( formally ) or
( informally ) respectively in Indonesian orthography ) or it is only
274 assimilated into /p/ (and is consistently spelled as
) as in perban bandage. In both cases, ABN /v/ is first mapped onto peripheral /f/; the latter is next matched with native /p/. If /v/ was directly replaced with a native Indonesian phoneme, the phonologically closest match would be /b/; however, this is not the case. I therefore argue th at the adaptation of ABN /v/ only follows one scenario which contains two separate parts : ABN peripheral native /p/. To account for the interchangeable integration of ABN /v/ into either peripheral /f/ or native /p/ as in oven, ABN /v/ is first replaced with peripheral /f/, as illustrated in Figure 746. The replacement only involves the delinking of [+voice] and insertion of [ voice] in order to yield peripheral /f/.25 Different from what has previously been discussed, in the adaptation of ABN /v/, the preservation of the manner feature [+continuant] is more important than the maintenance of the source voice quality. Otherwise, ABN /v/ would be replaced with /b/. Most i mportantly, the [Labial] P lace node is also preserved. Figure 746. ABN peripheral /f/ 25 Although the insertion of [ voice] may look redundant, it is mandatory since the Laryngeal node has to be specified by a laryngeal feature.
275 The second part of the above scenario involves the adaptation of peripheral /f/ into native /p/ as illustrated in Figure 710 or Fig ure 743 where t he number of steps employed is two (delinking [+continuant] and inserting [ continuant] ) T he above scenario accounts for the alternation of ABN /v/ in its adaptation between peripheral /f/ and native /p/ in the first group of words such as oven, and its integration i nto native /p/ only in the second group of words such as perban. In both groups of words, ABN /v/ was first mapped onto peripheral /f/ which was later substituted for by /p/. However, the diff erence is that in the second group of words, the peripheral /f/ pronunciation and spelling did not survive in the current system of Indonesian due to the following reason. T he majority of ABN loanwords in the second group are old borrowings which had been subject to the first stringent orthographic revisions resulting in /p/ and
being the standard equivalents of ABN /v/ and , respectively.26 In other words, in the second group (old borrowings) the mapping of Dutch /v/ onto peripheral /f/ is tran sient and is therefore absent whereas in the former group (recent borrowings) it is permanent and hence survived the strict
revision Before concluding this subsection it is crucial to demonstrate that the adaptation of ABN /v/ into Indonesian native /p/, without intermediate peripheral /f/, i s not a possible scenario due to the fact that it involves four repairs: delinking [+continuant] and inserting [ continuant] plus delinking [+voice] and inserting [ voice], as presented in Figur e 747: 26 Nowhere in both groups is the Dutch grapheme formally spelled with the Indonesi an grapheme .
276 Figure 747. ABN Not only does the above adaptation involve four steps of repair (running counter to the Threshold P rinciple ), but it also greatly alters the phonological structure of ABN /v/ (in disagreement with the Minimality P rinciple) resulting in the preservation of the [Labial] Place node only (inconsistent with the Category P roximity P rinciple). Therefore, the adaptation in Figure 747 is not a viable option. To conclude, in the as similation of ABN /v/ as either peripheral /f/ or native /p/ ( through peripheral /f/ ) the [Labial] Place node of ABN /v/ is always preserved due to its availability in Indonesian (in accordance with the Non A vailability H ypothesis ) In addition to its Pla ce node, the continuancy of ABN /v/ is retained in /v/ peripheral /f/ but its voice feature is changed; on the other hand, in peripheral /f/ native /p/ the voic ing quality of peripheral /f/ is maintained but its continuancy is modified. This evidences t he prioritization of the preservation of the source continuancy over voicing quality in the adaptation of ABN /v/ into peripheral /f/, but the reverse is true in the replacement of peripheral /f/ with native /p/. The above two adaptations of /v/ comply wit h the Category Proximity and Preservation principles as well as the Threshold Principle (as both adaptations are executed within two steps of repair).
277 Coronal C onsonants As illustrated in Chapter 2 the phonemic consonantal inventory of ABN contains two c oronal sibilants, /s, z/ (phonetically realized as [s] and [z], respectively, in most dialects of Dutch ABN) whereas the Indonesian phonemic inventory only has native sibilant /s/ In view of this, Table 7 8 demonstrates the consistent Indonesian adaptation of ABN voiced /z/ into native /s/. Table 78 Adaptation of ABN /z/ Dutch Indonesian Spelling Gloss / z l f/ / s < s alep> O intment / z e l/ / s < s egel> S eal /prez /pre s den/ P resident To account for the adaptation of ABN /z/ into /s/, I first draw the feature representation of /z/ in Figure 748, based on the ABN phonemic consonantal inventory. The presence of [+anterior] is to differentiate /z/ from /zj/ ( i.e., [ ]) in ABN. Figure 748. ABN /z/ For the assimilation into native /s/ to occur, [+voice] is delinked and instead [ voice] is inserted. Those two repairs are illustrated in Figure 749. Similar to the replacement of ABN /v/ with peripheral /f/ in Figure 746, the adaptation in 749 first and foremost preserves the [Coronal] Place node (plus its dependent [+anterior] ) of ABN /z/. Second,
278 to yield coronal continuant /s/, not native coronal obstruents /t/ or /d/ the continuancy of A BN /z/ must be maintained at the expense of modifying its voicing quali ty This again shows that in adapting Dutch phonemes in Indonesian, their continuancy often tends to be preserved provided a native sound with the same articulator feature exists in Ind onesian. Figure 749. In brief, the assimilation in Figure 749 is in compliance with the phonological principles since ABN /z/ is replaced with the closest native candidate, namely /s/, which preserves coronality (with its dependent [+anterior]) in addition to continuancy ( thus in accordance with the C ategory P roxi mity and P reservation principles). Moreover, the replacement with /s/ requires two minimal repairs ( hence agreeing with the M inimality and T hreshold principles). It is worth noting that ABN /z/ is not mapped on peripheral /z/ or native / / This is because of two reasons which I have previously touched upon. First, the maintenance of the source continuancy is prioritized over the retention of the source voicing thus disfavoring / / Second, and more importantly, Arabic based /z/ and / / are imported to
279 be exclusively used to map Arabic consonants such as / /, //, and /z/, and / /, respectively If ABN /z/ was mapped onto peripheral /z/, the mapped /z/ would alternate with / / Moreover, even with the modification of its voicing quality, ABN /z/ cannot be replaced with peripheral / /, due to the exclusivity of the latter peripheral sound to mapping Arabic / / and to the characterization of ABN /z/ with [+anterior] In light of the abovesaid reasons, neither the replacement with / / nor the mapping onto peripheral /z/ or / / is attested anywhere in the Dutch loanwords in Indonesian. In the context of the adapt ation of ABN coronal consonants in Indonesian, I must also discuss the assimilation of the ABN palatalized coronal consonants which maintain their coronality but additionally have a secondary palatal articulation by raising the tongue toward the hard palat e. The ABN palatalized coronal consonants in question are the alveopalatal fricatives [ ] and [ ] and affricate [ ] They only exist in the phonetic inventory of ABN in which they are treated as single segments. That is, the palatalization process (spreadi ng of [+palatal] to coronal /s/ and /z/) in ABN occurs on the phonetic level. Table 79 Adaptation of ABN /sj/, /zj/, and /tsj/ Dutch UR Dutch SR Dutch spelling Indonesian Spelling Gloss / sjofr/ [ ofr] < ch auffeur> / s opir/ < s opir> < s upir> C hauffuer /m sjin st/ [m in st] /ma s in s/ T rain driver /b ga zj [b ga /baga s i/ B aggage /poli tsji/ [poli i] /poli s i/ P olice /tr di ts j i/ [tr di i] /tradi s i/ T radition As presented in Chapter 2 and as exemplified in Table 79, in ABN, [ ] and [ ] realize
and respectively when followed by or ( i.e., /sj/ and /zj/, while [ ]
280 replaces /sj/ when preceded by /t/ ( i.e., /tsj/, orthographically represented by or ). In other words, /sj/ and /zj/ are the phonemic unpacked forms of [ ] and [ ] respectively, whereas phonemic /tsj/ unpacks voiceless affricate phonetic sound [ ]. In what follows I show that the adaptations in Table 79 are based on the underlying representation of the palatalized coronal consonants, not on their phonetic structure First, to adapt phonemic unpacked / sj / and / zj/ into plain coronal fricatives / s/ and / z /, de palatal ization must first apply. Next, /z/ is replaced with native /s/, as seen in Figure 749. It can also be posited that the phonemic representations of [ ] and [ ] are the unpacked /s/ and /z/, first, based on the fact the two phonetic sounds realize the sequence of
( /s/) and (/z/) respectively, plus either /j/ or /i/ and second, on the grounds that palatalization as a secondary articulation is a phonetic process. Second, with respect to /tsj/, its adaptation into /s/ first follows from the application of de affrication, generating /sj/ and second, depalatalization, yielding /s/. The three Indonesian adaptations into native /s/ preserve the primary [Coronal] Place node, v oicing, and continuancy of the underlying forms of ABN sj/, /zj/, and / tsj/ Most importantly, t heir adaptations do not operate on th e ir phonetic representations viz. [ ], [ ], and [ ] If it was the phonetic structure that is being accessed, ABN phonetic [ ] and [ ] should be replaced with the phonetically closest Indonesian [ ] and [ ] ( Mees & Collins 1981 ) 27. 27 ABN palatalized [ ] is not added here because its closest phonetic equivalent, i.e., [ ], does not exist in Indonesian.
