very rare examples that point to their permeability. Ma Mahjouba was not a muqaddima. She carried out some roles of the muqaddima when needed, but mor e importantly, she stood and played a Mahjouba likely played the repeating accompaniment, giving Ba Rami space to improvise rhythms on the larg er drum. After entering the house, according to Fatima, position is significant. I never witn essed nor heard of another woman performing with amadsha leader, founded one, but it is exclusively for theatrical and festival performan ces and the women appear regularly in large staged events or on television. Furthermore, I have seen women pick up ritual instruments only a handful of times, the most notable being when a group of women (who later tranced) grabbed instruments from the gro up and started to sing jokingly in a according to Fatima and others, the only woman to eve ritual ensemble. Heaviness Described and Performed In conversation about the differences between mar knowled s identified specific melodies that were different than their
207 mar described above . The role of these types of examples is a specific one: they set fessiyya against the now common mar awiyya in a way that operates differently than their original ritual goals demanded s continue to play the old fessiyya ritual styles, the small handful of fessiyya examples have become exaggerated and q uestionable representatives of what was once the norm. They are rarely used to incite trance nor are they reverently performed as part of a larger ceremony to remember saints. They exist on stages and as micro demonstrations of something that used to be. F essiyya tradition is not dead by any means do not achieve the fame and popularity of the most successful mar but it is almost unknown, remembered only by the few who actively pursue it in practice. Fessiyya performance in Fez during the years that I was researching, then, carried a nostalgic character. Conversations turned into laments as practitioners quietly remembered their youth or derided the changes that soc iety had brought upon their s, young and old, who knew a sample of songs, fessiyya served a utilitarian purpose: it proved their understanding of a respected repertoire believed to be somehow more authentic than what pr edominates today. The few who knew the entire repertoire described it as slow and heavy, and continued to repeat that characterization as I explained my interest and goals. I wanted to know how fessiyya style, as performed today by those most able to repre sent what might have been the norm in the past, was slower and heavier than mar awiyya. I wanted to know
208 how different the melodies were, how similar the lyrics were. I wanted to know what was slower and what was heavier. iz to perform a very short version of the ritual that I could record. Instead of requiring the elongation of songs as people went into trance, I asked him to move through the repertoire by playing continuous short examples of each of the songs and sets. Th ere was an audience, but they were not particularly responsive and few knew how to react to this music. Those Moroccans knew from mar emble moved from one song to the next, one set to the following, and completed each of the segments, giving me the recording that I analyze below. It was an artificial setting and says very little (if anything at all) about the relationship between music a enunciation (2009) between instruments and dancing feet was absent, but the group skillfully and confidently performed the melodies and rhythmic accompaniment, providing me with some fascinating musical data. My goal here i s to look at what this one performance of fessiyya style, given by this repertoire, says about its contemporary performance. I am not attempting to create a catalog of fes siyya melodies, just as the previous mar awiyya analysis did not speak for other performers. I use two individual performances, one each of fessiyya and mar awiyya, to draw observations about the ways in which these terms are used now, in the contemporary context. There are some surprising disconnects between the ways in which people talk about fessiyya (in terms of mar
209 Aziz played the repertoire that day in Fez. This approach fleshes out, first, the influence of mar awiyya dominance on contemporary fessiyya performance practice and, second, the distinct musical ways in which popular aesthetics have affected the wider In Rhythm and M eter practice in terms of tempo. When I arranged a fessiyya performance and recording with making sure that this is what I wanted. His implication, confirmed later in a conversation during a break in the session, was that this music would be different from what I had ever heard, from mar awiyya. It was not entertainment, and he appeared concerned that, because of the differences, it might not be enter taining. He maintained a level of discomfort up until a younger member of his group who was more familiar with my project confirmed to him that a fessiyya recording was my goal. After recording, processing, and analyzing the music, I came across surprising march like pattern moved directly into the heavy sixteenth note pattern. Second, the heavy sixteenth note pattern sounded a bit different due to articulation. Third, t he average tempi for each pattern were nearly identical, as was the weighted average performance, meaning that it was mar awiyya that actually contained the slowest tempi. mar awiyya performance, the hemiola constituted the rhythmic accompaniment of 10% of the songs, often serving as a short lived intermediate between the march pattern and
210 the h eavy sixteenths. It works at a quicker tempo than the march, but as a set progresses, it adapts into the heavy sixteenths fairly quickly. Of the four stroke patterns that account for 58% of the mar awiyya performance, it is the least common fess iyya . The march appears in 15% of the repertoire and the heavy sixteenths appear 33% of the time ( Figure 5 14) . Figure 5 are: duple (1), triplets (2), march (3), hemiola (4), heavy sixteenths (5), quarter note clap (6). stroke patterns e given earlier , these statistics do not include the segments of female spirits.) 14% of the repertoire is however, heavy sixteenth patterns underlie the melodies. This is mo re than the and 33% respectively, making 43% total). The most obvious response would be that the 0% 5% 10% 15% 20% 25% 30% 35% 40% 45% 50% 1 2 3 4 5 6 Percentage of total songs
