Paint, Politics, and Daumier's Rococo

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Paint, Politics, and Daumier's Rococo
Browne, Elizabeth Saari
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[Gainesville, Fla.]
University of Florida
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1 online resource (100 p.)

Thesis/Dissertation Information

Master's ( M.A.)
Degree Grantor:
University of Florida
Degree Disciplines:
Art History
Art and Art History
Committee Chair:
Hyde, Melissa L
Committee Members:
Tsai, Joyce Chia Chi
Kroen, Sheryl T
Graduation Date:


Subjects / Keywords:
Aesthetics ( jstor )
Art collecting ( jstor )
Art exhibitions ( jstor )
Art museums ( jstor )
Art sketches ( jstor )
Impressionism ( jstor )
Lithography ( jstor )
Museums ( jstor )
Painting ( jstor )
Rococo art ( jstor )
Art and Art History -- Dissertations, Academic -- UF
daumier -- rococo
bibliography ( marcgt )
theses ( marcgt )
government publication (state, provincial, terriorial, dependent) ( marcgt )
born-digital ( sobekcm )
Electronic Thesis or Dissertation
Art History thesis, M.A.


Since Honoré Daumier’s paintings were first publically shown at Durand-Ruel in 1878, critics and art historians have been drawing stylistic comparisons between Daumier’s paintings and those by artists of the Rococo. Set in a view of Daumier as a staunchly and strictly political artist, few scholars have attempted to further contextualize these works in relation to the Rococo, a predominating version of which emphasizes monarchical and elite life and appears at odds with Daumier’s Republican commitments. Yet for both Daumier and for artists of the Rococo, the distinction between art and politics was not so resolute. Beginning in the seventeenth century when Peter Paul Rubens and Roger de Piles brought the debate between color and line into the French context, the use of loose brushwork and effects of color—for which both Daumier and many Rococo artists were noted—carried political implications, as artists employing “Rubenist” coloris stood outside of the Academy, the traditional artistic, and at the time political, institution. This independent stance continued into the eighteenth-century, when many Rococo artists such as Antoine Watteau, François Boucher, and Jean-Honoré Fragonard continued to explore (to varying degrees) this modern, anti-establishment style, and to work for independent patrons of non-noble classes. For these artists, the style of the goût-moderne could signify autonomy from traditional art practices as they were allowed to explore new genres and techniques, while 7 for patrons, purchasing such works might signify a financial and intellectual freedom from the French court. This accordance between paint handling and artistic/political freedom continued into the nineteenth century. It was reinstated and reinterpreted by artists and collectors particularly during the Romantic era and the Second Empire, the prime periods in which Daumier lived and worked. Moreover, institutional resistance did not just take the form of paint. Considering Daumier in relation to a tradition of Rococo subversion in print and in caricature, such as in the work of Charles-Germain de Saint-Aubin, reveals a shared Rococo spirit in his lithographic work and further complicates scholarly distinctions between Daumier’s paintings as purely aesthetic and his lithographs as purely political. This thesis takes seriously Daumier’s engagement with the Rococo, and does so by exploring—through research in context, aesthetics, and provenance—his involvement with eighteenth-century influences, style, audience, and humor. This expanded notion of Daumier as a historically involved artist who brings the past “to his own time,” reveals in Daumier a more nuanced and complex involvement and thinking about art and politics from the eighteenth to the nineteenth century. ( en )
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In the series University of Florida Digital Collections.
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Includes vita.
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Thesis (M.A.)--University of Florida, 2012.
Adviser: Hyde, Melissa L.
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by Elizabeth Saari Browne.

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2 2012 Elizabeth Saari Browne


3 To Brendan Mich a el Browne


4 ACKNOWLEDGMENTS I would like to extend my sincerest gratitude to the chair of my committee Dr. Melissa Hyde, not only for her guidance on this project, but also for opening my eyes to the visual and intellectual pleasures of the Rococo during her f I would also like to thank all of my peers in that class for reviewing an d providing crucial commentary on the term paper which la id the foundations for this thesis. For their reading suggestions, considerate revisions and stimulating dialogue, I thank my committee members Dr. Joyce Tsai and Dr. Sheryl Kroen. My fullest appreciation also goes to Dr. Victoria H.F. Scott who guided me into the nineteenth cent ury and who has continued to guide me through graduate school: forza My gratitude also extends t o a ll of my family and friends for their willing ears and thoughtful conversation, but most importantly, my most heartfelt acknowledge ments go to my ever patient husband and often unacknowledged reader and motivator Brendan Browne.


5 TABLE OF CONTENTS page ACKNOWLEDGMENTS ................................ ................................ ................................ ............... 4 ABSTRACT ................................ ................................ ................................ ................................ ..... 6 CHAPTER 1 INTRODUCTION ................................ ................................ ................................ .................... 8 2 FROM RUBENS TO ROCOCO: DAUMIER AND IMITATION ................................ ........ 21 Imatatione ................................ ................................ ............................... 22 Rubens the Red ................................ ................................ ................................ ....................... 25 ................................ ................................ ................................ ...... 30 ................................ ................................ ........... 37 3 AMATEUR ROCOCO ................................ ................................ ................................ ................................ 39 ................................ ................................ ......... 41 Cultivated Looking: the Esquisse and the Amateur ................................ ................................ 46 The Aesthetics of the Sketch and Nineteenth Century Collectors ................................ ......... 51 Amateurs : Artists, Critics, and Collectors ................................ ............................ 58 4 FRAMING ROCOCO REVIVALS: ROCOCO SUBVERSION AND THE IDYLLES PARLEMENTAIRES ................................ ................................ ................................ ............... 63 ................................ ... 64 The S ubversive Rococo ................................ ................................ ................................ .......... 69 Rococo Caricature ................................ ................................ ................................ .................. 72 Framing the Idylles Parlementaires : Structure, Humor, Audience ................................ ........ 77 APPENDIX : FIGURES ................................ ................................ ................................ ............. 86 LIST OF REFERENCES ................................ ................................ ................................ ............... 91 BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH ................................ ................................ ................................ ....... 100


6 Abstract of Thesis Presented to the Graduate School of t he University o f Florida in Partial Fulfillment of t he Require ments for the Degree of Master o f Arts PAINT ROCOCO By Elizabeth Saari Bro wne December 2012 Chair: Melissa Lee Hyde Major: Art History Since Honor s paintings were first publically shown at Durand Ruel in 1878 critics and art historians have been drawing stylistic comparisons and those by artists of the Rococo. S et in a view of Daumier as a staunchly and strictly political artist, few scholars have attempted to further contextualize these works in relation to the Rococo, a predominating version of which emphasizes monarchical and elite lif e and appears at odds with Yet for both Daumier and for artists of the Rococo, the distinction between art and politics was not so resolute. Beginning in the seventeenth century when Peter Paul Rubens and Roger de Piles br ought the debate between color and line into the French context, the use of loose brushwork and effects of color for which both Daumier and many Rococo artists were noted carried political implications, as artists employing coloris stood outside of the Academy, the traditional artistic, and at the time political, institution. This independent stance continued into the eighteenth century, when many Rococo artists such as Antoin e Watteau, Fran ois Boucher, and Jean Honor Fragonard continued to exp lore (to varying degrees) this modern, anti establishment style, and to work for independent patrons of non noble classes. For these artists, the style of the got moderne could signify autonomy from traditional art practices as they were allowed to explor e new genres and techniques, while


7 for patrons, purchasing such works might signify a financial and intellectual freedom from the French court. This accordance between paint handling and artistic/political freedom continued into the nineteenth century. I t was reinstated and reinterpreted by artists and collectors particularly during the Romantic era and the Second Empire, the prime periods in which Daumier lived and worked Moreover, i nstitutional resistance did not just take the form of paint. C onsidering Daumier in relation to a tradition of Rococo subversion in print and in caricature, such as in the work of Charles Germain de Saint Aubin, reveals a shared Rococo spirit in his lithographic work and further complicates scholarly distinctions between Daumie purely aesthetic and his lithographs as purely political. exploring through research in context, aesthetics, and provenance his involvement with eighteenth c entury influen ces, style, audience, and humor. This expanded notion of Daumier as a historically involved artist who b nuanced and complex involvement and thinking about art and politics from the e ighteenth to the nineteenth century.


8 CHAPTER 1 INTRODUCTION A prolific and well (1808 1879) efforts in other media remained virtually unknown to the public until the end of his life, when a retrospec tive solo exhibition was mounted at the Paris art gallery Durand Ruel in the rue Le Peletier from April 17 June 15, 1878. Of the numerous paintings, watercolors, drawings, and sculptures included in the show, most were loaned to the exhibition from outsi de sources. 1 Quietly collected by fellow artists, amateurs, and gall erists for decades, the sketch like style intimate scale, and absorptive themes of these works came as a shock to those only familiar with more critical lithographs. Despite his lengthy career, 2 prior to this show only a few of 3 Thus the Durand and themes of work by Daumier. In light of this co mprehensive revelation of his multi dimensional talents, art critics 1 Richard Thomson talli es that seventy seven of the ninety four oils were from private collections rather than from Lautrec: Preliminary Observations on a Oxford Art Journal vol. 2 (April, 1979): 29. 2 Dimanc h e was published in August of 1822, when he was only fourteen years old. See Daumier, 1808 1879 (National Gallery of Canada, 1999): 545. The first painting by Daumier, Un h o mme jetant son c is dated to 1834, though this date is dispute d and the work thought to actually date to the late 1820s. Tout l'oeuvre p eint de Daumier (Flammarion, Paris 1972): 87. 3 In 1848, Da La Rpublique image of the State; to the 1849 Salon, Daumier submitted an oil entitled Le meunier, son fils et l'ne (Glasgow Art Gallery and Museum); in 1850 51, three works by Daumier were on view at the Salon including the two paintings Deux nymphes poursuivies par des satyres (Montreal Museum of Fine Arts) and Don Quichotte et Sancho Pansa se rendant aux noces de Gamaches (Tokyo: Bridgestone Museum of Art), as well as the conte crayon drawing (Calais: Muse des Beaux Arts); in 1861, the Galerie Martinet exhibited the loosely painted Une b lanchisseuse (Buffalo: Albright Knox Art Gallery) and Les b uveurs (New York: The Metropolitan Museum of Art); las tly, in 1869, Daumier showed three watercolors at the Salon including (Montreal Museum of Fine Arts), (location unknown), and Les deux mdecins et le mort (Winterthur: Reinhart Collection).


9 political and social caricaturist, he was now a fine artist. Responding to the formal ae sthetic q ualities of brushwork and draf tsmanship rather than elucidating explicit social content or (1475 1564) Francisco Goya (1746 1828) Peter Paul Rubens (157 7 1640) and Eugne Delacroix (1798 1863) 4 Perhaps somewhat surprisingly, Daumier was likened to a significant number of eighteenth century artists as well. For instance, in an article by Edmond Duranty anty cites Charles Nicolas Cochin (1750 1790), Gabriel de Saint Aubin (1724 1780), Philibert Louis Debucourt (1765 1832), and Quentin de la Tour (1704 1788) as models and artistic equals of Daumier. 5 According to French art historian Michel M elot, such co mparisons with well known m asters 6 With Victor Hugo (1802 out by friends and fellow Republican a rtists, writers, and critics including Thodore de Banville (1823 1891), Franois Bonvin (1817 1887), Jules Castagnary (1830 1888), Jules Champfleury (1820 1889), Karl Daubigny (1846 1886), Jules Dupr (1811 1889), Adolphe Victor Geoffroy 4 I e ment/Political Judg e Oxford Art Journal vol. 11, no. 1 (1988): 3 24, Michel remarks alone, taken from his L Melot cites the following artists as listed in reference to 1678), Pierre Paul Puget (1620 1694), Franois Marius Granet (1777 1849), the Flemish masters, Peter Paul Rubens (1577 1640), Thomas Rowl andson (1756 1827), Rembrandt van Rijn (1606 1669), Jacques Louis David (1748 1825), Michelangelo (1475 1564), Camille Corot (1796 1875), Thomas Gainsborough (1727 1788), Thodule Ribot (1823 1891), Alexandre Gabriel Decamps (1803 1860), William Hogarth (1 697 1764), Narcisse Virgilio Diaz (1807 1876), Tintoretto (1518 1594), Salvator Rosa (1615 1673), and Jean Franois Millet (1814 f other artists is given by Paul Foucher writing for Le National on the Telle toile semble dessine par Michel (It has everything : the breadth of paintbrush, drawing, color, thought. This canvas seems drawn by Michelangelo and painted by Delacroix). 5 Gazette des Beaux Arts, 1879. 6 provides the fullest account of the 1878 exhibition and its effect on the art histo rical interpretation of Daumier. See c Judgement/Political Judgement.


10 Dechaume (1816 18 92), Nadar (1820 1910), and Camille Pelletan (1846 1915). According to Melot, by showing Daumier as a painter rather than as a caricaturist, the group sought to reconstitute Republican cultural and artistic ideals with the rise of the Third Republic (1870 1940) Through public acknowledgement of his paintings, Daumier the Republican caricaturist could be elevated and canonized as Daumier the Republican artist, rhetorically accomplished known and respected artists such as Michelangelo and Rubens. 7 has led to divisive and often reductive conclusions for his entire oeuvre Framing his own scholarship in contrast to more recent studies, Melot argues that art historians dismissing this critical moment of the origin of interp split Daumier research into connoi sseurial and political camps. Melot considers the connoisseurial scholarship to be that of the collectors whose interests li e in provenance, rarity and style of prints and paintings rather than in historical analysis. The political scholarship is almost equally uncritical, applying Daumier the individual rather than reconstituting the original ideological and historical construction of the works themselves. Inst complete oeuvre, in the political model particular works are selected not necessarily for their individual value intention, or meaning 7 Comparatively, the generally accepted alternative argument that the show was intended to raise money for the elder artist holds little weight. By the time of the show, Daumier was receiving an annual state pension of 1,200 francs and had a monthly income of about 650 francs through private sales of his paintings to regular collectors. Moreover, the show which Daumier did not even attend was a failure, given little press advertising, and accruing a debt of 9,150 francs. See Lautrec: Preliminary Observations


11 ngs were most often used to illustrate socio historical art history arguments, solidifying his status as a through and through polit ically motivated Realist artist. The works chosen to represent this version of Daumier include La Rpublique ( Figure 1 1 ), L es Fugitives ( Figure 1 2), and Un w agon de troisime c lasse ( Figure 1 3). 8 However, such works comprise a very mino include familial s cenes ( Le b aiser Figure 1 4), children b athing ( Figure 1 5) illustrations of Don Quixote ( Don Quichotte sur un cheval b lanc Figure 1 6), theater scenes ( Scne de comdie Figure 1 7), readers ( La leon de lecture Figure 1 8) and subjects examining print collec tions of their own and in shops ( Figure 1 9) 9 The iconography of such intimate and b anal images tends not to fit with the received notion of Daumier the ever politically engaged artist. Moreover, with their loose bru shwork and private nature (rare ly historians as unfinished sketches and less worthy of serious academic study. They have therefore lithographic works and are certainly rarely considered in tandem Striving for more rigorous scholarship, Melot seeks to dissolve the division between the aesthetic/political camps by reconsidering Daum rather than in 8 Though the New York version of Third Class Carriage is the most reproduced, there are other versions in exis tence as well as renditions of Second Class Carriage ( Un w agon de deuxime c lasse 1863, oil on canvas; present location unk nown) as well as First Class Carriage ( Un w agon de premire c lasse 1863, oil on canvas; present location unknown). For images and provenance of the first and second class carriages as well as for other versions of t he Third Class Carriage see The Daumier Regis ter Digital Work Catalog managed and kept up to date and second class carriage s see Bruce Laughton, Honor Daumier (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1996): 110 111. 9 See Ga briel Mandel, eint de Daumier paintings, including a section dedicated to works that may have been/are confirmed to be forged. The text also provides brief accounts of provenance, tech nique, state of conservation, location, and in some cases exhibition most up to date and therefore more useful for analyzing provenance, current location, and current conditions.