281 Dorsal G utturals /x, / ABN has both voiceless / x/ and voiced / / which are referred to in the literature as velar or dorsovelar fricative consonants. Paradis and LaCharit (2001) treat velar fricatives as guttural consonants because in their production the airstream is secondarily constricted at the pharynx. Therefore, Paradis and LaCharit suggest the following representations for /x/ and / / in Figures 750 and 751, respectively : Figure 750. ABN /x/ Figure 751. ABN / / Because of the simultaneous primary and secondary articulations in the productions of /x/ and / /, the Place node is divided into two components, i.e., Oral Place no de and Pharyngeal Place node, both dominating the [Dorsal] articulator. However, because [Dorsal] is the primary articulator in the articulation of velar sounds in general, I propose
282 that [Dorsal] be dominated only by the Oral Place node, as illustrated in Figures 752 and 753: Figure 752. ABN /x/ (revised) Figure 753. ABN / / (revised) The revised representations in Figures 752 and 753 are analogous to the representations of Arabic emphatics and uvular /q/. The only difference is that the Pharyngeal Place node of the guttural velar fricatives is not specified by dependent [RTR] since they do not have a lowering effect on vowels (Paradis and LaCharit 2001).28 In addition, given the two representations in Figures 752 and 753, it is the 28 As a result, the velar fricatives are not considered by many authors as pure gutturals even though, in a number of Arabic dialects, they pattern in some respects with the rest of the guttural consonants.
283 Pharyngeal Place node that structurally distinguishes the velar fricatives from their velar stop counterparts, /k/ and /g/; ergo, the [+continuant] specif ication is superfluous. Table 7 10 exemplifies the adaptation ABN /x/ and / / in Indonesian. Whereas / / is systematically replaced with Indonesian native /g/, /x/ varies in its integration, as either /k/ following /s/ in wordinitial clusters or as /h/ elsewhere. Table 710. Adaptation of ABN /x/ and / /. Dutch UR Dutch s pelling Indonesian Spelling Gloss / loba:l / < g lobaal> / g lobal/ < g lobal> G lobal / x / < g ordijn> / g orden/~/ h < g orden>, < h ordeng> C urtain /ze l / /se g S eal /kra x / h / , C ollar /s x ndal/
/s k andal/ S candal /s x ruf/ k rup/ S crew driver Let us first examine the adaptation of ABN / / as /g/ in Indonesian, as shown in Figure 754. ABN / / is assimilated into /g/ by simply delinking the Pharyngeal Place node29, by virtue of the No Branching Place Node constraint. Figure 75 4 ABN / 29 Once again, the delinking of Pharyngeal node or Oral node does not entail their uninterpretability in Indonesian.
284 The remaining structure after the deletion of the Pharyngeal Place node is that of native voiced dorsal /g/. F urthermore, similar to the adaptation of Arabic / / as Indonesian /g/ only, the optional delinking of the Oral Place node, as stipulated by the No Branching Place Node constraint, cannot be triggered on the grounds that the resulting consonant, i.e., voiced glottal fricative / /, from such repair does not exist in the phonemic inventory of Indonesian. Next is the adaptation of ABN /x/. be assimilated as /k/ and /h/ in a good number of Arabic loanwords, ABN /x/ is adapted either as /k/ in a specific phonological environment or /h/ elsewhere, but no alternation is attested as illustrated in Table 710 Per the No Branching Place Node constraint, /k/ is generated by delinking the Pharyngeal Place node ( Figure 755 ) whereas /h/ is generated by delinking the Oral node (Figure 7 56) : Figure 755. ABN native /k/ Figure 756. ABN /x native /h/
285 Unlike in the adaptation of / /, the optional delinking of the P haryngeal Place node in the adaptation of ABN /x/ is possible because of the existence of voiceless /h/ which has the Pharyngeal Place node as its primary P lace node. Considering t he following two reasons, I make the argument that /h/ is the default phonemic match for ABN /x/. First, Indonesian native /h/ is similar to ABN /x/ in the Pharyngeal Place node, v oicing quality, and continuancy. Second, the replacement with /k/ is restricted to one specific phonological environment, namely after /s/ in wordinitial complex clusters, while the adaptation into /h/ occurs elsewhere, as illustrated in Table 710. The assimilation of /x/ into /k/ in the above environment may be motivated by the following factors. The first factor is markedness. /h/ is very marked when following /s/ in complex onset cluster s Accordingly /k/ is a better and less marked match than /h/. T he second factor is orthography. D ue to the various revisions in Indonesian, Dutch standing for Dutch /x/ in Dutch loanwords was eventually replaced in the current Indonesian orthography with only ( e.g. from Dutch < schandaal> in Table 710). Similar discussion of the same orthographic influence is presented in the discussion of Arabic / / into /k/ ( e.g., and )30. This lends support to my view that the adaptations of Arabic / / and ABN /x/ into /k/ are partly infl uenced by orthography. Finally, as exemplified in Table 710, the Indonesian adaptation of ABN < g ordijn > curtain as both / g orden /and / h orde / 31 is phonologically guided, not orthography 30 Different from in Dutch loanwords which was only changed into across the board, in a few Arabic loanwords (e.g., and ) was replaced by , while in many other Arabic loanwords was substituted for . 31
286 dependent, because both ABN / x / and / / are captured by the same grapheme in Dutch orthography ( e.g. and < g ordijn> respectively ) The separate phonemic adaptations, i.e., / g orden / and / h orde /, in Indonesian are a result of borrowing two ABN phonemic inputs i.e., / / and / x for the same loanword. Subsequently as predicted, the integration into /g/ follows from adapting ABN / / in the phonemic input / while the assimilation as /h/ is the direct replacement of ABN /x/ in /x /. The latter ABN phonemic input is a c onsequence of the absence of the phonemic contrast between /x/ and / / in some ABN dialects 32 where voiceless /x/ is used in this case. To conclude, the adaptation of ABN phonemic input / x / h orde / further confirms my view that the adaptation of ABN /x/ into Indonesian /k/ is influenced by orthography since it only occurs when ABN /x/ is orthographically captured by in wordinitial clusters ; otherwise, /x/ is adapted as /h/. D iscussion and S ummary The phonological approach coupled with feat ure geometry provides a straightforward explanation of the consonantal adaptation of Arabic and ABN loanwords in Indonesian. In this chapter, I have shown that the consonantal repair strategies are governed by the phonological principles proposed by Paradi s and LaCharit ( 1997, 2001, 2005, and 2008) and operate on the underlying representation of the incoming input. All of the consonantal repairs are made to the featuregeometric tree of the source sound. In what follows, I discuss and summarize the important points presented 32 The phonemic contrast between /x/ and / / is lost in ABN spoken in the Randstad and in the North of the Netherlands whereas it is consistently maintained in the areas in the Southern Netherlands.
