Citation
Gendered Spaces in Single-Family Kuwaiti Homes

Material Information

Title:
Gendered Spaces in Single-Family Kuwaiti Homes A Comparison between Past and Present
Creator:
Alenazy, Turkiyah H
Place of Publication:
[Gainesville, Fla.]
Florida
Publisher:
University of Florida
Publication Date:
Language:
english
Physical Description:
1 online resource (334 p.)

Thesis/Dissertation Information

Degree:
Doctorate ( Ph.D.)
Degree Grantor:
University of Florida
Degree Disciplines:
Design, Construction, and Planning
Design, Construction and Planning
Committee Chair:
PORTILLO,MARGARET B
Committee Co-Chair:
SILVER,CHRISTOPHER
Committee Members:
TORRES,MARUJA
TRAVIS,PATRICIA A
Graduation Date:
5/3/2014

Subjects

Subjects / Keywords:
Gender roles ( jstor )
Homes ( jstor )
Houses ( jstor )
Interior spaces ( jstor )
Men ( jstor )
Reception areas ( jstor )
Suburbs ( jstor )
Toilets ( jstor )
Women ( jstor )
Womens studies ( jstor )
Design, Construction and Planning -- Dissertations, Academic -- UF
gender-segregation -- gendered-spaces -- interior-design -- kuwait -- kuwaiti-contemporary-homes -- kuwaiti-homes -- kuwaiti-women -- reception-spaces
Genre:
bibliography ( marcgt )
theses ( marcgt )
government publication (state, provincial, terriorial, dependent) ( marcgt )
born-digital ( sobekcm )
Electronic Thesis or Dissertation
Design, Construction, and Planning thesis, Ph.D.

Notes

Abstract:
In the mid-20th century in Kuwait, expansions in oil revenues stimulated transformations in the status of Kuwaiti women, and in the exterior form of single-family Kuwaiti houses. Before this time, Kuwaitis lived in attached courtyard houses. The design of female and male reception areas in these houses implied an inequitable allocation of space between women and men and inadequate levels of privacy provided for female household members. Prior to the oil boom, Kuwaiti women were denied access to education and paid labor. Following the mid-20th century, a shift occurred in public participation of Kuwaiti women and in the form of their houses. The courtyard houses were replaced by detached houses where the interior spaces centered on the middle of a yard. The relationship between the social changes of the time period and the interior design of reception areas in contemporary houses was unknown. This research addresses the questions of 1) whether there have been any significant transformations across time in the spatial design of female and male reception areas in contemporary Kuwaiti homes; 2) if these physical transformations might reflect changes in the status of Kuwaiti women; and 3) whether there have been any changes in the spatial preferences and needs of Kuwaiti women and their involvement in the design process of their houses. This investigation was conducted in Kuwait through the period 1970 to 2010. The data were collected in three phases. In Phase One, the census data for the demographics of Kuwaiti women from 1970 to 2010 were obtained from the public Kuwaiti archives. Phase Two examined the evolution in the design of reception areas in a sample of 80 single-family houses. The period 1970 through 2010 was divided into eight five-year intervals from which ten houses in each period were selected for analysis. A content analysis was used to convert the qualitative data (floor plans) into quantitative data. In Phase Three, an interview schedule was developed to interview a convenience sample of 30 Kuwaiti women: 15 participants residing in houses built between 1970 and 1990, while another 15 lived in houses built from 1991 to 2010. ( en )
General Note:
In the series University of Florida Digital Collections.
General Note:
Includes vita.
Bibliography:
Includes bibliographical references.
Source of Description:
Description based on online resource; title from PDF title page.
Source of Description:
This bibliographic record is available under the Creative Commons CC0 public domain dedication. The University of Florida Libraries, as creator of this bibliographic record, has waived all rights to it worldwide under copyright law, including all related and neighboring rights, to the extent allowed by law.
Thesis:
Thesis (Ph.D.)--University of Florida, 2014.
Local:
Adviser: PORTILLO,MARGARET B.
Local:
Co-adviser: SILVER,CHRISTOPHER.
Electronic Access:
RESTRICTED TO UF STUDENTS, STAFF, FACULTY, AND ON-CAMPUS USE UNTIL 2016-05-31
Statement of Responsibility:
by Turkiyah H Alenazy.

Record Information

Source Institution:
UFRGP
Rights Management:
Applicable rights reserved.
Embargo Date:
5/31/2016
Resource Identifier:
907379189 ( OCLC )
Classification:
LD1780 2014 ( lcc )

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1 GENDE RED SPACES IN SINGLE FAMILY KUWAITI HOM ES : A COMPARISON BETWEEN PAST AND PRESENT By TURKIYAH ALENAZY A DISSERTATION PRESENTED TO THE GRADUATE SCHOOL OF THE UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIRE MENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA 2014

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2 2014 Turkiyah Alenazy

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3 To my father, Hajeej Humood Aqool

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4 ACKNOWLEDGMENTS especially my original committ ee chair, Professor Mary Jo Hasell for being an advocate for me throughout this process. I have learned a great deal from her and she has been unfailingly generous with her time, expertise and patience. I would like to expre ss my gratitude to the chair of my committee who took over for Professor Hasell, Professor and Chair of Interior Design Department, Margaret Portillo. Her knowledge and constructive criticism took this dissertation to an advanced level and brought it to co mpletion. I am also grateful to my other committee members for enhancing my intellectual skill s and research ability Professor and Dean of College of Design, Construction & Planning Christopher Silver expanded my horizon about the history of residential s paces as well as urban and regional planning in the United States. Associate Director and Undergraduate widened the perspective of feminism for my research. Dr. Maruja Torres Ant onini from the Department of Interior Design was an invaluable member of my committee. My editor, Wendy Thornton deserves special thanks for her constant efforts to make reading this dissertation smoother. I am grateful to my husband, Hamad Alanzi, for su pporting me in pursuit of my graduate studies in the United States. Special thanks to my mother, Dahla Suliman, and my brother, Aqool Alenazy for their tremendous love and support.

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5 TABLE OF CONTENTS page ACKNOWLEDGMENTS ................................ ................................ ................................ .. 4 LIST OF TABLES ................................ ................................ ................................ ............ 9 LIST OF FIGURES ................................ ................................ ................................ ........ 10 ABSTRACT ................................ ................................ ................................ ................... 16 CHAPTER 1 INTRODUCTION ................................ ................................ ................................ .... 18 Overview ................................ ................................ ................................ ................. 18 Statement of the Problem ................................ ................................ ....................... 23 The Study ................................ ................................ ................................ ............... 28 Assumptions Underlying the Study ................................ ................................ ......... 30 Significance of the Study ................................ ................................ ........................ 31 Delimitations ................................ ................................ ................................ ........... 33 Definitions and Operational Terms ................................ ................................ ......... 34 Summary ................................ ................................ ................................ ................ 38 2 REVIEW OF LITERATURE ................................ ................................ .................... 41 Overview ................................ ................................ ................................ ................. 41 Historical Introduction to Political and Economic Developments in Kuwait (1750 2010) ................................ ................................ ................................ ................... 44 Pre oil Political and Economic Development of Kuwait ................................ .... 44 Post oil Political and Economic Development of Kuwait ................................ ... 47 Transformation in Public Participation of Women in the United States and Kuwait ................................ ................................ ................................ .................. 52 Dual Earner Families in the United States ................................ ........................ 56 Dual Earner Families in Kuwait ................................ ................................ ........ 60 Transformation in the Urban Design of Single Family Homes in the United States and Kuwait ................................ ................................ ................................ 67 Transformation in the Urban Design of Single Family American Homes .......... 67 Transformation in the Urban Design of Single Family Kuwaiti Homes ............. 73 Transformation in the Layout of Single Family Homes in the United States and Kuwait ................................ ................................ ................................ .................. 76 Transformation in the Layout of Single Family Homes in the United States ..... 76 Degree of Spatial Enclosure between Interior Spaces ................................ ..... 77 ................................ ................................ ..... 80 Provision of Spatial Amenities ................................ ................................ .......... 81 ................................ ........... 81 Number of Interior Spaces Reserved f or the Female Residents ...................... 82

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6 Transformation in the Layout of Single Family Homes in Kuwait ............................ 84 Summary ................................ ................................ ................................ ................ 93 3 METHODOLOGY ................................ ................................ ................................ ... 96 Overview ................................ ................................ ................................ ................. 96 Phase 1: C hange in the Status of Kuwaiti W omen ................................ ......... 102 Phase 2: Change in the Design of Reception Spaces in Kuwaiti Homes ....... 104 Sampling plans ................................ ................................ ........................ 104 Data collection ................................ ................................ ......................... 104 Data analysis ................................ ................................ ........................... 105 Phase 3: Change in the Social P hysical Qualities of Reception Spaces in Participant ................................ ................................ .................... 105 Interview sampling ................................ ................................ ................... 106 Interview session ................................ ................................ ..................... 108 Participa nts ................................ ................................ .............................. 109 Interview instrument ................................ ................................ ................. 110 Data Analysis Plan ................................ ................................ ................................ 110 Demographic Variables ................................ ................................ .................. 111 Physical Variables of Reception Spaces ................................ ........................ 111 Interview Variables ................................ ................................ ......................... 112 Limitations ................................ ................................ ................................ ............. 112 Summary ................................ ................................ ................................ .............. 117 4 FINDINGS ................................ ................................ ................................ ............. 119 Overview ................................ ................................ ................................ ............... 119 Phase 1: Change in the Status of Kuwaiti W omen: 1970 2010 ............................ 120 Educational Attainment ................................ ................................ .................. 120 Participation in the Labor Force ................................ ................................ ...... 121 Job Status ................................ ................................ ................................ ...... 122 Marital Status ................................ ................................ ................................ 122 Age at First Marriage ................................ ................................ ...................... 123 Childbearing Patterns ................................ ................................ ..................... 123 Mobility ................................ ................................ ................................ ........... 124 Domestic Servants Living in Households ................................ ....................... 124 Phase 2: Change in the Design of Reception Spaces in Kuwaiti Homes: 1970 2010 ................................ ................................ ................................ ................... 125 Number of Parlors ................................ ................................ .......................... 126 Size of Parlors ................................ ................................ ................................ 127 Degree of Spatial Openness in Parlors ................................ .......................... 127 Amenities within Reception Spaces ................................ ............................... 128 Access of Reception Spaces to Main Entrance ................................ .............. 129 Phas e 3: Change in the Social P hysical Qualities of Rec eption Spaces in omes: 1970 2010 ................................ ................................ ........ 129 Demographics and Background of Participants ................................ .............. 130 Demographics of Mothers of Participants ................................ ....................... 132

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7 Involvement of Participating Women in the Design Process for their Homes 133 Contributions of Participating Women to Domestic Chores ............................ 137 Interactions of Participating Women with Visitors in Reception Spaces ......... 139 Gender Segregation and Type of Visitors Received in Reception Spaces ..... 140 Reasons for Entertaining in Reception Spaces ................................ .............. 142 Frequency of Receiving Visitors in Reception Spaces ................................ ... 143 Attire of Participants in the Presence of Male Visitors in Reception Spaces .. 144 Satisfaction of Participants with the Design of Reception Spaces .................. 144 Design and Use of Reception Spaces in the Current Homes of Participants 145 The spatial design of reception spaces ................................ .................... 146 Modifications in the design of reception areas ................................ ......... 149 Use of reception spaces ................................ ................................ .......... 151 Design and Use of Reception Spaces in the childhood Homes of Participants ................................ ................................ ................................ 154 Summary ................................ ................................ ................................ .............. 157 5 DISCUSSION, CONCLUSIONS & IMPLICATIONS ................................ .............. 160 Introduction ................................ ................................ ................................ ........... 160 Discussion ................................ ................................ ................................ ............ 166 Public Participation of Kuwaiti Women ................................ ........................... 166 Layout of Reception Spaces in Contemporary Kuwaiti Homes ...................... 170 Layout of reception spaces in early contemporary homes ....................... 172 Layout of reception space in late contemporary homes ........................... 174 Physical Segregation in Reception Spaces in Contemporary Kuwaiti Homes 176 Allocation and Use of Reception Spaces in Contemporary Kuwaiti Homes ... 177 Allocation and use of reception spaces in early contemporary homes ..... 179 Allocation and use of reception spaces in late contemporary homes ....... 181 Privacy in Reception Spaces in Contemporary Kuwaiti Homes ...................... 183 Privacy in reception spaces in early contemporary homes ...................... 184 Privacy in reception spaces in late contemporary homes ........................ 186 Spatial Needs and Preferences of Kuwaiti Women ................................ ........ 189 Involvement of Kuwaiti Women in the Design Process ................................ .. 191 Conclusions ................................ ................................ ................................ .......... 193 Implications ................................ ................................ ................................ ........... 195 Limitations ................................ ................................ ................................ ............. 201 Future Research ................................ ................................ ................................ ... 203 APPENDIX A MAPS FOR THE SUBURBS IN KUWAIT ................................ ............................. 207 B CHECK LIST OF CONTENT ANALYSIS ................................ .............................. 210 C INFORMED CONSENT ................................ ................................ ........................ 212 D INTERVIEW INSTRUME NT ................................ ................................ ................. 219

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8 E LINE GRAPHS DEMONSTRATING THE SOCIAL AND PHYSICAL TRANSFORMATIONS ................................ ................................ .......................... 244 F DATA TABLES FOR THE INTERVIEWS WITH KUWAITI WOMEN .................... 252 G EXAMPLES OF RECEPTION AREAS IN EARLY CONTEMPORARY HOUSES: 1970 1985 ................................ ................................ ................................ ............. 264 H EXAMPLES OF RECEPTION AREAS IN LATE CONTEMPORARY HOUSES: 1995 2010 ................................ ................................ ................................ ............. 283 REFERENCES ................................ ................................ ................................ ............ 327 BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH ................................ ................................ .......................... 334

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9 LIST OF TABLES Table page 3 1 Kuwait i model suburbs ................................ ................................ ..................... 10 0 F 1 Demographics of Participants ................................ ................................ ........... 252 F 2 ................................ ............................ 253 F 3 Involvement of Participants in Design Process for Homes ............................... 254 F 4 Contributions of Participants to Domestic Chores (Number of Female and Male servants and Number of Hours per Day Participants Spent in Housework) ................................ ................................ ................................ ...... 255 F 5 Contributions of Participants to Domestic Chores (Typ es of Chores) ............... 255 F 6 Interactions of participants with Family and Friends. (Gender of visitors in the ........................ 256 F 7 Interactions of Participants with Family and Friends. (Frequency of visiting, and male reception areas) ................................ ................................ ................ 257 F 8 Interactions of Participants with Family and Friends. (Proper attire from ................................ ................................ ................ 258 F 9 Satisfaction of Participants with Design of Fe male and Male Reception Areas 258 F 10 Spatial Design of Female and Male Reception Areas in the Homes of Participants ................................ ................................ ................................ ....... 260 F 11 Use of Female and Male Reception Areas in the Homes of Participants ......... 262 F 12 Female and Male Reception Areas in the Homes of Participants as Children .. 263

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10 LIST OF FIGURES Figure page 1 1 Isometric demonstrates the exterior form of traditional houses in Kuwait ........... 35 1 2 Exterior vie ws of traditional houses in Kuwait ................................ ..................... 35 1 3 Exterior and interior views for a traditional house in Kuwait ............................... 36 1 4 Isometric demonst rates the exterior form of contemporary houses in Kuwait .... 36 1 5 Contemporary houses built during the period 1950s and 1960s in Kuwait ......... 37 1 6 Commentary houses recently built in Kuwait ................................ ...................... 37 1 7 A built in hearth to prepare coffee ................................ ................................ ...... 39 2 1 Participation of marri ed women in the paid labor force, 1920 2000. ................... 58 2 2 A traditional courtyard house ................................ ................................ .............. 88 2 3 The conceptual model of th is study ................................ ................................ ... 95 3 1 Methodology framework of the study ................................ ................................ 103 5 1 The conceptu al model of this study ................................ ................................ 167 5 3 Sketch of the Be douin tent ................................ ................................ ............... 198 5 4 Photo of Bedouin tent ................................ ................................ ...................... 199 5 2 Conceptual model suggested by the s tudy. ................................ ...................... 203 A 1 The population of Kuwait is generally located around Kuwait City in the area circled in red. ................................ ................................ ................................ .... 207 A 2 The location of suburbs from which a sample of 80 single family houses was drawn. ................................ ................................ ................................ ............... 208 A 3 The location of suburbs from which a sample of 30 Kuwaiti women was recruited. ................................ ................................ ................................ .......... 209 E 1 Trends in the educational attainment of Kuwaiti women during the period1970 and 2010 ................................ ................................ ........................ 244 E 2 Demographic trends in the participation of Kuwaiti women in lab or force during the period 1970 and 2010 ................................ ................................ ...... 245

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11 E 3 The change in the distributions of Kuwaiti Women by Occupational Field during the period1970 and 2010 ................................ ................................ ....... 246 E 4 The change in the marital status of Kuwaiti women from1970 to 2010 ............. 246 E 5 The overall Fertility Rate for Kuwaiti Women from1970 to 2010 ....................... 247 E 6 2010 ................................ ................................ ................................ ................. 247 E 7 Number of female and male parlors in a sample of 80 singl e family homes built in Kuwait during the period 1970 and 2010. ................................ .............. 248 E 8 Number of single family Kuwaiti houses with female and male reception areas (1970 2010). ................................ ................................ ........................... 248 E 9 Average number of female and male parlors in a sample of 80 single family homes built in Kuwait during the period 1970 and 2010. ................................ .. 249 E 10 Size of femal e and male parlors in a sample of 80 single family homes built in Kuwait during the period 1970 and 2010. ................................ ......................... 249 E 11 Degree of openness defining female and male parlors in a sample of 80 single family homes built in Kuwait during the period 1970 and 2010. ............. 250 E 12 Amenities within female and male reception areas in a sample of 80 single family homes built in Kuwait during the period 1970 and 2010. ........................ 250 E 13 Access of female and male reception areas to the main entrance in a sample of 80 single family homes built in Kuwait during the period 1970 through 2010. ................................ ................................ ................................ ................ 251 G 1 Sketch for the ground floor of an early contemporary house including a single reception area ................................ ................................ ................................ .. 264 G 2 Exterior views for the front yar d and terrace which provided the main access into the interior spaces of the house ................................ ................................ 265 G 3 Interior views for the living room and its entrance at the top, and for the male parlor and its entra nce in the photo below.. ................................ ...................... 266 G 4 Male parlor and its amenities. ................................ ................................ ........... 267 G 5 Sketch for the ground floor of an early contemporary hou se including a single reception area.. ................................ ................................ ................................ 268 G 6 Photos of the male parlor. ................................ ................................ ................ 269

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12 G 7 Sketch of the ground floor of an early contemp orary house including the single reception area.. ................................ ................................ ...................... 270 G 8 Architectural drawing for the ground floor of an early contemporary house including the single reception area.. ................................ ................................ 271 G 9 Architectural drawing for the ground floor of an early contemporary house including the single reception area.. ................................ ................................ 272 G 10 Architectural drawing for the ground floor of an early contemporary house including the single reception area.. ................................ ................................ 273 G 11 Sketch for the ground floor of an early contemporary house including two reception areas.. ................................ ................................ ............................... 274 G 12 Sketch for the ground floor of an early contemporary house including two reception areas.. ................................ ................................ ............................... 275 G 13 Photos for the main internal entrance of the house opened into a lobby leading to two spaces, i.e., the liv ing room and the female parlor. .................. 276 G 14 Photos for the female parlor show a room enclosed by four walls that can be accessed through the lobby as well as the dining room. ................................ .. 277 G 15 Photos for the foyer that was adjacent to the dining room, toilet and kitchen and included the lavatory. ................................ ................................ ................. 278 G 16 Sketch for the ground floor of an early contemporary hous e including two reception areas ................................ ................................ ................................ 279 G 17 Architectural drawing for the g round floor of an early contemporary house including two reception areas.. ................................ ................................ ......... 280 G 18 Architectural drawing for the ground floor of an early contemporary hous e including two reception areas ................................ ................................ .......... 281 G 19 Architectural drawing for the ground floor of an early contemporary house including two reception areas.. ................................ ................................ ......... 282 H 1 Sketch f or the ground floor of a late contemporary house involving one level reception area .. ................................ ................................ ................................ 283 H 2 Photos for the exterior views of the front yard and the main internal entrance of the house from t he main external entrance.. ................................ ................ 284 H 3 Photos for the living area that was placed on the upper level and o pened into the female parlors. ................................ ................................ ........................... 285 H 4 Photos for the dining area ................................ ................................ ................ 286

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13 H 5 Photos for the toilet and lavatory provided for the female reception area and adjacent to the dining room. ................................ ................................ ............. 286 H 6 Sketch for the ground floor of late contemporary house including one level reception area.. ................................ ................................ ................................ 287 H 7 Photos for the front faade of the house. ................................ .......................... 288 H 8 Photos for the opened female reception area. ................................ .................. 289 H 9 Photos of the private amenities of female parlors, i.e., dining area and lavator ................................ ...................... 290 H 10 Photos for the male reception area.. ................................ ................................ 291 H 11 Sketch for the ground floor of a l ate contemporary house including one level reception.. ................................ ................................ ................................ ......... 292 H 12 Photos fo r the front faade of the house ................................ ........................... 293 H 13 Photos for the first of three female parlors as opened into the main entrance of the house and lobby. ................................ ................................ .................... 293 H 14 Photos for the female parlors present the high degree of openness between them and the upper fl oor of the house. ................................ ............................. 294 H 15 Photos of the family quarters that back up to the reception spaces. ................. 295 H 16 Photo of the lavatory ad ................................ ............... 296 H 17 Photo presents a view of the door providing internal access to the male parlor.. ................................ ................................ ................................ .............. 296 H 18 Ar chitectural drawing of the ground floor of a late contemporary house where female and male reception areas are located on the same floor.. .................... 297 H 19 Architectural drawing for the ground floor o f an early contemporary house including two reception areas.. ................................ ................................ ......... 298 H 20 Architectural drawing for the ground floor of an early contemporary house including two reception areas.. ................................ ................................ ......... 299 H 21 Sketch for the ground floor of a late contemporary house including double volume reception. ................................ ................................ ............................. 300 H 22 Sketch for the basement of a late contemporary house including double volume reception. ................................ ................................ ............................. 301 H 23 The external access of female and male reception areas. ............................... 301

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14 H 24 The female parlors. ................................ ................................ ........................... 302 H 25 The amenities provided for the visitors ent ertaining in the female parlors ....... 303 H 26 An internal s taircase connecting the male reception area in the basement and interior spaces on the ground floor. ................................ ........................... 303 H 27 The male parlors in the basement of the house. ................................ ............... 3 05 H 28 The amenities of male parlors in the basement. ................................ ............... 305 H 29 Sketch for the ground floor of a late contemporary house including two level reception. ................................ ................................ ................................ .......... 306 H 30 Sketch for the basement of a late contemporary house including two level reception. ................................ ................................ ................................ .......... 307 H 31 The female parlors on the ground flo or. ................................ ............................ 308 H 32 The living area on the first floor. ................................ ................................ ....... 308 H 33 The staircase. ................................ ................................ ................................ ... 309 H 34 Parlors in the basement. ................................ ................................ ................... 310 H 35 The dining area in the basement. ................................ ................................ ..... 311 H 36 The kitchen. ................................ ................................ ................................ ...... 311 H 37 Amenities of the parlors in the basement. ................................ ........................ 312 H 38 Sketch for the ground floor of a late contemporary house including two level reception. ................................ ................................ ................................ .......... 313 H 39 Sketch for the basement of late contemporary house including two level reception. ................................ ................................ ................................ .......... 314 H 40 The front entrance of the hou se. ................................ ................................ ....... 314 H 41 The female parlors on the ground floor. ................................ ............................ 315 H 42 The amenities of female parlors. ................................ ................................ ...... 316 H 43 The entrance separating the female reception area from the living quarters of the family. ................................ ................................ ................................ ......... 316 H 44 The living area on the ground floor. Another living a rea existed on the first floor. ................................ ................................ ................................ ................. 317

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15 H 45 The dining room for the use of female visitors.. ................................ ................ 317 H 46 The staircase leading to the basement. ................................ ............................ 318 H 47 The parlor in the basement. ................................ ................................ .............. 318 H 48 The door connecting the parlor with the male reception area. .......................... 319 H 49 The male parlors in the basement. ................................ ................................ ... 319 H 50 The back entrance of the house. ................................ ................................ ...... 320 H 51 Architectural drawing for the ground floor of a late contemporary house where female and male reception areas are located on two different levels ... 321 H 52 Architectural draw ing for the basement of a late contemporary house where female and male reception areas are located on two different levels .............. 322 H 53 Architectural drawing for the ground floor of a late conte mporary house where female and male reception areas are located on two different levels. ... 323 H 54 Architectural drawing for the basement of a late contemporary house where the female and male reception areas are located on two different levels.. ....... 324 H 55 Architectural drawing for the ground floor of a late contemporary house where female and male reception areas are located on two different levels.. .. 325 H 56 Architectural drawing for the basement of a late contemporary house where female and male reception areas are located on two different levels.. ............. 326

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16 Abstract of Dissertation Presented to the Graduate School of the University of Florida in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy GENDERED SPACES IN SINGLE FAMILY KUWAITI HOMES: A COMPAR IS ON BETWEEN PAST AND PRESENT By Turkiyah Alenazy May 2014 Chair: Margaret Portillo Major: Design, Construction and Planning In the mid 20 th century in Kuwait, expansions in oil revenues stimulated transformations in the status of Kuwaiti women, and in the exterior form of single family Kuwaiti houses. Before this time, Kuwaitis lived in attached courtyard houses. The design of female and male reception areas in these houses implied an inequitable allocation of space between women and men and in adequate levels of privacy provided for female household members. Prior to the oil boom, Kuwaiti women were denied access to education and paid labor. Following the mid 20 th century, a shift occurred in public participation of Kuwaiti women and in the form of their houses. The courtyard houses were replaced by detached houses where the interior spaces centered on the middle of a yard. The relationship between the social changes of the time period and the interior design of reception areas in contemporary ho uses was unknown. This research addresses the questions of 1) whether there have been any significant transformations across time in the spatial design of female and male reception areas in contemporary Kuwaiti homes; 2) if these physical transformations m ight reflect changes in the status of Kuwaiti women; and 3) whether there have been

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17 any changes in the spatial preferences and needs of Kuwaiti women and their involvement in the design process of their houses. This investigation was conducted in Kuwait th rough the period 1970 to 2010. T he data were collected in three phases. In Phase One, the census data for the demographics of Kuwaiti women from 1970 to 2010 were obtained from the public Kuwaiti archives. Phase Two examined the evolution in the design o f reception areas in a sample of 80 single family houses. The period 1970 through 2010 was divided into eight five year intervals from which ten houses in each period were selected for analysis. A content analysis was used to convert the qualitative data ( floor plans) into quantitative data. In Phase Three, an interview schedule was developed to interview a convenience sample of 30 Kuwaiti wome n: 15 participants residing in houses built between 1970 and 1990, while another 15 lived in houses built from 1991 to 2010.

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18 CHAPTER 1 INTRODUCTION Overview twentieth century radical transformations rippled throughout the country. One of the most noticeable physical changes was in the residential settlements in Kuwait City. Overnight, traditional communities within the city were sold and then demolished by the government to accommodate new commercial and institutional developments. On the periphery of the city, new neighborhoods of single family homes were established, and these neighborhoods were provided with public utilities and services such as grocery stores, bakeries, schools, mosques, and health care centers. The form of the Kuwaiti houses built in the post oil era was unlike traditional ones (Al Baher, 1985, 1984; Mahgoup, 2005, 2007a). The attached courtyard houses were replaced by detached houses, and housing facades took on a mixture of architectural styles frequently seen in Western countries. This imitation of foreign arc hitectural styles in the building facades caused numerous scholars and professionals to assume that the design of contemporary houses was inappropriate for Kuwaiti culture (Shiber, 1964; Al Mutawa, 1994; Al Baher, 1985; Mahgoup, 2003; 2004; 2007b; Al Sayed 2004). However, empirical evidence supporting this assumption does not exist. In evaluating the suitability of contemporary homes in Kuwait, the culture of Kuwaiti society and its rapid evolution has not been addressed. Rapport (1969) demonstrates that t changing values, images, perceptions, and ways of life as well as of certain

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19 it is essential to consider the changes in social context also. During the last fifty years, Kuwaiti society and particularly Kuwaiti women underwent radical changes in their lives. Since 1962, Kuwaiti women began to gain wider access to education and pai d jobs. For example, according to the Statistical and Census Sector [SCS] (2009), the number of female students in schools increased from 23,877 in 1962 to 372,689 in 1989. Furthermore the Millennium Development Goals Progress Report (2005) states that th e share of Kuwaiti women in wage employment in the non agricultural sector increased from 31 percent in 1993 to 39 percent in 2004. This share is predicted to become 50 percent by the year 2015. Also, in a significant move, on May 16, 2005, the Kuwaiti Par liament extended political rights to Kuwaiti women, and now women can vote as well as stand as candidates in public elections. These data indicate a dramatic shift in the behavior of Kuwaiti women in the public sphere during the past fifty years. In spite of this transformation, the question of whether these changes have influenced the forms of Kuwaiti houses has been overlooked. The assumption that the form of contemporary Kuwaiti houses built during the post oil era ceased to express the national identit y or culture may need to be reconsidered Scholars have documented (Shiber, 1964; Al Mutawa, 1994; Al Baher, 1985; Mahgoup, 2003; 2004; 2007b; Al Sayed, 2004) the physical transformations in housing facades and the layout of yards of contemporary houses, w hile the layout of interior spaces has not been examined. Changes in the exterior form of the houses do not necessarily indicate changes in the form of the interior spaces (Cowherd, 1980).

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20 Without investigating the layout of interior spaces, the suitabilit y of the design to the changed culture of the user cannot be estimated. One study, conducted by Al Jassar (2009), investigated the design of interior spaces in contemporary houses. In this study, the existence of some of the traditional interior spaces, i .e. the male parlor and the courtyard in contemporary Kuwaiti houses, females and males visitors used to entertain separately. He perceived the courtyard in traditional house s in Kuwait as interior spaces belonging to women, where female visitors were received. On the other hand, the male parlor, the diwania was established as the interior space for men, where male visitors used to socialize. Al Jassar (2009) investigated whe ther the female and male reception areas characterizing the traditional houses still existed among contemporary houses in Kuwait. Al Jassar (2009) found that male parlors remain a part of the house form characterizing contemporary homes in Kuwait. He then compared the design features of the male parlor in both traditional and contemporary houses in Kuwait. The study revealed that the male parlor has direct access to the main entrance of the house and was physically separated from the family quarters in the modern as well as in the old houses. However, the author did not demonstrate whether the physical characteristics of the male parlor in contemporary houses have changed across time. The study also described the finding that traditional social spaces for w omen ceased to characterize contemporary houses in Kuwait. However, he did not investigate whether another space for women to socialize has appeared in the contemporary houses in place of this traditional space (the courtyard). It is important to determin e

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21 significant increase in actual participation by Kuwaiti women in the public sphere and a possible expansion of their social interactions. Therefore, it is important t o identify what the physical transformations were that concurrent with the changes in the lives of Kuwaiti women. It is necessary to study the physical transformations that may area, but also in the social quarters of Kuwaiti men. Studying any change in the design the degree of privacy achieved for female householders. It is significant to distinguish here between desired privacy and that actually achieved by the built e achieved privacy was p.10). For example, Kuwait society places great emphasis on the modesty and chastity of women. Adult females have to wear proper attire in th e presence of male strangers. Thus, restricting contact between females and strange men in a specific household became an essential element inside the domestic realm to facilitate the movement of women in their own houses. However, the living conditions i n traditional houses in Kuwait did not always fulfill interrupted by the design of the male parl or in many middle class traditional houses.

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22 The interior spaces, including the male parlor, overlooked a single courtyard where the female family members usually performed their daily activities. Due to the living conditions and design of these traditional houses, the actual degree of privacy achieved for women was lower than their desired privacy. As the design of the space failed to achieve restricted interaction with men outside the immediate family other behavioral strategies were developed to satisfy the such strategy adopted by households who lived in traditional single family environments. They wrote: The essential difference between a small house and large one [before the oil discovery a nd suburbanization in Kuwait] was in the performance of all the functions of the house around a single courtyard. This system necessitated great care in the use of the house and on occasion women had to retreat behind the closed doors of one of the rooms o pening into the courtyard in order to avoid being seen by strangers. Sometimes clever reception rooms without disturbing the life of the family in the courtyard (p.23). Another e xample used house with male family members was mentioned by Dr. Mary Allison during her medical he women need not veil, but kept their heads covered with a (Lautrette, 2006, p.29). These examples demonstrate that the design of the old built environment provided a level of actual privacy less than that desired by Kuwaiti women. Thus, exploring whether any change occurred in the design of male parlor in contemporary houses in Kuwait across time is vital to discover whether the degree of actual privacy for Kuwaiti wom en inside their houses has also changed across time.

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23 Furthermore, studying the design of male parlor in contemporary houses in Kuwait is essential to conduct a comparison between the physical characteristics of social spaces of women and men in contempora ry homes This comparison can demonstrate whether these interior spaces were planned with an inequitable use of space. For instance, in the middle and lower class traditional houses, the husband had his own space to receive male visitors while his wife did not have a similar space. Rather, the wife received her guests in the living quarters of the family, which was a courtyard that was exposed most of the time to the extremely hot and dusty weather. Thus, investigating the change in the layout of male parlo rs will enhance our understanding about the level of actual privacy and of equity in the use of gender spaces. In spite of that, Al Jassar (2009) did not evaluate whether the physical characteristics of the male parlors in contemporary houses have changed across time. Addressing this question became more crucial particularly in the light of the shift in the socio economic conditions of Kuwaiti women. Investigating the reception areas of women and men as well can reveal whether empowering women in a particu lar society leads to equitable use of gender spaces and relates to a higher level of actual privacy for women. This study explores whether there are significant changes in the layout of the reception areas of women and men in contemporary Kuwaiti homes acr oss time and reception areas and the lives of Kuwaiti women. Statement of the Problem p articipation occurred in Kuwait only recently; however, such changes began earlier in economic

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2 4 resources and in the interior form of single family homes in the United States of Ame rica are traced in this research to provide the conceptual framework for the association between these two phenomena. More details about the social and physical transformations in the United States and the parallel changes in the social and physical contex t of Kuwait are discussed in the review of literature. As early as the 19 th century a social movement emerged in the United States advocating gender equity and the right of women to make choices and control their own destiny (Scanzoni, 1997). Politic al participation was much slower to emerge, and women only gained the right to vote in the United States in 1920 (DuBois & Dumenil, revived in the 1960s (DuBois & Dumenil, 20 09; Scanzoni, 1997; Strong et al., 1983; Hayden, 1995). Women advocated for economic autonomy to obtain freedom of choice and control of their own destinies. The ability to support themselves offered married women the ability to establish independence in their relationships with men (Scanzoni, 1997). The notion of economic independence influenced the demands for equity between females and males in the educational and paid employment realms. The notion that women could not participate as effectively as men in the economic and political realms due to their biological and psychological characteristics was also rejected. opportunities have been observed in the lives of American women. In str iving for equal opportunity, women in every educational field and area of employment began to obtain the same amount of knowledge, to gain wider access to education, and to expand the range of their occupations. According to the U.S. Census Bureau News (20 09), about

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25 education in 1997, compared with 26 percent of their male counterparts. By 2002, dual earner families were the predominant nuclear family, and currently constitute abo ut two thirds of American families (Hayden, 2002; Hasell & Scanzoni, 1997). By 2006, females 16 or older who worked in management, professional, and related occupations made up 37 percent of the labor force, compared with 31 percent of males (U.S. Census Bureau News, 2009). Further explanations about the changes in the lifestyle of American women are presented in the review of literature. Closely related to the shift in education and employment levels were changes in the behavior of women inside the domest ic sphere. Trends over the last fifty years include delays in the age of first marriage, higher divorce rates and a decline in birthrates. For example, the median age of first marriage for women grew from 20.2 in 1960 to 23.6 in 1988 (Scanzoni, 1997). Sca nzoni (1997) reported tha t men of the sixties were the first to face women who demanded equity not solely in the public arena but also in the private realm Essential to the entry of women into the paid labor market were modifications in the realm of domes household chores. Women began to seek egalitarian marriages in which their husbands shared the domestic household tasks and child rearing. Scanzoni (1977) describes the shift from traditional assumptions about a ppropriate sex roles. He wrote: There is no longer any ideal model for couples to follow, as there was range of choices regarding paid work and home work during their life course. At cert ain times both may be employed and chores may be divided on a fifty fifty basis. (p. 359) Many scholars in the design discipline have connected the increase in the participation of women in public labor with behavior inside their homes that may have

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26 inf luenced spatial preferences in the residences. For instance, Rock, Torre & Wright (1980) predicted a change in the spatial preferences of women, corresponding with the shift in the division of domestic labor. Interior spaces, capable of accommodating the c oexistence of family members in order for all to participate in domestic work, became the requirement. Cromley (1996) and Spain (1992) emphasized the impact of the As wome n began to perform multiple tasks at the same time, spaces that served multiple functions became preferred over those dedicated to a single function. Spain (1992) found an association between the quality of interior spaces that women preferred and their a ttitudes toward gender segregation. She argued that physical segregation of interior spaces based on gender characterized societies in which women and men socialize separately. preferenc es in the design of space are influenced by two levels of required privacy inside their houses. Altman (1975) defines privacy as the level that an individual needs to connect with other users. Rock et al. (1980) demonstrated that as a consequence of s growing autonomy and the need for self nurturing, their need to establish contact with other users decreased during particular times of the day. On the other hand, Miller et al. (2003) claimed that the time allowed for family members to socialize became more important. In sum, Rock et al. (1980), Miller & Maxwell (2003), Spain (1992) and spaces, influenced by their new patterns of public participation. These adjustments were

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27 essential and co space, attitudes toward gender segregation and required levels of privacy. Not only did the spatial needs and preferences of women change but also their ability to achieve them changed. Rock et al. (1980) speculated about the shift in women ceased to adapt th emselves to inadequate living spaces or merely to personalize them. Women became more involved in the design processes of their houses to satisfy their new needs for different styles of living space. The change in the roles of women in the design of their houses and in their spatial preferences contributed to transformations in the layout of interior spaces. Some scholars (Rapoport, 1969; Rock, Torre and Wright, 1980; Hasell & Peatross, 1990; Peatross & Hasell, 1992; Hasell, Peatross & Bono, 1993; Spain, 1992, Cromley, 1996; Miller and Maxwell, 2003; Roberts, 1991) have established a correlation between the changes in the behavior of women inside and outside the domestic sphere and in the interior layout of single family houses. They have also demonstrated transformations in the five physical characteristics of interior residential spaces that features included: 1) the degree of spatial enclosure between interior spaces, 2) the ar ea of interior spaces, 3) the number of amenities, 4) access to the main entrance of the house, and 5) the number of interior spaces reserved for the lady of the house. The transformations in each of these design features are further discussed in the revie w of literature.