211 hemiola repertoire came out of the heavy sixteenth repertoire of the fessiyy a tradition. This is likely, especially considering the relative similarity in the other proportions. In performance, the relationships are audible, and the change likely has to do with how mar awiyya adapted popular music practices and incorporated audien ce these below, it is worth stating here that the hemiola as a rhythmic pattern in mar awiyya could be a response to audience desires to hear a more upbeat pattern of rolling threes and counter rhythms. The fessiyya performance of the heavy sixteenths patte version often features a strong accent articulated on the final (fourth) stroke of the pattern. This syncopated upbeat serves a similar purpose as the three against two hemiola. It creates a lift that moves the music forward whil e accentuating the downbeat through absence. The heaviness of the beat is emphasized by something that comes just before or after it. Perhaps more surprising, considering the incessant declamations that fessiyya these two performances were very similar ( Figure 5 15 ). The three stroke rhythms were nearly identical in tempi while t he duple pattern was actually 2% faster in the fessiyya version when compared to the duple songs of the mar awiyya version. The triplets were 1 BPM different, as the average awiyya. The standard deviation for the triplet pattern in the mar awiyya performance was actually 20% higher
212 (15 BPM compared to 12), meaning that more ac celeration generally occurred during the triplet sections of mar contained the highest tempo, a statistic that stands either as an outlier or as an implication that a longer performance with more son gs would allow for him to more fully performances only provide an outline of what might be a diversity of realities in ritual. These statistics do, however, point t o new questions regarding the relationship between spoken descriptions of the older traditions and their contemporary performances. Figure 5 duple (1), triplets (2), march (3), hemiola (4), heavy sixteenths (5), quarter note clap (6). The four stroke patterns tell a similar story. The march rhythm is 2 BPM faster in fessiyya, while accounting for a similar percentage of the songs (15% in mar awiyya and 14% in fessiyya). Average tempo of the hemiola and heavy sixteenths in the mar 80 100 120 140 160 180 200 1 2 3 4 5 6 Beats per minute Iqa' Average tempi
21 3 performance, is 114 BPM. The average tempo of the h eavy sixteenths in fessiyya is 107 BPM, just over 6% slower than the mar which there is a very large difference, and this is due to the fact that it only appears e (which is very high) difficult to compare with the mar awiyya version (which appears multiple times in different settings). Figure 5 ya performance. (5), quarter note clap (6). After the consistency with which I was told that mar awiyya was faster than fessiyya, mostly in response to audience demands, I w as surprised to find that data from these two performances did not agree. The average tempo for the mar awiyya performance was 120 BPM. This was less than 1.5% faster than the fessiyya version, ncluded, the 0 20 40 60 80 100 120 140 160 180 200 1 2 3 4 5 6 Beats per minute Minimum beginning tempi
214 fessiyya version was actually faster on average than the mar awiyya iteration, something I will return to below. The ranges are similar, though the minimum beginning tempi ( Figure 5 16 awiyya performance t han they There are some possible explanations that discount this analysis. First, these are simply two perform ances. I argue that they are representative in that they are performed especially significant because no other similarly comprehensive recordings of the repertoire (even in this shortened form) are readily available. Second, it is very feasible awiyya, making his iteration of fessiyya different than what may have been a past norm. If this is the case, then it is s till interesting that what is described and even idolized as representative and authentic is so drastically changed. Without older recordings it is not possible to discern any certainty about this potential change in fessiyya style. While a larger statisti cal analysis may yield slightly different results, I argue that the similarities allude to a very significant issue: namely, that fessiyya serves a purpose as an imagined authentic ity that is important in its existence as a pole from which mar awiyya diffe rs. The heaviness, on the other hand, may be a result of a few different musical attributes. Most likely, it could come from the adaptation and inclusion of the hemiola pattern in mar audiences, alludes to popular music and dance styles, likely making mar awiyya rhythm
215 make mar Use of Newer R epertoire Fatima, a muqaddima whose mother filled the same role years before for fessiyya rituals, compared the past style with mar awiyya in terms of repertoire: to it, like that which appears in n people have deviated because the clients are not knowledgeable. Now why people are not holy in fai s) would play them. The muqaddima here does not blame audiences or opportunistic performers for the shift away from fessiyya and toward a more commer cially inclined ritual practice. Instead she identifies the interactions between them as the cause. The people, the Rzaq also be translated to mean s failed to take roles of leadership in maintaining the purity of the musical practices. The people have failed, according to Fatima, to keep their faith central to the ceremony and h ave added repertoire based solely on the whims of the unknowing audience. asked to do this, he declin ed, noting that he was not he did not play amadsha songs. Yet he relented, according to Fatima, during an event
216 Rahim Flali Hakim. Once he added the ertoire, it stuck and gained prominence. A similar the clear and direct response to audience demands. In my experience, these types of innovations do form a categorical shift. As pr esident. The skill set for effective garnering of tips is now more closely related to those of the street musician pleasing cafe patrons, a job held by most if not all decla hood has become a full time occupation instead of a religious practice or private 17 Conversely, just as he was finishing his performance and recording that I had 17 young tourists dancing at a festival, for example while also recognizing the presence of Moroccan youth who dye their hair brown or other colors (including blonde) for fashion reasons. That a respected and feared spirit would be either from the West or aware of modern fashion trends is either a humorous aside or an audience grabbing innovat ion. Humor is very present in ritual, making a combination of these two possibilities likely.