287 in this chapter. I first deal with the consonantal importations followed next by consonantal adaptations. Consonantal Importation The results in Chapter 6 show that 93% of the total consonantal Arabic and ABN forms elicited are adapted, while 7% are represented by the direct phonemic mappings of Arabic and ABN /f/ and Arabic /z/, / / and / / onto peripheral /f/, /z/, / / and /x/, respectively. The Indonesian peripheral phonemes /z/, / /, and /x/ exclusively match Arabic phonemes, /z/ (in addition to Arabic / / and / /), / The above four peripheral phonemes constitute the Indonesian peripheral phonology while the rest of the consonants in the Indonesian inventory make up the Indonesian native phonology. The importation of the above four peripheral consonants in the peripheral phonology can be ascribed, first, to the need to expand the Indonesian phonemic inventory to catch up with the influx of loanwords and, second, to the fact that t he initiating borrowers were Arabic Indone sian and DutchIndonesian bilingual speakers who accessed the phonological systems of Arabic and Dutch respectively and later the monolingual speakers of Indonesian adapted the borrowed words. I return to the same point in Chapter 10. Moreover, in the cas e of the Arabic imported consonants, their importation may be attributable to the fact that Arabic is held in high esteem by Indonesian Muslims for whom the approximation of the pronunciation of Arabic loanwords associated with religion is a marker of prestige and sophistication and a sign of vast Islamic knowledge. That is why the number of peripheral phonemes imported from Arabic is four versus only one from ABN Finally, it is worth mentioning that, structurally speaking, the presence of the above fo ur consonants in the Indonesian
288 peripheral phonology entails an expansion in the feature system (by adding contrastive [+continuant] and [+anterior] to distinguish between peripheral /f/ and native /p/ and between peripheral / / and native /s/ respectivel y). Consonantal Adaptation The number of Arabic and Dutch consonantal forms subject to adaptation is 2378 forms (1668 Arabic forms and 710 ABN forms). The forms from each language are further subdivided into consistent adaptation (consistent replacement with one consonantal phoneme, in a specific set of words) and variable adaptation (alternating in adaptation between more than one phoneme, in another separate set of words). The findings pertinent to the consonantal repairs of Arabic and Dutch forms in my data have disproven the main argument of the phonetic approach that the consonantal repair strategies are phonetically driven. Instead it is confirmed that, overall, the consonantal repairs in my data are phonological processes and have additionally corro borated the main principles of the phonological approach The first phonological hypothesis that the adaptations of Arabic and Dutch consonantal forms strongly adhere to is the N onA vailability H ypothesis. As stated in the hypothesis the source sound is adapted rather than deleted, if its Place node is employed by the borrowing language, Accordingly, Arabic and ABN labial and coronal consonants, as well as Arabic and Dutch guttural consonants are assimilated in Indo nesian because their Place nodes are e mployed by the consonants in the Indonesian consonantal inventory. In addition, the hypothesis stipulates that if the source sound contains a primitive feature that is not available in the borrowing language, this feature cannot be phonologically interpret ed. For example, non available
289 primitive features, such as the [RTR] feature that is employed by Arabic gutturals only, are not phonologically treated in Indonesian and are hence circled .33 Contrarily [+constricted glottis] is a phonologically available fe ature in Indonesian due to the presence of native / /; consequently, Arabic / / is repla ced with Indonesian / /.34 The second phonological principle upheld by the findings emanating from the consonantal adaptations in my data is the C ategory Preservation P rinciple (Paradis and LaCharit 2005). This principle is similar to the N onA vailability H ypothesis in that it holds that a feature of a source sound is preserved if it exists in the native phonology of the borrowing language. For instance, the [Labial] ar ticulator feature of Arabic and ABN /f/ is automatically preserved by replacing /f/ with native bilabial /p/. In sum as far as the consonantal adaptation is concerned, the maximal consonantal preservation of all Arabic and ABN consonants as opposed to the lack of any consonantal deletion is attribu ted to both the N onA vailability H ypothesis and the Category Preservation P rinciple. Furthermore, the maximal consonantal preservation of the Arabic and ABN consonants is contingent upon the third phonological principle, namely, the T hreshold P rinciple. According to Paradis and LaCharit (1997), the T hreshold P rinciple requires that the number of steps in any consonantal repair to ensure preservation of a source sound cannot exceed two; otherwise, the source cons onant is deleted. Concordant with this principle, all of the consonantal repairs of Arabic and ABN consonants are executed 33 As discussed in the Indonesian adaptation of the Arabic guttural consonants, the nonavailability of [RTR] in Indonesian does not entail the complete loss of the source consonant. 34 It is worth repeating that the replacement with / / is also attested in some Arabic dialects in the northern part of Yemen and th e southern part of Saudi Arabia.
290 within two steps. Consonant deletion, as a consequence of overstepping the limit ( i.e., two) of consonantal adaptation, is never attested in my data. This does not only prove the Threshold Principle and the Preservation P rinciple ( i.e., maximal preserv ation of segmental information) but also the fourth principle, namely, the Minimality P rinc iple, according to which, any type of repair must be done in as few as two steps as possible and must target structures at the lowest phonological level such as a feature without a dependent, a feature with a dependent, and a root node. This firmly holds t rue in the Indonesian consonantal adaptation so that only minimal alteration is made to the feature structure of the source consonantal form. After discussing the need for the repairs to maximally preserve, but minimally change, the segmental structure o f the source sound in as few minimal steps as possible, I now turn to the fifth phonological principle, namely the C ategory P roximity P rinciple. This principle determines the basis on which a source phoneme is replaced with a nother phoneme in Indonesian. Ph onological closeness is defined by the proximity of the Indonesian consonant to the source consonant in first and foremost, the Place node with its dependent articulator features ( e.g., [Labial], [Coronal], and [Dorsal]), followed second by the Laryngeal feature ( e.g., [ voice], [+constricted glottis], etc) and/or continuancy ( e.g., [ continuant]). Of the three categories, 100% of Arabic and ABN consonantal forms are replaced with Indonesian consonants having the same Place node. W ith regard to voicing and continuancy, they are also altogether retained (in addition to the Place node) in the adapted forms in many consonantal adaptations of Arabic and ABN phonemes. However, by comparing the adaptations of both Arabic and Dutch phonemes, the
291 Indonesian phonemi c matches more often approximate the voicing and continuancy of the Arabic forms than those of the Dutch ones. The maintenance of source continuancy seems to be prioritized over the retention of voicing more in the adaptation of ABN consonants ( e.g., /v/ i nto /f/ and /z/ into /s/) than in the replacement of Arabic consonants. T he strong tendency in Indonesian to be faithful to the continuancy of source labial and coronal consonants, such as Arabic/ABN /z/ and ABN /v/, is responsible for the exclusion of phonemic replacements with non continuant /t/ or /d/ and /b/, respectively. This means that the parameter in Indonesian is positively set to preserve the continuancy of Arabic/ABN labial and coronal consonants.35Not only in Indonesian, but also in other dialects of MSA, such as Egyptian Arabic and Levantine Arabic, MSA interdentals / /, and / / are replaced with nondistributed /s/, /z/, and /z/ 36.The consistent adherence to the source continuancy in the adaptation of Arabic and ABN labial and coronal consonants in Indonesian corroborates the conclusion reached by Lombardi (2003) that in a group of languages, faithfulness to source manner is priori tized over adherence to markedness ( which would result in unmarked consonants such as stops) and moreover lends support to Paradis and LaCharit s (1997) conclusion that the prevalence of a consonantal adaptation ( i.e., the Indonesian maintenance of the c ontinuancy of the Arabic and ABN labial and coronals) is due to its consistency within the speech community ( i.e., the Jakartan speech community). 35 By contrast, other languages such as Sundanese have a negative parameter setting for retaining the continuancy of Arabic voiced interdental consonants, / / and / /. 36 Arabic emphatic /z/ is the voiced nondistributed emphatic correspondent MSA / /
292 Another observation worth noting in the data is the consonantal alternation, i.e., interchangeable replaceme nt of the source consonant with two or three Indonesian consonants. For instance, the adaptation of Arabic / / interchanges between peripheral /z/ and / /, while the assimilation of Arabic / / in a specific group of words exhibits variation between /h/ and /k/, in addition to /x/. These alternating phonemic matches fully conform to the phonological principles listed above. The above alternations as well as other alternations in my data can be ascribed to the availability of two phonemic matches during the bilingualism period to maximally preserve the three categories (namely, the Place node, voicing, and continuancy) Because neither of the competing matches has become conventionalized in the Indonesian community (Paradis and LaCharit 1997), both / z / and / /, and /x/, /h/, and /k/, have existed side by side as possible phonemic candidates for replacing Arabic / / and / /, respectively. More specifically, the alternations with /z/ and /x/ (as well as all peripheral consonants ) prevail in educated and formal settings in contrast with the alternation with the native matches that are most frequently heard in relaxed and informal speech of speakers of Indonesian. Moreover, in many instances of consonantal alternation, one phonemic match is employed more frequently than the other competing match(s). F or example, the occurrence of /h/ to replace / / is the highest ( i.e., 57%, contrasted with 27% for /k/ and 16% for peripheral /x/) L ikewise, the adaptation of / / into /z/ occurs more highly ( i.e., 88%) than / / ( i.e., 12%). The high preference for certain phonemic matches, / z / and /h/, follows from the fact that their adaptation s only require one single step of repair, whereas the assimilations into the other competing matches call for two steps.
293 Finally, a lthough the adaptation only is well accounted for within the phonological framework, as previously illustrated, it is partly motivated by the early reforms to Romanized (formerly standing for ABN /x/ in complex onset clusters and for the current Indonesian grapheme . Influenced by both orthography and phonology, the consistent adaptation into /k/ is found only in four elicited loanwords (two Arabic and two Dutch loanwords) constituting nearly 4% (91 adaptations) of the total number of con sonantal adaptations ( i.e., 2378) in the data, whereas the remaining percentage is the percentage of the fully phonological adaptations.
