Citation
In God's Presence

Material Information

Title:
In God's Presence Chaplains, Missionaries, and the Religious Space of War and Peace
Creator:
Miller, Benjamin L
Place of Publication:
[Gainesville, Fla.]
Florida
Publisher:
University of Florida
Publication Date:
Language:
english
Physical Description:
1 online resource (312 p.)

Thesis/Dissertation Information

Degree:
Doctorate ( Ph.D.)
Degree Grantor:
University of Florida
Degree Disciplines:
History
Committee Chair:
Gallman, James M
Committee Co-Chair:
Link, William A
Committee Members:
Hart, Mitchell B
Sensbach, Jon
Hackett, David G
Graduation Date:
12/15/2012

Subjects

Subjects / Keywords:
Armies ( jstor )
Chaplains ( jstor )
Civil wars ( jstor )
Clergy ( jstor )
Death ( jstor )
Hospitals ( jstor )
Prayer ( jstor )
Religion ( jstor )
Soldiers ( jstor )
War ( jstor )
History -- Dissertations, Academic -- UF
america -- chaplains -- evangelicals -- missionaries -- religion -- soldiers -- war
Genre:
bibliography ( marcgt )
theses ( marcgt )
government publication (state, provincial, terriorial, dependent) ( marcgt )
born-digital ( sobekcm )
Electronic Thesis or Dissertation
History thesis, Ph.D.

Notes

Abstract:
Using insights drawn from spatial theory, this dissertation examines religious developments during the American Civil War era, by focusing on the military chaplains and missionaries who served the spiritual needs of the Civil War armies. It looks specifically at how clergy and soldiers navigated the wartime religious world in military camps, battlefields, hospitals, and prisons. In these varied spaces, soldiers and clergy intent on maintaining a spiritual life initially tried to replicate the idyllic world of the antebellum church. Instead of succeeding in that endeavor, they found themselves constructing a new religious world, needing to adapt to wartime circumstances including constant movement, persistent deprivations, and the peculiar challenges posed by living in an almost entirely masculine setting. The wartime religious world contained vestiges of the prewar period including providential thinking, revivalism, and belief in the Good Death. However, the changes were more marked. The wartime religious world fostered themes of religious and societal equality. With few exceptions, chaplains and missionaries ministered to men regardless of religious belief, racial identity,or army affiliation. An organization of Northern evangelical missionaries, the United States Christian Commission (USCC), in particular focused much attention on the spiritual development of African American soldiers and civilians. While first emerging within the camp and battlefield environments, the prison and the general hospital inculcated civil religion within the ranks of Civil War soldiers. The spiritual life of Civil War soldiers had a large impact on postbellum religious changes such as the expansion of black churches, the growth of civil religion in the North and South, and the gender composition of American churches. ( en )
General Note:
In the series University of Florida Digital Collections.
General Note:
Includes vita.
Bibliography:
Includes bibliographical references.
Source of Description:
Description based on online resource; title from PDF title page.
Source of Description:
This bibliographic record is available under the Creative Commons CC0 public domain dedication. The University of Florida Libraries, as creator of this bibliographic record, has waived all rights to it worldwide under copyright law, including all related and neighboring rights, to the extent allowed by law.
Thesis:
Thesis (Ph.D.)--University of Florida, 2012.
Local:
Adviser: Gallman, James M.
Local:
Co-adviser: Link, William A.
Electronic Access:
RESTRICTED TO UF STUDENTS, STAFF, FACULTY, AND ON-CAMPUS USE UNTIL 2014-12-31
Statement of Responsibility:
by Benjamin L Miller.

Record Information

Source Institution:
UFRGP
Rights Management:
Applicable rights reserved.
Embargo Date:
12/31/2014
Resource Identifier:
869883917 ( OCLC )
Classification:
LD1780 2012 ( lcc )

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1 IN GODS PRESENCE: CHAPLAINS, MISSIONARIES, AND THE RELIGIOUS SPACE OF WAR AND PEACE By BENJAMIN L. MILLER A DISSERTATION PRESENTED TO THE GRADUATE SCHOOL OF THE UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA 2012

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2 2012 Benjamin L. Miller

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3 To my parents

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4 ACKNOWLEDGMENTS I would like to thank my dissertation advisors, J. Matthew Gallman and William A. Link, for believing in the worth of this project from its inception and guiding me through its completion. I would also like to thank the other members of my committee, Jon Sensbach, Mitchell Hart, and David Hackett for their advice and encouragement. Research for this projec t would not have been possible without the generous support of an Archie K. Davis f ellowship from the North Caroliniana Society, an Andrew W. Mellon research fellowship from the Virginia Historical Society, and a research fellowship from the Institute for Southern Studies at the University of South Carolina. Closer to home, the University of Florida funded this project through multiple conference travel grants, and research awards which also helped fund my archival journeys. This project would also have bee n far more difficult without the help of the professionals who worked at the numerous research archives I visited At a crucial point in this projects germination, I attended a seminar led by Harry Stout, who along with one of the other participants, Edwa rd Blum, offered strong words of encouragement, and help with conceptualizing the dissertations larger argument. Last but certainly not least, I would like to thank my wife for putting up with me while I completed this project.

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5 TABLE OF CONTENTS page ACKNOWLEDGMENTS .................................................................................................. 4 ABSTRACT ..................................................................................................................... 7 CHAPTER 1 INTRODUCTION ...................................................................................................... 9 Theorizing the Sacred in the American Civil War Era: A Discourse on Method ...... 9 Chapter Outline ....................................................................................................... 19 Scope of Dissertation .............................................................................................. 21 2 MEN OF THE CLOTH ............................................................................................. 25 Introduction ............................................................................................................. 25 The Clergy and Organized Religion in Antebellum America ................................... 26 Challenges For Wartime Clergy .............................................................................. 31 The Antebellum Lives of Several Sample Clergy .................................................... 39 3 CHRISTIAN SOLDIERS ......................................................................................... 51 Introduction ............................................................................................................. 51 Awash in a Sea of Faith: Religion in Antebellum America .................................... 52 Seeing the Elephant: Christian Soldiers Go Off to War ........................................ 62 Comrades and Friends: Soldiers and Their Spiritual Guides .................................. 72 Wartime Religion and the Written Word .................................................................. 77 4 CONSTRUCTING SACRED SPACE IN CAMP: WORSHIP PRACTICES .............. 81 Introduction ............................................................................................................. 8 1 New Wartime Worship Practices ............................................................................ 82 Reproducing and Adapting Antebellum Worship Practices ..................................... 95 5 CONSTRUCTING SACRED SPACE IN CAMP: CHURCHES, BATTLES, AND DIVERSITY ........................................................................................................... 130 Introduction ........................................................................................................... 130 Building Churches in the Civil War Armies ............................................................ 130 The Sacred and the Profane ................................................................................. 139 Diversity in the Camps .......................................................................................... 158 6 FI GHTING, DYING, SICK, AND WOUNDED ........................................................ 173 Introduction ........................................................................................................... 173

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6 Religiosity During Combat: Navigating the Boundaries of Life and Death ............ 174 Aiding the Dispossessed: Ministering to the Sick, Wounded, and Dying in the Hospitals ............................................................................................................ 192 The End of Worldly Suffering: The Religious Space of the Dying ......................... 216 7 CL ERICAL CARE IN GENERAL HOSPITALS AND PRISONS ............................ 227 Introduction ........................................................................................................... 227 Time is on Our Side: Sacred Space in the Union General Hospital ...................... 228 Fighting Profane Space in the Union General Hospital ......................................... 244 Prisons: Inculcating Religiosity and Civil Religion ................................................. 250 8 CONCLUSION ...................................................................................................... 268 BIBLIOGRAPHY ......................................................................................................... 281 BIOGRAPHICAL S KETCH .......................................................................................... 312

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7 Abstract of Dissertation Presented to the Graduate School of the University of Florida in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy IN GODS PRESENCE: CHAPLAINS, MISSIONARIES, AND THE RELIGIOUS SPACE OF WAR AND PEACE By Benjamin L. Miller December 2012 Chair: J. Matthew Gallman Cochair: William A. Link Major: History Using insights drawn from spatial theory, this dissertation examines religious developments during the American Civil War era, by focusing on the military chaplains and missionaries who served the spiritual needs of the Civil War armies It looks specifically at how clergy and soldiers navigated the wartime religious world in military camps, battlefields, hospitals, and prisons. In these varied spaces, soldiers and clergy intent on maintaining a spiritual life initially tried to replicate the idyllic w orld of the antebellum church. Instead of succeeding in that endeavor, they found themselves constructing a new religious world, needing to adapt to wartime circumstances including constant movement, persistent deprivations, and the peculiar challenges posed by living in an almost entir ely masculine setting. The wartime religious world contained vestiges of the prewar period including providential thinking, revivalism, and belief in the Good Death. However, the changes were more marked. The wartime religious world fostered themes of reli gious and societal equality. With few exceptions, chaplains and missionaries ministered to men regardless of religious belief, racial identity, or army affiliation. An organization of

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8 Northern evangelical missionaries, the United States Christian Commissio n (USCC), in particular focused much attention on the spiritual development of African American soldiers and civilians. While first emerging within the camp and battlefield environments, the prison and the general hospital inculcated civil religion within the ranks of Civil War soldiers. The spiritual life of Civil War soldiers had a large impact on postbellum religious changes such as the expansion of black churches, the growth of civil religion in the North and South, and the gender com position of American churches.

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9 CHAPTER 1 INTRODUCTION R eligion and war have always been at the center of the human condition. Warfare often le ads to heightened religiosity. The American Civil War era in particular cannot be fully explained without understanding religions role in the conflict. The goal of this dissertation is to shed light on how wartime clergy interacted with the flock of male soldiers within the bloody, fratricidal conflict known as the American Civil War. This chapter sets out to do three things: first, discuss the methodology undergirding the dissertation; second, provide a chapter outline of the dissertation; and finally, pr ovide an overview of the dissertations scope. Theorizing the Sacred in the American Civil War Era: A Discourse on Method This dissertation is based on a theoretical fram ework a century in the making. I have examined how religious theorists from Emile Durkheim to Kim Knott have conceptualized religious space, and have taken aspects of their theories to inform my own work.1 The next few pages sketch how these religious theories have evolved, before I offer my own conception of religious space.2 1 The following works on sacred space provide a theoretical background for the dissertation: Emile Durkheim, The Elementary Forms of the Religious Life: A Study in Religious Sociology (New York: Macmillan, 1915); Mircea Eliade, Patterns in Comparative Religion (New York: Sheed and Ward Inc., 1958); Mircea Eliade, The Sacred and the Profane: The Nature of Religion (New York: Harper & Row, 1959); Larry E. Shiner, Sacred Space, Profane Space, Human Space, Journal of the American Academy of Religion 40, no. 4 (1972): 425436; Yi Fu Tuan, Topophilia: A Study of Environmental Perception Attitudes, and Values (Englewood Cliffs, NJ: PrenticeHall, Inc., 1974); Jonathan Z. Smith, Map is Not Territory: Studies in the History of Religion ( Leiden, The Netherlands: E.J. Brill, 1978); Harold W. Turner, From Temple to Meeting House: The Phenomenology and Theo logy of Places of Worship (The Hague: Mouton, 1979); Jonathan Z. Smith, To Take Place: Toward Theory in Ritual (Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 1987); Beldin C. Lane, Landscapes of the Sacred: Geography and Narrative in American Spirituality (New York: Paulist Press, 1988); Jean Holm and John Bowker, eds., Sacred Place (London: Printer Publishers Ltd., 1994); David L. Carmichael, Jane Hubert, Brian Reeves, and Audhild Schanche, eds., Sacred Sites, Sacred Places (New York: Routledge, 1994); David C hidester and Edward T. Linenthal, eds. American Sacred Space (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1995); Thomas A. Tweed, Our Lady of the Exile: Diasporic Religion at a Cuban Catholic Shrine in Miami (New York: Oxford University Press, 1997); Seth D. K unin, Gods Place in the World: Sacred Space and Sacred Place in Judaism (London: Cassell, 1998); Jeanne Halgren Kilde, When Church Became Theatre: The

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10 Emile Durkh eim, the founder of the discipline of sociology, first conceptualized the sacred and the profane. Viewing sacred space as a social category, Durkheim conceived of the world as divided into sacred and profane realms and viewed t heir distinction as universal This study demonstrates how almost anything could be imbued with the sacred. Not part of its empirical nature, an objects sacred character is imposed upon it. The sacredness of one part of an object is the same as its whole.3 Over forty years passed bef ore another scholar advanced Durkheims work on the sacred. Writing in the late 1950s, noted religious theorist Mircea Eliades seminal The Sacred and Profane: The Nature of Religion builds on Durkheims work. For the first time, Eliade explores the concep t of sacred space, arguing that Durkheim incorrectly reduces the sacred and profane to social processes.4 Instead, Eliade posits that the sacred is the product of hierophanies, defined as an irruption of the sacred that results Transformation of Evangelical Architecture and Worship in NineteenthCentury America (New York: Oxford U niversity Press, 2002); Kim Knott, The Location of Religion: A Spatial Analysis (Oakville, CT: Equinox Publishing Ltd., 2005); Louis P. Nelson, ed., American Sanctuary: Understanding Sacred Spaces (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 2006); Thomas A. Tw eed, Crossing and Dwelling: A Theory of Religion (2006); Jeanne Halgren Kilde, Sacred Power, Sacred Place: An Introduction to Christian Architecture and Worship (New York: Oxford University Press, 2008); and Kim Knott, Spatial Theory and the Study of Religion, Religion Compass 2, no. 6 (2008): 11021116. Other important works on spatial theory include Jurgen Habermas, The Structural Transformation of the Public Sphere: An Inquiry into a Category of Bourgeois Society Translated by Thomas Burger with the assistance of Frederick Lawrence (Cambridge, MA: The MIT Press, 1989) and Henri Lefebvre, The Production of Space, Translated by Donald NicholsonSmith (Malden, MA: Blackwell Publishing, 1991). 2 N ot all scholars agree with the sacred and profane binary. For example, religious historian Colleen McDann ell argues that material culture does not provide much evidence for a distinct separation between the sacred and the profane in Christian lif e. Instead she asserts, that the scrambling of the sacred and the profane is common in American Christianity. (Colleen McDannell, Material Christianity: Religion and Popular Culture in America (New Haven, CT: Ya le University Press, 1995), 8). 3 Durkheim, The Elementary Forms of the Religious Life: A Study in Religious Sociology 37, 229. 4 Eliad e explores th e sacred and the profane in The Sacred and the Profane: The Nature of Religion (1959). His lar ger argument is contained in a more lengthy work, Patterns in Comparative Religion (1958). Larry Shiner introduces a new definitional wrinkle into the conception of the sacred and the profane by arguing that a lived space exists along side profane and sacred space. (Larry E. Shiner, Sacred Space, Profane Space, Human Space Journal of the American Academy of Religion 40, no. 4 (1972) : 425436.)

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11 in detaching a territory fr om the surrounding cosmic milieu and making it qualitatively different.5 This ontological space is part of the nature or essence of being, is centered, and is consecrated. It may include a built environme nt such as a church or nature. Moreover, this space exists within a certain sacred time.6 Eliade also defines profane space as fundamentally opposed to the sacred. This space exists within profane time where acts devoid of religious meaning are set. An essential part of the religious world, profane man can behave like religious man, although his actions contain no religious meaning.7 Dating from the late 1970s, religious historian Jonathan Z. Smiths work challenged Eliades theoretical framework by stressing, like Durkheim, that sacred space is socially co nstructed.8 Smiths sacred is situational, not substantive as Eliade argued. Thus, nothing may be considered intrinsically sacred or profane.9 Smith also introduces the concept of power into the discussion of space by explaining the power dynamics within r eligious space.10 5 Eliade, The Sacred and the Profane 26. A sign may also indicate a places sacredness. (Eliade, The Sacred and the Profane, 27) 6 Eliade, Th e Sacred and the Profane 32, 39, 61, 68, 116. 7 Ibid. 68, 204. 8 Jonathan Z. Smiths Map is Not Territory: Studies in the History of Religion (1978) and To Take Place: Toward Theory in Ritual (1987) articulate his theoretical conceptions. 9 Smith, To Take Place, 104 and Smith, Map is not Territory 291. In Map is not Territory Smith references the work of Mary Douglas to show how this conception has been employed in earlier studies. See Mary Douglas, Purity and Danger: An Analysis of the Concepts of P ollution and Taboo (London: Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1966) 10 Noted theorist Michel Foucault also discusses the power of space, especially in his work Discipline and Punish: The Birth of the Prison, trans. Alan Sheridan (New York: Pantheon Books, 1977).

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12 Smiths work further theorizes the role of ritual and its relationship to space.11 Noting their key relationship to the ritual drama and ranking them according to power, Smith discusses the degrees of sacrality in the Jewish Temple.12 Smit hs ranking of sacred space demonstrates similarities with the levels of holiness explained in an antebellum Methodist Camp Meeting Manual and provides a context for the revivals held in civil war military camps.13 For Smith, ritual sacralizes things and pe ople.14 Subsequent scholarship by theologian Belden Lane, historian Edward Linenthal, and scholar of comparative religion David Chidester, have stressed the need to look at the specific environment of American religious space.15 Lane views sacred space in Am erica as storied space while Chidester and Linenthal note its contested nature.16 Lane argues that the experiences of space and place structure spirituality (our experience of self and others in relationship to God), at the same time spirituality structur es our landscape (our vision of the where of our experience).17 His conception of the liminal space of the evangelical revival applies nic ely to Civil War era revivals. 11 Se e Jonathan Z. Smith, To Take Place: Toward Theory in Ritual (Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 1987). 12 Smith, To Ta ke Place, 57 58. 13 See Barlow Weed Gorham, Camp Meeting Manual: A Practical Book for The Camp Ground in Two Parts (Boston: H.V. Degen, 1854) 14 Smith, To Take Place, 105, 109. 15 See Belden Lane, Landscapes of the Sacred: Geography and Narrative in American Spirituality (1988) and Chidester and Linenthal, American Sacred Space (1995) 16 Knott, Spatial Theory and the Study of Religion, 1105. 17 Lane, Landscapes of the Sacred, xi.