12 prec 10 such as comparisons with other artists and styles still demands a careful examination of t he context in which the wor k s were created and also received. Returning to the 1878 Durand Ruel exhibition to reconsider this divisive moment for later scholarship on Daumier I argue that reexamining the responses to the show and taking seriously the critical comparisons made betwe en Daumier and other artists actually sheds light on the historical context in which he worked as well as on his aesthetic and political practices in both painting and print with that of the eighteenth century, I will particularly focus on the associations made with Rococo art and artists, probing them for visual validity and meaning. In addition to exploring formal and philosophical elements of his work, this thesis will also strive to elucidate how Daumier engaged and transformed such stylistic and thematic elements to express and reflect on specifically nineteenth century artistic, political, and social conc erns in his paintings as well as in his lithographs. First articulated in 1878, t hroughout the twentieth century scholars have been struck by historians such as C laude Roger Marx (son of art critic and playwright Roger Marx, a friend of of Jean Honor Fragonard (1732 1806). 11 Drawing a more contextual rather than purely formal 10 Daumier and Art History 11 For example see Claude Roger Marx, Peintres, aquarelles, d essins Jardin des Arts vol 44, (1958): 513 520, and idem., L'Univers de Daumier


13 association with eighteenth La b lanchisseuse ( Figure 1 10 e playful, gracious air that Boucher, Fragonard or Hubert Robert gave their washerwomen in the 18th century, Daumier's Laundress [ La b lanchisseuse ] epitomizes a social type characterized by 12 Though contrasted by narrative differe nces, setting Daumier in juxtaposition with these Rococo artists rather than comparing La b lanchisseuse with similar subjects by nineteenth century contemporaries like Edgar Degas, speaks to a noticeable eighteenth century visual tradition apparent through American scholars too have addressed these Rococo resemblances as they have appeared in subject matter as well as in style. In his 1966 social work, Daumier: Man of his Time Oliver Larkin stat ed: If Daumier continued to haunt the Louvre now as he had earlier done, he could have found analogies between himself and others. The dignity and strength of a blacksmith at his flaming forge had impressed Louis Le Nain before him. His Scapin was in the s pirit of the Gilles of Watteau. His preoccupation with the strange effects of candlelight paralleled that of Georges de La Tour; and the women who carry their laden baskets home from market in his water colors are descended from those of Chardin. The caric aturist had become in the early 1860s a master in the fine tradition of French genre painting, a fact more evident to us than it probably was to him. 13 Like recent scholarship, this thesis will argue, contrary to Larkin, that Daumier was in fact aware of and explicitly worked within various strictures of this eighteenth century French tradition that eint de Daumier ; and Jean Pierre Cuzin and Fragonard: Regards/Croiss (Paris: Mengs, 2007): 135 137. 12 Herv Lewandowksi The Laundress Accessed 29 April 2012. http://www.musee s/works in focus/search/commentaire_id/la blanchisseuse 158.html?no_cache=1&cHash=9ba0affcb0 13 Oliver W. Larkin, Daumier: Man of his Time (New York, Toronto, London: McGraw Hill, 1966): 153 154.


14 Larkin describes 14 For instance, t hrough their exhibitions, scholars such as Colta Ives and Henri Loyrette have been revealing eighteenth The Kiss [ Figure 1 11 ], with its sinuous, caressing lines, may 15 Revealing a strong sensuality, in The Kiss an athletically nude male supports a swooning female relaxed in his strong embrace, the imminent consummation of their pas sion set amidst a sketched suggestion of landscape. Surprising as this sexually suggestive image may seem with what is generally known about Daumier, such eroticism the drawing Trois f emmes nues couches (1849 ) and never exhibited oil paintings such as Femme sous un a rbre (date unknown, Cairo Modern Art Museum, Cairo ) and the now lost Femme nue avec un e nfant Similar Rococo thematic connections have been draw Head of Pasquin (1862 1863, Dallas Museum of Art) and Scne de c omdie with those by Antoine Watteau (1684 1721) Most comparative analyses such as those by Richard B rettell and Helen O. Borowitz, draw on the difference of class as depicted by each artist; Daumier is said to represent the actual menial class position of the performers while Watteau illustrates galante fiction s set in elite contexts 16 This 14 See in particular Daumier Drawings, edited by Colta Ives (New York: Metropolitan Museum of Art, 1992) and Daumier, 1808 1879 edited by Henri Loyrette et. al. (National Gallery of Canada, 1999). 15 Daumier Drawings (New York: Metropolitan Museum of Art, 1992): 9. 16 See the descripti on of Head of Pasquin by Richard R. Brettell and Julie Lawrence in Impressionist Paintings Drawings and Sculpture from the Wendy and Emery Reves Collection (Dallas Museum of Art, October 1995): 28 Three Guitars: Reflections of Italian Comedy in Watteau, Daumier, and Picasso The Bulletin of the Cleveland Museum of Art Vol. 71, No. 4 (Apr., 1984): 116 129.


15 opposition ma y hold for mixed media melancholic clowns as they are depicted as nomads moving from place to place 17 but is complicated and seems reductive when compared to his more vibrant oil paintings of stage performers, such as Scapin et Silvestre (1863, P aris: Le t roubadour ( F igure 1 12 ). I a 2000 exhibition organized by the National Gallery of Canada, the Galeries Nationales du Grand Palais in Paris, and the Phillips Collection in Washington D C topical likenesses with the eighteenth century painter Jean Baptiste Greuze (1725 very technique (ink and wash, highlighted with watercolor) as well as its subject (the powerfu l figure of a nursing mother), The Soup could be a drawing by Greuze, as could his intimate 18 Though similar to Greuze in feeling, La s oup e (Figure 1 13 ) more cl Preparing the Meal (17 60, Pushkin Museum, Moscow ). This reveals not only a general commitment to comparable Rococo aesthetics (Fragonardian brushwork) and themes (Boucher esque nudes Watteau esque performers ), but to a direct engagement with specific compositions as well. 19 Yet granting these identifications and visual comparisons with eighteenth century Rococo artists, themes, styles, and compositions, 17 See Le Dplacement des Saltimbanques (charcoal, gray wash, watercolor, Hartford: Wadsworth Atheneum), The Wandering Saltimbanques (oil on panel, Washington DC: National Gallery of Art), Les Saltimbanques (charcoal, pen and ink, wash, watercolor, and cont crayon, London: Victoria and Albert Museum) and Saltimbanque jouant du tambour (black chal k, pen and ink, wash, watercolor, gouache, and cont crayon, London: The Trustees of the British Museum). These images are reproduced in Ives, Daumier Drawings 222 227. 18 Daumier, 1808 1879 16. 19 Soup is also closely related to Jean Francois Mil s 1861 etching and painting Woman Feeding her Child (Muse des Beaux Arts, Marseille). Like Daumier, Millet was also probably looking at Fragonard and other of his career, Millet repeatedly sought to develop chosen motifs, often giving his repetitions an ever increasing sense of monumentality and producing these out of a desire to commission. Over three decades, for example, he gradually developed his treatment of milkmaids from the neo rococo works of the early 1840s to the heroic figures of contre Th e Repeating Image: Multiples in French painting from David to Matisse edited by Eik Kahn g (Baltimore: Walters Art Museum, 2007): 55.


16 little research has been done to explicate their meaning or historical conditions. As Loyrette entreaties in his catalogue ess What could he have seen? What allusions did he make? What had he read? warrants more careful study, as do the connections between him and his contemporaries. But here, too, research is only just 20 R ather than asking these questions or questioning why such similarities existed, early scholars were more confounded by the problems of chronology that they posed. 21 Regarding this obscurity of meaning evidenced by the thematic classification through which this influence was initially identified, in 1954 French scholar Jacques Feydy asked: Taken together, they [the paintings] rank, as it were, all alone in series of subjects or genre scenes, such as print lovers, lawyers, or saltimbanques. Such an assembling of documents tells us about the inspiration of Daumier by providing us with classification. But this clarity is darkness. Necessarily a problem arises: why did Daumier, who painted only for himself, and because he willed it, return to explore a number of subjects rather than others? How do we reconcile the discontinuity of the series with the impression of continuity and identity that gives us a feeling that cannot be explained entirely by a way of interpreting or style of execution, i.e. by purely plastic elements? 22 20 21 Gazette des Beau x Arts (1961). In this connoisseurial article, Maison questioned why, in light of his prodigious output and limitless imagination, Daumier Le Fardeau as a n example, at the time of the article Maison identified existing versions to the Gerstenberg Collection, the Collection of Frau Lisa Jggli Hahnloser in Winterthur, one in Paris in a Private Collection, one in the Nrodn Gallerie in Prague, the Burrell Co llection in Glasgow Art Gallery, and one in London in the collection of Mr. Robin with these versions is not so much what they mean (they must See also Ren Jullian, "Sur la chronologie de quelques peintures de Daumier," Bulle tin de la Socit de l'histoire de l'art franais, (1965): 223 229. 22 ce, ou les saltimbanques. Un tel assemblage est une obscurit. Un problme se pose ncessairement: pourquoi Daumier, qui ne peignait que pour lui mme, et t M. Jacques Feydy, Bulletin de la Socit de l'histoire de l'art fran ais, ( 1954): 86 87.


17 Feydy raises two particularly pertinent questions for this thesis: Where does this impression of continuity with other (particularly Rococo) artists come from and is there more to it than stylistic similarity? In Chapter 2 I will begin to ans wer this question with the one artist who he actually copied, rather than with those who m he appears to share a stylistic affinity. This was Peter Paul Rubens, the artist also considered by many to be the of the Rococo. Though promoted by the French critic and amateur Roger de Piles (1635 1709) who focused on their fresh coloristic effects and viewer engagement, an understanding which influenced the co loring and compositions of many Rococo artists to whom Daumier would later directly look. Further, artistic stance as expressed in De Imitation e Statu arum and his effects taken up by several Rococo artists were not only aesth etic, but political a s well. T he division between wa s compounded with the politics of the Academy and its art practices. As the Academy was tied to the c ourt, for an artist to be on the rk was to situate himself outside of traditional artistic, and therefore political, institutions. Moreover, for Rubens historical continuity of stylistic similarities (or imitation) opposed mimicry and encouraged progress through building on the art of th e past by adjusting it to present political, social, and/or cultural concerns. Thus accounting for this ideological adaptive manner in which Daumier imitated the art of Rubens and appears to have taken to heart his beliefs, provides us b etter tools to und erstand how Daumier then later In the spirit of Melot,


18 strictly for visual pleasure or a s overtly political in subject. Style matters, and for Daumier like Rubens, politics and aesthetics wer e not mutually exclusive Moving into the eighteenth century, of all Rococo artists, Daumier is most frequently compared with Fragonard, on account of t heir similarities o Chapter 3 will telier (1874, J. Paul Getty Museum Los Angeles ) as an taking into acc into his own nineteenth century artistic vision Imitatione they were originally but mostly uncritically praised, reveals formal and historical ties not only to particular histories of art and ideologies, but also to a particular audience, the audience for whom Daumier painted prior to the 1878 Durand Ruel exhibiti on and his subsequent canonization. This chapter will argue that for Daumier, the loose brushwork and free paint handling associated with century tradition that appealed to the amateur whose appreciation and judgment s were inspired by works in which contemplation, imagination, and intimacy were of more value than explicit social content or narrative. Yet, as loose brushwork could signify independence from institutional and academic restraints, collecting such works co uld also be politically implicative, as the revived style of the Rococo came to be associated with aristocratic, intellectual, and/or national ideals. Thus, while it is imperative as an art the contemplative or 23 it is ironically exactly this context in which a study of to understand their aesthetic and political reception 23 19.


19 Daumier did not only interpret the Rococ o in painting. Many of his lithographs and drawings engage with Second Empire Roc oco revival culture and fashion and part icularly with such themes 24 But unlike painter lithographers such as Paul Gavarni (1804 1866) or Eugne Lami (1800 century by nineteenth and twentieth century critics and scholars, mostly viewed as antagonistic to such taste. 25 Chapter 4 will consider Daum work a rarely discussed series of twenty seven lithographs titled Idylles p arlementaires to unpack the ways in which Daumier engaged with the Rococo in his lithographs differently than he did with his paintings. With censors hip laws lifted during their t ime of publication Daumier was able to depict identifiable politicians in a humorous light, and in the Idylles p arle mentaires he did so by presenting them as ob ese and slovenly grotesque Set within elaborate and or namental Louis XV inspired frames, the Idylles p arlementaires initi ally appears to exploit some of the negative connotations of the Rococo for political purposes tying the political excess of the eighteenth century to the political abuses of the reign of Louis Napol on at the start of the Second Empire. However, identifying the particular politicians Daumier chose to represent time and again and the specific paintings and sculptures which inspired the lithographs complicate such assumptions. Certainly, he mocks a ver sion of the Rococo revival that politicians were adapting for their monarchical aspirations. Yet, t aking the specific iconography into account and considering the history of 24 The Empress's New Clothes: Fashion and Politics in Second Empire France Woman's Art Journal Vol. 15, No 1 (Spring Summer, 1994): 22 28. 25 For Lami and particularly th The Pursuit of Pleasure: The Rococo Revival in French Romantic Art (New York and London: Garland Publishing Inc, 1976): 89 105. Other painter lithographers Duncan mentions, and who were also pro moted by Baudelaire and/or the Goncourt brothers for their revival of eighteenth century taste and style, include Achille Devria (1800 1857), Tony Johannot (1803 1852), Constantin Guys (1802 1892), and Edmond Morin (1824 graphs which


20 eighteenth century caricature Daumier in fact appears to embody the sp irit of and share strategies with, a century Rococo tradition, while also perhaps poking fun at his own love of th e style the eighteenth century does not change the fact that Daumier was a politi cally engaged artist but it does challenge the limited terms on which we take Daumier to be political. T his reevaluation hopes to expand our understanding of Dau influences and interests by considering him as a historically and aesthetically engaged artist, and how in turn this affected, or was affected by, his politics. R eveal ing his interest in Rococo aesthetics, conditions of viewing, and subtle humor as first seen in his paintings made public in 1878, allows us to see his other works, such as his more explicitly political lithographs, in a prismatic light, revealing other facets of Daumier, his work, and his time.


21 CHAPTER 2 FROM RUBENS TO ROCOCO: DAUMIER AND IMITATION All of them descend from that founding father and that bold initiator: Watteau as much as Boucher, Boucher as much as Chardin. For a hundred years it seems that the painting of France had no other cradle, no other school, no other homeland than the gallery of the Luxembourg, the : the god is there Edmond a nd Jules de Goncourt, 1 Were you the prodigal son of Rubens Edmond and Jules de Goncourt, 2 source of mutual influenc e As Edmond and Jules de Goncourt insisted in their multi volume opus du XVIIIe sicle a revived interest in the Rococo art of the eighte enth century called for attention to the art of Peter Paul Rubens from whom they posited the Rococo descended Of Flemish heritage, Rubens was well known in France since his own time In addition to the twenty four panels that allude, other paintings collected by the French monarch y as well as engravings made after his work became a source of artistic study for painters such as Watteau, Boucher, and Fragonard. 3 In addition to culling thematic content fr in terest of these artists was seen in f color and compositional effects, a privileging first 1 Edmond and Jules de Goncourt, Aubin, Gravelot, Cochin (Paris: Typographie Georges Cha merot, 1882):15 il pas toujours revenir se nom, comme la source de tous nos talents franais? Tous descendent de ce pre et de ce large initiateur, Watteau comme Boucher, Boucher comme Chardin. Pendant cent ans, il semble que la peintur 2 Le Temps, I llustrateur Universel July 8, 1860. 3 See Rubenis m catalogue of an exhibition by the Department of Art, Brown University and the Museum of Art, Rhode Island School of Design, 1975.


22 greatest supporter, Roger de Piles. 4 Also o strategically incorporating specific iconographic ococo century con text 5 As eventually transferred to the Louvre after the French Revolution, Daumier too found these works to be an inspiration for his ow n painting. By considering the in Rococo revivals as well as wit h his later direct engagements with the art and artists of the Rococo. Imitating Rubens Imatatione Before discussing in what ways Daumier and eighteenth century artists looked to Rubens, heories on the imitat ion of art, about which he held a committed stance and which he outlined in a short theoretical essay De Imitatione Statuarum (1608 1610). As a proponent of imitation, Rubens was concerned mostly with the careful conclude, however, that in order to attain the highest perfection in painting, it is necessary to understand the antiques, nay, to be so thoroughly 6 However, Rubens not only 4 See Svetlana Alpers, The Making of Rubens London: Yal e University Press, 1995): 65 100. Thomas Puttfarkin, (New Haven and London: Yale University Press, 1985). 5 (1720, Berlin: Charlottenburg Castle) directly cites the dog (1624, Paris: Muse du Louvre). See Alpers, The Making of Rubens 84. 6 Art in Theor y 1648 1815: An Anthology of Changing Ideas edited by Charles Harrison, Paul Wood, and Jason Gaiger (Oxford, UK: Blackwell Publishers, 2000): 144 145. See also The Art Bulletin vo l. 64, no. 2 (June 1982): 229 247. Renaissance tradition born out of a recovery of Aristotelian metaphysics and the writings of Quintilian.


23 copied ancie nt statues, but also reproduced paintings from the more recent past including those by Mantegna, Caravaggio, and Titian, and even retouched their original drawings. 7 Alt hough he studied from these masters through copying their works, a ccording to Rubens, unless slavish copying would ruin a painting as it ended rather than of nature. 8 Instead, Rubens saw his theor y and application of imitation as a selective and intellectual process intended not to mimic but t o improve upon the work of his predecessors, and he believed that t he knowledge gained from studying and truly understanding the far and recent past her than simply its form informed the best contemporary painting. While other scholars an d critics were certainly writing on issues of copying versus Imitatione Statuorum from influen ced how many Rococo artists who engaged with, or imitated, Rubens. 9 Primarily, this influe nce from Rubens to the Rococo has been seen as a stylistic relationship, the imitation of the effects of color. Along the lines of the disegno/colore argument, de Pil es granted greater methinks the Man of all Painters who has made the Road to Colouring more easy and clear of ional intellectual privileging of line by 7 of the Imitati 8 nineteenth century. For instance, Thophile Thor wrote of the difference between Chardin and Greuze in relation to Rubens as Ici Chardin est, comme Rubens dans ses plus belles tudes d'aprs nature, un peintre charnu, tandis que Gazette des Beaux Arts vol. 7 (September 1860) and vol. 8 (November 1860): 335 9 See in particular Roger de Piles, Di alogue upon Colouring translated by John Ozell (London: Gale Ecco Print Editions, 2010) and de Pile s, The Art of Painting, with the Lives and Characters of above 300 of the Most Eminent Painters: Containing a Complete Treatise of Painting, Designing, and the Use of Prints translated by John Ozell (London: Gale Ecco Print Editions, 2010).