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28 The evolution of access to socioeconomic resources by women, i.e. in education and paid employment outside the domestic sphere, is a global phenomenon. In 2005, the United Nations Department of Economic and Social Affairs posted a report titled, "Progress towards the Millennium Development Goals, 1990 2005." The report announced that women in different world regions made varying degrees of progress in both their educational attainment and in participation in the paid employment. In the de veloped countries, scholars (Saegert & Winkel, 1980; Rock, Toore & Wright, 1980; Hasell & Peatross, 1990; Hasell & Peatross, 1992; Hasell, Peatross & Bono, 1993; Cromley, 1996; Magee, 2000; Rapoport, 2001; and Miller & Maxwell, 2003) found associations bet ween this social phenomenon and changes in the behaviors of women inside their homes and in the interior design of single family houses in the developed world. These same types of questions whether or not there were social and physical transformations in the rapidly developing cultures of the Middle East, including the State of Kuwait have not yet been investigated. Moreover, there has been no research that investigates whether physical transformations are associated with a shift in the socio economic status of Kuwai ti women. National policies aimed at promoting access of Kuwaiti women to educational and occupational institutions were developed during the late sixties and early seventies (Ismeal, 1982 and Almughni, 1993). Consequently, changes in the d emographics of Kuwaiti women were not anticipated prior to 1970. More details are provided in Chapter The Study The present research addresses the questions of 1) whether there have been any significant transformations across time in the spatial design of female and male

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29 reception areas in contemporary single family homes in Kuwait, 2) whether these physical transformations might reflect changes in the socio economic status of Kuwaiti women, and 3) whether there have bee n any change in the spatial preferences and needs of Kuwaiti women and their involvement in the design process of their houses. To find answers the researcher collected data in three phases. Phase One of the study investigated changes have occurred in th e status of Kuwaiti women from 1970 to 2010. For this study, the status of Kuwaiti women was defined as their 1) educational attainment, 2) participation in the labor force, 3) job status, 4) marital status, 5) childbearing patterns, and 6) ability to driv e and navigate independently as well as 7) domestic servants living in household. The census data were obtained from the public archives in Kuwait to reveal the demographical trends occurring in the status of Kuwaiti women during the forty year span of the study. Census data was collected in eight time periods i.e. 1970, 1975, 1980, 1985, 1990, 1995, 2000, 2005, and 2010. Phase Two investigated the evolutions in the spatial design of female and male reception areas in Kuwaiti houses from 1970 to 2010. The spatial design of female and male reception areas was determined by several physical characteristics including: 1) number of female and male parlors, 2) size of female and male parlors, 3) degree of openness defining female and male parlors, 4) amenities within female and male reception areas, and 5) access of female and male reception area to the main entrance. The evolution in these design features was examined in a sample of 80 single family houses in Kuwait. The period 1970 and 2010 was divided into ei ght five year intervals from which ten houses were selected for the analysis. A content analysis was used to convert the qualitative data (floor plans) into quantitative data.

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30 Phase Three explored how Kuwaiti women perceive the social and physical qualitie s of their homes. To learn about their perceptions, interviews were conducted with a convenience sample o f two cohorts of Kuwaiti women who currently reside in their own houses. The first cohort of women, residents of older houses, lived in villas located in model suburbs and built between 1970 and 1989. The second cohort of women, residents of newer houses, resided in villas in model suburbs built between 1991 and 2010. This study evaluated the social and physical qualities of participants between cohorts Social qualities of participants were related to their: 1) involvement in the design process, 2) contribution in the domestic work, 3) interactions with visitors of both genders, and 4) satisfaction with the design of female and male reception areas. Phy sical qualities included: 5) design and use of female and male reception areas in the current residences of participants and 6) the design and use of female and male reception areas in the homes of participants as children. Using semi structured interviews Kuwaiti women were asked to reflect on the social and physical qualities of their homes. Then, two specific cohorts of women were compared and contrasted. Assumptions Underlying the Study Several assumptions underlie this study. First, the researcher as sumes that the period of study (1970 2010) is sufficient to capture recent changes that occurred in the lives of Kuwaiti women as well as major reception areas in single family houses. Second, that the floors plans for ten houses built in the same interval can present the trends in the spatial design of the reception the demographics of Kuwaiti women obtained from the Central St atistical Office in

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31 Kuwait are accurate. Fourth, the missing census data is assumed to be accurately accounted for. Fifth, Kuwaiti women participating in the study were assumed to answer the questions of the questionnaire and interview schedule honesty. Fi nally, it is assumed that the participants in the study were able to accurately compare their lives with those of their mothers. Significance of the Study When Kuwait emerged as a major oil supplier to industrial nations after 1946, the state adopted am bitious development projects to urbanize the built environment. The projects implemented during the early fifties and sixties can be described as phenomenal in term of the monetary expenditure and the amount of time for execution. The governmental expendit ure on development projects between 1956 and 1966 amounted to KD 345 million. Ismael (1982) describes this transformation by saying: The physical transformation of Kuwait city [was] from a sunbaked adobe town, four miles long on its desert side, to a moder n metropolis of the most contemporary design and ostentatious architecture, 25 miles long on its desert side by 1963 (p.103). Urbanizing Kuwait city included plans to transfer the residential settlements from the center to the periphery of the city to acco mmodate new commercial and institutional developments. In a single decade, the Kuwaiti community sold their homes in the city so they could be demolished, and then displaced to new houses in the recently developed suburbs. The homes in these suburbs were u nlike those built in Kuwait city before the discovery of oil. Kuwaitis no longer built courtyard style adobe single story houses with plain facades by themselves. Rather, they hired architects and contractors to design and construct detached houses with wi ndows and verandas that overlooked planted yards. The faades of the modern houses took on a mixture of architectural styles

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32 similar to those seen in the Western countries. The importation of new construction material and techniques facilitated the constru ction of two story and air conditioned houses. well documented by many scholars in Kuwait. However the change in interior design, part of has not yet been adequately examined Very little is known about the traditional features that remain in the interior layout of contemporary houses, or any new design features that appeared, or even when these new design features became a trend in the inte rior design of Kuwaiti homes. The the male parlor while other interior spaces were overlooked. Also, scholars demonstrated the consistency of this design element, i.e. the male parlor, but whether the physical characteristics of this space have changed across time was not addressed. It is worth mentioning here that articles speculating on the existence of the male parlor or the change in the exterior form of contemporary ho uses lack a conceptual framework and do not employ empirical evidence. Investigating the change in the design of one of the interior spaces in contemporary houses employing empirical evidence, i.e. content analysis of the floor plans of contemporary hou ses, would contribute to providing more details about the made of the link between these changes in the interior design of contemporary houses and the behaviors of Kuwai ti women, users of the space, who experienced a radical shift in their culture following the midpoint of the twentieth century. Focusing on the lives

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33 of Kuwaiti women is an attempt to uncover the culture setting of the built environment in Kuwait. Tracing the historical transformation in both the social and physical environments is crucial to document the recent history of architecture in Kuwait and place it in a cultural context. This information can also enhance our knowledge and allow us to develop crite ria for selecting houses with criteria that can be saved for future generations. Documenting and conserving the history of architecture in Kuwait means conserving the heritage of the nation and its people. Delimitations The present study was conducted in Kuwait and examines only Kuwaiti women. Non Kuwaiti women were excluded. In Kuwait, there are two kinds of single family houses. The first type is known as governmental houses that are designed and built by the Public Authority of Housing Welfare (PAHW). A nother type of single family house is called qassaym or villas (singular qassima and villa). In this type of residence, the homeowner is able to hire an architect and a contractor to design and build the house. Therefore, the villas are included in this st udy while the governmental houses are not included. This study aimed to examine the change in the involvement of Kuwaiti women in the design process of their houses. In Governmental houses, Kuwaiti women do not have the opportunity to participate in the de sign of the residences and to incorporate their spatial preferences into the client designed housing. In Villas, Kuwaiti women can participate in the design of their residences. The housing lots where villas can be constructed are located in investment sub

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34 e Ragam, 2008, p.68). This study excluded the villas located in investment suburbs where the land plots are very expensive and villas are mainly owned by Kuwaitis from the upper class and upper middle class. All evaluated house s in this study were villas built in model suburbs. As the land price is less expensive, these domestic areas are inhabited mainly by what is considered to be the middle / lower class of Kuwaiti families. In fact, the class distinction for citizens in Kuwa it is not defined. Generally, Kuwait was ranked by the of income of more than $ 42,000 in 2011. Because of the governmental subsidies and assistance provided for Kuwait i citizens, a population under the poverty line does not exist according to the CIA. Thus, Kuwaiti citizens can be described as having a comfortable economic life style. Kuwaitis with great wealth are not included in this study and live in different neigh borhoods and circumstances. More details about the sample can be found in the methods chapter. Definitions and Operational Terms R ECEPTION AREA OR PAR LOR : refers to a specially designed space to receive guests. In some cases this space is used by the famil y as a living quarter. In other cases, the living quarter of the family is utilized as a reception space where the quests are received. If this is the case, female visitors are often expected to be entertained in this space rather than men. T RADITIONAL K UWAITI HOUSE : refers to vernacular courtyard (attached) houses in Kuwait which were predominant during the pre oil period and built by Kuwaiti labor (see Figures 1 1 through 1 3).

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35 Figure 1 1. Isometric demonstrates the exterior form of traditional house s in Kuwait The different boundary relationships between courtyard and Western housing ). Figure 1 2. Exterior views of traditional houses in Kuwait (Untitled photographs, n.d.).

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36 Figure 1 3. Exte rior and interior views for a traditional house in Ku wait (Kester 2011). C ONTEMPORARY K UWAITI HOUSE : refers to the detached houses whic h became popular after the oil discovery in Kuwait and designed by architects (see Figures 1 4 through 1 6). Figure 1 4. Isometric demonstrates the exterior fo rm of contemporary houses in Kuwait ( The different boundary relationships between courtyard and Western housing ).

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37 Figure 1 5. Contemporary houses built during the period 1950s and 1960s in Kuwait ( Photographs of early 50s and early 60s n.d .). Figure 1 6. Commentary houses recently built in Kuwait ( Photos by author ). D ESIRED P RIVACY & A CTUAL P RIVACY : Altman distinguished between two aspects when defining privacy, i.e. desired privacy and actual privacy. He defines desired he subjective statement of an ideal level of interaction with others how 5, p.10). When the design of the space does not fulfill the desired privacy required by the use r, they develop alternative strategies for using the space, a process

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38 D OMESTIC OR PRIVATE S PHERE / REALM : refers to the dwelling that accommodates primary familial relationships and is occupied by family members related by blood or marriage (Spain, 2008). P UBLIC SPHERE / REALM : refers to spaces outside the domestic sphere (dwelling) and accommodates a secondary relationship that is o utside the immediate family, including strangers (Spain, 2008). In this study, the public sphere is used to signify two public spaces, i.e. the educational institutions and working spaces outside the residential space. A MENITY : The accoutrements that enri ch the interior spaces in a house. For instance, in upper class traditional houses in Kuwait, there is a specially designed room which is used to prepare coffee and another for the male visitors to sleep. These are annexed to the male reception area. Thes e areas enhance the experience of hospitality. In less affluent traditional houses in Kuwait, a small space in the male parlor can be reserved for coffee preparation as shown in Figure 1 7. Summary In the mid 20 th century, the oil discovery in Kuwait sti mulated economic growth leading to significant social and physical transformations. For example, the exterior form of single family Kuwaiti houses changed. Before this time Kuwaiti families lived adobe courtyard houses that were attached to each other. Th e design of the reception areas in the traditional Kuwaiti houses suggests inequitable use of space between women and men. For instance, in the middle and lower class traditional houses, the husband had his own space to receive male visitors while his wife did not have a similar space. Rather, the wife received her guests in the living family quarters i.e., the courtyard. As perceived by traditional Kuwaiti society, these houses were the most appropriate place

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39 for the women to pursue their functions as wiv es and mothers. At this time most Kuwaiti women h ad limited opportunities to advance their education or develop a career. Figure 1 7. A built in hearth to prepare coffee and serve it hot and fresh for the male visitors entertaining in the male parlor ( Dickson 1956 cited in Alajmi, 2009). Following the mid 20th century, the government of Kuwait constituted the national policies facilitating the involvement of Kuwaiti women in education and labor force. Not only did these opportunities for Kuwaiti women open up, but the form of their houses revealed chang es as well. The attached courtyard houses were replaced by detached houses where the interior spaces centered in the middle of a yard. Very little is known about the spatial design of female and male rece ption areas in the contemporary Kuwaiti houses. It is unknown whether there has been any change in the

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40 interior design of contemporary Kuwaiti houses parallel to the transformation in the status of Kuwaiti women. The shift in the status of women and the i nterior design of single family houses had occurred earlier in the United States during the 20 th century. Many scholars in the fields of design discussed the social and physical changes. More details about the transformations in the status of women and in the form of single family houses in the United States and Kuwait will be provided in the following chapter.

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41 CHAPTER 2 REVIEW OF LITERATURE Overview An understanding of our past places our lives and experiences in context. We are all part of a n ever moving stream of change; we cannot isolate ourselves from the flow of history. The family also evolves and changes. It changes as society changes, giving partnerships new forms and meanings (Strong et. al, 1983; p.29). Distinct types of family struc tures were observed by Hasell and Scanzoni (1997), distinguished these two types of family structures by the contrasting roles that women play within them. According to the researchers, benchmark families are economically self sufficient, husband and wife living with their natural children who are cared for full In other words, benchmark families consist of traditional male do minated, single earner homes. Yet, since the beginning of the twentieth century, the U.S. has experienced a women to both education and high paying careers. With the growing access of women to such socioeconomic resources, the benchmark family structure was challenged by dual earner families, more so now than ever before. Dual earner families represent a contemporary family structure, in which both the wife and husband are exp ected to earn income to support their household. Western scholars have since examined closely the role of women in these two family structures, along with how their new roles have affected urban housing and interior design. In one aspect, scholars (Fisher man, 1987, Hayden, 2002, Spain, 1992) connected the male dominated, traditional benchmark families with changes in the

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42 urban design of residential spaces in the United States. In the 1950s, residential spaces were designed to be separate from the workplace ; urban planners went so far as to recommend relocating domestic dwellings to the fringes of urban centers. This was based on a male dominated, single earner income househol d with a housewife to maintain the home. Towards the middle of the twentieth century, with the shift toward dual earner family structures, scholars saw a similar shift in the interior design of many American residential spaces. Parallel to the changes in the United States, social and physical transformations also occurred throughout the second half of the twentieth century in Kuwait. These changes were facilitated by the discovery of oil in 1938, fueling the economy and providing a market in which both mal es and females were in demand to man an ever growing workforce. It soon became necessity to integrate Kuwaiti women into this workforce, thus requiring a revised desegregated education system that allowed women the same access to education as men. With the growing access of Kuwaiti women to education and paid labor, the traditional Kuwaiti family structure that had prevailed in the pre oil era was challenged and largely replaced by the dual earner family structure. Oil revenues enabled the nation to adopt ambitious plans to urbanize old Kuwait City. The design concepts underlying these plans resembled those that were implemented in the American landscape in the 1950s suburbanization. To accommodate new commercial and institutional developments, new neighbor hoods of single family homes were first established on the periphery of the city. Since then, the physical segregation between the domestic and production spheres has characterized

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43 the urban design of Kuwait. The design of these new Kuwaiti single family h ouses that were built in the suburbs was very unlike the traditional domiciles (Al baher, 1985, 1984; Mahgoup, 2005, 2007a). The city block, attached courtyard houses were replaced by detached, individual houses, and housing facades took on a mixture of ar chitectural styles frequently seen in Western countries. Several scholars have correlated these changes in the interior layout of single family houses in the United States with the shift in the role of women in the public sphere (Saegert & Winkel, 1980; Ro ck, Toore & Wright, 1980; Hasell & Peatross, 1990; Hasell & Peatross, 1992; Hasell, Peatross & Bono, 1993; Cromley, 1996; Magee, 2000; Rapoport, 2001; and Miller & Maxwell, 2003) However, these changes in the interior layout of single family houses built in the post oil era in Kuwait were overlooked, particularly in relation to transformations of city layouts and the demographics of Kuwait. In this chapter, social and physical transformations taking place in Kuwait will be compared and contrasted in re lation to those which took place in the U.S. The historical residential spaces witnessed in the United States will be addressed to understand the conceptual framework underlyi physical and social development will be illustrated in this chapter as well, to ensure that the context is established for the study. Therefore, Chapter 2 will discuss the following topics: Historical introduction to political and economic development in Kuwait (1750 2010) Transformation in the public participation of women in the United States and Kuwait

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44 Transformation in the urban design of single family homes in the United States and Kuwait Transfor mation in the layout of single family homes in the United States and Kuwait Historical Introduction to Political and Economic Developments in Kuwait (1750 2010) Contemporary Kuwait is one of the super affluent, oil rich sheikhdoms of the Arab Gulf. Rather than reflecting the poverty and instability characteristic of other Third World societies, they are capital surplus nations with the highest standard of living in the world (Ismael, 1982; p.1). Historically, Kuwait has experienced two significant transfo rmations in its economic structure. Throughout the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, Kuwait developed from a nomadic settlement at the edge of a peninsula to a mercantile community on the western edge of the Arab Gulf. Kuwait experienced another shift i n production in the middle of the twentieth century. With the discovery of oil in 1938, Kuwait emerged as a major oil supplier to the world. The political structure corresponded with this shift. A brief history of the development of narrated in the succeeding sections. Pre oil Political and Economic Development of Kuwait The City of Kuwait, the capital of present Kuwait, is located in the north eastern Arabian Peninsula bordering the western shores of the Arabian Gulf (Persian Gulf). The city was originally a tiny coastal village called Grain, and was first settled by the Bani Khalid, a tribe that dominated northeastern Arabia in the mid seventee nth century. The ruler of the Bani Khalid, Shiekh Barrak, built a small fortress to store food and ammunition (Ismeal, 1982; Slot, 2003; Abu Hakima, 1983), and the city quickly grew around its walls. By the end of the eighteenth century, Kuwait City was si gnified by the

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45 Kut meaning castle or fort (Abu Hakima, 1983). The Al Sabah clan soon moved into Kuwait in the eighteenth century from central Arabia Najd to settle into the town. Al Sabah remai ned under the sovereignty and protection of the Shaikh of Bani Khalid, until the authority of the tribe was undermined (Ismeal, 1982). In 1752, the inhabitants of Kuwait chose Sabah bin Jaber to rule the town, and his family has been in command ever since. Kuwait was first inhabited by groups of Bedouins and fishermen, and lacked any agricultural production of its own, focusing only on fish and sheep. A surplus of products and commodities were provided from trading centers all over the Gulf, and the best w ay to acquire these goods was through pearl production. Ismeal (1982) claimed that pearls exchanged for basic necessities. Kuwait was an important trading center for nomadi c tribes to exchange their surplus products. Thus, pearling and commerce were historically the primary economic resources for the Kuwaiti community. One of the first ports of supply for Kuwaiti commerce was Basra, located 80 miles north of Kuwait. Basra w as the busiest port in the Gulf, transferring goods from the desert to the sea via east west and north south trade routes moving throughout the Middle East. In 1775, Persian forces occupied Basra for a year (Ismeal, 1982). This proximity gave Kuwait the op portunity to siphon off peripheral commerce, thus ensuring diverted through Kuwait. Lorimer (cited in Ismeal, 1982; p. 30) wrote that the merchants were efficiently pro tected in Kuwait and the duty on imported goods was levied at a low

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46 rate of one percent. Corresponding with the shift of commerce from Basra to Kuwait was the migration of merchants. The shift in these long distance trade routes through Kuwait increased t he building industry. In fact, boats represented critical support for commerce in winter and pearl gathering in summer. Building more sophisticated and complex vessels meant a greater ability to carry larger crews for longer dist ances. The immigrant merchants provided the surplus capital required to develop the boat construction industry. Small pearling boats with crews of five were displaced by larger ships with crews of up to 70, giving the pearl merchants direct access to the international market. Dealing directly in the pearl market eliminated the middleman, and thus merchants realized a huge profit. Controlling the productive forces, the merchant class gained real power in the old Kuwaiti community. This control, however, mad e the rulers of Kuwait, who had a tangential concern with pearling and commerce, financially dependent on this class and then politically subordinate to it. The economic and political power of the merchant community was challenged by British involvement i n the late nineteenth century. Shaikh Mubarak aimed to establish a friendly relationship with Britain to protect Kuwait from the Ottoman Turks who attempted to invade Kuwait several times. In addition to the fears of attacks by the Ottomans was a concern a bout the extension of German and Russian influence into the Gulf region in the late 1890s, a concern exploited by Britain to draw Kuwait to its side. Accordingly, Britain forged an agreement with Shaikh Mubarak, promising British defense against foreign in and did not attempt to intervene. The alliance of this Kuwaiti ruler with Britain

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47 realizing how crucial the mercha class radically shifted in the 1930s (Smith, 1999). Post oil Political and Economic Development of Kuwait The expa nsion of pearl production and boat construction sustained the economy until the inter war period between the end of the Great War and the beginning of the Second World War in Europe. The world economic depression in 1929 and the appearance of the pearls ha rvested by the Japanese a year afterwards resulted in a depreciation of pearl prices in the worldwide market. Furthermore, the locally constructed boats were marginalized by European steamships and were eventually supplanted by air transport and modern shi pping. The traditional economic structure was obliterated by the discovery of oil in 1938, and its subsequent expansion by the end of the Second World War. Only after 1946 was the oil produced and exported to the markets of the industrial world. Oil royalt ies rapidly increased as market demand revenues, Kuwait was no longer dependent on me accepted an agreement to withdraw from politics in exchange for guarantees from the ruling family to promote their economic outreach. The distribution of wealth to them was channeled through land sale programs and the monop oly of the private sector in Kuwait. traditional allegiances with merchants, but also allowed Abulla Al Salem to seek a new ally with Kuwaiti citizens by creating the welfare state (Smith, 1999; Rizzo, 2005). The

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48 British political residents in the Persian Gulf, Rupert Hay and Bernard Burrows, 1999, p.23 & p.49). As a noted historian on the Persian Gulf States, Rosemarie Said State, the extent to which was unknown even in the most ad vanced European free healthcare and education, along with utilities such as subsidized water, electricity and telephone services. According to traditional assumptions, as the sole bread winner of the family, every Kuwaiti man was entitled to a job in the public sector and to housing assistance (Ismeal, 1982; Rizzo, 2005). Shaikh Abdulla Al Salem was also determined to develop Kuwait into a modern welfare state in the q uickest possible time (Smith, 1999). The period from 1952 through 1966 witnessed a construction boom, during which the urban design of Kuwait City and its suburbs was initiated. The construction projects transformed the 1952 traditional adobe towns which e xtended for miles into the desert the most contemporary design and ostentatious architecture, 25 miles long on its desert built, along with eight hospitals, several electric power stations, a network for economic distribution, street lighting, water desalinization plants, Kuwait Airways, and factories for construction materials. The expenditures on development projects for the period between 1 952 and 1956 reached KD 91.5 million, and inflated to KD 345 million during the period between 1957 and 1966 (Ismeal, 1982). This modern physical infrastructure

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49 facilitated the growth of public services, and hence the political organization of Kuwaiti soc iety. Ismeal (1982) described the evolution in the political organization of the state, administration in the pre oil era, by 1979 the government was composed of seventeen Corresponding with the implementation of development projects and expanding public services, there was also large scale immigration. The state imported specialized labor and experts who were required for developing and expanding serv ices within the oil industry. The demand for immigrant labor contributed to the lack of Kuwaiti labor and experts at that time. A limited number of Kuwaitis were available due to the small size and young age of the Kuwaiti population on one hand, and the l imited participation of women in the labor force on the other. Moreover, there was a lack of skilled labor and professionals among Kuwaiti nationals (Ismeal, 1982; Rizzo, 2005). In 1957, 63 percent of the Kuwaiti population was illiterate while 28 percent could read and write but had not completed primary school; 2 percent had completed primary school but less than a half percent had a level of education above primary school (Ismeal, 1982). The shortage of skilled Kuwaiti labor was overcome by importation o f immigrants from Middle Eastern countries in particular from Jordan, Palestine, Egypt, Lebanon, Syria, and Iraq (Ismeal, 1982). The intention behind importing these immigrants was to develop cooperation and medical spheres, but not to develop an association with their politics (Smith, 1999). However, these newly arriving immigrants, particularly those from Egypt, brought with them a new political belief of Arab

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50 Nationalism (Smith, 1999; Al Mughni, 1993). Arab Nationalism promotes the unity of Arabic countries that are located between the Atlantic Ocean and the Arabian Gulf, since their societies share a common linguistic, cultural, religious, and historical heritage. This ideology aims to liberate these nation mandatory power in Palestine in 1923 and a treaty alliance with Egypt in 1937, and allowed the immigration of seventy five thousand Jewish immigrants to Palestine in 1939. The Empire then withdrew, facilitating the creation of the State of Israel in 1948. The role of Britain in creating Israel, along with their role in forcing hundreds of thousands of Palestinians to flee their homes, left a legacy of resentment in Arabic countries. The hostility to Britain and Israel, particularly among Egyptians, redoubled Israeli War of 1 948 to 1949. In order to prevent defeat by colonial powers, the Egyptian Leader, Gamal Abd Al Nasser argued that Arab countries should be united, under a framework called the Arab League (Smith, 1999). Egyptian offenses mounted during the Suez Canal crisi s in 1956. Smith (1999) argued that the Gulf rulers were skeptical about the advocates of an Arab nationalist the league was after the new Arab unity which might attenuate their new isolated from the Palestinian question and notions of Arab N ationalism.

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51 However, Kuwaiti society adopted a reverse point of view. In fact, Kuwaitis were more open to new ideas than the other protected states in the Arabian Gulf, and hence more prone to be influenced by public opinion in the Arab world. Kuwaiti soc iety was exposed to Arab Nationalism premises through the professionals and technicians who had immigrated to work in Kuwait, and alternatively, through the young Kuwaiti men who earned their degrees from Arabic universities (Smith, 1999, Ismeal, 1982, Riz zo, 2005). These nationalists demanded Arab unity, national independence, and a constitutional government, and the latter led to a series of demonstrations in Kuwait. To break up the crowds, Kuwaiti police and security services engaged in a two hour battle with protesters. Public indignation grew, resulting in an explosion near the oil refineries. As these Arab expatriates represented a threat to national security, the state adopted strong restrictions against them in 1959 (Rizzo, 2005). The state objected to exploiting the expertise of immigrant labor while isolating the political involvement of workers by engendering status distinctions between the Kuwaiti and non Kuwaiti populations. Ismeal (1982) argued that the state adopted policies included developme nt programs of the Kuwaiti population, nationality laws, and urban design of the built environment. Leaders of the development programs objected to the reliance on foreign professionals and labor, and this contributed to a shift in female employment in Kuw ait (Ismeal, 1982; Almughni, 1993). Further discussion about the increase of women in the workforce will be provided later in this chapter. perpetuate the preferential treatmen citizenship included those who had been living in Kuwait since 1899, children of Kuwaiti

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52 men, and children of Arab and/or Muslim fathers born in Kuwait. In 1959, the citizenship years in Kuwait and demonstrating Arabic language proficiency and valuable achievements, was limited to o nly fifty per year in 1960 (Rizzo, 2005). By 1965, Kuwaiti nationals became a minority in their own country, while foreign immigrants constituted the majority. Kuwaitis made up 47.1 percent of the population (Ismeal, 1982). To increase the size of Kuwaiti citizenry, another amendment was introduced in 1966 to include Arabs who had lived in Kuwait since 1945 and non Arabs who had resided in the country since 1930. Transformation in Public Participation of Women in the United States and Kuwait Prior to the r adical transformation in the economic infrastructures of Kuwait in the mid 20 th century and the United States throughout the 19 th century, the traditional society of Kuwait shared some of the same social values as those of America. For example, single peop le were not permitted to live alone or as an unmarried couple. Boys and girls were involved in adult work at early ages and were expected to be married once they reached adulthood. Women usually became mothers at an early age and continued caring for the f amily throughout most of their adult lives. In addition, the production of many household goods, tending the house and rearing children, were responsibilities expected of the wife and mother. Wives lacked the economic power of the husband in terms of finan ces and control of property. A limited amount of paid work was also available for women in both of these societies. However, the few jobs that wage jobs, such as needlework and domes tic service.

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53 It is important to note that the participation of married women in public spheres varied between the early Kuwaiti period before the mid 20th century and American societies throughout the 19th century. The contribution of married women to sub sistence was essential in the traditional agrarian and commercial economy in the United States. In Kuwait, women were perceived as wives and mothers and the oil era, only poor married women were structure at that time relied on traditional seafaring industries, namely ship construction, maritime commerce and pearl recovery and processing. These jobs required physical strength, distanc e from the family base, and ability to be mobile abilities that were production sphere. In America, urban women had a certain amount of mobility. They could engage in such act ivities as visiting the homes of friends, attending theaters and enjoying public gardens. In contrast, Kuwaiti women were not encouraged to venture outside their houses except for necessities, such as shopping or washing clothes on the beach. Since the wi ves of the elite were the only women who had domestic servants, they had no reason to leave the home and, therefore, experienced more isolation compared to the lower classes of women. sty and chastity. However, Kuwaiti society did so with much greater emphasis than in America. Generally, in Kuwait, girls were raised to be like their mothers. Once they reached puberty, they were forbidden to play in the street with male companions. They had to

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54 wear a veil, or cover their hair inside the house when approached by unrelated males or strangers. From puberty on, girls had to wear a cloak and cover their faces when outside the house. Furthermore, men and women naturally segregated from one anot her in Kuwait, both groups socializing within very distinct spheres, and sex outside of marriage was and still is considered taboo (Al Mughni, 1993). Social values regarding the domesticity, privacy, and the role of married women were reconsidered followi ng the economic transformations that began in America in the early nineteenth century. The economic boom and the Industrial Revolution created jobs, attracting large quantities of immigrants, as well as poor farmers, to urban areas. As these farmers increa singly forsook the agricultural style of living, the old patterns of extended family scattered and began to disappear. At the same time, the benchmark family, in which the male was the sole provider of the family, began to disperse. This idea began to take place in middle class communities, particularly when the family stopped working together as a productive work unit, and the father became the sole earner of income, achieving economic success independently (Scanzoni, 1995; Strong et al., 1983). On the oth er hand, some men had to work for low wages, even though children who were older than five had to work for substantially less pay than men just to keep their families from starving. Corresponding to the financial independence of the middle class male and the revival of ideals of the Evangelical religious movement, new roles were proposed for women, at least middle class women. The Evangelical movement, which first arose in the early eighteenth century and revived by the second half of the eighteenth century in

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55 England, took hold with special strength among the upper class in London and began to gain popularity in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries in America (Fisher man, 1987). This ideology promoted close relationships between parents and their children, while anything that weakened them was anathema. From the Evangelical perspective, the time of a respectable woman should be devoted to managing the household and ple and to educate the young (Scanzoni, 1995; p. 105). As this Evangelical movement progressed, the role of married women as wives and mothers was valued more than ever before. St rong et al. (1983) demonstrated the change in the social status of women during the nineteenth century in America which resembled that in England in the mid eighteenth century. He said: Ironically at the same time that women were losing economic stature a s housewives, they began to be idealized. During the nineteenth century [in the United States] women were placed on pedestals and considered to be warmer, finer, more emotional, more delicate people than men. Whereas women traditionally had been considered morally inferior to men, they were now judged to be morally superior. Since the world in which the men moved was now brutal, harsh, and fraught with struggle and competition, women were supposed to remain at home. Resistance to women working was rooted in the feeling that the only true humanity left resided in their isolation from the rest of the world (p. 37). Beginning in the sixties in the United States and later in the nineties in the State of Kuwait, the benchmark family began to be challenged by a sh ift in social expectations concerning gender. While pursuing their traditional roles as mother and caregiver, women began to enter both the economic and later political realms in large numbers. The review of literature that follows will present and compare the benchmark families in the United States and Kuwait. Then, the dual earner families in both the United States

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56 and Kuwait will be discussed along with issues related to the growing access for women to the public sphere (educational and occupational inst itutions). Dual Earner Families in the United States During the later years of the nineteenth and early years of the twentieth began to ride bicycles, wear pantaloons, and seek paid work b efore marriage (Scanzoni, 1995; p. 111). Yet, while industrialization still seemed to isolate white married women from the economic realm, it provided their never married counterpart access to paid labor. Factory work gave native born American girls the op portunity for higher wage jobs compared with traditional feminine jobs such as domestic service and teaching. Consequently, the number of native born whites engaging in domestic work gradually declined in the nineteenth century (Spain, 1992). This decline was also influenced by the institution of child labor laws and compulsory education. By the turn of the twentieth century, married women began performing domestic work, as influenced by European immigrants and black women migrating from the south, who had previously been accustomed to being live in domestic servants (Spain, 1992). Even the supply of servants began to be challenged because of increasing suburbanization; servants could not afford to travel to remote parts of the country to take positions (Ha yden, 2003). The shortage of domestic servants increased the burden of housework confronted by middle class housewives, particularly since household appliances began to be introduced slowly into the domestic sphere only after the mid nineteenth century (Ha yden, 1995; Cromley, 1996; Rybczynski, 1986). Traditional roles of women inside and outside the domestic sphere were

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57 DuBois & Dumenil, 2009). Women sought equality and challenged the traditional view of on equality and achieved advancement in both public and private realms. In the public dominion, for example, women began to obtain the same amount of knowledge and gain wider access to education in every field. Title IX, The Educational Amendments Act, which prohibits sexual discrimination in federally funded educational programs, was introduced in 1972 and led to revolutions in female enrollment nu mbers in graduate programs (DuBois & Dumenil, 2009). Between 1972 and 1980, the proportion of females among students who earned PhDs expanded from 16 to 30 percent, while enrollment in medical and law school grew, respectively, from 10 to 34 percent and fr om 11 to 26 (DuBois & Dumenil, 2009) percent. According to the U.S. Census Bureau or higher in 1997, compared to 26 percent of their male counterparts. In the workplace, si gnificant improvements also occurred in the economic lives of women, particularly married women. For example, a law that prohibited discrimination on the basis of sex and marital status during credit transactions was initiated in 1974 (DuBois & Dumenil, 20 09). Four years later, Congress passed the Pregnancy Discrimination Act, which protects pregnant women from workplace discrimination. In 2006, females 16 or older who worked in management, professional, and related occupations made up 37 percent of the la bor force, compared with 31 percent of males (U.S. Census Bureau News, 2009). Local activists in the United States sponsored both the Action Committee for Day Care to promote public support for childcare for working women and Employed Women to help organiz e female clerical

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58 workers for better paying and wider job opportunities. Figure 2 1 illustrates the steady growth in the participation of married women in the labor force following 1960 in the United States. Figure 2 1 Participation of married women i n the paid labor force, 1920 2000. (U.S. Census Bureau, 2010). Table 2 1 demonstrates the labor force pattern of white married women compared to black women who historically were more likely to be involved in the labor force. Black housewives were a decade ahead of their white counterparts (Hayghe, n.d.). Also, the percentage of married women with children under age six entering the labor force increased from 18.6 percent in 1960 to 30.3 percent in 1970, reaching 58.4 percent in 1989 (Scanzoni, 1995). On Oc tober 24, 2000, the U.S. Census Bureau News announced that the participation of women with infants under age one in the work force in 1998 (e.g., 59 percent) had doubled since 1979 (e.g., 31 percent). Hayghe (1981) claimed that the increase in the participation of wives in the labor force

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59 was directly associated with the growth in the number of dual earner families and the decline in the traditional economic family dynamic, where t he husband was the only member of the family employed. Until the late 1960s, less attention was paid to dual earner families, who made up only nine percent of all married couples in 1920. By 1968, the proportion of dual earner families equaled those of tra ditional earner families. Out of all married couples, 45 percent were classified as traditional earner families and 45 percent were dual earners. After only one decade, by 1978, 51 percent of all married couples were dual earners and the traditional earner families only represented 33 percent. Furthermore, the percentage of full time working couples (both husband and wife working 35 or more hours a week) rose from 13 percent in 1969 to 31 percent in 1998. All these data indicate a revolution in the involvem ent of married women in the The traditional division of labor changed in the private sphere as well. Strong et al. (1983) said some women sought egalitarian marriages in which their husbands shared household tasks and child rearing. This notion, explicated in classic feminist writings, helped define feminist ideology. These writings are posted in the Archive of the Chicago Women's Liberation Union (CWLU) Herstory website (http://cwluherstory. com/). One of the classic pieces widely circulated during the and published in 1971 in Ms. Magazine Ms. Syfers, a wife and mother, imagined her female friend who had just di vorced, would like a wife, and that she herself would like a wife, writing:

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60 I want a wife who will take care of my physical needs. I want a wife who will keep my house clean. A wife who will pick up after my children, a wife who will pick up after me. I want a wife who will keep my clothes clean, ironed, mended, replaced when need be, and who will see to it that my personal things are kept in their proper place so that I can find what I need the minute I need it. I want a wife who cooks the meals a wife who is a good cook. I want a wife who will plan the menus, do the necessary grocery shopping, prepare the meals, serve them pleasantly, and then do the cleaning up while I do my studying. (para. 3) ublished in 1970 was written by Pat Mainardi, who questioned what prevented the husband from participating in week to earn enough to live on, so why shouldn't we share the Influenced by the demands of women, new images of shared domesticity began to appear in popular culture through the end of the twentieth century. Men were shown doing a share of shopping and childcare, sons were trained to perform d omestic chores and daughters taught to resist male control (Hayden, 1995). The 60s and 70s in the Dual Earner Families in Kuwait While the appearance of Kuwaiti women in the public realm was very restricted before the discovery of oil, changes occurred in the post oil period. Nevertheless, Kuwaiti women remained heavily veiled whenever they were in public (Freeth, 1956; Al even prior to the pre oil era. Between 1950 and 1960, merc

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61 Egypt began to advocate for the emancipation of women. They devalued what they perceived as traditional roles, which involved gender segregation and the customs of Kuwaiti women (i.e., the head cover, black cloak, and face cover) They argued that their dress. The rules of sexual separation and arranged marriages prevented men of the opportunity to socialize with women in order to choose their own wives. In addition, it was believed that women should acquire equal rights with men and pursue their education. movements that they were exposed to while studying in Egyptian col leges (Almughni, 1993). However, perceptions about women began to be challenged even earlier in Egypt, at the turn of the nineteenth century, among students who acquired their education in European countries such as France and England (Abu Lughod, 1998). A t that time, the culture of those Egyptians was quite progressive along with their own American models defining the status of women. Among the most influential intellects who wro te about this issue was the man known as the father of Egyptian feminism, Paris educated Qassim Amin. In his books Tahrir al (1900), which referred to the concept of the education of women would facilitate raising children and would support their male partners in the fight against colonialism and the development of their country. He also

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62 challenged the veil and sexual segregation as obstac and conjugal love. Educated young men who were eager to adopt such notions encouraged their sisters to publicly participate in change. In 1946, while studying in Cairo, these educated al space for Kuwaiti women to participate. Some merchant class young women, still in their teens, wrote articles during the fifties confronting unconventional roles and costumes, and addressed issues about wom involvement in paid jobs. Freeth, the daughter of a British political agent, (Harold Richard Patrick Dickson) in Kuwait, described the change in their interests in her book Kuwait Was My Home ated: With the beginning of education for girls within the last ten years, a generation of young women has grown up who have a new savoir faire, and wider interests than their predecessors who lacked formal education and had no access to new ideas from boo ks and periodicals. The young Arab wives in the town today are dressing in European fashion, a change that reflects the influence of the Syrian and Palestinian school teachers who have taught them to make and wear clothes of western style, and they are eag er to gain information on modern dress and similar topics Arab countries (p. 83). Many merchant class women in the 1950s and 1960s had the opportunity to pursue their undergraduate studie s abroad and drop their veil during the process. After returning to Kuwait, they began to drive. They also succeeded in opposing regulations At this time, progressive young couples began to live in their own private homes away realm reflected a transformation in gender relations for the Kuwaiti woman. This also

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63 contributed to changing the nor ms concerning the education of their daughters for many middle class families (Al Mughni, 1993). These families became more interested in advancing the education of their daughters in the schools and institutions that were available in Kuwait at that time. first and only public university in the nation, had not been established, and the secondary diploma was the highest academic degree offered for women in Kuwait. After the mid 1960s, many middle cla ss women were able to drop their cloaks while keeping their veils. unconventional lifestyle for women in a predominantly Muslim country, the access of Kuwaiti women from different social classes to education and paid labor was facilitated by national policies developed during the late sixties and early seventies. Ismeal (1982) and Almughni (1993) claimed that the state adopted development programs to counter the reliance on foreign profess ionals and labor. As the laws of Kuwaiti nationality were employed to undermine the position of the non Kuwaiti population and their relations with Kuwaitis, which was necessary to maintain national security, plans were set to re engineer Kuwaiti society. In 1962, the Planning Board, which was superseded by the Ministry of Planning in 1974, was established to formulate policy and create development programs. This board produced a series of five year plans that aimed to replace non Kuwaitis in administrative and managements jobs with Kuwaitis by increasing the level of education of the Kuwaiti population. The goal was to increase Kuwaiti participation in the workforce and stem the growth of the non Kuwaiti population.