217 uffly explain that those were newer songs and were not a part of the repertoire that he was hired to play. He told me later that this often happens when he plays a fessiyya ritual, as few audience members understand the differences. These types of question s led him to request greater exclusivity from the hosts as they decide who to invite. In this instance, the audience member asked that he go play those two songs, which were her two favorites. He looked at her irritably, possibly because he had just comple ted his The segment of female spirits that closes both the fessiyya and the mar awiyya awiyya versi on contained 16 songs longer appear in standard mar awiyya practice. Fatima described childhood. The segment began with Lalla Hawa, Eve, who no longer shows up in mar awiyya ritual. The groups would then move into Lalla Mira, Malika, two other Malikas (Malika al , and Malika ash Shil a, the Berber) before es, plus some others: Lalla Raqiyya, Lalla Mhaliyya, and songs referencing Tijani and the Tijaniyya 18 . 18 The Tijaniyya are a Sufi brotherhood following Sidi Ahmad Tijani, who is buried in the Tijani zawiya in
218 gment n mar awiyya. It is not completely clear why he considered them not part of the practice and not worth recording. One possibility is that he assumed that I was only interested in did not consider his way of playing the female segment to be considerably different than the mar he engaged non segment of fessiyya performance as something between the fessiyya practice that he wanted to isolate as authentic and the mar awiyya practice that could more effectively engage the present audience. As he played, he moved quickly from one song to the ne xt and he kept the tempi before speeding up and returning once again to a slow tempo for Ai had. Influence of A esthetics on Ritual C ontent The divisions between religious practices or groups of listeners are far from definite, and as individuals continue to hear and react to new musical ideas, they incorporate behaviors and beliefs into their lives. In turn, these aural changes follow
219 public behaviors identify a web of interactive relationships not unlike those formed through Twitter or Facebook . In the case of mar awiyya, we see ritual aesthetics that have been and continue to be influenced by outside sources. This influence is manife st through audience and client demands and is therefore heavily affected by economic and professional concerns. Furthermore, the aesthetic changes are not simply changing the affecting the ways in which musicia ns and clients understand the spirits invoked through the healing ceremony. With a slow knowledge of the sacred figures and can outline specifics from the local Islamic past ar e who emphasize a control over dangerous and mysterious iterations of these same Finally, those who achieve success through the spectacle and virtuosity, be it through possession or their musical virtuosity as demonstrated through the faster, higher mar ection by clients and audiences. In the next chapter, I conclude b y exploring how these individual choices carry ethical weight within performance and how s in their professional lives across the country.
220 CHAPTER 6 CONCLUSIONS: NEW AUT HORITIES AND AUTHENTICITIES In the preceding chapters, I have argued that the aesthetic sensibilities of popular Ideas about the sacred nature of the ritual are inextricably linked to the sounds that animate it. Those sounds, in turn, display the variety of economic and social pressures that orient the professional Because of a shifting relationship between audiences and musicians, and demands are triggering new trends in performance practice. People want to hear music within the ritual that they find entertaining a nd, conversely, music that engages them is more likely to incite the intended results from the healing ritual. Musicians that can best involve their audiences are often very adept at bringing about trance in their clients. It is unlikely that this symbiosi s is particularly new, but the musical and performative influences on ritual are quickly changing as a result of the vast developments in the music industry and its modes of distribution. As these changes become increasingly codified through the omniprese nce of mar awiyya performance practice, they influence the understanding of ritual. It becomes less an austere praise of local Muslim saints than a show of supernatural power through spectacle. The debates surrounding this slippage and especially the backl ash to it as epitomized by the perspectives of Mulay at Latif wuld Sidi play a central role in legitimizing and delegitimizing these new performance practice styles. The verbal debates sit alongside th e
221 This change is borne of the schizophonia described in the introduction. When the contexts of musical practice wear away, musicians and audiences gain the flexibility to reorient their production and consumption in novel ways. When Steven Feld discusses the concept, he describes the removal of context and the creation of new sounds within the internationally distributed global popular music market. What I discuss in the preceeding pages works differently, however. Context is never removed entirely because these markets are local, domestic. The audiences know where the popular music influences are coming from. They know that mar awiyya is borne of the diverse forms of popular music content comes from the amadsha history. This information is embedded into the flexibility is powerful as music, through changing musical tastes, transcends the boundaries between Sufi brotherhoods, comsologies, and healing practices; between the celebratory dance music of the wedding or night club and the ritual. Meaning does not disappear, it layers. Jus t as the self layered set of African heritage, Muslim piety, or commercial viability, the identity of this music gains depth as it incorporates ideas and ideals from outside sources. It is ritual and entertainment, G and amadsha, mainstream and periphery. The musical shifts and simplification of spiritual activities brings the music to new audiences, out of th e marginal and into the popular. Musical Aesthetics and Spoken Histories I briefly r eturn now to the Sidi Mimun (black) segment of the ceremony in order to explore the connections between these musical characteristics and the ways in which . In Chapter 2, I shared Mulay at
222 description of Sidi Mimun as a pharmacis t from the south of Morocco who wandered the country and administered to th e poor . He is now revered as a saint in Morocco and has , inside the city walls, and was obviously respected as other buildings went up in the area (Figure 6 1) . The shrine is a small brick building situated in a tight open space between the newer apartment buildings that were built around it. Inside, a marked grave is often surrounded by offerings and neighbors ceremonies as those who are possessed by Sidi Mimun, or those who wish to gain blessings and support from him , give sacrifices and leave gifts at his grave. As with other saints across the country, there a re many such shrines to the same man in cities elsewhere, meaning that either his body was split and scattered or he rests in one of Rzaq during our walk there, he shrugged his shoulders and told me that the space has baraka, it is blessed, and that is what is important. Skeptical of the presence of the actual body, he described how the lack of certainty allows for multiple such spaces to exist simultaneously: pilgrims and adepts can visit any one of the number of spaces carved out for Sidi , for which th Rzaq, had more meaning (he asked me to take his photo there), because the saint is known to be entombed there. The recognition of such a burial site is extremely rare, and there is no certifiable way to con firm the claim.