24 acknowledging and elevating the delightful illusion and artificiality of color in coloris style painting. 10 While later critics like Denis Diderot (1713 1784) condemned this as deceitful, the beau fard of Rubens, of de Piles, and of color was notably taken up by Rococo artists like Boucher 11 12 Also of significance to de Piles, and later to Rococo artists as well as to Daumier, was the nature of viewer experience, 13 the effects of which will be discussed in greater detail in the next chapter. Another arena in w hich Rococo artists imitated Rubens was through subject matter, Conversatie la m ode (1632 fashion, 14 (rather than just mythology, history, or allegory), which presumably fte gallants and specifically, his L'e mbarquement pour Cythre (1717, Paris: Muse du Louvre) Moreover, Watteau in particular is identified as having often incorporated iconographic include the spaniel in the bottom right corner of (1720, Berlin: 10 See Puttfark in, 11 See Melissa Hyde, Making up the Rococo: Francois Boucher and his Critics (Los Angeles, CA: The Getty Research Institute Publications Program, 2006). 12 Madame de P ompadour at her Toilette is a clear example of a Rococo artist exploring the limits of painting and representation, in the visual and rhetorical compounding of make Making up the Rococ o 107 144. 13 his 14 Rubens's Conversatie la Mode : Garden of Leisure, Fashion, and Gallantry The Art Bulletin V ol. 64, No. 2 (Jun., 1982): 247 259


25 15 La Kermesse (Figure 2 1), into a chalk drawing as well as into the painting La s urprise (1718 1719, Priv ate Collection). 16 Rubens the Red influence s art clearly interested Rococo artists on many levels. P erhaps less acknowledged was their political appeal and resonance In La Kermesse which not only Watteau but also Daumier would copy, Svetlana Alpers makes a strong case for the layered draw of the work on political, social, and aesthetic levels. Politically, Alpers claims that Rubens pain 17 in light of their tense 18 Moreover, the focus on peasants served a s a model for but its non specificity of time and place defined a more socially appealing 19 the dancing couple as recovering moments of beauty amid 20 As 15 Alpers, 10. 16 Watteau also reproduced the Dancing Couple (red chalk, 23.3 x 14.7, Muse des Arts Dcoratifs, Paris) in La Surprise (B. Audran, after Watteau, 1731/ Engraving, 31.5 x 41.5 British Museum, London). Both works are reproduced in Alpers, 69. 17 Ibid. 27. 18 Ibid. 29. 19 Ibid. 44. 20 Ibid. 20.


26 display of desire and sexual passion. Isolated in this way, the couple carries with them hardly a trace of their former surrounding 21 Though perhaps Watteau isolated these figures from the overt political elements of the Kermesse style itself Imitatione of color also carried with it subversive qualities which appealed to several Rococo artists will be taken up in more depth in chapter four but it is important here to identify part of its origin in Rubens as it will be later transmitted through to Daumier A Imatatione connected the issues of artistic 22 23 In this polemical c Imitatione was not simply an aesthetic treatise. His stance and practice combatted the rigid authority of traditional artistic texts and images, by emphasizing thematic interpretation and historical progress through imitation rather than e xact duplication and academic regulations. Further, a is ts like Rubens, also called but to the institut ion which supported it, the Academy, which was in turn supported by the King: 24 21 Alpers, 20. 22 23 Ibid., 233. 24 Jacqueline Lichtenstein, The Eloquence of Color trans. by Emily McVarish (Berkley, Los Angeles, Oxford: University of California Press, 1993): 149. Lichtenstein focuses on the political implications of the debates over coloris 168.


27 The refore, the Rubenists elevation of color and its effects was not simply an upheaval of aesthetics but also overthrew the 25 Roc oco artists looked to Rubens for more than mere apolitical imitations of subject matter and/or faire Rubens in his ideas of imitation and progress, bringing it in to their own polit ical and aesthetic political implications of institutional the brushwork and references to Rubens and his coloris signified independence from po litical and academic strictures. For example, sketch like paintings were reserved for a select group of amateurs, rather than and others like his during the Ro coco revivals of the nineteenth century to be discussed at more length in the following chapter were often interested in politically progressive ideas derived from the Enlightenment 26 Similarly, Georgia Cowart contends that L'e mbarquement pour Cythre and its ties to the ballet and the Comedie Italienne protests absolutism 27 Conversatie la m ode as well as other works, Watteau arguably picked up on the political resonance embedded in the coloristic effe cts to incorporate within his own paintings however subtly Though the e manifested in different ways, own engagement with Rubens and later with specific eighteenth century artists like Fragonard 25 Lichtenstein, The Eloquence of Color 152. 26 These collectors and their interests/ideals is the subject of chap ter three. 27 See Georgia Cowart, Pilgrimage to Cythera and the Subversive Utopia of the Opera Ballet The Art Bulletin V ol. 83, No. 3 (Sep., 2001): 461 478.


28 and Charles Germ ain de Saint Aubin, necessitates a similar understanding of imitation and that such imitation could be politically tinctured. As part of this history and tradition, engagement with Rubens, Rococo artists and their aesthet ics must be viewed through this transitional and historical notion of imitation by considering what he takes as well as how he transforms Rubens and the Rococo into his own idiom. Fragonard, or Chardin, 28 Kermesse the original purchased on behalf of Louis XIV in 1685. 29 sketch (Figure 2 2) was destroyed in a fire shortly after its discovery in a Par is flea market in 1950, 30 verbatim, compressing the complex festival space only slightly. 31 That Daumier copied Rubens is significant for aesthetic reasons, but also beca use of the date. The oil sketch is signed and dated 1848, a politically revolutionary year, particularly for Daumier who was previously jailed for criticizing the upper class supporters of the soon to be overthrown Louis Philippe and who made similar class conscious comments on the February Revolution in a series of lithographs during the brief lift of political censorship. 32 From a canonical view, it appears contradictory that 28 For specific examples of nineteenth and twentieth century critics and scholars who h ave drawn these comparisons, see the previous chapter. 29 Though Daumier started drawing by copying at the Louvre in 1821, i t is unsure if Daumier was a registered copyist; while there is no current file to indicate this, it may have been destroyed when th e library of the Louvre burned in 1871. However, while copying was illegal in the Louvre without the correct permissions, making small sketches was often excused. The Art Bulletin (Dec. 1964): 552 559 30 See Jean Adhmar, 31 See Alpers, 45. version seriously. 32 Daumier was jailed from 30 August 1832 22 February 1833 for his Gargantua lithograph published on 9 February 1832 in La Caricature See Daumier Drawings edited by Colta Ives, 253 256 For the 1848 pol itical lithographs, see for instance Le Gamin de Paris aux Tuileries


29 Daumier would be interested in Rubens. Superficially they appeared differentiated by class and political lithographs and newspaper employment support working class and Republican values, while Rubens was a distinguished scholar and diplomat who worked in a more aristocratic and courtly social milieu. 33 Clearly, that Daumier copied Rubens rather than an artist who shared his outspoken Republican politics, suggests for Daumier an additional interest in aesthetics. inseparable from politics. The correlation between Rubens, color is and politics continued into nineteenth century debates over line and color with the Romantics, to whom Daumier was closest in generation. Imitatione and advised the study of Rubens through copying. 34 Delacroix undoubtedly also took artistic stance for color is as a signifier of institutional freedom. In an 1849 caricature by Bertall, Delacroix and Jean A uguste Dominique Ingres (1780 1867) ride 35 Blatantly, this caricature speaks to the pervasive ideas about politics and color as they connect Rubens to the continued polemical presence of color is in the 33 Art History v ol. 16 no. 3 (September 1993): 447 469. Rubens relationship with Marie in constructing her royal and individual identity can be compared to that of Boucher and Madame de Pompadour. 34 35 Bertall (pseudonym of Charles re, de sculpture, architecture Journal pour rire Art History vol. 23, no. 5 (December 2000): 736.


30 36 Thus to consider Daumier in relation to Rubens and to the style he sired, is to deconstruct the account of Daumier as an s limited to subject matter. Instead, in imitation of Rubens, aesthetics which may be politically more nuanced in their rejection of traditional artistic, and in turn governmental, institutions and practices. Daumier Copies Rubens Like Rubens, Daumier vehemently opposed slavish imitation, though this is not expressed in a theoretical tract. As Shao Chien Tseng argues lithograph Les pa ysagistes: Le premier copie la nature, le second copie le premier (Figure 2 3 ): What is objectionable for Daumier is the slavish copying of art and nature. He not only questioned the viability of the mindless mimicking of the antique [in Histoire ancienne ] but critiqued the act of aping the work of peer artists. For example, in his lithograph Les paysagistes: Le premier copie la nature, le second copie le premier published in Le Charivari in 1865, shows an uninspired and opportunistic painter copying cunn ingly a landscape painting still in process by his fellow artist. Here copy is understood as servile transcription of both nature recourse to the traditional singerie imagery. For more than two centuries, artists such as David Teniers, Antoine Watteau, Jean friends, Alexandre Gabriel Decamps and J. J. Grandville had used the analogy between copy and monkey to spoof the act of mimesis without imaginat ion, originality, and reflection. 37 Yet copying and imitation were common during the nineteenth century. Art students were encouraged to copy the masters at the Louvre in order to learn from them. However, how artists passage alludes, was paramount. As Patricia Mainardi and 36 et us then ho nour caricature. Daumier is the Rubens of this immortal and varied museum Philipon is its Michelangelo, Daumier and Art History note 3. 37 Shao mier and the Institution of Art, (PhD Diss., University of Iowa, 1998): 33 34.


31 others have shown of the nineteenth century and Rubens and de Piles advocated in the seventeenth and eighteenth century imitation opposed mere mimicry. 38 Quoting from the es beaux arts Mainardi distinguishes between copies as replication 39 La Kermesse ), isolate some aspect of the work 40 ), and copies as imitation. In this final category, imitation implies interpretation more than it does strict visual correspondence, and artists and critics during the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries privileged this notion of imitation am ong these distinctions. Mainardi cites the 1775 Encylopdie must, so to speak, transform its model and embellish its ideas; through the transformation that the artist gives to these ide 41 rptitions ) were then judged for they r eproduced the original. 42 Similarly, Johann Joachim Winckelmann argued in his Thoughts on the Imitation of Greek Works in Painting and Sculpture 38 th Van Gogh Museum Journal (2000): 63 New Literary History vol 15, no. 2 (Winter, 1984): 333 Spontaneous Classic: Theory and Painting in Nineteenth Yale French Studies no, 66 (1984): 27 54. 39 th 40 Ibid., 68. 41 Denis Diderot Enc ycl opdie, ou dictionnaire raisonn des sciences, des arts et des mtiers par une socit des gens et des lettres th 42 th


32 moderns to become great, and perhaps unequalled; I mean by imitating the anc 43 By contemporary interpretations belief that unique and personal ideas or forms could manifest themselves through studying and copying the art of the past and not only that of ancient Greece and Rome but also of more recent generations as Rubens practiced I 44 It was in this sense of imitation that Daumier was said to capture the essence work as translated and interpreted from the eighteenth to the nineteenth century As indicated in the quotation at the beginning of the chapter, the Goncourt brothers discerning promoters of eighteenth century taste and its revival Rococo. So too for many was Rubens considered to be a century Rococo revival, for both aesthetic and political reasons. After all, it was in 1851 during as a painter of the glorious Fren ch court the Luxembourg Palace to the Louvre. 45 Thophile Thor likewise proclaimed the lineage of French art from Rubens in his review of one of the first major exhibitions of eighteenth century Fre nch painting during the nineteenth century, the ranaise 43 Johann Joachim Winckelmann from his Gedanken ber die Nachahmung der Grichischen Werke in der Mehlerie und Bildauer Kunst th 69. See also James L. Larson, Eightee nth Century Studies vol. 9, No. 3 (Spring 1976): 390 405. 44 th 45 Aspiring to la Vie Galante: Reincarnations of Rococo in Sec ond Empire France (PhD diss., N ew Y ork U niversity 2008).


33 a ncienne. 46 Like de Piles, Thor recognized this tradition in the manner of making art rather faire the art the artifice which with one 47 interested in Netherlandish works and small genre scenes, art which inspired many Rococo artists and which was also far from the stric tures of history painting and the Academy. Therefore, for Thor, faire in the Rococo. This same political/aesthetic spirit was specifically pointed out in Daumier by the Gonco urt brothers. In response to a woodcut reproduction of in 1860 the Goncourt brothers declared Daumier to be an artist in the tradition of Rubens, as they had earlier proclaimed of Watteau, Boucher, and Chardin. After ekphrastically des cribing the scene, they announce: Here is the picture; and were you Rubens! Were you the prodigal son of Rubens, of Jordaens, you would not give him more movement, nor more life; and were it signed by these great names, that Silenus would not be more richl y paunchy, painted more brilliantly, and the satyrs would not have a prouder appearance! Between the sagging and the fever of wine you would seek in vain an opposition more powerfully made, and a landscape as thick, as prehistoric, as worthy of the mytholo gical scene. 48 While the Goncourt brothers emphasize Rubenesque composition and theme by alluding to 46 Exposition de Tableaux 258 : il sr que cette cole du XVIIIe sicle soit plus originale que celle du XVIIe? Est il sr que Watteau soit plus franais que Lebrun? Mais cela saute aux yeux! A peu prs comme Rubens et Jordaens sont plus de l 47 Ibid., 48 bleau; et seriez vous Rubens! seriez vous cet enfant prodigue de Rubens, Jordaens! vous ne lui donneriez ni plus de mouvement, ni plus de vie; et serait il sign de ces grands noms, ce Silne ne serait point plus grassement pansu, plus magistralement entri paill, et ces satyres n'auraient point une plus fire tournure! Entre l'affaissement et la fivre du vin vous chercheriez vainement autre part une opposition plus puissamment formule, et un paysage aussi touffu, aussi prhistorique, aussi digne de la sc


34 note how Daumier brings the subject matter into the contemporary era, 49 as well as considering 50 cues suggest more than their observations of a visual affinity with the Flemish colorist, b ut an intellectual one as well continued visual engagement with Rubens. Copying Kermesse was not the only instance Daumier looked to the Flemish master In the following ye ars, several of his p aintin These range from e composition and color, to respectfu lly, but progressively, exploring underlying contextual meaning and historical differences. For i nstance, Henri Loyrette observed The Felicity of the Regency (Figure 2 4 his La Rpublique made shortly after he had copied La Kermesse 51 Here, t emblematically brought from the seven teenth into the mid nineteenth century. Personified as crook of her left arm, symbolizing the rightness of her divine reign. Seen monumentalized from the same diminutive La Rpublique mirrors this pose, but rather than a globe suggesting worldly power, she clutches the children of France to her breast; and rather than 49 : aumier o le grotesque va jusqu' l'pouvante et o le comique s'lve au chtiment d'un vers de Juvnal. Et je ne sais vraiment si notre sicle produira une satire plus saisissante que cette satire dessine qui touche tout, qui va de l'alcve la tribu ne, et qui aura dress sur le pidestal de Pasquin, la grande figure du temps, le Prudhomme Farnse 50 Ibid., la troupe des peint res officiels, classs, mdaills, enrubanns, peintres commandes et en voie d'institut, Daumier 51 18 Daumier, 1808 1879, 247.


35 a scale indicative of divine jurisdiction, La Rpublique wields the tri color for the more socially progressive equanimous politics of Liberty, Equality, and Fraternity. O ther imitations are less directly thematically connected. I n 1849, Daumier submitted a painting entitled Le m to the Sa lon (Figure 2 5 ). Illus trating a scene from the chiaroscuro of the fabrics in motion, the composition of spiraling figures turned in every direction, and the glowing warm colors have all been compared with Rubens. 52 Oliver Larkin even makes a case for the translation of the woman on the left in Family of Lot Departing from Sodom (Figure 2 6 ). Though compositionally reversed, such mirroring is probable Family was then hanging in the Louvre. 53 female looking over her shoulder and the woman behind her reaching backwa rd as she simultaneously is led forward by her companions are gesturally and spatially equivalent with the I n sharp contrast to the Realist political and class controversies that works such as Burial at Ornans (1849 1850, say Paris ) and Jean Franois The Sower (1850, Museum of Fine Arts Boston ) were thought to embody and with 52 Tout l'Oeuvre Peint de Daumier Gabriel Mandel claims : groupe de femme rubniennes ; Bruce Laughton, in Honor Daumier concurs with the designation of the central fi 53 Larkin, Daumier: Man of his Time 87 : The Miller, His Son and the Ass shown in 1849, and Two Nymphs pursued by Satyrs, hung in the show of 1850 51, confess an indebtedness to Rubens in the liveliness of their movement, the ruddy warmth of their flesh tones and the brilliant red orange s and green blues of their flying drapery. In the former, he uses one of his favorite compositional schemes, a group of large foreground figures in Family of Lot Departing from Sodom Christ Driving the Money Changers from the Temple both in the Louvre, comes the girl who balances a basket of fruit on her head, against a sun femmes a peut tre t tudi directe


36 seem to have nothing in common with such sociopoliti cal work s. They are notable for their Rubensian formal properties and mythological subject matter and the connection between the formal and the political in Rubens work is not often made in relation to Daumier. Instead, analysis concentrates on compositional simi larities For instance, focusing particularly on the brilliant colors of Deux nymphes poursuivies par des s atyres (Figure 2 7 ), Bruce Laughton points out how the composition and paint handling is reminiscent of Fragonard, while the heavier physical proport ions of the women are Rubenesque. 54 that year, a mixed media watercolor called (Figure 2 8 ), Laughton highlights how the iconography in the tightly wound composition directly refers to an engraving made by Triumph of Silenus (F igure 2 9 ). 55 L ike Rubens, Daumier frames the young woman in the background left of center with an airborne sash to suggest movement as she likewise faces away from the view er, here to gesture at two lusty runaway companions. Daumier also maintains a wiry satyr with sharp features, further evincing but with no explanation as to why My point is not to argue for any definitive interpret ation of these works to take away and satyrs 56 But based on D imitation in the tradition of Rubens and of 54 Laughton, Honor Daumier 29 31. 55 Ibid., 31. Though unproven, Louis Vron, supporter of Louis Napoleon and editor of Le Constitutionnel f orcing a political ly iconographic like a regular Salon artist working in a neo Baroque style on the one hand, the politically aware cartoo nist was never A As this chapter has tried to argue, political, though not necessarily in such an overt, one to one iconographic fashion. 56 See note 55.