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64 To accomplish this, national policy requ ired the involvement of Kuwaiti women in the workforce (Ismeal, 1982; Almughni, 1993). As stated in the first five year plan, which account the need to increase the contr ibutions of Kuwaitis to the total labor force, and that cannot be achieved unless Kuwaiti women are encouraged to enlist in suitable year plan confined Kuwaiti women to the fields of social work, med icine and teaching in schools and academic institutions, the second five year plan, enacted for the years 1976 through 1980, opened the locked gates to all professions and areas of study (Ismeal, 1982; Almughni, 1993). The plan aimed to increase the level of female participation in the workforce across all social and economic sectors (Ismeal, 1982; Al Mughni, 1993). To integrate Kuwaiti women into the paid workforce, officials granted them equal access with men to various educational fields and levels. Comp leting the elementary and secondary school levels became compulsory for both girls and boys. Also, Kuwaiti University, which was established in 1966, opened the gates for females to pursue higher education. Before that time, earning a college degree meant traveling and studying abroad, which most Kuwaiti families did not allow their daughters to do (Meleis et. al, 1979). However, these new government policies, granting Kuwaiti women access to educational and occupational opportunities, contradicted the tra ditional values of society regarding gender segregation. Ismeal (1982) explained that the government considered these values inherent in Kuwaiti culture, and therefore established separate elementary,

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65 secondary, and high schools for boys and girls to encou coeducation still exists only at the kindergarten and university levels in Kuwait. While women and men could be separated during the educational process, carrying this over into the professional sector was not possible. Initially, traditional feminine jobs, where women were exposed to little or no contact with men, were perceived as the only suitable form of work. Also, the contribution of women in the labor force was challenged by social perceptions about the appropriate role of wo men (mothers and housewives) and space (domestic space). Many researchers attribute developing social problems, such as the increasing rates of divorce, alcoholism, and drug addiction, to the changes in behavior of Kuwaiti women in the public and private s pheres (Tetreault, 2010; Longva, 1993). Women were criticized for driving their own cars, shopping and working, while leaving the responsibilities of housework and childrearing to their domestic servants. This cultural background may explain why only six percent of Kuwaiti women had entered the workforce by 1990. This increase was confined to the field of teaching in traditional views with the low rate of involvement of Kuwaiti w omen in economic activities in the early stages of the new economy, and their concentration in particular jobs. Almughni (1993) and Alawadi (2009) demonstrated that the rate of employment for iberation from the Iraqi invasion in 1991. At that time, the state fired high numbers of foreign workers in an effort to maintain national security. The decline of foreign workers, from 1,577,892 in 1990 to 695,001 in 1993, made the integration of Kuwaiti women into the workforce a

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66 necessity (Al Mughni, 1993). The participation of Kuwaiti women into paid employment in the government sector grew from 25 percent in 1993 to 49 percent in 2004 (Alawadi, 2009; Statistics and Census Sector [SCS], 2009). Today, su ch women are currently involved in a wide range of occupations, including prestigious professions such as university faculty, ministers, and ambassadors. For instance, Massouma al Mubarak, educated in the United States, worked as a professor of political s cience for many years before she became Kuwait's first female government minister in 2005; she subsequently worked as Minister of Planning and Minister of State for Administrative Development. Also, she and three other women won seats in the Kuwaiti Parlia ment in 2008, becoming the first women to do so in K uwaiti history (Worth, 2009 ). Moreover, in 1994, Nabila Al Mulla was appointed as the first female Foreign Ambassador and is curre ntly serving in Australia (Fattah, 2005 ). By 2005, Kuwaiti women with high er degrees and professional jobs outnumbered Kuwaiti men (Central Census Office, 2005). Furthermore, the Kuwaiti parliament, in a significant move on May 16, 2005, extended the political rights of women. This was the first time in Kuwaiti history that wome n could participate in elections, as well as run for public offices. In May 17, 2008 four Kuwaiti women won seats in parliament for the first time. It is worth mentioning that the political participation of Kuwaiti women was delayed for several decades sin ce the beginnings of a democratic society took effect in Kuwait in the early sixties. As soon as Kuwait terminated the 1899 Agreement with Britain in 1961, the ruler, Sheikh Abdullah Al Salem, appointed a Constituent Assembly to draft the national constitu tion of Kuwait, which declared that men and women were equal

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67 before the law (Almughi, 1993; Rizzo, 2005). Yet it took another five decades for Kuwaiti women to attain political office. Transformation in the Urban Design of Single Family Homes in the United States and Kuwait Suburbia is a form of landscape where single family residential spaces are segregated on the periphery of the commercial centers of a city. This phenomenon, invented in Britain, and adopted in the United States after the mid 19 th century was later implemented in Kuwait following the mid 20 th century (Hayden, 2002; Fishman, 1987; Al Baqshi, 2010; Al Ragam, 2008). In both countries, suburbanization was associated with radical transformation in the economic infrastructure. While suburbaniz ation in America was stimulated by the social desire to divide production from the domestic spheres, and by class separation, the Kuwaiti transformation was inspired by the ruler of Kuwait, Abdulla Al Salem, who wanted to create a new, modern image for his country. The development of suburbs outside the city centers as they occurred in the United States and Kuwait will be described in the next sections. Transformation in the Urban Design of Single Family American Homes During the Colonial era of the Unite d States, urban families lived altogether with apprentices and servants in attached row houses, consisting of at least two stories and a basement. On the upper floor, apprentices slept, and the basement was used as storage. On the ground floor, the front p art of the house facing the street contained the workspace. The living quarters were located behind this area, and consisted of a single hall. In this quarter of the house, business transactions occurred, meals were cooked, and family members entertained a nd received guests. They usually dined with their servants and apprentices here as well. The hall included several ten square foot beds,

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68 which many slept in at a time (Rybczynski, 1986). Furthermore, Scanzoni (1995) ublic inns, families often sold bed and breakfast to travelers. Beds were commonly occupied by unmarried persons, and court records washed and dressed in front of each other. The lack of physical separation between work and family led to a lack of privacy. Customers did not hesitate to knock on the door Influenced by these social values which contradicted the reality of urban life, the bourgeo is attitudes toward the city changed. To enable a woman to perform her proper role and protect her from the corrupting influences and the children from the immorality that filled the crowded streets in the city, it was essential to isolate family from city Thus, a search began for a district devoted to a single function (i.e., living separated from the working and urban sphere). In urban areas, settlements had historically included mixed social classes. The ideal of living in a separate district from work environments appealed to upper and middle class communities, but also appealing was the idea of living separately from mixed social classes. In fact, the social distance between rich and poor that stemmed from perceptions of different habits of personal c leanliness always existed. But, the development of a need for physical distance followed heavy population growth. Deteriorating living conditions and the congested urban cores were perceived

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69 as unsafe to the bourgeoisie. Thus, the mixed neighborhoods and c lose contact with the poor were deemed no longer acceptable. In spite of the alienation of the upper and middle classes from the urban centers, these centers were the source of their wealth and position, so proximity to the city center was still crucial. The separation between the upper and middle classes created the beginnings of a new urban form suburbia. Fishman (1987) and Hayden (2002) claimed that the ideology of female domesticity and the desire for class separation contributed not only to inventing the residential suburb in England but also to its acceptance in the United States in the mid nineteenth century. Initially, the bourgeoisie class attempted to establish residential urban districts with excellent planning and strictly enforced land use cont rol. However, class elite Thus, the ready made pre tested model of residential community locat ed just outside the city was adopted. The English origin of the design manifests itself in the design of the first American suburb, Llwellyn Park, New Jersey, built in 1853, which emulated the idea of the English suburbs. Suburban development outside the American cities started in the 1850s and was created and inhabited by upper class and upper middle class families who were primarily white and Protestant, with a male head of the household. Whereas the developers with substantial capital attempted to susta in the markets for expensive suburban property, less expensive properties were soon built by the road developers who engaged in land speculation in 1870. The owners of the companies who were

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70 given the exclusive right by the government to operate railroad l ines along a given street directed their lines onto their own lands to increase the land value. Then the large tracts were subdivided into modest sized lots and marketed to the less affluent middle class and skilled workers. The developers of all these sub urbs adopted deed restrictions to exclude potential buyers on the basis of race, religion, and social class to maintain the value of the suburban villa. These restrictive covenants were set up to prohibit the division of land into tracts for small homes, t o prevent their use as multi family dwellings, to restrict commercial and industrial uses of the land, and also to prevent Jews and African Americans from residing in these communities (Fishman, 1987). In the urban core, workers were left to suffer in po verty and lacked decent housing. Between the 1880s and the 1920s, workers organized several strikes enough so that their wives and children did not have to work. It also provid ed barely sufficient housing. Not only were the workers angry, but some veterans returning from World War One were also upset to find that African Americans and women had taken the jobs of white males during the war. Manufacturers, who had moved from the defense industry during the war into peacetime production of domestic appliances and automobiles, found in suburban home ownership a way to achieve social order and profit. They advocated long term home mortgages and the mass production of suburban dwellin gs to increase the need for steady employment, and to force out the temporary female workforce that had been pressed into service during wartime in order to give their jobs back to veterans.

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71 Moreover, by segregating the wives of working men from the produc tion sphere into the domestic, the goal was to nurture the spouse and children and thereby increase the The labor union leaders agreed to build smaller scale suburban villa s in 1919 as a reward for skilled white male workers. Thus, the small suburban single family homes gained popularity. Since the 1850s, Hayden (2002) claimed the home was perceived as a retreat for men from all classes and was also considered the workplace for unpaid housewives and mothers (p.13). The gender division of labor underlining suburbanization was maintained by national policy in 1924. Model zoning ordinances which were initiated by the Division of Building and Housing separated residential, commer cial and industrial uses of land. Traditional assumptions about gender roles denied women access, not only to the work sphere, but also to home ownership. In 1931, Herbert Hoover, the U.S. president who enacted the Home Building, and Home Ownership program held a campaign for home ownership to recover from the stock market crash. In the following year, Hoover signed the Federal Home Loan Bank Act to encourage banks to offer mortgages with favorable terms and to stimulate home lending. Thus, home ownership b year olds Accordingly, two groups of women were not eligible for the federal fund and excluded from homeownership. First, white women of all classes were expected to gain access to housing through their fathers or husbands and not to achieve homeownership in their own right. Second, the white elderly working class and lower middle

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72 class, who were no long er wage earners in the prime of life, were left in the old inner city neighborhoods (Hayden, 2002, p.74). Although the Equal Credit Opportunity Act of 1974 (ECOA) forbade discrimination based on gender by mortgage lenders, homeownership became possible for only a few households with female heads. According to the ECOA law which forbade mortgage holders from discounting 50 percent of the income of any women of child bearing age when determining their mortgage eligibility, only a few employed women became qua lified as sole owners. Even the emergency shelters for battered women and their children were perceived as a temporary solution for female single parents. The special h community (Hayden, 2002, p.72). In 2000, 82.4 percent of married couples owned houses while only 49.1 percent of female headed households did (Hayden, 2003). Furthermore, women of color, from all classes, were excluded from the suburban tracts by racial covenants (p.74). Racial segregation was reinforced by government loan policies and red lining by local bankers, who provided new home mortgages only in segregated subdivisions en forced by deed restrictions, or separated by walls from the settlements of racial minorities. The highest classification was reserved for all white, all Protestant neighborhoods, whereas loans in racially mixed neighborhoods were refused. Hayden explained that the redlining of ghetto areas continued despite the establishment of the Fair Housing Act of 1968 (FHA) that outlawed racial segregation. FHA efforts succeeded in achieving homeownership for only 40 percent of African American and Latino male workers and their families in the late 1960s and 1970s.

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73 During the period of suburbanization, when division between the production and reproductive spheres began to raise concerns in the United States, Kuwait started to adopt this model of urban design. The Kuwait i model was developed in the 1950s under British influence. Even as the English and American suburban experiences offered a model for Kuwait, Kuwait went through rapid changes in urban forms, due to a transforming economy. More details about suburbanizatio n in Kuwait are provided below. Transformation in the Urban Design of Single Family Kuwaiti Homes In 1950, the Kuwaiti ruler, Abdulla Al Salem, working with his London representative, H.T. Kemp, commissioned the planners Anthony Minoprio, Huge Spencely, an d Mcfarlane (MSM) to create a master plan for Kuwait (Al Ragam, 2008, Al Baqshi, 2010). To prepare the master plan, Minoprio visited Kuwait in 1951 to take aerial photographs of the town. At that time, Kuwait extended only four miles along the desert side and was surrounded by a curvilinear wall which served as a defense against Bedouin raids (Ismeal, 1982; Abu Hakima, 1983). The town could be accessed only through four gates penetrating the wall, which had been built sometime in the early twentieth century (Abu Hakima, 1983). The most significant architectural elements enclosed by the wall were mosques, bazaars, squares in other words, the traditional commercial centers in the town. Also within the wall were courtyard houses and numerous palaces belonging t o the ruling family and affluent merchants (Al Ragam, 2008). Pedestrianism was the main form of transportation within the city and the tight unpaved alleys were bounded by the plain facades of courtyard houses. The traditional architecture was typically on e story and sometimes two stories, constructed from indigenous materials, such as coral rocks or sunbaked mud.

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74 t, in 1952, MSM prepared the master plan which proposed developing the governmental, commercial and shopping centers within the wall, while the residential area would be built outside it (Al Baqshi, 2010). The residential settlements were connected with ea ch other and with the city center by a road network, initiating the need for automobile transportation. In the same year, the Development Board was established to coordinate construction activities and to create development programs (Ismeal, 1982). Shortl y after, the traditional communities within the city were sold and demolished by the government to accommodate new commercial and institutional developments. On the periphery of the city, new neighborhoods began to be established in 1953, and public servic es such as grocery stores, bakeries, schools, mosques, and health centers were provided within walking distance or at least at a convenient distance for the populace (Al Ragam, 2008). The fortification wall was deconstructed and a greenbelt was created, se parating the domestic sphere from the city center. A roadway system was created running east west, parallel to the fortification wall and going north south analogous to the old caravan routes which originally flowed from the gates of the fortification wall when it was initially constructed (Al Ragam, 2008).During this time, public and private schools, hospitals and various utilities were constructed through deep government funding expenditures (Ismeal, 1982). Al Ragam (2008) classified the neighborhoods d eveloped by the government into three categories. First were the model neighborhood units, composed of the residential areas where prototype houses were designed, constructed, and distributed by the

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75 government, to those eligible for housing welfare. The se cond type was investment neighborhoods, where the land was subdivided into identical square footage and the infrastructure was constructed by the government. The government sold the lots at affordable prices to those eligible for housing welfare to design and build their homes on. Third, commercial neighborhoods consisted of privately owned commercial and residential areas with infrastructure planned by the government. There was also another type of neighborhood similar to the investment neighborhood, but unlike the three settlements mentioned previously, representing non governmental owners. This sector was similar to the governmental investment neighborhood, with a completed infrastructure. The owner sold the plots to new owners; the new owner assigned an architectural firm to design their house and a contractor to build it. This type of residential area is referred to as a non governmental investment neighborhood. Moreover, the model for these neighborhoods might be classified into three distinct types a ccording to the house form. The first type of model neighborhood consists of two story detached houses, the second includes one story courtyard houses, and the third is composed of apartment buildings. Kuwait is unlike the United States, where developers with governmental subsidies design, build, and sell single family homes. In Kuwait, the government establishes the physical infrastructure of the governmental and non governmental settlements alike. The houses are designed and built by either the governmen t or provision of social and public services such as schools, kindergartens, police stations,

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76 restaurants, and supermarkets are not an issue, as they were in Post WWII American suburbs. Since the government constructs the physical infrastructure, adequate social and public services are provided for the residences in domestic areas. Also, multi family housing does not match the preferences of most Kuwaitis. The governmen t built the Al Swaber project in Kuwait City in 1980. This project consisted of 33 eight story buildings that accommodates 524 apartments of 236 square meters each, and includes a variety of public services. Only 300 eligible Kuwaiti families opted to occu py these flats (Al Khaiat, 1989). Consequently, other tenement settlements similar to the Al Swaber project were discarded. Transformation in the Layout of Single Family Homes in the United States and Kuwait Following the mid 20 th century, transformation s occurred in the layout of single family houses in the United States and Kuwait. Scholars in the United States emphasized the change in design of interior spaces of houses, whereas scholars in Kuwait focused on the changes evolving in the design of exteri or facades. These trends in the layout of single family houses taking place in the United States and Kuwait will be illustrated in the sections below. Transformation in the L ayout of Single Family Homes in the United States Many scholars (Rapoport, 1969; R ock, Torre and Wright, 1980; Hasell & Peatross, 1990; Peatross & Hasell, 1992; Hasell, Peatross & Bono, 1993; Spain, 1992, Cromley, 1996; Miller and Maxwell, 2003; Roberts, 1991) examined transformations in the physical characteristics in the interior layo ut of single family houses in the United States following the mid 20 th century. These design features included: 1) the degree of spatial enclosure between interior spaces, 2) the area of interior spaces, 3) the number

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77 of amenities, 4) access to the main en trance of the house, and 5) the number of interior spaces reserved for the lady of the house. The scholars explored associations between these physical transformations and the growing access of women to the public sphere; i.e., educational institutes and w orking places. Rock, et al. (1980) suggested that these physical transformations gravitated towards providing a private space other than traditional spaces usually allocated to women, such as the kitchen. They also facilitated the equitable use of space. More discussions on these physical transformations and Chapter 5 of the dissertation. Degree of Spatial Enclosure between Interior S paces Many scholars (Rock, Torre an d Wright, 1980; Wright, 1981; Hasell & Peatross, 1990; Peatross & Hasell, 1992; Hasell, Peatross & Bono, 1993; Spain, 1992, Cromley, 1996; Miller and Maxwell, 2003; Roberts, 1991; Friedman, 1998) documented an increase in the degree of openness among the i nterior spaces of single family houses in the mid twentieth century. This openness occurred between zones that had previously been separated, including food preparation (kitchen), food serving (dining area) and entertaining or relaxation (living room). The se spaces were traditionally separated to divide the family from servants and their services. Roberts (1991) claimed that the decrease in the degree of enclosure between these interior spaces might be attributed imary users. With the shortage of domestic servants following World War II, the housewife became the main user of the kitchen rather than servants, and hence the spatial separation between these areas became outmoded.

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78 Cromley (1996) also connected increas ing participation by women in paid jobs with the reduced physical barriers between food preparation, food serving, and socializing in single family homes. She demonstrated that employed housewives needed more time to socialize and less time to prepare food Responding to these time constraints, women required fewer traditional spaces, preferring open ones that better supported their new lifestyle and enabled them to socialize with the family while preparing and serving food. The requirement for dual task do mestic environments was a key in the reduction of spatial separation between kitchen, dining, and living area. Cromley (1996) concluded that the living room or family room, a space open to the kitchen and used for family sociability and dining, became a st andard in the 1960s and in later single family houses. consequences of parent employment and the subsequent loss of their available time, the desired level of interaction with famil y and their spatial preferences. This study found that whole family interactions most often took place either in the kitchen, living room or family room. While the spaces for family interactions remained constant, the average amount of time which mothers a nd children spent together on a typical weekday evening decreased to a low of 3.17 hours in 2003. The limited family time increased the demand for communication between family members while adults performed domestic chores. The study found that parents wer e, in most cases, involved in more than one activity at any time. Also, the less separation there was between the kitchen, living and family rooms and outdoor areas the better parents were able to supervise children while performing domestic chores. In sho rt, they were better able to

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79 multi task. Although some parents preferred a lesser degree of openness to conceal the mess in their kitchen, a third of the parents in the study by Miller and Maxwell said they would like to combine the living room, dining roo m, playroom, and/or kitchen. Rock, Torre and Wright (1980) predicted that the openness between the kitchen and family spaces could support the changing role of women by encouraging the equitable sharing of domestic work between family members. They demonst rated that 1990) percentages of women in the paid labor force and the degree of openness between the kitchen, dining, and living areas in single family homes. The percentage of houses that contained closed kitchens dropped from 75 percent during 1945 and 1955 to 47 percent in the period of 1975 to 1985. In another study, Hasell, Peatross and Bono (1993) investigated the spatial preferences of one hundred couples towards kitchen opennes s. The study found that employed women preferred open and multi use kitchens more often than women who did not work outside the home. reflects integration between traditionally seg regated gender spaces. Spain defined gender spaces as those that are reserved for the use of either female or male. For ing public participation of women was associated with a tendency toward open, multi purpose, sexually integrated

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80 interior spaces rather than closed, single function, and gender typed rooms seen in traditional American homes. According to Spain (1992): The history of housing from the beginning of the century until its end reflects an increasing tendency toward gender integration and greater emphasis on the egalitarianism rather than hierarchy. Contemporary pattern books at the turn of the century identified masculine and feminine rooms; by the end of the nineteenth century, these distinctions had largely disappeared (p. 118). Although previous scholars provided different explanations for the increase in the degree of openness in the interior spaces of singl e family houses, they all suggest a paces In addition to the degree of enclosure, Rock et al. (1980), Hasell and Peatross (1990), and Miller and Maxwell (2003) documented an increase in the proportion of bedroom. Rock et al. (1980) predicted an increase in the relative size of the kitchen to facilitate the coexistence of family member s. They also argued that the traditional single function rooms that restricted the coexistence of multiple activities became inadequate for the level of social interaction required by the members of dual worker families. Hasell and Peatross (1990) found th space increased from 107 square feet in 1945, to 201 square feet in 1985. In Miller and the largest room in their house. And i n the same study, mothers preferred to have larger kitchens to accommodate larger tables and allow for the coexistence of more family members in one space.

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81 Furthermore, Rock (1980) expected an increase in the relative size of the worker rovide a place of retreat for women and to accommodate study (1990) reported a greater design emphasis on the size of a from 162 square feet in 1945 to 332 square feet in 1985. The ratio of square footage in the master bedroom compa red to the total house square footage increased from 15 percent in 1960 to 22 percent in 1985. Provision of Spatial A menities Hasell and Peatross (1990) demonstrated greater design emphasis for the master bedroom and associations with an increase in the p ercentages of working women. The content analysis of the floor plans for single family houses revealed an area, study, library, and so on, within or adjoining this space. Also, the presence of a separate dressing area and two sinks in the bathroom was observed. In eighty percent features, whereas in 1975 1980, all of the homes had such spatial fe atures. Moreover, it was reported that 59 percent of master bedrooms had at least three or more special design features. Spain (1992) also reported that the bathroom had been remodeled to include a sauna, steam shower, whirlpool bath, exercise equipment an d sand system. ntrance Spain (1992) suggested the location of space usually occupied by the housewife is an indicator of the socioeconomic status of women in any particular society. The

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82 courtyard houses which spread i n old Muslim societies represented an example of with direct access to the main entrance to the house. She associated this location of ir constrained access to paid labor. In addition, Chapman (1985) believed there was a connection between the status of women main entrance of the house. She wrote: Room s were consistently set aside for the man or men of the house on the ground floor and with easy access to the world outside. When women had special rooms, they were upstairs or towards the interior, well away both from the public parts of the house and fro m the outdoors (p.6). traditional American houses even though it became common to see kitchens transferring from the back to the front parts of residential spaces. Number of Interior Spaces R eserved for the Female R esidents country house into feminine spaces that the lady of the house traditionally used and masculine spaces women did not use. The d rawing room, boudoir, and the breakfast or morning room were identified as feminine spaces, while the library, billiard room, o which women withdrew after dinner and where the existence of the gentlemen felt awkward. Spain (1992) described the a room which a gentleman boudoir was the sole space intended strictly for women, the morning room was open to guests and family of both

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83 sexes. In contrast to the drawing room and boudoir, women hesitated before entering the library and were not expected in the smoking room. By an alyzing 60 floor plans of such country homes in the nineteenth century, Chapman (1985) compared the number of spaces reserved for the lady of the house and for the gentleman. She reported that an a feminine one. Forty s used by the lady of the house was attributed to a lower status for women relative to men in the nineteenth century. Chapman (1985) claimed that American mothers in the twentieth century were less likely than fathers to have a room of their own in the ho use. The inadequate space a housewife experienced in the mid twentieth century was also documented by Rock et Congress in 1956 complained of crowded space and demanded more sp ace for their mental wards and divorce courts if they had one room, even a small one, just for ibility in a situation where other people cannot see or hear what you are doing; e.g., going to disturbed refers

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84 promoting creativity (Pedersen, 1997). In her book Virginia Woolf (1929) argues that a woman requires a room of her own to be creative. In addition to creativity, Pedersen (1997) pointed to the advantage of solitude for involves a growing need for privacy to nurture self identity and limiting temporary contac t with others. As a consequence, he suggested that the design of residential spaces began to offer more than private spaces outside the kitchen for the housewife. The presence of an optional room and the potential of the housewife to have a space of her ow n were demonstrated also in the work of Hasell and Peatross (1990). Transformation in the Layout of Single Family Homes in Kuwait Transformations that favored women in the interior layout of contemporary single family houses occurred throughout the second half of the twentieth century in America. These transformations gravitated toward achieving a higher degree of privacy for women and equitable use of space between women and men. On the other hand, the interior layout of the reception area in Kuwaiti hous es that were built in the first half of the same century reflected a low level of privacy for the female occupants and inequitable use of space by men and women. These two aspects can be traced in the description, photos, and floor plans for the design and use of interior spaces for the courtyard houses as documented by several scholars (Islam & Al Sanafi, 2006; Lewcock & Freeth, 1978; Lautrette, 2006; Al Bader, 1984; Al Mutawa, 1994; Shiber, 1964). The old house occupied by a middle class family consisted of at least a single courtyard that was surrounded by the interior spaces. Among these spaces, a room, called the diwania, or a male parlor, was specifically reserved for the male occupants. In

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85 this space, the head of the family and other male family memb ers usually entertained their relatives, friends, and neighbors and administered their business (Al Jassar, 2009; Tetreault, 1993). The male parlor was usually equipped with its own private amenities, such as a toilet, lavatory, dining room ( imgalut ), spac e to prepare coffee ( meshub ), and/or a bedroom for the guests. The number of private amenities provided for the male parlor was relevant to the socioeconomic status of the family. In houses of affluent families, the male parlor and the private amenities ov erlooked a private courtyard not used daily by the family. class homes, the head of the family had his own space to receive ma le visitors while the lady of the house did not have anything equivalent. Rather, she received her guests in the living quarters of the family room; i.e., in the courtyard which was often exposed to extremely hot and dusty weather. In addition, the male pa rlor was accessed through the main entrance with windows overlooking the street while women came through a side entrance to an isolated courtyard. The facades of traditional courtyard houses did not include windows except for those in the male parlor. In upper class traditional houses, even though women had their own parlor, it Sanafi, 2006; Lewcock & Freeth, 1978, Lautrette, 2006; Al Bader, 1984). Comparing the cross sectio surrounded by at least one large parlor. Also, the spatial amenities such as the

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86 restroom, room to prepare coffee ( meshub the male parlors while the female parlor lacked similar amenities. These examples show differences in the physical characteristics of the male and female reception areas in terms of number, size and the number of private amenities. The comparison between these aspects in traditi onal houses in Kuwait communicated traditional houses in Kuwait, there were additional design features that displayed less attention to the spatial needs of the female oc cupants for privacy inside the domestic sphere. In one way, Kuwait society is different from that of western cultures such as emphasis on the modesty and chastity of w omen. This social norm, which has been conveyed through traditional and religious values, has restricted the contact between adult females and men who she is not acquainted with (essentially, any man other than the grandfather, father, uncles, brother, hus band, sons and nephews). For example, adult females have to wear proper attire in the presence of male strangers. Also, for a Kuwaiti woman to be seen or her voice to be heard by male visitors is perceived as inappropriate behavior. Thus, the presence of m ale strangers inside the courtyard home within her own home! To facilitate the movement of women in their own houses, restricting contact between females and male strangers in a specific household became a spa tial need in Kuwaiti society. However, the level of actual privacy provided by the design of courtyard houses was less than that desired by Kuwaiti women. Altman (1975) defined desired privacy as

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87 between the degrees of both kinds of privacy. For example pre strangers. The wife and children slept in the same room with the husband, and she could not remove her veil when outside her bedroom while h er brothers in law were in the house. Whenever a gap between the desired and actual levels of privacy did exist, the user of the space had to adapt with the built environment. As a kind of adaptation, any mechanism can be adopted. In this living condition where the veiled woman had to perform her daily activity in the presence of her brothers in law, a behavioral mechanism was forcibly adopted. This mechanism was described by Dr. Mary Allison during her medical missionary tour to Kuwait from 1934 to 1967 ( cited in Lautrette, their heads covered with a scarf, ready to cover their faces if one of the men of the Besides her brothers i n law, the presence of male visitors could also constrain the movements of a woman inside many of the traditional middle class houses. This happened when little attention was given to constructing an entrance for male visitors in middle class or single cou rtyard houses. In many houses, the male visitors accessed the male parlor or male toilet and lavatory, through a corridor that overlooked the courtyard of the house (see Figure 2

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88 interrupted the privacy of the a dult females who performed their daily activities in the courtyard. A B Figure 2 2. A traditional courtyard house ( Bayt Fahad al Asker cited in Lewcock & Freeth, 1978 ) A). The floor plan shows the entrance passage connecting the male parlor and entranc e to the house). B) Photograph presents a male parlor entrance and side corridor. As seen in the photo, the partition separating the corridor and courtyard appeared to be created later. Therefore, the female residing in the space had to develop mechanisms to adapt to the level of privacy offered by the design of her home. One strategy was reducing the degree of openness of the corridor to separate it from the courtyard. At the end of this corridor, overlooking the courtyard, a partition with a door or a cu rtain was typically placed to maintain the privacy of spaces used by women. At the same time, the door in space and corridor, which connected the male parlor, its private amenities, and the house entrance.

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89 Sometimes, this physical modification could not resolve the issue of privacy. In many cases, a toilet for the exclusive use of male visitors did not exist, or the male parlor simply opened out into the courtyard of the family. In these situations, the user adopted behavioral strategies rather than physical mechanisms to adapt to the conflict between the spatial design and privacy needs. The female family members who performed their daily activities in the courtyard had t o enter their rooms whenever they heard male family members say, Darb darb This word signaled that the adult female family members had to evacuate the place because a male guest was going to pass through the family quarters. The adult females of the famil y had to hide in their rooms until male visitors reached the male parlor (Islam & Al Sanafi, 2006; Lewcock & Freeth, 1978) or used the family bathroom. The conflict between the design of the space and the female freedom within the space, as well as the rea ction of the user to that conflict, was described by Lewcock & Freeth (1978). They wrote: The essential difference between a small house and large one [in pre oil era Kuwait] was in the performance of all the functions of the house around a single courtyar d. This system necessitated great care in the use of the house and on occasion women had to retreat behind the closed doors of one of the rooms opening into the courtyard in order to avoid being seen by strangers. Sometimes clever planning made it possible for the life of the family in the courtyard (p.23). These examples demonstrate the privacy issues in the traditional houses built in pre de their own residential spaces was brothers in law in the spaces represented a degree of invasion of the spaces they occupied. According to Altman (1975), the invasion involved bypassing boundaries or

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90 interrupting someone on either a temporary or enduring basis (p.121). Whenever this conflict occurred, pressure was exerted on female users to adjust their behavior. The design and use of the reception areas for women and men in Kuwaiti houses built in the pre oil period revealed two aspects: 1) inequitable share of the space between the male and female, and 2) less attention to the spatial needs of female occupants for privacy in their domestic sphere. The first aspect was indicated by the number, size, and type of private amenities defining female and male reception areas. allocation of space and amenities in favor of men. The second as pect was indicated by the access and degree of openness contained in the reception areas for women and men. The access and degree of the courtyard by the male visitors. As privacy less than that required by Kuwaiti woman inside their domestic sphere. The second aspect was determined also by the lack of private amenities located within the male parlor. For example, the nonexis tence of a toilet and lavatory attached to the male family houses that were built th roughout the first half of the twentieth century. It is unknown whether these aspects persisted in houses constructed after that time. The form of Kuwaiti single family houses built during the second half of the twentieth century was distinct from the cou discovery of oil in the middle of the twentieth century, Kuwaitis moved from their houses

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91 in traditional communities inside Kuwait City to newly established suburbs on the periphery of the city. Kuwaitis deserted the traditional communities inside with the traditional attached courtyard adobe houses that had previously characterized them. The new domestic areas tended to be built with detached houses made of reinforced concrete as the dominant housing form. The tradit ional exteriors gave way to facades that took on a mixture of architectural styles and materials frequently seen in Western countries. Many scholars in Kuwait (Shiber, 1964; Al Mutawa, 1994; Al Baher, 1985; Mahgoup, 2003; 2004; 2007b) have studied the tran sformation in the exterior form of family houses. Yet changes in the layout of interior spaces, including the reception area in single family houses built throughout the second half of the twentieth century, were greatly overlooked. One o f the few studies on Kuwait residential interiors, conducted by Al Jassar (2009), investigated changes in the interior design of the traditional and contemporary houses in Kuwait during the pre oil and post oil periods. Al Jassar (2009) questioned whether the traditional Kuwaiti houses remained in the contemporary houses or disappeared. Several relevant findings were reported, including: 1) the male parlor still had direct access to the main entrance; 2) the male parlor remained physically separated from other interior spaces; 3) the area of modern male parlors expanded; and 4) the courtyard disappeared in the contemporary houses. igating the floor plans of several contemporary houses. However, the date of the construction of these houses was not mentioned. It is essential to study the layout for contemporary houses built during

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92 different periods of time to know whether the physical characteristics of the male parlors in contemporary houses have changed across time. This research also uncovered whether a space for women appeared in the social zone of contemporary houses Re levant to this question was a work conducted by Alenazy (2006). This work presented a case study for the reception area in one of the contemporary single family houses built in the early nineties. In this house, a female social zone was specially provided for the lady of the house to receive her visitors. The design features of the female social zone presented in that study were different from those characterizing the traced fro m the photos and descriptions shown in the study. The change occurred in many physical characteristics, including the number and type of private amenities of the female parlor and its degree of openness into the interior spaces and access to the main entra nce of the house. Alenazy (2006) observed two reception quarters that existed in this house, one for men and another for women. The female reception area was composed of two open female parlors and two private amenities the toilet and the lavatory. The pa rlors and private amenities were specially provided only for use by visitors of the lady of the house. There was a wall with a French door separating the female reception spaces from the family area on the ground floor the kitchen, bathroom, living and din ing had direct access to the main entrance of the house. This layout was unlike the

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93 traditional floor plans, where the lady of the house did not have the same quality of in terior spaces. Nevertheless, Alenazy (2006) examined the layout of the reception area at a single point in time, in 1996. The layout of the reception area in houses built before that time was not examined. To obtain more details about the evolution of thi s space, an investigation of the layouts of the reception areas in contemporary houses at different points in time was needed. Specifically, the female parlor or its private amenities did not seem to characterize the typical houses built in Kuwait before t he middle of the twentieth century. Robert Cowherd (1980) argued that changes in the exterior features of traditional houses might not be associated with changes in the interior features. A field study was conducted in the Republic of Indonesia where t infrastructure. His examination of the floor plans of contemporary houses in Indonesia revealed that while the exterior form took on a mixture of styles from many regions of the developing world, the interior layout did not change. Instead, Cowherd (1980) found that interior features characterizing the traditional Indonesian houses were still present: elated to day to day functioning of human interior space plans did not. Summa ry In the United States, the 1960s saw revolutions in the access of women to educational and occupational institutions (Scanzoni, 1995). Many scholars in the fields

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94 of design associated the shift in the status of women with evolutions in the spatial design of residential spaces, particularly single family houses (Saegert & Winkel, 1980; Rock, Toore & Wright, 1980; Hasell & Peatross, 1990; Hasell & Peatross, 1992; Hasell, Peatross & Bono, 1993; Cromley, 1996; Magee, 2000; Rapoport, 2001; and Miller & Maxwell 2003). These evolutions were reflected by several observed physical characteristics of interior spaces, particularly those used mainly by women. These design features included their size, number, amenities, degree of openness, and access to the main entr ance of the house. Scholars such as Spain (1992) and Rock et al. (1980) claimed that the physical transformations tended to change three design aspects including: 1) physical segregation between gendered spaces, 2) allocation and use of space on the basis of gender, and 3) degree of achieved privacy for female residents. Other researchers described changes in the spatial needs and preferences of female residents and their involvement in the design of their residences as attributed to the physical transforma tions occurring in single family houses in the United States (Miller & Maxwell, 2003; Hasell, Peatross & Bono, 1993; Cromley, 1996; and Rock et. al., 1980). Figure 2 3 summarized these concepts. By the late sixties in Kuwait, national plans were created to facilitate the access of Kuwaiti women to education and paid labor. However, scholars in design fields in Kuwait never made an association between this shift in the status of Kuwaiti women and the interior design of contemporary Kuwaiti houses, focusing rather on the evolving architectural facade. However, the question of whether there was any evolution in the

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95 interior design of Kuwaiti houses that were concurrent with social changes has been overlooked. Status of women Spatial needs & preferences of female residents Role of female residents in the design process of the residence Interior design of residential spaces Physical segregation between gendered spaces Allocation and use of space on gender basis Lev el of achieved privacy for female residents Figure 2 3. The conceptual model of this study as derived from the review of literature that demonstrate the social and physical transformations occurred in the United States after mid of 20 th century. This st udy was conducted in Kuwait and employed the conceptual model shown in Figure 2 3. This model was derived from the review of literature addressing the change in the status of women and in the spatial design of single family houses during the second half of the 20 th century in the United States. Thus, the purpose of this study was to address the following questions: 1) whether there have been any evolutions in the spatial design of interior spaces in contemporary Kuwaiti homes, 2) if there are any, whether t hese physical transformations might reflect changes in the status of Kuwaiti women, and 3) whether there have been changes in the spatial needs and preferences of Kuwaiti women and their involvement in the design process of their houses.