294 CHAPTER 8 SYLLABIC REPAIRS: AN ALYSES AND DISCUSSIO NS This chapter has two central aims. First it exemplifies and examine s the syllabic repair strategies employed by Indonesian to adapt complex consonant clusters in Arabic and ABN loanwords. Second, it in tends to demonstrate that the Indonesian syllabic adaptations are guided by the phonology of the source phonemic structure of the loanwords as well as by the native phonological constraints of the borrowing language, i.e., Indonesian. As discussed in Chapt er 2 the native maximal syllable structure in Indonesian is CVC. Macdonald (1974) states that the coda consonant in native words must be one of the following consonants: /p, t, k, illustrated that bisyllabic lexical items are the most frequent and most preferred in Indonesian. In view of the above native maximal syllable structure, it is expected that source wordinitial and wordfinal clusters, not the wordinternal consonant clusters, are problematic and ar e therefore repaired by either vowel insertion or consonant deletion, which both result in a minimal alteration of the complex clusters. T he chapter is organized as follows. In the next section I discuss the Indonesian syllabic adaptation of wordfinal clu sters in Arabic loanwords. After that, I deal with the simplification of ABN word initial and wordfinal clusters in Dutch loanwords In the last secti on, I discuss and summarize the syllabic analyses presented in this chapter. S yllabic A daptations of Arabic Loanwords In this section, I only examine the adaptation of wordfinal complex consonant clusters from Arabic loanwords since MSA originally never allows wordinitial complex consonant clusters. By relying on the phonological representation of the source word and the native Indonesian phonotactic constraints, I moreover account for the
295 phonological motivation for the application of vowel insertion in the case of Arabic loanwords There are two types of vowel insertion that are triggered to adapt wordfinal clusters in Arabic loanwords in my data: Inter consonantal vowel insertion (between C1 and C2) 1 and post consonantal vowel insertion (after C2). I tackle both types in the following two subsections, respectively. Inter consonantal Vowel Insertion Table 8 1 illustrates the insertion of a vowel between C1 and C2 of the wordfinal clusters. What is remarkable about the syllabic repairs of the wordfinal clusters in the table is that the vowel inserted between wordfinal C1 and C 2 is an identical copy of the input vowel. Therefore, such an epenthetic vowel is influenced by the preceding input vowel. Following Paradis and LaCharit (199 7 ), I consider the process of vowel insertion in Table 8 1 to consist of two steps: first, inserting a nucleus, and, second, spreading the adjacent vowel into the position of the inserted nucleus ( i.e., vowel harmony), yielding an identical copy. That a total of two steps are needed to repair the syllabic violation is in accordance with the Threshold P rinciple .2 As a result of this twostep syllabic repair strategy the exact copies of input /a/, /i/, and /u/ are the default vowels inserted between MSA word final C1 and C2 in Indonesian By examining the wordfinal clusters of the Arabic phonemic inputs in Table 8 1 as well as in my data, the following can be noted. First, the Arabic phonemic inputs are of CVCC and are mapped on bisyllabic CVCVC Second, each wordfinal complex cluster in the majority of the above Arabic phonemic CVCC inputs is composed of two 1 C1 is the first consonant in the cluster whereas C2 is the terminal (following) consonant. 2 Note that the limit of the number of steps required to adapt a syllabic violation is set at two, similar to the maximum of two steps in the consonantal adaptations discussed in Chapter 7.
296 consonants diff ering in manner and place of articulation in addition to voicing. In terms of sonority, with a very few exceptions in the consonant clusters simplified by inter conso nantal vowel epenthesis C1 is filled by obstruents ( less sonorous ), while C2 is taken up by liquids or nasals ( more sonorous ) In other words the wordfinal complex cluster rises in sonority. Table 81 Syllabic adaptations of Arabic wordfinal clusters using inter consonantal vowel insertion. Arabic UR Indonesian UR Spelling Gloss /fikr/ /pik i r/ T o think /sih i r/ S orcery /fahm/ /pah a m/ T o understand / asr/ / as a r/ L ate afternoon prayer / umr/ / um u r/ A ge /uhr/ /zuh u r/ E arly afternoon prayer Let us now investigate what has prompted vowel epenthesi s, rather than consonantal deletion, and inter consonantal vowel epenthesis, instead of post C2 vowel epenthesis Vowel epenthesis occurs as an effect of the preference for bisyllabic words in the native Indonesian phonology. Thus, the Arabic monosyllabic phonemic inputs in Table 8 1 are all turned into bisyllabic inputs in Indonesian. Nex t, the location of the epenthetic vowel is fully determined by the phonological features and combinations of the consonants making up the codas. A ccording to Murray and Vennemanns (1983) syllable contact constraint, sonority must fall across a syllable boun dary; otherwise, a bad syllable contact is generated. By virtue of this constraint, post C2 vowel insertion is not option at all as it would generate a less sonorous coda immediately followed by a more sonorous onset. Therefore, to avoid bad syllabic contact, a n exact vowel of the
297 input vowel is inserted between the less sonorous C1 and more sonorous C2, as illustrated in Table 81. Another possible reason accounting for the high occurrence of inter consonantal vowel epenthesis in the adaptation of wordfin al clusters in monosyllabic Arabic phonemic inputs is that the resulting CVCVC is the most preferred syllable template of all bisy llabic templates in Indonesian. P ost C2 V owel I nsertion Different from the set of Arabic words in Table 81, the wordfinal c lusters of the Arabic monosyllabic phonemic inputs in Table 82 are rescued by inserting a vowel after the final consonant in the word final cluster (hence, post C2 vowel insertion). The wordfinal vowel can be /u/ or /i/. With the exclusion of the Arabic phonemic inputs in the t able are of monosyllabic CVCC shape. Table 82 Syllabic adaptations of Arabic wordfinal clusters via post C2 vowel insertion. Arabic UR Indonesian UR Spelling Gloss /wa qt / /wakt u / T ime /sa bt / /sabt u / Saturday l / /sal u / S now / i lm / / ilm u / S cience / idul fi t r / / idulfitr i / Eid AlFitr What is noteworthy about the wordfinal clusters targeted by post C2 /u/ insertion in Table 82 is that their consonants can be either identical or falling in sonority. For example, the wordfinal clusters in l / and / i lm / are characterized by a fall in sonority ( i.e. C1 is more sonorous than C2), while the clusters in /waqt / and /sa bt / are equal or minutely falling in sonority In light of these two coda sonority conditions, post C2 vowel insertion, rather than inter consonantal vowel insertion, is t riggered t o create a favorable syllabic contact where a less sonorous onset follows a more sonorous coda
298 ( in conformity with Murray and Vennemanns ( 1983) syllable contact constraint ) T he vowel inserted as a result from this phonological operation is /u/. Its insertion consists of two steps: inserting a nucleus and filling the inserted nucleus with the phonological material of /u/ ( concordant with the T hreshold P rinciple). It is also worth noting that the resulting syllabic shape is, once more, bisyllabic ( thus, fulfilling the Indonesian bisyllabic minimality preference) but of a different syllabic template, namely, CVCCu. In comparison with CVCVC, CVCCu is less common in Indonesian In Brief, the post C2 /u/insertion is phonologically guided, satisfying Indonesians bisyllabic minimality preference and its phonological phonotactic constraint, the syllab le contact constraint, and the Threshold Principle. Another post C2 epenthetic vowel is high front /i/. The only word I am familiar with where /i/ is inser ted post consonantally is / idulfitr i/ B ased on its the coda sonority an inter consonantal vowel insertion should take place, instead of post C2 vowel insertion3. It can be posited that t he post C2 /i/ insertion follows from the source orthography. The word final /i/ in / idulfitr i/ is an orthographic realization of the subscript kasrah in MSA orthography Grammatically speaking, in MSA when the head noun is followed by a definite noun ( i.e., genitive construction) the subscript kasrah appears below the last consonant of the following noun to denote the genitive case. Given that it is restricted to a handful of Arabic loanwords and is orthographically influenced, I view the post C2 /i/ insertion as an exception to the phonologically motivated post C2 insertion of default /u/. Regardless of the height and backness of the input vowel, /u/ is the default word3 Neither of the two phonologically motivated vowel insertion repair strategies would be triggered here due to the fact that MSA /idulfitr/ is already a multisyllab ic input.