37 Rococo artists following Ruben s coloristic effects and direct references to Rubens, these paintings mig ht be considered both aesthetic and political. Remembering Watt eau, perhaps Daumier too saw that a more effectiv e means of expressing dissatisfaction with political and artistic institutions during these Revolutionary years was through subtle aesthetic subversion embedded within the work. Imitation B In her introductory essay in the catalog acc ompanying the 2008 Walters Art Museum exhibition Dj vu? Revealing Repetition in French Masterpieces Eik Kahng proposes an answer with which we can respond to the question asked in 1954 by Jacques Feydy about the How do we reconcile the discontinuity of the series with the impression of continuity and identity that gives us a feeling that cannot be explained In her discussion of the unremitting practice of artists repeating images and series over the centuries, It provides the possibility of evaluation and thus a means of validation not in terms of distance 57 Even more significant for the study of Daumier and his frequent comparisons with eighteenth century Rococo artists and styles, Kahng continues by arguing that this pe rception of 58 Thus the emergence of rptition s translation s and 57 Eik K a h ng, The Repeating Image: Multiples in French Painting from David to Matisse edited by Eik Kahng (New Haven and Lo ndon: Yale University Press, 2007): 20 58 K a h


38 imitation s of Rubens and the Rococo, should likewise not be se meaning is a representation of his involvement with the eighteenth century. The prevalence of imitation, and of imitation of eighteenth ce ntury artists, aesthetics, and ideals, plays a definitive with Rubens or as we will see particularly with Fragonard and Charles Germain de Saint Aubin works are meant to progress on their predecessors, by appropriating and enriching their ideals and spirit apposite to the nineteenth century. Building on well known Marie de Medici ), styles (sketch like brushwork), or types (Fantasy Fi gures) Daumier generates an instinctive feeling or perspective that pairs the past with the present. Works serve as inspiration to interpret modern events or situations, harnessing the power of recent masters to identify the realities of modern society. Pa lengthy career, such realities of modern nineteenth century society included the revival of cultural and artistic values of the eighteenth century.


39 CHAPTER 3 AMATEUR D aumier have been compared with those by Fragonard more than of any other artist. Though working over half a century apart, it is inarguable that Daumier would have had access to vi ew ran 1 exhibition featured eighteenth century paintings and drawings from the collec tions of amateurs and collectors such as Louis La Caze, the Goncourt brothers, the Marcille brothers, and the Marquesse of Hertford. 2 A year later, on one of the few occasions where his paintings were publicly shown, Daumier himself would display canvases at the Galerie Martinet, including the loosely painted Une b lanchisseuse (Albright Knox Art Gallery, Buffalo) and Les b uveurs (The Metropolitan Museum of Art, N ew York). During 1867, an exhibition of Rococo art was held at Petit Trianon and on Sundays duri ng the Exposition u niverselle La Caze opened the doors of his home to the public, which was filled with eighteenth century masterpieces. 3 After his death, La Caze donated his en tire collection to the Louvre. T h e Salle de La Caze opened on March 15, 1870 a nd included over 600 paintings by artists such as Watteau, Chardin and Fragonard, making it even more likely that Daumier 1 The longer, off cole franaise, principalement du XVIIIe sicle, tirs de 2 See Unruh, Aspiring to L a Vie Galante on the Boulevard des Italiens 253. 3 Unruh, Aspiring to La Vie Galante 261 and for Louis 270.


40 Daumier and Fragonard are typically associated based o n their mutual affinity for l oose, virtuosic b rushwork, formal similarities which resonate To preserve the Colours fresh, we must paint by putting in more Colours, and not by rubbing them in, after they are once la id; and if it could be done, they should rudgery of Daubing. All they who have coloured well, have had yet another Maxim to maintain their Colours fresh and flourishing, which was to make use of white Grounds, upon which they painted, and oftentimes at the first Stroke, without retouching any thi have seen Pictures from the hand of that Great Person, painted up at once, which were of a wonderfull Vivacity. 4 For Fragonard, this easy and unfussy style has often been associate 5 By contrast as discussed in the i ntroduction Yet, of the ninety four oils exhibited in 1878, seventy seven were from private collec tions, indicating a devoted audience to his free paint handling and non fini 6 Identifying 4 Roger de Piles, De Arte Graphica 175 176. 5 In her book, Mary Sheriff discusses the eighteenth rk. See Sheriff, Fragonard: Art and Eroticism (Chicago and London: Chicago Un iversity Press, Figures de Fantaisie were painted in an hour was promulgate by the Goncourt ard cultivated the rapid manner of painting which grasps the general impression of things and flings it on to the canvas like an instantaneous image. There are extant, in this genre, miracle, tours de force, figure pieces in which he reveals himself as a p rodigious Fa Presto In the Lacaze collection, there are four half length, life size portraits. On the back of one is inscribed according to my opinion, in 1769, in the French Eighteenth Century Painters 290. 6 See Lautrec: Preli 29.


41 this audience for whom Daumier painted throughout his career reveals an eighteenth century tradition of the collector amateur who looked at the aesthetics of the sketch in the terms associated with Fragonard and who favored the immediacy and intimacy of loose brushwork. Further, by taking into account the historical context in which Daumier w orked, this chapter will demonstrate that Daumier and Fragonard painted fo r a similar class of audience, and that their affinities also go telier Suggestively, telier (Figure 3 1 ) is also referred to by the contemporary alt ernative titl e Homage Fragonar d. 7 In this work, he brushwork and style and by transforming his thematics. A small canvas, elier depicts a s cene that explores the composition (the painting within the painting) is indiscernible, the young woman in the foreground presumably acts as his model despite the fact luminous skin, her s ensuality, and the shimmering materials of her dress with reflective bright whites and oranges captivate not only the viewer, but another man as well, st ealing into the scene from behind the warming stud io furnace to the left of the composition. Gripping t he stove pipe to lean in closer, he listens intently as the model gesticulates with her left hand to emphasize her 7 Cuzin and Sa lmon, Fragonard: Regards/Croiss 135.


42 point in conversation, turning her body from the viewer toward her suitor as the painter in the background remains oblivious or unconcerned with this meeting. 8 terms. The soft, gallant humor in the juxtaposition between the two figures engaged in conversation versus the artist distracted by his work echoe s certain Rococo compositions of eighteenth conversation piece in its suggestions of the studio as a site of an illicit sexual encounter between artist and model, The New Model ( Figure 3 2 ) nonetheless exhibits similar playfully humorous relationships between the three figures. Lifting her skirt with his mahl stick, the artist he re attempts to undress the model, while her female companion l ikewise grabs at the revealing gar ments Leaning over and revealing her own dcolletage ambiguous frozen gesture could be read as either helping the artist by exposing king the attention of the artist herself While r eveal more skin, her passivity does not determine whether her hand is weighting down or pulling the fabric up and the erotic tensions a s to who is interested in whom remains unresolved. In telier Daumier displaces this overt eroticism, though similar ambiguous relationships are produced in the triad. For instance is the painter absorbed in work ignorant of, or merely unconcerned with the potential amorous relationship between the young woman and the other man who seems to hang on her every word as he hangs on the chimney post? And i s the model, 8 While the Daumier literature is extensive (over 1,750 titles according to the Daumier Register), it is necessary to be careful about how scholars read the life of the artist versus how they read the actual artwork. For instance, in a description of telier Fragonard, not only in its style, but in its feeling. Apart from this unique occasion, Daumier, like Picasso, always treated the s ubject of painter and model by showing the painter interested exclusively in his work, even if he is Passeron, Daumier (New York: Rizzoli, 1981): 240


43 whose conversational gesture seems quite casual, even interested in this man? Base d on com positional New Model such questions cannot be unequivocally answered. telier further imitates the Rococo master and his time by translating figures and conventions With her hair upswept into a loos e chignon and her scintillating warm hued oran ge yellow dress lined in white the young woman in elier looks New Model back up and adjusted her pose for a new paint ing. Though depicted in casual conversation, her turned head explicitly imitates the profil perdu I n this eighteenth century convention, the specific facial features are lost to the viewer, as the figure is turned inward toward the pa inting. This trope ca n be seen in works by Fragonard such as The Game of Hot Cockles (1767, National Gallery of Art, Washington DC), in which the woman in the cerise robe volante turns her head almost 180 degrees from the spirited participants to converse with the man reclinin g behind he r, to her left. With such pointed eighteenth century allusions one wonders what the artist in the background renders. Is he just any painter, a necessary component of studio scenes as popularized during the eighteenth cent ury, painting objects arranged before him or from his imagination? Could the painter be a self portrait, a meta repr esentation of Daumier as artist, painting a canvas just as the actual Daumier colors telier ? Or since telier represents Daumier at his to The New Model Daumi conversation instills the scene with an emphasi s on se nsual pleasure and accentuates elements of ambiguity and intimacy, a nother trope common to


44 Rococo painting. 9 The inaudible conversation between the two foreground figures and the indistinct gazes the woman is turned such that the viewer cannot see her eyes as she looks toward the middle ground man; the artist stares at his painting, the creamy white st r okes of paint renders them blank and inarticulate allow the viewe what those eyes could see or what those mouths might say a function originating with the aesthetics of the amateur and the eighteenth century 10 With this effect, the intimacy of the painting exists not only between t he model and her probable suitor engaged in close conversation and between the artist and his work, but also between the beholder and this small painting in which these compositional elements demand viewer participation. Measuring only thirty one by twenty five centimeters, the small oil on canvas invites the viewer to a physical closeness with the painting, a viewing position that beckons slow contemplation and attention to the relationships within the scene, where potentials for multiple narratives can be discerned. While compositional similarities might seem substantial enough to consider this particular painting an homage to Fragonard, it do es paintings are so often compared with this particular eighteenth century a rtist. Of his almost five than theme or motif, more often stylistic comparisons are made between the two artists. In their recent book Fragonard: Regards/Croi ss, Jean Pierre Cuzin and Dimitri Salmon explore the many revivals and re century to the 9 For a discussion on the role of conversation in Rococo paintings, particularly those of Antoine Watteau see Mary Antoine Watteau: Perspectives on the Artist and the C ulture of his Time ed. Mary Sheriff (University of Delaware Press, 2006). 10 Fragonard: Art and Eroticism 117 152.


45 twenty first, focusing on to] renew the 11 Dedicating a small two page chapter to the stylistic similarities between Daumier and Fragonard, Cuzin and Salmon state: There exist strong similarities between the two painters: the tireless reprisals of certain images at s everal points during their careers, the practice of leaving a painting in a sketch like state and starting on another canvas. The love of chiaroscuro, the monochrome, and the taste of the simplification of forms exist in the one as in the other, as does a common fascination with Rembrandt: a taste of contre jours stormy effects, bursts of light in the darkness 12 However, as Cuzin and Salmon also point out, although these striking links have been frequently made between the two artists, they lack contempo rary accounts to substantiate any closer, more unequivocal connection. 13 While all of these attributes certainly can be found in works by both artists, in order to ground these claims art historically and move beyond vague assertions and simple and stylisti c appreciation, it is necessary to consider these formal effects in relation to their broader historical contexts. In doing so, the formal connections that scholars and viewers see between Daumier and Fragonard can come to be understood more fully complic principles as political only in the traditional sense esquisses, tudes, and bauches ) an d that such loose 11 Cuzin and Salmon, Fragonard: Regards/Croiss back cover: ions, hommages, et clins d'oeil 12 Ibid. Il existe des analogies fortes entre les deux peintres: les reprises inlassables des mmes tableaux obscur, de la monochromie, et le gout de la simplification des formes re jours, des effets orageux, des 13 Ibid Ils dpassent largement un gout pour le XVIII sicle propre aux annes 1830 1840 que nous venons de noter, mais doivent tre apprcies faute de tmoignages contemporains, a


46 consideration be given to the historical and revived meaning of the sketch, not just for the artist (since contemporary accounts are lacking) but for t he specific audience who purchased and Cultivated Looking: the Esquisse and the Amateur The making of esquisses or compositional sketches in oil, emerged in Venice in the sixteenth century and spread thro ughout Europe by artists who studied in Italy such as Rubens and Charles Le Brun (1619 1690). 14 premire pense ) for an inventive composition, the esquisse was often privileged over the tude (a study from natu re, usually of a detail or a landscape which may not be utilized in the final work) and the bauche collected and prized before the eighteenth century (as were croquis pen, or chalk on paper), the freedom of handling associated with the esquisse came to be seen in and as completed works only in the eighteenth century. 15 figures de f antaisi e individual portraits (though not necessarily identity Though in the nineteenth century the sketch came to public prominence as it appeared on a larger scale in the Salons and was of ten connected to social or avant gardist purposes, 16 the process and imagination associated with the esquisse initially attracted a particular, more private 14 For a history of the sketch in nineteenth century art history, see Albert Boime, The Academy and French Painting in the Nineteenth Century ( London: Phaidon Press, 1971 ) and John Minor Wisdom, French Nineteenth Century Oil Sketches, David to Degas ( exh. cat. Chapel Hill, N.C.: The William Hayes Ackland Memorial Art Center at The University of Nort h Carolina at Chapel Hill, 1978). For overviews of the sketch in earlier history, see Rudolph Wittkower, Masters of the Loaded Brush: Oil Sketches from Rubens to Tiepolo exh. cat ( New York: Columbia University, 1967 ) 15 See in particular Wisdom. French Nineteenth Century Oil Sketches, David to Degas and Wittkower, Masters of the Loaded Brush: Oil Sketches from Rubens to Tiepolo 16 See Boime, The A cademy and French Painting in the Nineteenth Century and Boime, Art in an Age of Civil Struggle, 1848 1871 ( Chicago: Un iversity of Chicago Press, 2007).


47 audience of amateurs This was both the eighteenth and nineteenth century audience for figures de f antaisie 17 As Mary D. Sheriff has argued : Although we do not, in every case, know the individual patron who owned portraits de fantasie we do know that he often worked for a specific kind of clientele: the amateurs Like the Abbe de Saint Non, they were men well versed in the history of art, well read in aesthetic theory, and thoroughly familiar with the academic conventions of picture making. They formed a sophisticated audience interested in the fashionable issues of art and full y capable of appreciating the cleverness of painting that commented upon itself. 18 connoisseurs, the amateurs, and artists who made, bought, sold, and wrote about painting 19 is embedded in the surface quality of the paint itself. T he se amateur s were more interested in the painterly self referentiality and not necessarily in illusionistic representation Rather than viewing the paint as a signifier o ty of the brush), the amateur wa s attracted to the way that the c olors, lines, and brushwork were instituted signs of the art perspective made visible for the viewer to participate and to take delight in. 20 Sheriff argues that the early model for virtuosic sketch like execution was an aristocratic rally and easily 21 practiced artifice, concealing the vast amount of training and practice required to carry off such f the creator, a knowledgeable viewer might take 17 See Guillaume Faroult and Sophie Eloy, eds, La collection La Caze: chefs 18 Sheriff, Fragonard: Art and Eroticism 183. 19 Ibid, 124. 20 Ibid. 146. 21 Ibid. 122.