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96 CHAPTER 3 METH ODOLOGY Overview As Kuwait emerged as radical economic and political transformations rippled through the country in the middle of the 20 th century These transformations contributed to certain changes in Kuwaiti society, spe cifically in terms of access by women to educational and occupational opportunities. Concurrent with the social changes, the layout of the single family homes of Kuwaitis shifted from courtyard adobe houses to detached houses. Very little is known about th e interior layout of the reception areas for women and men in contemporary Kuwaiti houses built after the 1950s, or whether any change occurred in these spaces across time. In addition, how these social transformations in the lives of Kuwaiti women might b e related to the changes in the interior layout of the reception areas for women and men has not been examined. This study addresses the questions of 1) whether there have been any significant transformations across time in the layout of female and male p arlors in contemporary single family homes in Kuwait, 2 ) how these physical transformations might reflect changes in the socio economic status of Kuwaiti women, and 3) if there have been any changes in the spatial preferences and needs of Kuwaiti women and their involvement in the design process of their houses. This chapter presents the research design of the study, the methodology and procedures used to test research questions, the limitations encountered while conducting the study, statistical tests used to analyze the data collected, and the validity and reliability of the results.

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97 Study D esign The study was conducted in three phases. Phase One investigated the changes in the status of Kuwaiti women from 1970 to 2010. National policies aimed at promotin g access of Kuwaiti women to educational and occupational institutions were developed during the late sixties and early seventies (Ismeal, 1982 and Almughni, 1993 ). This fact justifies the timeframe studied ea rner research the status of Kuwaiti women was defined by: 1) educational attainment, 2) participation in the labor force, 3) job status, 4) marital status, 5) childbearing patterns, and 6) ability to drive and move around the city, as well as 7) domestic servants living in the home The census data was obtained from the public archives in Kuwait and represents a forty year period: 1970 through 2010. Census data was collected in eight time periods, i.e. 1970, 1975, 1980, 1985, 1990, 1995, 2000, and 2005. Phase Two investigated the evolution in the spatial design of female and male reception areas from 1970 to 2010 in Kuwaiti houses. The spatial design of female and male reception areas was determined by several physical charac teristics including: 1) number of female and male parlors, 2) size of female and male parlors, 3) degree of openness defining female and male parlors, 4) amenities within reception areas, and 5) access of female and male reception areas to the main entranc e. The evolution in these design features were examined in the floor plans of a sample of 80 houses that were built in Kuwait during the same forty year time period. In Kuwait, there are two kinds of single family houses. The first type is known as gover nmental houses that are designed and built by the Public Authority of Housing Welfare (PAHW). Another type of single family house is called qassaym or villas

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98 (singular qassima a nd villa). In this type of residence, the homeowner is able to hire an architec t and a contractor to design and build the house. The villas are included in this study while the governmental houses are not included. This study aimed to examine the change in the degree of involvement of Kuwaiti women in the design process of their hous es. In governmental houses, Kuwaiti women do not have the opportunity to participate in the design of the residences and to incorporate their spatial preferences into the client designed housing. In villas, Kuwaiti women can participate in the design of th eir residences. The housing lots where villas can be constructed are located in investment s lots Ragam, 2008; p.68). This study excluded the villas located in investment suburbs where the land plots are very expensive and villas are mainly owned by Kuwaitis from the upper class and upper middle class. This study focused on the villas built in model suburbs as the land price is less expensive. The villas in these suburbs are mainly owned by Kuwaitis from middle and lower classes. The official class definitions are not available. Generally, Kuwaitis lived above the poverty line. The definition for those eligible for housing lots is not consistent and is subject to change. For example, before the nineties, a Kuwaiti man who was marr ied, had children, and earned more than 1,500 dollars a month was eligible for a villa. Currently, there are no salary eligibility requirements. Thus, Kuwaiti families, even those

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99 from the lower class, became eligible for housing lots where they could buil d their residences. Stratified sampling was used to collect the single family residential floor plans used in this study A list of the model suburbs was obtained from the Public Authority of Housing Welfare (PAHW). The infrastructure of these suburbs w as established at different points of time. The list was classified into eight five year intervals, according to the year the suburbs were established. From each interval, ten houses were randomly selected, to obtain a total sample of 80 houses. Table 3 1 presents the list of the suburbs including their names, year of establishment, number of houses sampled from each period and typical lot size in that suburb. Figure A 1 shows the zone where residential settlements in the State of Kuwait are mainly located. Figure A 2 included data points marking the selected suburbs. The floor plans of a total sample of 80 houses were obtained from the public archives. Permission from the manager of the public records was necessary to access the archival records A cont ent analysis of these floor plans was employed to quantify the physical characteristics of the sampled houses. While data in the first two phases were compiled, a primary source of data collection began to gather interviews from a convenience sample of th irty Kuwaiti women who are currently residing in their own houses in Kuwait. The type and location of houses of the interviewed women were similar to the floor plans used in the study. The houses were villas and located in model suburbs listed in Table 3.1 Figure A 3 shows the location of suburbs where the sample of women was recruited. The houses of these participants were built during the same forty year period mirroring the census data of floor plan analyses A snowball sampling

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100 Table 3 1. Kuwaiti mode l suburbs (The Public Authority for Housing Welfare, n.d.) Year Suburb No. of Sampled Homes House lot in Sq. ft. 1970 1974 1970 Al Rabya 10 10,764 & 8,382 1975 1979 1976 Al Ardia 4 10,764 & 8,382 1976 Hadia 3 10,764 & 8,382 1977 Bayan 3 10,764 & 8,382 1985 1989 1987 Al Oyoon 0 4,306 1987 Al Andalus 2 5,382 1987 Mubark Al Kabeer 3 4,306 1987 Jaber Al Ali 2 4,306 1988 South Al Ferdos 1 4,306 1988 South Al Rabia 2 4,306 1990 1994 1990 Al Qusour 3 4,306 1993 Al Adan 3 4,306 1994 Had iya 4 4,306 1994 Mubark Al Kabeer (Al Qreen D2) 2 4,306 1995 1994 1995 Mubark Al Kabeer (Al Qreen R) 2 4,306 1995 Al Adan (Al Qreen A2) 3 4,306 1996 1 4,306 1997 Ali Sabah Al Salem 2 4,306 1999 Sabah Al Salem (Block 4) 2 4,306 2000 2004 2000 Abdulla Al Mubark 3 4,306 2000 2 4,306 2000 South Al Doha 1 4,306 2001 Al Qyrawan 3 4,306 2003 Al Munguf 0 4,306 2005 2010 2005 Abdulla Al Mubark 1 4,306 2005 3 4,306 2005 Al Munguf 1 4,306 2006 Fahad Al A hmad 1 4,306 2006 Al Nahda 1 4,306 2006 Jaber Al Ahmad 3 4,306

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101 technique was used to draw two cohorts of 15 Kuwaiti women (e.g., residents of older homes built from 1970 through 1989 and residents of newer homes built between 1990 through 2010). The res idents of older and newer contemporary homes were assumed to represent different generations of Kuwaiti women. According to government housing policy, the acquisition of housing lots was based on the date of marriage of Kuwaiti couples. The couple who marr ied earlier or had been married longer had priority in acquiring a housing lot. Thus, it is anticipated that the residents of older houses were married earlier and hence were older than those of residents of newer homes. The interviews with Kuwaiti women f rom different generations were conducted to explore possible changes that may have occurred across time in gendered spaces Social qualit y dimensions that were thought to be influential included: socio economic characteristics, involvement in the design pr ocess, social interactions with visitors of both genders, and socio economic characteristics of their mothers. Physical qualities include the design of female and male reception areas and their amenities as well as spatial access. To obtain this informatio n, an interview protoco l was developed. The research instrument included 45 close ended questions and ten open ended questions. The interview protocol was approved by the Institutional Review Board (IRB) at the University of Florida. The study methodology was t ai lored to answer the following questions: Question 1: What changes have occurred in the status of Kuwaiti women from 1970 to 2010? For this study, the status of Kuwaiti women was defined by: a) educational attainment, b) participation in the labor f orce, c) job status, d) marital status, e) childbearing patterns, and f) ability to drive and navigate independently as well as g) domestic servants living in household

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102 Question 2: How have the spatial designs of female and male reception areas evolved f rom 1970 to 2010 in Kuwaiti houses? The spatial design of female and male reception areas were determined by physical characteristics including: a) number of female and male parlors, b) size of female and male parlors, c) degree of openness defining female and male parlors, d) amenities within female and male reception areas, and e) access of female and male reception areas to the main entrance. The evolution in these design features was examined in a sample of 80 single family homes. Question 3: With respe ct to the perceptions of Kuwaiti women, how have the social and physical qualities of female and male reception areas changed from 1970 to 2010? Interviews were conducted with a convenience sample of Kuwaiti women to explore potential change s in their perc eptions about the social and physical dimensions of their residential space Social qualities were related to their: a) involvement in the design process, b) interactions with visitors of both genders, c) contribution to domestic chores, and d) satisfactio n with the design of female and male reception areas. Physical qualities included: a) design and use of female and male reception areas in the current residences of participants and b) the design and use of female and male reception areas in the homes of p articipants as children. Phase 1 : Change in the Status of Kuwaiti women Archival data collected via the national census was used as the basis for the information on the demographic characteristics of Kuwaiti women. Most of the census data was accessed in the form of hard copies in the public archives of Kuwait, namely the Central Statistical Office (CSO) and Public Authority of Civil Information (PACI). The census data from 1970 to 2010 were obtained, in increments of five year periods. The majority of th e census data for the years 1970, 1975, 1980 and 1985 was collected from The Central Statistical office (CSO), established in the early 1960s (Central Statistical Office, 2010). The census data for 1989, 1995, 2000, 2005, and 2010 was obtained from The Pub lic Authority of Civil Information (PACI) Office which was founded in 1982 (Public Authority of Civil Information; 2010).The third source of information was the Information System Directorate in the Ministry of Interiors where Kuwaiti women are issued dri

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103 Phase 1: Change in the status of Kuwaiti women Educational attainment Participation in the labor force Job status Marital status Childbearing patterns Driving mobility Domestic servants living in households 1970 1975 1980 1985 1990 1995 2000 2005 2010 Phase 2: Change in the design of reception spaces in Kuwaiti homes Number of female and male parlors Size of female and male parlors Degree of openness defining female and male parlors Amenities within female an d male reception spa ce s Access o f female and male reception space s to the main entrance 1970 1974 1975 1979 1980 1984 1985 1989 1990 1994 1995 1999 2000 2004 2005 2010 Phase 3 : Change in the social physical qualities of reception spaces in Social qu alities: Involvement of participant in the design process Contribution of participant to the domestic chores Interactions of participant with visitors of both genders Satisfaction of participant with the design of fe male and male reception space s Physical qualities: Design and use o f female and male reception space s in the current homes of participants Design and use of female and male reception spaces in the childhood homes of participants 1970 1990 1991 2010 Figure 3 1. Methodology framework of t he study Data analysis for the demographic change was conducted using descriptive statistics To standardize the comparison, the data were transformed into percentages o f the population. For instance, the illiteracy rate was determined by calculating the p ercentage of Kuwaiti women who were reported to be illiterate against the total

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104 population of Kuwaiti women. These percentages were then used as the basis for comparison to determine whether there were increases or decreases in the study variables. Line gr aphs were also used to provide a graphical representation of the trends under study Pha se 2: Change in the D esign of Reception Spaces in Kuwaiti Homes houses built during the forty year period 1970 through 2010, architectural floor plans of a sample of 80 villas were collected for analysis from the archives of the Kuwait Municipality. The process of sampling the houses, collecting the floor plans, and analyzing these floor pla ns will be described in detail later in this chapter S ampling plan s In Kuwait a copy of proposed floor plans is typically submitted to the Kuwait Municipality for review and to gain construction permission. Upon request, these drawings can be retrieved from the archives of the Department of Construction Authorization. This archive has branches in six counties (governorates), each consisting of a set of suburbs. The drawings are kept in numbered file cabinet drawers, with each cabinet corresponding to th e files for a particular suburb. To ensure confidentiality of the homeowner, manual selection of the plans was utilized rather than a computer based search that would have required access by name. Data collection Architectural drawings of houses built in the selected suburbs were retrieved from six archives, including Al Farwania, Al Jahra, Al Asma, Al Ahmadi, Mubark Al Kabeer and Hawali. Collecting the floor plans of a house from the archive included a step by step process. First, the researcher looked f or the correct neighborhood storage

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105 cabinet, including those holding architectural drawings for houses built in the specific suburbs. The next step was to find the drawings of a house in the cabinet. Finally, the researcher checked the date the house was b uilt and the condition of the drawings before printing them. The process of collecting the floor plans for the various houses included in the research continued until the number of required houses were accumulated in each time span. Data a nalysis The col lected floor plans of 80 houses were classified into eight groups based on the year in which the house was built. Each group consisted of ten houses built during the same interval. Using a checklist, a content analysis converted the information from the fl oor plans into frequency data corresponding to the study variables. Content analysis of the floor plans was conducted to quantify the physical characteristics of the female and male parlors for each of the houses in the sample. A checklist was drafted to o btain specific information about the female and male parlors. This includes the number of reception areas, the size of the reception areas and the number of private amenities for the reception areas, including toilets, lavatories, and a dining room for vis itors. The checklist also helped entrance of the house and degree of openness ( see checklist in Appendix B ). Phase 3: Change in the S ocial p hysical Qualities of Reception Spaces in The purpose of conducting interviews with female residents was to explore social and physical design perceptions in those living in older and newer contemporary homes, especially regarding changes in female and male parlors. Interviews were conducted with a convenience sample of 30 Kuwaiti women currently living in their

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106 single family houses in Kuwait. This sample consisted of two cohorts of 15 Kuwaiti women. The participants in the first cohort lived in houses that were designed during the period 1970 and 1989. The construction of some houses was suspended during the Iraqi invasion in 1990 and completed later in 1991 and 1992. The houses of the participants of the second group were designed and built during the period 1991 through 2010. The interviews wer e structured using a predetermined set of questions with the same length of time for completion. This data were collected in face to face interviews study appendix (App endix D). The native language of the participants was Arabic; English versions of the interview schedule and the informed consent were translated into Arabic. The Arabic versions of the interview schedule and the informed consent were approved by the Insti tutional Review Board (IRB). Informed consent and IRB approval are attached to this study as Appendix C. The interview protocols were data collection and analysis of Phas es One and Two. In the next sections, more information will be provided about the process of sampling the participants, interview session, participants in the study, and the interview instrument (including the interview schedule). Interview sampling A sno wball sampling method was implemented for this study. This sampling investigator contacted individuals in her circle and the participants to ask them to identify approp riate women for the research. These individuals also contacted others in

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107 their circles to recruit more participants. There was one criterion in the search for participants: that is, eligible participants must be any Kuwaiti woman who currently lived in a q aseema qaseema This word was key in the communication about the required qualities of the participants in this study. When an acquaintance or a participant referred a possible recruit, she/ he was asked to set up an introduction with the investigator and the candidate, before interviews were scheduled. As soon as a list of four to eight women was identified, the contact began to arrange for the interviews. These procedures were repeated until the required number of participants had been reached. Cell phones and technological applications such as text messages and App Messenger facilitated the communication between the investigator and each participant, as well as the mediating individuals. The process of sampling and interviewing women took place over nine weeks. Prior to the initial meeting, the investigator called the potential participant. The initial conversation between the investigator and the female resident included a brief introducti on to the study and its purpose. The investigator also emphasized that participation in the study was voluntary and that stringent measures would be implemented to ensure confidentiality The participants were also informed that they had the right to withd raw from the study at any point. During this phone call, the investigator also confirmed that the women met the required qualifications for the study. Once the investigator confirmed that the criteria were met, an appointment was arranged for the interview There were 35 out of 50 women contacted by the investigator who agreed to

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108 be interviewed. Among those who agreed, five women were not included in this study because they did not meet the interview criteria Interview session All interviews were conducte investigator to take photographs and make a sketch of the current layout of the reception area and the floor plan which would also be used for the analysis. These interviews were located in the space where th e participants would like to receive the interviewer. Among the 30 houses, the interviews were conducted in the female parlor in 21 houses, in the male parlor in six houses and in the living room in two houses. In the remaining interviews, one participant asked to be interviewed in the reception area in the basement where female and male visitors could be received at different times. The investigator was able to take a tour of 19 out of 30 original structures of male parlors. The access to male parlors was denied when it did not exist in the houses (4 of 30), or when it was occupied by male household members or visitors (4 of 30). Also, there were three other participants who refused to let the investigator enter the male parlor because it was messy and/or used as a storage and workshop (3 of 30). The male parlor was renovated in nine of 13 houses built before 1985. The investigator took a tour of five renovated male parlors and took photos. Access to the other four parlors was not allowed due to the presenc e of male household members or visitors in them. The investigator began the interview session by reading from the Informed consent form that includes the content of questions, length of the interview, procedures for conducting the interview, and explain explained to each participant that the third section included open ended questions that would be audiotaped so the investigator could record the full response. The participants

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109 were assured that only the investiga tor would have access to the tapes. Then, the investigator began to administer the closed ended questions of the interview schedule ended questions were asked and audiotaped when allowed. Photographs of the reception areas were taken at the end of the session. Participants The participants who provided data for the study were briefed about the purpose of the study and asked to sign individual informed consent forms The participants in the first group wer e between 50 to 75 years of age and lived in houses built between 1970 and 1991. The participants in the second group were between 34 and 68 years of age, and lived in houses constructed between 1992 and 2010. The native language of all the participants wa s Arabic and interviews were all conducted in Arabic Most of the participants were the original owners, i.e., the household who had hired the architect and contractor to design and build their own houses and who were the first to reside in them. Two parti cipants from the first group and one from the second were the second owner of their houses, i.e., they had bought the house and had not participated in making decisions about the house design. All the participants shared home ownership with their respectiv e spouses except for four participants whose husbands owned the houses where they currently live. The houses of the participants in the first group are located in Bayan, Meshrif, Al Jabria, Al Rabia, Al Ardia, Al Jahra, Khaitan, Al Andalus, Jabir Al Ali, a nd Mubark Al Kabeer. The houses of the participants of the second group are located in Sabah Al Salem, Al Qosour, Qureen, Saad Al Abdulla, Al Jahra and Abdulla Mubark. All the participants agreed to answer all the questions of the interview

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110 whenever they w ere applicable. Most of the participants approved the audio recording f or the interview Interview instrument The interview schedule was composed of six sections. Most of the questions in sections one through five were close ended while those in the sixth section were open design process of their houses, contributions to domestic labor, social interactions, and socio economic characteristics. The physical characteristics of t he female and male parlors were examined in the fifth section. The sixth section examined the use of female and male parlors during the weekends, and during the weekday. The overall satisfaction of the participants about the layout of the reception areas, the social characteristics of their mothers, and the physical characteristics of the reception areas in their houses when they were children were also evaluated. It is worth mentioning here that the purpose of asking about the use of parlors during the wee kends was to learn about the use of space while visitors are in the house or expected to visit. The use of parlors during the weekdays focused primarily on familial uses. Data Analysis Plan In this study, the archival data were compiled to investigate th e degree of change in the demographic variables of Kuwaiti women and in the physical variables of female and male parlors. The interview data was gathered to compare results between the residents of older and newer houses concerning the social qualities of the participants and the physical qualities of their houses. The study adopted several treatments to analyze the data compiled in the research phases The following section will describe

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111 those treatments to investigate three aspects, which are; 1) demogra phic variables of Kuwaiti women, 2) physical variables of female and male parlors, and 3) interview variables. Demographic Variables Data analysis for the demographic variables of Kuwaiti women was conducted using a descriptive analysis of trends occurr ing during the forty year span of the study. To standardize the comparison, the data was transformed into percentages of the population. For instance, the illiteracy rate was determined by calculating the percentage of Kuwaiti women who were reported to be illiterate against the total population of Kuwaiti women. These percentages were then used as the basis for comparison to determine whether there were increases or decreases for the study variables. Line graphs were also used to provide a graphical repres entation of the changes that occurred in the time frame surveyed for the study. Physical V ariables of Reception Space s Data analysis for the changes in the physical variables of female and male parlors in single family Kuwaiti homes were conducted using de scriptive analysis of the trends occurring during the forty year span of the study. The variables were compared using the total number reported for each. For example, for each time interval, the number of female parlors was summed up and interpreted to be X number of parlors for 10 houses. The number of female parlors per ten houses was then analyzed to describe the changes that occurred. For each of the variables, bar graphs were used as a graphical representation of the changes that occurred throughout th e time frame surveyed in the study.

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112 Interview Variables The data obtained consisted of close ended and open ended questions on the interview schedule as well as other evidence such as sketches, photographs, elaborations of participants, and personal obser vations of the investigator. Atlas.ti software was used to analyze qualitative data such as the responses of the participants to the open Whenever applicable, independent sample t tests were conducted for the interview variables to determine the existence of statistically significant differences between the two groups. Limitations Different problems were encountered in collecting the data in each phase of the study. In Phase One, the availab ility of the census data related to the demographics of Kuwaiti women was an issue. The 1990 census data was not available because of the Iraqi invasion of Kuwait. Due to the Iraqi war that year, the census could not be collected. Work in most governmental and private sector venues ceased, and large numbers of Kuwaiti families escaped outside the country due to the th reatening conditions Consequently, the census data for 1989 was used, when available, instead of 1990 data. 1 The total fertility rate of Kuwa iti women in 2008 was used instead of 2009 the information required indicating the total fertility rate of Kuwaiti women in 2009 or 2010 had not yet been recorded. Therefore, the research er used the 2008 census, the closest time found to 2010, to calculate the total fertility rate. 1 Since the census data of the age of first marriage, marital status and total fertility rate for the year 1989 was not availabl e, estimated values were used.

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113 The census data recorded during the period 1970 through 1988 under the Kuwaiti category included both Kuwaitis and stateless residents who resided in Kuwait, an d their nationality was not identified. After 1988, data from the census was changed to exclude stateless residents from the census. Since this cohort of residents was not officially counted, it is difficult to tell their percentage in comparison to the Ku waiti population. Because the data for these years, 1970, 1975, 1980, and 1985, included stateless residents, the actual number of Kuwaiti women in the various demographics was assumed to be lower than reported In collecting the housing sample in Phase T wo, difficulties related to the sampling process and securing permission to obtain the sample were encountered. The random sampling could not be used to draw the housing sample because there was no access to the dates of the housing architectural drawings. The floor plans of the houses are kept in file cabinet drawers; each has a number. The computer database of the public archives of the architectural drawings does not identify the dates the homes were built. Only the numbers of a cabinet and a drawer, as well as the name of the owner of each home, are listed. However, access by name was not allowed. These cabinets are classified by the names of the domestic areas. Thus, stratified sampling based on the geographical areas was conducted. It can be observed f rom Table 3 1 that no suburbs were built during the third interval (1980 1984). Therefore, the floor plans for houses built in this period were selected from domestic suburbs that had been established during the first and second interval. It is worth menti oning here that the time development for the suburb does not necessarily indicate the date of building. For example, the lots in the suburb, Abdulla Al

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114 Mubark, which began to be distributed in 2003, included houses built in 2004 as well as 2007 (see Table 3 1). This means that houses built in different intervals could exist in the same suburb. Therefore, the houses built during the third interval were selected from suburbs that were established in the first and second interval. Three houses were chosen from Al Rabia, while three other houses were selected from Al Ardia; the rest of the four houses were drawn from Hadia. The researcher could not obtain the architectural drawings for twenty houses, as the managers of Mubark Al Kabeer and Hawali Archives refuse d to give the researcher access to the data to avoid any possible problems with the house owners. The Hawali Since this archive was the only source of information about houses built in this area and period of time, Bayan was excluded. On the other hand, 20 houses required to be collected from the Mubark Al Kabeer Archive were built during the period 1985 1999 which was relatively recent, and were available in a few archit ectural firms. Thus, the floor plans were collected from the architectural firms that possessed architecture drawings of houses built during the required time and in the necessary domestic area. In Phase Three, while conducting interviews with Kuwaiti wome n, the gender of the interviewer was a concern. Due to cultural norms, it would not be acceptable for a female to enter a male parlor with men. Being a woman, the interviewer could not access the male parlors in the houses of several participants because o f the presence of male visitors. Therefore, there were some limitations in terms of spatial access A final concern was the kind of sample obtained during Phase Three. Most of the participants lived in houses that were located in the suburbs listed in T able 3 1, with the

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115 exception of Meshrif, Al Jabria and Khaitan. Meshrif was among the model suburbs originally described in the list obtained from the PAHW. This suburb included land lots distributed in the late sixties and thus was excluded from the study However, it was later discovered that some of these homes met the research criteria and were actually built in the seventies, so they were then reinstated into the study. One participant who lived in Al Jabria was the mother of one of the participants. The investigator thought that interviewing the mother and daughter would be a unique case which would enable her to observe any differences in the lives and houses of two generations. In addition, the participant who lived in Khaitan was found appropriate to participate in the study. She and her husband acquired a construction loan and housing lot in Bayan one of the domestic areas for the study but they sold it to buy a housing lot within Khaitan. Among the residents of newer houses, there was a woman whose villa was built in 1996 and was located in a neighborhood of the Al Jahra suburb. This neighborhood mainly included villas built before 1990, but new houses could also exist. As this research aimed to gather information about a subject about which l ittle is known, it is clearly an exploratory investigation. This study attempted to explore the patterns in the design of female and male parlors in contemporary houses in Kuwait and any change s that might surface in these physical qualities. The aim of st udying qualities related to the life of women in Kuwait is to provide a social context for the physical transformation. Any causal claims between the physical and social context or generalizations about the design patterns seen in this study are not inten ded as part of this investigation.

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116 Moreover, this study did not seek to test a hypothesis and generalize its results to a larger population. In spite of that, the results of the content analysis were found to be reliable and can be statistically generaliz ed to villas located in model suburbs built during the period 1970 through 2010. To assess the reliability of the content analysis was used. Generally, an alpha valu e of .8 and above indicates robust internal consistency of the instrument. Consequently, evaluating the reliability of the instrument at 82.3 percent might be a reasonable goal. Multiple sources of evidence are employed in this study to learn about the social and physical context throughout the period 1970 and 2010. The information related to the social qualities of Kuwaiti women was obtained from a secondary source, i.e., census data, as well as from a primary source, i.e., a sample of Kuwaiti women. Th e physical qualities of female and male reception areas were explored in a sample of 80 houses and in the houses of 30 participants. Moreover, the information in the interviews was obtained from several sources of evidence, i.e., interview schedules, sket ches, photographs, elaborations of participants, and personal observations of the investigator. Triangulating data sources allowed the investigator to take advantage of a broader range of issues to reach a holistic and meaningful perspective about the rese arch topic. Data triangulation can address the potential issues regarding the construct validity of the study. The construct validity was established also by demonstrating the logical link between each of the demographic physical variables and the original objective of the study, as well as the operational sets of measures for each variable.

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117 Summary This study addresses the questions about whether there has been an evolution across time in the spatial design of female and male parlors in contemporary singl e family homes in Kuwait, whether these physical transformations might reflect changes in the socio economic status of Kuwaiti women, and if there have been any changes in the spatial preferences and needs of Kuwaiti women and their involvement in the desi gn process of their houses. To find answers, the data were collected in three phases. Phase One of the study investigated changes which have occurred in the status of Kuwaiti women from 1970 to 2010. For this study, the status of Kuwaiti women was defined as an evaluation of their educational attainment, participation in the labor force, job status, marital status, childbearing patterns, and ability to drive and navigate independently, as well as domestic servants living in the household The census data we re obtained from the public archives in Kuwait to reveal the demographic trends occurring in the status of Kuwaiti women during the forty year span of the study. Census data was collected for eight time periods, 1970, 1975, 1980, 1985, 1990, 1995, 2000, an d 2005. Phase Two investigated the evolution in the spatial design of female and male reception areas in Kuwaiti houses from 1970 to 2010. The spatial design of female and male reception areas was determined by several physica l characteristics including: number of female and male parlors, size of female and male parlors, degree of spatial openness defining female and male parlors, amenities within female and male reception spaces, and access of female and male reception spaces to the main entrance The ev olution in these design features was examined in a sample of 80 villas in model suburbs in Kuwait. The period 1970 through 2010 was divided into eight five year

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118 intervals from which ten villas were selected for the analysis. A content analysis was used to convert features of the floor plans into quantitative data. Phase Three investigated how Kuwaiti women perceive the social and physical qualities of their homes. To learn about their perceptions, interviews were conducted with a convenience sample of Kuwai ti women who currently reside in their own houses. This sample consisted of two cohorts of Kuwaiti women currently living in their own houses. The first cohort of women, residents of older houses, lived in villas located in model suburbs and built between 1970 and 1989. The second cohort of women, residents of newer houses, resided in villas in model suburbs built between 1991 and 2010. Social qualities of participants were related to their: involvement in the design process, contribution to domestic work, interactions with visitors of both genders, and satisfaction with the design of female and male reception spaces Physical qualities included: design and use of female and male reception spaces in the current and childhood residences of participants. To ob tain this information, the interview schedule was developed. With respect to the perceptions of participating Kuwaiti women, the data related to the social and physical qualities of older houses were compared to those of newer contemporary houses

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119 CH APTER 4 FINDINGS Overview The purpose of this study was to address: 1) whether there have been any significant transformations across time in the layout of female and male parlors in contemporary single family homes in Kuwait, 2) whether these physical tra nsformations might reflect changes in the socio economic status of Kuwaiti women, and 3) whether there have been any change s in the spatial preferences and needs of Kuwaiti women and their involvement in the design process of their houses. To find the answ ers, data were collected in three phases. Phase One investigated the change in the status of Kuwaiti women from 1970 to 2010. The status of Kuwaiti women was defined by several demographics including their educational attainment and participation in the l abor force. Phase Two examined the evolution in spatial design of female and male reception areas in single family homes built in Kuwait during the same four decades. Among the floor plans of a sample of 80 single family houses, several physical characteri stics of female and male reception areas were examined. The information in Phases One and Two were compiled from secondary sources of data, i.e., public archives in Kuwait. Phase Three involved collecting data from face to face interviews with a sample of 30 Kuwaiti women currently residing in their own houses. These interviews were conducted to examine how participating Kuwaiti women perceive the social and physical qualities of female and male reception areas in their residences. More information on the d ata collected and the resu lts of data analysis in Phases O ne, T wo, and T hree will be reported in C hapter 4

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120 Phase 1 : Change in the status of Kuwaiti women: 1970 2010 Phase One addressed the research question: What changes have occurred in the status of Kuw aiti women from 1970 to 2010? For this study, the status of Kuwaiti women was defined as including their educational attainment, participation in the labor force, job status, marital status, childbearing patterns, and mobility as well as support from dome stic servants living in their households. The census data for the demographic of Kuwaiti women was obtained from the Central Statistical Office (CSO) and Public Authority of Civil Information (PACI). Census data was collected for eight time periods includ ing 1970, 1975, 1980, 1985, 1990, 1995, 2000, 2005, and 2010, to observe the change in demographics of Kuwaiti women. A d escriptive analysis of trends occurring during the forty year span of the study was adopted. Figures E 1 through E 6 in Appendix E disp lay the results of analyzing the demographic variables of Kuwaiti women. More details about the pattern of change in each demographic variable will be provided below Educational A ttainment The first demographic variable, educational attainment, is indi cated by the proportion of educated Kuwaiti women and their different educational levels as compared to the entire Kuwaiti female population age d 10 years and above. In Kuwait, there are three educational levels : elementary, middle, and high school. After completing high school, individuals can pursue their undergraduate stud ies to earn a and write, elementary school, middle school, high school or diploma, and bachelor any woman age d 10 years and above who can read and write or who has earned a

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121 d 1 and those who can read a newspaper and write a letter in any language. In order for a Kuwaiti woman to be considered literate, she would have to complete either her elementar y, secondary, or high school certificate. A higher level of literacy is established by obtaining a higher level of educational achievement, such as a d iploma, a b degree, m aster s or d octora te d egree. The resulting data (see Figure E 1) indicated that the illiteracy rate was high in 1970, with more than half of the population in question reported as illiterate ( 63.83% ). This number steadily decreased over the next 20 years, with the biggest drops occurring between 1975 and 1980, with a drop of almo st 10%. Between the years of 1985 and 1990, the illiteracy rate dropped by almost 15%. In connection with this, there was a gradual, but steady increase in two population groups : females who finished high school, and females who completed their b degree. Participation in the Labor F orce The second variable under study is the participation of Kuwaiti women in the labor force, which includes the percentage of those in the labor force compared to those not in the labor force who were 15 years old and above. A sub category of this variable is Kuwaiti women who are stay at home mothers compared to those not in the labor force, based on women age d 15 years and above. According to the Public Authority for Civil Information in Kuwait, a stay at home mother is 15 years and above and who is not involved in any education level, not earning outside income in the private or public sector, but she is responsible full time for caring for her family, working in her home, and supe

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122 p. 4 ). Figure E 2 presents the demographic change in the female Kuwaiti population entering the labor force over the last four decades. The data indicated that the percentage of Kuwaiti women in the labor force in crease d steadily, starting in 1985, with the percentage of females entering the labor force growing by approximately 10% every five years. Similarly, the number of stay at home mothers also steadily decreased starting in 1985. Looking at the data in the ag gregate, at the starting point of data collection, more than 90% of Kuwaiti women were housewives. By 2010, only 20% of the Kuwaiti female population was reported as being in the home full time. Job S tatus The third demographic variable, job status, is me asured by the percentage of participation by Kuwaiti women age d 15 years and above in management, professional, clerical, sales, and service occupations. Examples of professional jobs include teacher, physician, and engineer, while clerical jobs include se cretary. Figure E 3 display s the data describing the occupational fields of Kuwaiti women over a forty year time period. Based on the data, most of the female population was largely employed in three fields: professional, clerical and service industries. T rends in the data also indicated that the number of females employed in service industries declined steadily from 1970 to 2010. While employment by women as professionals fluctuated throughout the time period, there was a steady increase in the clerical fi elds from 1970 to 2010, with the largest increases found in the years between 2005 and 2010. Marital Status Corresponding with the growing public participation of Kuwaiti women, changes were expected in th including the categorie s of never married,

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123 married, and divorced. Figure E 4 show s data pertaining to the marital status of Kuwaiti women from 1970 to 2010. The data indicated a gradual increase in the number of Kuwaiti women age d 15 2 years and above who never married or m arried later in life. In 1970, just under 20% of the Kuwaiti female population had never married, but by 2010, this figure increased to more than 30% of Kuwaiti women in the population age d 15 years and above who never married. Similarly, the percentage of Kuwaiti women who were married decreased from 64% in 1970 to 55% during the next 20 year period. At the same time, divorce rates increased accordingly. The percentage of divorced Kuwaiti women stead il y increased from more than 2% in 1970 to about 8% in 20 10. Age at First Marriage The fifth variable, the median age of first marriage is measured by using the median age of Kuwaiti women across age categories 15 19, 20 24, 25 29, 30 34, 35 39, 40 44, 45 49, 50 54, 55 59, and 60 64. Using the ce nsus data, marital status was compared across the years 1970 to 2010. This information allowed for the evaluation of age and percentage of first marriage for Kuwaiti women. The trend for first marriages indicates that while the median age of first marriage for Kuwaiti women remained constant at 15 to 19 years of age from 1970 to 2005, the age changed to 20 to 24 years by 2010. Childbearing P atte rns The sixth variable, the childbearing patterns of Kuwaiti women is indicated by the total fertility rate of K uwaiti women and their fertility rates by specific age broken down into five year categories including 15 19, 20 24, 25 29, 30 34, 35 39, 40 44, and 2 For female and male in Kuwait, 15 and 17 are the legal age of marriage.