299 final vowel in Indonesian due to its high frequency in native vocabulary (such as huntu ghost, jambu guava ri ndu longing and bumbu spices) as well as loanwords To conclude this section, both medial and edge vowel epentheses targeting Arabic word final clusters in Indonesian are phonological processes. Their occurrences are governed by the need to create a g ood syllable contact ( that is, sonority must not rise across a syllable boundary ) and are guided by the bisyllabic minimality preference and the requirement to simplify problematic wordfinal clusters. Syllabic A daptation of Dutch L oanwords In this sectio n, I discuss the syllabic adaptation strategies Indonesian employs to repair the complex clusters in ABN phonemic inputs that are problematic for the Indonesian phonotactic constraints. I moreover show that the syllabic repairs involved are phonological The structures targeted for repair in the Dutch phonemic inputs are word initial and wordfinal consonant clusters. In the following two subsections, I deal with these two complex consonant structures, respectively. Adaptation of W ordinitial C lusters Un like MSA, ABN permits complex wordinitial clusters. As shown in Table 8 3 the complex onsets in ABN phonemic inputs may be comprised of two or three consonants. While th e tri consonantal onsets violate the sonority sequencing principle as a result of the presence of initial /s/, other wordinitial clusters do not. For this reason, Trommelen (1983) treats the /s/ sequences as an exception to the sonority sequencing principle and considers /s/ in those sequences as extrasyllabic. Also, n ote that in the cas e of tri consonantal clusters, /s/ is always followed by a good sonority rising onset cluster ( e.g. / kr / and / tr /)
300 Table 83 Treatment of ABN wordinitial clusters in Indonesian. ABN UR Indonesian UR Indonesian SR Formal spelling Gloss / sxr uf / /s krup/ [s krup], [ skr up] S crew driver / str ok/ /s truk/ [s truk], [ str uk] I nvoice / str f/ /s trap/ [ str ap] P unishment / sx ndal/ / skandal/ [ skandal] S candal / sp / sperma/ [ sperma] S perm / st sj n/ / st as jun/ [ st as jun] B us station / pr / pr es den / [ pr es den] P resident / pr / pr otes/ [ pr otes] P rotest / tr di ji/ / tr adisi/ [ tr adisi] T radition / l oba:l/ / gl obal/ [ gl obal] G lobal / bl us/ /b lus/ [ bl us] B louse, dress / sl t/ /s lot/ [s lot] D oor lock / kr ax/ /k rah/ [k rah] C ollar / br lj nt/ /b rl jan/ [b rl jan] D iamond / br ndk st/ / br ankas/ [ br ankas] < brankas> S afe (n) An important observation can be made about the ABN phonemic inputs in Table 83. Although the native Indonesian maximal syllable is strictly CVC, only the wordinitial clusters in the monosyllabic inputs are targeted by vowel epenthesi s, whereas wordinitial clusters in polysyllabic inputs are not. Such discrepancy in vowel epenthesis in Table 83 mainly follows from the bisyllabic minimality preference in native Indonesian. Consequently only ABN monosyllabic inputs have become bisyllabic in Indonesian through the simplification of their word initial clusters by inter consonantal / / vowel epenthesis For example, ABN onset clusters in Dutch monosyllabic inputs such as / sxr uf/ and / bl us/ giving rise to bisyllabic /s krup/ and /b lus/. By contrast, since the bisyllabic minimality
301 preference is already met, complex onsets in ABN polysyllabic / sx ndal/, / pr and / l oba:l/ remain unchanged after being incorporated in Indonesian as / sk andal/, / pr es den/ and / gl obal/. Moreover it is worth noting that despite / br nd/ itself being monosyllabic, its word initial cluster remains intact. This is because / br nd/ was borrowed i n Indonesian together with /k st/ as a bisyllabic compound word, i.e. / br ankas/ ; therefore the bisyllabic minimality preference is fulfilled and no vowel is inserted to repair /br /. To the contrary, /br/ in ABN bisyllabic / br lj nt / In my opinion, the vowel insertion is a result of of rhotic metathesis. According to Blevins and Garrett (1998: 516 517), rhotics in unstressed syllables, e.g., when immediately followed by l abial fricatives and nasals. After the metathesis of homorganic / / is inserted before /j/ preceding /a/, by virtue of glide insertion, generating a third syllable, $ l $ j n / Ergo, the above metathesis resyllabifies the phonemic input and creates a more favorable syllabic structure in conformity with the Indonesian phonotactic constraints. In addition, where the wordinitial clusters are repaired by vowel epenthesis, it is always attested initial cluster is owing to the fact that it is the shortest and least marked vowel in Indonesian as well as cross linguistically Furthermore, as discussed by (Kenstowicz 2003), epenthetic schwa does not receive accent thus causing no major alteration to the source input (in accordance with the Minimality Principle). inse rtion in Table 83 obeys the T hreshold P rinciple since it is done in two steps: first,
302 inserting a nucleus and then filling the inserted nucleus with the phonological information of Indonesian schwa. The final observation is that th Indonesian phonemic input is not always phonetically realized. The variation between phonetically retaining and consonantal clusters but it is not attested in other contexts in which the simplified bi consonantal onsets, such as /b lus/, /s lot/, and /k rah/ consistently either possess or lack the schwa, i.e., [ bl us]4, [s lot], and [k rah]. In sum, the ABN word initial consonant clusters are not always repaired in Indonesian. In general, the phonological adaptation of the Dutch word initial clusters is sensitive to the strong preference for bisyllabic words in the native Indonesian phonology, rather than to the ban against the complex onsets as necessitated by native CVC. In addition to the effect of the preference for bisyllabicity, t he nonadaptation of the wordinitial clusters in ABN polysyllabic inputs can be a direct result of expanding the Indonesian syllable template CVC to include wordinitial complex clusters I return to this point later in the chapter. Adaptation of W ordfinal Complex C lusters Unlike the syllabic adaptation of ABN word initial clusters, ABN complex word final clusters in all types of phonemic inputs are immediately and stringently repaired. Based mainly on the syllabic count of the phone mic input, Dutch wordfinal clusters in polysyllabic inputs are reduced by consonantal truncation, as illustrated in Table 8 4 4 The Indonesian pronunciation of /b lus/ as [blus] may be influenced by the prevalence of blouse as an international and modern word
303 However, wordfinal clusters in ABN monosyllabic inputs are simplified by post C2 insertion of /u/ as in shown in / l mp /. Table 8 4 S yllabic adaptations of ABN word final clusters. ABN UR Indonesian UR Spelling Gloss / nt / / pr e s den / P resident /k u r nt / /k o ra n / N ewspaper nd / n / B andage /br nd k st / /bran ka s / S afe (n) st / /prote s / P rotest /kulk st / /kulka s / F ridge pt / p / R ecipe /d str kt / /distri k / D istrict /l mp / /lamp u / L amp In Table 84, t he wordfinal clusters targeted by consonantal deletion are as follows. The first type is a sequence of alveolar nasal /n/ followed by an alveolar stop which is either /t/ or /d/. In that coda environment, it is always the obstruent appearing in C2 that ge ts truncated, as in /kur nt nd/ adapted into / kora n n /. The second type of wordfinal clusters is a sequence of voiceless obstruent clusters in which C1 is either a stop or a fricative, but C2 is always voiceless alveolar stop /t/. As in the previous coda environment, the C2, i.e., /t/, is deleted. For example, /t/ appearing after /s/, /p/, and /k/ in the word final complex cluster s in ABN st pt /, and / d str kt /, respectiv ely, is always subject to deletion. Thus, the post nasal and post obstruent alveolar /t/ and /d/ i.e., C2, in ABN word final complex clusters are deleted when borrowed in Indonesian.
304 Based only on the (falling/similar) sonority of the consonants in the a bove two types of coda environments, post C2 /u/ insertion would be triggered, following from Murray and Vennemanns syllable contact constraint as discussed in the syllabic adaptation of Arabic wordfinal clusters. For instance, by analogy to Arabic /sabt / and /wa qt / whose clusters are repaired as /sabt u / and /wakt u /, respectively, ABN coda clusters in /r pt/ and / d str kt/ would be simplified as */ r u / and */distrikt u/. However it is obvious that the coda sonority is not the answer. Rather, it is the preference for bisyllabic minimality that decides whether consonantal deletion or vowel insertion must operate. In other words because they occur in polysyllabic phonemic inputs, the ABN word final clusters in Table 84 are repaired by the deletion of the final obstruent ( i.e., /t/ or /d/) in the nasal plosive and voiceless obstruent obstruent wordfinal clusters. Therefore, no need arises for post C2 /u/ insertion to occur. Diff erent from the adaptation of t he ABN word final clusters examined so far, the word final cluster in monosyllabic / l mp / is simplified by post C2 vowel epenthesis, yielding /lamp u / in Indonesian. The adaptation through post C2 /u/ insertion is motivated by both the strong preference for bisyllabic words in Indonesian and by Murray and Vennemanns ( 1983) syllable contact constraint in addition to the restriction against wordfinal clusters in Indonesian phonology It is also important to mention that ABN / l mp / is the only Dutch phonemic input which I have come across and whose word final cluster is prone to post C2 /u/ insertion. Finally, t he post C2 /u/ insertion in ABN /lamp u / supports my argument that /u/ is the default post C2 epenthetic vowel in Indones ian.