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13 During these movements identifying with marginalized and displaced people, God cannot be contained in one place.18 Chidester and Linenthals work adds insight to this discussion by showing the contested natur e of American religious space. Arguing against Eliades binary conception of religious space, this book demonstrates how the profane and the sacred, are not always separate or opposites within the American context Moreover, it reinforces Eliades discussion of times central role in the production of sacred space, especially in relation to memory and narrative, ritual and practice, and its influence on historical factors and change.19 More recently, religious theorist Thomas Tweed has stressed the importance of the twin concepts of dwelling and crossing to the study of religion.20 His first work explores how religion and place engage with the subthemes of mapping, meeting, and migration.21 In his later work, he argues that to truly understand religion one must see it as employing spatial tropes, consisting of dwelling and crossing (finding a place as well as movement across space) as well as confluences and flows (complex processes). This conception explains the fluid nature of religion.22 18 Lane, Landscapes of the Sacred, 154, 158. 19 Linenthal and Chidester, American Sacred Space, 1718, 25. My work will incorporate a version of Chidester and Linenthals conception of contested space. 20 See Thomas Tweed, Our Lady of the Exile: Diasporic Religion at a Cuban Shrine in Miami (1997) and Crossing and Dwelling: A Theory of Religion (2006) 21 Tweed argues mapping refers to how people orient themselves in a natural landscape and social terrain, transforming both in the process; meeting refers to how groups interact at contact zones; and migration refers to the movements across and within national boundaries (Tweed, Our Lady of the Exile 136) 22 Tweed, Crossing and Dwelling, 59 62

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14 Other scholars, including Louis P. Nelson and Jeanne Kilde have described the architecture of sacred space.23 Nelsons edited volume examines how Americans thro ughout history have utilized sacred space and its impact on reli gious practice. Collectively, these studies show how belief and practice inscribe a place as sacred, spaces relationship to sociopolitical identity, and the instability of sacred space.24 Whi le Nelson examines a broad range of religions, Kilde focuses on how Christian architecture impacts sacred space, specifically how church buildings influence worship practices.25 Apart from general theory on sacred space, one may gain insight into spatiality by looking at how sacred space operates in Christianity and Judaism.26 Seth Kunin describes dynamic and static sacr ed spaces in Biblical Judaism. For example, the Israelite Tent of Meeting ser ved as a dynamic sacred space. As the Israelite camp moved, this space moved along with it.27 On the other hand, the Temple of Solomon in Jerus alem represented static space. Formalized in a time and place, this sacred space 23 See L ouis P. Nelson, American Sanctuary: Understanding Sacred Spaces (2006), Jeanne Halgren Kilde, When Church Became Theatre: The Transformation of Evangelical Architecture and Worship in NineteenthCentury America (2002), and Jeanne Halgren Kilde, Sacred Power, Sacred Place: An Introduction to Christian Architecture and Worship (2008). 24 Nelson charts out these three aspects of his thesis in the introduction. See Nelson, American Sanctuary 5 6. 25 See Kilde, Sacred Power, Sacred Place: An Introduction to Chris tian Architecture and Worship (2008). Kildes earlier work, When Church Became Theatre: The Transformation of Evangelical Architecture and Worship in NineteenthCentury America (2002) looks specifically at nineteenthcentury American evangelicals. 26 See Ku nin, Gods Place in the World: Sacred Space and Sacred Place in Judaism (1998) and Douglas Davies Christianity in Holm and Bowker, eds. Sacred Place (London, Pinter Publishers Ltd., 1994) 27 Kunin, Gods Place in the World, 11.

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15 ex uded the presence of the holy. People could occupy or access it only during specific times, whe n it served as both a religious center and a strong external boundary.28 Theologian Douglas Davies provides a much needed context for how religious space operated w ithin the Christian tradition. He notes how specific Christian rituals and practices such as baptisms, hymns, and sermons help sacralize a space.29 Moreover, this space develops out of the formal priesthoods power to administer sacraments, the place of self sacrificial service to ones neighbor, the community of believers which inhabit the space, and through its role as a point of contact between humanity and God.30 In this dissertation, I have drawn more heavily on Jonathan Z. Smiths conception of situational sacred space, as opposed to Eliade s more ontological definition. Religious space may be broadly defined as the place where one confers with the divine, a physical site that offers spiritual guidance and fulfillment.31 Sacred space contains religious power, created by lay or ordained clergy who worship within the bounded area which is not naturally sacred. Entering this space draws otherwise irreligious individuals toward God, away from profane influences. It also exists as inclusive of all people who wish to obtain religious enlightenment, no matter their race, gender, or class status. 28 Kunin, Gods Place in the World 2526. 29 Davies, Christianity, 4344, 5051, 56. 30 Ibid., 52, 55 56. 31 Jane Hubert defines the term sacred as : restriction t hrough pertaining to the gods. The concept of sacred implies restrictions and prohibitions on human behaviour if something is sacred then certain rules must be observed in relation to it, and this generally means that something that is said to be sacred, whether it be an object or site (or person), must be placed apart from everyday things or places, so that its special sign ificance can be recognized, and rules regarding it obeyed. (Jane Hubert, Sacred Beliefs and Beliefs of Sacredness, in Sacred Sites, Sacred Places ed. David L. Carmichael et. al (London: Routledge, 1994), 11.)

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16 C ommunal spaces which should encompass more than one individual, sacred spaces appeared as bastions of democracy within the rigid hierarchy of Civil War armies. In addition, religious rituals such as confession, and baptism, help to sanctify religious space Space may be categorized as profane and contested in addition to sacred. Profane space describes the places without clerical influence inhabited by mans vices including gambling, profanity, and drunkenness. Contested space appears when the sacred and profane blur. For example, in the contested space of the Civil War battlefield men fought, killed, and died at the same place and time that clergy delivered last rites and absolution, sacralizing space through ritual. The study of religious space is import ant because one cannot divorce religious e xperiences from ritual space. Doing so misses a crucial aspect of cultural performance within a constructed space. Within a specific place and time, rituals and symbols take on a distinct meaning which changes si tuationally. For example, the absolution given by Father Corby to the Irish Brigade before they joined the fight at Gettysburg served a different purpose than absolution given to a mortally wounded soldier in the wake of a battle. The study of religious space helps scholars better understand the Civil War era, offering insight into the religious experience of soldiers and clergy. Although twentieth century scholars developed religious spatial theory, nineteenthcentury Ameri cans thought in similar terms. Th ey acknowledged the sacred, the contested, and the profane as a part of their daily lives. Published and archival sources shed light on these themes, especially the writings of Civil War chaplains and missionaries.

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17 By examining spatial relationships betw een clergy and soldiers, one gains insight into larger issues of religious leadership, faith, belief, and practicewhich still c oncern contemporary religions. These issues address broad questions of religious import which could apply to nearly any war, or crisis situation. My dissertation will demonstrate how the trials and tribulations of war shaped the faith of soldiers and their respective clergy and how war affected religious belief and practice. Most importantly, it will show the centrality of the role of clergy as spiritual guides and leaders. In this new wartime world, antebellum relig ious spaces were reconceived. Instead of static physical spaces being largely responsible for creating religious meaning, wartime clergy generated relig ious belief by their presence. A dynamic sacred space moved along with the Civil War chaplain or missionary, as needed to accommodate changing wartime circumstances. This definitional framework does not include the study of lived religion.32 According to the theory of lived religion, one may not separate religion from other practices of daily life. According to American religious historian Robert Orsi, one of the foremost proponents of lived religion, religion explores how people in particular places and times, live in, wit h, through, and against the religious idioms available to them in culture.33 In my opinion this conception of religion is too broad. Although nineteenthcentury America was infused with religion, this religion was commonly relegated to 32 See Robert Anthony Orsi, Everyday Miracles: The Study of Lived Religion, in Lived Religion in America: Toward a History of Practice, ed. David D. Hall (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1997) and also Robert Anthony Orsi, Between Heaven and Eart h: The Religious Worlds People Make and the Scholars Who Study Them (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2005). For excellent essays on the theory of lived religion s application, see the individual chapters in David Halls edited volume, Lived Reli gion in America: Toward a History of Practice. 33 Orsi, Everyday Mirac les 7.

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18 distinct aspects of individuals lives. Thus, a spatial approach is more useful than one focused on lived religion. My conception also sets aside the anthropological approach pioneered by Clifford Geertz and most famously applied by historian Rhys Isaac.34 To substantiate hi s arguments, Isaac uses the classic Geertzian thick description, taking a single incident and abstracting further and further from it. Geertz also considers religion as a system of symbols needed to answer the big questions of humanity.35 In my perspectiv e, this approach is problematic because arguments are based on too little evidence, and Geertzian theory does not dis cuss power or social conflict. I argue that degrees of power and social conflict help explain r eligious thought and practice. These topics can easily be examined within the context of religious space. The use of religious space as a definitional framework originated in the early part of the twentieth century, and present day scholars cont inue to publish on this topic. To date, however, no his torian has used religious spatial theory to examine the Civil War era. This is long overdue, considering the spatial turn in other humanistic fields. The use of spatial theory precludes the lived religion approach, or the cultural anthropological approac h employed by other American religious historians. 34 See Rhys Isaac, The Transformation of Virginia, 1740 1790 (Chapel Hill: The University of North Carolina Press, 1982). 35 See Clifford Geertz, The Interpretation of Cultures: S elected Essays (New York: Basic Books, Inc., Publishers, 1973) especially chapter one Thick Description: Toward an Interpretive Theory of Culture p.330 and chapter four, Religion as a Cultural System p.87125 as well as Rhys Isaac The Transformation of Virginia, 17401790 (1982). Isaacs study concludes with an extensive discussion of the authors methodology see Isaac, The Transformation of Virginia, 17401790 323 360.

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19 Chapter Outline This introduction will be followed by six topical cha pters arranged in three Parts. Part One introduces the major themes, both theoretical and empirical, laying the groundwork for a close r eading of the war years. Part Two chapters three through six addresses the Civil War period and contains the main thrust of the dissertation. Finally, Part three concludes the dissertation by discussing its main themes and considering the wars impact on religious change in the post bellum period. Chapter one, Men of the Cloth introduces the twin foci of my study: the wars milita ry chaplains and missionaries. It discusses the antebellum religious environment from which they emerged. Then, it shows how they adapted prewar beliefs and practic es to the wartime environment. Finally, it provides insights into the motivations and background of Civil War clergy. Chapter two, Christian Soldiers introduces the soldier as worshipper, while also exploring the role of r eligion in antebellum society. What antebellum religious beliefs and practices did soldiers bring to their wartime lives? How did soldiers adapt these antebellum beliefs and practices to wartime exigency? How through interactions with chaplains and missionaries did soldiers try to replicate the relationships between preacher and parishioner from the antebellum church world? By reading religious tracts, periodicals, and testaments, how did soldiers adapt antebellum messages of faith and salvati on t o the wartime environment? While the first two chapters provide an introduction to the dissertations main questions, chapters three, Constructing Sacred Space in Camp: Worship Practices and four Constructing Sacred Space in Camp: Churches, Battles, and Diversity deal with how Northern and Southern clergy created a new religious world adapted to

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20 wartime exi gency in the camp environment. Chapter three discusses the new wartime worship practices which developed in the camps. Then, it analyzes those antebellum practices which Civil War clergy reproduced and adapted to a new wartime environment, lacking the resources of the prewar church. Chapter four examines church building in the Union and Confederate armies, battles that clergy waged between the sacred and the profane and religious diversity in the camp environment. Turning from religious practice in the military camps, chapter five Fighting, Dying, Sick, and Wounded discusses clerical experiences during combat and in hospitals. Both in hospitals and o n battlefields, soldiers and clergy framed new responses to death and dying. Ministers constructed makeshift religious space on the battlefield even as soldier s fought and died around them. In the immediate aftermath of battle and in hospitals, clergy created religious space amidst medical personnel. Chapter six Clerical Care in General Hospitals and Prisons, considers religion in the wars new institutions: general hospitals and prisons. These two environments were new religious spaces with no prewar pr ecedent. With some success clergy used antebellum religious practices to minister to the men in these institutions. Within general hospitals, chaplains worked alongside missionaries (USCC delegates in the Union) and female nurses t o create a religious spac e. In prisoner of war camps, imprisoned clergy or nearby enemy clergy, worked to keep the men occupied in religious pursuits and away from profane influences. Out of these environments emerged a civil religion which would flour ish in the post bellum era. Finally, the conclusion provides an overview of the dissertations themes and then situates them within nineteenth century religious history. It aims to mark out the

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21 dissertations contribution to the scholarship, and indicate where future histori ans migh t build off this work. Collectively, the dissertation analyzes how clergy had mixed success in trying to remake the antebellum religi ous world during the Civil War. Scope of Dissertation This dissertation analyzes the religious experiences of soldiers and clergy during the American Civil War. It traces wartime clergy and the members of their flock as they navigated wartime religious spaces, specifically the camp, the battle field, hospitals, and prisons. Armed with experience and background from antebellum A merica, clergy tried to remake this wartime world modeled o n the prewar church community. In so doing they created a new, wartime world which offered some consistencies with antebellum practice and some differences. The overriding question that drives this study is: How did people construc t a religious life in wartime? From this question flow several others: What was the clergys r ole in wartime religious life? How did clergy res pond to the challenges of war? What aspects of religiosity did clergy abandon a nd what did they embrace? How did soldiers respond to the work of these spiritual leaders? The religious beliefs that soldiers had when they marched off to war differed from the religious practices that allowed the m to endure during wartime. How then did c lergy shape religious practice to help men endure a military life? Did religious practice differ when death seemed closer in hospitals, prisons, or on the battlef ield vs. the camp environment? Did a religious normalcy develop during wartime which evolved over time? How then did the experience of war affect post bellum religious belief and practice?

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22 This dissertation will speak rather universally of all soldiers and clergy, except when I raise particular evidence about the Union v ersus the Confederacy or spe cific racial differences In the antebellum world there were substantial differences in religious practice in the North and South, among different denominational groups, and between whites and blacks. Religious northerners, especially northern evangelicals, believed in contributing to the improvement of societal morals, while southern evangelicals tended to focus mor e on personal religious faith. Blacks in both sections, but especially in the South, ex hibited a more unrestrained emotionalism within their church services, than most whites, except when whit es participated in revivalism. In both sections, Catholic worship focused on ritual, an established hierarchy, and the priest as Gods intermediary. Mo st Protestants, and especially members of evangelical sects tried to develop a per sonal relationship with God, with their pastors helping to facilitate this. B oth the North and South exhibited religious diversity, but the more varied population in the Nor thern states, coupled with increased immigration to that region, caused a wider array of spiritual practices than in the more homogenous South. In the wartime world, much of those differences were diminished, in l ight of the exigencies of war. This dissert ation will be alert to those differences where they still occur in the wartime environment, but its main insights apply to both armies and to both black and white soldiers. A central theme which will appear over and over again within this work is ecumenical ism. Simply put, the wartime envir onment fostered ecumenicalism. Soldiers and clergy largely abandoned denominational and sectarian differences which had been impo rtant during antebellum times. Instead, soldiers worshipped collectively by unit,

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23 praying al ongside the chaplain assigned to them r egardless of his denomination. Combat conditions and the presence of death made soldiers more inclined to think about religion and less inclined to worr y about sectarian differences. However, all markers of sectarian difference were not discarded. For example, Catholic clergy tried to maintain their sacraments including absolution, mass, and confession. To date the literature on religion during the Civil War era has been largely descriptive, chiefly documenting the rel igious activities of chaplains and missionaries during the war.36 Recent books provide little discussion of the diversity of religious experience available in antebellum America, and its connection to wartime religiosity; nor do they assess how wartime reli giosity precipitated c hanges in post bellum religion. My work applies insights from religious theory to address historical questions concerning the activities of chaplains and missionaries during the Civil War and their impact on post bellum rel igious change. It speaks to broader themes in nineteenthcentury American religious historiography concerning revivalism and the growth of evangelicalism; the development of a civil religion in both the North and the South; the expansion of independent black churches ; and the masculinization of religious adherence. The scope of the dissertation is substantial, offering an intensive examination of how clergy and their flocks navigated the wartime religious world, based primarily on the tools available to t hem from antebellum America. The next chapter examines clergy and organized r eligion in antebellum America. It explores the antebellum religious 36 See for example Warren B. Armstrong, For Courageous Fighting and Confident Dying: Union Chaplains in the Civil War ( Lawrence: The University Press of Kansas, 1998) ; Steven E. Woodworth, While God is Marching On: The Religious World of Civil War Soldiers ( Lawrence: The University Press of Kansas, 2001); George C. Rable, Gods Almo st Chosen Peoples: A Religious History of the American Civil War ( Chapel Hill: The University of North Carolina Press, 2010).

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24 environment from which these clergy emerged, and how they adapted to wartime necessity before offering insight into their pr e war lives.

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25 CHAPTER 2 MEN OF THE CLOTH Introduction "Before advancing upon the enemy, on the afternoon of July 2, a religious ceremony was performed that, in the sublime magnificence and grandeur of its surroundings, was never equaled on this continent, Major General St. Clair Mulholland of the Irish Briga de recalled. On this, the 2nd day of Gettysburg in 1863, Mulholland saw chaplain William Corby administer absolution as the men prepared to join the fight: Standing in front of the brigade, which was drawn up in a column of regiments, [Corby] made a fervent and passionate appeal to t he men to remember in the hour of battle the great Captain of all, Jesus Christ, and to have contrition for all their sins, that they might be prepared to die for the cause for which they fought. Every man fell upon his knees, the flags were dropped, Mulholland then observed, and Father Corby, looking up to heaven, called down the blessing of the Almighty upon the men. Stretching out his right hand (as the lips of the soldiers moved in silent prayer) he pronounced the words of absolution.1 Mulhollands account of the Roman Catholic priest Father William Corby at Gettysburg remains perhaps the most famous incident of wartime religiosity. Corby, who went on to become president of the University of Notre Dame, is a well known figure, although few know much about the events that led him to that awful battle field in central Pennsylvania. Most of the Civil Wars chaplains and missionaries were far more 1 Major General Mulholland, The Irish Brigade in the War for the Union, in Memoirs of Chaplain Life: Three Years with the Irish Brigade in the Army of the Potomac, ed. Lawrence Frederick Kohl (New York: Fordham University Press, 1992), 385. Mulholland was colonel of the 116th Pennsylvania on the second day of Gettysburg in 1863.

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26 anonymous figures, toiling on battlefields and in camps in relative obscurity.2 This chapter attempts to put a face on a handful of these thousands of wartime clergymen.3 It explores the antebellum religious environment from which they emerged, and how they adapted to wartime exigency before offering insight into their prewar lives. In setting up the dissertation, this chapte r attempts to do three things. First, it analyzes a series of precedents that antebellum clergy established which Civil War clergy w ould later follow. Second, it shows how Civil War clergy would adapt precedents from this antebellum religious world to wartime constraint s and in so doing create a new wartime religious world. Third, it provides insight into the antebellum lives of figures who will reappear throughout the dissertation. In sum, the chapter introduces the clerical cohort integral t o the dissertation, as well as the religious worldview gained from the antebellum era, and how clergy adapted it to wartime exigency. The Clergy and Organized Religion in Antebellum America The evangelical fervor of the Second Great Awakening created a need for new ways of looking at, and experiencing, religiosity. In turn, clergy adopted innovative religious methods to reach an increasingly div erse population. Through their religious activities, antebellum clergy set a series of precedents for Civil War sp iritual leaders to follow. First, antebellum clergy used the minister led revivals of the Second Great Awakening to reach the unconverted and build the church community, a process which 2 The majority of the missionaries discussed in this dissertation were members of the United States Christian Commission (USCC), an evangelical organization that provided for the spiritual and temporal welfare of Union soldiers. 3 For the best available listing of Civil War chaplains see John W. Brinsfield, William C. Davis, Benedict Maryniak, and James I. Robertson, Jr, eds., Faith in the Fight: Civil War Chaplains (Mechanicsburg, PA: Stackpole Books, 2003), 129256.