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124 45 49. The ages in this variable are based on standard fertility rates and end with the average onset of menopause. According to the Central Statistical Office in Kuwait, the o f a specific childbearing age. Figure E 5 presents the change in the childbearing patterns of Kuwaiti women from 1970 to 2010. The data indicated that the fertility rate of Kuwaiti women decreased steadily over the period studied. For example, in 1970 Kuwa iti women averaged 7.2 children and in 2010, the average was 4.4. This indicates a decrease by almost 50% in the fertility rate of Kuwaiti women. Mobility The ability of Kuwaiti women to drive and navigate independently is determined by the number of Kuw aiti women who were issued license can be obtained at age 18. Based on the data shown in Figure E 6, indications are that the number of Kuwaiti women who were issued approximately 4000% f rom 1970 to 2010. Only 509 driver s licenses were issued to license. The largest increases were between these two periods 1970 through 1975 and 1995 through 2000. For instanc to Kuwaiti females, but by 1975, the number of licenses that were issued tripled to 2000, the number had increased to 7,858. Domestic Servants Living in H ouseholds Observing the number of domestic servants living in households can indicate the change in the contribution of Kuwaiti women to completing housework. Thus, the

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125 number of female and male domestic servants per Kuwaiti family was investigated. The number of female and male servants working in households continually increased from 0.10 in 1970 to 1.35 in 2010. The biggest jump in the average occurred between 1985 and 1990, when the average number of female servan ts increased from 0.74 to 1.49. As for male servants, the trend also shows an increase from 0.28 in 1970 to 1.13 in 2010. The largest increase occurred between 2000 and 2005, when the average number of male servants increased from 0.76 to 1.24. Phase 2 : Ch ange in the Design of Reception Spaces in Kuwaiti Homes : 1970 2010 Phase T wo addressed the question of how the spatial design of female and male reception areas in Kuwaiti houses evolved from 1970 to 2010. The spatial design of female and male reception a reas was determined by several physical characteristics including: 1) number of female and male parlors, 2) size of female and male parlors, 3) degree of openness defining female and male parlors, 4) amenities within female and male reception areas, and 5 ) access of female and male reception area s to the main entrance. These design features were examined in the architectural drawings of a sample of 80 houses that were built in Kuwait during the period 1970 through 2010. This period was divided into eight i ntervals of five years each, with 10 houses surveyed for each interval. A d escriptive analysis of physical transformations occurring during the forty year span of the study was adopted. Figures E 1 through E 7 in Appendix D display the results of analyzing the physical variables of female and male parlors in single family houses during the period under study. More details concerning the pattern of change in each physical variable will be provided below along with corresponding figures.

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126 Number of P arlors To study the evolution of female and male parlors, the total number of parlors, number of houses with at least one parlor, and average number of parlors existing in each house during a certain interval were categorized. Figures E 7 through E 9 summarize data on the number of reception areas in 80 single family Kuwaiti homes from 1970 to 2005. The sample data indicates that the number of female parlors increased from three parlors in 10 houses in 1970 to 15 parlors in 10 houses in 2005. In contrast, the numbe r of male reception areas in single family Kuwaiti homes decreased from 15 parlors in 10 homes in 1970 to nine parlors in 10 homes in 2005. In terms of the number of houses with at least one parlor, there were only three of 10 houses in 1970 which had a fe male parlor, while nearly all 10 houses built after 1990 had female parlors. The number of houses with male parlors remains constant and almost all the houses built during the period 1970 to 2010 had at least one male parlor. The average number of female p arlors increased from one female parlor in houses built between 1970 and 1990 to two female parlors in houses built after ward On the other hand, the average number of male parlors began to decrease from two or three to only a single male parlor in houses built after 1985. The sample analysis suggested that the majority of Kuwaiti houses built between 1970 and 1990 did not have a female parlor. If they existed, no more than one female parlor existed in the houses built during that time. However, almost all the houses built after 1990 had a female parlor and more than one female parlor may exist in those houses. It should be noticed that the number of houses with at least one female parlor began to increase in the late eighties. In addition, the number of hou ses built before 1985 may include more than one male parlor. However, no more than one male parlor

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127 was found in houses built after 1985. The figures also demonstrated that the male parlor remains a design feature in almost all houses built throughout the p eriod 1970 and 2010. Size of P arlors The size of female and male parlors also reflected similar trends, with the size of female reception areas increasing from an average of 208 square f ee t in 1970 to an average of 574 square f eet in 2005. Male reception a reas decreased in size from an average of 519 square f ee t in 1970 to an average of 391 square fee t in 2005. The data on apparent shifts in the average size of the male and female parlors in the sample is summarized in Figure E 10. Degree of Spatial O pennes s in P arlors In the floor plan sample of 80 houses, the degree of openness was examined for each of the female and male parlors groun walls or less. As seen in Figure E 11, the number of interior spaces opened into the male parlors slightly decreased from six in 1970 to two in 2005. In contrast, a marked incr ease occurred in the openness of the female parlors. In 1970, out of the three reported female parlors, only one was reported to have access to the other interior spaces of the house. By 2005, this number had increased such that 15 parlors had access to 26 other interior spaces in the house. In terms of the access of male parlors to female parlors and vice versa, despite the increased number of amenities and openness of female parlors in the past 40 years, openness or a lack of walls between male and female reception areas remains limited. In 1970, none of the reported female

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128 parlors had access to male parlors. In 2010, there was an access between the female and male parlors in only two out of 10 houses. Amenities within Reception Space s The architectural pl ans were also surveyed to explore the number of amenities that existed in the male and female reception areas of single family Kuwaiti homes. The amenities counted in the sampled floor plan included the dining space, toilet, and lavatory. The toilet accomm odated mainly a sink and water closet and sometimes a shower tub. The lavatory consisted of one or two sinks for the use of visitors to wash their hands before and after meals. The dining space could be a room (defined by four walls) or an area (opened to at least one interior space). The dining space could include a dining table surrounded by chairs or a carpet to sit on where meals could be eaten. These amenities were mainly provided for the use of visitors entertain ing in the parlor. The data on the ame nities (as seen in Figure E 12) showed that although the total number of male parlors decreased throughout the time period surveyed, the number of amenities remained relatively the same, beginning with the 14 amenities found for the 10 reported reception a reas in 1970 and ending with 14 amenities in the nine male reception areas reported in 2005. The data shows that the number of houses where the male parlor had at least one amenity remained constant. The male parlors in houses built during the period 1970 through 2005 were provided with at least one amenity, mostly the lavatory and toilet for the primary use of male visitors. In contrast, from 1970 to 2005, there was a marked increase in both the number of female parlors and the number of amenities. In ter ms of the number of houses where the female reception areas had at least one amenity, this number significantly increased from one in 1970 to eight in 1985, reaching 10 in 1990 and 2005. These figures

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129 suggested that the majority of houses built during the period 1990 and 2005 had at least a single amenity (38 out of 40) while the majority of houses built between 1970 and 1985 did not (32 out of 40). Access of Reception Spaces to Main E ntrance In the housing sample, direct access was indicated by whether th e main entrance overlooked or the front lobby opened into the parlor. When neither or both of the female was indicated by the nearest space to the entrance or lobby. The d escriptive analysis of the data indicates that in 1970, none of the 10 homes surveyed had female reception areas that were in direct proximity to the main entrance of the house. This number peaked in 1990 with the female reception area which had direct acc ess to the main entrance in all houses. In contrast, the male reception areas in eight out of 10 houses surveyed in 1970 had direct access to the main entrance; this number decreased until 2005, when the male reception area in two of 10 houses could be acc essed from the main entrance. Figure E 7 presents the shift in the access of female and male reception areas in single family houses built during the period 1970 and 2010. Phase 3 : Change in the Social physical Qualities of Reception Spaces in Participants 2010 In this phase, the study addressed the question of how a convenience sample of 30 Kuwaiti women perceived the social and physical qualities of female and male reception areas in their residences. A snowball sampling was employed to inter view two cohorts of Kuwaiti women currently living in their own houses. The first cohort consisted of 15 Kuwaiti women who lived in homes built between 1970 and 1990 (residents of older homes), while the second cohort was composed of another 15 Kuwaiti wom en

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130 who lived in homes built between 1991 and 2010 (residents of newer homes). Face to face interviews were conducted with 30 participants who currently lived in their houses with their families. Social qualities of participants were related to their: 1) in volvement in the design process, 2) contribution to domestic work, 3) interactions with visitors of both genders, and 4) satisfaction with the design of female and male reception areas. Physical qualities included: 5) design and use of female and male rece ption areas in the current residences of participants and 6) the design and use of female and male reception areas in the homes of participants as children. The interview schedule was developed to explore these social and physical aspects. More informatio n about the questions of the interview schedule addressing each variable and the results of the data analysis will be described in Chapter Four. Tables summarizing the results of the data analyses for Phase Three are found in Appendix F. Demographics and B ackground of Participants Questions (Q) 28 through 34 in the fifth section of the interview schedule surveyed the socioeconomic characteristics of Kuwaiti women who participated in the study. The age of the residents of older houses ranged between 50 and 7 5, whereas the residents of newer houses were between 34 to 68 years of age. As summarized in Table F 1, the average age of the residents of older houses (M = 60.93) is significantly higher (t = 4.305, p < .001) than the average age of the residents of new er houses (M = 48.27). In contrast, the average age of the respondents in the first cohort when they had their first child (M = 19.07) was significantly lower (t = 2.339, p = .027) than the average age of the respondents in the second cohort (M = 22.40) wh en their first child was born. Almost all of the residents of older and newer houses were married, with just one

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131 widowed respondent from the first cohort. The residents of older and newer houses were also significantly different in terms of the number of c hildren they had at home (t = 2.646, p = .013), the age of their youngest child (t = 3.334, p = .002) and the age of their oldest child (t = 4.263, p < .001). The residents of older houses had more children, and their oldest and youngest children were sign ificantly older than children of the residents of newer homes. In terms of educational attainment, 10 out of 10 residents of newer houses contrast, seven out of 15 residents of older houses reported their highest educational and history was covered by Q36 to Q39. More than half of the residents in the older houses have never been employed (8 ou t of 15) and the remaining respondents had already retired (7 out of 15). The majority of the residents of newer houses are currently employed (6 out of 15). Only 4 out of 15 are retired and 5 out of 15 have never been employed. There was no statistically significant difference between the average number of working hours per week from the two cohorts (t = 1.391, p = .185) of the respondents. Among both cohorts, making society better was the highest ranked reason for working. The results of the t tests did not reveal any significant differences between the two cohorts on the rankings of the reasons for working. There were more drivers among the residents of newer houses than those of older houses (Q40). These drivers reported their frequency of driving the car as w hereas, less than half of the respondents from both cohorts have a chauffeur. The majority of respondents from both cohorts have older children who are

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132 18 years and older ned by age 18. The t test revealed that there were no significant differences in the number those with their own car in both groups (t = 2.033, p = .053). Demographics of Mothers of Participants Table F 2 enlis including their age, educational attainment, occupational status, participation in the design of their houses and contribution in the domestic work. The results of an independent samples t test indicated that the mothers of the residents of older houses were significantly older (M = 78.46) than the mothers of the residents of newer houses (M = 62.67) (t = 5.409, p < .001). There is no statistically significant difference between the number of children of the pa The results of the frequency analysis for both groups indicated that 12 out of the 15 mothers were illiterate, but two mothers from newer houses were able to finish elementary school. Only one mother from each cohort of houses was able to complete secondary school. Only one mother from the older houses had ever been employed; the mothers of the remaining participants from both cohorts had never been employed. The majority of the participant s from both groups stated that their mothers never participated in the house design. Other participants did not respond to this matter for several while others claimed that neither the mother nor father had part icipated in the house design as they lived in governmental houses which are designed and built by the government Some of these women mentioned that their father bought the house and no modifications were conducted. The particular attribute that revealed a difference between the two cohorts is domestic work.

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133 For the mothers in older houses, 14 of them performed the housework themselves, and one supervised. In contrast, only three mothers from newer houses performed the housework by themselves while 13 rep orted supervising housework. Involvement of Participating Women in the Design Process for their H omes Table F 3 summarize s the data collected from the two cohorts of participating women on their own as well as their husbands involvement in the design proc ess for their homes. Question One examined whether the woman and/or her husband we re the original owners of the house to know whether she had the opportunity to participate in the design process when the house was first built. For both cohorts, 13 out of t he 15 respondents were original owners. Questions Two through Five surveyed whether the original female owner participated in the design process of their house when it was first built (Q2). Only six out of 13 residents of older houses participated in the d esign decision making process of their houses, while 12 out of 13 residents of newer houses reported participating in making decisions in the design process. The discussion with the participants revealed that there was a different kind of participation in the design process of the house when it was first built. One woman in the first cohort pointed out that these days, couples who intend to build their new houses a re unlike those from her age. The younger couples now think more about the spatial needs and t he design of their houses early in the process. Another wom a n in the first cohort declared that she and her husband did not have any contact with the architect who designed their house. One of them commented that it was inappropriate for the woman to talk with strange men and this included the architect of her residence. Only two out of the six women in the first group who participated in the design of their houses had contact with the architect and working team. One of the women was in a

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134 unique situation o f having a husband studying abroad and she had to make the design decisions. She stated that her husband believed that women were more capable than men in making design decisions. The second woman expressed that she was involved in designing every corner o f her house and she was proud of what she did. Most of the residents of newer houses described having contact at least with the architect and many of them supervised the ho m e construction and the selection of all finishing materials. While this researche r was taking photographs for the house, one resident of a newer home pointed to the gypsum pieces decorating the walls of female parlors that she had painted herself. Another woman from Group B was proud of her house design and her involvement in the desig n and building process. This woman had lived abroad with her husband for some time and was fascinated with the varied housing styles. She expressed how her husband and she had worked hard with the architect to come up with the current house design. She exp lained that she had described their intentions while creating the layout of their houses and selecting the finish material. The following question in the research instrument (Q3) asked those women who participated in the design stage about their levels of participation in the planning process of their houses, female parlor, and male parlor. There were five levels of participation, ranging between mostly by the wife, more by the wife, both husband and wife, more by husband, mostly by husband or others For b oth groups, the majority of respondents indicated that in terms of the degree of participation, the decisions were made by both husband and wife

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135 In terms of the degree of participation in the design of the female parlor, there were only two residents of o lder houses who had female parlors in their houses. They indicated that the design decisions were made mostly by the wife or shared by both husband and wife For the residents of newer houses, 5 out of 12 respondents reported that the decisions were made mostly by the wife or more by the wife while 3 out of 12 reported that the decision making process was conducted by both husband and wife and 3 out of 12 reported that decisions were made more by the husband or mostly by the husband Only one participant indicated that participation in the design process was mostly by others In terms of the degree of participation in the design of the male parlors, the data indicated that for older houses, the design was influenced mostly by the wife (2 out of 6 responde nts) or mostly by the husband (2 out of 6 respondents). Two participants indicated that decisions were shared by both husband and wife or more by the husband For newer houses, the design of the male parlor was reported as influenced by both husband and w ife (4 out of 12 respondents) or more by the husband (6 out of 12 respondents). One respondent indicated that the decisions were made mostly by the wife while one reported that decisions were made mostly by others who were reported to be the older childre n The role of couples in the modification of the house was also examined in this section of the interview schedule. Questions Four and Seven asked the first and second owners if the initial design of the house ha d been modified since it was built or owned For the first cohort, 13 of the 15 houses were modified, while only eight out of the 15 houses were modified for the second cohort. The degree of participation of the women

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136 and their husbands in modifying the house and female and male parlors were invest igated in the fifth and eighth questions. The degree of participation was measured by an ordinal scale ranging between mostly by wife and mostly by husband as well as mostly by others Modifications to the house design were influenced mostly by the wife fo r the residents of older houses, but for the residents of newer houses, decisions regarding modifications to the house design were made by both husband and wife It should be mentioned here that the modification implemented in the design of some houses did not necessar il y include changes in the initial reception areas of older houses or in one of the newer houses. Female parlor design decisions during the house modification process were influenced mostly by the wife for the residents of older houses (6 out of 10 remaining modifications), but more by the husband for the residents was not mod ified in two houses, one house in the first cohort and another in the second cohort. Male parlor design was influenced mostly by the husband in older houses (7 out of 12 remaining modifications) and newer houses as well (3 out of 7 remaining modifications) The responses of women to the questions in this section showed that many of them played different roles in the process of designing and modifying their houses. For example, seven residents of older houses did not participate in the design process of thei r houses when they were first built. When modifying their houses, however, five of the participants reported that the decisions were influenced more by the wife or mostly by the wife Also, when children participated in modifying the reception areas in old er

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137 houses, daughters participated in modifying the female quarters while sons participated in modifying the male reception area. It is worth mentioning here that although seven residents of newer houses reported that the initial design of the reception are as in their houses had been modified, the investigator did not observe any modification when conducting the interviews. The initial design of the reception area was about to be modified only in the oldest house of the second cohort, in a house that was bui lt in 1992. Contributions of Participating Women to Domestic C hores Data concerning the contributions of other family members to domestic chores was collected to determine the level of participation of the women. Questions Nine and Ten surveyed the number of female and male servants work ing in the house. Based on the information shown in Table F 4, the average number of female servants in newer houses is significantly higher than the average number of female servants in older houses ( t = 2.800, p = .009). Question 12 investigated the average number of hours per day that the women spent on housework during the regular days of the week. While the residents of older houses (M = 11.47) spent more hours on housework per day than the residents of newer houses (M = 8.40), the difference was not statistically significant ( p = .150). Question 11 surveyed the distribution of household chores between the wife, husband, older children, servant, chauffeur, and/or others The question examined who generally performed the following domestic chores which included: clean the house, cook the meals, wash the dishes, shop for groceries, iron and do laundry, care for children, pick up and drop off children, run household errands, and care for older relatives The reported data w as summarized in Table F 5. The same number of

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138 domestic chores was performed in both cohorts (150 chores in older houses and 151 chores in newer houses). The data also showed that domestic chores are mainly performed by the wives, husbands, and servants in both groups. The residents of newer houses performed fewer numbers of chores and had more participation from servants in performing household tasks compared to the residents of older houses. The residents of older houses reported performing a total of 77 chores, while servants only performed 35 chores. In comparison, the residents of newer houses reported performing 62 chores, while the number of chores performed by servants increased by almost 100% to 66 chores. This data may explain the decrease in the a verage number of hours that residents of newer houses spent in housework in comparison to the residents of older houses. The data also showed that there was decreased participation among the husbands when it came to completing household chores. The husband s of the residents of older houses performed 29 chores, while the husbands of the residents of newer lower number of domestic chores compared to their wives. While the residen ts of older houses performed 77 chores, their husbands performed 29 chores. The husbands in newer houses performed only 19 chores, whereas their wives performed 62 chores. Th is data indicated that the residents of newer houses had more assistance from hous ehold servants rather than from their husbands. In addition, the contribution of women in the housework decreased. However, their contribution remained higher than that of their male partners.

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139 The data also demonstrates that child care, cooking the meals a nd shopping for groceries remained the primary tasks of women in both cohorts. Except for one resident of a newer house, all women in both groups reported that they typically took care of their children. While performing these chores, few women were assist ed by the servants : t he servants assisted only a third of the women in both cohorts in caring for children (4 out of 15 in older houses and 5 out of 15 in newer houses). While cooking the meals, residents of newer houses had more assistance from the servan ts. Only three out of 13 residents in older houses cooked the meal with assistance from the servants, while none of the residents of newer houses cooked the meals without the The data indicated that some of the tasks, such as cleaning the house, washing the dishes ironing and doing the laundry which were originally performed by the women began to be performed by the servants. For example, the number of women who did ironing and laundry decreased from nine in the older houses to one woman in the newer houses. On the other hand, the number of servants who performed ironing and laundry increased from nine in the older houses to 15 in newer houses. The data also showed that some of the ins tance, running household errands was carried out more by the husbands in older houses, but this chore was carried out more by wives in the newer houses. Interactions of Participating W ome n with V isitors i n Reception Space s Corresponding with the growing ac cess of Kuwaiti women in the public sphere, changes were expected in their social interactions with house visitors as they were received in their houses. The change might occur in several aspects of social interactions of Kuwaiti women including the attit udes of gender segregation, frequency

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140 of visits, number and type of visitors, reasons for receiving visitors, and the appropriate attire for women in the presence of strange men. Due to the fact that they worked outside their homes, their network of female friends expanded. Thus, it was assumed that an increase in the frequency of visit s and number of visitors and a decrease in the gender segregation between visitors would be found. Studying these aspects is essential to know whether the spatial need in ge neral and the need for privacy in particular have changed over time. Social interaction was investigated in the interior spaces where women and men usually received visitors. For example, the female parlor did not exist in the houses of many residents of o lder houses when their residences were first built, and women visitors used to be received in the living room of their families. The collected data of social interactions is reported in Tables F 6 through F 8. More information will be provided below. Gende r Segregation and Type of Visitors Received in Reception Space s Questions 13 and 17 in this section asked the participants which relatives among their close and distant relatives, neighbors, work colleagues, friends or others of both genders can be enterta reception areas in their houses. Relevant data is summarized in Table F 6. The data indicates that in both cohorts, women and men from distant relatives, neighbors, work colleagues, friends or others r arely entertain together at the same time and in the same space. However, women and men who were close relatives entertained together in the genders gathered at the same time in the female reception area more often than in the male reception area. In 11 out of 15 older houses and in 10 out of 15 newer houses, close relatives of both genders entertain at the same time in the female reception area.

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141 On the other hand, in five of 15 older houses and in four of 15 newer houses, the close relatives of both genders gathered together in the male reception areas. While gathering in female and male reception areas, visitors could chat and have a meal or beverage. It was noted from th e discussion with the participants that the definition of close relatives varied from one participant to another. For some participants, the fathers, brothers, law were considered among their close relatives while other women di d not consider the ir brother in laws as close relatives. The data in Table F 6 show s are expected to be entertain ed in the male reception area in both cohorts. Male visitors from close and distant relatives, neig hbors, work colleagues, and friends could entertain in the male reception area in both the older and newer houses. The same types of visitors but different genders women in newer houses were received in the female reception area. However, women and their h usbands in older houses received different types of visitors and different genders in the reception areas. In both kinds of houses, close female relatives, distant female relatives, and female neighbors were expected to entertain in the female reception ar ea. In spite of that, the two cohorts differed in terms of whether female work colleagues and female friends can entertain in the female reception areas. In the female reception area of the older cohort, female work colleagues were entertained in only seve n of 15 houses, and the female friends entertained in six of 15 houses. The number of houses in which both the female work colleagues and female friends entertained in the female reception areas increased to 14 out of 15 in older residences. These figures suggest that the residents of newer houses expect a wider range of female visitors in the reception area

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142 female friends in the new homes may be larger due to their work and increasing contact with other women. Although it was expected that a change in the frequency of visiting over time would associate with the growing access of women in the public sphere, the data did not indicate significant results. Table F 6 summarize s t he frequencies of receiving female and male visitors among residents of older and newer houses. As indicated by the data, the majority of residents in older houses received visitors either more than once a week (7 of 15) or once or twice a month (6 out of 15), while residents of newer houses received visitors on a weekly basis (8 out of 15). The husbands of residents in older houses received visitors in the male reception areas more frequently than husbands in newer houses. The majority of husbands in older houses received visitors either more than once a week (4 of 15), weekly (4 of 15) or once or twice a month (5 of 15), while the husbands in newer houses received visitors on an occasional basis (8 of 15). Reasons for E ntertainin g in Reception Space s Quest ions 15 and 19 collected data on the reasons for entertaining visitors in the reception areas of women and men. For both type s of homes, visitors we re received in the female parlor and male parlor for regular family gatherings and special occasions. Women in older and newer homes were asked to give examples of special occasions when visitors of both genders were received in reception areas. The same occasions where women and men were hosted in the reception areas included wedding receptions and actual cerem onies, engagements, graduations, birthdays, annual celebrations, Ramadan, return after travel, guests from abroad, a newborn baby, sickness and

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143 related activities. Kuwaiti socie ty perceived the gatherings on these occasions as being necessary social obligations to maintain their status. These celebrations may occur in the female, male, and/or shared parlors, as well as in the yard s of older houses, as these areas are more spaciou s than in newer houses. Based on the data in Table F 7, the female reception area hosted more occasions than the male reception areas in older and newer houses. The female reception quarter hosted 62 and 56 celebrations in older houses and newer houses. On the other hand, the male reception area hosted 38 and 25 celebrations in older houses and newer houses. These figures displayed a decrease in the number of celebrations held in the reception area for both women and men in newer houses suggest ing that wom en in both cohorts celebrated more than their husbands. It should also be noted that while none of the residents of older houses reported using the female reception area for career or work related celebrations, four out of the 15 residents of newer houses indicated work related celebrations were occasions celebrated in the female reception area of their home. Frequency of Receiving Vi sitors in Reception Spaces Data related to the frequency of the number of guests entertained in the reception areas of women and men were examined in the interview schedule. The scores ascribed to this frequency were then averaged. The data, as summarized in Table F 7, indicates that the two cohorts did not appear to differ when it comes to the frequency with which they entertai n specific numbers of guests. On average, both older and newer houses often entertained groups of less than 10 visitors in each of the male and female reception areas. Both houses sometimes entertained groups of 10 to 20

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144 visitors and rarely entertained mor e than 30 visitors in their reception areas. Furthermore, the data presents no significant difference between the female and male parlors in older and newer houses. Attire of P articipants in th e Presence of Male Visitors in Reception Space s Questions 21 an d 22 in the interview schedule quantified the proper attire for point of view. The data was collected using a categorical scale ranging from no veil, veil, veil and cloak, an d veil, cloak and face cover Table F 8 summarize s the collected data. The majority of the residents in older houses reported wearing a veil, cloak and face cover when outside the house, a veil when entertaining close relatives of both genders, and wearing a veil and a cloak when entertaining work colleagues and friends of both genders. As for the residents of newer houses, the majority wear only a veil and a cloak when outside the house and only a veil when entertaining close relatives, distant relatives, work colleagues and friends of both genders. These figures suggest that Kuwait i society within th is sample highly values more decent attire for women. Satisfaction of Participants with the Design of Reception Space s Regarding the satisfaction of the respon dents with the female reception areas in their home, the results of the independent sample t tests conducted are summarized in Table F 9. The results indicate that there were no significant differences in the overall satisfaction levels of the respondents (t = .675, p = .508). Comments on the female parlors indicated that the residents of older and newer houses would prefer a female parlor to host larger receptions. Another independent sample t test assessed the differences between the overall satisfaction levels for the male parlors in their homes.

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145 The results did not reveal statistically significant differences in the overall satisfaction levels towards the male parlors. The respondents in older houses would not want to change anything about the male parlo rs, while the respondents in newer houses requested separate access for male visitors and a segregated reception space from the family. One of the residents of the newer houses want ed to separate the female parlor from the staircase leading to the upper fl oor where the bedrooms and private living areas of the family members are located. Also, another resident of a newer house expressed a desire for a basement where the male parlor, currently occupying the front portion of the house, could be moved. One resi dent of an older house entrance that was adjacent to the main entrance of the house. She stated that she felt embarrassed to use this entrance while male visitors were using the male parlors. In her new house, the male parlor is accessed through a side entrance away from the main entrance of the house that would be used by the female households and visitors. When it came to spatial preferences, these examples expressed the desire by female members of the househ old to maintain their privacy by keeping separate from visitors of the opposite gender. Design and Use of Reception Spaces in the Current Homes of P articipants In the homes where the participants currently live, the interview schedule investigated three as pects related to the female and male reception areas. These aspects include d : 1) the spatial design of female and male reception areas when the houses of participants were first built, 2) modifications conducted on the initial design of the female and male reception areas, and 3) use of female and male reception areas

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146 when the houses of participants were first built. More details about each of these aspects are discussed below. The spatial design of reception space s The fourth section in the interview sched ule focused on the physical Questions 23 to 27 addressed the number and degree of enclosures of the reception areas and their access to the main entrance of the house. Ot her physical characteristics, such as the number of private amenities of the reception areas of women and men, as well as modifications implemented in these areas, were obtained from the qualitative data. These themes were generated from the content analys is of the discussions with the participants. The data collected from quantitative and qualitative sources are shown in Table F 10. Number of parlors: The data collected o n the number of parlors in the The shared parlor refers to the reception area where female and male visitors can entertain at the same time or different times. To q uantify t he number of each of th e se parlors we ascertain ed the number on the ground floor and in the basement and the total number of parlors in combination with the number of houses with at least one parlor. As seen in Table F 8, the number of parlors on the gro und floor increased from 21 in 15 older houses to 34 in the same number of newer houses. The ground floor in older houses had one or two parlors while the ground floor in newer houses could accommodate one to four parlors. The majority of the parlors on th e ground floor of older houses were for males. Out of 21 parlors in the older houses, there were four

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147 female and 17 male parlors. On the other hand, the female parlors constituted the majority of parlors on the ground floor of newer houses. There were 24 f emale parlors and 10 male parlors out of 35 parlors in the newer houses. These figures displayed a significant increase in the number of female parlors and a slight decrease in the number of male parlors on the ground floor. The total number of parlors on the ground floor and in the basement altogether reflected similar trends. As shown in Table F 10, the cohort of older houses reported having a total of 18 male parlors and four female parlors, while newer houses cohort reported 18 male parlors and 25 femal e parlors. In the basement of older houses, one male parlor and seven shared parlors existed. In the basement of newer homes, eight male parlors and eight shared parlors existed. None of the older houses included a female parlor in the basement. Only one f emale parlor was reported in one of 15 newer houses. It is worth mentioning here that the male parlors and shared parlors began to appear in the basement of houses built after 1985. None of the houses built before 1985 had a parlor in the basement. The use of the basement to receive visitors in houses was concurrent with a decrease in the housing lots from 10,764 and 8,382 square f ee t to 5,382 and then 4,306 square feet in the late 19 80s. There were three older houses that included either shared parlors or a male parlor; all of them were built in the late 1980s this decrease in the housing lot can be traced in Table 3 1 in Chapter 3 which enlisted the name of the suburbs in Kuwait as well as the date of their development and sizes of lots in these suburbs. However, the female parlor was not present on the ground floor in any of the three houses built in the late 1980s

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148 Access of reception space s to the main entrance : Questions 24 and 25 in the fourth section of the interview schedule investigated the access of male, female, and shared parlors to the main access of the houses. Participants were asked which of these parlors opened into the main entrance of the house or near to it main entrance opened into the female parlor for 10 of the 15 newer r esidences and one of the older residences. For older houses, the majority of participants indicated that the main entrance of their homes opened into the living room, as revealed from the qualitative data analysis. The living room opened into the main entr ance in nine older houses, but none for newer houses. For older houses, most of the participants said that residents of newer houses, it was the female parlor. These figures i ndicated that the male parlor in newer houses no longer opened into or near the main entrance as they did in older houses. Female parlors in the newer houses became more open to the main entrance. Degree of openness defining reception space s: Questions 25 and 26 in the research instrument addressed the degree of openness/enclosure defining the female whether each of the female and male parlors consisted of the following setup: enclosed by four walls, four walls and opening without a door, and enclosed by three walls or less. The female parlor does not exist in 12 older houses, but 10 out of 15 residents of newer houses indicated that their female parlor was enclosed by three wa lls or less. As for the male parlor, residents of older houses indicated that their male parlors were either enclosed by four walls or enclosed by three walls or less. For the residents of

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149 newer houses, the majority reported that their male parlor was encl osed by four walls. These figures indicated that the degree of openness of female parlors increased while the openness of the male parlor decreased. Ameni ties within reception areas: The data on amenities is summarized in Table F 10. In this study, the ter coffee preparation and a room for the visitors to sleep in. For example, one of the participants created a guest ro om for her married daughters and their children. Another participant said that she made a similar guest room for her mother and young children to take a nap in while visiting. The data in Table F 10 list s the number of houses where at least one amenity was available in the male and female reception areas and the total number of amenities for each female and male parlors. The female parlors of the newer houses had a larger number of amenities than those of older houses, but the male parlors in older houses h ad a larger number of amenities compared to newer houses. The female parlors in newer houses had a larger number of amenities than the male parlors in the same cohort of residences. In newer houses, the dining space was located near the female reception ar ea rather th an the male reception area. Modifications in the design of reception areas Table F 10 also contains data on the modifications made to the male, female, In two of the 15 older houses and two of the 15 newer houses, only shared parlors originally existed and no modifications were reported. Also, all 12 residents of newer houses reported that the initial male parlor in their residence was not modified. However, in the older houses, all but two of the initial male parlors were modified. In the same group, a variety of modifications were

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150 conducted in the male parlors in 11 out of 13 houses. The initial male parlor was ial male parlor was eliminated. In one house the initial male parlor was completely removed The initial male parlor was renovated into a living area that opened into the female reception area. The female participant who lived in the house stated that male members of her family did not need a separate male parlor, and if they did need it, they could use the female parlors. The participant declared that she prefer red to host visitors only on special occasions. Instead of the initial male parlor, a new male p arlor was built in seven out of eight older houses. Five residents of older houses explained that their husbands had limited social interaction using the male parlor. However, their sons displayed different patterns of social interactions when growing up. They claimed that a male parlor was not created for their husbands but rather for their sons to receive their own friends. One participant related that as their sons grew up and had more neighbors and friends to visit, the male parlor, adjacent to the fami ly quarters, was a more formal and less private setting for those youth. They needed a less formal sitting area away from the family quarters and access. Thus, a tent was placed in the front yard and adjacent to the main entrance of the house. Later, a det ached spacious male parlor was built in place of that tent. The male parlor was provided by two entries, one overlooking the house yard while another opened directly into the street. A reception area for women was developed later in most of the older house s. It should be pointed out that the female parlor existed in only two out of 13 older houses when first built. One of the participants in an older home had sons who grew up,

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151 married, and lived in apartments in the upper floor of the same houses. The initi al female parlor was used for the gatherings of her family members, and a new female parlor was constructed in the front yard. This female parlor was more spacious and detached from the interior spaces of the house. The female parlor in the second house wa s expanded and opened into the dining and living rooms. The female parlor did not exist in 11 of 13 older houses when first built. New female parlors were created later in seven of 11 houses, while two of the participants continued receiving their visitor s in the living room of their houses. Two of the participants began using the initial male parlor as a female parlor after a new male parlor was built. As with the male parlors, all 13 residents of newer houses reported that no modifications have been done with regards to the female parlors of their homes. Use of reception space s Different themes related to the use of the parlors were generated from the Questions One and Two in the sixth section of the interview schedule. In these questions, the participants were asked to describe the use of each of the female and male reception areas during holiday celebrations and during a typical day. The themes related to the use of parlors are summarized in Table F 11. During the interviews, the participants claimed that it was unnecessary to invite visitors during the holidays. Thus, the interviewer asked the participants about two main themes, including the use of each of the female and male r eception areas when visitors were available and unavailable. When the female visitors were not expected, the only two residents of older houses who had female parlors in their houses did not use the female parlors. For the majority of residents of newer ho uses, the female parlor also remained unused by the

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152 female or male family members. The family member s of both gender s sometimes socialized in the female parlor. There were seven residents of newer houses who said that their daughters like to study or sit c hatting for short periods of time in the female parlors. Some of them commented that they sat chatting with their husbands and having some beverages. They liked to detach themselves from their children and entertain in different places from where they usua lly spen d time at home. The participants indicated they would like the ir female parlor to have a space that was appropriately furnished and well maintained, ready to receive their visitors. They did not prefer to receive their visitors in the sitting area where their family members entertain ed guests as did many residents of older houses, who did not have a female parlor in their residences. For older houses, 12 out of 15 women stated that female visitors were entertained in the living room. The living roo m was sometimes used to receive visitors even in houses of women from the same group and for those who had a female parlor. The living room was not used by the visitors in only one older house where only shared parlors existed. Nevertheless, all residents of newer houses had different spaces for their family and their visitors; their houses had both a living room/area and female or shared parlors. The coexistence of the living room and female parlor in newer houses meant that most residents in the newer hou ses did not need to receive their female visitors in the male parlor. Among 11 houses with a male parlor, there was only one participant who preferred to use the male parlor sometimes to receive her visitors. Since the female parlor in her house opened int o the dining room and family quarters, she did not like to constrain the movement of her family members while the female visitors were present in

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153 the female parlor. Thus, this participant receive d her visitors in the male parlor when male visitors were not expected to visit. In contrast, six out of the 14 residents of older houses with male parlors declared that their visitors were received in the male parlors when male visitors were not expected to visit. Those participants needed to use the male parlors b ecause they did not have a reception area of their own in which to entertain their visitors. In older houses, there were also five women who did not have a female parlor in their residences when they were first built and needed to use the male parlor to re ceive their visitors. Although th e se women needed to use the male parlor to receive their visitors, they could not from any female use. The male parlor was perceived by them as a m a Either male servants or members of the household used to serve beverages to male visitors. Female servants or household members may enter the male parlor to clean it in the absen ce of male visitors. Another participant mentioned that women may gather in the front yard that is overlooked by the male parlor if male visitors were unexpected. The male parlor was locked and was not to be used by women or children. This participant added that women could not use the external entrance near the male parlor or par k their car in front of this entrance which was labeled, and visitors often used the rear entrance which was labeled, Many participants explained that both female visitors and the female family memb ers could not use the male parlor even though male visitors were not present in the house. The exclusive use of the male parlor by men was observed in the houses of

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154 respect her mother did not allow herself to use the male parlor. As seen in Table F 11, the majority of female family members in both groups did not use the male parlor when visitors were not present. However, there was a higher number of older houses (11 of 14) than newer (7 of 11) where the female households did not use the existing male parlor. It should be noted that there were higher numbers of male family members who often used the male parlor even though male visitors were not expected in the houses for bot h cohorts of houses. Male household members often used the male parlor in six of 14 older houses and in seven of 11 newer houses. The interviews with residents of newer houses revealed a significant change in the use of the male parlor. There were four out of 15 residents of newer houses who used the male parlor to administer their own business. One woman participant converted the male parlor to a showroom for showcas ing art and artifacts that she bought abroad. She selected the male parlor in particular be cause it provided a space that was separated from the family quarters. In this same home, the toilet was utilized as a dressing area. Design and Use of Reception Spaces in the childhood Homes of P articipants Question 10 investigated the layout of the rece ption areas of women and men in the homes of participants as children. The investigator discussed with the participants the number, area, and amenities of the female and male parlors as well as their access to the main entrance and degree of openness. Base d on the responses gathered from the participants, there were common themes in the interior layout of the reception areas in both cohorts of houses. The following themes were emphasized: 1) a female parlor did not exist in the house and the female visitors were usually received in the family quarters (courtyard or living room), 2) female visitors did not have their own amenities

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155 and used the bathroom of the family, 3) there were separate entrances for women and men into the house, 4) the male parlor exited in the house, 5) the male parlor possessed at least one private amenity 6) male parlors did not have their own amenities and male visitors used the bathroom of the family, and 7) women could not use the male parlor, even if male visitors were not present. In th the male parlors were listed as either attached or detached from the interior spaces. When attached to the interior spaces, the male parlor opened into or near the internal entrance of the house. When detached from th e interior spaces, the male parlor opened into or near the external entrance of the house. Thus, the ninth theme examined whether the attached male parlor opened into or near the internal entrance of the house and whether the detached male parlor opened in to or near the external entrance of the house. The location of the male parlor in the house may have constrained the movement of female family household members and interrupted the performance of their daily activities. For example, one participant mention ed that the main entrance of her house when she was a child overlooked the living room. Male visitors accessed the male parlor through the living room and stayed inside. As long as the male visitors were in attendance, the female family members and visitor s had to remain veiled while in the living room or in the kitchen. Female family members were notified that there was a male visitor waiting outside the male parlor. Once they heard from any male members of their family, the female family members evacuated the living room so the male visitors could pass through. Women were notified in various ways. Different verbal notifications could be used means , meaning,

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156 notificat ions, physical gestures could be used such as nodding to indicate where the women had to leave Another resident of a newer house commented that a toilet and lavatory for the use of male visitors did not exist. Once male visitors entered the house, the wo men remained inside a room so their voices could not be heard by the male visitors. Women could not use the male parlor. This was perceived as a space for men and it was considered shameful for the women to use the space even when male visitors were not i n attendance. Thus, the tenth category described whether the circulation of the female members of a household were limited in movement because of the location of the male parlor compared to interior spaces such as the kitchen, family yard, or living room. Table F 12 presents the data collected on the aforementioned themes. Based on the responses gathered from the participants, there was little difference in the two cohorts between the design of the female and male reception areas in the houses of the parti cipants as children. These aforementioned themes were generally mentioned as frequently for the older a s for the newer houses. This could indicate that the interior layout of the female parlors and male parlors in the childhood homes of the participants we re similar in the older and newer houses. An independent sample t test indicated that the number of male parlors (t = .450, p = .657) and the number of private amenities in the male parlors (t = .828, p = .416) were not significantly different between th e two cohorts of houses. The data in Table F 12 display s some of the design features that were common in old Kuwaiti houses. Common design features include: 1) the absence of female parlors with their amenities, 2) the existence of male parlors with their amenities, 3)

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157 male parlors that cannot be used by female households or visitors, even in the absence of the male visitors, and 4) male parlors that had direct access to the main entrance of the house. Other design features that existed included: 1) two sep arate entrances for women and men, and 2) the male parlor, its amenities and entrance overlooked the living quarters of the female households so the presence of male visitors could constrain the circulation of women inside their houses. Finally, the male p arlor c ould be provided with four amenities such as a toilet and lavatory or bathroom, dining room, separate yard, bedroom for male guests or male servants, and a coffee preparation room. Summary The purpose of this study was to address: whether there ha ve been any significant transformations across time in the layout of female and male parlors in contemporary single family homes in Kuwait and whether these physical transformations might reflect changes in the socio economic status of Kuwaiti women. To find the answers, the data were collected in three phases. Phase One investigated the change in the status of Kuwaiti women from 1970 to 2010. The status of Kuwaiti women was defined by several demographics such as their educational attainment and partici pation in the labor force. The results of the data analyses indicated that from 1970 to 2010, there has generally been a continuing decrease in the illiteracy rate of Kuwaiti women, as well as higher education completion rates. The survey of archival data also revealed that in the past 40 years, there has been greater female participation in the Kuwaiti labor force, lower marriage and fertility rates, higher divorce rates, and greater numbers of female drivers.