305 Finally it is worth point ing out that the schwa inserted between the final two consonants in Indonesian phonemic inputs /p l m / ~ / f l m/, /hel m/, /mar t/, and /sal p/ actually originates in the Dutch phonemic inputs, /f l m/, /ma:r t/, /z l f/, respectively. According to Collins and Mees (2003: 197), in ABN a schwa is inserted between /r, l/ when followed by nonhomorganic consonants wordfinally in order t o create an additional syllable. In the Indonesian pronunciation of the Indonesian pho nemic inputs, the schwa is almost always realized. An exception is /fil m/ whose / / is sometimes phonetically omitted, understandably due to the internationality and high frequency of the pronunciation as [film]. Discussion and Summary In adapting Arabic and ABN complex consonant clusters in my data, consonantal preservation through either vowel epenthesis or nonadaptation is strongly prioritized over consonantal truncation. The predisposition toward consonantal preservation is clearly reflected by the following percentages drawn from Chapter 6. Of the1195 illicit source syllabic forms elicited, 539 (45%) are salvaged by vowel epenthesis versus 345 (29%) clusters that are subject to consonantal truncation. In addition, there are 287 (24%) clusters that rem ain intact and 24 (2%; from only one word) are metathesized. By adding up the above numbers of adaptation and nonadaptation cases, the total comes to 826 clusters (69%) whose consonants are maximally preserved as predicted by the phonological preservation principle, as opposed to only 345 (29%) clusters whose C2 is always truncated. Of the total number of problematic consonant clusters, Arabic wordfinal clusters constitute 30% (360 forms) while Dutch wordfinal clusters represent 30.8% (369
306 forms). All of the 384 wordfinal clusters of monosyllabic Arabic and Dutch inputs are always adapted through vowel insertion (100%), resulting in bisyllabic words which are the most frequently occurring and most favored in Indonesian, as listed by Lapoliwa (1981). Therefore, the repair strategy through vowel insertion is consistent with the Indonesian restriction against wordfinal complex clusters and is in harmony with the bisyllabic minimality preference in Indonesian. Regarding the location of epenthesis, it compl etely depends on the phonological nature of the wordfinal consonant clusters. If sonority rises across the cluster, a copy vowel is inserted between the two consonants (240 syllabic adaptations (63%); on the other hand, if the cluster is identical or fall s in sonority, /u/ is epenthesized after the final consonant (116 syllabic adaptations, 30%). These two locations of syllabic repairs reveal the effect of the syllable contact constraint ( Murray and Vennemann 1983) which prefers falling sonority across syl lable boundaries. Moreover, both inter consonantal (medial) and post C2 (edge) epentheses conform to the Threshold P rinciple as the syllabic violation in each wordfinal cluster of Arabic and Dutch monosyllabic words is repaired within two steps. It is al so remarkable that the highly frequent mapping of monosyllabic Arabic C V1C1C2 into Indonesian bisyllabic C V1C1V1C2 ( 240 inputs) correlates with the preponderance of syllable template CVCVC in particular and bisyllabic templates in general in native Indones ian phonology. Likewise, the relatively lower frequency of CVCCu in Indonesian is reflected by the number of syllabic adaptations of Arabic and ABN inputs into bisyllabic CVCCu ( 116 inputs ).
307 Finally, with respect to the orthographically guided post C2 inse rtion of /i/, it is very restricted in its occurrence in my data; it makes up only 7% (24 syllabic adaptations of the same word made by 24 participants). To sum, each type of vowel insertion targeting word final clusters in Arabic and ABN monosyllabic inputs is phonologically based because it repairs the wordfinal clusters which are never permitted in light of Indonesian CVC, satisfies the bisyllabic minimality preference in native Indonesian, and is fully determined by the phonological condition ( e.g., sonority) of the coda cluster. Concerning wordfinal clusters in polysyllabic Dutch inputs, they are simplified by the deletion of the terminal consonant (345 instances, 29% of all problematic syllabic forms), rather than by vowel epenthesis. Post C2 vow el epenthesis is not triggered, although the wordfinal clusters ( i.e., / nd/, / nt/, /kt/, /pt/, and / st/) are either similar or falling in sonority. Because those polysyllabic inputs meet the bisyllabic word minimum, no vowel insertion is needed; instead, deletion of the final consonant takes place in order to bring the problematic cluster in accordance with the strict ban against wordfinal clusters in Indonesian. Finally, the phonetic framework ascribes the deletion of the word final plosives to their imperceptibility in the above contexts, this phonetic explanation falls short of accounting for the nondeletion of nonsalient plosive consonants in similar contexts in Arabic and Dutch monosyllabic inputs. I further illustrate my argument against the phonetic stance in Chapter 10. As far as wordinitial clusters of monosyllabic and polysyllabic Dutch inputs are concerned, they total to 466 syllabic forms, making up 39% of the overall total number of target syllabic forms in the data. 155 wordinitial clu sters ( i.e., 38%) are word initial clusters of monosyllabic inputs, whereas 287 are wordinitial clusters in polysyllabic
308 inputs5. Different from the consistent adaptation of Arabic and ABN wordfinal clusters, the ABN wordinitial clusters are not always adapted. All of the 155 wordinitial clusters of monosyllabic inputs are always phonemically simplified by medial insertion of schwa between C1 and C2, thus creating a bisyllabic form regardless of the sonority of the onset clusters ( i.e., syllabic contac t constraint), while the 287 wordinitial clusters in polysyllabic inputs remain unadapted. The Indonesian preference for bisyllabic minimality cannot alone account for the above adaptation of ABN wordinitial clusters in monosyllabic inputs but their nonadaptation in polysyllabic inputs. As previously mentioned, the native Indonesian syllable template CVC does not allow wordinitial clusters or wordfinal clusters Unless the current syllable template is expanded into CCVC, word initial clusters in both monosyllabic and polysyllabic inputs such as / kr ax / and / pr / would be equally adapted through vowel epenthesis or consonant deletion into / k r ah / and */ p r / or */ p / to satisfy CVC and bisyllabic minimality. Therefore to avoid wrong outputs such as */ p r / or */ p /, I argue that ABN word initial clusters are imported in Indonesian and are now part of the expanded syllable template in its peripheral phonology That is the borrowing of Dutch loanwords gave rise to the importation of ABN word initial complex clusters in Indonesians peripheral phonology, alongside peripheral /f/, /z/, / / and /x/. That the peripheral syllable template is now CCVC permits word initial clusters in words borrowed from Dut ch and English6 remain intact, unlike the native words in Indonesians core phonology where wordinitial consonant clusters are 5 The wordinitial cluster /br / in polysyllabic ABN / br lj nt / (24 occurrences) is excluded here due to its adaptation through metathesis. 6 This is because Dutch and English, unlike MSA, permit wordinitial clusters.
309 strictly forbidden, in compliance with CVC. Regarding the effect of bisyllabic minimality, it is predominant both in the core an d periphery of Indonesian phonology. In light of the new CCVC, the wordinitial clusters in monosyllabic inputs are subject to adaptation through vowel epenthesis (resulting in bisyllabic forms ), following from the preference for bisyllabic word minimum in Indonesian. Moreover word initial clusters in polysyllabic inputs remain unchanged by reason of the expanded CCVC and the fulfillment of the bisyllabic minimality preference by the polysyllabicity of the inputs. The Indonesian orthographic representat ions reflect the above phonological adaptation and nonadaptation of wordinitial clusters in both monosyllabic and polysyllabic inputs. Examples are /stas jun/ station vs. /s tem/ vote and /s truk/ receipt vs. /struktur/ < struktur>7 structure. With respect to the phonetic pronunciation of complex clusters in Indonesian, Adisasmito (1993) proposes that, depending on the rate of speech, the formality of the situation, and knowledge of the source language, there are three maximal syllabic templates, namely, CCCVCC, CCVC, and CVC, represented in three varieties, i.e., Variety A, Variety B, and Variety C, respectively. T hose three syllabic possibilities can be employed by a single speaker based on the previously stated factor s. As exemplified by Adisasmito (1993: 14 15), Dutch loanwords struktur / struktur / structure and film / / film are pronounced as [ struk tur] and [fi lm ] in Variety A (CCCVCC) where the speaker is familiar with the source language and the formal register is being used, as [ tur] and [fi ] in Variety B (CCVC) and as [ tur] and [fi ] in Variety C 7 Setem and struktur are drawn from outside my data.
310 (CVC). In the latter two varieties, the speaker is engaged in a slow and informal speech and is less familiar with those Dutch loanwords. A note is in order here about the bisyllabic minimality preference. Works such as Silverman (1992) and Yip (1993) partly attribute the preservation of English liquid /r/ and /l/ (through vowel epenthesis) in wordinitial clusters of monosyllabic inputs to the preference for bisyllabicity that is prevalent in native Cantonese phonology. According to Silverman (1992)8, if the outputs exceed bisyllabicity, English liquids are vulnerable to deletion. However, counter to the preference for bisyllabicity in Cantonese native phonology, nonsalient obstruents in wordfinal clusters of monosyllabic English inputs are deleted, even though their retention through vowel epenthesis would yield a bisyllabic output. As for highly salient segments such as /s/, they are always preserved through vowel epenthesis by reason of their high phonetic saliency only. Yip (1993) recast Silvermans analyses in OT and reaches the same conclusion that Cantonese syllabic repairs of malformed English clusters are generally guided by, first and foremost, phonetic salience, and second by bisyllabicity. As discussed in this chapter, the role of bisyllabic minimality preference is stronger in the Indonesian syllabic adaptation of illicit Arabic and Dutch clusters than in the Cantonese adaptation of English clusters where the effect of bisyllabicity is limited to word initial clusters and is overridden by phonetic saliency In the Indonesian syllabic adaptation of wordfinal clusters, whether vowel epenthesis or consonant deletion must be applied to repair the problematic wordfinal clusters (to conform to both native CVC and peripheral CCVC) is decided by the bisyllabic ity of the input If the input is 8 Yip (2006) likewise shows that English freezer is adapted as [fisa] in Cantonese.