48 agination. As Sheriff argues d and distasteful repeti tion, [the artist] lets the sophisticated imagine for themselves what he has only 22 Mentally filling in the specifics refining the contours, even embellishing what was ate, to step into the figures de f antaisie are also the paintings most often cited as influencing Daumier. 23 Like telier i n the figures de f antaisie t depict figures engaged in artistic practice or quiet engagement : they can be seen playing music ( Music 1769, Muse de Louvre Paris ), writing ( Inspiration Figure 3 3 ) and reading ( St. Jerome Reading 176 5, Hamburger Kunsthalle Hamburg ) am ong other imaginative pursuits. However, this emphasis on the senses is at one remove; the viewer cannot of course, telier the viewer cannot discern what the artist depicts or listen to the which cannot be fully expressed in paint, adding a degree of personal subjectivity to the painting. he artist, as signifi ed by the sketch like handling, accords with the figure depicted; both subject depicted and signifying style emphasize artistic, imaginative, and/or contemplative activity and processes. The intended sophisticated viewer is here not necessarily one of a ce rtain financial or economic class, but rather of an intellectual, 22 Sheriff., Fragonard: Art and Eroticism 126. 23 Pierre Georgel, in Mandel, uvre p eint de Daumier La c ollection L a Caze: chefs p eintures des XVIIe et XVIIIe s icles


49 cerebral group, as t he ap exists in the interplay between representation and reality and an emphasis on contemplation and imagination. In this sense, works by Daum ier like Pierrot j ouant de la m andoline (Figure 3 4) and Le p eintre (Figure 3 5) seem to be nineteenth century figures de f antaisie as they emphasize the In Pierrot j ouant de la m andoline song, the blue streaks appearing to radiate from his mouth conflate sound and sight. As in figures de f antaisie away gaze of the artist depicted in Le p eintre as well as the light highlighting his countenance and his brushes, recalls Inspiration Le p brushes are loaded for action, the blank canvas in the background poised to receive the spontaneous sketch of his premire pense Incomplete, it is not Le p inspiration that provides the esquisse Even works by Daumier featuring multiple figures such as Un loge au t htre (Figure 3 6) or Galerie de t ableaux (Figure 3 7 ) is immediately perceived. In Un loge au t htre perceiving them watching the show. A blur of yellows and greens, two figu res vaporously appear on the stage, though no formal or iconographic qualities provide a discernible narrative; that remains for the viewer to determine. Similarly, in Galerie de t ableaux three gentlemen stand in a room full of paintings, casually contempl ating the artwork surrounding them, their viewing


50 which the figures are focused, perhaps imagining them looking at the same painting he contemplates (in a very meta representation fashion) or even another painting from his own represe nting and the figure represented, between imagination and reality, and between the senses same particular, cultivated audience who would take pleasure in these interplays of representation. However, painterly finish was not just restricted to intellectual and witty readings. In his erotic scenes, Fragonard used a similar painterly style of handling in which the textured surface the sensuous nude bodies or even the water or cloth which skeins of paint in works like The Bathers strokes the read as sexual desire. 24 New Model and it is important to distinguish Daumier from the erotic tradition of the sketch, as he instead translates the contemplative spirit of the sketch into scenes of everyday life. As discussed in chapter two, in the n ineteenth century and even earlier, the sketch was also of course equated with political subversion. Since the Renaissance, the debate between color the Classicism of Nicolas P oussin (1594 1665) 24 Sheriff, Fragonard: Art and Eroticism 149 152.


51 Angoul me Kings was curbed by the Bourbons. 25 Similarly, Romantic artists such as Thodore Gricoult (1791 1824) and Eugne Delacroix (1798 1863) rebelled against the restriction and oppression of the self as the mandated style of the Aca demies. innocu ous, a taste for the eighteenth century during the nineteenth often encompassed political elements. On either end of the political spectrum, the eighteenth century served as inspiration for politicians, writers, artists, and collectors, as well as people of everyday life, who emulated Rococo fashions and ftes In large part, this blending of Rococo style and politics had to do with the many amateurs who remained devoted to collecting eighte enth century art throughout the nineteenth century, as they wrote about and later exhibited their collections. 26 A s argued thus far, century aesthetics and style was certainly not apolitical. Moreover as will be shown in the rest of this chapter, not just painting in this style but also collecting works with Rococo esque s that will be important to keep in mind when considering the identity of the collectors of D The Aesthetics of the Sketch and Nineteenth Century Collectors T he relationship between the amateur and the taste for the esquisse continued in the works of early nineteenth century petit m i tres Romantic painters, Realist artists, and Imp ressionists whose works were likewise purchased by the cultivated amateur, collector and fellow artist. In The Persistence of Rococo, Carol Duncan argues that the taste for sensuous brushwork associated with particular Rococo artists was never truly elimin ated by the sharper, 25 Rebecca Zorach, Blood, Milk, Ink, Gold: Abundance and Excess in the French Renaissance (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2004). 26 Unruh, Aspiring to la Vie Galante For writing about and collecting eighteenth century art during the nineteenth century, see particularly chapters one and four.


52 more clearly defined line of Jacques [Louis 27 or the number of amateurs collecting paintings featuring the 28 Du ncan highlights the pleasure that painterly media affected. To Duncan, this continued use of sketch like style allowed for the depiction of valuable and pleasurable in 29 figures de f antaisie these modest early nineteenth century works dedicated to the senses, emotions, and the imagination, were likewise purchased by the cultivated amateur, collector, and artist. 30 In her unpublished 2008 disser tation, Aspiring to la Vie Galante: Reincarnations of Rococo in Second Empire France, explore the revival of interest in eighteenth century art in later year s, between 1852 and 1870. P olitically this renewed interest represented a historicizing moment during the reign of Napoleon III in which the remnants of the glorious French past were r eincorporated into the present. This stylistic historical link was also seen in the previous chapter with Louis Nap favoring of Rube ns as a painter of the noble French court and will be explored later in this chapter in the case of the Goncourt brothers who considered themselves progeny of the aristocracy and fashioned themselves as such through their writing an d collecting of eighteenth century work. T hus t o some, the revived taste for the a rt, fashions, and ftes of the a ncien r gime 27 Carol Duncan, The Persistence of Rococo (PhD diss., Columbia University, 1970) : 30. 28 Duncan, Th e Persistence of Rococo 32 29 Ibid. 34. 30 Ibid. 216.


53 during the Second Empire aligned with a revitalized aristocracy and indicated an allegiance to monarchic al rule, particularly dur ing this pinnacle of Rococo reviva l style 31 On the other hand, in addition to the historically rebellious political connotations of a sketch like style discussed in the previous chapter coloris taste for the eighteenth century, like the Roc oco itself, was not limited to courtly life. These tastes could also denote a more self conscious middle and upper middle class interest in politically progressive ideals inherited from the Enlightenment. 32 Similar to how Thor wrote of faire as the only th ing that mattered, referring to Rococo painterly effects, loose finish and color became a marker of freedom and originality, artistically and politically during the monarchical restorations. 33 For instance, according to Dominique Jacquot, for wealthy amate urs like Francois Hippolyte Welferdin (1795 1880) and Henri Rochefort (1832 1913) who collected Rococo art but who as the eighteenth century was the era of 31 For the fullest account for the taste for all things eighteenth century during the Second Empire, see Unr uh, e of the Eighteenth Rococo: The Continuing Curve, 1730 2008 edited by Sarah D. Coffin, et. al. (New York: Cooper Hewitt National Design Museum, 2008): 14. 32 The Idea of Rococo (Newark: University American Society for Eighteenth Century Studies, Vol. 23, No. 3 (Spring, 1990): 269 282, discusses the rise of the middle class and Rococo in England, her discussion of Rococo and caricature in the model of Hogarth is particularly interesting to compare with what is now known about Charl es Germain Saint Aubin and, later, Daumier. For Saint ures and their audience, see Colin Jones, Juliet Carey and Emily Richardson, ed., The Saint Century Paris (Oxford: Voltaire Foundation, 2012). Finally, Michel Melot also discusses the rise of caric ature (particularly with Charivari ) as it occurred with the rise of the middle class following the French Revolution. Though Melot does not directly refer to the Rococo, his essay helps to connect nineteenth century caricature and their empowered audience with what was initiated in the eighteenth century though kept private through monarchical censorship. See French Caricature and the French Revolution, edited by James Cuno ( Los Angeles: Grunwald Center for the Graphic Arts, Wight Art Gallery, University of California, Los Angeles, 1988). 33 See chapter 1 of Duncan, The Persistence of Rococo as well as Boime, The Academy and French Painting in the Nineteenth Century


54 philosophers, hence of freedom 34 This Republic an attitude toward the Rococo and its aesthetics chapter. Examining the collections and writings of prominent nineteenth century collectors and amateurs reveals a taste for eighteenth century art in which the formal properties of line, brush, and more modest scale were valued for a variety of political, financial, and aesthetic reasons In addition to paintings, prints and drawings were also prized items to be co l lected by the amateur. For instance, the Goncourt brothers thought of themselves as eighteenth century aristocrats manqu and therefore collecting Rococo works politically associated them with elite ancien r gime society. Likewise, purchasing drawings by eighteenth century masters constituted a way to collect more liberally within given financial restraints Nevertheless, their writings on these such as an emphas is on intimacy and cultivated, imaginative viewing. As Unruh points out, image, for its ability to reveal the hand of the artist, and his process of working through an 35 ch eighteenth century pa inters. T hese serially published essays were composed in a poetic, literary fashion based in biography and meticulous historical and archival research, though much 34 Dominiq in edited by Philippe Le Leyzour and Fabrice Hergott (ditions Hazan, Paris, 2003): 61 63. W a paintings and 700 drawings by Fragonard were bequeathed to the Louvre at the time of his death. 35 Unruh, Aspiring to La Vie Galante, 231 232.


55 embellished and fictionalized. Despite this, their descriptions of the works they concern themselves with reveal their taste for seemingly speedily executed works, loose brushwork, 36 ; ignoring conventional academ ic rules of fini Quentin de La Tour is 37 ; Jean Baptiste Greuze 38 idea, a line, the inspiration of a moment thrown boldly on to the paper by a hand in ha 39 and 40 ; rather 41 the unfinis impasto rather than a con ventionally polished oil. 42 36 Jules and Edmond de Goncourt, French Eighteenth Century Painters t ranslated with an introduction by Robin rapidly executed drawings with that inexpressible quali kes which, we may confidently and resolutely assert, could have been drawn by nobody but Watteau, and whose quality needs no signature. Look at the pulsations of the pencil on these heads of men and women, at this complexity of slashing strokes over the or iginal stumpings, tiny reiterated touches accents put in with a blunted point, rounded indentations following the contour of a muscle, observe these trifles, these little felicities of art which are all important an agglomeration of minutiae, inspired and spontaneous, discovered as he worked from the model, enlivening his drawing with a thousand details from nature, vivifying the full tone of the flat paper with the relief 37 d e Goncourt., French Eighteenth Cen tury Painters 188 189. 38 Ibid. 216. 39 Ibid. 69. 40 Ibid. 69. 41 Ibid., 42 Ibid. 126.


56 Of all the artists about whom the Goncourt brothers wrote though, Fragonard appears to be the artist who best exemplifies the ir aesthetic o pinions As Robin I ronside points out in the French Eighteenth Century Painters the brothers required that aspire to effect much more than the recrea tion of the optic nerve, that the pleasures it provides 43 induced by th 44 45 induced by the brush or the pencil more than by the particular subject matter. The 46 his cultivated esquis ses not 47 T ovisation depends on a prior mastery of technique [and] a learned command of aesthetic principles. 48 43 French Eighteenth Century Painters by Jules and Edmond de Goncourt, vii viii. 44 de Goncourt revelation. His decency consists in the lightness of his touch. His colors are not the pigments of a painter but the suggestions 45 Ibid. 46 Ibid. Also, see es, Fragonard cultivated this rapid manner of painting which 47 Ibid. 288: esquisse ideal. A writer who is himself a painter and a port, M. Paul de Saint Fragonard resembles those accents which, in certain languages, give to mute words a melodious sound. His figures, tho ugh merely indicated, live, breath, smile, and delight. Their very indecisiveness has the attraction of a tender mystery. They speak in low voices and glide past on tiptoe. Their gestures are like furtive signs exchanged by lovers in the darkness. They are 48 Sheriff, Fragonard: Art and Eroticism 184.


57 O ther nineteenth century amateurs were equally enamored by this style of handling. According to Unruh, for physician and avid art collector Louis La Caze whose collection of century wing, the sketch particularly a sensual handling of paint, modestly s caled pictures and intimately treated 49 Collecting esquisses distinguished La Caze as a knowledgeable collector/amateur. 50 de Saint Non (1769, Muse de Louvre Paris ), one of the figure s de f antaisie in which the freedom of handling associated with the sketch, appears in a highly finished work. as a member of the nouveau riche, for La C aze to colle ct Fragonard might also symbolize upwa rd class mobility. As already indicated, f or Hippolyte Walferdin, collecting Fragonard was expressly political. Making a gift to the Louvre of The Music Lesson (1769, Paris: Muse du to the Republic I make 51 Richard Rand argues that the a ppeal free paint handling of this painting and others like it which he collected, was its signification for liberty and Enlightenment. 52 49 Unruh, Aspiring to La Vie Galante 265. Unruh also notes how Rembrandt van Rijn, Frans Hals, and Chardin, all sketches. These artists have also been connected to Daumier; see Melot Daumier and Art History 50 Unruh e to conventional classicism, and their emphasis on a sensuously tactile handling of paint. Far from the staid character of neo classical colora tion, a distinct suppleness of paint, and a vivid sense of touch. He favored the spontaneity of esquisses an priorities in their privileging of dr de Saint Non one of his legendary swiftly executed 51 Inspiring Impres sionism: The Impressionists and the Art of the Past edited by Ann Dumas (New Haven and London: Yale University Press): 137. 52


58 While the Goncourt brothers, La Caze and Walferdin re present more affluent and elite amateurs, the rise of the middle class in the Second Empire produced a new population of collector/amateurs. 53 Though their wealth might not have been extensive enough to purchase paintings by the eighteenth century masters, collecting more modest works by nineteenth century artists allowed these new amateurs to participate in the culture of collecting as well as to paintings durin g this time period analyzed by Unruh share the same preoccupations as the century. Daumie Amateurs : Artists, Critic s and Collectors catalogue raison Tout accordance with how the paintings shou ld be viewed are personal, private images for reflection. 54 Unlike the social and political epoch depicted in his lithographs for Charivari to a private audience rather than the public. 55 Combined with the sketch like brushwork, the banal subject matter of peopled landscapes, lawyers, artists at their easels, children, etc. become 53 Unruh Aspiring to La Vie Galante 223 54 contemplative images. As S c natured disdain and sometimes the indignation with which Daumier executed his lithographs a nd water colours is seldom to be found in his paintings. His painted world is a Burlington Magazine, Vol. 103, No. 701 (August 1961): 356 359. 55 son rencontr destin adresser au plus grand nombre; le peintre, lui, se


59 objects of poetry, for intimate, and perhaps even unconscious, refl ection and reverie. 56 Daumier 57 : In the painting (like in many drawings), the graphic quality, instead of defining a form at first, goes on an adventure. It searches for space, raises trembling lines, confuses a tangle of strokes, of masses, that the imagination sometimes likes to clarif y, sometimes to conserve in its suggestive ambiguity. It spreads and is reabsorbed in a play of brush, of touch, of spots, in deep mysteries of perspective, understands the att figures de f antaisie very probably exercised on our painter, a triumph of spontaneity joined to the supreme possession of craft. 58 and nineteenth century amateurs esquisse contemplative purpose. Though Georgel argues that Daumier painted these images for himself rather than for an audience, investigating the provenance of the se paintings reveals their connection to artists, critics, and collectors similar to the eighteenth century amateur which will be the focus of the 56 rverie charge de signification intime, inconsciente peut 57 Ibid. dlivre 58 Ibid. 6 Dans la peinture (comme dans beaucoup de dessins), le graphisme, au lieu de dfinir une forme a priori, linaments embrouille un cheveau de traits, de masses, dans le jeu de pinceau, de la touche, de la tche dans les profondeurs mystrieuses de la perspective, du clair obscur, de la couleur, dans la dlectable paisseur de


60 rest of this chapter have been Ruel exhibition, most were loaned from private owners who had been quietly purchasing these never exhibited works years purchased eighteenth century art and Impressionist paintings, similarly connected to eighteenth century 59 ; other artists who used handling, attentive to such formal and metaphysical purp oses; and critics and writers sympathetic to the poetic, inward looking qualities evoked and the wit of representation commenting on itself features shared by eighteenth and nineteenth century art associated with modernism amateurs par took of the aesthetics of the sketch, not just collecting century art, but also amassing other nineteenth century paintings that likewise exhibited sketch like brushwork. For example, Dr. Georges de Bellio (1828 1894), a physi cian and art collector, owned telier / Homage Fragonard 60 De Bell Impressionist paintings gifted by his daughter in 1957, formed the foundation of the Muse Marmottan Monet in Paris. In the nineteenth century, Isaac de Camondo, a memb er of the wealthy Parisian Camondo family whose home and eighteenth century art collection is preserved Galerie de t ableaux Blatantly, this work thematizes collecting and its pleasures and speaks to the co llector by depicting three amateurs casually considering the work that surround them. As for the appreciation of painterly brushwork like his family Isaac de Camon do also collected eighteenth century Rococo art. lies in his amassing of nineteenth century work 59 ssionism and Eighteenth 155. 60 Georges de Bellio, Impressionnistes Paragone vol. XXI, issue 247 (Sept. 1970): 25 66.