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27 Civil W ar clergy would later emulate. Thousands of worshipers flocked to the famed camp meeting and revival at Cane Ridge, Kentucky in 1801. Spurred by the enthusiasm at Cane Ridge, new evangelical churches cro pped up throughout the region. During the decades to come, the more established Protestant denominations (Episcopals Congregationalists, and Presbyterians) grew slowly while the evangelical Baptists and Methodists rapidly expanded.4 By the eve of war, however, the Presbyterians, Methodists, and Baptists had dissolved into Northern and Southern branches due to conflict over slavery.5 A larger number of Baptist and Methodist clergy served the Civil War armies than ministers belonging to the more established Protestant denominations Through the antebellum revivals, clergy developed ways to use physical places to shape rel igiosity. Rev. B.W. Gorhams 1854 camp meeting manual explores the spatial preparations necessary to set up these meetings.6 According to Gorham, revivalists created specific spaces for the family tents, a stand, and a broad isle. Within the circular space of the camp ground, the te nts occupied up to a full acre. A stand was ideally pos itioned on the northern side. In the center of the space, a seven foot wide broad isle lined with seats, ran thirty five feet from the stand towards the back of the camp ground. 4 Ahlstrom, A Religious History of the American People 433, 435, 454, 470. With the exception of Anglicans and Lutherans, most Northern Protestants became evangelical as a result of this nineteenth century revivalism. Baptists, Methodists, and Presbyterians were stronger in the South than the North. ( Robert J. Miller Both Prayed to the S ame God: Religion and Faith in the American Civil War (Lanham, MD: Lexington Books, 2007), 53 and C. C. Goen, Broken Churches, Broken Nation: Denominational Schisms and the Coming of the Civil War (Macon, GA: Mercer University Press, 1985), 53) 5 Goen, Br oken Churches, Broken Nation, 13. In the South, Methodist and Baptist clergy took faith to the masses. Baptists created a fluid evangelistic structure, proclaimed an individualistic emphasis on conversion and demonstrated spiritual vitality. Methodists uti lized camp meetings and circuit preaching stations to preach salvation based on opening your heart to Gods love. (Miller, Both Prayed to the Same God, 55 56) 6 See Rev. B.W. Gorham, Camp Meeting Manual, A Practical Book for The Camp Ground in Two Parts T his book details the events of an antebellum c amp meeting, emphasizing the spatiality of these meetings.

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28 Civil War clergy would create similar relig ious spaces in hospital s and camps .7 While not so interested in the dimensions, wartime clergy actively carved out physical religious spaces where they could reach the most listeners Beyond the revivals, clergy shaped by the Second Great Awakening helped to initiate a new structure for a multitude of voluntary organizations. The North saw a particular rise in these groups because Northern clergymen urged their parishioners to pursue a vision of Gods Truth, which included taking responsibility for improving societal morals.8 Missionary societies, publication and education groups, societies for moral reform and numerous organizations representing a vast array of humanitarian interests, sprang up against this backdrop of religious ferment.9 The men who founded the wartime United States Christian Commission (USCC), emerged out of this exciting world of religious reform and cultural activism. The United St ates Christian Commission also fol lowed antebellum practices when they produced and distributed publications to promote religious interest. Eager participants in a burgeoning religious print culture, antebellum clergy dispensed Bibles, tracts and other religious reading materials to willing readers.10 Beginning at the end of the eighteenth century, pastors, serving as colporteurs (distributers of religious reading 7 Gorham, Camp Meeting Manual, A Practical Book for The Camp Ground in Two Parts 125127. 8 J. Matthew Gallman, The North Fights the Civil War: The Ho me Front (Chicago: Ivan R. Dee, Inc., 1994), 109 and Miller, Both Prayed to the Same God 57. While the Northern clerical message was about societal responsibility, Southern ministers preached a focus on individual spirituality and morality. (Miller, Both Prayed to the Same God, 57.) 9 Ahlstrom, A Religious History of the American People 417, 422428. 10 Through participation in this print culture, e vangelicals of the period tried to create purity and presence in the world. Candy Gunther Brown, The Word i n the World: Evangelical Writing, Publishing, and Reading in America, 17891880 (Chapel Hill: The University of North Carolina Press, 2004), 1.

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29 material) in rural Virginia, sold or gave away thousands of books.11 Due to increased demand during the Civil War, ordained clergy augmented the work of full time colporteurs. In addition to disseminating publications, prewar spiritual leaders of both races created innovative ministry techniques to reach largely illiterate Southern slaves.12 In the first half of the nineteenth centur y, the black Christian preachers who served the African American community on the Georgia coast persuaded some in the face of opposition from alternative spiritual figures such as conjurers.13 During the same period, white minister Charles Colcock Jones used scripture cards, a catechism with questions and answers, and practical remarks to reach the mostly illiterate slaves.14 11 Schweiger, The Gospel Working Up, 70. 12 Of all the major antebellum denominations only Baptists and Methodists tried to work with slaves. (Roger Finke and Rodney Stark, The Churching of America 17762005: Winners and Losers in Our Religious Economy 2nd ed. (New Brunswick, N.J.: Rutgers University Press, 2005), 193) See Albert J. Raboteau, Slave Religion: The Inv isible Institution in the Antebellum South (New York: Oxford University Press, 1978) for the seminal work on African American religion in the antebellum era. Before this book s publication religious scholars assumed that the sources did not exist to stud y this t opic in any depth. For example, Ahlstorms 1972 work mentions the antebellum black church only briefly in Chapter forty two Th e Rise of the Black Churches. For the most recent treatment of this topic see Anthony E. Kaye, Joining Places: Slave Nei ghborhoods in the Old South (Chapel Hill: The University of North Carolina Press, 2007) and Erskine Clarke, Dwelling Place: A Plantation Epic (New Haven, Conn. : Yale University Press, 2005). For scholarship on the AfricanAmerican Church in the South durin g the post war period see William E. Montgomery, Under Their Own Vine and Fig Tree: The AfricanAmerican Church in the South, 18651900 (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 1993) and Joe Martin Richardson, Christian Reconstruction: The American Missionary Association and Southern Blacks, 18611890 (Athens: University of Georgia Press, 1986). 13 Clarke, Dwelling Place 154. For more information on plantation conjurers, see Sharla M. Fett, Working Cures: Healing, Health, and Power on Southern Slave Plantations (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2002). Th ese black preachers even established their own independent chur ches in the antebellum period. Andrew Bryan, the eras most famous preacher established Savannahs First African Baptist Church. (Clarke, Dwelling Place 62) 14 Clarke, Dwelling Place, 125 126, 128130. Practical remarks explain how the lesson related to the lives of the slaves, and what it taught them. For more discussion of the antebellum Virginian mission to the slaves see Charles Irons, The Origins of Proslavery Christianity: White and Black Evangelicals in Colonial and Antebellum Virginia (Chapel Hill: The University of North Carolina Press, 2008) esp. Chp. 5 The Se ctional Church, 18351856. See also Irons dissertation, Charles Frederick Irons, The Chief Cornerstone: The Spiritual Foundations of Virginias Slave Society, 17761861. (Ph.D. diss., University of Virginia, 2003). Irons work will be discussed in more depth in chapter two.

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30 Bridging the racial and cultural gap between blacks and himself proved difficult, but Jones found some success through his mentorship of the black preacher Sharper.15 However, Jones (and other white preachers like him) only reached a small minority of African Americans, for on the eve of the Civil War most blacks and whites worshipped separately.16 Antebellum Catholic clergy further pione ered new methods to reach immigrants, another dispos sessed group, who these priest s felt nee ded to see the light of Christ. Larg ely immigrants themselves, the Catholic clergy identified with the struggles of their parishioners. Through their ministry, thes e priests tried to adapt this multinational church to a democratic society. As they reached the mainly Irish immigrants, clergy experienced increased nativism and anti Catholic sentiment manifested most clearly in the preWar Know Nothing party.17 In sum, C atholic clergy spoke to a small, but disciplined minority in the midst of a Protestant dominated American religious culture. In all these ways, antebellum clergy developed strategies and created precedents for their successors to follow during the Civil Wa r. Influenced by the evangelicalism of the Second Great Awakening, clergy helped build a new structure for voluntary organizations and revivals. These clergy also pioneered the use of publications to create religious interest, and new techniques for reaching African Americans and immigrants. However, clergy encountered numerous challenges during the American Civil War. T hey needed to adapt their antebellum beliefs and practices to a constantly 15 Clarke, Dwelling Place, 136 137, 247250, 253, 453. 16 White clergymen such as Jones helped create a Scripturally based moral consensus accepting and even sanctifying slavery, using it as an ethic to guide the conduct of Christian masters and a challenge to convert slaves. (Miller, Bo th Prayed to the Same God, 56). 17 Ahlstrom, A Religious History of the American People 540543, 546, 548, 564568.

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31 changing wartime environment, which required the development of new organizations and institutional structures Challenges For Wartime Clergy Both northern and southern clergy were anxious to provide pastoral care to the men wh o joined the Civil War armies. However, at the outbreak of the conflict, neither side k new how to use these spiritual advisors most effectively, and both sides faced a host of organizational challenges relating to the clergy. Decisions needed to be made concerning which clergy would go, the length of their service, how denominational differe nce would be handled, and what their duties would be. In sum, clergy needed to adapt their antebellum religi ous world to wartime necessity This would take some time, but eventually a complex structural apparatus would emerge which dictated how clergy woul d operate within the wartime arena. Out of this structure a new religious world would develop, different from organized r eligion in the antebellum era. In response to wartime challenges, the Union and Confederacy developed a multi tiered set of responses w hich combined both private energies and official military poli cies. In the North, the United States Sanitary Commission (USSC) and the United States Christian Commission (USCC) acted as private philanthropic responses to gaps in the militarys official cov erage of the soldiers temporal and spiritual needs. Although both were Christian organizations, the USCC primarily addressed the soldiers spiritual needs, while the USSC mainly took care of their temporal needs.18 Alongside these missionaries, worked the individual clergy assigned by the military to regiments, brigades, hospi tals, and other military posts. 18 These organizations are introduced here but will be discussed in much more depth later in this section.

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32 At the beginning of the war, the clergys new roles as chaplains and missionaries required definition. As official religious representatives of both arm ies, chaplains served in hospitals, regiment s, and at other military posts. Most of these wartime chaplains were from Protestant denominations, but a few Catholics and Jews dotted the ranks of the warti me clergy. In practice, most of the distinctions between Catholics and Protestants dissolved in the face of the wars challenges. Attached to a specific regiment, chaplains preached, discussed private religious matters with soldiers, conducted funerals, comforted the sick and wounded, and wrote home to the fa milies of the deceased.19 Although early in the war the soldier in the field commonly received uneven pastoral care from poorly prepared clergy, as the conflict wore on these clerical volunteers served faithfully and, as historian Steven Woodworth suggests, worked themselves at a killing pace.20 To work under these stressful wartime conditions, stronger bonds developed between Civil War clergymen than had existed in the antebellum era. Although attached to specific regiments, chaplains often preached for one another and helped each other with other ministerial duties. For moral and emotional support, many joined Chaplains Associations.21 Here chaplains discussed with their peers difficulties they encountered and received needed encouragement to deal with the stressors of combat duty. These 19 Steven E. Woodworth, While God i s Marching On: The Religious World of Civil War Soldiers (Lawrence: Universit y Press of Kansas, 2001), 154. 20 Ibid., 149, 153. 21 For a brief overview of the role of Civil War chaplains see Bell Irvin Wiley, Holy Joes of the Sixties: A Study of Civil War Chaplains, The Huntington Library Quarterly 16, no. 3 (May 1953): 287304. One may also look to Gardiner H. Shattuck, Jr., A Shield and Hiding Place: The Religious Life of the Civil War Armies (Macon, GA: Mercer University Press, 1987), chp. 3 Holy Joes: The Experience of Clergy in the Armies, p.5172 or Woodworth, While God is Marching On, chp. 8 The Boys Love Him as a Father Civil War Chaplains, p.145159.

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33 bonds allowed clergy to provide guidance and religious instruction, gleaned from the antebellum religious environment, to the members of their flock dealing with war time difficulties. For the first time in their lives, many clergy received fixed term --appointments, enlisting for a particular term of service not unlike soldiers and receiving commissions as did officers. Although part of the military establishment, these men of the cloth enjoyed more freedom than their uniform ed comrades. Chaplains received furloughs much more easily than men in uniform. And when soldiers were busily drilling or marching into battle, the clergyman had much more freedom to move around the camp without specific orders.22 When the men were in comba t the roles bec ame even less clearly defined. Some clergy tended to the wounded or in a few rare cases took up a weapon to fire on the enemy.23 The scale of the official military chaplaincy stretched the resources of antebellum America. According to the most recent scholarship, 2,398 individuals received commissions as U.S. Army chaplains, U.S. Navy chaplains, or hospital chaplains of U.S. Volunteers. Of these, almost 40 percent were Methodists, 17 percent were Presbyterians and 12 percent were Baptists. The rest of the chaplains included African American clergy, Irish priests, Scottish Congregationalists, Presbyterian ministers, and 22 Although chaplains received f urloughs in greater numbers than other soldiers, many times chaplains went home primarily in order to help the t roops under their supervision. For example, chaplain diaries and letters often speak of distributing soldiers pay to the families of the enlist ed men they served. 23 Woodworth, While God is Marching On, 157 and Shattuck, A Shield and Hiding Place, 60. At the same time, army protocols failed to define this worship space. During the American Civil War, the official United States army regulations des ignated no space in the militar y camp for religious purposes. ( Revised United States Army Regulations of 1861 With an Appendix Containing the Changes and Laws Affecting Army Regulations and Articles of War to June 25, 1863 (Washington: Government Printing Office, 1863), 7680.).

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34 German Lutheran pastors.24 Within the Confederate armies, 1,308 chaplains served. Of these only 42 percent were fully ordained ministers. Methodists made up 47 percent, Presbyterians 18 percent, Baptists 16 percent, Episcopalians 10 percent, and Roman Catholics 3 percent. Ministers of five other denominations composed less than 1 percent each.25 Along with these commissioned chaplains, Civil War armies created a new kind of temporary spiritual worker, attracting thousands of religious missionaries intent on bringing spiritual teachings and religious comfort to the troops. Rarely attached to a specific regiment, these men and women moved from place to place as needed. In other senses they functioned much like chaplains: providing care in hospitals, distributing Bibles and other religious literature, and preaching to troops in camp. The temporary role of army missionaries meant that they could tend to their flocks on the home front while making fairly brief excursions to the men in the field.26 Yet, this flexibility came with a price: missionaries commonly lacked the sort of intimate familiarity with the troops and with military lif e that characterized the close relationships between chaplains and soldiers. In both the North and South, the missionaries adopted antebellum techniques by emphasizing the distribution of tracts, Bibles, and other forms of religious literature.27 24 Benedict R. Maryniak and John Wesley Brinsfield, Jr., eds., The Spirit Divided: Memoirs of Civil War Chaplains: The Union (Macon, GA: Mercer University Press, 2007), xvi xvii. 25 John Wesley Brinsfield, Jr., ed., The Spirit Divided: Memoirs of Civil War Chaplains: The Confederacy (Macon, GA: Mercer University Press, 2006), 10. For church membership statistics in 1855 and 1865, see Smith, Revivalism and Social Reform: American Protestantism on the Eve of the Civil War 2021. 26 Woodworth, While God is Marching On, 160163. Most, but not all missionaries had flocks at home. 27 The South could never supply the demand for Bibles while the North, with its more expansive printing capacity could. During the war, the American Bible Soc iety, located in the North, even donated Bibles to Southernors. (Woodworth, While God is Marching On, 165166).

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35 These me n represented several denominations that had large memberships in the Southern states the Baptists, the Presbyterians, the Episcopalians, and the Methodists each of which sent their own contingent of colporteurs. In his 1876 memoir, Confederate missionary William W. Bennett noted that the missionaries as a group sought to turn the thoughts of the soldiers not to a sect, but to Christ, to bring them into the great spiritual temple, and to show them the wonders of salvation.28 Other prewar constituencies, tract societies, aided the spiritual work of clergy trying to navigate the complex wartime religious world. The Evangelical Tract Society, organized in the Confederacy in July 1861, combined the efforts of Christians from various denominations to issue over a hundred different tracts.29 The Soldiers Tract Association provided the Army and Navy Herald free of charge to Confederate chaplains and missionaries.30 In the North, the American Bible Society and the American Tract Society distributed Bibles and tract s.31 Historian Beth Schweiger argues that the tracts and Bibles themselves served as the great evangelists of the war.32 Bibles, tracts, religious newspapers, and the rest of the burgeoning evangelical 28 William W. Bennett, A Narrative of the Great Revival Which Prevailed in the Southern Armies During the Late Civil War Between the States of the Federal Union (Philadelphia: Claxton, Remsen and Haffelfinger, 1876), 71. 29 Ibid., 72, 74 76. 30 Army and Navy Herald Macon, Georgia, Vol. II, No.6, February 9, 1865, 2. Other religious papers which served the Confederate military included: The Soldier s Friend (Baptist; Atlanta); The Army and Navy Messenger (Evangelical Tract Society; Petersburg, Va.); The Soldiers Visitor (Committee of Publication, Presbyterian Church in the Confederate States; Richmond, Va.); and The Soldiers Paper (Soldiers Tract Association, ME Church, South; Richmond, Va). (Irons, The Origins of Proslavery Christianity: White and Black Evangelicals in Colonial and Antebellum Virginia, 241) 31 Rable, Gods Almost Chosen Peoples 132. 32 Schweiger, The Gospel Working Up, 101.

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36 publishing industry in nineteenthcentury America developed before the Civil War, and the war saw continued growth in these areas.33 Many northern missionaries would serve with the newly formed United States Christian Commission (USCC), a product of the combined power of the antebellum evangelical worldview an d the realities of wartime necessity. This national group formed in November 1861 upon the urging of the New York Young Mens Christian Association ( YMCA).34 Led by Philadelphia merchant and Presbyterian lay leader George H. Stuart, this organization of Northern evangelical missionaries closed its labors a f ew months after the wars end. A small number of paid field agents supervised volunteer delegates.35 USCC delegates sent to the battlefield served two weeks, while hospital and camp delegates served six weeks. These delegates worked toward two main goals during the war, one spiritual and the other physical. First and foremost, Christian Commission delegates helped regimental and hospital chaplains provide pastoral care for their men, distribute tracts, and hold worship services. Secondly, they provided for 33 For more on evangelical publishing in nineteenthcentury America, see Candy Gunther Brown, The Word in the World: Evangelical Writing, Publishing, and Reading in America, 17891880 (Chapel Hill: The University of North Carolina Press, 2004) and David Paul Nord, Faith in Reading: Religious Publishing and the Birth of Mass Media in America (New York: Oxford University Press, 2007). Wartime religious publications in the South contributed to the construction of a Confederate national identity. See Michael T. B ernath, Confederate Minds: The Struggle of Intellectual Independence in the Civil War South (Chapel Hill: The University of North Carolina Press, 2010), especially p.8689, 96, 105107, 261262. 34 However, not all Union missionaries were affiliated with the Unite d States Christian Commission. Some worked for independent tract societies or missionary associations. (Woodworth, While God is Marching On, 174.) For a good overview of the USCC see M. Hamlin Cannon, The United States Christian Commission, The Mi ssissippi Valley Historical Review 38, no. 1(June 1951): 6180. 35 At its height, the USCC supported about five thousand delegates from various denominations across the North, and fielded superintendents in each army corps. (Woodworth, While God is Marching On 167.)