311 monosyllabic, the wordfinal cluster is repaired by vowel epenthesis; if it is polysyllabic, th e cluster gets truncated. Furthermore, a bisyllabic minimality preference is actively involved in the adaptation of ABN wordinitial clusters. Despite the fact that wordinitial consonant clusters are accordant with the expanded CCVC in the Indonesian peri pheral phonology the wordinitial clusters of monosyllabic inputs are always simplified by vowel epenthesis to yield bisyllabic inputs.
312 CHAPTER 9 PROPOSED LOANWORD AD APTATION MODEL In this chapter I introduce the model which outlines the phonemic, phonetic, and orthographic processes targeting Arabic and ABN phonemic consonantal and syllabic forms. Moreover, relying on linguistic, sociolinguistic, and socio historical facts presented thus far in the dissertation, the level by level model details the different stages a borrowed lexical word undergoes, beginning from the moment an Arabic or ABN word was borrowed and ending with its officially accepted spelling in present day Indonesian. The organization of this chapter is as follows. I first foreground the major differences between the MSA script and the Jawi script Second, I discuss the proposed loanword adaptation model. Finally, I summarize the discussion presented in this chapter Arabic C onsonantal and S yllabic F orms Jawi Script As previously indicated in Chapter 3 the majority of Arabic loanwords cover concepts closely relevant to Islam and its practices while another good number of Arabic borrowings prevail in the domains of sc ience and literature, as well as everyday vocabulary. It was the Arab merchants and immigrants who were considered the actual initiators of lexical borrowing from Arabic and who later dissipated the borrowed words to the monolingual Malay population. Ever since their early arrival in the archipelago, the Arab merchants and immigrants had taken it upon themselves to propagate Islam. Through marriage bonds and commercial activities, they learned Malay (the lingua franca at the time) and fully blended wit h the indigenous population. Becoming very proficient in Malay, they diligently spread Islam throughout the archipelago and raised
313 the awareness of the local population about the importance of Arabic being the language of the Prophet Mohammed as well as th e language in which the Noble Quran was revealed and written. As a result, the newly converted indigenous people held Arabic in high esteem and considered it very important to learn for the perfection of their religion. Hence, the M alay Arabic bilingual speakers as well as the fluent Malay learners of Arabic began to teach the locals the Arabic language and Quranic recitation. Before the spread of Islam in the archipelago, a Sanskrit derived script, known as Pallava was used in some parts of the archipelag o, but Malay was not yet a fully written language (Abdul Rahman 2008). After their conversion to Islam and owing to their strong attachment to the Arabic text of the Quran, the Muslim locals, in their attempts to write Malay, in the fourteenth century subs tituted an Arabic based script, called Jawi script ( Tulisan Jawi in Malay), for the Sanskrit based script (Othman 2006) It was named Jawi because the Arabic adjective Jawi refers to any anything/anyone originating from Southeast Asia. Another reason m otivating this replacement was that the knowledge and message of Islam and its practices would be best understood and conveyed if it was written in an Arabic based script where the consonantal shape of the Quranic words would be maintained as closely as possible. During the nineteenth century and early twentieth century, the Jawi script was widely used in books about religion, history, and science, as well as in autobiographies, textbooks, newspapers, magazines, journals, and Malay literary tradition, in addition to a plethora of translated works from Arabic. Nowadays there are over 16,000 manuscripts written in Jawi script (Moain 2008). As further discussed by Moain (2008:108), the Jawi script was used and understood mainly by the
314 Muslim indigenous populati on who fluently read and wrote in it The script moreover p redominated in the royal and government correspondences between the king doms and sultanates in Southeast Asia and even became an indispensable written medium through which the foreign traders communicated with the locals in the Malacca Strait. In terms of the number of letters used, the Jawi script employs six letters (plus the 28 Arabic letters) to accommodate the Malay sounds in native Malay words. Only peculiar to the Jawi script, the six le tters written with three dots over them are as follows: < > for /p/, < > / /, < > /v/, < > /g/, < > / /. While Arabic loanwords in Malay are written in Arabic (or Quranic) letters, not all of them are precisely spelled in Jawi as they are spel led in Arabic, as I discus shortly In 1926, the Jawi script was officially replaced by the Roman alphabet in the Indonesian archipelago. After comparing the Jawi script to the original Arabic script, I can make the following observations. First, except f or word initial Arabic glottal stop s, the Arabic consonants in the majority of Arabic words introduced in the Jawi writing system are retained ( i.e., consistent consonant grapheme correspondences) A s I have mentioned earlier, this was done to preserve as much of the phonological consonantal shape of the Arabic words as possible. With respect to wordinitial Arabic glottal stop s, they are dr opped in some words, as in Jawi iman faith, but preserved in others as in Jawi Islam Islam ). Second, superscript MSA dhamah < > ( in Arabic, standing for /u/ ), fathah < > ( /a/), and subscript kasrah < >( /i/) are completely done away with in the Jawi script. However, their full vowel correspondents are still part of the p honological structure of each Arabic word spelled in Jawi For example, i n some non-
315 religious Arabic words in the Jawi script, the superscript dhamah and subscript kasrah are orthographically realized as < > (, /u/) and < > ( /i/), respectively, as in Jawi (Romanized from Arabic ) and (Romanized from Arabic ). Thirdly, in a large number of Arabic words, an /i/ vowel following from the phonological syllabic repairs is orthographically realized in the respelled Arabic words in Jawi. For instance, in Arabic words whose input vowel is / /, ( /i/, ), represented in MSA orthography by kasrah < >, an identical copy of that vowel in Jawi is invariably phonologically ( /i/) and orthographically (< >) inserted between the two consonants in the wordfinal cluster This can be exemplified by Arabic ( Arabic /kibr/) and (Arabic /fikr/) from which subscript kasrah is first removed, and the original phonemic < > (/i/, ), standing for the source kasrah, is next orthographically realized, and finally epenthetic < > () appears between the last two consonants as a result of the phonological inter consonantal insertion repair, yielding Jawi ( / kibir/) and ( /fikir/). Figure 9 1 illustrates the introduction of Arabic in Jawi. For a thorough discussion of the syllabic repairs of Arabic words, see Chapter 8. Another syllabic repair leading to an orthographic change to the original orthographic shape of the Arabic words is the insertion of phonological post C2 /u/ or orthographically based /i/. Word final /u/ and /i/ are also orthographically represented in the Jawi script by < > () and < > (). Examples are Jawi script spelled (/wa ktu/) and (/idulfitri/) that are derived from Arabic and < id alfitr>, respectively.