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158 Phase Two examined the evolution in the spatia l design of female and male reception areas in single family homes built in Kuwait during the same four decades. In the floor plans of a sample of 80 single family houses, several physical characteristics of female and male reception areas were examined. A n analysis of the architecture of male and female reception areas in single family Kuwaiti homes indicated that there are more female parlors in 2010 than there were in 1970, and these parlors have increased in terms of size, access to the main entrance, a menities and openness to other interior spaces of the house. The information in Phases One and Two were compiled from secondary sources of data, i.e., public archives in Kuwait. In Phase Three, the data was gathered through face to face interviews with a s ample of 30 Kuwaiti women currently residing in their own houses. These interviews were conducted to examine how participating Kuwaiti women perceive the social and physical qualities of female and male reception areas in their residences. A snowball sampl ing was employed to interview two cohorts of Kuwaiti women currently living in their own houses. The first cohort of women, residents of older houses, lived in villas located in model suburbs and built between 1970 and 1989. The second cohort of women, res idents of newer houses, resided in villas in model suburbs built between 1991 and 2010. With respect to the perceptions of participating Kuwaiti women, the data related to the social and physical qualities of older houses was compared to those of newer hou ses. The data analysis revealed that there were more residents from newer houses who participated in the design process of their homes. It was also determined that the residents of newer houses had significantly higher numbers of female servants, and

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159 there fore received more assistance from servants when it came to performing household chores. The two cohorts of women did not differ significantly in terms of the frequency in which they entertained visitors, but differed significantly in terms of their age, t he age when their first child was born, the number of children they had at home, and the age of their oldest and youngest children. The residents of older houses were either retired or had never worked, and there were more female drivers among the particip ants in newer houses than in older houses. No significant differences existed between the satisfaction levels of the residents of older and newer houses in terms of their respective reception areas. Similarly, no significant differences existed between the design of the male and female reception areas in the childhood houses of the participants from both groups.

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160 CHAPTER 5 DISCUSSION, CONCLUSIONS & IMPLICATIONS Introduction in the early 1950s, and si nce then, the traditional communities of adobe courtyard houses scattered throughout the old city of Kuwait have undergone radical change Overnight, the houses of Kuwaitis in these communities were sold and then demolished b y the government to accommodate new commercial and institutional developments. On the periphery of the city, new neighborhoods of single family homes were established, and these neighborhoods were offered with public utilities and services such as grocery stores, bakeries, schools, mosq ues, and health care c enters. The exterior form of Kuwaiti houses built in the post oil era is unlike the traditional ones (Al baher, 1985, 1984; Mahgoup, 2005, 2007a). New materials and technologies such as glass, reinforced concrete, and air condition i ng units were introduced in these new houses. The attached courtyard houses were replaced by detac hed houses, with facades tak ing a mixture of architectural styles frequently seen in Western countries. The oil revenue s also helped transform the cultural c ontext of Kuwaiti society in particular among women. Throughout the pre oil period (and during the early post oil period) Kuwaiti women experienced lower educational attainment and participation in the labor force. According to the Central Statistical O ffice (1980), the illiteracy rate among Kuwaiti women was as high as 64 percent of the female population until 1970. The percentage of Kuwaiti women who completed elementary school constituted less than 16 percent while those who completed secondary school made up only 7 percent Only 2.14 percent of Kuwaiti women finished a high school certificate or earned a

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161 diploma and less than 1 percent completed their b By 1970, the participation of Kuwaiti women in paid labor constituted 10 percent of the female population 15 years old and above while housewives made up 92 percent (Central Statistical Office, 1980). Among the female population age d 18 years old and above, there were only 509 women who 1970 (Information Syst em Directorate, 1970). The rate of public participation by women initially contradicted the attempts by the Kuwait i government to modernize their country The government of Kuwait realized that it was essential at this stage to invest in the education of its population including its women to promote their participation in the labor force. By the late 1960s, national s educational attainment and involvement in the labor force (Ismael, 1982). Since then, a rise in the access of Kuwait women into the socio economic resources i.e. education and paid employment was witnessed. Spain (1992) claimed that access to the socio economic resources i.e. education and paid labor mediated the status of women in soci ety. Thus, the improve ment of the status of Kuwaiti women was realized Scholars in Kuwait (Shiber, 1964; Al Mutawa, 1994; Al Baher, 1985; Mahgoup, 2003; 2004; 2007b; Al Sayed, 2004) have documented changes in the architectural facades that defined contem porary Kuwaiti houses. While documenting t hese physical transformations, the question of whether the layout of interior spaces in contemporary Kuwaiti houses has been changed has never been addressed. In addition, scholars overlooked the changes in a socia l context and the status of Kuwaiti women in particular.

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162 One of the few studies on this topic, conducted by Al Jassar (2009), investigated the design of interior spaces in contemporary ho uses. In his work, he examined whether the female and male reception areas still existed in contemporary Kuwaiti houses He found that the male reception area s remained common in contemporary homes whereas the traditional female reception area (i.e., courtyard) disappeared from t he more modern houses. In these houses, fema le residents lacked a specially designed space to receive visitors compared to males. In thi s study, the author explores the physical transformations that occurred in Kuwait in the post oil period. Rapoport (1969) argued that housing forms are not constan t but rather dynamic and can change over time. Thus, the interior design of residential spaces can be examined for patterns developing in a larger timeframe (Cowherd, 1980). Moreover changin g values, images, perceptions, and ways of life as well as of certain p.12). Transformations in the status of women and the interior design of residential spaces had occurred in the United States throughout the second half of the twentieth century. Many scholars (Saegert & Winkel, 1980; Rock, Toore & Wright, 1980; Hasell & Peatross, 1990; Hasell & Peatross, 1992; Hasell, Peatross & Bono, 1993; Cromley, 1996; Magee, 2000; Rapoport, 2001; and Miller & Maxwell, 2003) expl ored association s between the social and physical transformations. Those scholars emphasized evolutions in the physical characteristics of housing interiors in light of the status shift of women. The physical characteristics of interior spaces included the ir size, number, amenities, degree of openness, and access to the

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163 main entrance of the house. For example, the k itchen expanded into the dining and living areas ( Hasell & Peatross, 1992; Cromley, 1996) The kitchen was originally concealed in the back of t he house but was moved to the front opened and became access ible through the main entrance ( Cromley, 199 6 ) S cholars emphasized changes in the spatial needs and preferences of female residents and their involvement in the layout of their residences as an attribute of the physical transformations that occurred in single family houses in the United States (Miller & Maxwell, 2003; Hasell, Peatross & Bono, 1993; Cromley, 1996; and Rock et. al., 1980). For example, Miller & Maxwell (2003) Hasell, Peatross & B ono (1993) and Cromley (1996) described changes in the spatial needs and preferences of American women corresponding with the increase in their pu blic participation. They asserted that work ing woman preferred fewer spatial barriers between kitchen and din ing and living areas. The open design concept enabled women to communicate with their family members while prep aring and serving food. Rock et al. (1980) argued that the role of women in the design process of th eir houses also increased over time where wom en became involved not only in the decoration of interiors but also in the spatial layout of their homes. Of course, it must be acknowledged that only a small segment of homeowners have their own architecturally designed residences. The change in the inter ior design of residential spaces can be seen in the following ways including: 1) physical segregation between gendered spaces, 2) allocation and use of space on the basis of gender, and 3) degree of achieved privacy for female residents. In terms of gende red spaces, Spain (1992) described a link between the lower status of women in comparison to men and the existence of physical

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164 segregation between gendered spaces in the housing design. Spain (1992) classified the gendered spaces based on the gender of the user mainly occupy ing it. She showed examples of gendered spaces from the interior s of c ottage residence, and the house s of middle class Americans throughout the eighteenth century and the first half of the nineteenth century. The library in the cottage r esidence presented an example for a room that was designed to be used by the master of the house and his gentlemen visitors. Other examples of gendered spaces included s use and p.123). Spain also explained that the limited access of women to socio economic resources created the hierarchy between women and men and also was reflected in physically separated and segregated spaces She demonstrated a concurrency between the limited access of women to education and paid labor and the existence of segregation in gendered spaces characterizing the traditional designs of single family American houses. On the other hand, Spain (1992) also associated the gro wing involvement of women in the public sphere with the disappearance of physical barriers defini ng gendered spaces. She argued that the integration between gendered spaces i.e. the kitchen, living a nd dining rooms reflected the heightened status of wom en. Rock et al. (1980) maintained that the design of traditional residential spaces in America did not offer equitable allocation and use of space nor achieved the required degree of p rivacy for women For instance, the kitchen had not been design ed to f acilitate the participation of other family members. In addition, a private space for the special use of women and away from domestic responsibility was not provided. To

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165 support the changing role of women, Rock and colleagues noted preferences f or a more e quitable al location of space for women with a hi gher degree of privacy While Spain (1992) an d Rock et al. (1980) speculated t heoretically about the association between the status of women and the interior form of the house, Hasell & Peatross (1990) empir ically investigated this correlation. They drew a sample of 108 prototypical floor plans of single family houses featured in a popular shelter magazine during the period 1945 and 1985. The period of study was concurrent with the greatest demographic and id eological change for American women in term s of their educational attainment, participation in labor force, marital status, and fertility. The content analysis of these floor plans revealed statistically significant changes in favor of women. For example, the kitchen was enlarged and became connected with the living and dining included more amenities such as the closet and bathroom with double sinks. In Kuwait, these constructs can also be traced through the spatia l design of the reception area in traditional residences built before the mid twentieth century. There were physical segregation barriers between gendered spaces, inequitable allocation of space in favor of the male residents and inadequate level of privac y achieved for female households. The male households had a specially designed space to receive visitors while their spouses did not (Lewcock & Freeth, 1978). Female visitors were received in the family quarter i.e. courtyard in traditional houses. The male parlor had private amenities such as a dining room, toilet and lavatory for the use of male visitors; whereas female visitors had to share these facilities with the family.

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166 Moreover, the interior spaces in traditional Kuwaiti houses including the mal e parlor overlooking a single courtyard where the female family members usually performed their daily activities. This layout did not fully satisfy t he degree of privacy necessary for female household members who preferred to not be seen or heard by male v isitors while in their residences. In these houses, female households had to retreat behind the closed doors of one of the rooms opening into the courtyard in order to avoid being seen by strangers while passing through or from the male parlor (Lewcock & F reeth, 1978; Islam & Alsnafi, 2006). All these design considerations manifested in the traditional Kuwaiti houses which reflected social norms and the low status of Kuwaiti women Discussion Figure 5 1 summarize s the research concepts investigated in this study. This conceptual model was derived from the review of literature describing the social and physical transformations that occurred in the United States after the mid 20th century These concepts were explained in a different cultural context: the Stat e of Kuwait. In light of these concepts, the research results will be discussed in the following section of this chapter. Public Participation of Kuwaiti Women In the United States, demands for equal access between women and men entering into educational a nd occupational institutions initiated in the late nineteenth century peaked in the twentieth century, specifically during the 1960s (Scanzoni, 1995, DuBois & Dumenil, 2009). Since then, the access of women to various educational and economical fields has improved dramatically. For example, the percentages of women who earned their bachelor s degrees expanded from less than 24 % to 49 % between

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167 Figure 5 1. The conceptual model of this study as derived from the review of literature that demonstrate s the soc ial and physical transformations occurred in the United States after the mid twentieth century. was related to a gradual shift in their marital status and childbearing patt erns (Scanzoni, 1995). Women began experiencing a decline in birthrates, higher divorce rates and were getting married for the first time at older ages (Hasell & Peatross, 1990; Scanzoni, 1995). As an example, the divorce rate per 1,000 women aged 15 and over grew from 10 % to less than 23 % between 1950 and 1980 (Scanzoni, 1995). Kuwaiti women had experienced similar patterns of demographic change throughout the period 1970 to 2010. The results of the study indicated a clear shift in the access of Kuwaiti w omen to educational and occupational institutions. The census demographic data revealed a steep decline in the percentages of Kuwaiti women who we re illiterate and out of the labor force and labeled as housewives. For example, more than half of the Kuwaiti female population in 1970 was reported as illiterate. By 2010, the illiteracy rate among Kuwaiti women had dropped to less than 8% (Public Authority of Civil Information PACI, 2010). Another example of cultural changes in this population

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168 can be seen by th e percentage of Kuwaiti women who were housewives in 1970 : over 90 % (Central Statistical Office, 1980). This figure sharply decreased to 20 % by 2010 as more women entered the workforce (PACI, 2010). Along with these changes there was a remarkable incre ase in the number of females completing their high school education, earning diplomas and bachelor s degrees, and consequently participating in the labor force. As an example, the percentage of Kuwaiti women who earned their bachelor degrees was less than 3 % until 1985 and then rose to more than 13 % by 2010. In another instance, the percentages of Kuwaiti women in the labor force showed a steady increase starting in 1985. This percentage grew from 2 % in 1970, to less than 14 % in 1985, and reached more than 45 % by 2010. Moreover, the number of Kuwaiti women able to drive and move around the country increased over time. Only 509 driver s licenses were issued to Kuwaiti women in 1970, but by 2010, 20,418 Kuw aiti women attained Consistent w ith the census data the sample of female residents studied was generally well educated and two thirds were employed. The average age of the residents of older houses (M = 61) was significantly higher in comparison to the residents of newer houses (M=48). The interview data revealed differences between the residents of older and newer contemporary houses in relation to educational attainment, employment, and ability to drive and move around the city. Secondary school was the highest educational attainment f or the majority of the residents of older houses, while the majority of the residents of newer houses reported a higher educational degree (either e). In terms of participation in the labor force, the highest non employment rate was among the older cohort of participants. About half

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169 of the residents of older houses had never been employed (8 out of 15). In contrast, only a third of the residents of newer houses had never been employed; three of them we re admi nistering small businesse s. Furthermore, the data showed an improvement in the ability of Kuwaiti women to navigate and drive independently. There were more drivers among the residents of newer houses (12 of 15) than in the older houses (9 of 15). Corresponding to the i ncrease of public participation of Kuwaiti women, the results of the study revealed changes in their marital status and childbearing patterns. According to the census data for the period between 1970 and 2010, there was a higher divorce rate and rate of th ose who never married. There was also a decline in birthrates and a later age for first marriages among Kuwaiti women. Th e data also showed that residents of older houses had higher numbers of children than the residents of newer houses. Also, these women tended to be older as a cohort. The average number of children was less than seven for the residents of older houses and less than five for the residents of newer houses. In addition, the residents of older houses expected their first child at younger ages compared to the residents of newer houses. Women in the older houses had their first child by age 19 while the residents of newer houses had their first child by age 22. A comparison between the percentages of Kuwaiti women and men was conducted in the r eport published by the Central Statistical Office in Kuwait in 2005. According to the Report of Demographic and Economic Indicators for Kuwaiti Women in 2004, illiteracy rates were higher among Kuwai ti women than Kuwaiti men (10.2 percent and 2.2 percent ). Also, among Kuwaitis who completed the elementary and secondary

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170 schools, there were fewer women than men (45.4 percent and 58 percent ). In spite of that, Kuwaiti women who earned a diploma, bachelor master and doctora te degrees surpassed Kuwaiti men in 2004. In the same year, Kuwaiti women made up 21 percent of Kuwaiti women while Kuwaiti men constituted 15.4 percent. In addition, females made up the majority of Kuwaiti students enrolling in Kuwait University and Public Authority for Applied educatio n and training (70.7 percent and 65.3 percent ). However; the same report described lower rates of participation in the labor force among Kuwaiti women in comparison to Kuwaiti men in 2004. The percentage of Kuwaiti women outside the labor force doubled Ku waiti men (7.4 percent and 3.4 percent ). Of the Kuwaiti population participating in the labor force, Kuwaiti women were 39.3 percent while Kuwaiti men were 60. 7 percent. In terms of marital status, the gap between Kuwaiti women and men was less significant By 2004, the percentages of marriages among Kuwaiti women were less than Kuwaiti men (56 p ercent and 58.2 percent ). Of those never married, there were less Kuwa iti women than Kuwaiti men (31 percen t and 38 percent). Nevertheless, divorced Kuwaiti women d oubled the rate of divorced Kuwaiti men (6.7 percent and 3.3 percent ). Layout of Reception Spaces in Contemporary Kuwaiti Homes Scholars across design disciplines (Rapoport, 1969; Rock, Torre and Wright, 1980; Hasell & Peatross, 1990; Peatross & Hasell, 1 992; Hasell, Peatross & Bono, 1993; Spain, 1992, Cromley, 1996; Miller and Maxwell, 2003; Roberts, 1991) explored changing spatial configurations of contemporary residential interiors built in the United States over time Likewise, this study explored p hys ical transformations in the spatial design of the reception area in a sample of contemporary Kuwaiti houses. The study examined 80 residential floor plans collected from public archives in Kuwait, and 30

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171 houses of Kuwaiti women participating in this study. All residences were single family houses (villas) built in Kuwait between 1970 and 2010. In these houses, changes occurred in the physical characteristics of female and male reception areas, including their number, size, degree of openness, amenities and direct access to the main entrance of the house. Based on these design features, four design patterns of reception areas were observed in the sampled houses. These design patterns included: 1) single reception area, 2) double reception areas, 3) single vo lume reception area, and 4) double volume reception areas. These reception areas were located in different places in the house. The reception areas in the first three patterns were placed on the same level, i.e., the ground floor. The double volume recepti on areas were located on two levels, i.e., the ground floor and the basement). Both the double reception areas and double volume reception areas consisted of two quarters. In the former pattern, one of the reception areas was attached to the interior space s while another was detached from them. In the latter pattern, both of the reception spaces were attached to the house. The first two design patterns i.e. single and double reception areas and were widely seen in contemporary houses built earlier in th e study period i.e. between 1970 and 1985. Throughout the period 1985 and 1995, the design patterns of these reception areas became less common and were gradually replaced by new design patterns i.e., single and double volume reception areas. These patt erns were widely used in contemporary houses built during the period 1995 and 2010. More physical descriptions and inferences for each of these design patterns will be provided in the next sections.

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172 Layout of reception spaces in e ar ly contemporary homes In single family houses built throughout the period 1970 through 1985, the size of lots was often 1 0,764 square feet or 8,073 square feet The house yards were spacious enough that the length between the housing faade an d the fence ranged between10 to 30 foot The houses can be single story or two story structures. Only a few houses had a basement which could be used as car parking and a playground for children. The living unit occupied by the households consisted of two zones. The first zone included thre e bedrooms and one or two bathrooms while the kitchen, living room and reception area were placed in the second zone. These two zones could exist on the same floor, i.e., the ground floor and could be attached to each other. In this case, the first zone was laid behind the second. Otherwise, the interior spaces of the first zone were placed in the upper floor while the second zone spaces remained on the ground. In the sampled floor plans for houses built during the period 1970 through 1985, two design pa tterns of reception areas were observed. In the first pattern of design, there was a si ngle reception area while two reception areas existed in the second. In the single reception pattern, the reception area usually consisted of a parlor, dining room, gues the house as shown in Figures G1 through G9. The attached reception area in these houses was designed for receiving male visitors. The parlor and dining room could be opened to each other or divided by a partition as seen in the houses in Figures G1 through G6. The parlor entrance had direct access to the main entrance of the house. The main entrance of the house could ance. This parlor was also accessed from inside the house through the dining room. The dining room along with

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173 overlooked a foyer which accommodated the lavatory. In t he house in Figure G7, the parlor and dini ng room were not adjacent to each other but rather were separated by a corridor. The main entrance of the house was opened into a corridor that was overlooked by three rooms the parlor, dining room, and living room. In these houses, the kitchen and living room were also adjacent A second detached form of reception area consisted of lavatory and a room that can be occupied by male servant s or used to prepare coffee (see Figure G10 ). These space s were detached from other interior spaces of the house and placed in an annex along one of the sides in the front yard. These spaces can be accessed through the front yard of the house. The parlor might be opened outside the house. Yet another design pat tern the double reception areas, revealed that both detached and attached reception areas existed on the ground floor Figures G11 through G19 display examples of houses accommodating double reception areas. They were designed to serve as male reception a reas. In the floor plans of old houses collected from the public archive (see Figures G17 to G19 ), these spaces were labeled as male parlor s ( diwania ). From the discussion with the female participants, it seemed th at there were two kinds of male reception areas : formal and informal The formal reception area was well furnished and well maintained to host visitors on special occasions. It could accommodate Western style furniture such as sofas and table s. Only adults could entertain in this parlor. On the o ther han d, informal reception areas accommodated daily

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174 gatherings of friends, neighbors, and close relatives. Young boys could socialize with men in this area. The attached reception area was designed to accommodate more formal gatherings while the detache d reception area was intended for informal settings. However, the attached reception areas were not necessarily used for receiving male visitors. For example, the attached reception area that appeared in the floor plan of the house shown in Figure G11 was designed to host formal settings. The the house construction and used the parlor and dining room as bedrooms. The h ouse in Figures G12 through G15 display an example of another use of th at space. The attached reception area in this house was utilized to receive female visitors rather than male visitors. In this house, male visitors were entertained in the detached reception area. Layout of reception space in late contemporary homes In sin gle family houses built during the period 1995 to 2010, the average square footage of the lots declined from 10,764 and 8,073 to 4,306 The length of the yard distance between the faade and fence and house extende d between four to nine feet. The front yar d and fence disappeared in many cases; the front faade also overlooked the setback and street. Typically, the lat e contemporary houses ranged from two to three stories, in add ition to an attic. Basements also exist in some houses. The family owning the ho use often occupied the ground and first levels as well as the attic and basement. The family spaces, such as the bedrooms and bathrooms, were placed on the first floor. Other rooms, including the kitchen, living room, and guest bedrooms wer e located on th e ground floor in the back of the house. Some houses had living areas on the ground floor as well as on the first floor. The reception area was situated at the front of the ground floor of the house as well as in the basement if it existed.

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175 In the sample d floor plans for houses built during the period 1995 and 2010, two design patterns of reception areas were observed. In single volume reception areas, the reception spaces were placed on the ground floor only. In single volume reception areas, the ground floor accommodated two separate reception quarters, one for female and another for male. Figures H1 throug h H20 present examples of houses accommodating a single volume reception area. The reception area of each mainly consists of a parlor, guest toilet an d lavatory. The female reception area may include more than one parlor and have a dining room and a bedroom for guests. The female parlor can be opened into the lobby, dining area, living area, another female parlor, a staircase leading to the upper level, and/or kitchenette. The male parlor was a room through which included private access to guest toilet s and lavatories The main entrance often opened into a lobby and the female parlor, while the male reception area was often accessed through a side yard a nd entrance. In the second pattern, double volume reception areas, the reception spaces were located on the ground floor and in the basement (see Figures H21 through H56 ). In this design pattern, the ground floor included only the female reception area. T he main entrance of the house was opened into a lobby separating two open spaces. These spaces could be used as a female parlor and dining area. Otherwise, these two spaces were used as female parlors as seen in Figure H21 and H50 In addition, a third spa ce may exist in the reception quarter and this would be used as a dining room. The female reception area was provided also with a guest toilet and lavatory that were accessed through the female parlor(s) and dining area. This section of the house can be se parated from the family quarters, i.e., kitchen and living room.

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176 reception spaces. As in Figures H21 to H28 the basement was composed of three spacious male parlors, guest toilet, a unit from the house and had two different points of access like all types of reception areas. The first entry was provid ed access for visitors from outside the house directly to the male parlor. The second of fered access for household members and servants from external access was provided by a staircase located in the front yard, while another staircase placed in any of int erior spaces facilitated the external access. The basement in double volume reception areas could be used by both genders but at different times As in the house in Figures H29 and H37, th e design of the basement accommodated several sitting areas and a d ining area. Female and male visitors were received in the same space but not at the same time When visitors of both genders were invited to visit, female visitors were entertained in the female parlors on the ground floor while men met their visitors in t he basement. This kind of shared reception could exist in the basement as the house in Figures H38 through H50 demonstrates. Notably, this feature was found only in the newer types of homes studied. Physical Segregation in Reception Spaces in C ontemporary Kuwaiti Hom es Spain (1992) associated betw een the s tatus of women in particular society and physical segregation between gendered spaces. She suggested the existence of physical segregation between gendered spaces as a n indicator of limited female acces s to socio economic resources. On the other hand, the decrease in the physical barriers separating gendered spaces was perceived as an indicator of their involvement in

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177 education and paid labor. Other evidence was provided by the increase in the degree of openness between the kitchen and living and dining areas as an example. seemed constant when observing the spatial design of female and male reception areas in traditional Ku waiti houses. In these houses of the upper class families, there were two courtyards, one for men and another for women. A female parlor was located in the the men and women were physically separated and connected by a passageway. In traditional houses of middle and lower class fa milies, there was a single courtyard. Women and men entertained in separate spaces; women entertained in the family quarter i.e. the courtyard while men had t heir own parlor i n a designated room. This physical segregation could be associated with limite d access of Kuwaiti wom en to socio economic resources. W hile segregation still exists in contemporary homes, the access of Kuwaiti women to educational and paid labor significantly increased. With the involvement of Kuwaiti women in the public sphere the physical segregation between gendered reception spaces was ex pected to decrease or disapp e ar. However the female and male reception areas remained physically separated in the contemporary residences studied. When visitors from both genders such as close relatives entertain together, they may use the female reception area and sometimes the male reception quarter. Thus, the evolution in the status of women did not necessar il y associate with the disappearance of physical separation between gendere d spaces as Spain claimed. Allocation and Use of Reception Spaces in C ontemporary Kuwaiti Hom es Spain (199 2), Chapman (1985), and Rock et al. (1980) associated between the socio economic status of women and the allocation and use of residential spaces o n the

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178 basis of gender. For example, Chapman (1985) an alyzed 60 floor plans of upper class Western homes in the nineteenth century to compare the number of spaces reserved y had an additional private masculine room than a feminine one. Forty one of the plans r attributed to a lower status for women relative to men in the nineteenth century With the shift in gender roles, Rock et al. (1980) predicted evolutions in the housing design that provided more equitable allocation and use of interior spaces between genders. Consistent with the prediction s of Rock et al. Hasell and Peatross observed that two sinks were installed in the couple s bathroom in late 70s and 80s houses. Inequi table allocation of interior spaces could also be seen in the spatial design of the reception areas in traditional Kuwaiti houses and w ere concurrent with limited public participation of Kuwaiti women. With their growing access to education and paid labor, evolutions in favor of Kuwaiti women were expected to be seen in the spatial design of reception areas in contemporary Kuwaiti houses. Th is study discovered th at the spatial design of reception areas in the sampled houses provided more equitable allocatio n and use of space for Kuwaiti women and their spouses. However, this physical transformation seemed more gradual and subtle than expected. More details about allocation and use of space on the basis of gender in early and late contemporary Kuwaiti houses will be forth coming in this chapter.

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179 Allocation and use of reception s pa ces in early contemporary homes The layout of the reception area in early contemporary houses reflected the inequitable allocation of space in favor of the male residents. While t he men often had a specially designed space to receive their own visitors, the women did not. Throughout the period 1970 and 1985, there was at least one male parlor in the houses of all the interviewed wome n. In these homes, the female parlor existed in t wo of their residences. One participant who owned this type of house I t was not common for the wom en at that time [ in the 1970s and early 1980s] to have their own parlor to receive their female visitors as men did. Female visitors were not serve d be verages such as coffee; only male visitors were served coffee. The results of the interview and archival data were consistent. According to archival results, a male parlor existed in most of the houses built during the period 1970 through 2010 (28 of 30 ), whereas only third of them had a single female parlor (9 out of 30). Moreover, the number of male parlors in early contemporary houses ranged between one to three parlors (M=1.6). The interviews with this group of Kuwaiti women revealed that if a femal e parlor did not exist, women could entertain in the attached male parlor when it was not in use I n other words, they could entertain in the same space but at different times. However, the use of the male parlor by wome n was not accepted in all circles I n some, women were not allowed to use the male parlor. The male parlor was perceived as the sphere. One participant described it as a a nd an expression of respect. She added that the female visitors may entertain in the front yard that w as overlooked by the male parlor whe n no men were present. However, they were not received in the male parlor which had been locked to stay well maintained for the use of male visitors. It seemed that this s ocial restriction typical of older generations. M any participants

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180 mentioned that their mothers could not use the male parlor. A participant said that she and her sisters could sit in the male parlor with their father and have a coffee when male visitors were not expected. However, her mother could not do so out of respect. These social expectations created a source of embarrassment for some who received female visitors in the male parlor or in the living room. Some women adapted to this condition and felt satisfied. Others felt uncomfortable receiving f emale visitors in the living room and interrupting the daily activities of their families. In fact, the living use the male parlor, but also in the houses of women who were allowed to share the male parlor. When visitors of both genders were invited at the same time to the house, women entertained in the living room while men entertained in the male parlor. In the space planning of early contemporary houses, both the number of parlors and the type of private amenities provided for visitors suggested an inequitable allocation of space. The attached male parlor may have had a dining room, toilet, and lavatory for the use of visitors. In addition to these amenities, the attache d male parlor may have provided a room for coffee preparation. While the private amenities were often provided for the use of male visitors, female visitors had none, particularly if the female parlor did not exist. This was indicated by the results of the analyses of the floor plans obtained from the public archive in Kuwait. The male parlor had at least one amenity in 26 out of 30 houses built during the period between 1970 and 1985. In contrast, the female parlor had at least one amenity in two houses on ly. Private amenities along with a parlor for female visitors existed as an exception. When a female reception area did not exist, female visitors either used the guest toilet

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181 or the bathrooms of the family. In the houses where the participants could rece ive her visitors in an attached parlor when male visitors were not in attendance female visitors utilized the amenities belonging to that parlor. Whereas in the houses where there was no female parlor and participants could not use the male parlors, female visitors often entertained and ate in the living room and utilized the bathroom of the household. The female and close male relatives might share the amenities of an attached male parlor. In all the houses, women had never used amenities such as a lavator y and toilet belonging to the detached male reception area. There is no restriction preventing women to use it but women may not feel comfortable to do so. Allocation and use of reception s p aces in late contemporary homes The layout of the reception area in late contemporary houses reflected an equitable allocation of space between women and men. Each half of the couple had a reception area to receive their visitors. According to archival data there was at least one female parlor and a male parlor in 29 o ut of 30 houses built throughout the period 1995 to 2010. The results of the archival and interview data were constant. Most of had at least two parlors, one for women and another for men (11 of 12). Mo reover, each of the female and male parlors was provided with at least a guest toilet and lavatory or bathroom. In late contemporary houses, the female visitors had their own specially designed space with private amenities. Visiting women no longer had to share the family spaces such as the living houses. Ironically, the results of the study showed an inequitable allocation of space in favor of women during this time perio d. The female reception area in homes of this

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182 period may include one to three female parlors. The number of female parlors surpassed that of male parlors. As the archival data showed, 47 female parlors and 31 male parlors existed in a sample of 30 houses. Also, there were 21 female parlors and the archival same period was larger in comparison to men. Bet ween 1995 and 2010, the average female reception area was 689 square f ee 452 square f ee t. It is worth clarif ying that these figures do not necessar il y indicate that there was an equitable allocation of space in all late contemporary houses. In fact, Kuwaiti women in early contemporary houses and traditional houses did not have their own reception space to receive their visitors. Thus, women had to entertain either in the living room or in the male parlor if they were allowed. However, Kuwaiti women in late contemporary houses no longer received their visitors in the living room and instead have a specially design ed space to serve that purpose. This progress does not mean, however, that the design of female and mal e reception areas carried the same emphasis. For example, the size of the female reception area was larger than the male reception area in some houses (as shown in Figures H1 to H5). In other houses (Figures H21 through H28), more space was given to the ma le reception area rather than the female reception area. This variation might be related to the educational attainment and occupational status of both spouses and marital power in the family. Further research in this area is called for to explore cases whe re more space and emphasis are given to female spaces

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183 within Kuwaiti residences. It would be interesting to focus on villas located in model suburbs to find how women and me n participate in the design process Privacy in Reception Spaces in Contemporary K uwaiti Hom es Privacy represented another key issue in the study Altman distinguished between two aspects when defining privacy, i.e. desired privacy and actual privacy. He define d ion with others be associated with the socio economic status of women. The interior design of midcentury residential spaces built in the United States often did not fulfill the desired privacy required by the housewives (Rock et. al, 1980). According to Rock et al., a gr Congress in 1956 complaining of crowded residences and demanded more space for our mental wards and divorce courts if they ha d one room, even a small one, just for was a central request in Feminist critique s (Hasell and Peatross, 1990). Rock et al. (1980) suggested that the design of residenti al spaces began to offer more private spaces outside the kitchen for the housewife. The presence of an optional room and the potential of the housewife to have a space of her own were demonstrated also in the work of Hasell and Peatross (1990). This distin ction between the levels of privacy desired by female households and that achieved by the spatial design was also traced in traditional Kuwaiti houses (built

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184 during the pre oil period). In these houses, the privacy of female households could be interrupted by the presence of male visitors. The concurrent with the limited public participation of Kuwaiti women. However, this invasion became less likely to occur with the involvement of Kuwaiti women in public sphere. Privacy in r eception s paces in early contemporary h omes The design of reception areas in early contemporary houses achieved levels of privacy which often did not satisfy the households. In fact, this was, and remains, a source of embarrassment for Kuwaiti women who d o not want to be seen or heard by male visitors while they are visiting and does not want to be seen performing domestic activit ies inside her house. In spite of that, the design of male r eception areas did not often accommodate this social value. The acce ss of male visitors to the male parlor and amenities constrained the movement of female households within their house. Thus, behavioral mechanisms were adopted to adapt to the design of the space. The design of an attached reception area in early contempor ary houses presented an example of the problems of the original house plan. There was a foyer that provided access to the guest toilet, kitchen, living room, and dining room which was opened into the male parlor (see Figures G1 through G4 and Figures G8, G9, G17 and G19 ). This foyer accommodated the lavatory area as well. When any distant male visitor who was being entertained in the reception area would like to use the guest toilet or lavatory, a male household member first had to notify the female house hold members to move away from the foyer. In addition, the door to the kitchen and the curtain separating the foyer from the living room were closed. Female household members did not pass through that foyer and remained in the kitchen while the male visito r used the utility.

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185 The design of the detached reception area in homes of this period offered a lower degree of privacy for female household members. It was common that the male parlor, guest toilet, and lavatory were accessed through the front yard of t h e house (see Figures G11 and G16 ). Many houses described by women of that time did not have access in the front yard while male visitors were on site. Women could access the home only through side or back entrances. In one participant s house, the kitchen was adjacent to the detached male parlor (Figure G16 ). She said that the door of the kitchen remained closed while male visitors presen ted in her house. In this case, a rope on which fabric sheets were hung was sometimes used to separate the f ront yard ( overlook ing the male parlor ) from the side yard (overlook ing the kitchen). Later, the kitchen adjacent to the male parlor in this house was removed to the back yard to maintain the visual privacy of female household members while they were in the kitchen. Not only did the detached male parlor have direct access to the main entrance of the house, but also the attached male parlor had the same type of direct access. The main entrance of the interior spaces could be opened into the attached male parlor, the l iving room, or a lobby overlooked by both spaces. When it was opened into the living room, the main entrance of the house was placed adjacent to the door of the at tached parlor. Some participating women expressed a feeling that they did not prefer to use t he main entrance of the house whenever the male parlor was adjacent to it and male visitors were in attendance. They entered the house through the kitchen or any other entrance rather than using the main entrance.