61 including The Fifer by Edouard Manet (1865, Paris ), Rouen Cathedral by Monet (1894, Paris ), and The Tub by Edgar Deg as (1886, Paris ), artists renowned for the sens uous paint handling who have recently also been connected to eighteenth century influences. 61 Close friend Jean Baptiste Camille Corot owned several versions of stampes including the one now housed in the Muse des Beaux Arts de la Ville de P aris, Petit Palais (Figure 3 8) are often referred to as tudes painting found favor among many other artists as well: Barbizon landscapist Charles Franois Daubigny owned Pierrot jouant de la m andoline Un loge au th tre and Le l iseur (Figure 3 9 ); sculptor and goldsmith Adolphe Victor Geoffroy Dechaume lived near Daumier in Valmondois and purchased Femme portant un e nfant (1873 Private collection of Peter Nathan Zurich ), as well as Le p eintre ; wood engraver and painter Hippolyte Augustin Lavoignat owned Un l ecteur (Date unknown, USA: Private collection), balloonist and photographer Nadar had in his collection Don Quichotte et Sancho Panza (after 1850, Itami City Museum of Art Japan ) and Don Quichotte l isant Art critics and writers Octave Mirbeau and Roger Marx each also owned oils by Daumier; Marx owned a version of Don Quichott e et Sancho Panza sous un arbre (1865, Abegg Foundation Switzerland ) and Mirbeau La femme au ruban b leau (1860, Dumbarton Oaks Foundation Washington D.C. ). Paintings not sold directly to these collectors, artists and writers, were purchased by dealers su ch 61 Though I had seen the name of Isaac de his family history and connection to eighteenth century art and collecting was brought to my attention by Dr. Sheryl Kroen during a lecture on 19 October 2011. Fo r information on Isaac de Camon d o, see: de camondo/la famille de camondo/la genealogie/isaac de camondo 1851 1911 Inspiring Impressionism edited by Ann Dumas as well as The Private Collection of Edgar Degas edited by Ann Dumas ( New York: The Metropolitan Museum of Art, 1997 )


62 as Ambrose Vollard, Gaston Alexandre Camentron, Bernh eim Jeune, and Paul Durand Ruel, who sold similar style paintings to private collectors and amateurs. his influences. In addition to the biting satire for which he is known, Bruce Laughton correctly points out 62 Thi s is true not only of his early paintings whose nymphs and satyrs recall Rubenesque and/or Rococo Pierrot jouant de la m andoline and Le pe intre that seem to reply directly to Fragonard, but even exte staged theater performance, of readers pondering the written word. Based on an engagement with eighteenth century painting and audiences which had a continued presence throughout the nineteenth century continu ation of Rococo visual and aesthetic ideals. 62 Laugh ton, Honor Daumier 31.


63 CHAPTER 4 FRAMING ROCOCO REVIV ALS: ROCOC O SUBVERSION AND THE IDYLLES PARLEMENTAIRES In the short years of the Second Republic (1848 1852) press censorship was briefly lif ted. During this time, Daumier crea ted a series of twenty seven caricatures titled Idylles p arlementaires sixteen of which were published in Charivari from September 1850 February 1851. In some ways, the Idylles p arlementaires works, with iconograph y that evokes conventional eighteenth century figured pastoral landscapes surrounded by Louis XV style frames However, given that th e figures depicted are slovenly nude politicians, at first look the series seems antagonistic to the Rococo. As Jean Adh mar remarked and conjectured in 1954: 1850 shows Daumier interested in the same research, always in a Rubensian style. The lithographs of Idylles parle mentaires are of fat, naked deputies dancing his is a return to his farces about actors and mythology; they are also charges against the gallan t mythologies of the eighteenth century back in fashion, and whose comedy is incredi success. 1 artistic self alignment with Rubens and the style he sired a nd his positive engagement with Rococo aesth etics in painting visual iconography raises several questions. For instance, i n what ways, in the Idylles 1 Jean Adhmar, Honor Daumier (ditions Pierre Tisn, Paris, 1954): 42. 1850 montre Daumier intress par les mmes recherches, toujours dans un style rubnien. Il lithographie des Idylles parlementaires dire des dputs dvtus, gras, dansant de faon grotesque ou prenant les attitudes des personnages mythologiques. Buffet, sont aussi des charges contre les mythologies galantes du XVIIIe sicle qui reviennent la mode, et dont le comique est soulign par les cadres ouvrags; il est enchant de ces cadres <>. Hein, dit il, <

64 p arlementaires lithographs, is Daumier engaging with the Rococo differen tly than in his paintings? In the Idylles p arlementaires does Daumier mock the Rococo or just a version of it ? re the Idylles p arlementaires an example of Daumier using Rubens/ Rococo strategies to subvert artistic/political authority ? Or is he I n this chapter, I argue that even in the se lithographs which are explicitly political in subject matter (unlike most of his paintings), Daumier still shares a similar spirit with the Rococo and even uses some of the ir same strategies to expr ess his political discontent Rather than just mocking a politically and materially dec adent version of the eighteenth century to draw comparisons wit h contemporary politics after the failed Revolutions, I argue that the Idylles p arlementaires as discussed by scholars such as Mary Sheriff, Katie Scott, and William Park, among others C omparing the Idylles p arlementaires with eighteenth century political satire such as that of Charles Germain de Saint Aubin (1721 1786), and to Rococo print culture which undercut the authority of high art and class, Daumier appears to recall, rather than contradict t he Rococo as an epoch of resistance and a ninete enth The : A Revival of Monarchical Politics and Style The Idylles p arlementatires thematically and stylistically recall the pastoral Rococo of Bou cher and Fragonard through the use of Louis XV inspired frames, an emphasis on fleshy human forms, and idyllic bucolic settings. 2 Looking at Empire, Orlanisme et Lgitimit (Figure 4 1), a lithograph whose spirit and humor is emblematic of the entire seri es one gets the 2 However, the pastoral style recall includ e works like Jupiter and Calisto (1759, Nelson Atkins Museum of Art, Kansas City) or Mercury Confiding Bacchus to the Nymphs (1732, Wallace Collection, London)


65 impression of view ing a copy of a painting hanging on a museum wall. Daumier pays equal attention to the depiction of the unique frame as he does to the internal image. Weighted with a proliferation of waves and sinuous curves, the inside edge of the frame undulates to give it a soft and organic feel. Within this highly crafted frame, three winged men race across an open field, staggered such that the greatest amount of flesh of each of their bodies save for strategically placed fluttering is on view. In the distance, three other winged figures look on. Rather than voyeuristically taking delight in these 3 wit h arms crossed, And rightly so. The three running men are pointedly not the beauties of a Boucher. Instead hair in contrast to his ridiculously luxurious mustache, and his sunken cheeks and aging, saggy body conflict with the more typically portrayed rosy complexions and supple forms. With such a short stature, pinched face, arched brows, and glasses, the righ t eroticized, though perhaps not as much as the central figure. The inflated jowls and grimacing visage of the largest mythologized figure seems to emit an audible groan as the group appears to fall rather than frolic, led by his protruding paunch. the countryside far outside the governmental center of urban Paris, these characters are actually political celebrities, visually identifiable from left to right as Jean Ernest du Cos, Comte de Lahitte (1789 1878), Pierre Antoine Berryer (1790 1868), and Marie Joseph Louis Adolph 3 See Mary Sheriff The Bathers (1767, Muse du Louvre, P aris) in Fragonard: Art and Eroticism 113 116


66 Thiers (1797 outside the frame, which r eads: Empire, Orleanism and Legitimacy Contend for the prize in an active contest Forgetting the saying so frequently cited: At the end of the ditch, a somersault. (Quatrain from the treasure of the Elyse.) 4 This scene is thus not one of innocent, sensu presciently and ironically indicates that by engaging in monarchical politics (the Elyse was the Berryer the Legitimis originally empowered by Napolon would terminate with the end of the Empire; the possibility July revolution; and despite political promises, Thiers, who was active in the formation of the Orleanist Monarchy under Louis Philippe, was shortly replaced. 5 What immediately comes through is that here fine art through the use of frame, text and deriv ative composition is mocked at the expense of political satire. Moreover, Daumier does not just choose any fine art to simulate, but specifically a style strikingly simila r to the art of the Rococo. The series was made during a time when Rococo art and dec oration were rapidly 4 Empire, Orlanisme et Lgitimit Se disputent le prix en une ardente lutte, Oubliant le dicton, si frquemment cit, Au bout du foss la culbute. (Quatrain trouv dans la boite de l'Elyse.) 5 For infor mation on this print, see H. Daumier: Lithographer Satirist: Selected Illustrations, 1831 1872. [exhibition], April 1 July 9, 1978, New Jersey State Museum, Trenton 1978 and Philippe Robert Bulletin de la Classe des Beaux Arts, Academie Royale de Belgique (1975): 17.


67 returning to vogue with the rise of Louis Napolon and the Second Empire I n 1848 Louis Napolon was elected preside nt through popular vote, but in 1851 he would initiate a coup to become Emperor Napolon III by 1852 and the Rococo r evival became a signature idiom of his Empire as it connected his reign to past monarchical glories At this same time in which the Idylles p arlementaires were printed, censorship against caricature and against the press had been lifted by the new constitu tion of November 4, 1848, once again providing Daumier the right to publically make his political opinions known via the press. 6 Depicting a political regime of which Daumier was weary despite the constitutional freedom of the press, between 1849 51 prosec utions of Republican printers continued regardless of new laws 7 these caricatures seem to align with the moralizing message of those eighteenth century critics who viewed the Rococo as decadent and dangerous. 8 aggression (against a social mod 9 The Idylles p arlementaires clearly es a Rococo stylistic norm in order to challenge a current social/political model. As we saw with the continued debates over colore/disegno from Rubens to th e Rococo, style and politics were often 6 Justin Robert Goldstein, Censorship of Political Caricature in Nineteenth Century France ( Kent, Ohio and London England: The Kent State University Press, 1989): 169. 7 Goldstein, Censorship of Pol itical Caricature in Nineteenth Century France 171. 8 Unruh, Aspiring to La Vie Galante 21 9 French Caricature and the French Revolution edited by James Cuno ( Los Angeles : Grunwald Center for the Graphic Arts, Wight Art Gallery, University of California, Los Angeles, 1988): 26. particularly to sixteenth century portrait painting), see (Paris: La Documentation franaise, 1985): 231 240.


68 compo unded. Here, t he timing and the iconography of the Idylles p arlementaires is prophetic and critical of both revivalist taste and pol itics during the Second Empire. The context of the images and texts that Daumier included throughout the series e xpressed t h rough a humorous denunciation of contemporary taste for mythologized Rococo revivals, implicates past and present Imperial politicians Daumier may have been so bold as to mock Louis Philippe in his infamous Gargantua lithographs, but in the Idylles p arl ementaires Louis Napolon is not the sub ject of his ridicule. Instead Daumier direct s his biting wit at specific politicians who by opposing the Republic we re trying to reestablish a monarchical government based on an eighteenth century model. As already stated, this political maneuver was propagandistically enhanced through the use of a revived visua l culture to recall the glories of the French court Returning to Empire, Orlanisme et Lgitimit Thiers is not merely an Orl eanist who lost political favor Thiers also supported the monarchist movement of Louis Napolon in 1848, 10 and he appears more frequently than any other parliamentarian, illustrated in seven of the published lithographs and five of the unp ublished ones. s flabby figure not only makes for an easy one to mock; he appears in four published Idylles parle mentaires and four unpublished. As a lawyer and royalist deputy, Berryer also supported Louis Lahitte who Louis Nap ol on later appointed as State Secretary T he other Idylles p arlementaires caricatures all depict similar political figures who supported Louis Napol on and his Empire aspirations; all the lithographs are likewise styled with proto Second Empire Rococo rev ival iconography and composition. For example 10 Goldstein, Censorship of Political Caricature 152.


69 (Figure 4 2) depicts a dinner party en plein air with Thiers coquettishly posing as a statue of cupid; also attendi ng this mock celebration are Louis Mathieu Mol (1781 1855) and Charles Forbes de Th yon, Cont e de Montalembert (1810 1870). (Figure 4 3) features a river bathing scene, la Fragonard, but here Joseph Balthasar Gustave de Laboulie (1800 1867), Mol, and Marie Franois Emile Vesin (1803 1867), depicted at dif ferent stages of undress, are the showering nymphs. Other politicians represented throughout the series include Henri Georges Boulay de la Meurthe (1797 1858), Jules Ant oine Taschereau (1801 1874), Leon Leo nard Joseph Faucher (1803 1854), Pierre Dupont (18 21 1870), and Raymond Joseph Paul Louis Aguesseau (1803 1889) among others Many of these politicians and writers originally supported the Republic, but later joined the more conservative faction of Louis Napolon often due to political appointments and f avors, a point at which Daumier took aim. 11 But i n addition to targeting these parliamentarians of the rising Second Empire within the artistic idiom of the regime (the Rococo revival based on monarchical ideals), the aesthetic mode l Daumier employs to do so still shares a spirit with others aspects and media of the eighteenth century Rococo. revealing parallel strategies of sub verting authority, which Daumier probably understood owing to his life long engagement with eighteenth century art The Subversive Rococo Several schol ars have argued for way in which it undermines that which it appears to be. 12 Such contradiction can be found, as 11 Goldstein, Censorship of Polit ical Caricature 176 178 12 A brief summary of the subversive Rococo can be found in Mary Encyclopedia of the Enlightenment edited Alan Kors ( Oxford University Press, 2003 ). Other motifs and genres within the Rococo which In addition to scholars mentioned in chapter two, Katie Scott and William Park are two art historians who have stressed the s ubversive strain of the Rococo. In Rococo Interiors Katie Scott suggests the


70 William P ark points out, in even one of the earliest and most emblematic works of the Rococo, ( Figure 4 4 ). 13 To begin with, the painting was not intended to be purchased by an aristocratic customer like those it depicts. Gersai is though the two piece panel depicts elegant figures milling about looking at possible paintings to purchase, it does so with a hint of satire as several of the shoppers appear absorbed in themselves (gazing into a mirror on the counter) or in the beauty of the shop girl rather than the oils. The most striking contradiction of courtly and elite culture that Park highlights is the sideways portr 14 (1697 1764) six paintings for Marriag e la Mode (1743 1745, National Gallery, London), which elegantly depict, yet poke fun at, both aristocratic and bourgeois conventions, a biting 15 A difference often alluded to between French and British Rococo fo rms of subversion is that, according to Patricia Crown, the buyers of British power ornament and decoration had in subverting authority. For instance, the grotesques and cartouches on the the hierarchical relationship of image and authority include fte galantes and pastorals (154 166), due to the shift relationship of the court w ith the country. In The Idea of Rococo William Park considers the Rococo as particularly subversive of institutional authority and the gout moderne w as a thoroughly modern style apart from the traditional Academy ; with the produ ction of Rococo works in all media (rather than just painting, sculpture, and architecture), people of lesser finances could still purchase Rococo objects. Seen revived in the nineteenth th century print subversion, though her emphasis is on poster design, rather than lithography. See her essay in Rococo: The Continuing Curve, 1730 2008 edited by Sarah D. Coffin et. al. (N ew York: Cooper Hewitt National Design Museum, 2008): 169 179. 13 Park, The Idea of Rococo 42. 14 Ibid. 28. 15 Ibid. 29 30.


71 16 In his Analysis of Beauty (1753), Hogarth himself spoke for the Rococo as it was appreciated by the new middle class, and he did so in social and political terms by describing the style as one of freedom, invention, and variation, without rules or authority. 17 Yet in many ways, this was also the case in France. As already seen, fo r many artists and collectors, the Rococo represented freedom from the Academy as well as from the French noble court. And as just discussed, was commissioned by a merchant, not by someone from a courtly social or economic class. Like H rules and authority stylistically in his relationship with the French Academy, 18 and also politically in his depiction of the overturned portrait of Louis XIV. The go t moderne of Watteau, a style contrary to courtl y history or mythological painting, also quickly became the style of the non noble elites and a ppealed to an audience of amateurs, like those described in chapter 3. 19 Further breaking class and financial boundaries, e 20 th e decorative prints by artists like Juste Aurle Meissonier (1695 1750) or Jacques de Lajoe (1687 1761), the blending of high and low art forms and courtly and bourgeois traditions appears. Unlike the paintings or elaborate interiors of the elite, these R ococo decorative prints were affordable and often purchased by a range of middle class consumers, 16 American Society for Eighteenth Century Studies, Vol. 23, No. 3 (S pring, 1990): 270. 17 280. 18 Julie Antoine Watteau: Perspectives on the Artist and the Culture of his Time edited by Mary D. Sheriff (Newa rk: University of Delaware Press, 2006): 28 40. 19 Dictionary of Women Artists vol. I, edited by Delia Gaze (London and Chicago: Fitzroy Dearborn Publishers, 1997): 66 80. 20 This would be according to Fiske Kimball who argues that Rococo only describes the decorative arts of the time period which literally displays the rocaille or shell like forms, not any paintings or sculptures. See Fiske Kimball, The Creation of the Rococo Decorative Style (New York: Dover Publications, 1980 ), 3.