223 Figure 6 Photograph courtesy of the author. wandered the country is all but absent in conversations about the ontology of the describes her own personal encounter with Sidi Mimun (2007), contribute to the powerful identify of Sidi Mimun without engaging any histor y of his saintly activities.
224 s and asked about spirits like Sidi Mimun, I found mutilation exclusively comprised their personalities, without a ny reference to their histories as living figures. This is a thread that I carry throughout this document, as it clearly demonstrates a break from history in contemporary musical mar awiyya performance and the novel understandings of the ritual that coincide with it . The interactions between music and spirit provide a spectacle, such as the use of candles and knives to perform self mortification acts, that was allegedly absent in fessiyya or other older performance practices. This change from saint ve s and performance practices. This spiritual heaviness has a musical counterpart. The heavy sixteenths accentuate a be at that, when performed slowly for Ghumami (a figure associated with Sidi Mimun whose music immediately follows) for example, sounds intimidating and overpowering ( Object D 17 . Whereas the march rhythms of slower portions of Sidi Mu heavy sixteenths here sit firmly over the physical space, oppressively mixing with the black incense and the anticipation of the audience, sitting and waiting for the knives to be blessed by the spirits, watching to see what th e trancer will do with them. As the heavy sixteenth patterns accelerate toward their climax, those sitting around the room are watching to see if the knives will draw blood, gawking as the trancer circles the room showing off his or her new wounds.
225 These t ypes of relationships between musical and ritual aesthetics continue epertoire. That these three songs, commonly extracted from the ritual for public performance or recording, have witnessed a wide circulation is also likely related to the change in conception of these spirits. The perceived weight of gside the allegedly novel spectacle of their ritual context makes them very clear examples of the mysterious ritual power believed to be possessed by performance in the ritual as audiences and adepts engage it more directly and energetically , clapping or singing along . This interdependence of musical aesthetic and ritual understanding also, dis cursively formed and understood. Generally, those who perform mar awiyya style have a limited historical knowledge. Simultaneously, mar awiyya is a flexible practice that allows spaces for the ritual leaders to make minor adjustments to align their tastes and practices with the spiritual components of ritual as they see fit. These musicians also more regularly enter into the competitive sphere of commercial productivity, appearing on stages, in folkloric presentations, at restaurants and hotels, or busking in the streets. Commercial public performance and the competition for clients leads to a separation in stylistic aesthetics. Stronger players fit more notes into their aj just as a virtuosic guitarist may ornament a melody elaborately. The perfo rmer/ritual leader accentuates his strengths. Some strong performers choose to highlight their
226 knowledge of tradition by playing with an economy of notes and what they consider tasteful phrasing to demonstrate their control of the aj re also, of course, weaker players who lack the depth of song knowledge, playing ability, or vocal prowess to compete with others in the musical community. These performers may charge less money for their services in order to find work. Of all the events I attended, there was one in which possession failed to take hold. The hosts attributed this to the , who was young and inexperienced, and hired another to repeat the event the following week. This is a risk taken on by those hosts looking to save mon ey and clearly demonstrates the vast array of skill levels and skill sets available in the city of Fez. Prioritizing Commercial Success as a Source of Legitimacy Performers participate in the circulation of popular forms by selling and sharing their own re cordings. They also listen closely to those recordings made available by s, both local and national. Younger players, especially, are incredibly receptive to new ideas and trends that they hear in recordings. They scour YouTube, Facebook, and s and make connections and cultivate friendships with other young performers across the country. Importantly, when they hear something that they like, or that they feel the audience will like , regardless of its origin, they incorporate it into their own techniques. Such hybrid mixes of regional styles were not feasible or desirable prior to the national hegemony of the mar awiyya style, as ritual consistency was more highly valued than individ ual variation. Because mar awiyya is a nationally powerful performance practice, and one that has all but dispelled other variations, these regional connections maintain close relationships despite the geographical distance. Practically, mar awiyya is
227 ther musicians closer together. Older generations, however, pride themselves on their own unique sound. Those who specialize in mar lem s over 40 Rzaq, who recorded the performance analyzed in Chapter 5 , is a strong player with technical virtuosity who also possesses a deft control over the musical dynamics of the ritual s of Fez, he stood out as the strongest musician, 1 a quality that is related to, but not directly representative of, his ritual leadership. Because of his ability to play complex accompanimen tal patterns at both loud and very soft volumes, rituals led by him contain dynamic variety and element of nuance that I rarely witnessed among other leaders. His style is very much his own: he below the melody, and his ability to continue his complex accompaniments at high tempi helps him to effectively engage both listeners and spir its. His playing creates an energy that animates the ritual space. Significantly, his style has not changed over the five He learned to p lay well, he way to improve technique or to learn new ways of performance are therefore useless to 1 By this statement, I refer to his abil ity to perform with a lightness of touch and subtly of variation that I s. He was not the strongest in terms of adapting to new situations: Yassine was able to do this with ease, partially because of his eagerness to participate in new contexts. While my judgement of his musicianship came from my experiences and listening skills as a musician, he was also s in town, lending credence to my decision to work closely with him.