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37 the physical nee ds of the soldiers themselves. No comparable organization existed within the Confederacy.36 Th e USCC helped Union chaplains and missionaries construct permanent chapels, the epicenter of camp religiosity, and the wartime iteration of the antebellum church. During the winter of 18631864, the USCC provided large canvas coverings for log chapels.37 Th ese chapel flies helped immensely in constructing the chapels which in turn drew large numbers of men to the revivals, surging through the Union armies in the latter half of the war. The scale of the USCCs wartime activity dwarfed the work of any voluntar y society in antebellum America. Annually, an average USCC delegate distributed stores worth $5,536 and publications worth $1,487.74. The typical delegate would have attended 118 prayer meetings, preached 89 sermons, and written 140 letters for the soldier s.38 As these statistics demonstrate, USCC delegates served an essential role in the Union branch of this new wartime religiosity. Out of the same antebellum Protestant milieu emerged an even larger and more celebrated philanthropic organization, the United States Sanitary Commission, which provided many of the same services as the USCC. Organized and led by elite Protestants prominent in business, medicine, and other civic fields, the Sanitary 36 United States Christian Commission, United States Christian Commission for the Army and Navy For the Year 1865 Fourth Annual Report (Philadelphia: USCC, 1866), 17; Gardiner H. Shattuck, Jr., A Shield and Hiding Place: The Religious Life of the Civil War Armies (Macon, GA: Mercer University Press, 1987), 2627; Steven E. Woodworth, While God is Marching On: The Religious World of Civil War Soldiers (Lawrence: University Press of Kansas, 2001), 167; Cannon, The United States Christian Commission, 64 and 66. 37 William R. Eastman, A Yankee Chaplain Remembers, in Faith in the Fight: Civil War Chaplains eds. John W. Brinsfield, William C. Davis, Benedict Maryniak, and James I. Robertson, Jr. (Mechanicsburg, PA: Stackpole Books, 2003), 120121. 38 Moss, Annals of the United States Christian Commission, 733734.

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38 Commission utilized paid ag ents instead of volunteers. Rejecting humanitarianism as a primary motive in their work, the USSCs experts believed that by relieving suffering they could educate the nation in discipline and order.39 The presence of these two organizations exposed tensions within this new wartime religious s tructure. In addition to the inherent tensions between the evangelical (USCC) and liberal (USSC) wings of American Protestantism, the two organizations conflicte d on how they provided relief. While Sanitary Commission workers distributed supplies to author ity figures such as surgeons, the USCC distributed relief directly to the men.40 Emerging out of the same antebellum religious environment, chaplains and missionaries worked together to serve the spiritual needs of the Union and the Confederacy, and in so doing created a new wartime religious world. However, soldiers in the Union and the Confederacy did not have identical spiritual worlds, for the North ern soldier benefited from a more highly developed r eligious infrastructure than his Southern counterpart The Union had more available clergy and more resources to aid them, especially through the support of the United States Christian Commission. From the beginning of the war, both sides suffered from problems filling clerical positions in their units and not every regiment or even brigade was lucky enough to hav e a chaplain assigned to them. And even in those units that enjoyed an official clergyman, the 39 George M. Fredrickson, The Inner Civil War: Northern Intellectuals and the Crisis of the Union (1965; repr., Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1993), 102104, 108. 40 Fredrickson, The Inner Civil War 107 and Shattuck, A Shield and Hiding Place, 29.) For a recent discussion of Fredericksons work see Leslie Butler, Reconstructions in Intellectual and Cultural Life, in Reconstructions: New Perspectives on the Postbellum United States ed. Thomas J. Brown (New York: Oxford University Press, Inc., 2006), 172205. For more information on the United States Sanitary Commission see William Quentin Maxwell Lincolns Fifth Wheel: The Political History of the United States Sanitary Commission (Ne w York: Longmans, Green & Co., 1956).

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39 chaplain often remained hard pressed to minister to all under his charge. Over the course of the conflict, both sides grew more successful at meeting soldiers religious needs, as they gradually developed an integrated system of official efforts run through the military chaplaincy and invaluable private assistance through the various missionary g roups. In these new wartime environments, the public and private entities worked together to address wartime demands Besides offering extra manpower, without the fundraising of the tract societies and such groups as the United States Christian Commission, military chaplains would have had much more difficulty providing religious literature or a convenient place to minister to their troops on Sundays Wartime challenges required clergy to adapt their antebellum religious beliefs and p ractices to new circumstances. This required the development of new clerical organizations and institutional structures, such as a chaplaincy corps and missionary organizations, such as the United States Christian Commission. Public and private entities worked together to addres s both temporal and spiritual needs, emerging from war time exigency. T he antebellum lives of those clergy w ho eventually went off to war provide a rich context to their wartime activities The Antebellum Lives of Several Sample Clergy The thousands of wart ime clergy were a remarkably diverse lot. They came from all over the country, and represent ed nearly all major religions. A brief survey of fourteen of these men illustrates that breadth, while also introducing some of the men whose voices wil l reappear i n the pages ahead. By examining the antebellum background of these men, one obtains a sense of the worldview which they would bring into the war. The majority, significantly older than the men they ministered to, worked in various churches or educational i nstitutions before the war and went to war with their

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40 flock. Members of this cohort included Frederic Denison, William Wiatt, Charles Todd Quintard, Francis Springer, Henry S. White, Robert Audley Browne, Robert Franklin Bunti ng, and Louis Hippolyte Gache. The other, younger clergy were driven by a sense of duty or patriotism and enlisted for reasons si milar to the common soldiers. These men included Henry Clay Trumbull, Adolphus Williamson Mangum, William Corby, Charles Alfred Humphreys, Thomas Scott Joh ns on, and James Russell Miller. Taken together, these figures provide an illustrative snapshot of th e wartime clerical experience. These clergy worked with whites and blacks, foreigners and natives, as well as Catholics and Protestants. They ministered in th e Western and Eastern armies, camps, prisons, hospitals, for tifications, and battlefields. Like their comrades, few of these individuals served as chaplains or mi ssionaries for the entire war. The USCC delegates both served for about six weeks. Minister Frederic Denisons prewar life in small town America was representative of many fellow Baptist clergy. Born in 1819 in Stonington, Connecticut, Denison graduated from Brown in 1847. For eight years prior to the war he was employed at a Baptist church in Wes terly, Rhode Island.41 When the conflict began, Denison had been serving as chaplain of the Pawtucket Light Guard, a militia unit based in Pawtucket, Rhode Island.42 Seeking further service, he enlisted in the First Rhode Island Cavalry in November 1861, having been elected the units chaplain. Forty two at enlistment, he was older than most of the men in his regiment.43 41 Maryniak and Brinsfield, The Spirit Divided: Memoirs of Civil War Chaplains: The Union, 101 and Denison, Frederic in James Grant Wilson and John Fiske, eds., Appletons Cyclopedia of American Biography (New York: D Appleton and Company, 1888), 140. 42 Frederic Denison, A Chaplains Experience in the Union Army (Providence, RI: The Society, 1893), 5. 43 Maryniak and Brinsfield, The Spirit Divided: Memoirs of Civil War Chaplains: The Union, 101.

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41 Like Denison, future Baptist minister William Wiatt grew up in a small town imm ersed in evangelicalism. Born in 1826 in Gloucester County, Virginia, Wiatt was baptized in August 1842 at age sixteen. At eighte en he began a teaching career. He taught for five years at a primary sc hool in King and Queen County until his wifes death in 1849, when he moved to a new teaching position in Covington, Kentucky. Two years later Wiatt took up another teaching post in Lowndes County, Alabama, where in April 1854 he was ordained as a Baptist minister. By 1856, he had returned to his native Gloucester County, to serve the Providence and Union Baptist churc hes. Over the course of the next five years, the Providence congregation tripled in size and was one of the first white churches in Virginia to allow African American membership. When the war began, Wiatt resigned both his Gloucester pastorates, and enlist ed as a private in the Twenty S ix Virginia Infantry Regiment. He was appointed the regiments chaplain in October 1861 at the age of thirty five.44 Although he did not follow the traditional route to the priesthood, Charles Todd Quintard received the same i ntensive clerical training as his w artime Episcopalian colleagues. Born in 1824, in Stamford, Connecticut, Quintard trained as a physician, graduating from the University of the City of New York in 1847. While serving as a Professor in the Medical College of Memphis, Tennessee, Quintard began to prepare for a position in the clergy. Showing an aptitude for theology, he befriended Bishop Otey and was admitted to candidacy for Holy Orders in 1854. Installed as ordered deacon in Calvary Church, Memphis in January 1855, Quintard advanced to the priesthood one year later. In 1856, Charles moved to Nashville to serve the Church of the Advent and 44 Alex L. Wiatt, ed., C onfederate Chaplain William Edward Wiatt: An Annotated Diary (Lynchburg, VA: H.E. Howard, 1994), 13.

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42 the Church of the Holy Trinity. Chosen as chaplain of the First Tennessee in 1861, he felt obligated to accept this offi ce since many of the regiments enl isted men came from his parish.45 Francis Springers strong Lutheran background provided him with the tools to effect c hange in antebellum education. Born in Franklin County, Pennsylvania in 1810, Francis Springer received ordination in the Lutheran Synod of Maryland in 1817 and focused his ministry on that s tates poor. In 1839, he moved to Springfield, Illinois where he served as the resident schol ar at a trade school for boys. Installed as pastor of the St. Pauls Luther an Church in Hillsboro, Illinois in 1847, Springer also served as the elected head of the Evangelic al Lutheran Synod of the West. In that year he renamed the Hillsboro Academy, the Literary and Theological Institute of the Lutheran Church of the Far West. Springer moved with the college to Springfield where the school became known as Illinois State U niversity.46 By 1855 Springer had resigned from the presidency of Illinois State University and began helping to organize the newly formed Republ ican Party on th e local level. By the outbreak of the war, Springer served as superintendent of Springfields public schools. In September 1861, he and his son John G. Springer enlisted in the 10th Illinois Cavalry. At fifty one, his age and experience earned him the regiments chaplaincy.47 45 Rev. Arthur Howard Noll, Introduction to the 1905 Edition, in Doctor Quintard, Chaplain, C.S.A. and Second Bishop of Tennessee: The Memoir and Civil War Diary of Charles Todd Quintard, ed. Sam Davis Elliot (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 2003), 912. 46 William Furry, ed., The Preachers Tale: The Civil War Journal of Rev. Francis Springer, Chaplain, U.S. Army of the Frontier (Fayettevil le, The University of Arkansas Press, 2001), xii xv. 47 Ibid., xv xvii.

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43 Like many of his Methodist colleagues, Henry S. White ministered to numerous ch urches before joining the war. Born in North Hoosick, New York in 1828, White graduated from the Methodist Biblical Institute of Concord, New Hamps hire t wenty three years later. Over the next eleven years, he served several churches in the Providence Conference of t he Methodist Episcopal Church. In January 1863, he received an appointment as chaplain of the North Carolinabased Rhode Island Regiment of Heavy Artillery.48 Robert Audley Brownes extensive pastoral experience made him a good fit for the army. Born in Steubenville, Ohio in 1821, Presbyterian Browne moved with his fami ly to Pittsburgh as an infant. Reared in the first Associate Reformed Church, w here his father served as ruling elder, he stayed in Pittsburgh for college, graduating in 1840 from the Western University. After college he entered Allegheny, Pennsylvanias Presbyterian Theological Seminary where he trained under John T. Presly and Rev. J.L. Dinwiddie. At age twenty one, he became licensed to preach the gospel and receiv ed ordination two years later. Browne served briefly as Pastor pro term in the Second Associate Reformed Church of Pittsburgh before becoming pastor of two Law rence Count y churches in 1846. He then served as pastor of the First United Presbyterian Church of New Castle, Pennsylvania which Browne had organized in 1849. Motivated by a strong sense of patriotism, he obtained a leave of absence from the congregation to join the 100th Pennsylvania Volunteers in the late summer of 1861.49 48 Edward D. Jervey, ed. Prison Life Among the Rebels: Recollections of a Union Chaplain (Kent, OH: Kent State University Press, 1990), xi xii. 49 Bio of Chaplain Robert Audley Brown. http://www.100thpenn.com/brownebio.htm (accessed August 23, 2009)

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44 Presbyterian Robert Franklin Buntings prewar missionary experience was replicated by numerous wartime clergymen. Born in 1828 in Beaver County, Pennsylvania, Bunting received baptism at Mill Creek Presbyterian Church where his maternal uncle was the ruling elder. At nineteen, after three years of college preparation at Hookstown Academy, Bunting entered the junior class of Washington College, a Presbyterian college located in Washington, Pennsylvania. Graduating from Washington in 1849, he pursued a divinity degree at Princeton Theological Seminary and a Master of Arts at Princeton College. After spending his summers as a colporteur on Long Island, in August 1851 Bunting became licensed as a probat ioner for the Gospel Ministry at a Monmouth County, New Jersey church. After passing his exams in November 1852, Bunting remembered his childhood dreams of living in Texas, so he requested and received ordination as an evangelist to that state. According t o his son, Bunting hoped to make Texas into a Bible State, part of t he Protestant Christian Empire. By 1860 he led the largest Presbyterian congregation in the state.50 Offered the chaplaincy of the Eighth Texas Cavalry, he accepted it in November 1861.51 Li ke many other C atholi c clergy, Louis Hippolyte Gache was an immigrant Born in 1817 near the village of Beaulieu, Ardeche, France in 1836, at the age of nineteen, he began his studies at the French Jesuit collegeenexile at Chambery, Savoy, in the Kingdom of Sardinia. In September 1840 the Society of Jesus accepted Gache as a 50 Thomas W. Cutrer, ed. Our Trust is in the God of Battles: The Civil War Letters of Robert Franklin Bunting, Chaplain, Terrys Texas R angers, C.S.A. (Knoxville: University of Tennessee Press, 2006), xvii xxi. 51 Ibid., xxi.

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45 novice and two years later he took the vows of poverty, chastity, and obedience.52 Ordained a priest in March 1846, Gache and several other Jesuits journeyed to the American South to s erve the nascent Jesuit mission there. During 18471848 Gache worked in St. Laundry Parish, serving as prefect of students and general manager of the farm at Grand C oteau and St. Charles College. However, in 1849 Gaches superiors reassigned him to the Jes uit College at Spring Hill near Mobile, Alabama where he served as master of novices and spiritual director to the seminarians and lay students. A short time later, the College of Saints Peter and Paul in Baton Rouge, named Gach e its first president. Only two years later, Gache received transfer orders again, which removed him from his Baton Rouge post and sent him back to Spring Hill. He stayed there until April 1861 before traveling to Pensacola, Florida and enlisting as a Confederate chaplain in the 10th Louisiana.53 Driven by the same sense of patriotism as other members of the second cohort, Congregationalist Henry Clay Trumbull had little clerical experience before donning Union blue and becoming a chaplain. Born in 1830, Trumbull had two jobs before the war. From 18501857, Trumbull worked in the railroad busi ness at Hartford, Connecticut. He later received an appointment as Connecticuts Sunday school missionary and became an active m ember of the Republican Party. In September 1862 at age thirty two, Trumbull was ordained as a Congregational minister and became the chaplain of the 10th Connecticut.54 52 Cornelius M. Buckley, ed. A Frenchman, A Chaplain, A Rebel: The War Letters of Pere Louis Hippolyte Gache, S.J. (Chicago: Loyola University Press, 1981), 811. 53 Ibid. 16 25. 54 Maryniak and Brinsfield, The Spirit Divided: Memoirs of Civil War Chaplains: The Union, 233234.

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46 Like other prewar Methodists, Adolphus Williamson Mangum had some experience as a circuit rider. Born on Flat River, North Carolina in 1834 to a political ly connected family, Adolphus was the son of Colonel Elison G. Mangum and also related to a U.S. Senator from North Carolina.55 Graduating from RandolphMacon College in 1854, Mangum subsequently became a Methodist minister.56 By 1856 he had joined the North Carolina Conference of the Methodist Episcopal Church, South and been sent to Hillsboro circuit. From 18581859, he served the Chapel Hill station before transferring t o the Roanoke circuit in 1860. At the beginning of the war, he was ministering to the S alisbury circuit.57 William Corby, like other young Catholic priests, combined his vows with a patriotic fervor that made him eager to serve the Union army. Corby was born in 1833 in Detroit, Michigan to an Irish immigrant father and a Canadian mother. Afte r completing an education in the common schools at age sixteen, he worked for his fathers re al estate firm for four years. In 1853, he entered the University of Notre Dame in South Bend, Indiana, intent on studying for the priesthood. After working for years under the tutelage of Notre Dames founder, Father Edward Sorin, Corby entered the novitiate in 1857 and three years later took his final vows. In 1861 Corby was employed as the director of the Manual Labor School, and pastor of St. P atricks parish in South Bend. The war di srupted his career trajectory. In the fall of 1861, Corby headed east at the request of 55 The Mangum Family Papers at the University of North Carolinas Southern Historical Collection contain detailed information on the lives of m any of the members of this distinguished family. 56 The University of North Carolina Libraries, Finding Aid to the Mangum Family Papers, http://www.lib.unc.edu/mss/inv/m/Mangum_Family.htm l (accessed August 23 2009). 57 Southern History Association, Publications of the Southern History Association: Volume III (Washington, D.C .: The Association, 1899), 307.

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47 Father James Dillon. Before the end of that year, he received an appointment as chaplain of the Irish Brigades 88th New York Volunteer Infantry.58 Charles Alfred Humphreys and other prewar Unitarian ministers emerged out of an elite white Northern society. A child of p rivilege, Charles was born in 1838 to Deacon Henry Humphreys and Sarah Blake (C lapp) Humphreys. After an education at Dorchester sch ools, Humphreys enrolled at Harvard in 1856. Graduating with the class of 1860, he then enrol led at Harvard Divinity School. Governor John Andrew of Massachusetts offered him a chaplaincy position before his ordination as a Unitarian minister on July 14, 1863 at Harvards Divinity Hall Chapel. Immediately after this ceremony, he took up his position as the chaplain of the 2nd Massachusetts Cavalry. By late August he had joined his new unit commanded by a Harvard classmate, Caspar Crowninshield.59 Presbyterian Thomas Scott Johnson joined the ranks of other Civil War clergy whose fathers were ministers. His father held several pastorships and taught school, necessitating his familys movements around New York Pennsylvania, and New Jersey. By the time the Johns on family moved to Oxford, Wisconsin in 1855, Thomas had become interested in a clerical career and frequently accompanied his father as he preached. With money an issue, Thomas taught briefly in a small country school near his parents home in order to earn enough for college. In 1856, he enrolled at Carroll College in Waukesha, Wisconsin and graduated four years later. Having decided to 58 Kohl, Memoirs of Chaplain Life, xi xiv. 59 Maryniak and Brinsfield, The Spirit Divided: Memoirs of Civil War Chaplains: The Union, 5; Charles A. Humphreys, Field, Camp, Hospital and Prison in the Civil War, 18631865 (Boston: Press of Geo. H. Ellis Co., 1918), 3; and John T. Morse, Jr. 60, "Charles Alfred Humphreys," The Harvard Gra duates' Magazine 30 (1922), 359, 361362.