72 appreciated as objects in their own right. 21 This was particularly the case, since in their invention and abstract qualities many became autonomous objects, st ructurally impossible to manufacture the item depicted within the print Conceivable only in paper form, these Rococo prints were affordable to a great er range of consumers 22 Rococo Caricature T he type of political and class subversive humor evinced in the examples of Watteau and Hogarth is often associated with caricature. As a medium, t his category of representation in France is typically considered to come into being with the Revolution and further developed shortly thereafter. Michel Melot argues its na scence with the French Revolution, in which a visual aesthetics and iconography developed around pro and counter revolutionary political and social debates. 23 As small objects privately kept in folios to be brought out in the company of family or friends or to be secretly passed around, revolutionary ideology could be surreptitiously shared among the like minded. During the early decade s of the nineteenth century, printing techniques were further adv anced with lithography and censorship laws were lifted su fficiently that a public, middle class audience could rally behi nd journals in which they were published such as Charivari and Le Caricature freely develop 24 21 Scott, The Rococo Interior: Decoration and Social Spaces in Early Eighteenth Century France 247. 22 Scott, The Rococo Interior 249. 23 For caricature and the French Revolution see James Cuno, ed., French Caricature and the French Revolution, 1789 1 799 Andr Blum, La Caricature Rvolutionnaire (1789 1795) (Paris: Jouve & cie, 1916), and Annie Duprat, Histoire de France par la Caricature (Paris: Larouse, 1999). 24 ngs of what the bourgeoisie of the July Monarchy would achieve forty years later with Le Charivari By that time the French middle class had become self th is to occur, a second revolution was necessary. 31.


73 T hough repressed and censored to the ext ent that little now exists, and even less is known about it, 25 political caricature and print satire were nevertheless present in eighteenth century France 26 Moreover, these caricatures were known and writ ten about during the nineteenth century and owing t and his professional status as a caricaturist, it is likely that he knew of them In an article for the first volume of the Gazette des Beaux Arts Thomas Arnauldet enumerated the tradition of sat irical prin ts in the eighteenth century, many of which treated the subjects of art, taste, the Salons, and the Academy. 27 The examples Arnauldet cites reveal Rococo artists working in this tradition. 28 For example, these include the 1747 engraving by Jacques Philippe L e Bas (1707 1783) after a drawing by Boucher ( Painting Mocked by Envy, Stupidity, and Drunkenness ) that served as the frontispiece to a rebuttal directed at the critic La Font de Saint Yenne. Arnauldet also cites engravings by Charles Germain de Saint Aubi n (1721 1786) from a series called Papillonneries h umaines in which butterflies absurdly perform gallant human activities, framed by elaborate Rococo floral arabesques and cartouches. Arnauldet specifical ly discusses one engraving that 25 26 Eighteenth century caricature is often distinguished from nineteenth centur y caricature based on its audience. N ineteenth century caricature was printed in public journals and is therefore often considered more democratic. On ighteenth century caricature is considered the domain of a more elite audience. For example, Katie Scott has identified political caricature during this era on medals that they functi oned as expensive and enduring jokes offered for safekeeping only to a comparatively narrow market of highly cultured court elites ( Scott, The Rococo Interior 180 ) Writing about caricature in terms of class struggle, aricature was too sophisticated and perhaps suspected of a frivolity that was useless in the struggle of the lower classes. It found its public both in the comfortable and cultured segment of the hich was familiar with art and antagonistic toward absolute monarchy 27 Gazette des Beaux Arts vol 1, no. 3 (1859): 342 361, and vol. 1 no. 4 (1859): 101 113. 28 Empire. For instance, Arnauldet calls the painting on the eas el by Boucher in the Le Bas engraving


74 Saint Aubin based o n a drawing by Boucher, miti (1753, Cabinet des Mdailles, Bibliothque Nationale). In the engraving cited by Arnauldet, Saint Aubin depicts two ridiculous, loyal butterfly subjects presenting an embroidery wreath to Madame de Pomp adour at the eternal alter. 29 The Goncourt brothers had likewise seen the caricatures of Charles Germain de Saint Aubin and wrote positively about them in 30 In fact, the Goncourt brothers say of Saint But Charles Germain also had his day of inspiration and genius of his time, as to be worthy of his brothers. The writer of The Art of the Embroiderer made his Essay de Papillonneries h umaines 31 They also clearly delight in the lightness and h umor of Saint Livre de caricatures tant bonnes que mauvais a private book of nearly 400 comic drawings, discussing the wit of several individual works, even ones which parody the compositions of one of their favorite Rococo artists, Boucher. 32 Ther e is no evidence that Daumier ever saw Saint evertheless, as I shall show, the Idylles p arlementaires share a spirit with Saint Aubin U sing a similar visual 29 109. While embroidery was a hobby for which Madame de Pompadour was known and someti mes mocked, Charles Germain himself was renowned as royal embroiderer at court. This caricature is certainly parodic due to its imitation of Boucher and the butterflies as surreal attendants (as well as the dog in the corner licking its lips while observin g the group of winged creatures) as well as Saint caricatures in his Livre de caricatures which more critically mock Madame Pompadour; however, their relationship Colin Jones, Juliet Carey and Emily Richardson, ed., The Saint Aubin Century Paris (Oxford: Voltaire Foundation, 2012) : 179 190 and 261 282. The complete book is preserved in the Rothschild Collection at Waddesdon Manner. 30 Aubin, Gravelot, Cohin (Paris: G. Charpentier, diteur, 1882): 10 5 167. Charles Germain is the last of the Saint Aubin b rothers discussed 31 Mais ce Charles Germain a eu, lui aussi, son jour d'inspiration et son heure de gnie, comme pour tre digne de ses frres. Le dessinateur techni que de l' Art du Brodeur a fait son ESSAY DE PAPILLONNERIES HUMAINES 32 The Saint Century Paris edited by Colin Jones, Juliet Carey and Emily Richardson (O xford: Voltaire Foundation, 2012) is the most extensive text to date on the Livre de caricatures For the Goncourt brothers on Boucher in the Livre de caricatures on, see de


75 language Idylles p arlementaires continues in this eighteenth century poli tical caricature tradition, repeating particular verbal visual puns commenting on contemporary artwork, and, despite their mass printing, appealing to a simi lar audience. Led by British historian Colin Jones, Saint Livre de caricatures has recently undergone extensive visual and historical analyses that further elucidate the matter of humor, political satire, and caricature in the eighteenth century mo has revealed the 391 watercolor, ink, and graphite drawings to be full of politically, religiously, and socially transgressive images: Madame de Pompadour is depicted as both a monkey and a fish (playing off her family name, Poisson); 33 Jansenists are roasted on spits at the same time as are supper chickens; 34 the philosophical apostate and Jesuit Jean Baptiste Louis Gresset, depicted as a monkey dressed as a cleric, dances on his books as they begin to burn; 35 and the rece ntly deceased dauphin, the father of the future Louis XVI is depicted as a bloated fish. 36 In addition to contemporary political issues, Saint Aubin also spoofs the Rococo artistic, fashion, and decorative culture in which he lived and in which he played a n active role as royal 5 market looks for signatures on painting s with a magnifying glass but fails to heed the obvious 33 indcent taire 1775, watercolor, ink and graphite, illustrated in Colin Jones, The Saint 181, fig. 7.2. 34 Phnomne jansniste 1740 1777, watercolors, ink, and graphite, in Colin Jones, The Saint de carica 129, fig. 5.5. 35 1775, watercolor, ink, and graphite, illustrated in Colin Jones, The Saint 129, fig. 5.6. 36 Oraison funbre du dauphin 1766, waterco lor, ink, and graphite, illustrated in Colin Jones, The Saint 145, fig. 5.13.


76 destruction of the gallery, which is full of mice and a burning stove; 37 the absurd size of Moyen de parvenir 6 ); and in mieux dire une btise que de se taire 7 ), an elaborate empty cartouche is framed by putti. Despite t heir undermining of elite political and cultural figures and customs, Jones claims that the work should not be seen as anti Rococo n the culture of the ancien r gime 38 39 due to the way in which humor is created through a combination of text and image, a focus on the crude and obsc puns and allusions. 40 Additionally, J ames H. Johnson, who also worked on the Livre de caricatures Livre de caricature humored rather 37 1774, watercolor, ink, and graphite. Illustrated in Colin Jones, The Saint Aubin 297, 13.7 38 Transactions of the Royal Historical Society 21 (2011): 1 38. 150), when she Livre de cari catures can be integrated into this broad cultural stream and that is perhaps the key to understanding it. Ultimately, Charles Germain and his friends were products of the ancien rgime and they help us to understand a political culture that was rarely dif ferential and, in private at least, was constantly questioning the actions of those in authority. Such attitudes do not necessarily have to be seen as subversive or even as contributing directly to the outbreak of Revolution in 1789 but they do give us ins ight into why the French population was able to make the leap from the comparatively restricted political world of the ancien rgime to the public politics of the new 39 : II. Laughing over Boundaries Als o see Werner Hofmann, uity in Daumier (and elsewhere), Art Journal vol 43 nr 3 (1983): 361 364 for Daumier in relation to the eighteenth century (and earlier) tradition of political caricature as ambiguous (and thus also potentially subversive) t hrough the combination of word, image, and interpretation. 40 Colin Jones The Saint 2


77 than angry, more la mpoon and spoof than scorn or contempt, more adaptive than 41 Framing t he Idylles Parlementaires : Structure, Humor, Audience The tradition of Rococo subversion and caricature (particularly as seen in Saint Aubin) is an especially appropriat the Idylles p arlementaires This is literally so in the case of the tenth plate in the series, which depicts Berryer inhaling the aro mas of a lily garden (Figure 4 8 ), and on whose frame Daumier inscribes his initials. This priv ileging is not incidental, and was picked up by scholars such as Adhmar who discerningly (but incompletely) remarked that the Idylles p Understanding the history and use of the Rococo frame, furth and his own Rococo The Rococo frame evolved from the Baroque cartouche and was a fundamental element of Rococo interior design and print. 42 S eemingly innocuous, the ornamental frame however, was seen as an agent provocateur appropriating attention from the central image while simultaneously suggesting, but rejecting, specific relational meanings. 43 This was particularly true of Rococo ornamental print, in which form was confused and d issolved: the frame was not actually a frame, merely a continuation of the printed image, creating a back and forth between the structurally distinct (frame vs. image) and the physically inseparable (printed as one) This 41 The Saint 229. 42 See Kimball, Th e Creation of the Rococo Decorative Style 43 Scott, The Rococo Interior 124.


78 confusion is the frame part of the image? should it be read as such? played with reality and intention, challenging the primacy of the central image and destabilizing meaning. 44 Both Saint critiques within this context of shifting meaning. As we saw earlier w ith Saint Il vaut mieux dire une btise q ue de se taire becomes a feature of caricature for this very reason of disrupting intention Presented in the center of the image, rather than functioning on the border as it should, Sai nt ming function. Yet the ridiculousness of the text with the imag e clearly suggests the contrary. It ironically recalls the actual proverb 45 Here Saint Aubin is suggesting that independently such ostent atious ornament has nothing to say, while simultaneously using it to 46 In his musings on eighteenth century frames, Karsten Harries elaborates on the visual function of the frame which is supposed to present the image as an aesthetic object, set apart for contemplation. 47 44 Scott, 249. For a very recent account of an artist working in this Rococo deco rative tradition of irony, wit, and visual games see Jean Franois Bdard, Decorative Games: Orna ment, Rhetoric, and Noble Culture in the Work of Gilles Marie Oppenord (1672 1742) ( Newark: University of Delaware Press, 2011). 45 The Saint 230. 46 Sco smuggled into print on the premise that the unregulated use of etchings and engravings precluded the implementation of traditional rules of c onvenance and decorum. Moreover, the fluid nature of rococo syntax, which by dividing, dissolving, and almost destroying form argued the inherent adaptability of its models to any purpose, que; printed rococo played all these roles, often 47 Karsten Harries, The Broken Frame, Three Lectures (Washington, D.C.: The Catholic University of America Press, 1989): 68.


79 artificial world created by the painter from the reality beyond and thus protects our collusion 48 mitigates the impact of the internal caricature by humorously desi et it does so ironically. Rococo ornamental frames, according to Fiske 49 Likewise, though the Idylles p arlementa ires painting, here on the same printed plane, like Rococo printed ornament, it revels i n the play between the elements and is able to say something serious despite itself. 50 ming ling of light hearted visual play and more serious political subversion continues. Returning to the image of Berryer in the Lily garden, b elow the framed image, the text reads: Behold, Berryer, famous horticulturist, Seen here in his early morning round. A t the Elyse, he cultivates a flower, But is it a lily, is it an imperial? (Quatrain from poetic attacks: volume in press). 51 The end of the text is particularly ironic within the context of the time and of the figure depicted Berryer was an active oppon ent of the press, particularly of caricature. According to Robert Goldstein in his book on censorship of political caricature, images were often restricted more than were words: 48 Harries, The Broken Frame, Three Lectures 68. 49 Kimball, The Creation of the Rococo Decorative Style 161. 50 Harries, The Broken Frame 74. 51 Voyez Berryer, clbre horticulteur, Fessant ici sa ronde matinale. A l'Elyse, il cultive une fleur Mais est ce un Lys, est ce une impriale? (Quatrain tir des coups de boutoir potiques. volume sous presse.)


80 The authorities were especially sensitive to pictures due to the general bel ief that drawings had a much greater impact and were far more widely accessible than the printed word. Caricatures were viewed as even more dangerous than the print press partly because they were perceived as simply being a more powerful means of communica they were perceived as speaking directly to the senses and emotions. Therefore, it was argued, illustrations had an immediate impact which amounted to incitement to action, whereas the printe d word was seen as speaking more to the intellect, with its effect dampened and delayed by the thoughtful consideration and time needed to process its message. 52 The press was feared and censorship enforced by both the Monarchy and the Republic (as well as the intermittent Empires). Although censorship was abolished during the French Revolution at the end of the eighteenth century with Article 11 of the Declaration of the Rights of Man, it was almost immediately reintroduced. A censor for caricatures in Pari s was appointed in July 1789 and was reaffirmed at the height of the Revolution in April 1794. 53 Censorship remain ed a contentious issue thr oughout the nineteenth century, and therefore wer e unlikely to be in press. also more seriously referencing a subversive way in which poetic attacks could still be printed But th en again, owing to the anxiety that press images induced, a poetic (linguistic) attack might be pub lished sooner than a visual one (which of course this lithograph actually accomplishes due to the brief lift in censorship). Within the frame, the scene of Berryer in the garden continues the Rococo compositional motifs with mythologized figures (the winged Berryer), flying cupids, and corpulent amounts of flesh. It also continues the tradition of Saint drawing on similar strategies and visual puns, and using similar elements of a Rococo idiom. For instance, b ehind Berryer 52 Goldstein, Censorship of Political Caricature 2. 53


81 famous horticulturist is on his early morning rounds, cultivating flowe watering jug, which Berryer neglects as he neglects his stated duties (both politically at the Elyse and horticulturally in the garden). On another level though, a jug, or cruche was a person of limited intelligence, a visual barb which John Rogister another Livre de caricature scholar points out Saint Aubin repeatedly employed, including in what is considered the finest of his political sketches about the Paris parle mentaires (Figure 4 9 ). 54 Above the hand written toward each other and converse, as a jug at the left prostrates himself and spills coins across the floor and up the stairs in the direction of the presiding large jug adorned w ith vest and wig. According to Rogister, the jugs represent the assemble des chambres and with all of their pedantry, the trumpet for the loudmouth, the flow 55 the tableau presents the parle mentaires i s it an ce un Lys, est ce une impriale?) is reminiscent of Saint in which he combined the name of flowers with patrons in mocking manners such as in his Recueil de plantes a private book of 250 botanical studies For instance, Melissa Hyde shows the verbal visual associat ion s employed by Saint Aubin in comparing Madame de Pom padour to a flower. Saint s illustration of the reference to Madame de Pompadour suggests 54 55 65.


82 bouquet pi 56 Daumier verbal contextual puns. Here, Berryer cultivating a lys, a lily, could be innoc uous, a flower to be grown in any garde n. However, that fact that he has time to spend leisurely cultivat ing flowers, suggests inefficiency and ineffectiveness in his political duties On another level, Daumier suggests that This verbal pun refers to the fleur de lys which of course was an emblem of the mon archy, implying that Berryer is trying to nurture a relati onship to the new rising Empire Phrased in a question though as t o what/who Berryer develops in his garden indic ates that perhaps there are other flowers/poli ticians that Berryer inuating him as a flip flop. Finally, his inattentiveness to any cultivation as he forgets his pail behind him suggests he is not very good at either (political or floral cultivation). Unlike Saint Aubin whose book was privately kept for a small group of friends, most of Le Charivari However, like Saint Livre de caricatures the Idylles p arliamentairs are full of inside jokes abou t contemporary art, jesting that would have been especia lly evident to his like minded friends and followers in the art community and not necessarily to the greater public. S ignificantly however while Saint fte ga lant e s despite the Rococo eighteenth century Rococo works. Rather he mocks paintings and sculptures of the nineteenth 56 Germain de Saint in Seeing Satire eds. Elisabeth Mansfield and Kelly Malone, Studies in Voltaire and the Eighteent h Century (Oxford: Voltaire Foundation) In press, to be published in 2013; ms p. XX The subject of flowers and satire is also taken up 403. Alo ng the lines of her work in ornament and subversion, Scott suggests that Saint Aubin used flowers in a similar central focus, Saint Aubin exploited similar to his use of the frame in Il vaut mieux dire une btise que de se taire


83 century done in mythologized Rococo revivalist style, each with diverse political, social, or art istic resonance. 57 Le secret confi au dieu f aune 10 ) Thiers impishly stands on like the young Republic with a discrete and t ender passion: but I claim, far from being platonic, 58 On one level, the Pygmalion like visual relationship between Thiers and Mol reinforces a political and homoerotic rhetorical pun Y et Daumier also takes another stab at art and politics: the Thiers/Mol group is a Premier secret confi Venus (Figure 4 11 ), exhibited at the 1839 Salon and bought by Louis Philippe as purchase for the relief of living artist the marble mythological group recalls Rococo rather than Revolutionary themes, the sculpture is fashionable in a revivalist style, a nd was used as a m eans to associate Louis Philippe with French court culture rather than with the poli tical/aesthetic ideals of the Rococo in which Daumier invested himself. For insiders who would recognize this sculpture and piece together its and artistic procliv ities of political leaders as they try to reg ain monarchical power and use stereotypically Rococo revival courtly imagery to fashion themselves within that context 57 This is an area for future research. In addition to the ones to be discussed throughout the r est of the chapter, an unpublished lithograph from Idylles Parlementaires now at the National Gallery of Art, Washington DC). Howeve and contemporary painting and sculpture. 58 LE SECRET CONFI AU DIEU FAUNE: Je feins d'aimer la jeune Rpublique D'une discrte et tendre passion: Mais je prtends, lo in d'tre platonique, Violer un jour sa Constitution!