228 s during the busiest seasons of the year, that his playing stays in shape and he has no interest in changing his sound. Change, therefore, comes through the younger performers who are still learning. Mar ion were in that phase of their careers, traveling the country and creating the same types of friendships I mentioned above. When Rzaq attends pilgrimages in Sidi Ali or music festivals such as the one in Essaouira, he is sure to visit with old friends and colleagues from Tangier to Agadir. When current 40 50 year s were would lead to a consistency of performance practice is not sur prising, and the parallel with contemporary youth is striking. If mar awiyya came to dominance in the 1970s and 1980s as I have been told, the then young performers attempting to begin a career would have been very much influenced by the new trends. Televi sion, radio, cassette tape distribution, and other forms of mass media were beginning to circulate popular tion. Mar awiyya, therefore, can be situated firmly within a context of technological change. Wide circulation, and the resulting specter of commercial success, entered into a own personages, I argue, shifted as these new musical ideas fed into contemporaneous activity operating at an extremely local level was becoming a national network with pen etrated by international journalistic and world music representations. Musical
229 buried in M oroccan soil have increasingly become understood as spirits imported from sub s from those who enjoy commercial fame (like Kabir Merchane) to those who operate primarily in local ritual (like Rz aq) do not bother to attempt answering my questions about who these spirits were, if they lived, or what they did. Instead, their attention is focused on hea ling through musical means. They invoke the spirits (who may be saints or mysterious figures) for t he sake of healing, and if the client is healed, then they succeeded. Knowing more than the most basic characteristics of the invoked spirits is therefore unnecessary. from someone who understands and diagnoses problems to a hired practitioner of musical healing. At the same time, certain personal issues have become attempt to disentan gle the saintly personalities from the healing practice: as it continues to effectively heal, its efficacy is reinforced. Few specialists remain who work with the Morocco ra see as watered down or, at worst , bastardized Islam. The historical knowledge has therefore separated saint s and spirits becomes increasingly simplified. This change in focus is an important factor in the rise of professional or commercial success
230 Performers and ritual leaders like Yassine represent a very new model for navigating a care appear on national television. Deciding to follow what appears to be a well worn path, they pick up the aj s that they can. Instead of working with one master musician for years, they learn songs from individuals while they travel the country. I met a number of younger self s like this from across the country. One from Agadir traveled all the way to Meknes (around 500 miles) so he could rent a garage and s ound equipment to perform semi informally with his troupe during Facebook and YouTube pages. The two of them, good friends, began to share stories m s with whom they worked and once he saw my portable audio recorder, he immediately began to negotiate with me about a price for it. It dominated our conversation because he saw it as a way to expand his collection of recordings of himself, his portfolio. These younger artists use novel strategies to run their professional l ives like the eager small businessmen that they are . They hire and fire members of their troupes, they advertise and communicate using social media just as any striving bandleader pours over MySpace, Facebook, or Soundcloud. 2 They engage in endless self 2
231 promotion for staged or ritual gigs. Recordings are rarely purchased and sold, but are instead traded on cell phone memory cards. Troupes will crowd together during breaks in rituals in o leaders do occasionally try to sell recordings on a commission basis, but this practice is 2006) . These self s step well outside of the traditional forms of learning. They skip most phases of the apprenticeship and instead sit with recordings to learn songs. They avoid distinct relationships with masters and do not wait for the ble s. This generates an incredible amount of disrespect from some elders, though others simply see them as commercial performers and give little energy or thought to questioning their practices. Yet, th e younger artists continue to perform in rituals and on stages. They work rarely and for little money, but like most poor youth in Morocco, they live cheaply and shrewdly. Their techniques serve them well. Yassine once began playing his aj train r ide from Fez to Meknes, ostensibly to demonstrate a specific song to me. Once another passenger took notice, he immediately left our conversation and began scheduling a ritual performance with the other listener in Rabat. This, in turn, led him to new conn ections in the capital, where gigs pay more than they do in his neighborhood of Fez. This showed me one reason that he has always been so eager to pull out his
232 instrument or start singing in large, open spaces. His long hair, glasses, and garish dress serv ed similar purposes for him. He was identifiable and wanted to continue to be so. He started and participated in every single conversation that rose anywhere around had started gigging more and more often, up to once per week. This, alongside with his ritual performances and a small shop he had recently opened to sell instruments, clothes, and other ritual paraphernalia, covered most of his low cost of living. Yassine a nd others oriented their place as quality performers based on the number and types of performances that they had done. They talked about their skill as instrumentalists and singers more than their piety or any connections with a sub Saharan heritage. They also worked hard in ritual to entertain as well as incite possession. By harnessing the spectacle through dance, dress, and virtuosic performance, they validated themselves to their audiences like they would if they had been on stage. The ritual audience, in turn usually responded in kind, applauding, singing along, and occasionally dancing. Humor entered ritual in ways that I had never seen. Yassine, for example, would change and add words to ritual songs. During multiple points, he would bring a room of w omen who had just been heavily in possession to incredible laughter by weaving jokes and funny voices into his texts ( Object D 18 ) . During t he incense burning he would jovially or sarcastically mock those present or his status as a poor, single man looking for love and money. Despite, or better put, because of these innovations, his rituals were successful and he was hired back over and over again.
233 he is pious, though he makes sure to be pious enough. He does not claim to be a dark skinned descendent of a slave, but he quickly points out that he, like all Moroccans, is African. Early in his life, he explored many musical traditions in Fez, drawn to t he songs. Yet he decided to learn the music and ritual of the citing these as equally authentic forms of worship and, therefore, posits himself as a valid and valuable ritual le ader. Ear consisting of two sources that an individual and African heritage. As I continued to return to Morocco, I saw a distinct rise in novel agreed upon or concrete, yet is actively present. Even the most trad itionally minded s are beginning to keep records of their staged performances, showing me portfolios made of newspaper clippings or VCDs of televised performances. Some request that I post their videos on YouTube or send a letter to festival organiz ers on performer is not isolated to the youth. It is something powerful, recognized by the entirety of the community. Some try to ignore it, but they actively engage it by playing the more virtuosic mar awiyya style, centering their ritual around the newly developed
234 The musical changes to the accepted ritual aim to directly engag e these new audiences, audiences who grow up listening to popularized versions of Islamic music, who yearn for entertainment, who live in a modern economic climate makes week long erms, allowing for as much change as he deems acceptable. This with audiences is drastically porous as musical ideas e, or consistent strains of melody intersect between the varieties of religious brotherhoods that animate the pious life of Moroccan believers. The pervasive soundtrack that gives rovides one example of how these two terms are not simply two distinct spheres of reality. They are, or at least can be, indistinguishable, overlapping, and ever shifting in their relationship to each other.