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48 become a preacher, Thomas worked as a teacher in New York for a year to earn m oney for a seminary education. Thomas enrolled at Princeton Theological Semi nary, his fathers alma mater. During his first year at Princeton, the war began and, although registered for the draft, Thomas did not receive a notice of c onscription. After graduating with his class in March 1864, Thomas unsuccessfully applied to various open chaplaincy positions in New York and New Jersey regiments. Viewing service in the USCC as the next best option, Johnson believed that working as a USCC delegate would be the first step in his eventual election to a chaplaincy. In June 1864, at age twenty five Johnson disembarked at Fortress Monroe, Virginia eager to begin working as a delegate.60 Finally, Presbyterian James Russell Miller represented the numerous Civil War clergy who felt called to Christian ministry. Born in 1840 near Frankfort Springs, Pennsylvania in southern Beaver County, Miller frequently took part in fa mily prayers during childhood. He spent his early childhood attending district school in Hanover Township before his family moved to a farm near Calcutta, Ohio when Miller was fourteen. For three years, James worked on a farm during the summer months and atte nded school during the winter. In 1857, he entered Beaver Academy in Beaver County, his birthplace. In October of that year, James entered the Associate Presbyterian Church of West Union, located near Calcutta. On the eve of war, in 1861 Miller matriculated at Westminster College in New Wilmington, Pennsylvania, graduating in June 1862. By autumn of 1862, James had matriculated at the United Pre sbyterian Churchs theological seminary locat ed in Allegheny, Pennsylvania. Before 60 Jon Edward Kaliebe, The Letters of Thomas Scott Johnson: His Work Among the Negro as Christian Commission Delegate and Chaplain, 18641866 (M.S. thesis, University of Wisconsin, 1966), iii viii.

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49 he had finished a year of seminary education, he heeded the call of military service.61 Receiving his ordination after the war, Presbyterian James Russell Miller started his work with the USCC in March 1863, serving as a delegate in Falmouth Village, Virginia.62 As the preceding biographies demonstrate, future Civil War clergy brought a wide array of educational and spiritual experiences to their wartime work, reflecting the di versity of antebellum Americas religious world. Most of these clergy belong to one of two cohorts. T he vast majority o f the clergy were men in their thirties and forties who went off to war with their flock.63 Significantly older than the young men whom they served, these men had worked in various churches and/or educational institutions before the war. Although a minority, the second group contained young clergy, who went off to war with less clear prewar ties to the men they served. Some straight out of t he seminary, these men were driven by a sense of duty or patriotism. Close in age to the soldiers they served with, they were probably motivated to enlist for similar reasons. Two common threads ti ed these two cohorts together. First, like most of the enli sted soldiers they served, the majority of these clergy hailed from small town America. Second, many clergy had multiple professional experiences before the war. The 61 John Thomson Faris, Jesus and I are Friends: The Life of Dr. J.R. Miller (Hodder and Stoughton, 1913), 34, 67, 1011. 62 Alvin Duane Smith, Introduction to Two Civil War Notebooks of James Russell Miller Part I, Journal of Presbyterian Historical Society 37 (June 1959): 67. 63 A few clergy went to war on their own.

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50 incommunicable experience of war would broaden the horizons of these two groups of clerg y, just as it did the enlisted men to whom they ministered.64 These clergy and their colleagues composed part of an army of religious support personnel which accompanied the soldiers, and their attempts at promoting wartime religiosity will be discusse d thr oughout the dissertation. Most of these men received formal theological training, yet others worked as lay practitioners. All emerged from an antebellum world in which Christianity, especially evangelical Christianity, reigned supreme. During the antebellum period, clergy set a series of precedents by supporting revivals, a thriving religious print culture, voluntary societies, an immigrant church, and miss ionary activities among slaves. In sum, clergy were the spiritual arbi ters of the antebellum era. The developments in the antebellum religious sphere set the stage for the religious activities o f clergy during the Civil War. For the majority of clergy, their experiences during the prewar years, mainly in churches or educational institutions, provided them with the proper skills to work with soldiers in the camp, hospital, prison, or battlefield. The next chapter examines the common soldier and his experience with wartime chaplains and missionaries while also exploring the antebellum religious experience of the nonclergy. To understand fully the complex and fluid nature of wartime religion, one must first view antebellum religiosity from the perspective of clergy and the soldiers in their flock. 64 Oliver Wendell Holmes Jr., An Address Delivered on Memorial Day, May 30, 1895, at a Meeting Called by the Graduating Class of Harvard University, http://harvardregiment.org/holmesfa.htm (accessed August 22 2009).

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51 CHAPTER 3 CHRISTIAN SOLDIERS Introduction From a military camp near Hanover Junction Virginia Confederate soldier James Ros s wrote to his mother Frances in June 1863 Ross shared his thoughts about the siege of Vicksburg, the different military situation from the year before, and his efforts to secure back pay for his deceased brother. He also described his religious excitement. The night before, during nightly brigade services, he heard a Methodist minister preach the best sermon he had almost ever listened to. He also remarked on the religious revival spreading through his regiment and other nearby brigades, noting that if there is a place in the world that needs a revival of religion it is the army.1 This chapter considering the soldier as worshipper attempts to do four things. First, I explore the antebellum religious beliefs and practices which soldiers would later apply to their wartime lives. Second, I show how soldiers adapted these antebellum beliefs and practices to wartime exigency, thus creating a new wartime religious structure. Third, I analyze how through interactions with chaplains and missionaries soldiers tried to replicate the relationships between preacher and parishioner fro m the antebellum church world. Finally, I show how by reading religious tracts, periodicals, and testaments soldiers adapted antebellum messages of faith and salvati on to the wartime environment 1 James Ross to Frances H. Ross, 1 June 1863, letter box 1, Ross Fa mily Correspondence, 18611864, Library of Virginia, Richmond.

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52 Awash in a Sea of Faith: Religion in Antebellum America2 Religious experiences which began in childhood and continued throughout their adult lives shaped soldiers approach to religion. The religious world which many future Civil War soldiers inhabited, as Jon Butler concluded, was awash in a sea of faith. These future soldiers would eventually apply antebellum religious beliefs and practices to their wartime live s. While some experiences were shared, others appli ed to distinct constituencies. What they learned could not be adopted indiscriminately, but required adaptation to the rapidly changing wartime circumstances. From an early age antebellum Americans were introduced into religious communities through informal and formal education. Families routinely gathered for evening prayers. Rural and urban children often received religious instruction at Sabbath or Sunday schools.3 M illions of young children were thus in troduced to evangelical Protestant Christianity, which in turn shaped the social and cultural worlds of their antebellum communities.4 Antebellum Americans learned how to use faith and salvation as a foundation for t heir future lives. From their childhood onward, most Protestants learned about the importance of church attendance and observing Sunday as a day of rest. Prewar Americans from a 2 This subtitle is borrowed from American religious historian Jon Butlers book of the same title. See Jon Butler, Awash in a Sea of Faith: Christianizing the American People (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1990). 3 Timothy Smith, Revivalism and Social Reform: American Protestantism on the Eve of the Civil War (1957; repr., New York: Harper & Row, Publis hers, Incorporated, 1965), 40. During the antebellum period a Jewish Sunday School movement also emerged. (Jonathan D. Sarna, American Judaism: A History (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 2004) 80) 4 Anne M. Boylan, Sunday School: The Formation of An American Institution 17901880 (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1988), 3, 170. Along with the interdenominational American Sunday School Union, Baptists, Congregationalists, Low Church Episcopalians, Methodists, and Presbyterians established Sunday Schools. (Boylan, Sunday School 1).

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53 small town or western area regularly attended any available church services While some attended out of reverence, others were merely curi ous or hoped to be entertained. Ordinary Americans observed a variety of religious forms, from Catholic services to African American meetings .5 At the services of liturgical traditions such as Catholicism and Episcopalianism, Americans viewed a standardized order of events. When attending the services of nonliturgical denominations such as Baptists unscripted or improvised church services were the norm. Regardless of the services they attended, Americans belong ed to a single denomination By the eve of the war, influenced by the Sabbatarian movement, many in the growing country observed Sunday as a Sabbath day of rest.6 In antebellum America phy sical church spaces varied. In rural Virginia, old wooden houses and clearings in the woods might serve as a meeting space for Sunday worship. Baptisms might occur in nearby creek banks.7 In cities, congregations enjoyed more ornate furnishings, including pew cushions, carpets, and curtains, complete with an indoor baptistery.8 Antebellum men gained comfort in these varied spiritual spaces, through interaction with other believers and feeling a sense of closeness to the divine.9 5 Lewis O. Saum, The Popular Mood of PreCivil War America 3638, 40, 42. 6 Alexis McCrossen, Sabbatarianism: The Intersection of Church and State in the Orchestration of Everyday Life in Nineteenth Century America, in Religious and Secular Reform in America: Ideas, Beliefs, and Social Change eds. David K. Adams and Cornelis A. Van Minnen (New York: New York University Press, 1999), 137. 7 Schweiger, The Gospel Working Up, 16. 8 Ibid., 42 43. For a discussion of church architecture in eighteenth century New England see Richard L. Bushman, The Refinement of America: Persons, Houses, Cities (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1992), 169180. 9 Jeanne Halgren Kilde, When Church Became Theatre: The Transformation of Evangelical Architecture and Worship in NineteenthCentury America (New York: Oxford University Press, 2002), 11.

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54 At the same time, a typical Protestant Sunday chur ch service also followed a common method of worship.10 After the mi nister prayed and read the Bible, he would explain Scripture through a lengthy sermon.11 Then the congregation would recite a hymn or psalm, and additional music might be played. After that the congregants would break for a meal before returning for more prayers and another sermon.12 In Jacksonvi lle, Illinois men could attend a Sunday service at eleven in the morning, and then a prayer meeting eight hours later. On Wednesday night, another prayer meeting would be held.13 Antebellum Roman Catholic men accepted the heightened ritual as pects of their particular faith by acknowledging that only through ritual could one hope to achiev e the sacred. The centr al ritual of their faith was the Mass, which all Catholics were supposed to hear on Sunday and during specified holy days. During this ritual, they watched the priest, adorned in special robes, pray in Latin, and walk about the alt ar. Candles, incense, flowers, and bells added further ambiance and sacrality to the physical space.14 Other communal rituals which Catholic men observed with help from their priest included Commu nion, confession, and baptism. Outside of these specific communal rituals, Catholics also were required to perform i ndividual rituals of devotion. 10 These Protestant services required listening as the primary worship practice. (Kilde, When Chur ch Became Theatre, 12.) 11 Both Catholics and Jews viewed sermons as subsidiary to the main liturgy. (Sarna, American Judaism, 78) 12 Kilde, When Church Became Theatre, 8 9. The preceding describes an early nineteenth century Congregationalist church service. Presbyterian services tended to also contain communion, distributed like a shared meal by the church elders, also known as presbyters. 13 Doyle, The Social Order of a Frontier Community 160. 14 As members of a liturgical tradition, Catholic ritual required congregants to respond to the priest.

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55 Through these private acts, people became closer to individual saints as well as Jesus and Mary.15 Both Catholic s and Protestant s saw their clergy as exemplars of virtue and dignity in a problemat ic world.16 In addition to holding services on Sunday, they offered them the opportunity for immersion in the baptism waters, and officiated over marriage vows. Clerical figures were also always ready to distribute tracts.17 In sum, without clerical h elp, devout men would be lost. Pre war Americans accepted the role of revivals as community building activities which crossed sectarian boundaries.18 Mainly hel d in the winter months and lasting multiple days, during these events participants often exhibited strange behaviors.19 According to a preacher who conducted them, thousands fell under the power of God, and cried for mercy.20 Conversion experiences were equally jarring as participants experienced falling for the first time: "Immediately befor e they became totally powerless, they were sometimes seized with a general tremor, and often uttered several piercing 15 Jay P. Dolan, The American Catholic Experience: A History from Colonial Times to the Present (New York: Doubleday & Company, Inc., 1985), 229231. 16 Ministerial education requirements differed according to denomination. Presbyterians, Catholics, and Episcopalians maintained very high academic standards at their theological seminaries, requiring a rigorous plan of study for clergy to gain ordination. On the other hand, Methodists and Baptists had lower standards, whi ch was one reason their denominations grew at a much faster pace. (Williams, What Americans Believe and How They Worship, 213). 17 Schweiger The Gospel Working Up, 26, 68. 18 Doyle, The Social Order of a Frontier Community 161162. 19 Saum, The Popular Mood of PreCivil War America 72. 20 Rev. James B. Finley, Autobiography or, Pioneer Life in the West ed. W. P. Strickland (Cincinnati: Methodist Book Concern, 1853), 363.

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56 shrieks in the moment of falling.21 Through these communal experiences participants bonded with other believers in a religious setting. In addition to its powerful influence on community, antebellu m Americans acknowledged how revival s created a new religious orientation toward physical space. Most peacetime churches contained structures which separated the preacher and the audience, including box pews and elevated pulpits.22 Evangelical revivals caused Americans to reconceptualize church space as something moveable that fost ered intimacy, not separation. A temporary, inexpensive, and portable structure, the tabernacle epitomized this type of s pace.23 However, Protestant revivalists of the early nineteenthcentury usually did not construct a tabernacle, instead using an existing building, field, or commons.24 In general, any available space was used where people could congregate and pray together, cultivating this intimacy. The majority of mid nineteenth century Americans acknowledged Gods presence i n their everyday lives, seeing H is controlling handi work through providence. Their personal writings, including marriage proposals and letters of adv ice to children, spoke freely of Providence. Such writings focused providential thinking on personal and immediate matters, ascribing good events to Gods purposes. In sum, preCivil War 21 Finley, Autobiography or, Pioneer Life in the West 367. According to historian D on Doyle, not all denominations experienced these excesses of religious fervor. (Doyle, The Social Order of a Frontier Community 163). 22 Kilde, When Church Became Theatre, 23. The preachers religious authority was apparent through physical elevation. (Ki lde, When Church Became Theatre, 19). 23 Kilde, When Church Became Theatre, 22. 24 Ibid.

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57 Americans accepted providential thinking.25 In addition to formal wors hip practices, prewar Am ericans of all ages accepted scriptural guidance about how to live. Even the more causal believers could understand the core Biblical lessons.26 These lessons broadly displayed moral and ethical precepts pivotal to surviving an uncer tain life, full of ups and downs. Antebellum Americans could also turn to easily available religious tracts and religious periodicals, part of the burgeoning relig ious print culture of the era. Founded in May 1825, the American Tract Society produced over five million tracts annually by 1850. These tracts typically presented a central message through a m oral woven into the narrative. According to historian Paul Boyer, this message demonstrated the punishment faced by individuals who broke moral and ethical codes of conduct. Many antebellum tracts told men of the i mportance of home and family; others denounced specific vices.27 Along with trac ts, religious periodicals illustrated the truth of the gospel 25 Miller, Both Prayed to the Same God: Religion and Faith in the American Civil War 33 and Lewis O. Saum, The Popular Mood of PreCivil War America (Westport, CT: Green wood Press, 1980), 34, 6, 10, 23. For more on providential thinking, see Nicholas Guyatt, Providence and the Invention of the United States, 16071876 (New York: Camb ridge University Press, 2007). Although most Americans shared these broad providential no tions, Protestants and Catholics sometimes derived different messages from Sunday services. Experiencing a personal conversion, evangelical Protestants confessed their faith in Jesus as their savior, and demonstrated a regenerated religious faith in both thought and deed. On the other hand, Catholics, defined their Christianity by communal acts in the Church, not personal religious practice and experience. Kent T. Dollar, Soldiers of the Cross: Confederate Soldier Christians and the Impact of War on Their Faith (Macon, GA: Mercer University Press, 2005), 9. 26 Miller, Both Prayed to the Same God 41, 43, 46. Paul C. Gutjahrs, An American Bible: A History of the Good Book in the United States, 17771880 (Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 1999) discuss es the Bibles place in early American culture. Peter J. Woshs, Spreading the Word: The Bible Business in NineteenthCentury America (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1994) discusses the rise of the American Bible Society and the business side of the Bible in nineteenthcentury America. 27 Paul Boyer, Urban Masses and Moral Order in America, 18201920 (Cambridge, Mass: Harvard Unive rsity Press, 1978), 26, 2930. For more information on tracts and religious publishing more generally see Candy Gunther Br own, The Word in the World: Evangelical Writing, Publishing, and Reading in America, 17891880 (Chapel Hill: The University of North Carolina Press, 2004) and David Paul Nord, Faith in Reading: Religious Publishing and the Birth of Mass Media in America (N ew York: Oxford University Press, 2004).

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58 to antebellum Amer icans This form of commun ication also helped evangelicals identify as part of the priesthood of all believers.28 According to this reformed concept, Christians must serve as mediators between God and others, facilitating the relationship between individual souls and the Word.29 Ev en as most Americans shared certain core beliefs, the rest of their belief systems evolved in diverse ways, reflecting sectional, racial, and ethnic differences as well as sectarian splits. Pre war immigration added a more diverse range of denominations to the North than the South, permitting a spectrum of Christian beliefs and practices.30 Antebellum Southerners, on the other hand, were immersed in an evangelical worldview and culture which had gained increased popularity during the Second Great Awakening.31 For the first time, the religious practice of formerly marginalized social groups, including enslaved blacks and poor whites, became more public Focusing on personal experience, evangelicals tried to replace class distinctions with differentiations based o n moral and ideological purity. United over the presence of God, these evangelicals, believed in the transformative quality of an intense religious experience, and emphasized individual integrity.32 Conveying their faith through the power of the revival, evangelicals imparted religious beliefs by preparing children for 28 Brown, The Word in the World, 22, 166. 29 Williams, What Americans Believe and How They Worship, 164. 30 Miller, Both Prayed to the Same God 53. Jews also immigrated to America during this time period, bringing with them a community centered religious culture that fit in well with the urban environment in Northern cities. Their small numbers ensured that they would have a very limited impact on t he wider Christian culture in nineteenthcentury America. 31 Historian Donald Mathews believes evangelism can be understood in historical terms as both a social process and a religious perception. (Mathews, Religion in the Old South, xvii) By the middle of the nineteenth century, a majority of southern whites were evangelicals. (Christine Leigh Heyrman, Southern Cross: The Beginnings of the Bible Belt (Chapel Hill: The University of North Carolina Press, 1997), 56.) 32 Evangelical fellowship replicated kinship bonds (Heyrman, Southern Cross 145).

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59 adult conversion and welcomed outsiders who routinely attended their churches.33 Moreover, women gained new public roles in some evangelical congregations.34 These new public roles for women e merged out of their long standing participation in religion, and religi ous directed reform movements. Women, especially ones belonging to the middle class, actively participated in regular congregational life, as well as in evangelic al camp meetings and revivals. Participation in these activities provided them with a way to move beyond their normal domestic sphere.35 At the same time, their work affirmed the patriarchal nature of antebellum religious communities, since women did not speak from the pulpit or lead services.36 Nationwide, female church members comprised twothirds of Protestant church members, while in the South that number was even higher.37 Tied to their religious work, women formed the vanguard of moral reform organizations in prewar America, such as the interdeno minational temperance crusade. The movements for peace reform, Sabbatarian laws, and the antislavery 33 Mathews, Religion in the Old South, xvii, 11, 13, 38, 48, 99. Although the preceding analysis is generally true, historian Christine Heyrman is careful to point out that evangelicalism has never been a static, mo nolithic structure of belief and neither have its adherents been an undifferentiated mass. (Heyrman, Southern Cross 254). 34 Heyrman, Southern Cross 204. 35 Doyle, The Social Order of a Frontier Community 160 161. For more on womens sphere see Nancy C ott, The Bonds of Womanhood: Womans Sphere in New England, 17801835 (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1977). 36 John Mack Faragher, Sugar Creek: Life on the Illinois Prairie (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1986), 168. 37 Schweiger, The Gospel Working Up, 19 and Gail Bederman, The Women Have Had Charge of the Church Work Long Enough: The Men and Religion Forward Movement of 19111912 and the Masculinization of MiddleClass Protestantism, in A Mighty Baptism: Race, Gender, and the Creation of American Protestantism, eds. Susan Juster and Lisa MacFarlane (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1996), 111.