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186 It is worth mentioning here that the atti tudes of all Kuwaitis toward gender segregation were not the same. While some participants felt embar rassed to use the front yard or main entrance of the house in the presence of male visitors, others did not. They felt comfortable using the main entrance of the house even though male visitors were being entertained in the m ale parlor. To some it was acceptable to be seen by the male visitors while entering the house. A woman in an older house claimed that she knew all the friends of her husband and they k new her. She also said that she sometimes entered the male parlor to greet them when t hey came to visit. Another participant from the older houses mentioned that before marriage, her father used to depend on her to do many errands outside the house and she therefore had contact with men. For her, there was no uncomfortable feeling that arose from using the main entrance of her house even in the presence of male visitors in male parlors. In spite of that, most women mentioned that they did not feel comfortab le being seen by visitors while working in the kitchen. In sum, there are circles in Kuwaiti society that have less restricted attitudes toward gender segregation. Privacy i n reception spaces in late c ontemporary h omes The design of reception areas in la te contemporary houses achieved higher levels of privacy for female households in comparison to early contemporary houses. In early contemporary houses, the access of the male parlor and its amenities constrained the movement of households and women in par ticular. A shift had occurred in the access of the male parlor and its amenities in late contemporary houses as seen in the houses demonstrated in Appendix H. The female visitors and households no longer shared access with male visitors or entered the hou se through the side or back entrances. The male visitors could access the male parlor through the side yard rather

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187 than the front yard and main entrance of the house. The main entrance of the house now opened into the female parlor instead of the living ro om or the male parlor. According to archival data, the male parlor had direct access to the main entrance in the majority of houses surveyed between 1970 and 1985 (26 of 30). Houses that had male parlors with direct access to the main entrance were in the minority throughout the period 1995 to 2010 (four of 30). The houses where female parlors could be accessed from the main residential entrance were also in the minority through the period 1970 1985 (two of 30). This type of housing began to be dominant du ring the period 1995 2010 (26 of 30). The interview data reflected similar trends. The male parlors had direct access to the main entrance in all houses built during the period 1970 1985 and only four out of 12 houses constructed in the period 1995 2010. In addition, the amenities of the male parlor were no longer accessed through the front yard of a foyer overlooked by the kitchen or the living area. In late contemporary houses, the male reception area including the parlor and its private amenities bec ame a completely separate the ground floor, the guest toilet and lavatory were placed adjacent to the male parlor through which these utilities were accessed. This is shown in Figures H1 H6 and H11 In cases where the reception areas existed in the basement, the male parlor(s) and its amenities were placed in the same qu arter. The houses in Figures H22 and H39 present an example. The physical segregation of the male parlor, its private amenities, an d separate access eliminated the need for behav ioral strategies to maintain the privacy of female households in the presence of male visitors in or to these spaces. Female households

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188 celebrated a higher degree of privacy while moving around their residenti al spaces to perform daily activates. In spite of that, the design features characterizing the male parlor in early contemporary houses were not totally eliminated from the late contemporary houses as presented in the sample. Male parlors which were access ible through the front yard of the houses were still seen in late contemporary houses. In addition, the entrance of the male parlor can still be located adjacent to the main entrance of the house. T hese design features of the male parlor might appear in la te counterparty houses but less likely than in early contemporary houses. When these design features are presented, the female s may feel embarrassed to pass through the main entrance in the presence of visitors in the male parlor. However, these design pat terns can constrain the movement of female s only in the front yard of their houses but not within their households. As observed in the sample, the interior spaces used by the female residents in late contemporary houses were unlikely to be invad ed. Ironically, the presence of female visitors also seemed to constrain the movement of males in many late contemporary houses. This related to the increase in the degree of openness of female parlors in the houses built during this period. The female parlor became open to a number of interior spaces on the ground floor such as the living room, staircase leading to the upper floor, dining room and lobby of the Only a minority of the houses from1970 to1985 had a female parlor that o pened to one or two interior spaces on the ground floor (four of 30). In contrast, the majority of the houses built during the period 1995 2010 had a female parlor that opened into one through five spaces (28 of 30).

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189 I nterviews with Kuwaiti women revealed that the use of spaces opened to female rec eption areas could be uncomfortable in some male households when female visitors were present. For example, a participant mentioned that she did not like the idea of female parlors that opened into the staircase and main entrance in her house. She explained that her husband and older sons did not like to use them when women were entertaining in the female reception area. They used to entertain on the upper floor or leave the house before the arrival of female visi tors. In a nother example, the investigator interviewed a resident of newer houses in a wom a opened into the living and dining area between 2 and 3 pm. During the interview, her husband arrived home and the servant began to serve lun ch on the dining room table. However, he entered the house through a side entrance rather than the main entrance. Further, he stayed out of the living or dining area but stayed in his bedroom until the investigator left the house. Thus, the increase in the openness of female parlors can limit circulation of the male household members in the presence of female visitors. Spatial Needs and P references of Kuwaiti W omen In the United States, transformation of the interior design of residential spaces is associa ted with changes in women for social interactions inside their residences. For example, in a study by Hasell, Peatross, & Bono (1992), the employment of women was an indicator of their spatial preferences for an open design concept of the kitchen. T hey found that employed women preferred open and multi use kitchen s more often than unemployed women. Miller & Maxwell (2003) and Cromley (1996) demonstrated that the time available for working mothers to socialize with their family members and perform the domestic chores became limited. Thus, employed women prefer open

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190 kitchen design s to facilitate the communication between households and conducting their tasks in the kitchen at the same time. Accordingly, there were several assumptions underlying this s tudy. In this study, an expansion in the interactions of participating women with their visitors was assumed. social network of female friends may often expand In addition, it was assumed to find changes in term s of the attitudes towards gend er segregation and decenc y of Kuwaiti women attire. However, this study did not find any significant results supporting any of the previous assumptions. In the sampled houses, women and men from distant relatives, n eighbors, work colleagues, and friends remained entertain ed separately. They could be received in two totally separate spaces or at different times in the same space. Only close relatives of both genders c ould entertain together at the same time and space. Participants provided different definitions for close relatives. For some participants, close relatives referred t o men who were not strangers, such as their fathers, brothers, and nephews, while others added brothers in law as well. Moreover, the decenc y of participating s attire outside their houses and in front of male visitors who were classified as strangers persisted. The results of the study did not show a difference between the residents of older and newer houses in terms of the frequency of receiving visitors or their numbers. Visitors could be received once a week, weekly or once or twice a month. Groups of more than 30 visitors had been invited only on special occasions. The results of the interviews uncovered another contra diction with Al conclusion. Al Jassar (2009) maintained that the male parlor persisted in contemporary houses as the main gathering space for Kuwaiti men. Al Jassar also found an

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191 association between the disappearance of the courtyard with the developments in the status of Kuwaiti women. He declared that the social interactions of Kuwaiti women occurred mainly in the courtyard throughout the pre oil period. Whereas in the post oil period, Kuwaiti women s increasing education and employment status resulted in the o pportunity to socialize outside thei r homes. Thus, the spatial need for a female reception area in contemporary houses was not required as much However, the findings of this study showed extensive socialization between women occupying the homes. The res idents of older and newer houses gave many examples of special occasions for the celebrations of women in their houses. The participants reported that their spouse invited male visitors to their house to celebrate o n the same occasions. These occasions inc luded wedding s engagement s graduation s annual celebrations, Ramadan, return from travel, quests from abroad, newborn baby celebrations funeral, career related networking and family gatherings. Thus, the reception space for men as well as women in cont emporary houses was still required a conclusion counter to Involvement of Kuwaiti W omen in the Design P rocess Rock et al. (1980) predicted an increase in the inv olvement of women in the design process of their houses corresponding with their developing status. Thus, a shift in the role of Kuwaiti women in the design process of their houses was expected. The results of the study indicated a significant increase in the participation of Kuwaiti women in the design of their houses when they were first built. The majority of original owners from the residents of older houses (7 out of 13) did not participate in making decisions about the design of their houses when they were first built. In comparison, only one

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192 resident did not participa te in the design and decision making processes of her house among the original owners in newer houses. The participants in each group described different types of participation in the design processes of their homes. Most women residing in older houses r eported that they had participated in the design of their houses, but did not have any contact with the architect to express their spatial preferences or satisfaction about the housing designs. They declared that their husbands had only asked them about th e number of interior spaces such as the bathrooms and bedrooms, and few had the opportunity to look at the space planning of their houses before construction. Some of these participants On the other hand, most residents of newer houses demonstrated a higher degree of involvement in the design process. Many participants elaborated about their search for an architectural firm to design their houses and the negotiations with the architect to r each final design decisions. For example, a participant commented on the kitchenette interconnected with the female parlor and dining area in her house. The participant said that she saw this form of space while traveling to Germany and United States and a sked the architect to implement it in the design of her house. Others explained their roles in the design and construction of their houses and in the selection of finishing materials and furniture. In other word, residents of newer houses contributed more than the residents of older houses in making decisions regarding the design of their houses. Larger samples of both men and women should be studied in relation to issues of participation in the design process.

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193 Conclusions The results of the study indicate d that Kuwaiti women went through a strong social transformation. Towards the end of the century, their educational attainment and participation in paid employment significantly increased. Access of Kuwaiti women in to the public sphere was also connected t o changes in their marital status and childbearing trends These changes included higher divorce rates, higher rates of those who never married, declines in birthrate, and later age at first marriage. These demographic tre nds suggested some concurrence wi th evolutions in the interior design of single family Kuwaiti houses built during the period 1970 and 2010. For example, there was a significant increase in the number and size of female parlors. Female parlors also became open to interior spaces to a grea ter degree, had more direct access to the main entrance of the houses, and contained greater amenities. These findings suggest concurrency between the social and physical transformations occurring in Kuwait as determined by Hasell and Peatross (1990). Yet separate gender specific spaces remained constant over time. These spaces continued to reflect the social norms of the inhabitants. Gender segregation within interior spaces is a foreign concept to many other cultures, and was not found in gender focused precedent studies like those represented by Hasell and Peatross. Nevertheless, a positive correlation might exist between the socio economic status of women and the interior design of residential spaces. The evolution in contemporary houses tended to pr ovide equitable allocation and use of space on the basis of gender, and to satisfy the privacy needs of the female residents. In fact, prior to the social transformation as referred above, Kuwaiti women from middle and lower classes rarely had social space s for entertaining inside their

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194 traditional houses but their spouses did. In traditional houses, Kuwaiti women socialized in the family living quarters, i.e. the courtyard, because they did not have a specially designed space for that purpose. The courty ard in these houses substituted for the living room in contemporary houses. Today Kuwaiti women continue to utilize the family living quarters (i.e., the living room) to entertain their visitors. With the increase in the status of Kuwaiti women, specially designed spaces for females have developed. Currently the female occupant of the house has her own reception area to receive guests, just as her spouse does. In these modern homes, women and men have two separate reception areas and yet each has equal des ign emphasis. These changes gravitated towards the same design axis suggested by Rock et al. (1980). He claimed that interior environment s which allow for an equal share of space for each household member and satisfy the needs of female households for priv acy can support the new lifestyle of women. These axes include allocation and use of space between the lady of the house and their male spouses and degree of privacy achieved for female residents. Thus, this study suggest s the existence of a positive assoc iation between the status of women and these design axes. The evolution in the status of women and in the interior design of residential spaces is associated with providing more equitable allocation and use of space on the basis of gender while achieving a higher degree of privacy needed by the female residents. However, the change which occurred in the spatial design of female and male reception areas in contemporary Kuwaiti houses was not associated with the physical integration between gendered spaces a s claimed by Spain (1992). Consequently, this

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195 study did not support the existence of association between the status of women and degree of physical separation between gendered spaces. Further some scholars have explored physical transformations in lig ht of the changing role of women in the design process of their homes (Miler & Maxwell, 2003; Cromoly, 1996; Hasell, Peatross, & Bono, 1993; Rock et al., 1980). This study, in the context of Kuwaiti society, found an increase in the involvement of particip ating Kuwaiti women in making design decisions about their houses. That is, the more traditional cohort did not participate as actively in the design process as did the recent female participants. The study did not reveal a significant change in the spatia l preferences or needs of participating women. The change in the participation of women in the design process, rather than in spatial needs, may explain the shift in the physical context. The spatial needs of women in their house design did not necessarily change, so the spatial design of interior spaces had to be adjusted to satisfy their requirements. The resulting reconfiguration of interior spaces might be influenced by the awareness of the designers concerning the requirements of users. Thus, a positiv e association is suggested between physical transformations in favor of women and their role in the decision making process. The conceptual model suggested by this study is summarized in Figure 5 2. Implications Today, Kuwaiti women independently navigat e to pursue their education, participate in the labor force, and even run for Parliament. These gains in the public sphere empowered Kuwaiti women in the private sphere. Kuwaiti women can directly communicate their spatial preferences and needs to the arch itect to design their dream houses. An elaborate, dedicated space for female household members to receive their

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196 visitors became a design feature in the houses of middle class women in Kuwait. The spatial layout of these homes achieved a higher degree of pr ivacy for the Kuwaiti women and their families within their residences. As a result, interference with the private spaces of female residents became unlikely to occur. In spite of these gains in the public and private realm, results from this research re vealed two dilemmas from the perception of Western feminists. These dilemmas reflected differences in the development of the interior design of reception areas in contemporary Kuwaiti homes. First of all, public participation was granted to Kuwaiti women r ather than demanded by activist women as in the United States in the mid 20th century. In Kuwait, there was no ideological shift demanding equal opportunities between women and men to socio economic resources similar to that which emerged in the United Sta tes. Instead, the public participation of Kuwaiti women was promoted by the Kuwaiti government and national policies. Consequently, the access of Kuwaiti women to education and paid labor grew without challenging the traditional gender roles in the domest ic sphere in Kuwait. younger cohorts did virtually nothing related to domestic chores inside the house. The Kuwaiti community continued to expect Kuwaiti women to fulfil conflicting professional and marital roles. This dilemma was resolved by the provision of cheap live in domestic labor. The labor migration was encouraged by domestic labor from labor surplus and capital poor economies (Sri Lanka, the Philippines, India, etc.) to the capital rich oil economy of Kuwait. The provision of domestic help may allow Kuwaiti families to invest in this social zone in their houses.

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197 The second dilemma came with the consistency of the boundaries between women and men. Although Kuwait i women became exposed to contact with men in the workforce, the Kuwaiti community does not accept the friendship between women and men. From their perceptions, women and men are different and therefore should not be treated equally. Kuwaitis used to adopt more formal behaviors in front of the opposite gender and to be less formal with the same gender. The persistence of formality in the relationship between women and men was reinforced by traditional and religious backgrounds. For example, for the women to wear the veil and decent attire might be an important religious aspect in maintaining this kind of gender relations. An example of this traditional aspect was to ask the female households members to hide so they would not be seen or heard by male visitors while passing through and from the male quarters. Corresponding with the persistence of gender formal relations was the physical separation between female and male reception areas in the sampled single family houses. Many would argue that the physical se gregation of genders is attributed to Islam as the religion of the majority in Kuwait. Contrary to popular opinion, sex segregation in the space is a traditional norm rather than a religious principle. The evidence can be traced in the layout of two histor ical spaces. The first space is the first mosque that was built by the prophet of Islam, Mohammad Ibn Abdullah. Physical barriers between women and men were never created in the mosque. Women and men were asked to pray in separate rows and yet in the same space. This integration occurred in the life of the prophet of Islam which represents a main source of Islamic legislation.

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198 The second example is the space of the desert dwelling Bedouins in the Arabian Peninsula, the tent. The Bedouin tent was divided in to two main quarters, one for the tent where male households and visitors used to entertain. The front faade of this section was uncovered and included a hearth to prepare fresh coffee for the male visitors. Female households used to perform their daily activities inside and in front of covered to maintain the privacy of women inside it an d Bedouin women used to quarter was in the back and placed on the northern side. The f emale and male quarters were divided by a partition, made of wool and called Figure 5 3. Sketch of the Bedouin tent. This tent is called Al mogorun and represents the smallest type in the dwellings of the desert.

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199 Figure 5 4. Photo of Bedo uin tent ( n.d. ). As in the photo, women sit together in a separate quarter from men. The fabric barrier divided the tent into two physically separated zones. As mentioned earlier in Chapter 2, Kuwait was inhabited by Bedouin t ribes who moved from nomadic pastoralism to a maritime mode of production. In spite of the shift in the base of production of those settled Bedouins, their attitudes toward gender segregation remained constant. This was reflected in the design of houses th at they built after their settlement in Kuwait, adobe courtyard houses. In both types of dwelling, separate gender specific spaces existed. The courtyard and male parlor in traditional rs in the rooted in the original dwellings of the Bedouin. Regardless of the origins of this form of space, the feminists in Western societies rejected sex segregation in the public as well as private realms. From their perception, gendered spaces could deny women equal access with men into socio economic resources. However, the physical separation between gendered spaces does not always imply gender segregation. For example, girls and boys study in separate elementary, secondary, and high schools in Kuwait and Saudi Arabia. The students of

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200 both genders in Kuwait obtain the same curriculum, while in Saudi Arabia, girls and boys are taught a different curriculum. The separation in Saudi schools can be called segregation because it deprived the female students of and education equal to that of male students. On the other hand, the separation between girls and boys in schools in Kuwait can be named differentiation. Accordingly, th e separation between female and male reception areas in contemporary Kuwaiti houses did not connote gender segregation but rather differentiation. The separation by gender did not restrict Kuwaiti women the access to socio economic resources, but instead a llowed them a degree of privacy which is crucial for Kuwaiti culture. The reception areas reflected another level of social preferences for privacy. This privacy is even reflected in the decoration of the social quarters of the house. Personalization of sp ace was nominal. For instance, photographs for the family were not posted on the walls of female parlors nor in the male parlors. The privacy of gender specific quarters extended even to the furnishings of the space. Less formal setting arrangement domin ated the male reception area where television and couches on the floor were common. In the female parlor, more formal decor such as separated customized seating was utilized. The degree of privacy and elaborate design seen in reception quarters of the samp led houses may be unique to the State of Kuwait. This finding may not be valid in other countries mostly inhabited by Muslim societies, such as the Middle East, North Africa, and Afghanistan. Although public participation of women was witnessed in these co untries, there is diversity in the political, economic, and cultural contexts.

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201 A specially designed space might not be common in the middle class houses of these countries because their standard of living is not identical. For example, in oil rich Gulf St ates such as Qatar and Kuwait, the government usually provided welfare policies to ensure high living standards for their citizens. According to the database of the World Bank for 2013, Qatar was the second richest country in the world per capita in 2012. For the same year, Kuwait was the eighth. These high standards of living enable middle class Kuwaiti citizens to afford and invest in the social zone of their houses. On the other hand, living standards are lower in other Middle Eastern countries with mixe d oil economies (Algeria, Iraq, Egypt, Tunisia, and Syria) and non oil economies (Jordan, Morocco, Sudan, Turkey, and Yemen). In those countries, it is unknown whether a reception quarter exists in the residential spaces of the middle class or even the upp er class. If this social zone existed in any of those nations, it is unknown whether this zone in gendered. In spite of the existence of overlaps in the cultural conceptions relevant to traditional roles of women, there are profound dissimilarities betwee n these Muslim communities in term of attitudes toward gender segregation. For example, Saudi Arabia is far more conservative than Morocco and Lebanon regarding what is appropriate for women and attitudes toward gender segregation (Moghadam, 2003). Moghada m (2003) specific space does not necessary feature the middle class houses in all thes e nations. Limitations Little is known about the research concepts investigated in this study such as the spatial design of the female and male reception areas in contemporary Kuwaiti

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202 houses. Thus, this study did not intend to generalize the research fin dings but rather to explore whether any change might occur in each of the research concepts. This inten t ion is critical in understanding the conclusions of this exploratory study. For example, this study explored changes in the spatial design of female an d male reception areas in contemporary houses built during the period 1970 and 2010. The changes observed in the spatial design of female reception area s in the sampled houses were perceived in favor of Kuwaiti women. The findings of this study revealed th at Kuwaiti women became more involved in the design process of their houses. These results simply indicated that Kuwaiti women had broken the g lass ceiling in term s of their role in the housing design and design emphasis of their residential spaces. It sug gest s that the opportunity of Kuwaiti women to participate in creating their spaces and to occupy adequate physic al settings has improved over time. Generalizations cannot be made in this study as relying on a small sample of villas located in model suburb s was drawn. The evaluated houses consisted of 80 future research, a larger sample of villas (single family houses) can be obtained. Larger samples may reveal more patterns in the design of female and male reception area s in counterparty Kuwaiti houses. Another limitation of this study was the gender of the investigator. The investigator had access to most of the reception areas in the houses of women participating in the i nterview. Only one resident of an older house did not allow the investigator access to the female reception area in her residence. Also, the investigator was able to enter the male reception area only in 11 out of 14 older houses and in 9 out

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203 of 13 newer h ouses. The investigator denied access to the male parlor because it was occupied by male visitors or was used as a workshop or for storage. Figure 5 2. Conceptual model suggested by the study. Future Research This study focused on exploring the chang e in the interior layout of single family houses designed and constructed by Kuwaiti families. The change in the interior layout can be explored in single family houses designed and constructed by the public in s t it ution has propose d and implement ed prototype houses for Kuwaiti families in different domestic areas in Kuwait since 1970. The architectural drawings for different models of public houses can be analyzed using the content analysis. Co pies of the architectural drawings can be

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204 obtained from the archive of PAHW. The check l i st used in this investigation can be employed to explore the change in the reception areas since 1970. Moreover, this study emphasized the change in the physical char acteristics of the reception areas only. Future research can explore the change in other areas in contemporary single family houses. The change can be investigated in the area of the housing lot, living units, and yard. Future studies can also examine the appearance of new interior spaces in the living unit occupied by Kuwaiti families such as the sitting area in the master bedroom and living area in the first floor. The change might be observed in the area of the kitchen and number of stories. The content analysis of the floor plans of sampled houses can be conducted to explore these changes in the interior design of contemporary houses. A n ew check list is required to be developed for future research. This study explored the change in the role of Kuwai ti women in the design of their houses when it was first built based on their own perceptions. This topic can be investigated in future stud ies from the perceptions of their husbands as well and the architects working in architectural firms specialized in designing villas in Kuwait. The change in the involvement of the first owner couples can be explored in different phases of construction of contact with architect, selection of the finishe d mat erials, furniture, and decorations of the ceiling, walls, and flooring. The role of the couples in the design process can be tested based on age, education, occupation, mobility, and time spent on the house work as well as the number, age, and gender of th eir children.

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205 It seems that Kuwaiti women before 1985 did not meet with the architect, just as their mothers. For the majority of the residents of older and newer houses stated that their mothers never participated in the house design This is cons istent with an old norm practiced in traditional Kuwaiti communit ies It was known that the male head of a Kuwaiti family was the individual who communicated the spatial requirements of his household to the foreman This practice seemed to continue following the discovery of oil and began to change with the growing access of Kuwaiti women in to public sphere. This study suggested an association between the role of women in the design of their residences and two research concepts, including: 1) the gap between the levels of privacy required by female households and that achieved by the spatial design, and 2) spatial allocation between the partners. While building the traditional and early contemporary Kuwaiti houses, female households were denied the opportunity to contact the designer of their residences and communicate their spatial needs and preferences. The design of these houses failed to fully satisfy the level of privacy required by female households and inequitable allocation of space between female and male household members Participating Kuwaiti women in newer houses were more involved in the design of their houses than the residents of older houses and their mothers as well. The interior design of late contemporary houses suggested more inequitable allocat ion of space and a higher level of required privacy. In future research, a link is suggested for these three research concepts. The correlation between these concepts can be examined in different points of time and within a single point of time. While inv estigating these concepts in different periods of time, it might be appropriate to consider the shift in social expectations of genders

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206 across time. In this case, the personal observations of experts such as the architects would be significant to narrate t hese social changes. In studying th e se concepts at a single point of time, it would be appropriate to consider other variables such as the marital power between spouses and their socio economic status. The occupational and educational status of the couple rather than gender can play a role in determining these concepts. Finally, the research concepts were derived from the social and physical transformations that occurred in the United States and were tested in Kuwait. A comparison study can be conducted in a different context where changes in the socio economic status of women ha ve been witnessed. This investigati on can expand our knowledge about the conceptual model proposed in this study.

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207 APPENDIX A MAPS FOR THE SUBURBS IN KUWAIT Figure A 1. The p opulation of Kuwait is generally located around Kuwait City in the area circled in red.

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208 Figure A 2. The location of suburbs from which a sample of 80 single family houses was drawn.

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209 Figure A 3. The location of suburbs from which a sample of 30 Kuwait i women was recruited.

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210 APPENDIX B CHECK LIST OF CONTENT ANALYSIS Interval: 1970 1975 1980 1985 1990 1995 2000 2005 House: 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 Number of parlors in the major family house unit: 1. Female pa rlor(s) ________ Male parlor(s) on ground level ________ Male parlor(s) in basement ________ 2. Male parlor(s) ________ Area of parlors in square meters: 3. Female parlor(s) ________ 4. Male parlors(s) ________ The parlors' access to the main entrance of the house: NA Not exist Exist 5. Female parlor has direct access to the main entrance 0 1 6. Male parlor has direct access to the main entrance 0 1 Private amenities of parlors (toilet & lavatory and dining area): 7. Number of amenities in the female parlor NA 0 1 2 8. Number of amenities in the male parlor NA 0 1 2 The number of interior spaces open to the parlors on gro und floor: Closed Open Female parlor Another female parlor 0 1 Family living area 0 1 Main lobby of the house 0 1 Dining area 0 1 Stair 0 1 9. Male parlor 0 1 10. Total NA 0 1 2 3 4 5 6 Male parlor Another male parlor 0 1

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211 Family living area 0 1 Main lobby of the house 0 1 Dining area 0 1 Stair 0 1 Female parlor 0 1 11. Total NA 0 1 2 3 4 5 6

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212 APPENDIX C INFORMED CON SENT

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219 APPENDIX D INTERVIEW INSTRUMENT ENGLISH VERSION OF INTERVIEW INSTRUMENT UNIVERSITY OF FLORID A COLLEGE OF DESIGN, CONSTRUCTION, & PLANNING DEPARTMENT OF INTERI OR DESIGN T itle of I nvestigation: CHANGING GENDER ROLES AND THE SPA TIAL DESIGN OF RECEPTION AREAS IN CONTEMPORARY KUWAITI HOUSES (1970 2010) Instruments of I nvestigation: QUESTIONNAIRE & INTERVIEW SCHEDULE Investigator: Turkiyah Alenazy This part is filled in by the principle investigator. Number of particip ant s : Date of interview: Time of interview: The house was built in : The house is located in

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2 20 QUESTIONNAIRE In this session of the interview, three sections will be investigated that are related to your participation in the design of female an d male parlors in your house, distribution of domestic labor, and social interaction with your guests in your reception areas. Please read the question before answering. In the multiple choice questions, please select only one answer that is the most appr opriate in your opinion. When the survey have any questions or need any clarification, do not hesitate to ask. I would be happy to assist you. SECTION 1: INVOLVEMENT IN DESIGN PROCESS 1. Are you the original owner of your house? o Yes o No If you are the ORIGINAL OWNER answer question number 2. If you are NOT THE ORIGINAL OWNER begin at question number 6 on the next page. 2. Did you participate in making decisions about the design of your house when it was first built? o Yes o No If No skip, the next question 3. How much did you participate in the design of the following spaces? Mostly by wife More by wife Both same More by husband Mostly by husband others a. Your house design b. Female parlor design c. Male parlor design 4. Have you modified your house since it was built? o Yes o No If No, skip the next question 5. How much did you participate in modifying the design of the following spaces? Mostly by wife More by wife Bot h same More by husband Mostly by husband others a. Your house design b. Female parlor design c. Male parlor design

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221 If you are an ORIGINAL OWNER begin answering question number 9. 6. How many previous owners occupied the house? ____________ 7. H ave you modified your house since you owned it? o Yes o No If No, skip the next question. 8. How much did you participate in modifying the design of the following spaces? Mostly by wife More by wife Both same More by husband Mostly by husband others a. Your hous e design b. Female parlor design c. Male parlor design SECTION 2: CONTRIBUTIONS OF DOMESTIC LABOR 9. Number of female servants: _________ 10. Number of male servants: _________ 11. Who generally does the following domestic chores in your house? 12. On an average weekday, how many hours a day do you (yourself) spend doing housework/ childcare? _____hours/day. Wi fe Husband Older children servant chauffeur others a. Cleans the house b. Cooks the meals c. Washes the dishes d. Shops for groceries e. Irons & does laundry f. Cares for children g. Picks up/drops off h. Runs household errands i. Cares for older relatives j. Other

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222 SECTION 3: SOCIAL INTERACTIONS 13. Check all those who can be entertained in the female pa rlor of your house at the same time. Female Male Close relatives Distant relatives Neighbors Work colleagues Friends others 14. How often do you receive visitors in the female parlor of your house? o More than once a week o Weekly o Once or twi ce a month o Occasionally o Other 15. What are the main reasons for receiving visitors in the female parlor(s) of your house? o Hosting regular gatherings of your family o Special occasions such as ____________ _________________ o Other, please list __________________ __________________ 16. Approximately how often do you receive the following number of visitors in the female parlor of your house per visit? Check all that are appropriate : Often Sometime Rarely Never a. Less than 10 b. 10 to 20 persons c. 21 to 30 pers ons d. 31 to 40 persons e. More than 40

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223 17. Check all those who can be entertained in the male parlor of your house at the same time. Female Male Close relatives Distant relatives Neighbors Work colleagues Friends Others 18. How o ften do you receive visitors in the male parlor of your house? o More than once a week o Weekly o Once or twice a month o Occasionally o Other 19. What are the main reasons for receiving visitors in the male parlor(s) of your house? Check all that are appropriate o Host ing regular gatherings of your family o Special occasions such as ________________________ ____________ o Other, please list _________________________ ___________________ 20. Approximately how often do you receive the following numbers of visitors in the male par lor per visit? Check all that are appropriate. Often Sometime Rarely Never a. Less than 10 b. 10 to 20 persons c. 21 to 30 persons d. 31 to 40 persons e. More than 40 21. What do you consider to be proper attire for yourself outside your house? o No veil o Veil o Veil & cloak o Veil, cloak & face cover

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224 22. What do you consider to be proper attire for yourself when the following visitors are present in your house? No veil Veil Veil & cloak Veil, cloak & face cover a. Close relatives of both genders b. Distant relatives of both genders c. Work colleagues of both genders d. Friends of both genders

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225 SECTION 4: THE PHYSICAL CHARACTERISTICS OF YOUR HOUSE 23. Check the number of the following interior spaces that are present in your house. Does not exist 1 2 3 4 More a. Female parlor b. Male parlor c. Parlors for both women and men 24. Which of the listed spaces are open into the main entrance of your house? Check all that are appropriate. o Male salon o Female salon o Open reception areas for w omen and men o Other 25. Which of the listed spaces are nearest to the main internal entrance of your house? Check all that are appropriate. o Male salon o Female salon o Open reception areas for women and men o Other 26. The female salon in your house ____________. o Do es not exist o Is enclosed by four walls o Is enclosed by four walls and at least one of them includes an opening without a door o Is enclosed by three or fewer walls 27. The male salon in your house ____________. o Does not exist o Is enclosed by four walls o Is enc losed by four walls and at least one of them includes an opening without a door o Is enclosed by three or fewer walls SECTION 5: SOCIAL CHARACTERISTICS OF THE LADY OF THE HOUSE 28. Year of your birth:___________ 29. Your age when first child was born? __________ _________ 30. Marital status: o Married o Divorced o Widow ed

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226 31. Number of your children: ______ 32. Number of children living at home: ________ 33. What is the age of your youngest child? ________ 34. What is the age of your oldest child? _________ 35. How many years of formal e ducation do you have? o Secondary school or less o High school o Diploma or equivalent o Bachelor degree or equivalent o degree or equivalent o Doctoral degree or equivalent 36. Your current occupational status is? o Employed, my occupation is ___________________ ______ o Retired, my occupation was _________________________ o Not employed currently, but previously employed as _______________ __ o Never employed If you were never employed, begin answering question 40. 37. Your typical working hours on the job are from ______ to ______. 38. What is the best estimate of the total number of your working hours on the job per week? _________ 39. Here are some reasons people give us for why they are employed. Please rank them from 1 to 5 with 1 being your most likely reason. o Personal satisfaction o Money to support myself o Money to support my family o Improving socio economic status o Make society better o Other __________________________________________________ 40. Do you drive a car? o Yes, how often _________________________________ o No

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227 41. Do you have a chauffeur? o Yes o No 42. own car? o Yes o No If your answer was No, skip the next question. 43. How many older children living at home drive a car? ____________

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228 INTERVIEW SCHEDULE In the last session of this interview, I would like to discuss with you several oral satisfaction about the design of those areas. Also, I would like y ou to talk briefly about yours. 1. Describe how the female parlor(s) of your house are used during a holiday celebration 2. Describe how the female parlor(s) of your hou se are used during a typical day 3. Overall, how satisfied are you with the design of the female parlor(s) in your house? 4. Indicate your overall satisfaction with the design of the female parlor in your house on a scale of one to five, where 1 means excellent, 2 means above average, 3 means average, 4 means below average, and 5 means poor. 1 2 3 4 5 Excellent Above average Average Below average Poor 5. Describe how the male parlor(s) of your house are used during a holiday celebrati on.

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229 6. Describe how the male parlor(s) of your house are used during a typical day 7. Overall, how satisfied are you with the design of the male parlor(s) in your house? 8. Indicate your overall satisfaction with the design of the male parlor in your house on a scale of one to five; where 1 means excellent, 2 means above average, 3 means average, 4 means below average, and 5 means poor. 1 2 3 4 5 Excellent Above average Average Below average Poor 9. Now I want you to th different is the design of both female and male parlors in your house from your o Not different at all o Somewhat different o Very different o Extremely different

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230 10. Can you explain some differ ences in the interior layout of female and male examples of these differences. toilets and lava tory, is it a room or open space, and what distan ce is it from the main entrance of the house? Female Parlor Male parlor Number Size Openness: o stair o living area o dining area o female parlor o male parlor Access to entrance : o open o nearest o main entrance o back or side entrance Number of amenities : o toilet o lavatory o dining area

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231 11. le? For example work outside the home, education and participation in designing your house? Age: 40s 50s 60s 70s 80s 90s Education: Employment: Number of children: Transportation: Involvement in the design of the house: Domestic wo rk: Social interactions: 12. Is there any information about the reception area (female and male parlors) in your house you would like to add to this interview that we have not already discussed? 13. May I have your permission to photograph the par lors in your house?

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232 ARABIC VERSION OF INTERVIEW INSTRUMENT

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244 APPENDIX E LINE GRAPHS DEMONSTRATING THE SOCIAL AND PHYSICAL TRANSFORMATIONS Figure E 1. Trends in the educational attainment of Kuwaiti women during the period1970 and 2010 (Source: Central Statistical Office and Public Authority of Civil Information in Kuwait). 0.00% 10.00% 20.00% 30.00% 40.00% 50.00% 60.00% 1970 1975 1980 1985 1990 1995 2000 2005 2010 Educational Attainment of Kuwaiti Women Illiterate Literate Elementary School Middle School High School or Diploma Bachelor's Degree 0.00% 10.00% 20.00% 30.00% 40.00% 50.00% 60.00% 70.00% 80.00% 90.00% 100.00% 1970 1975 1980 1985 1990 2000 2005 2010 Proportion of Kuwaiti Women in Labor Force In Labor Force Not in Labor Force Homemakers

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245 Figure E 2. Demographic trends in the participation of Kuwaiti women in labor f orce during the period 19 70 and 2010 (Source: Central Statistical Office and Public Authority of Civil Information in Kuwait).