316 In addition to the orthographic changes triggered by phonological re pairs, in a few instances where an orthographic distinction was to be made between two Arabic words with the same spellings (but of course differently pronounced), a syllabic repair is to take place whereby the phonologically inserted vowel is orthographic a lly realized. Such orthographic realization is only limited to the Arabic vowel /u/. For example, after the superscripts in Omar male name and age are dispended with, the result is that is, one spelling for two different concepts but each has a different phonemic input namely, / umar/ and / umr/, respectively. Therefore, phonological /u/ i.e., the exact copy of the input vowel, is inserted between /m/ and /r/ in the latter input and is turned into grapheme < > () in Jawi, giving rise to Because the orthographic distinction between the two words is now achieved, the /a/ standing for the superscript fathah < > in original / umar/ is never orthographically realized in Jawi (yielding ) To sum, orthographi c changes (including the simplification of word final clusters) to the Arabic words in Jawi must follow from a phonological change to the phonemic input of the Jawi spelt words. Besides the differences discussed above, not all Arabic wordfinal tied ta < > endings ( are orthographically transferred to the Jawi writing system In the majority of Arabic words introduced in Jawi, the Arabic word final tied ta is spelled as < > with no change at all Only in some instances is tied ta respelled as open ta < >( ). The English equivalent of wordfinal tied ta is /at/ while /ah/ is correspondent to open ta. The reintroduction of Arabic tied ta as open ta in the Jawi script could be ascribed to the method of borrowing. That is, the preservation of the tied ta could be a result of borrowing the word directly from its source with its tied ta intact,
317 whereas its change into the open ta might have resulted from the bo rrowers pronunciation when borrowing the word. In Arabic, the word final tied ta in a word is always pronounced as [ at ] when it is followed by a possessor noun (in a genitive constr uction) or an adjective; otherwise, the tied ta has the default underlying representation of open ta / ah/ Examples from the Jawi script are /xian at / betrayal and /fitn ah / libel both borrowed from MSA and (both with the orthographic tied ta) In Jawi /xian at /, Arabic tied ta r emains unchanged as expected and maintains its spelling as < >, whereas Jawi /fitnah/ is based on default /fitnah/ in Arabic and is therefore spelled with open tied ta < >. ( T he adaptation of the tied ta in Jawi (Romanized ) is also exemplified in Figure 9 2). Consequently, based on their phonological representations the above two Jawi spelled words are written (in Roman letters) and pronounced in present day Indonesian as < khianat > [xianat], [hianat], and [ kianat], and < fitnah> [fitnah] and [ pitnah]. In brief only the wordfinal /at/ in the phonological representation of the Jawi words has the orthographic tied ta < > in its Jawi spelling. The above account of the variation in the spellings of the Arabic tied ta in the Jawi script opposes Campbells (1996) account that the ah/ at distribution in Arabic loanwords in Indonesian is due to borrowing from a Persianized source. Although the respelling of the Arabic tied ta in the Jawi script is beyond the main focus of this dissertation, it is important to point out that some of the arguments and observations made by Campbell (1996) are inaccurate and merit further investigation. First, he mentions that the Jawi script carelessly avoids the use of the closed ta (Campbell 1996: 31). In fact, as I have previously dis cussed the tied ta / a t/ in Jawi is very often
318 written as is, i.e., < > but in some instances as open ta /h/ < >. Second, Campbell heavily based his analyses and arguments on Arabic loanwords spelled in the Roman alphabet not the Arabic alphabet ( i.e., the Jawi script). The Roman spelled Arabic loanwords only reflect the phonological representation of their Jawi script counterparts. Consequently, the Romanspelled Arabic loanwords and their Jawi spelled correspondents are not always orthographically the sam e. Third, while there is a striking similarity between the distribution of ah/ at endings in Malay and that of their equivalents in Modern Persian as stated by Campbell (1996: 343 5), this does not entail that Persian must be considered the possible vector for Arabic loanwords in Malay ( Campbell 1996: 36). First of all, the Arabic tied ta in Persian is written with long ta < > (pronounced as [t]) or as open ta < > (pronounced as [e]), according to Campbell; however, in Jawi it is spelled with no change at all, i.e., < > pronounced as [ a t], or as open ta < > pronounced as [ a h]. This shows the difference between the Jawi script and the Persian writing system in their spelling of the tied ta. Second, sociohistorically speaki ng, as I have discussed in C hapter 3 the merchants of Hadhramaut sailed from the southern part of Arabia to Southeast Asia, possibly through India. None of the references I have reviewed have made reference to the notable influence of Persia and Persian in Southeast Asia. Thirdly, if it was true that Persian language greatly impacted Jawi script, there would be other expected concomitant influences on Malay and the Malay population, such as contributing greatly to a Persian culture and literary heritage in the archipelago, lending a larger number of Persian words (currently there is only a handful of them in Malay) and propagating Shiite Islam (which has never officially exis ted) throughout the archipelago since
319 Persian is one the of the main languages spoken by the majority of Shiite Muslims worldwide. To conclude, many languages have borrowed from Arabic and introduced the borrowed words in their writing system; however, that two languages spelled their Arabic loanwords in a similar manner is not conclusive evidence that one has borrowed from the other. The final difference between the original Arabic script and the Jawi script is that, with a very few exceptions, Arabic words with the wordinitial definite prefix < > ( the) are respelled in Jawi script without the definite article. Of the few Arabic loanwords that retained their definite article are Jawi spelled < al marhum> male deceased and Jawi spelled < al marhumah> female deceased. To summarize, the afore discussed orthographic modifications of the Arabic words introduced in Jawi necessitated speakers of excellent linguistic knowledge of Arabic such as the Arabic Malay bilingual speakers and proficient Malay learners of A rabic. Moreover, while the syllabic structures of the source Arabic words, especially among the nonreligious words, introduced in Jawi can be subject to changes as exemplified above, almost all of the original Arabic consonantal alphabets are maintained ( although their phonemic representations are replaced with native Indonesian phonemic counterparts, in most cases). Finally, on the orthographic level, many respelled Arabic words in the Jawi script do not necessarily reflect the content of their phonologic al structure since not all vowels in the phonological representation, whether epenthetic or input vowels have orthographic correspondent s in the Jawi script.
320 Model In this section I deal with the model proposed for the adaptation of Arabic loanwords in Indonesian. Figure 9 1 consists of one phonetic level, two phonological levels, and four orthographic levels. The first orthographic and phonological levels (first sta ge) are represented by the original Arabic spelling and phonemic represen tation of each Arabic loanword. It is the phonemic representation, not the phonetic representation because of the following three reasons. F irst, as I have thoroughly discussed in Cha pter 7 the attested adaptations in my data are guided by phonology. Second, the initiating borrowers of Arabic loanwords were mostly Arabic Malay bilingual speakers who could access both phonological grammars of Arabic and Indonesian. Third, most of the A rabic loanwords in Indonesian were borrowed from a written medium with their underlying representation intact. Next, in the second stage, the source Arabic orthographic structures are reintroduced in the Jawi script, with or without syllabic changes, as di scussed earlier in this chapter. The respelled Arabic words in the Jawi script constitute the second orthographic level in the model of Arabic loanword adaptations. Phonologically speaking, every Arabic word introduced in the Jawi script (second orthographic level) is provided with one (or more) phonemic input at the second phonological level. F urther examples of two or more phonemic inputs corr esponding to a single Jawi word are provided in Figure 92. The phonemic inputs at this level are what the native speakers of Indonesian have access to. They are the resulting phonological structures after the application of the Indonesian phonemic consonantal and syllabic repairs. The repairs were made by the
321 monolingual speakers of Indonesian1. To put it simply, all the consonantal and syllabic repairs occur at this level; moreover, these phonemic inputs are mapped from the Arabic phonemic inputs at the first level in the model. Those repairs are part of a diachronic process which Arabic loanwords have long undergone and which finally gives forth one phonological structure or, sometimes, variant phonological structures of a single Arabic loanword in Jawi. As far as the consonantal substitutions are concerned, whether the current phonological input (or its variants) at this level is similar to or different from the Arabic input at the first level depends on many factors, prominently among which are the availability of the source sound in Indonesian phonology, speakers proficiency in Arab ic, and type of word (religious or nonreligious). In terms of alternation, at this stage, Indonesian had added to its peripheral phonology the four peripheral phonemes: /f/, /z/, / /, and /x/. Therefore, it is expected that any other Arabic consonants that do not exist in the native an d peripheral inventories will be adapted into the phonemically closest consonant. With respect to the adapters knowledge of the source language, those with high command of Arabic, for instance, would replace Arabic /f/ with peripheral /f/; otherwise, the same source sound would be phonemically matched with /p/. Finally, the type of the borrowed word can be potentially an influence since the consonantal shape of the religious words, unlike the nonreligious ones tends to be more retained when respelled in the Jawi script (at the 2nd orthographic level) and when phonologically adapted at the 2nd phonological level. At this second stage, Indonesian had also expanded its syllable template to allow wordinitial clusters ( i.e., CCVC). 1 If not purely monolingual speakers, they at least did not know Arabic.
322 Figure 91 Proposed model of Arabic loanword adaptation in Indonesian. /fikr/ /fahm/ < faham > < > < > < f aham> /< p aham > /fikir/ /pikir/ [fikir] [pikir ] Current spellings according to the latest spelling revision (i.e. 1972 Perfected Spelling reform ) and the current formal/informal word spellings as listed by the most up to date authoritative S tandard Indonesian dictionaries ( variant : ) < pikir> ( variant: ) V arious p honeme to graph eme correspondences as formally proposed in several spelling reforms (from 1901 until 1972) [faham] [paham] < f ikir>/< p ikir> Phonological & Orthographic levels 1 Orthographic level 2 : Jawi script Phonological and /faham/ /paham / Phonetic leve l s 2 Orthographic level 3 : Romanization Orthographic level 4 : F ormal vs. informal spelling Original Arabic orthographic and phonemic structures Reintroduction of Arabic spelling in Jawi script with/without changes Phonemic consonantal substitution and syllabic adaptation are simultaneously operative upon phonemic mapping. Next are the various phonetic realizations of the phonemic inputs
323 Figure 92 More illustrations of the proposed model of Arabic loanwords adaptations in Indonesian. Now we turn to the phonetic realizations of the second level phonemic inputs ( which are the underlying phonological representations of the Jawi script words) At this phonetic level, every resulting phonemic input at the second level will be phonetically < ikr> / ikr/ < art > / art / /d arurah/ /zaman/ e > / / < uhr> / uhr/ / < uhur> < arat > < ikir> /s e lasa / [selasa ] /zaman/ / aman/ [zaman] [ aman] / z uhur/ / uhur/ -/luhur/ [zuhur] [ uhur] -[luhur] /darurat/ [darurat] / arat / /sarat/ [ arat] [sarat] /zikir/, / ikir/ [zikir] [ ikir] / , / < luhur> / / < axir> / axir/ / axir/ / ahir/ / akir/ [ axir] [ ahir] [ akir] / / (v ariant: < aman>) / (variants: < akir > < ahir > ) < darurat >