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60 campaign also galvanized the women (and men) of the antebellum evangelical churches.38 By the eve of the Civil War, both enslaved and f ree African Americans had developed their own awareness of evangelical practices. Driven by the unique cultural and social conditions under which they lived, blacks often cast their entire cosmos in religious terms. The evangelical revivals offered them a vision of a new world which combined their rich African cultural inheritance and American social conditions to accept a radical New Birth. The conversion experience became the contact point between the Evangelical movement and traditional African culture.39 By the beginning of the war, black evangelicals established their own independent churches, outside of white supervision or participation.40 38 Paul K. Conkin, The Uneasy Center: Reformed Christianity in Antebellum America (Chapel Hill: The University of North Carolina Press, 1995), 142143. 39 Mathews, Religion in the Old South, 186, 189190. 40 Irons, The Origins of Proslavery Christianity 96, 169, 247248. Black and white interaction became an accepted part of the Souther n evangelical religious environment in the years before Nat Turners rebellion of 1831. Historian Charles Irons describes black and white evangelical interaction in his recent work, The Origins of Proslavery Christianity: White and Black Evangelicals in Co lonial and Antebellum Virginia (Chapel Hill: The University of North Carolina Press, 2008) which explores the connection between the proslavery argument and evangelicalism in Colonial and antebellum Virginia. For more on black evangelical life before the A merican Civil War see John B. Boles, ed., Masters and Slaves in the House of the Lord: Race and Religion in the American South, 17401870 (Lexington: University Press of Kentucky, 1988); Erskine Clarke, Dwelling Place: A Plantation Epic (New Haven, Conn.: Yale University Press, 2006); Janet Duitsman, Slave Missions and the Black Church in the Antebellum South (Columbia: University of South Carolina Press, 1999); Sylvia R. Frey and Betty Wood, Come Shouting to Zion: African American Protestantism in the Amer ican South and British Caribbean to 1830 (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1998); Albert J. Raboteau, Slave Religion: The Invisible Institution in the Antebellum South (New York: Oxford University Press, 1978); Milton C. Sernett, Black Re ligion and American Evangelicalism: White Protestants, Plantation Missions, and the Flowering of Negro Christianity, 17871865 (Metuchen, N.J.: Scarecrow Press, 1975); Timothy E. Fulop and Albert J. Raboteau, eds., African American Religion: Interpretive E ssays in History and Culture (New York: Routledge, 1997), especially Part II Slave Religion and Part III The Black Church North of Slavery; Alonzo Johnson and Paul Jersild, eds., Aint Gonna Lay My Ligion Down African American Religion in the South (Columbia: University of South Carolina Press, 1996); Daniel L. Fountain, Slavery Civil War and Salvation: African American Slaves and Christianity, 18301870 (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 2010).

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61 In the midst of an evangelical dominated religious world, many Americans still belonged to nonevangelical Protestant groups. These groups, including the Dutchspeaking Reformed, English Episcopalians, and German Lutherans identified with their European antecedents, adopting Eur opean prayer books and creeds. They split, however over the issue of accommodation to the American religious environment.41 While most antebellum Americans adhered to one branch of Protestantism or another, Catholics and especially recent immigrants to the northern states learned how to construct thei r own religious institutions on unfami liar and often hostile terrain. In fact, Catholic American parish life exhibited many of the attributes of the larger evangelical Protestant culture, including emotional spiritual renewal, heartfelt religious experienc es, m iraculous cures, and revivals. This Catholic religious subculture protected its adherents from the often hostile Protestant majority, through a system of churches, schools and colleges.42 Throughout their lives, Americans saw the profound religious div isions in peacetime America. Nationally, dozens of competing sects tried to attract Protestant men. By the Civil War, in Jacksonville, Illinois, eighteen different congregations representing eight separate denominations attracted approximately half of the population.43 41 Curtis D. Johnson, Sectarian Nation: Religious Diversity in Antebellum America, OAH Magazine of History (January 2008): 16. 42 Finke and Stark, The Churching of America, 115, 117, 127, 139140. 43 Doyle, The Social Order of a Frontier Community 157 158. American Christians were divided into f our principal groups: evangelical Protestants, traditionalist Christians, nonTrinitarian monotheists, and dive rse American originals. Each of these Christian groups had differing understandings of their Christian faith. In the early part of the century, t he dominant group, evangelical Protestants, were further divided among formalist and anti formalists. Formalists wanted order in society, worship prac tices, and in their own lives. Anti formalists wanted freedom from this structure. With the evangelist Charles Finneys arrival

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62 Future Civil War soldiers took antebellum religious beliefs and practices, and applied them to their wartime lives. As they matured, they received instruction in providence, the Bible, ritual, and the importance of Sunday services. They also l earned about religious reading material, revivalism, and the pivotal role of women in religion. The rest of their belief systems evolved due to sectional, racial, or ethnic identity. The next section examines the religious responses of Christian soldiers a s they experienced war for the first time. Soldiers faced a new challenge in this wartime environment: how to adapt antebellum religious attitudes and practices wi thout their former structures. Seeing the Elephant: Christian Soldiers Go Off to War With t he help of chaplains and missionaries, Civil War soldiers created a new r eligious world for themselves. In this new world, soldiers experienced many religious ch allenges for the first time. The wartime religious environment was constantly in flux, and soldiers needed to adapt to these changing circumstances. All young soldiers wondered how they would respond to their first combat experience. The transition from civilian to soldier was often abrupt and jarring, presenting young men with a host of new experiences, challenges, hardships, and fears. Most saw the prospect of seeing the elephant, as an imp ortant test of their manhood. How would they respond in the face of battle?44 But the transition to wartime in the 1820s and 1830s, the evangelicals stopped competing amongst themselves and by the 1830s they focused on threats by Catholics and the Mormons out West. (Johnson, Sectarian Nation 1417.) 44 For sources on manhood and seeing the elephant see Reid Mitchell, Civil War Soldiers (New York: Viking Penguin, Inc., 1988), esp. chapter three From Volunteer to Soldier: The Psychology of Service; Reid Mitchell, The Vacant Chair: The Northern Soldier Leaves Home (New York: Oxford University Press, 1993), esp. chapter one Soldiering, Manhood, and Coming of Age; Earl J. Hess, The Union Soldier in Battle: Enduring the Ordeal of Combat (Lawrence: University Press of Kansas, 1997); Peter S. Carmichael, The Last Generation: Young Virginians in Peace, War, and Reunion (Chapel Hill: The

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63 also posed i mportant religious challenges. How would their experiences with Christianity in antebellum America serve them in their lives as soldiers? No doubt the military environment these soldiers entered in 1861 differed dramatically fro m their peacetime experiences. To keep sane in this new environment, soldiers linked these wartime religious experiences with their antebellum lives. In turn, they adapted antebellum beliefs a nd practices to wartime necessity This provided them with a new religious structure, which helped them survive their wartime strugg les. In order to perform their wartime duties, religious soldiers needed to reconcile their participation in the conflict with their private religious convictions. How could they maintain their commitment to Christian principles in t he face of the carnage to come? To accomplish this, they first defined the war as a just war, and a matter of self defense.45 Convinced of the justness of their cause, both Confederate and Union soldiers concluded that their side would triumph.46 As Confederate Tally Simpson wrote, "God certainly is on our side, and we should trust in Him to deliver us from the hands of our enemies."47 A high ranking Union officer echoed Simpsons sentiment when he University of North Carolina Press, 2005); and Aaron SheehanDean, Why Confederates Fought: Family & Nation in Civil War Virginia (Chapel Hill: The University of North Carolina Press, 2007). 45 Dollar, Soldiers of the Cross 52. For just war theory in a religious context, look to the writi ngs of St. Augustine of Hippo. An extensive secondary literature on the morality and ethics of the American Civil War, includes the following works: Charles Royster, The Destructive War: William Tecumseh Sherman, Stonewall Jackson, and the Americans (New York: Vintage Books, 1991); Mark E. Neely, Jr., Was the Civil War a Total War?, Civil War History 37 (March 1991): 528; Mark Grimsley, The Har d Hand of War: Union Military Policy Toward Southern Civilians, 18611865 (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1995); James M. McPherson, From Limited War to Total War in America, in On the Road to Total War: The American Civil War and the German Wars of Unification, 18611871, ed. Stig Forster and Jorg Nagler (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1997), 295309; Harry S. Stout, Upon the Altar of the Nation: A Moral History of the Civil War (New York: Viking Penguin, 2006); and Mark E. Neely, Jr ., The Civil War and the Limits of Destruction (Cambridge, MA: Harv ard University Press, 2007). 46 Dollar, Soldiers of the Cross 63. 47 Guy R. Everson and Edward H. Simpson, Jr., eds., Far, far from home: The Wartime Letters of Dick and Tally Simpson 3rd South Car olina Volunteers (New York: Oxford University Press, 1994), 237.

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64 remarked, Faith in God is the sheer anchor of our lives, it is the pillar of cloud by day and of fire by night to guide our feet through the bloody seas which surround us, and when God is for us, who can prevail against us?48 Next, soldiers had to reconcile a wartime environment full of tremendous death and misery with their antebellum rel igious convictions. All soldiers first needed to justify killing the enemy in battle, overcoming the religious problems inherent in killing another human being, such as the Biblical commandment, You shall not murder.49 This particular type of killing required hard work to address emotional and religious con straints, and adapt to combat. It also produced irreversible transformations in soldiers who, learned to numb basic human feeling.50 Undoubtedly war has a demoralizing effect upon the soldier, wrote Con federate John Casler of the Army of Northern Virginia. He becomes familiar with scenes of death and carnage, and what at first shocks him greatly he afterwards comes to look upon as a matter of course.51 Nineteenthcentury Americans were cognizant of thei r own mortality but soldiers needed to be ready for death at any moment. Killing others kept soldiers constantly aware of their own mortality, another departure from prewar practice. Moreover, nineteenthcentury Americans believed that life was simply a t emporary condition, and m ost believed in the hereafter. According to this conception, those Christians who 48 Blair, A Politician Goes to War: The Civil War Letters of John White Geary 72 73. 49 See Exodus 20:13. Look to Exodus 20:220:17 for the Ten Commandments. 50 Drew Gilpin Faust, This Republic of Suffering: Death and the American Civil War (New York: Alfred A. Knopf 2008), 33, 60. 51 John O. Casler, Four Years In the Stonewall Brigade (Dayton, OH: Morningside Bookshop, 1971).

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65 accepted and died in Christ enjoyed the living rest of eternal life in heaven.52 However, the mass suffering and death of combat left some soldiers doubting the existence of heaven, or the benevolence and agency of God. Some soldiers even doubted their very faith in God.53 Union soldier William T. Shepherd lamented the r ole of nonbelievers in camp. "We had quite an argument with some of the boys about their religion, he wrote, and I find every description of belief and disbelief Some are the worst of infidels and I shudder to think of their ideas in regard to the Great Creator and His word."54 Connected to their work of killing and the possibility of their own demise, many soldiers for the first time fought the often disastrous effects of wartime disillusionment. Concentrating on the war proved difficult later in the conflict after the battles of Gettysburg, Cold Harbor, and Spotsylvania. According to historian Gerald Linderman, soldiers became more disillusioned over the course of the conflict. Moreover, the continuous combat in 1864 and 1865 prevented soldiers from participating in religious observances, further decreasing their early war piety.55 For a generation of nineteenthcentury Virginians in the Army of Northern Virginia, Confederate nationalism and religious beliefs sustained each other until they merged. Instead of becoming disillusioned, during 1864 and 1865, the socalled last generation saw the conflict as a 52 Steven E. Woodworth, While God is Marching On: The Religious World of Civil War Soldiers (Lawrence: The University Press of Kansas, 2001), 41, 44, 48, 50. 53 Faust, This Republic of Suffering: Death and the American Civil War 174, 188. Throughout the war, Faust argues, religious soldiers remained fixated on death. (Faust, This Republic of Suffering, 176). 54 Kurt H. Hackemer, ed., To Rescue My Native Land: The Civil War Letters of William T. Shepherd, First Illinois Artillery (Knoxville: The University of Tennessee Press, 2005), 213. 55 Gerald F. Linderman, Embattled Courage: The Experience of Combat in the American Civil War (New York: The Free Press, I nc., 1987), 245, 252, and 254. At the same time, Linderman argues, religious faith retained a powerful influence over many of the men. (Linderman, Embattled Courage, 255).

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66 holy war.56 By the end of the war, these soldiers transformed into Confederate zealots.57 In addition to fighting disillusionment, common Civil War soldiers had to reconcile antebellum evangelical belie fs with their wartime service. Thi s evangelical culture in the Confederate armies eased the common mans transition to camp life, and molded new recrui ts into a more effective army. It also provided psychological reassurance to soldiers threatened on a daily bas is with personal annihilation. In sum, through evangelicalism the common soldier sought both personal reintegration and how to cope with the wars assaults on his humanity.58 In the Union armies, prewar evangelicals adapted to the war alongside their comrades fr om other religious traditions. These Union evangelical soldiers were as devout as their Confederate counterparts.59 They served alongside Catholic immigrant soldiers, nonevangelical Protestants, and African American troops serving in the United States Colored Troops who practiced their own unique brand of Christianity.60 56 Ca rmichael, The Last Generation, 185, 202. 57 It is unclear whether Northern soldiers underwent a similar transformation since there is no comparable study of them. 58 Drew Gilpin Faust, Christian Soldiers: The Meaning of Revivalism in the Confederate Army, The Journal of Southern History 53, no. 1 (1987): 7375, 77, 83, 88. 59 Historian Reid Mitchell argues that this myth of Confederate religiosity is promoted by Lost Cause sources, most prominently William Bennetts A Narrative of the Great Revival Which Prevailed in the Southern Armies During the Late Civil War Between the States of the Federal Union (1876) and John Jones Christ in Camp or Religion in the Confederate Army (1904). (Reid Mitchell, Christian Soldiers?: Perfecting the Confederacy, in Religion and the American Civil War eds. Randall M. Miller, Harry S. Stout, and Charles Reagan Wilson (New York: Oxford University Press, Inc., 1998), 298.) 60 Mit chell, Christian Soldiers?, 304. Mitchell contends that this historiographic notion that Confederat e soldiers were more religious than their Union counterparts would have surprised Northern soldiers. (Mitc hell, Christian Soldiers?, 302). For an example of this newer scholarship on Catholic soldiers see Randall M. Miller, Catholic Religion, Irish Ethn icity, and the Civil War, in Religion in the American Civil War eds. Randall M. Miller, Harry S. Stout, and Charles Reagan Wilson (New York: Oxford Universit y Press, Inc., 1998), 261296. For an example of this newer scholarship on African American soldi ers, see Reginald F. Hildebrand, Brother, Religion is a Good Thing in Time of War: The Theology of U.S.

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67 Religion helped to sustain combat motivat ion in this new wartime world. In the Confederate armies, both officers and enlisted men commonly drew consolation from religion, to help expres s bot h resolution and anxiety. I have this consolation, that God has a finger in the mighty events that are being transacted on this continent, Tally Simpson wrote in February 1863, and he will direct us as he sees fit.61 Soldier narratives also reveal how f ear for ones survival and concern for ones family on the home front helped generate spiritual activity. My trust is in God & whatever may befall me, a U nion soldier wr ote to his wife in June 1863, I know that Christ is my friend & that my loved ones at home are in his hands and that however long I may be detained from them, & however f ar away they are in his hands. He is always near those who call upon Him in faith.62 On a wider community level, religion helped soldiers create Confederate nationalism and sustained their combat motivation.63 In the Union armies this spiritual fervor aided in the creation of a type of patriotism which sus tained soldiers through combat. A crucial reminder of their peacetime worlds, the Bible retained spiritual power for wa r bound Christian soldiers. The scriptures stood at the center of the American religious imagination and throughout the war troops in both Northern and Southern Colored Troops, A Paper delivered at the Second Biennial Meeting of the Society of Civil War Historians, Ric hmond, Virginia, June 19 2010. 61 Everson and Simpson, Jr., eds., Far, far from home, 196. 62 Robert Beasecker, ed., I Hope to Do My Country Service: The Civil War Letters of John Bennitt, M.D., Surgeon, 19th Michigan Infantry (Detroit, MI: Wayne State University Press, 2005), 133. 63 Watson, Religion and Combat Motivation in the Confederate Armies, 41, 4748. Historian Larry Logue argues that religious consolation was limited since defeats and shortages of supplies eventually trumped the assurances of clergy. (Larry M. Logue, To Appomattox and Beyond: The Civil War Soldier in War and Peace (Chicago: Ivan R. Dee, Inc., 1996), 78)

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68 armies desired Bibles.64 Encountering ever dwindling supplies, chaplains and missionaries tried their bes t to supply this wartime need. "I suppose every man in the Confederate army carried a Bible, given with blessing by a mother or sweetheart, a soldier in the 21st Virginia Infantry explained. This Bible was read as a book never was before. I rea d mine through the first year. They were a blessing to many and life savers too, as I heard of and saw many lives saved by bullets striking the Bible carried in the breast pocket."65 When writing to a father about his sons death, a Union officer recalled th e deceaseds fondness for the Bible the vade mecum of his army life. It was his rule, invariably to read a few chapters before retiring at night.66 In addition to the Bible, soldiers relied on prayers from their youth.67 Through prayer, soldiers spoke to a God who provided for their protection, peace, physical needs, and t heir own spiritual well being. Viewing prayer as a request that God may or may not grant, soldiers also noted its limitations.68 Another vestige of this antebellum world, salvation through Jesus Christ, retained importance for many soldiers going off to war.69 Some were saved prior to enlistment, while others went through conversion experiences within the military camp or hospital. Confederate Alva Benjamin Spencer of 64 See Mark A. Noll, The Bible and Slavery, in Religion and the American Civil War eds. Randall M. Miller, Harry S. Stout, and Charles Reagan Wilson (New York: Oxford Univers ity Press, Inc., 1998), 4373. Woodworth, While God is Marching On 68, 70. 65 James I. Robertson, Jr., ed., One of Jacksons Foot Cavalry (Jackson, Tenn: McCowat Mercer Press, Inc., 1964), 9. 66 Julie Holcomb, ed., Southern Sons, Northern Soldiers: T he Civil War Letters of the Remley Brothers, 22nd Iowa Infantry (DeKalb: Northern Illinois University Press, 2004), 162. 67 In his 2005 work Soldiers of the Cross: Confederate Soldier Christians and the Impact of War on Their Faith Kent Dollar argues that of the nine Christian soldiers he studied, every one sustained their antebellum prayer habits. (Dollar, Soldiers of the Cross 83) 68 Woodworth, While God is Marching On, 72, 76. 69 Salvation was one of the central tenants of evangelical Protestantism.