235 APPENDIX A GLOSSARY OF ARAB I C TERMS Moroccan Arabic presents a number of difficulties in spelling. Most significant is the fact that the terms and pronunciations are inconsistent across regions, populations, and generations. Below is a listing of most Arabic terms used throughout this docume nt with brief definitions. The transliteration may not match the spelling or pronunciation experienced by others working across the country. the call to prayer, performed by a muezzin five times each day ai a a form of popular music that features vocals, a violin or viola, and percussion emanating from the region around Casablanca and Rabat ashiyya the evening portion of the day, also used to delimit a ritual that does not extend through the night and into the following morning a l roots, herit age, or lineage close to God baraka blessings received from God or a holy person, can also reside in holy objects or money given in exchange for blessings a large rou nd frame drum used in the music of many Sufi brotherhoods as well as some popular genres possibly a derivative of the name Bilal, a figure from early Islam who holds origins on t he African continent a the ritual animal sacrifice accompanied by music that generally occurs before the evening musical events dhikr litera transcendence used by many Sufi brotherhoods in ritual or a wide range of other Muslim forms of prayer and worship
236 a collection of lyrics or poems, most often used for classical literary form s, but more frequently employed to transcribe the texts of genres like Mal duwwar es how a an artist or performer a noun or adjective describing someone or something from Fez fessiyya prevalent before t he rise in popularity of mar awiyya an adjective describing someone or something from the Tafilalt region of Morocco , also describes a percussion pattern common to popular music extinction, often refers to the experience of losing oneself into God, a ritual goal of many Sufi dhikr practices an Islamic scholar, judge, or healer the smaller cere mony aj a Moroccan music an d healing ritual and the population that practices it afe aj alled a by dhikr
237 a ring of spectators watching a street performer a short and repeated rhythmic pattern jadba because of the attraction of the spirits to the possessed body jallaba a hooded robe worn by both men and women in Morocco audience or crowd jinn p the ability to enact influence on everyday human life a large butcher knife used in ritual music and ritual by playing the aj a drug usually smoked through a long, thin pipe or rolled into a cigarette koyo during specific sections of and concludes the following morning lo ar a stringed instrument similar to the aj ears in Amazight and some popular music Maghreb the geographic region encompassing northwest Africa and including Morocco, Algeria, and Tunisia and sometimes used to include Mauritania and Libya ssion of a ritual central to his role medina the walled historic old city that forms the core of most major cities in Morocco Mal a genre of sung poetry that features Moroccan Arabic , a wide range of instruments, and borrows from both classical and popular traditions
238 capitalism Mar a a region of Morocco on the Atlantic coastline between Casablanca and Rabat mar an adjective describing an element of mar awiyya style or a performer who makes use of that performance practice mar awiyya a region and includes a number of adaptations from popular music aesthetics one who is possessed by a spirit, derived fro m the passive form of the mbakhr addicted, refers to a person or population with a physical addiction or an emotional and cultural on amadsha, meaning that they are popular throughout the city) mella the historic Jewish quarter of a city, now mostly populated by Muslims something or so muezzin mu sports team, etc. muqaddima a woman who arranges for and watche a pilgrimage festival, usually religious in nature performed on the aj nasha c or other entertainments n a metal, generally followed by a color to determine which type n a iyya a high tuning on the aj the metal percussion instruments used in
239 ra la possession dance occurs adaq ceremony that is given to family and the poor a form of religiou s sung poetry closely related to Andalusian music in Morocco one who is a descendent of the Prophet Mohammed shaghma magic ceremony aj the country, around Marrakech ness, a form of authenticity of performance based on knowledge, piety, lineage, and other forms of respect from the community a group or ense heavy d a fretless lute some popular genres of music sciences vi lle nouvelle colonial era, generally nearby the older walled medina zawiya the larger rovised counter rhythms during the
240 APPENDIX B REPERTOIRE AND TEMPO CHART The chart below shows the list of songs performed by Abd ar Rzaq in the mar colors signify the segment of the ceremony. They are , ku l , Hamu , , Sidi Brahim ection) , elide, I count the most identifiable marker of a new song, which is the beginning of the new aj dentification. just before the entrance of a new aj notes when the performers end a set and begin a new one. This sometimes means that they take a smoke break, but more frequently, it is a pause as the for onto the next set. Muhammad precede consecutive bedding, and gha
241 dic and rhythmic content. stroke and 4 in that column is reserved for songs that use a quarter column references which of the rhythms dominates the song. It i s coded thus: duple (1), triplets (2), march (3), hemiola (4), heavy sixteenths (5), quarter note clap (6). otherwise stated.