84 hir (d 12 ) is taken fro m Pierre Young Zephyr Balancing above Water (Figure 4 13 ). 59 The painting, which became immensely popular after its exhibition at the Salon of 1814, was reproduced for rsion, as Flora looks on and sees Henri Georges Boulay de la Meurthe (1797 1858) delicately dipping his toe in the 60 implying that politicians, like art, can be bought (or paid o ff) in any form. A s the quote by Adhmar at the beginning of this chapter indicated the Idylles p arlementaires 14 hich we know Daumier was ously elaborated. on the Rococo ( and in turn on certain elements of Rococo revival s) was stylistic, in its affirmation of loose brushwork and coloristic effects, as delighting the stylistic influence was also political, as Rococo and Rococo revivalist artists not only imitated his visual effects but utilized them for similar political reverberations W orking for alternative audiences, in non Academic genres and styles, these artists and their works subtly and subversively stood against traditional artistic and governmental institutions Imitatione they also did so as befitting their own contemporary moment. 59 For Prud as a Rococo revival artist, see Carol Duncan The Persistence and Re emergence of the Rococo in French Romantic Painting, (PhD Diss, Columbia University, 1969): 31 33. 60 FLORE ET ZPHIR (DE LA MEURTHE.) Lgrement il se balance, Du pied peine effleurant l'eau: Flore qui l'admire en silence Se dit: Ah! crdi qu'il est beau! (Traduit d'Anacron par Ratapoil, Colonel de Gendarmerie en retraite, membre de la socit des belles lettres d e Chlons sur Marne et de la socit du Dix Dcembre de Paris.)


85 Similarly, f or Daumier in his Idylles p arle mentaires this Rubensian connection is clearly seen in the way he picks up on the spirit of a Rococo print and caricature tradition and transforms specific paintings/sculptures within the present revived politic al and artistic context. But, d espite the critical stance of the Idylles p arle mentaires like Saint have taken in drawing these litho graphs, as Daumier also clearly implicates himself as a Rococo revivalist not far from the ones he mocks, based on his own invo lvement with Rococo art in these lithographs, and in his paintings. Yet t hrough his particular continued engagement with the Roco co, in print as in painting, Daumier still implies a chang then being associated with institutional, monarchical anti Republican claims. Implementing Rococo styles associated with freedom references to Rubens, loose brushwor k, ornament, caricature Daumier sides with and fights for political liberty through artistic means.


86 APPENDIX FIGURES 1 1 Honor Daumier, La Rpublique 1848, oil on canvas, 29.7 x 23.6 in. (73 x 60 cm). 16 August 2012. http://www.daumier 1 2 Honor Daumier, Les f ugitifs 1849 52, oil on panel, 6.3 x 12.2 in. (16 x 31 cm). Private collection on permanent loan to the Nationa l Gallery, London. Accessed 16 August 2012. http://www.daumier 1 3 Honor Daumier, Un w agon de troisime c lasse 1860 65, oil on canvas, 25.7 x 35.5 in. (6 5.4 x 90.2 cm). Metropolitan Museum of Art, N ew York. Accessed 16 August 2012. http://www.daumier 1 4 Honor Daumier, Le b aiser 1845 48, oil on panel, 14.5 x 11.2 in. (37 x 28 .5 cm). Muse d'Orsay, Paris. Accessed 9 October 2012. http://www.daumier 1 5 Honor Daumier, Au b 1850, oil on panel 12.99 x 9.4 in. (33 x 24 cm). Muse d'Art moderne, Troyes (France) Accessed 9 October 2012. http://www.daumier 1 6 Honor Daumier, Don Quichotte sur un cheval b lanc 1870 73, oil on canvas, 15.7 x 12.2 in. (40 x 31 cm). Private Collection, Zurich Accessed 9 October 2012. http://www.daumier 1 7 Honor Daumier, Sc ne de c omdie 1870 75, oil on panel, 9.4 x 12.5 in. (23.8 x 31.8 cm). Armand Hammer Daumier and Contemporaries Collection Los Angeles Accessed 9 October 2012. http://www.daumier registe 1 8 Honor Daumier, La leon de l ecture 1855 60, oil on panel, 16.5 x 14.9 in. (4 1.9 x 37.8 cm). Armand Hammer Daumier and Contemporaries Collection, Los Angeles Accessed 9 October 2012. http://www.daumier 1 9 Honor Daumier, stampes 1860, oil on panel, 9.5 x 10.2 in. (24.1 x 26 cm). Philadelphia Museum of Art, Philadelphia. Accessed 16 August 2012. http://www.daumier 1 10 Honor Daumier, La bl anchisseuse 1863, oil on wood, 19.3 x 13.2 in. (49 x 33.5 cm). Muse d'Orsay, Paris. Accessed 16 August 2012. http://www.daumier 1 11 Honor Daumier, Le b aiser 1850, brown chalk drawing on yellowish paper, 11.8 x 9.8 in. (30 x 24.9 cm). Collection of drawings, Muse du Louvre Pa ris. Accessed 16 August 2012. 000_p.jpg


87 1 1 2 Honor Daumier, Le t roubadour 1868 73, oil on c anvas, 32.9 x 22.4 in. (83.6 x 56.8 cm). Cleveland Museum of Art, Ohio. Accessed 9 October 2012. http://www.daumier 1 13 Honor Daumier, La s oupe 1862, penci l, pen, ink and watercolor on paper, 11.8 x 19.5 in. (30 x 49.5 cm). Muse du Louvre, dpartment des Arts graphique Paris. Accessed 16 August 2012. http://www.cul 000_p.jpg 2 1 Peter Paul Rubens, La K ermesse 1638, oil on panel 58.7 x 102.8 in. (149 x 261 cm). Muse du Louvre, Paris. Accessed 16 August 2012. paul rubens/the kermesse 1638.jpg!Blog.jpg 2 2 La Kermesse 1848, oil on canvas. Destroyed in a fire in 1950. Acc essed 16 A ugust 2012. http://www.daumier 2 3 Les Artistes published in Le Charivari on 12 May 1865, lithograph, 7.8 x 9.1 in. (19.8 x 23.2 cm). Accessed 16 August 2012. http://www.daumier 2 4 Peter Paul Rubens, The F elicity of the Regency 1622 25, oil on canvas, 155 x 116 in. (394 295 cm). Muse du Louvre, Paris. Accessed 16 August 2012. /474px Peter_Paul_Rubens_040.jpg 2 5 Honor Daumier, 1848 1849, oil on panel, 15.6 x 12.9 in. (39.5 x 32.8 cm). Private Collection, Swit zer land. Accessed 16 August 2012. http://www.daumier 2 6 Peter Paul Rubens, Family of Lot Departing from Sodom 1613 1615, oil on canvas. 86 3/4 x 96 in. (220. 3 x 243.8 cm). The John and Mable Ringling Museum of Art, S arasota. Accessed 16 August 2012. Departure of Lot and his Family from Sodom large.jpg 2 7 Honor Daumier, Deux nymphes poursuivies par des s atyres 1850, oil on canvas 50.9 x 38.2 in. (129.3 x 97 cm). Museum of Fine Art, Montreal. Accessed 16 August 2012. http://www.daumier 2 8 Honor Daumier, 1848 1850, charcoal, brown chalk, sepia wash and gouache on paper, 16.9 x 24 in. (43 x 61 cm). Musee des Beaux Arts et de la Dentelle, Calais Accessed 16 August 2012.


88 2 9 Peter Paul Rubens, Drunken Silenus 1616 1617, oil on panel 84.25 x 83.47 in. (214 x 212 cm). Alte Pinakothek, Munich. Accessed 16 August 2012. Drunken Silenus 1616 17 large.jpg 3 1 Honor Daumier, telier ca. 1870, oil on canvas, 16 x 12.5 in (40.6 x 31.8 cm). J. Paul Getty Museum, Los A ngeles. Accessed 16 August 2012. http://www.daumier 3 2 Jean Honor Frago nard, The New Model ca. 1770, oil on canvas, 19.7 x 24.8 in. (50 x 63 cm). Muse Jacquemart Andr, Paris. Accessed 16 August 2012. http://musee jacquemart ew model 3 3 Jean Honor Fragonard, Inspiration 1769, oil on canvas, 31.5 x 25.2 in. (80 64 cm). Muse du Louvre, Paris. Accessed 16 August 2012. http://upl 3 4 Honor Daumier, Pierrot jouant de la m andoline ca. 1873, oil on panel, 13.8 x 10.6 in. (35 x 27 cm). Oskar Reinhart Collection, Winterthur, Switzerland. Accessed 16 August 2012. http://www.daumier 3 5 Honor Daumier, Le p eintre ca. 1865, oil on panel, 11.4 x 7.5 in. (29 x 19 cm). National Gallery of Scotland, Edinburgh. Accessed 16 August 2012. http://www.daumier 3 6 Honor Daumier, Un loge au thtre 1865 70, oil on canvas, 20.4 x 13.8 in. (26.5 x 35 cm). Kunsthalle, Hamburg. Accesse d 16 August 2012. http://www.daumier 3 7 Honor Daumier, Galerie de tableaux oil on canvas, ca. 1860 70, oil on canvas, 15.7 x 12.8 in. (40 x 32.5 cm). Pr esent Location Unknown. Accessed 16 August 2012. http://www.daumier 3 8 Honor Daumier, stampes 1860 65, oil on panel, 16.1 x 13.2 in. (41 x 3 3.5 cm). Muse des Beaux Arts de la Ville de Paris, Petit Palais, Paris. Accessed 16 August 2012. http://www.daumier 3 9 Honor Daumier, Le l iseur 1860 65 oil on panel, 13.5 x 10 in. (34.3 x 25.4 cm). Des Moines Art Center, Iowa Accessed 16 August 2012. http://www.daumier 4 1 Honor Daumier, Empire, Orlani sme et Lgitimit, from the series Idylles p arlementaires printed in Le Charivari on November 4, 1850, lithography, 10.75 x 7.99 in. (27.3 x 20 .3 cm). Accessed 16 August 2012. http://www.d aumier 4 2 Cupidon Idylles p arlementaires printed in Le Charivari on November 8 1850, lithography, 10.75 x 7.99 in. (27.3 x 20.3 cm). Accessed 10 October 2012. http://www.daumier


89 4 3 Nymphes des alentours from the series Idylles p arlementaires printed in Le Charivari on October 3, 1850, lithography, 10.75 x 7.99 in. (27.3 x 20.3 cm). Accessed 10 October 2012. http://www.daumier 4 4 Antoine Watteau, L'e nseigne de Gersaint 1720, oil on canvas, 64 x 121 in. (163 x 308 cm). Charl ottenburg Palace, Berlin. Accessed 10 October 2012. Gersaint.jpg 4 5 Char les Germain de Saint vrit Livre de caricatures tant bonnes que mauvais 1757, watercolor, ink, and graphite, 7.4 x 5.2 in. (18.7 x 13.2 cm). Accessed 16 August 2012. 4 6 Charles Germain de Saint Livre de caricatures tant bonnes que mauvaises ca. 1740 1775, watercolor ink, and graphite, 7.4 x 5.2 in. (18.7 x 13.2 cm). Accessed 16 August, 2012. 4 7 Ch arles Germain de Saint Aubin, "Il vaut mieux dire une btise que de se taire," from Livre de caricatures tant bonnes que mauvaises c. 1740 1775, watercolor, ink, and graphite, 7.4 x 5.2 in. (18.7 x 13. 2 cm). Accessed 16 August 2012. 4 8 Honor Daumier, Voyez Berryer Idylles p arlementaires printed in Le Charivari on Nov ember, 6, 1850, lithography, 10.63 x 7.99 in. (27 x 20. 3 cm). Accessed 16 August 2012. http://www.daumier 4 9 Charles Germain de Saint Aubin, "Hebien! Toutes l es cruches ne sont pas la," from Livre de caricatures tant bonnes que mauvaises 1763 1775, watercolor, ink, and graphite, 7.4 x 5.2 in. (18.7 x 13.2 cm). Accessed 16 August 2012. 4 10 Honor Daumier, Le secret confi au dieu f aune from the series Idylles p arlementaires printed in Le Charivari on February 24, 1851, lithography, 10.16 x 8.27 in. (25.8 x 21. 0 cm). Accessed 16 August 2012. http://www.daumier 4 11 Franois Jouffroy, Premier secret confi Vnus 1839 marble, 65.4 x 22.4 x 1 7.3 in. (166 x 57 x 44 cm). Muse du Louvre, Paris. Accessed 16 August 2012. edia/commons/thumb/f/f1/Secret_Jouffroy_Louvre_LP 1919.jpg/268px Secret_Jouffroy_Louvre_LP1919.jpg 4 12 Flore et Zphyr (de la Meurthe), from the series Idylles p arlementaires printed in Le Charivari on September 21, 1850, lithography, 10.94 x 8.19 in. (27.8 x 20 .8 cm). Accessed 16 August 2012. http://www.daumier


90 4 1 3 Pierre Paul Prud'hon, Young Zephyr Balancing a bove Water oil on canvas 38.4 x 50.4 in. (97.5 x 128 cm). Muse du Louvre, Paris. Ac cessed 16 August 2012. paul prud hon/young zephyr balancing above water.jpg!Blog.jpg 4 14 Honor Daumier, L'Ivresse de No, from the series Idylles p arlementaires 1851, lithography, 11.38 x 8.19 in. (28.9 x 20.8 cm). Accessed 16 August 2012. http://www.daumier


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94 Georgel, Pierre and Gabriel Mandel Tout l'oeuvre p eint de Daumier Flammarion, Paris 1972. Goldstein, Robert Justin Censorship of Political Caricature in Nineteenth Century France. Kent, Ohio and London England: The Kent State University Press, 1989. de Goncourt, Jules and Edmond. French Eighteenth Century Painters Translated with an introduction by Robin Ironside. Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1981. -- Le Temps, I llustrateur Universel July 8, 1860. Goodman, Elise. Conversatie la Mode : Garden of Leisure, Fashion, and Gallantry The Art Bulletin vol. 64, n o. 2 (Jun., 1982): 247 259. nationale (France). French Caricature and the French Revolution, 1789 1799 Los Angeles: Grunwald Center for the Graphic Arts, Wight Art Gallery, University of C alifornia, Los Angeles, 1988. Guentner, Wendelin. The Inscription of the Sketch in the 19th Century French Journal: Michelet, Delacroix and the Goncourt Brothers Nineteenth Ce ntury French Studies vol. 27, no. 3 4 (Spring Summer, 1999) : 276 289. --Contemporary French Civilization vol. 23, no. 1 (1999): 95 110. Harries, Karsten. The Broken Frame, Three Lectures Washi ngton, D.C.: The Catholic University of America Press, 1989. Harrison, Charles, Paul Wood, and Jason Gaiger, eds. Art in Theory 1648 1815: An Anthology of Changing Ideas Oxford, UK: Blackwell Publishers, 2000. H. Daumier: Lithographer Satirist: Selected Illustrations, 1831 1872. Exhibition April 1 July 9, 1978, New Jersey State Museum, Trenton 1978. Hofmann, W erner Art Journal vol 43, no. 3 (1983): 361 364 Hyde, Melissa. n the Hands of Charles Germain de Saint Aubin I n Seeing Satire eds. Elisabeth Mansfield and Kelly Malone, Studies in Voltaire and the Eighteenth Century (Oxford: Voltaire Foundation). In press, to be published in 2013; ms p. XX. --. Making up the Roc oco: Francois Boucher and his Critics Los Angeles, CA: The Getty Research Insti tute Publications Program, 2006 Ives, Colta, et. al. Daumier D rawings New York: Metropolitan Museum of Art, 1992.


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100 BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH Elizabeth Saari Browne was born an d raised in Lakeland, FL. S he received her B.A. in A rt History from the College of William & Mary in Williamsburg, VA where she graduated m agna c um laude and Phi Beta Kappa in 2009. She began to pursue her Masters of Art in Art History at the University of Florida Gainesville in 201 0 and graduated in December 2012. At UF, M s. Browne focused on nineteenth century French painting and studied under Dr. Melissa Hyde and Dr. Joyce Tsai. H er other research interests include eighteenth century French painting and caricature p rint history and theory, and material aesthetics.