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69 the 3rd Georgia remember ed seeing several soldiers converted: I have seen Mr. Hyman, a baptist minister of Thomas Ga. Brig., baptize and receive into the baptist church, nine of our best soldiers On the night of the same day, quite a number were sprinkled into the Methodis t church. Although all the chaplains in our brigade, are of the Methodist denomination, all who profess conversion do not join the Methodist church."70 Viewed as unconverted heathens in the eyes of their fellow Chr istian soldiers, other soldiers rejected the opportunity for salvation.71 Along with salvation, Civil War soldiers fervently believed in a new understanding of providence. Wartime providential thinking differed from what guided prewar Americans, since it now combined the highly individualistic and personal with more nationalistic goals. At the wars beginning, Confederate Christian soldiers believed that since God favored th e South, they would win the war.72 In the summer of 1861, Captain John Preston Sheffey wrote Do not be uneasy about me. My fate is in the hands of the great God who has sided with us and I am content to abide the issue.73 Northern Christian soldiers thought similarly about the role of providence. One even remarked that Gods providence depended on the Unions decision to fight for the abolition of slavery. Ever since the first Battle of Bull Run in 1861, the soldier wrote to his wife I 70 Wig gins, My Dear Friend The Civil War Letters of Alva Benjamin Spencer, 3rd Georgia Regiment, Company C 110. 71 Woodworth, While God is Marching On, 53, 56, 5859, 64. 72 Dollar Soldiers of the Cross 63. Historian Daniel Stowell argues that many Confederates saw Stonewall Jacksons death as a message from God, a st atement over Gods providence. See Daniel W. Stowell, Stonewall Jackson and the Providence of God, in Religion and the American Civil War eds. Randall M. Miller, Harry S. Stout, and Charles Reagan Wilson (New York: Oxford Universit y Press, Inc., 1998), 187207. For more on wartime providential thinking see Steven Woodworth, chp. 2 A Merciful Providence: The Actions of a Sovereign God, in While God is Marching On, 2739. 73 James I. Robertson, Jr., ed., Soldier of Southwestern Virginia: The Civil War Letters of Captain John Preston Sheffey (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 2007), 47.

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70 have been fully satisfied that the hand of God was especially in this war and that we would not see the end until we were ready to put away oppression from all the land, and allow the four million of bondmen go free."74 According to Mark Noll the crisis over the workings of divine providence was one of the two main theological crises of the Civil War.75 In this new wartime environment, some well established antebellum religious groups, such as Catholics, stayed together. Adrift in a veritable sea of evangelical Protestantism, Catholic soldiers experienced difficulty in practicing their religion unless a Catholic chaplain guided them. The majority of these soldiers belonged to predominantly Catholic regiments or Brigades serviced by Catholic clergy. For example, Father William Corby served as chaplain of the Army of the Potomacs Irish Brigade and Father John Bannon served the Confederacys 1st Missouri Brigade. Regardless of their background, this new wartime religious world required extra effort from Civil War soldiers to prac tice actively their prewar Christian faith. First, they had to combat the vicefilled military camp, free of th e mediating influence of women. Second, the normal structures of religion were not as easily accessible.76 During 1861 74 Beasecker, I Hope to Do My Country Service, 368369. 75 According to Noll, the debate over the Bible and Slavery was the other theological c risis of the Civil War period. See Mark A. Noll, The Civil War as a Theological Crisis (Chapel Hill: The University of North Carolina Press, 2006), esp. chp. 3 The Crisis over the Bible and chp. 4 The Negro Question Lies Far Deeper than the Slavery Question. 76 See David W. Rolfs, No Nearer Heaven Now but Rather Farther Off: The Religious Compromises and Conflicts of Northern Soldiers, in The View from the Ground: Experiences of Civil W ar Soldiers ed. Aaron SheehanDean (Lexington: University Press of Kentucky, 2007) and Kent T. Dollar, Strangers in a Strange Land: Christian Soldiers in the Early Months of the Civil War, in The View from the Ground: Experiences of Civil War Soldiers ed. Aaron Sheehan Dean (Lexington: Univer sity Press of Kentucky, 2007). Rolfs points are further developed in his recently published work, No Peace for the Wicked: Northern Protestant Soldiers and the American Civil War (Knoxville: The University of Tennessee Press, 2009)

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71 and 1862, Confederate Chri stian soldiers encountered a military world in which few soldiers showed interest in spiritual matters and religious services occurred irregularly. Nevertheless, these religious soldiers sought Christian fellowship with other pious soldiers. When they coul d not attend formal religious serv ices, they held prayer meetings to sustain their faith.77 Northern religious soldiers also encountered difficulty reconciling their faith with their military duties, in the process compromising aspect s of their pre war reli giosity. Many stopped attending weekly servi ces and observing the Sabbath. Moreover, as the war wore on, these Christian soldiers found themselves hating their Confederate foes, seeking revenge for their enemies supposed transgressions, and blurring the l i ne between killing and murder. As the war continued, these soldiers encountered increased cognitive dissonance. Some experienced depression emerging from the possibility that the violation of Gods commandments would never be forgiven.78 Antebellum denomin ationalism was barely present in the wartime religious world. Often regimental chaplains came from different denominat ions than the men they served. Yet soldiers attendance at religious events or their faith in their regimental or brigade level clerical f igure was unaffected. Even Catholic soldiers seemed undisturbed by the religious attention of a Prot estant chaplain or missionary. Protestant soldiers also 77 Dollar, Strangers in a St range Land, 145, 147, 152153, 158. Dollar further argues that the religious efforts of these early Christian soldiers helped lay the groundwork for future military revivals. (Dollar, Strangers in a Strange Land, 160) 78 Rolfs, No Nearer Heaven Now but Rather Farther Of f, 125, 136. Cognitive dissonance is a psychological condition defined as the anxiety that results from simultaneously holding contradictory or otherwise incompatible attitudes, beliefs, or the like. (cognitive dissonance www.dictionary.com (accessed October 27, 2009)).

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7 2 accept ed Catholic priests For virtually all soldiers, the form of reli gious guidance did not matter Denominational conflict seemed to dissolve in the military camps. War bound soldiers confronted a new and dangerous reality for which they were illprepared. Armed with prayer books, bibles, and other tools of evangelicalism, beginning soldiers were able to construct a new religious world based on antebellum belie fs and practices. This world contained vestiges of peacetime religious life, adapted to a wartime environment of largescale death, disillusionment, and vice. Other aspects of this strange new world, such as ecumenicalism deviated from established antebellum patterns. Civil War soldiers expressed existing religious beliefs and practices though these required adaptation and change for their faith to survive. Even more so than in their antebellum lives, these young men found themselves turning to clergymen as guides in navigating this unfamiliar spiritual terrain. Comr ades and Friends: Soldiers and T heir Spiritual Guides Through interactions with chaplains and missionaries, soldiers tried to repli cate the relationships between preacher and parishioner from the antebellum church world. But in the midst of war, this relationship between clergyman and believer became more difficult to maintain, even while many young men felt a much greater need for spiritual guidance. Together, soldiers, chaplai ns, and missionaries reshaped antebellum ritual, revivals, and Christian associations In turn, this new wartime religion reach ed large numbers of previously uninitiated individuals From the beginning of the war, soldiers viewed chaplains, in fulfilling certain fundamental religious functions, as s imilar to peacetime preachers. As such, they interacted with them during formal and informal prayer, ranging from a weekday prayer

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73 meeti ng to a Sunday chapel service. In addition, military chaplains were primarily responsible for holding formal worship services, providing soldiers with a crucial link to their antebellum experiences. Antebellum parishioners were accustomed to ministers (and priests) playing important rol es in the community that went well beyond formal religious practice. The local clergyman in a small town in either the North or the South played a valuable role in the daily lives of his flock, offering counsel, attending social gatherings, ministering at weddings and funerals, and essentially being a significant presence in the life of the community. Once they had marched off to war, soldiers looked to the mili tary clergy for similar roles. By performing these actions, chaplains won the support and acceptance of the men they served.79 Although not a very intellectual and cultivated minister, Confederate Harry Lewis described his chaplain in April 1864 as a sincere and hard working Christian.80 Soldiers could feel comfortable speaking to and confiding in chaplains. In a letter to his mother, George F. Cram depicted his chaplain as "a model man and well fitted for an army chaplain, very frequently he comes into our tent and spends the evening with us, always talking hopefully of the future."81 In addition, chaplains wrote letters to family members of soldiers who had been killed in battle, died 79 Gardiner H. Shattuck, Jr., A Shield and a Hiding Place: The Religious Life of the Civil War Armies (Macon, GA: Mercer U niversity Press, 1987), 6062. Occasionally, chaplains did fail in their spiritual duties, and leadership roles. Writing about his chaplain in the summer of 1862, Confederate Harry Lewis explained, One thing is certain, hypocrite or not, he exercised no moral influence in the regiment and commands not the respect of its members This is a great pity for we sadly need the restraining influence of religion in camp, and a good holy man at the post would do untold good. (Robert G. Evans, ed., The 16th Missis sippi Infantry: Civil War Letters and Reminiscences (Jackson: University Press of Mississippi, 2002), 94. 80 Evans, The 16th Mississippi Infantry 242. 81 Jennifer Cain Bohrnstedt, ed., Soldiering with Sherman: Civil War Letters of George F. Cram (Dekalb: No rthern Illinois University Press, 2000), 78.

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74 in camp, or were hospitalized; acted as postmasters for their units; maintained the regimental or brigade library; taught reading and writing; and served as informal bankers, sending money home to families of men in their regiment or brigade.82 For all their help, many soldiers saw (and loved) their chaplain as a father figure.83 Union soldiers also interacted with United States Christian Commission delegates, who like traditional missionaries sought to spread the gospel. Helping regular clergy forge powerful bonds with men, these delegates interacted regularly with many soldiers: when ministering to the wounded and dying after battles, during prayer at USCC stations established near large bodies of troops, when helping chaplains conduct Sunday services, and when distributi ng religious reading material. This work focused on urging soldiers to accept J esus In August 1864, Emerson Opdycke compared the Christian Commissio n to its sister organization, the United States Sanitary Comm ission. "The Sanitary Commission does more necessary good, he wrote, than the Christian Commission; the latter gives religious counsel to hospital inmates, and distributes reading matter and wr iting material to them, the former feeds and clothes the sick and wounded soldiers; which are matters of primary importance and necessity; both should be well sustained."84 Another Union soldier also thought highly of both organizations, stating in an April 1 864 letter to his father: The Chr istian" & "Sanitary Commissions do much more good in the army than many persons at the north suppose. At every town of importance in the South within our lines there are Soldiers homes where food & 82 Shattuck, Jr., A Shield and a Hiding Place, 62. 83 See chapter eight The Boys Love Him as a Father: Civil War Chaplains, in Woodworth, While God is Marching On, 145159. 84 Glenn V. Longacre and John E. Haas, eds., To Battle for God and the Right: The Civil War Letterbooks of Emerson Opdycke (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 2003), 207.

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75 lodging can be had free of charge and reading rooms similar to these under their special control."85 Many soldiers also saw their wartime clergy as a vital bulwark against the immoral influences that soon came to permeate the military camps. In the absence of the social constraints on behavior that preserved morality on the home front, many young soldiers turned to gambling and alcohol, while taking advantage of the sexual opportunities offered by pr ostitutes and camp followers. Although many men embraced these new freedoms with enthusiasm, many Christian soldiers worried about the immoral influences in their midst, sending concerned letters home or penning diary entries recording t heir comrades transgressions. Captain Samuel Fiske, of the Army of the Potomac, co mplained midway through the war about alcohol consumption in the army. V ery many young men who have been hitherto models of sobriety he maintained, have, since coming to war, lost their good principles and are falling victims to this evil habit.86 What ever their own personal behavior, soldiers in both the Union and Confederacy came to recognize that the clergy and missionaries in their midst constituted a force for the sacred in a largely profane military world. As the war continued, prew ar relationshi ps were renewed as soldiers interacted with chaplains and missionaries during revivals, ritual periods, and in the format ion of Christian associations. The hallmark of evangelical Protestantism in antebellum America, revivals usually occurred in Union and Confe derate armies after Gettysburg. At these events clergy held services on an almost daily basis, convincing untold 85 Holcomb, Southern Sons, Northern Soldiers 143. 86 Stephen W. Sears, ed., Mr. Dunn Brownes Experiences in the Army: The Civil War Letters of Samuel W. Fiske (New York: Fordham University Press, 1999), 96.

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76 numbers of men to declare t heir devotion to Jesus Christ. For example, Confederate Tally Simpson experienced revival ism during the s ummer of 1863. He attended his brigades preaching led by a regimental chaplain each morning at nine oclock. Tallys letters contain his thoughts on the various preachers: "Mr. C is my favorite. He is an excellent man and an excellent preacher and is bound to do a good deal of good in his present field of action. The Rev Dr. Stiles of Geo[rgia], the great army revivalist, has preached for us twice. He is a very able man and preached two elegant sermons. He is on the order of the great Baker, but a much abler man."87 Beyond the revival, the replication of traditional Protestant and Catholic rituals in the wartime environment fostered strong bonds between clergy and soldiers. During and after formal religious ceremonies, Protestant clergy baptized and converted sold iers. Their Catholic counterparts, held confessions and mass absolution ceremonies as needed, such as Father William Corbys famous one at Gettysburg in 1863.88 Serving as the building blocks of religious space, these rituals kept alive the connection between religion in the military and civilian spheres. In addition to their ritual practices, soldiers also revitalized prewar Christian associations through relationships with clergy. Aided by chaplains and missionaries, these groups of soldiers, fought profane influences and promoted religiosity among their peers. In 1863, the Army of the Tennessees chaplains attempted to organize a Young Mens Christia n Association in each brigade. Soldiers flocked to these organizations 87 Everson and Simpson, Jr., eds., Far, far from home, 273274. 88 See Major General Mulholland, The Irish Brigade in the War for the Union, in Memoirs of Chaplain Life: Three Years with the Irish Brigade in the Army of the Potomac, ed. Lawrence Frederick Kohl (New York: Fordham University Press, 1992), 385.

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77 during revival movements.89 For example, during the revivalism during the winter of 18631864 in the Army of Northern Virginia, Confederate officer Cullen Andrews Battle, remembered a celebration of the Christian Association. At this time, a distinguished preach er from Richmond presented the text, "Lift up your heads, O, ye gates, and be ye lifted up, ye everlasting doors, and the King of glory shall come in. Who is the King of glory? The Lord of Hosts, Mighty in battle, He is the King of glory." The sermon was powerful, Battle recalled, and the effect was wonderful. Many, perhaps hundreds, came out on the Lord's side that day."90 Soldiers maintained basic contacts with military clergy, missionaries, and USCC delegates throughout the war. These contacts were based on antebellum relationships b etween a preacher and his parishioner adapted to wartime exigency. During their wartime service, missionaries and chaplains focused on adapting antebellum ritual, revivals, and Christian associatio ns to the wartime environment. These three actions compose d the building blocks of religious space. The wartime relationships soldiers formed with chaplains and missionaries were based on similar relationships with antebellum clerg y, adapted to wartime exigency. These relationships were partially sustained throug h the religious publications available to Civil War troops. Wartime Religion and the Written Word By reading religious tracts, periodicals, and testaments, soldiers adapted antebellum messages of faith and salvati on. Born of the burgeoning religious print 89 Shattuck, A Shield and a Hiding Place, 89, 101. 90 Brandon H. Beck, ed., Third Alabama!: The Civil War Memoir of Br igadier General Cullen Andrews Battle, CSA (Tuscaloosa: The University of Alabama Press, 2000), 96.

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78 culture in nineteenthcentury America, these works reinforced the evangelical themes perpetrated by Civil War clergy. In turn, soldiers, with the assistance of clergy, looked to this religious literature for guidance in light of wartime difficulties. The religious military press instructed soldiers who were eager for spiritual instruction on how to adapt their peacetime evangelical beliefs to new wartime roles.91 Often these tracts confronted the core challenge: how to reconcile warfare and religious belief ? Articles and tracts reinforced the ideal of the Christian soldi er, fighting for a just cause. Southern periodicals strengthened soldiers identification with the Confederate cause and also explained how the wartime environment threatened their religious liberty.92 Accessible to Christian Confederate soldiers, the pages of The Army and Navy Herald discussed various aspects of religion in the army.93 For each day of the week, a section entitled Daily Bread provided a short biblical verse followed by comment ary. Other articles, focused on religious practice, conversion, and faith.94 Such publications strove to spark renewed faith in the ar med forces of the Confederacy. More broadly, the 91 During the war, Presbyterians, Methodists, and Baptists distributed soldier papers. (George C. Rable, Gods Almost Chosen Peoples: A Religious History of the American Civil War (Chapel Hill: The University of North Carolina Press, 2010), 132). 92 Kurt O. Berends, Wholesome Reading Purifies and Elevates the Man: The Religious Military Press in the Confederacy, in Religion and the American Civil War eds. Randall M. Miller, Harry S. Stout, and Charles Reagan Wilson (New York: Oxford University Press, Inc., 1998), 132, 134, 146. For information on how wartime religious publications in the South contributed to the construction of a Confederate national identi ty, see Michael T. Bernath, Confederate Minds: The Struggle of Intellectual Independence in the Civil War South (Chapel Hill: The University of North Carolina Press, 2010), especially p.8689, 96, 105107, 261262. 93 Other religious papers serving the Conf ederate military included: The Soldiers Friend (Baptist; Atlanta); The Army and Navy Messenger (Evangelical Tract Society; Petersburg, Va.); The Soldiers Visitor (Committee of Publication, Presbyterian Church in the Confederate States; Richmond, Va.); an d The Soldiers Paper (Soldiers Tract Association, ME Church, South; Richmond, Va). (Irons, The Origins of Proslavery Christianity 241) 94 This analysis is based on issues of The Army and Navy Herald dating from February 9, 1865; March 16, 1865; March 23, 1865; March 30, 1865; and April 6, 1865. These are the only published issues available in Duke Universitys Special Collections.

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79 numerous wartime religious publications sought to support the evangelical mission, improve morale, and define the nature of the war.95 In addition to the religious press, Bibles guided and inculcated faith in Civil War soldiers just as they did prewar Americans. Nineteenthcentury Americans looked to the Bible for guidance and ho pe in all kinds of situations. Serving as a constant companion from battlefield to camp, soldiers carried these books with them everywhere. I try to read my Bible every day, wrote a Confederate soldier, but sometimes I am prevented by having to move or other unavoidable circumstances.96 Testaments were commonly found in the pockets of soldiers killed in battle. Soldiers often spent idle time reading these books and deriv ed much consolation from them. Union soldier Harvey Reid and his tent mates decided to have a chapter in the Testament read every night before going to bed having declared that anyone, who by noise or light, irreverent remarks, disturbed the reading, should be fined 25 cents.97 Alongside these religious periodicals and Bibles, soldiers read familiar seeming religious tracts which tied antebellum themes to the wartime reality for religious e dification and consolation. Wartime chaplains and missionaries distributed tracts to soldiers hungry for religious literature.98 Often distributed jus t before battle, some tracts 95 Berends, Wholesome Reading Purifies and El evates the Man, 134, 146. 96 G. Ward Hubbs, ed., Voices from Company D: Diaries by the Greensboro Guards, Fifth Alabama Infantry Regiment, Army of Northern Virginia (Athens: The University of Georgia Press, 2003), 268. 97 Frank L. Byrne, ed., The View from Headquarters: Civil War Letters of Harvey Reid (Madison: The State Historical Society of Wisconsin, 1965), 7. 98 Soldiers preferred practical and portable tracts that contained narrative and dialogue instead of just doctrine. (Rable, Gods Almost Chosen Peoples 133.)