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246 Figure E 3. The change in the distributions of Kuwaiti Women by Occupational Field during the period1970 and 2010 (Source: Central Statistical Offic e and Public Authority of Civil Information in Kuwait). Figure E 4. The change in the marital status of Kuwaiti women from1970 to 2010 (Source: Central Statistical Office and Public Authority of Civil Information in Kuwait). 0.00% 10.00% 20.00% 30.00% 40.00% 50.00% 60.00% 70.00% 1970 1975 1980 1985 1990 1995 2000 2005 2010 Distribution of Kuwaiti Women by Occupational Field Professional Clerical Service Labor, Management, Sales & Agriculture 0.00% 10.00% 20.00% 30.00% 40.00% 50.00% 60.00% 70.00% 1970 1975 1980 1985 1995 2000 2005 2010 Year Marital Status of Kuwaiti Women Never Married Married Divorced

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247 Figure E 5. The overa ll Fertility Rate for Kuwaiti Women from1970 to 2010 (Source: Central Statistical Office and Public Authority of Civil Information in Kuwait). Figure E s during the period 1970 and 2010 (Source: Central Statistical Office and Public Authority of Civil Information in Kuwait). 0 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 1970 1975 1980 1985 1995 2000 2005 2010 Number of children Year Fertility Rate Fertility Rate 0 5000 10000 15000 20000 1970 1975 1980 1985 1990 1995 2000 2005 2010 Number of women Year Kuwaiti Women with Driver's License Driver's License

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248 Figure E 7. Number of female and male parlors in a sample of 80 single family homes built in Kuwait during the period 1970 and 2010. Figure E 8. Number of single family Kuw aiti houses with female and male reception areas (1970 2010). 0 2 4 6 8 10 12 14 16 18 20 1970 1975 1980 1985 1990 1995 2000 2005 Number of Parlors Years Number of Parlors in Single Family Kuwaiti Homes (n=80) Female Parlor Male Parlor 0 2 4 6 8 10 12 1970 1975 1980 1985 1990 1995 2000 2005 Number of Houses with Reception Areas Year Number of Houses with Reception Areas (n=80) Female Parlor Male Parlor

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249 Figure E 9. Average number of female and male parlors in a sample of 80 single family homes built in Kuwait during the period 1970 and 2010. Figure E 10. Size of female and male parlor s in a sample of 80 single family homes built in Kuwait during the period 1970 and 2010. 0 0.5 1 1.5 2 2.5 1970 1975 1980 1985 1990 1995 2000 2005 Average Year Average Number of Parlors in Single Family Kuwaiti Homes (n=80) Female Parlor Male Parlor 0 100 200 300 400 500 600 700 800 900 1970 1975 1980 1985 1990 1995 2000 2005 Area Year Size of parlors in Single Family Kuwaiti Homes in Square Feet (n=80) Female Parlor Male Parlor

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250 Figure E 11. Degree of openness defining female and male parlors in a sample of 80 single family homes built in Kuwait during the period 1970 and 2010. Figur e E 12. Amenities within female and male reception areas in a sample of 80 single family homes built in Kuwait during the period 1970 and 2010. 0 5 10 15 20 25 30 1970 1975 1980 1985 1990 1995 2000 2005 Number Openness of Reception Areas in Single Family Kuwaiti Homes (n=80) Openness (Female Parlor) Openness (Male Parlor) Openness (Female Parlor/Male Parlor) 0 2 4 6 8 10 12 14 16 18 20 1970 1975 1980 1985 1990 1995 2000 2005 Number Amenities of Reception Areas in Single Family Kuwaiti Homes (n=80) Total No of Amenities Female Parlor Total No of Amenities Male Parlor No. of Houses with Amenities Female Parlor No. of Houses with Amenities Male Parlor

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251 Figure E 13. Access of female and male reception areas to the main entrance in a sample of 80 single family homes built in Kuwait during the period 1970 through 2010. 0 2 4 6 8 10 12 1970 1975 1980 1985 1990 1995 2000 2005 Number Access of Reception Areas in Single Family Kuwaiti Homes (n=80) Female Parlor Access Male Parlor Access

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252 APPENDIX F DATA TABLES FOR THE INTERVIEWS WITH KUWAITI WOMEN Table F 1. Demographics of Participants Older Houses Newer Houses t P Age 60.93 48.27 4.305 .000 Age when first chil d was born 19.07 22.40 2.339 .027 Marital Status Married 14 15 Divorced 0 0 Widow 1 0 Number of children 6.53 4.80 2.646 .013 Number of children living at home 3.93 3.80 .255 .800 Age of youngest child 23.40 12.42 3.334 .002 Age of ol dest child 38.67 23.93 4.263 .000 Years of formal education Secondary school or less 7 3 High school 2 5 Diploma or equivalent 4 2 2 5 0 0 Doctoral degree or equivalen t 0 0 Current occupational status Employed 0 6 Retired 7 4 Not currently employed 0 0 Never been employed 8 5 Total weekly number of working hours (est). 36.86 31.40 1.391 .185 Reasons for working Personal satisfaction 2.00 1 .56 .875 .396 Money to support myself 3.43 2.89 .662 .519 Money to support my family 3.00 3.33 .505 .621 Improving socio economic status 2.43 3.22 1.618 .128 Make society better 4.14 4.00 .222 .828 Drive a car Yes 9 12 No 6 3 Freque ncy of driving a car Always 8 8 Most of the time 1 0 Sometimes 0 2 To work only 0 2 Have chauffeur Yes 4 6 No 11 9 Yes 15 11 No 0 4 Number of older children wit h license and car 3.13 2.18 2.033 .053

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253 Table F Older Houses Newer Houses t P 78.46 62.67 5.409 .000 7.36 7.13 .250 .805 Illiter ate 12 12 Read only 1 0 Read & write 1 0 Elementary school 0 2 Secondary school 1 1 Never been employed 14 15 Had been employed 1 0 Participation in house design Mother never participated 8 10 Daughters participated in modification 1 3 Domestic work Mother performed housework 14 3 Mother supervised housework 1 13 Servant performed housework 3 5 Older daughters performed housework 3 6

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254 Table F 3. Involvement of Pa rticipants in Design Process for Homes Older Houses Newer Houses Original owner of house Yes 13 13 No 2 2 Participation in decision making process Yes 6 12 No 7 2 NA 2 1 Degree of participation in house design Mostly by wife 1 1 Mo re by wife 0 3 Both the same 3 4 More by husband 1 2 Mostly by husband 1 1 Others 0 1 Degree of participation in FP design Mostly by wife 1 4 More by wife 0 1 Both the same 1 3 More by husband 0 2 Mostly by husband 0 1 Others 0 1 De gree of participation in MP design Mostly by wife 2 1 More by wife 0 0 Both the same 1 4 More by husband 1 3 Mostly by husband 2 3 Others 0 1 Modified house since building First Owners Second Owners First Owners Second Owners Yes 11 2 7 1 No 2 0 6 1 Degree of participation in modifying house design Mostly by wife 5 0 1 0 More by wife 1 0 1 0 Both the same 2 0 3 0 More by husband 1 0 1 1 Mostly by husband 2 2 0 0 Others (older daughters and sons) 0 0 1 0 Degree of participa tion in modifying FP design Mostly by wife 6 0 0 0 More by wife 0 0 1 1 Both the same 0 0 1 0 More by husband 0 1 3 0 Mostly by husband 1 1 0 0 Others (older daughters) 1 0 1 0 Degree of participation in modifying MP design Mostly by wife 1 0 0 0 More by wife 0 0 1 0 Both the same 0 0 1 0 More by husband 2 0 3 0 Mostly by husband 5 2 0 1 Others (older sons) 2 0 1 0

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255 Table F 4. Contributions of P articipants to Domestic Chores (Number of Female and Male servants and Number of Hours per Day Participants Spent in Housework) Older Houses Newer House t P Number of female servants (average) 1.2667 2.2000 2.800 .009 Number of male servants (average) .7333 .4667 .947 .354 Number of hours per day spent on housework 11.4667 8.400 0 1.482 .150 Table F 5. Contributions of Participants to Domestic Chores (Types of Chores) Older Houses Newer Houses W Hus OC Ser Ch Oth W Hus OC Ser Ch Oth Cleans the house 9 1 2 9 0 0 6 1 0 15 0 0 Cooks the meals 13 0 0 3 0 0 12 1 0 15 0 1 Was hes the dishes 5 1 2 9 0 0 1 0 0 15 0 0 Shops for groceries 11 5 1 1 0 0 15 1 1 1 0 0 Irons & does laundry 9 1 0 9 0 0 3 0 0 15 0 0 Cares for children 15 0 0 4 0 0 15 0 0 5 0 0 Picks up & drops off children 7 6 0 0 3 1 11 8 0 0 1 0 Runs household erra nds 3 14 0 0 0 0 11 7 0 0 1 0 Cares for older relatives 5 1 0 0 0 -8 1 0 0 0 -Total 77 29 5 35 3 1 62 19 1 66 2 1

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256 Table F 6. Interactions of participants with Family and Friends. (Gender of visitors in the Reception Areas of Women and Men in Female Reception Area Male Reception Area Visitors can entertain Older Newer Older Newer Close relatives (female) 15 15 5 3 Distant relatives (female) 15 15 1 1 Neighbors (female) 15 14 0 0 Work colleagues (female) 7 14 1 0 Friends (female) 6 14 0 0 Others (female) 2 2 0 0 Close relatives (male) 11 10 14 13 Distant relatives (male) 2 2 14 12 Neighbors (male) 1 0 12 13 Work colleagues (male) 0 1 13 13 Friends (male) 1 1 14 13 Others (male) 0 0 5 6 Close r elatives (female and male) 11 10 5 3 Distant relatives (female and male) 2 2 1 1 Neighbors (female and male) 1 0 0 0 Work colleagues (female and male) 0 1 1 0 Friends (female and male) 1 1 0 0 Others (female and male) 0 0 0 0

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257 Table F 7. Inter actions of Participants with Family and Friends. (Frequency of visiting, and male reception areas) Older Houses Newer Houses Female reception area Male reception area Femal e reception area Male receptio n area Frequency of visitors More than once a week 7 4 3 2 Weekly 0 4 8 0 Once or twice a month 6 5 2 4 Occasionally 2 2 2 8 Other 0 0 0 0 Reasons for Receiving visitors Hosting regular family gatherings 14 13 15 11 Special occasions 14 12 14 11 Examples of special occasions Wedding 9 2 8 2 Engagement 3 2 4 1 Graduation 5 1 7 1 Birthdays 2 0 7 0 Annual celebrations 11 3 6 3 Ramadan 7 2 3 0 Return after travel 6 3 2 4 Guests from ab road 2 3 3 2 Newborn baby 10 4 7 3 Sickness/Funeral 2 2 3 3 1 0 2 0 Career related celebrations 0 5 4 2 0 6 0 2 Social contacts 0 4 0 1 Family discussions 0 1 0 1 Frequency of visitors (by # of guests) Less than 10 visitors (average) 3.87 3.67 3.80 3.57 10 20 visitors (average) 2.80 2.87 2.93 2.93 21 30 visitors (average) 2.40 2.40 2.27 2.43 31 40 visitors (average) 1.93 2.07 2.27 1.93 More than 40 visitors (average) 1.87 1.80 1.73 1.86

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258 Table F 8. Interactions of Participants with Family and Friends. (Proper attire from Older Houses Newer Houses No veil Veil Veil & cloak Veil, cloak & FC No veil Veil Veil & cloak Veil, cloak & FC Proper attire outside the house 0 3 5 7 1 0 10 4 Proper attire to entertai n visitors Close relatives of both genders 0 8 2 0 1 10 0 1 Distant relatives of both genders 0 2 2 0 1 4 0 0 Work colleagues of both genders 0 0 1 0 0 1 0 0 Friends of both genders 0 0 1 0 0 1 0 0 Table F 9. Satisfaction of Participants with Design of Female and Male Reception Areas Older houses Newer houses t P Satisfaction with female parlor Overall satisfaction 1.80 1.53 .675 .508 Comments 3 3 Sepa rate access for female visitors 3 4 Segregate reception space from family 4 3 Segregate reception space from male parlor 1 2 Have more spacious reception area 6 5 Have one large reception space for visitors 2 3 Have more open reception area 5 3 Have a dining area 1 1 Satisfaction with male parlor Overall satisfaction 2.13 1.79 .858 .398 Comments 5 3 Separate access for male visitors 2 5 Segregate reception space from family 1 5 Hav e more spacious reception area 1 4 Have large reception space for visitors 1 1 Have more open reception area 1 1

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259 Have a dining area 1 0

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260 Table F 10. Spatial Design of Female and Male Reception Areas in the Homes of Participants Older Hous es Newer Houses Number of female parlors compared to number of houses On ground floor 4 parlors in 3 houses 24 parlors in 15 houses In basement 0 1 parlor in 1 house Total 4 parlors in 3 houses 25 parlors in 15 houses Number of male parlors c ompared to number of houses On ground floor 17 parlors in 13 houses 10 parlors in 8 houses In basement 1 parlor in 1 houses 8 parlors in 5 houses Total 18 parlors in 14 houses 18 parlors in 13 houses Number of shared parlors compared to number o f houses On ground floor 0 0 In basement 7 parlors in 2 houses 8 parlors in 4 houses Total 7 parlors in 2 houses 8 parlors in 4 houses Male parlor 2 2 Female parlor 0 10 Shared open reception areas 1 2 Other 12 1

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261 Table F 10. Continued Older Houses Newer Houses Male parlor 8 0 Female parlor 2 5 Shared open reception areas 0 1 Other 2 2 Living room is open into the main entrance of the house 9 0 Fe male parlor Does not exist 13 2 Enclosed by 4 walls 2 1 Enclosed by 4 walls and opening w/o door 0 2 Enclosed by 3 walls or less 0 10 Male parlor Does not exist 1 3 Enclosed by 4 walls 6 9 Enclosed by 4 walls and opening w/o door 0 1 E nclosed by 3 walls or less 8 2 Number of amenities Female parlor 4 24 Male parlor 19 13 Initial shared parlor only existed & not modified 2 2 Initial male parlor was cancelled 8 0 Built another male parlor 7 0 Initial male parlor was expanded 3 0 Initial male parlor was not modified 2 12 7 0 Initial female parlor cancelled & new female parlor built 1 0 Initial female parlor expanded and opened 1 0 In itial male parlor used to receive female visitors 2 0 Female parlor does not exist 2 0

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262 Table F 11. Use of Female and Male Reception Areas in the Homes of Participants Older Houses Newer Houses Lady of the house uses male parlor for her business 0 4 Use of female parlor by family members when visitors are unexpected Never by female family members 2 8 Rarely used by female family members 0 0 Sometimes used by female family members 0 5 Often used by female family members 0 0 Total numb er of houses had female parlor 2 13 Not used by male family members 2 9 Rarely used by male family members 0 0 Sometimes used by male family members 0 4 Often used by male family members 0 0 Total number of houses had female parlor 2 13 Female v isitors are usually received in the living room 13 0 Use of male parlor by female visitors when visitors are unexpected Not used & cannot be used 5 0 No need to use & not used 3 10 Need to use & used 6 1 Shared parlor existed 2 2 Male parlor did not exist 1 2 Use of male parlor by family members when visitors are unexpected Not used by female family members 11 7 Rarely used by female family members 0 0 Sometimes used by female family members 1 2 Often used by female family members 2 2 Total number of houses with male parlor 14 11 Not used by male family members 6 4 Rarely used by male family members 0 0 Sometimes used by male family members 2 1 Often used by male family members 6 6 Total number of houses with male parlor 14 11

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263 Table F 12. Female and Male Reception Areas in the Homes of Participants as Children Older Houses Newer Houses t P 11 10 Female visitors received in family quarters 11 10 bathroom 12 11 Separate entrances for men and women 7 10 Male parlor existed 12 12 Male parlor had at least one amenity 9 9 Male visitors used family bathroom 3 2 Detached male parlor open or near externa l entrance, attached male parlor open or near internal entrance 10 11 Circulation of female family members was limited 5 5 Women cannot use male parlor if visitors were unexpected 9 10 Number of male parlors 0.92 1.00 .450 .657 Number of male amenities 1.58 2.07 .828 .416

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264 APPENDIX G EXAMPLES OF RECEPTION AREAS IN EARLY CONTEMPORARY HOUSES: 1970 1985 Houses with single reception areas Figure G 1. Sketch for the ground floor of an early contemporary house including a sin gle reception area. This house is a single story, located in Meshrif and built in 1976. It is currently possessed and resided in by its first owner, a Kuwaiti family. When first built, this house consisted of the male reception area (parlor and dining room ), living room, three bedrooms, kitchen, two bathrooms, and lavatory. The initial layout of this house had not been renovated since it was built, except for the finishes and functions which had changed over time. For example, a male parlor, detached from t he living unit, was recently built along with toilet and kitchenette and the initial male parlor began to be used as a female parlor.

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265 Figure G 2. Exterior views for the front yard and terrace which provided the main access into the interior spaces of the house. The terrace was overlooked by the entrances of the living room (double winged door) and the male parlor (single winged door).

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266 Figure G 3. Interior views for the living room and its entrance at the top, and for the male parlor and its entrance in the photo below. When visitors of both genders were invited to the house, men were received in the male parlor while women were received in the living room. The participant used to receive her visits from women in this parlor when male visitors were not expected to visit. During that time, the male parlor, Al diwania, became used as a female parlor. An annex was built on the left side of the front yard to accommodate a new male parlor.

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267 A B C D Figure G 4. Male parlor and its amenities. A) Another corner in the male parlor that is opened into the dining room and the par tition separating the two spaces. B) The dining table surrounded by six chairs. C) Another view for the partition separating the male parlor and dining room. D) The foyer that was adjacent to the dining room, kitchen, and toilet and included a lavatory area.

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268 Figure G 5. Sketch for the ground floor of an early contemporary house including a single reception area. This house is two stories and located in Al Jab ria. The Kuwaiti family who currently possessed and resided in this house was a second owner. The female participant mentioned that they bought it from the first owner 30 years before. As the interview with the participant indicated in 2010, the house was first built in the seventies. The sketch above showed the initial structure of the ground floor before the house renovations.

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269 A B Figure G 6. Photos of the male p arlor. A) T he main entrance of the house and front yard demonstrates the direct access of the male parlor to the main entrance of the house. B) Interior view for the male parlor.

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270 Figure G 7. Sketch of the ground floor of an early contemporary house including the single reception area. This house is two story, located in Ardia and built in 1973. It is currently possessed and resided in by its first owner, a Kuwaiti family. When first built, the living unit on the ground floor consisted of the male reception area (parlor and dining room), living room, three bedrooms, kitchen, kitchenette and two bathrooms. Renovations of the initial structure of the house had been conducted. The attached male reception area became constructed in the front yard. This area included two spacious parl ors along

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271 Figure G 8. Architectural drawing for the ground floor of an early contemporary house including the single reception area. This house was built in 1976 on a lot of 8,073 square feet and located in the Hadia suburb. This copy was obtained from the original architecture drawings retrieved in the archive of Mubark Al Kabeer, Department of Construction Authorization in the Kuwait Municipality.

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272 Figure G 9. Architectural drawing for the ground floor of an ea rly contemporary house including the single reception area. This house was built in 1970 on a lot of 10,764 square feet and located in the Rabia suburb. This copy was obtained from the original architecture drawings retrieved in the archive of Al Frawania, Department of Construction Authorization in the Kuwait Municipality.

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273 Figure G 10. Architectural drawing for the ground floor of an early contemporary house including the single reception area. This house was built in 1972 on a lot of 10,764 square fe et and located in the Rabia suburb. This copy was obtained from the original architecture drawings retrieved in the archive of Al Frawania, Department of Construction Authorization in the Kuwait Municipality.

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274 Houses with double reception ar eas Figure G 11. Sketch for the ground floor of an early contemporary house including two reception areas. This sketch was traced from a copy of the architectural drawing of the ground floor for this house. The house is two stories and is located in Al Jahra on a lot of 10,764 square feet. It was built in 1970 and is owned and still resided in today by its first owner, a Kuwaiti family. The distance from the front faade of the house to the fence was more than 10 meters. The initial structure of this hou se underwent remarkable renovations such as creating two female parlors and converting the kitchen and toilet into a living and dining areas to accommodate the changing needs of the family.

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275 Figure G 12. Sketch for the ground floor of an early contempora ry house including two reception areas. This house is a double story, located in Ardia, and built in 1980. The Kuwaiti family who currently owns and resides in this house is a second owner; they bought it from the first owner in 1980. When first built, the ground floor of this house consisted of a female reception area (parlor and dining room), living room, bedroom, kitchen, bathroom, toilet and lavatory. More bedrooms for the family members were located on the upper floor. There was an annex on the left si de of the front yard to accommodate the male reception area (parlor, toilet, lavatory, and room for male servants). Few renovations were conducted in the reception areas of this house. The male parlor expanded and another annex was constructed on the right side of the front yard to accommodate another more modern female parlor.

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276 A B C D Figure G 13 Photos for the main internal entrance of the house opened into a lobby leading to two spaces, i.e., the liv ing room and the female parlor. The living room was partially opened into the lobby while the female parlor was totally sep arated from the lobby. A) T he glass block partition dividing the living room from the lobby. B) T he door of the female parlor. C) The living room in this house opened into the lobby of the house, staircase, and two foyers. One was overlooked by a bedroom and bathroom while another was surrounded by the kitchen, dining room, toilet and lavat ory. D) T he staircase leading to the upper floor.

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277 A B C D Figure G 14 Photos for the female parlor show a room enclosed by four walls that can be accessed through the lobby as well as the dining room. A) Female parlor. B) T he external and internal entries to the female parlor. The wooden door provided an access for visitors from the o utside while the interior access was provided by the sliding door of the dining room. C) T he sliding door was made of aluminum and glass and had n ot been renovated. D) T he dining room.

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278 A B Figure G 15 Photos for the foyer that was adjacent to the di ning room, toilet and kitchen and included the lavatory. A) L avatory an d the door of the toilet. B) E ntrance to the kitchen.

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279 Figure G 16 Sketch for the ground floor of an early contemporary house including two reception areas. This house is two stori es, located in Al Rabia, and built in 1970. The Kuwaiti family who currently owns and resides in this house is a first owner.

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280 Figure G 17 Architectural drawing for the ground floor of an early contemporary house including two reception areas. This hous e was built in 1984 on a lot of 10,764 square feet and located in the Rabia suburb. This copy was obtained from the original architecture drawings retrieved in the archive of Al Frawania, Department of Construction Authorization in the Kuwait Municipality. The

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281 Figure G 18 Architectural drawing for the ground floor of an early contemporary house including two reception areas. This house was built in 1973 on a lot of 10,764 square feet and l ocated in the Rabia suburb. This copy was obtained from the original architecture drawings retrieved in the archive of Al Frawania, Department of Construction Authorization in the Kuwait Municipality.

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282 Figure G 19 Architectural drawing for the groun d floor of an early contemporary house including two reception areas. This house was built in 1979 on a lot of 8,073 square feet and located in the Ardia suburb. This copy was obtained from the original architecture drawings retrieved in the archive of Al Frawania, Department of Construction Authorization in the Kuwait Municipality.

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283 APPENDIX H EXAMPLES OF RECEPTION AREAS IN LATE CONTEMPORARY HOUSES: 1995 2010 Houses with a single level reception area Figure H 1. Sketch for the ground floo r of a late contemporary house involving one level reception. This house is a two story, located in Saad Al Abdulla and built in 2004. It is currently possessed and resided in by its first owner, a Kuwaiti family. This house shared its northern and western fences with neighbors. The southern and eastern fences were surrounded by a setback. The ground floor of this house consisted of the female reception area (three parlors, dining room, and toilet and lavatory area), male reception area (parlor and toilet a nd lavatory area). On the upper floor, there was a living room adjacent to the bedrooms. The participant woman has been currently using the male parlor as a sewing room for her designed dresses.

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284 Figure H 2. Photos for the exterior views of the front yard and the main internal entrance of the house from the main external entrance. The main entrance of the house opened into a lobby and female reception area.

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285 Figure H 3. Photos for the living area that was placed on the upper level and opene d into the female parlors. The handrail shown in the top photo re presents the boundary of this area from one side. The family members used to entertain and eat in the living area rather than the female reception area. The family entertained in the female r eception area only when visitors were present in the house.

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286 Figure H 4. Photos for the dining area enclosed by two walls from one corner and opened into the female parlors, lobby, and staircase from another. Figure H 5. Photos for the toilet a nd lavatory provided for the female reception area and adjacent to the dining room.

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287 Figure H 6 Sketch for the ground floor of late contemporary house including one level reception area This house was two stories, located in Abdulla Mubark, and built in 2001. The reception area was placed in the front of the family spaces such as the living room and kitchen. Reception quarters for both women and men existed in this house and yet were physically separated. The female reception area demonstrated more des ign emphasis than the male reception area. The female reception area consisted of two parlors, dining room, main house entrance. The male reception area toilet, and lavatory and was reached from a side entrance and yard.

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288 A B Figure H 7 Photos for the front faade of the house. A) T he main entrance of the house opened into the female reception area adjacent to which was the male reception area. B) T he side entrance as it appeared on the left side of the photo providing access for the male parlor.

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289 A B C D Figure H 8 Photos for the opened fe male reception area. A) T he main entrance of the house opened into a lobby and the f irst female parlor. B ) T he first and bigg er female parlor. C) S econd female parlor that was separated from the first female parlo r by a handrail. D) T he second female parlor as placed in the middle of and opened into four spaces, i.e. another female parlor, lobby, staircase, a nd dining area.

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290 Figure H 9 Photos of the private amenities of female parlors, i.e., dining area and

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291 A B C D Figure H 10 Photos for the male reception area. A) E ntrance of the parlor open ed into the side yard and accessed thr ough side entrance. B) M ale parlor. C) A nother view of male parlor showing the second entry opened into a foyer through accessed. D) lavator y of male parlor.

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292 Figure H 11 Sketch for the ground floor of a late contemporary house including one level reception. This house was two stories, located in Abdulla Mubark, and built in 2001. The family quarters, i.e., living and dining areas and the ki tchen number of parlors and size of spac e. The female reception area opened into the living and dining areas of the family and was accessed through the main entrance of the house. In contrast, the male reception area was physically segregated from the female reception area and other household sp aces. The male visitors entered through the side entrance, entertained, and ate in the male parlor, and used the private amenities without interrupting the privacy of female households.

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293 A B Figure H 12 Photos for the front faade of the house. The fro nt fence of the house did not exist and the interior spaces overlooked the setback an d street. A) T he entrance to t he male reception area. B) T he main entrance of the house was angled to maintain the privacy of interior spaces Figure H 13 Photos for the first of three female parlors as opened into the main entrance of the house and lobby.

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294 Figure H 14 Photos for the female parlors present the high degree of openness between them and the upper floor of the house.

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295 A B C D Figure H 15 Photos of the family quarter s that back up to the reception spaces. A) B ack yard of the house. B) B ack yard entrance opened into the living and dining areas. C) L iving area opened into the dining area and wo D ining area adjacent to t he kitchen where the door appears in the left of the photo.

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296 Figure H 16 used by the female visitors as well as the family members while in the family quarters on the ground floo r. Figure H 17 Photo presents a view of the door providing inte rnal access to the male parlor. Photos for the interiors of male reception are unavailable as the participating woman did not allow access to the space

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297 Figure H 18 Architectural dr awing of the ground floor of a late contemporary house where female and male reception areas are located on the same floor. This house was built in 2004 on a lot of 4,305 square feet and located in the Saad Abdulla suburb. This copy was obtained from the o riginal architecture drawings retrieved from the archive of Al Jahra, Department of Construction Authorization in the Kuwait Municipality. The male parlor was labeled as a

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298 Figure H 19 Architectural drawing for the ground f loor of an early contemporary house including two reception areas. This house was built in 2004 on a lot of 4,305 square feet and located in the Saad Abdulla suburb. This copy was obtained from the original architecture drawings retrieved in the archive of Al Jahra, Department of Construction Authorization in the Kuwait Municipality.

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299 Figure H 20 Architectural drawing for the ground floor of an early contemporary house including two reception areas. This house was built in 2002 on a lot of 4,305 square feet located in the Qyrawan suburb. This copy was obtained from the original architecture drawings retrieved in the archive of Al Asma, Department of Construction Authorization in the Kuwait Municipality.

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300 Houses with two level reception Figure H 21 Sketch for the ground floor of a late contemporary house including double volume reception.

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301 Figure H 22 Sketch for the basement of a late contemporary house including double volume reception. Figure H 23 The external acce ss of female and male reception areas.

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302 Figure H 24 The female parlors.

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303 Figure H 25 The amenities provided for the visitors entertaining in the female parlors. The dining room on the left was not furnished yet and sofas were placed temporarily. Figu re H 26 An internal staircase connecting the male reception area in the basement and interior spaces on the ground floor.

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304 Figu re H 26 Continued

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30 5 Figure H 27 The male parlors in the basement of the house. Fig ure H 28 The amenities of male parlors in the basement.

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306 Figure H 29 Sketch for the ground floor of a late contemporary house including two level reception.

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307 Figure H 30 Sketch for the basement of a late contemporary house including two level rec eption.

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308 Figur e H 31 The female parlors on the ground floor. Figure H 32. The living area on the first floor.

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309 Figure H 33 The staircase.

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310 Figure H 34. Parlors in the basement.

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311 Figu re H 35 The dining area in the basement. Figure H 36. The kitchen.

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312 Figure H 37 Amenities of the parlors in the basement.

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313 Figure H 38 Sketch for the ground floor of a late contemporary house including two level reception

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314 Figure H 39 Sketch for the basement of late contemporary house including two level reception. Figure H 40. The front entrance of the house.

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315 Figure H 41 The female parlors on the ground floor.

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316 Figure H 42 The amenities o f female parlors. Figure H 43 The entrance separating the female reception area from the living quarters of the family.

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317 Figure H 44 The living area on the ground floor. Another living area existed on the first floor. Figure H 45 Th e dining room for the use of female visitors. The family members can also eat in this room. The dining room in Kuwaiti houses is not necessarily furnished with tables and chairs. As in this house, the food plates are served on plastic sheets laid on the ca rpet. Family members and visitors sit on the carpet around the plastic sheet to eat.

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318 Figure H 46 The staircase leading to the basement. Figure H 47. The parlor in the basement.

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319 Figure H 48 The door connecting the parlor with the male re ception area. Figure H 49. The male parlors in the basement.

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320 Figure H 50. The back entrance of the house.

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321 Figure H 51 Architectural drawing for the ground floor of a late contemporary house where female and male reception areas are located on two different levels. This house was built in 2004 on a lot of 4,305 square feet and located in the Jaber Al Ahmad suburb. This copy was obtained from the original architecture drawings retrieved in the archive of Al Jahra, Department of Construction Authorization in the Kuwait Municipality.

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322 Figure H 52 Architectural drawing for the basement of a late contemporary house where female and male reception areas are located on two different levels. This copy was obtained from the orig inal architecture drawings retrieved from the archive of Al Jahra, Department of Construction Authorization in the Kuwait Municipality.

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323 Figure H 53 Architectural drawing for the ground floor of a late contemporary house where female and male reception areas are located on two different levels. This house was built in 1999 on a lot of 4,305 square feet and located in the Umm Elheman suburb. This copy was obtained from the original architecture drawings retrieved from the archive of Mubark Al Kabeer, Dep artment of Construction Authorization in the Kuwait Municipality.

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324 Figure H 54 Architectural drawing for the basement of a late contemporary house where the female and male reception areas are located on two different levels. This copy was obtained from the original architecture drawings retrieved from the archive of Mubark Al Kabeer, Department of Construction Authorization in the Kuwait Municipality.

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325 Figure H 55 Architectural drawing for the ground floor of a late contemporary house where fe male and male reception areas are located on two different levels. This house was built in 2002 on a lot of 4,305 square feet and located in the Abdullah Mubark suburb. This copy was obtained from the original architecture drawings retrieved from the archi ve of Al Frawania, Department of Construction Authorization in the Kuwait Municipality.

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326 Figure H 56 Architectural drawing for the basement of a late contemporary house where female and male reception areas are located on two different levels. This cop y was obtained from the original architecture drawings retrieved from the archive of Al Frawania, Department of Construction Authorization in the Kuwait Municipality.

PAGE 327

327 REFERENCES Abu Lughod, L. (1998). Remaking women: Feminism and modernity i n the Middle East. Princeton, New Jersey: Princeton U niversity P ress. Alajmi, M. (2009). History of architecture in Kuwait: The evolution of Kuwaiti traditional architecture prior to the discovery of oil. (Order No. 3378533, The University of Nebraska Li ncoln). ProQuest Dissertations and Theses 204. Retrieved from http://search.proquest.com/doc view/304943315?accountid=10920. (304943315). Al Awadi, H. (2009). Kuwaiti women. Awan 684 Retrieved from http ://www.awan.com/pages/oped/226690 Al Bahar, H. (1984).Traditional Kuwaiti houses. MIMAR 13 71 78. Al Bahar, H. (1985). Contemporary Kuwaiti Houses. MIMAR 15 63 72. Albaqshi, M. A. (2010). The social production of space: Kuwait's spatial history. (Orde r No. 3455031, Illinois Institute of Technology). ProQuest Dissertations and Theses 237. Retrieved from http://search.proquest.com/docview/867271557?accountid=10920 (867271557). Al Dekhayel, A. (2000). Kuwait: oil, state, political legitimating Lebanon: Ithaca Press. Al Duaig, Osama. Kuwait Contemporary Architecture. 2004. In Architecture Re introduced: New Projects in Societies in Change Jamal Abed ( E d ). Geneva: The Aga Khan Award for Architecture. Al Eisa, B. (1985). A qualitative study: The low and middle income housing problem in the State of Kuwait. Unpublished doctoral dissertation, University of Minnesota, MI. Alenazy, T. (2007). The privacy and social needs of women in contemporary Kuwaiti homes (Master's thesis). Department of Interior Design, Florida State University, FL. Al Jassar, M. (2009). Constancy and change in contemporary Kuwait city: The socio cultural dimensions of the Kuwait courtyard and diwaniyya. (Order No. 3363409, The University of Wisconsin Milwaukee). ProQuest Dissertations and Theses 294. Retrieved from http://search.proquest.com/docview/305034561?accountid=10920. (305034561). Al Khaiat, H. (1989). Programs of housing in Kuwait. Journal of Urban P lanning and Department 115 (3), 114 122. Al Mughni, H. (1993). Women in Kuwait: The politics of gender. London: Saqi books.

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331 Alomrania (The Building codes and its impact on the architectural environment in the private domestic areas in K uwait). Altshkeely Retrieved from http://altshkeely.com/2005/architecture2005/kuwait_arch_rule.htm Mahgoub, Y. (2007). Architecture and the expression of cultural identity i n Kuwait. International Journal of Architectural Research 12 (2), 165 182. Mahgoub, Y. (2007). Hyper identity: T he case of Kuwaiti architecture. International Journal of Architectural Research 1 (1), 70 85. Marklein, M. (2005, October 19). College gender ga p widens: 57% are women. USA Today. Retrieved December 1, 2009, from http://www.usatoday.com Meleis, A I., El Sanabary, N., & Beeson, D. (1979). Women, modernization, and education in Kuwait. Comparative E ducation R e view 23(1), 115 124. Miller, A., & Maxwell, L. (2003). Family interaction and home design. Journal of Interior Design 29 (1&2), 50 65. Moghadam, V. (2003). Modernizing Women: Gender and social change in the Middle East (2 nd Edi). Boulder, CA. RIENNER. Na th, K. (1978). Education and employment among Kuwaiti women. Women in the Muslim W orld 172. Rapoport, A. (1969). House form and culture. The United States of America: Prentice Hall. Rapoport, A. (2001). Theory, culture and housing. Housing, Theory and Soc iety 17 145 165. Peatross, F., & Hasell, M. (1992). Changing lives/changing spaces: An investigation of the relationships between gender orientation and behaviors, and spatial preferences in residential kitchens. Journal of Architectural and Planning Res earch 9 (3), 239 257. Rizzo, H. M. (2005). Islam, democracy and the status of women: the case of Kuwait Routledge. 100 in G.R. Wekerle, R. Peterson, and D. Morley (eds.), New Space for Women. Boulder, CO: Westview. Roberts, M. (1990). Gender and housing: The impact of design. In S. Bowlby (Ed.), Built Environment (Vol. 16, pp. 257 268). UK: Alexandering Press.

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332 Roberts, S. (20 The New York Times. Retrieved (2010, April 18) from http://www.nytimes.com/2007/08/03/nyregion/03women.html Rybeczynski, W. (1986). Home: a short history of an idea USA: Penguins Group. Saegert S, Winkel G (1980). The home: A critical problem for changing sex roles. In GR Wekerle, R Peterson and D Morley (Eds.) New space for women Boulder, CO: Westview, pp. 41 61. Scanzoni, J. (1995). Contemporary families and relationships: reinventing responsibility USA: McGraw Hill, Inc. Shah, N M., Al Qudsi, S S., & Shah, M A. (1991). Asian women workers in Kuwait. International Migration Review 25(3), 464 486. Shah, N M., Shah, M A., & Radovanovic, Z. (1998). Patterns of desired fertility and contraceptive use in Kuwait. International Family Planning Perspectives, 24(3), 133 138. Shiber, S. G., [1923 ]. (1964). The Kuwait urbanization; documentation, analysis, Critique Retrieved from h ttp://search.proquest.com/docview/47930065?accountid=10920 Slot, B. (Ed.). (2003). Kuwait: the growth of a historic identity London Centre of Arab Studies. Smith, S. C. (1999). Kuwait, 1950 1965: Britain, The Al Sabah and Oil. British Academy. Spain, D. ( 1992). Gendered Spaces. The United States of America: The University of North Carolina Press. Spain, D. (2008). Gendered spaces and the public realm. In R. Hutchison (Ed.), Gender in an urban world (Vol. 9, pp. 9 28). doi:booksandseries@emeraldinsight.com Strong, B., De Vault, C., Suid, M., & Reynolds, R. (1983). The Marriage and family experience ( S econd E dition) USA: West Publishing Company Tetreault, M A. (1993). Civil society in Kuwait: Protected spaces and women. Middle East Journal 47(2), 275. Tetr eault, M.A., & Al Mughni, H. (1995). Modernization and its discontents: state and gender in Kuwait. The Middle East Journal 49 (3), 403 17. Website: http://www.athagafy.com/mk/sub%207.htm

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333 U.S. Bureau of the Census; Department of Commerce (1943). The Labor Force: Occupation, Employment, and Income Part 1: U.S. Summary. Vol.3. WA.: US Government Document Printing Office. U.S. Census Bureau; Department of Commerce. (2008, January 10). One third of young http://www. census.gov/Press Release/www/releases/archives/education/ U. S. Census Bureau; Department of commerce (2000, October 24). Records share of new mothers in labor force. Retrieved October 14, 2008, from http://www.census.gov/Press Release/www/releases/archives/ U.S. Census Bureau; Manufacturing, mining, & construction statistics. (2009, June 1). Characteristics of New Housing for 2008: Characteristics of New One Family Houses Completed, Number of stories. Retrieved May 24, 2010, from http://www.census.gov/const/www/charindex_excel.html U.S. Census Bureau; Manufacturing, mining, & construction statistics. (2009, June 1) Characteristics of New Housing for 2008: Highlights of annual 2008 characteristics of New Housing. Retrieved May 24, 2010, from http://www.census.gov/const/www/charindex_excel.html U.S. Census Bureau; Manufacturing, mining, & construction statistics. (2009, June 1). Characteristics of New Housing for 2008: Characteristics of New One Family Houses Completed, Median and average square feet by location Retrieved May 24, 2010, from http://www.census.gov/const/www/charindex_excel.html U.S. Census Bureau of Labor force (n.d.). Labor force participation rates by marital status, sex, and age. Retrieved May 10, 2010 form http://www.census.gov time working couples more common. Retrieved February 17, 2012, from www.bls.gov/OPUB Wekerle, G., Pe terson, R., & Morley, D. (1980). New space for women Westview Press: USA. Worth, R. (2009, May 17). First women win seats in Kuwait parliament. The New York Times Retrieved from http://www.nytimes.com/2009/05/18/world/middleeast/18kuwait.html?_r=1& Wright, G. (1981). Building the dream: A social history of housing in America. NY, United States of America: MIT Press.

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334 BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH Turkiyah Alenazy received her B achelor of Interior Architecture from the College of Architecture and Planning, Saudi Arabia in 2000. She worked as an architect for three years in the Public Authority of Housing Welfare, Kuwait. In 2003, she earned a scholarship from Kuwait University to complete the m and doctoral degree in Interior Design. In 2007, she received a Master of Fine Arts Degree from the Department of Interior Design, Florida State University, USA. Currently, she is a doctoral candidate in the College of Design, Constr uction, and Planning, University of Florida. Upon receiving her Doctor of Philosophy in Design, Construction & Planning with an emphasis in Interior Design she planned to return to Kuwait and join the faculty in the College of Architecture in Kuwait Unive rsity. She intended to conduct future research to trace the historical development of residential spaces in Kuwait and to learn about women and design in different cultures.


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