242 Time Series Tempo (B) Tempo (E) Stop Strokes Iqa Rubbi Mulana 02:34 1 86 92 3 1 Abd an Nabi 01:02 2 92 100 3 1 Sidi Rasul Allah 01:05 3 100 112 3 1 al 01:25 4 108 120 3 1 Rasul Allah ya Nabina 00:54 5 120 134 3 2 Sala wa Nabina 01:20 6 136 136 3 2 al a fu ya Mulana 01:16 7 145 160 TRUE 3 2 Salatu an Nabi 02:47 8 87 98 4 3 Allah ya Rasul Allah Sidi 00:35 9 98 98 4 3 Allah huma sla Nabina 01:17 10 100 108 4 4 Jilala ( Abd al Qad r Sultan) 02:10 11 94 110 4 4 La Ilaha illa Lah Jilala 01:13 12 112 120 TRUE 4 5 Jilala Bu Alam 01:35 13 136 140 3 2 Jilali Dawi Hali 02:13 14 134 142 3 2 Ana b Llah wa bik ah Mulay Abd al Qad r 00:53 15 148 156 3 2 Dawini Dawini 01:25 16 168 172 TRUE 1 6 Sidi bil Wali Jani 03:08 17 90 100 4 4 Sulay Nabi wa Mulay Muhammad 00:51 18 98 102 4 4 Sala Nabina (2) 00:51 19 102 110 4 4 Ya Rasul Allah, Ya Mulay Muhammad 00:54 20 110 120 4 4 Hubbu Nabi Mulay Muhammad 00:30 21 118 120 4 5 La Ilaha illa Lah Muhammad 04:36 22 114 136 TRUE 1 6 Hammadi 05:30 23 88 150 TRUE 3 0 Ulad Lalla Fatima Zahra (Huma Anayti) 05:13 24 142 152 TRUE 4 5
243 Lalla Mimuna (1) 02:13 1 106 110 3 1 Lalla Mimuna (2) 02:28 2 105 124 3 2 Lalla Mimuna (3) 02:09 3 124 166 1 6 Sidi Mimun Gh u mami (1) 04:21 4 82 140 4 5 Marhaba 01:50 5 108 110 4 5 Marhaba Sidi Mimun 01:39 6 115 144 TRUE 4 5 Ya Bwab Habib Allah 01:27 7 116 120 3 1 Baba Mimun 02:13 8 122 142 3 2 Al Gnawi Baba Mimun 01:44 9 144 154 TRUE 3 2 Sidi Mimun Gh u mami (2) 01:44 10 138 164 3 2 Khali Mbara Maskina 02:15 11 144 164 TRUE 3 2 Sala Nabina 03:49 1 88 109 4 5 Sidi Musa 03:10 2 90 93 4 5 Rasul Allah Mohammed Sidi 02:52 3 110 128 TRUE 4 5 Sma wa Llah ya Bu Yandi 01:27 1 104 113 4 3 La Ilaha illa Llah ya Samawi 04:07 2 110 120 TRUE 4 4 Baniya 03:28 1 100 118 4 5 Sidi Hamu 01:40 2 141 144 3 2 Sidi Kommwi 03:00 3 117 162 3 2 ? 02:03 3 140 164 TRUE 3 2 Marhaba Sidi Mommwi 01:19 4 156 174 TRUE 3 2 Sidna Bu Hala 01:26 1 110 120 3 1 Fayn Kayn Ah Bu Hala 01:20 2 136 183 TRUE 3 2 La Ilaha illa Lah (1) 03:31 3 88 97 4 5 La Ilaha illa Lah (2) 03:11 4 108 160 TRUE 4 5 Mulay Abd Allah bin Hsayn 02:03 1 98 103 4 5
244 Mulay Brahim (1) 02:14 2 110 140 TRUE 4 5 Samharush (1) 01:20 3 94 105 4 5 Sharif Mulay Hamid 05:42 4 103 135 TRUE 4 5 Hadiyya (1) 04:00 1 75 88 4 3 Hadiyya (2) 01:37 2 93 112 4 3 01:11 3 110 127 4 5 Al Balini 01:52 4 116 128 4 5 Allah ya Rubbi ya Mulay 02:23 5 118 135 TRUE 4 5 As Salam Ala Baba ya Sidi 02:07 6 91 94 4 3 Fulani 02:02 7 98 104 4 3 Allal ya Allal 02:58 8 98 109 4 3 Balaiji 01:09 9 106 115 4 5 Lando Lando 00:57 10 124 138 4 5 Sidi Bu Ganga 00:55 11 136 145 4 5 Sanidyya 03:33 12 145 155 TRUE 1 6 Lalla Batuliyya 03:15 13 98 106 4 3 Busu Busu 03:51 14 86 100 TRUE 4 3 Lalla Malika ( Fr sh ) 03:39 1 91 94 4 3 Al Amraniyya ( Gha a ) 01:44 2 98 110 4 5 Lalla Malika ( Gha a ) 00:31 3 106 110 4 5 Lalla Malika (2) 02:36 4 149 163 3 2 Sala Ala Nabina (Susiyya) 09:46 5 162 184 TRUE 3 2 Majdoub al Raqiyya 01:37 6 147 160 3 2 Lalla Mira 01:33 7 154 154 3 2 Al Mira Shilha 01:23 8 160 174 TRUE 3 2 02:41 9 106 119 TRUE 4 4 Lalla Mira 02:09 10 134 170 TRUE 3 2
245 Aisha Sudaniyya (1) 04:11 11 110 126 3 1 Aisha Sudaniyya (2) 02:05 12 134 178 3 2 Lalla Aisha Kubba/Mula al Amin 02:12 13 115 155 TRUE 4 5 Aisha Hamdushiyya 10:58 14 135 168 TRUE 1 6 La Ilaha illa Lah (Lalla Aisha) 02:03 15 153 170 TRUE 3 2
246 APPENDIX C FESIYYA TEMPO CHART The chart below outlines the repertoire and tempo content of the fessiyya per Bla n. For a description of the terms used in the chart, see Appendix B. Time Series Tempo (B) Tempo (E) Stop Strokes Iqa Rabbi Mulana 02:10 1 92 99 3 1 Mohammed ya Rasul Allah 01:19 2 103 111 3 1 Salat an Nabi 00:50 3 112 126 3 1 al 'Afu 03:16 4 120 162 TRUE 3 2 Jilali 03:02 5 95 115 4 3 La Ilaha il Allah Mohammed Rasul Allah 01:49 6 112 122 TRUE 4 5 Lalla Mimuna (1) 03:25 1 108 119 3 1 Lalla Mimuna (2) 01:47 2 130 160 TRUE 3 2 Ghumami 03:19 3 98 116 4 3 Marhaba 02:28 4 107 123 TRUE 4 5 Marhaba (2) 02:14 5 140 169 TRUE 3 2 Sidi Musa Saghir 03:52 1 88 106 4 3 Sidi Musa Kbir 02:52 2 82 93 4 3 Ya Rasul Allah, Ya Rasul Allah 02:24 3 95 110 TRUE 4 5 Samawiyyin 02:26 1 98 120 TRUE 4 5 Kubayli 02:03 2 106 125 TRUE 4 5 Sidi Hamu Saghir 03:15 1 94 108 TRUE 4 3 Sidi Hamu Kabir 01:39 2 127 146 3 2
247 Hammuda al Gzar 02:46 3 130 180 TRUE 3 2 Mula Kommiyya 02:02 4 116 150 TRUE 3 2 Mulay Brahim 02:28 1 97 105 4 5 Mulay Abd Allah bin Hsayn 02:37 2 102 120 TRUE 4 5 al Arabi 01:37 3 89 110 TRUE 4 5 Amr Duwayya 02:28 4 128 166 TRUE 3 2 Bu Derbala 03:12 1 124 148 TRUE 3 2 Dar Wazzan (Yalla Nzuru) 02:09 2 87 102 TRUE 4 5 Buliya Buri wah Aya al Amin 02:36 1 92 103 4 5 al Hadiyya 01:59 2 106 124 TRUE 4 5 Shaba Kuriyya Sultan al Hawsa 01:55 3 102 123 TRUE 4 5 Balili 01:41 4 102 113 TRUE 4 5 Allal 03:19 5 91 126 TRUE 4 5 Fufu d Nuba 02:28 6 118 131 3 2 Fufu d Nuba (2) 02:35 7 134 190 TRUE 3 2 Fufu d Nuba (3) 03:16 8 182 194 TRUE 1 6 Mamriyyou 03:14 1 96 116 TRUE 4 5 Briandu 01:58 2 94 106 4 5 Briandu (2) 01:19 3 106 116 TRUE 4 5 Lalla Raqiyya/Lalla Mhalla 02:25 1 137 155 3 2 Lalla Batula 00:59 2 150 167 3 2 Lalla Mira ( Fessiyya ) 01:11 3 155 155 TRUE 3 2 Lalla Mira ' Arabiyya 02:34 4 99 108 TRUE 4 3 Hawzawa 01:48 5 145 175 TRUE 3 2 Lalla Hawa' 00:52 6 136 152 TRUE 3 2 Lalla Malika (Algerian) 02:39 7 93 114 TRUE 4 3
248 Lalla Malika (Meknesiyya) 00:43 8 118 129 4 3 Lalla Malika ('Alawiyya) 01:30 9 150 164 3 2 Susiyya 01:12 10 167 165 3 2 Allal Aoiwa 01:09 11 166 155 3 2 Tijaniyya 01:10 12 162 161 3 2 Sali ya Lalla ala Nabina 01:47 13 172 192 TRUE 3 2
249 APPENDIX D AUDIO EXAMPLES Objects D 1 through D 18 are audio examples linked to the list below . All examples are recorded by and courtesy of the author unless stated otherwise. Object D Rzaq. Meknes, November 8, 2010. Object D Object D Rzaq. Meknes, November 8, 2010. Object D Object D Object D Object D Object D Object D Object D Object D n Object D Object D 4, 2011. Object D 2011. Obje ct D Fez, April 4, 2011. Object D 2013. Object D
250 Object D January 1 1, 2013.
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258 BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH Christopher Witulski completed his Bachelor of Music in musical studies and Master of Music in music t heory at the State University of New York Colleg e at usic in 2004 and 2005, respectively . He completed his Master of Music in m usicology in 2009 and his PhD in m usicology with an emphasis in E thnomusicology in 2014, both at the University of Florida. He has received a number of awards and grants supporting his fieldwork in North and West Africa including: a Fu lbright U.S. Student Grant (2012 13), an Alumni Fellowship from the University of Florida (2007 11), a Pre Dissertation Fieldwork Grant from the University of Florida Center for African Studies ( 2009), and a Title VI Foreign Language and Area Studies Fello wship (2008). He has presented at the national conferences for the Society for Ethnomusicology (2007, 2008, 2013), African Studies Association (2008), and Middle Eastern Studies Association (2013), and participated in workshops including the Autumn School at the University of Amsterdam (2010), International Dissertation Writing Workshop in Hannover, Germany (2011), and the American Institute of Maghreb Studies Dissertation Writing Workshop (2012). His publications have appeared in the International Journal for Middle Eastern Studies (2012) and Music in American Culture edited by Jacqueline Edmondon (2013). In the fall of 2014, he will be joining the faculty of musicology program.