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80 such as Death of a Christian Soldier urged soldiers to convert before death.99 For soldiers, this particular message was especially pressing for death might await them at any time. Others such as Dont Play Cards Boys and D ont Swear warned soldiers to stay away from vice including drinking, gambling, and swearing.100 More generally, many such as Can I Be Religious While I am a Soldier? contained stories of faith and salvation, to which war weary soldiers could cling.101 The religious military press, testaments, and tracts helped facilitate the creation of religious space t hroughout the conflict by reinforcing traditional messages of faith and salvation which soldiers could ada pt to the wartime environment. To the literate sol diers of the Union and Confederate armies, these materials proved to be their best friends, providing comfort and consolation in addition to serving as a way to occupy idle time in camp or hospital. By reading religious tracts, periodicals, and testament s soldiers adapted antebellum messages of faith and salvation to the wartime environment. The next chapter examines the construction of sacred space in camp, through an analysis of worship practices. It shows how chaplains and missionaries interacted relig iously with soldiers, carving out a new spiritual space amid the profaneness of the camp environment. 99 Schweiger, The Gospel Working Up, 102. Death of a Christian Soldier (Richmond, VA: Presbyterian Committee of Publication, 186[?]), 18. 100 Rable, Gods Almost Chosen Peoples 132133. Dont Play Cards Boys (Richmond, VA: Presbyterian Committee of Publication, 186[?]), 18 and Jeremiah Bell Jeter, Dont Swear (Richmond, VA: Raleigh Board of Missions of the North Carolina Baptist State Convention, 186[?]), 18. 101 Can I Be Religious While I am a Soldier? (Richmond, VA: Soldiers Tract Society, Virginia Annual Conference, M.E. Church, South, 186?), 14.

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81 CHAPTER 4 CONSTRUCTING SACRED SPACE IN CAMP: WORSHIP PRACTICES Introduction How sweet to thus worship God beneath the bright shining stars. Have God to look upon you. How rich the singing, how earnest the prayers, for comrades sick and well, for officers, for our Army, our devoted cause, and then how the Church at home is remembered and wife and children, parents frie nds and all absent loved ones. Ah, tis sweet to mingle with such scenes of worship. So reflected the Rev. Andrew Jackson Hartsock of the 133rd Pennsylvania Volunteer infantry in an October 1862 diary entry detailing his time spent in the Army of the Potomac.1 Providing clues to how religion developed in the camp environment, this chaplains reaction reflected his perceptions about religion in the Union army. This chapter explores how chaplains and missionaries created worship opportunities in the war time military camps during both active campaigning and winter quarters.2 Through worship in the camp, chaplains and missionaries attempted to recreate antebellum religious practices. Instead of succeeding in that endeavor, they fashioned a new religious wor ld adapted to wartime necessity In fact, the war reduced the overall difference between religious practice in the Nort h and South. This chapter attempts to examine this world by focusing on two things. First, I explain the new wartime worship practices w hich developed in the camps. Second, I analyze those 1 James C. Duram and Eleanor A. Duram, eds. Soldier of the Cross: The Civil War Diary and Correspondence of Rev. Andrew Jackson Hartsock ( Manhattan, Kansas: Military Affairs/Aerospace Historian Publishing for the American Military Institute, 1979), 19. 2 Alt hough this chapter focuses on the camp experience, some aspects of camp life, including the construction of chapels will be addressed in chapter four.

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82 antebellum practices, which Civil War clergy reproduced and adapted to a new wartime environment, which lacked the resources of the prewar church. New Wartime Worship Practices N ew worship practices dev elope d during the course of the war Differing from antebell um norms, these practices reflected the wars ef fect on religious belief and practice Wartime circumstances required clergy to reenvision how they ministered to their flock, starting with their conception of religious space. Chaplains and missionaries cultivated a dynamic sacred space withi n the military camp. While antebellum worship tended to occur within static buildings such as churches, wartime space became more fluid. Within the camp, the c h aplain or missionary created new sacred dynamic spaces, conducting services, prayer meetings, and other religious functions.3 Cognizant of these shifting conceptions of space, Civil War clergy worked with fellow chaplains to create worship opportunities f or soldiers. Cooperation tested clergy, who were used to an antebellum climate where they worked alone.4 In the wars first year, Union chaplains Robert Browne, William Mahon, and James Merwin each led part of a service at the Naval School in Annapolis, Maryland. Browne began with the introductory prayer, followed by Mahons preaching, and Merwins treatise on 3 Seth D. Kunin, Gods Place in the World: Sacred Space and Sacred Place in Judaism (London: Cassell, 1998), 2122, 144145. Formalized in time static space can be occupied or accessed only during specific times. (Kunin, Gods Place in the World, 2526.) 4 Clergy did, however, cooperate during antebellum revivals. For example, the participants at the Cane R idge revival included eighteen Presbyterian ministers, at least four Methodist cl ergy, and one Baptist preacher. (Paul K. Conkin, The Uneasy Center: Reformed Christianity in Antebellum America (Chapel Hill: The University of North Carolina Press, 1995), 12 7.

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83 temperance and camp vices.5 David Holt of the 16th Mississippi Regiment participated in a communion service during the winter of 18631 864, led by fifteen chaplains. Two chaplains jointly officiated, on opposing sides of a raised platform. They gave out the hymns at the same time, Holt recalled, and the whole congregation sang [them] in unison, but the prayers and the sermons were diff erent. Yet there was no confusion.6 Another Confederate chaplain remembered how in the second half of the war chaplains officiated over each others regiments.7 This cooperation crossed the Protestant Catholic divide, impermea ble during the antebellum era. Midway through the war, Confederate Catholic and Protestant chaplains alternated officiating duties at a daily funeral servic e held in the camps cemetery. Chaplain Pere Louis Hippolyte Gache voiced his opposition to the agreement, since the Catholic pri ests involved were not following the strict guidelines of the Latin ritual in order to be responsive to Protestant interests.8 This evidence suggests how most wartime clergy emphasized the communal aspect of their religious duties, and did not view their c hurches as individual fiefdoms. While ministering to the troops, military clergy routinely put aside their antebellum sectarianism to care for men of all denominations. Congregationalist Union chaplain Joseph Twichell cared for an eighteen year old Quartermasters orderly who had suffered two hemorrhages of the lungs during the wars first summer. Although a Catholic he expressed a willingness that I should pray with him, and I did so, Twichell 5 Robert Audley Browne to his wife, letter, October 16, 1861, Robert A. Browne Papers, U.S. Army Military Institute at C arlisle Barracks, Carlisle, PA. 6 Michael B. Ballard and Thomas D. Cockrell, eds ., A Mississippi Rebel in the Army of Northern Virgin ia: The Civil War Memoirs of Private David Holt (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 1995), 232. 7 William Robert Gwaltney, July 26, 1863 and January 24, 1864 diary entries, Folder 1, W.R. Gwaltney Papers, 18621948, University of North Carolina, Southern Historical Collection, Chapel Hill. 8 Gache, A Frenchman, A Chaplain, A Rebel 190.

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84 recalled, using the Episcopal form of "Visitation of the Sick."'9 This soldier preferred Twichell instead of a clergyman of his own denomination, because he had already establ ished a relationship with him. Confederate Chaplain William Gwaltney, a Baptist, asked during a routine regimental service if any soldiers wanted to join the church. Out of the three who said yes, o ne chose the Baptist church, an d t he other two became Methodists.10 This did not offend Gwaltney, who felt building the Christian community trumped any benefit from joining his specific church. On the Union side, the evangelical led United States Chris tian Commission worked with representat ives of different denominations to foster a nascent ecumenical religious space. Often in a company of Delegates there were as many Christian denominations represented as there were men[,] Lemuel Moss, Home Secretary to the Commission, recalled, yet they came together without knowing or caring to know their several distinctive names unanimous in their prayers, their aims, their labors[.]11 In the wars second year, a mass communion held at Camp Douglass united regimental chaplains of differing denom inations preparing to leave under the banner of the Christian Commission. Each of the three chaplains and delegates present served in a different religious capacity, one offering thanksgiving, another exhorting to communicants, and the third speak ing of pr eparations for death. Together they created a compelling ritual for the two hundred soldiers in attendance.12 Approximately two 9 Messent and Courtney, The Civil War Letters of Joseph Hopkins Twichell 61. 10 William Robert Gwaltney, August 4 1863 diary entry, Folder 1, W.R. Gwaltney Papers, 18621948, University of North Carolina, Southern Historical Collection, Chapel Hill. 11 Moss, Annals of the United States Christian Commission, 575. 12 United States Christ ian Commission United States Christian Commission for the Army and Navy Work and Incidents First Annual Report (Philadelphia: n.d., 1863), 97.

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85 years later, at a USCC station in Virginia, two delegates, a Presbyterian and a Congregationalist, jointly administered the Lord s Supper to members of eight different denominations. These events demonstrate how an evangelical only organization promoted nonsectarianism in the fluid, wartime environment.13 A delegate confirmed this aspect of the USCCs mission when talking to Private Wilbur Fisk in April 1864: No sectarianism or bigotry marred the harmony of the meetings. Nobody inquired of another if he was a Methodist, a Baptist, or an Episcopalian, and no one seemed to care for religious preferences. If a man was a Christian, it w as enough."14 Although chaplains favored nondenominationa lism within the camp ingrained antebellum Protestant Catholic hostility occasionally bubbled to the surface. Writing in the autumn of 1861 from near Wi lliamsburg, Rev. Gache claimed that the more educated men preferred C atholicism over Protestantism. When one Catholic and one Protestant chaplain worked in the same camp, the Confederate chaplain argued that the Catholic receives all the attention and respect and the poor Protestant is forgotten."15 Of course, Gaches observation should not be accepted at face value: as a Catholic, he sought to paint his church in a more favorable light In another incident in the Union armies, Frederic Denison, a Baptist chaplain, invited a priest from St. August ine, F lorida to minister to Catholics at his Fort Pulaski post. Denison suffered 13 Smith, Incidents Under Shot and Shell 201. 14 Emil and Ruth Rosenblatt, eds ., Hard Marching Every Day: The Civ il War Letters of Private Wilbur Fisk, 18611865 (Lawrence: University Press of Kansas, 1992), 212. 15 Gache, A Frenchman, A Chaplain, A Rebel 51. Gaches letters harshly criticize Protestants, a result of his prewar experiences During the war, Gache reg arded Protestant clergymen with fear, contempt, and suspicion. (Gache, A Frenchman, A Chaplain, A Rebel 22)

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86 heavy criticism from fellow Protestant chaplains in the department .16 Although significant, these types of incidents remained rare. The overwhelming majority of Catholic and Protestant Civil War clergy worked together peacefully and did not let latent hostility ruin their wartim e relationships. In concert with this search for ecumenicalism chaplains and missionaries created new wartime worship practices to fit the needs of dif ferent types of military units. While conventional worship techniques worked for the infantry, who were easily able to congregate in one specific place, clergy assigned to the artillery and cavalry enc ountered special difficulties. Assigned to a regiment of heavy artillery, Union Chaplain Henry White could never minister to his entire unit, since it was separated across numerous forts. Consequently, White decided to minister to individual detachments whenever he had the opportunity. This involved weekly visits to his soldiers tents t o disseminate papers and tracts and speak comforting words .17 USCC delegates provided ministerial aid to Union artillery uni ts without assigned chaplains. In February 1864, two delegates ministered to an artillery brigade encamped near Brandy Station, by organizing a Bibleclass and holding chapel meetings.18 The USCCs work helped increase religiosity during the winter months, according to Thomas A. Leete, a USCC station master in the artillery brigade of the Second Corps. Constructed in front 16 Denison, A Chaplains Experience in the Union Army 32. 17 Henry S. White, Prison Life Among the Rebels: Recollections of a Union Chaplain ed. Ed ward D. Jervey (Kent, OH: Kent State University Press, 1990), 6. 18 Smith, Incidents Under Shot and Shell 196197.

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87 of the batteries, this USCC tent effected a wonderful change in the spiritual habits of the men.19 While adapting to the spiritual needs of the artillery, clergy also utilized new worship tactics to reach the cavalry, the eyes and ears of the army. T he difficulties clergy encountered in reaching these men tested their mobility and the dynamic space surrounding them. Constantly on the move, cavalry spent less time than infantry in winter quarters.20 However, thi s fact did not deter the USCC. In the late fall of 1862, the Rev. A. Read recalled how, exposed to the cold autumn wind in the wild pine woods, the men listened to the exposition of Gods word. [W] hen an officer led in the closing prayer, supplicating with deep emotion that God would bless t he special mercies of that day to them, protect their distant loved ones, and bring them all to the eternal Sabbath, never to part, he opined many hearts were touched.21 The USCC took advantage of any opportuni ty to minister to the cavalry. During the last winter of the war, the USCC paid special attention to Sheridans cavalry in the Shenandoah Valley, while they remained in winter quarters for longer than normal. During this time, the USCC fostered interest in religious services by erecting a c hapel in nearly every brigade. Only when the camps broke up in the Spring would this spiritual interest dissipate.22 Active campaigning required clergy to provide a new, improvised worship space, distinct from the static space of the prewar church, but in some ways quite similar to the space generated by antebellum revivals. Left without the services of a church tent 19 Moss, Annals of the United States Christian Commission, 425. 20 Cavalry units could go seven months without hearing a sermon. (USCC, First A nnual Report 62.) 21 USCC, First Annual Report 63. 22 USCC, Fourth Annual Report 9293.

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88 and on the march in the s pring of 1862, Union Chaplain Alexander Stewarts regiment found it necess ary to establish a new Bethel. For four straight evenings, soldiers assembled in a grove of pine trees near the Chain Bridge in Northern Virginia. For up to two hours, they sang and prayed, intermingled with words of exhortation, admonition and encouragement. According to Stewart, [o]ur condition, our pl ace of worship, the overhanging trees, the surrounding darkness, dispelled for a circle by our campfire, all combined in giving a kind of unearthly charm, a peculiar interest and pleasure to our meetings."23 This P rotestant space paralleled the Catholic sacred space improvised by Union Chaplain William Corby before the battle of Gettysburg. The brigade had come to the base of a hill one Saturday night and Corby wanted to celebrate mass the next day on its summit. The men enthusiastically agreed t o help prepare the ground and after holding mass, marked the service with a cross.24 As these two examples suggest, this dynamic, improvised space contained the same ritualistic power as the static space of the antebellum church.25 In contrast with their pre war experiences clergy operating in wartime camps could not complet ely control worship practices. The pinnacle of the military hierarchy, the commander, could choose to extend his reach to religious activities. When considering whether or not to hold rel igious services in the field, Union Chaplain 23 Stewart, Camp, March and Battlefield, 130131. 24 Corby, Memoirs of Chaplain Life, 172. 25 Soldier accounts, however, contest the chaplains r ole during active campaigning. "Mr. Chapman is very much liked here, but like all chaplains in an active campaign, he is of very little benefit, Union soldier George F. Cram recalled. We never get a chance to hear preaching on an average of more than onc e a month and then for only a few minutes and as for prayer meetings, they are indistinctly remembered as long ago occurrences. It's bad I know and I do not wonder at so many young men being ruined by the army. None but minds entirely above camp vices can stand the current." (Jennifer Cain Bohrnstedt, ed., Soldiering with Sherman: Civil War Letters of George F. Cram (Dekalb: Northern Illinois University Press, 2000), 49).

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89 Frederic Denison acknowledged, much depended upon the disposition and will of the commander.26 Upon taking command of Denisons regiment, Colonel Alfred Duffie altered the worship practices in his unit. Urging Denison to follow my convictions and methods in conducting the worship, he ordered that services be held ev ery Sabbath whenever possible. Denison complied, holding Christian services lacking ecclesiastical or denominational characteristics.27 In another example from November 1861, Chaplain Robert Brownes regimental commander at Port R oyal called for family worship. Browne complied with this request, holding in his tent twice daily prayer and scripture readings.28 Captain Samuel Fiskes brigade commander in the Army of the Potomac even made Sabbath services compulsory, equivalent to any other military duty. To invite a regiment to a service at his headquarters, Fiske explained he just drops a polite note to the commander requesting him to bring his command, officers and men, except the needful guard details and the sick, at such an hour, with their chaplain to conduct the exercise."29 Enlisted men knew that their officers cared about their religious welfare. Midway through the war, one black soldier remarked how every camp officer received the proffers of religious men willingly, who desire to make any remarks beneficial to the men.30 However, the fact that occasionally officers needed to initiate religious worship disappoint ed Union surgeon John Bennitt. [S ]orry to see that it is necessary for the 26 Denison, A Chaplains Experience in the Union Army 15. 27 Ibid., 17 18. 28 Robert Audley Browne to his wife, letter, Saturday November 30, 1861, Robert A. Browne Papers, U.S. Army Military Institute at C arlisle Barracks, Carlisle, PA. 29 Stephen W. Sears, ed., Mr. Dunn Brownes Experiences in the Army: The Civil War Letters of Samuel W. Fis ke (New York: Fordham University Press, 1998), 160. 30 Virginia Matzke Adams, ed., On the Altar of Freedom: A Black Soldiers Civil War Letters from the Front (Amherst: The University of Massachusetts Press, 1991), 8.

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90 Chaplain to be requested by such a man as, Lt Col Shafter has hitherto appeared to be, Bennitt reported in a July 1863 letter to his wife, to attend to what is manifest by his duty."31 While not in control of all worship in the camp, clergy often focused on making wartime burial services i nclusive sites of religiosity. Ante bellum Americans generally had an intimate familiarity with death; loved ones commonly died at home rather than in hospitals or distant locations. S oldiers far away from family and loved ones, built wartime bonds creating a strong sense of camaraderie.32 When one of their own members departed the earth, the entire unit often attended the funeral, fostering what historian James McPherson describes as a primary group cohesion.33 Union Chaplain Charles Humphreys recalled conducting a funeral service for an enlisted man, who had been killed in a skirmish with Confederate raider John Mosby. His entire company attended this event, held in the late summer of 1863, along with the regim ents field and staff officers. This recognition of valor always tells for good with the men and makes them more brave in danger and more faithful in every duty," Humphreys concluded.34 Union chaplain J ohn Adams officiated at a burial near Barkersville, Maryland, in October 1862, held after sundown and in the rain. Although under less than favorable conditions, 31 Robert Beasecker, ed., I Hope to Do My Country Service: The Civil War Letters of John Bennitt, M.D., Surgeon, 19th Michigan Infantry (Detroit, Mich.: Wayne State University Press, 2005), 144. 32 For a discussion of the intimacy antebellum Americans had with death see Lewis O. Saum, The Popul ar Mood of PreCivil War America (Westport, Conn.: Greenwood Press, 1980), 7986; Mark S. Schantz, Awaiting the Heavenly Country: The Civil War and Americas Culture of Death (Ithaca, N.Y.: Cornell University Press, 2008); and Gary Laderman, The Sacred Remains: American Attitudes Toward Death, 17991883 (New Haven, Conn .: Yale University Press, 1996). 33 For more on the primary group cohesion which emerged among Civil War soldiers see James M. McPherson, For Cause and Comrades: Why Men Fought in the Civil War (New York: Oxford University Press, 1997), especially chp. 6 A Band of Brothers. 34 Humphreys, Field, Camp, Hospital and Prison, 371.

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91 Adams remarked, [t] he men stood around the grave, solemn and still, having marched with muffled drum.35 In the Confed erate armies, camp funerals also fostered small unit cohesion. On Sunday, February 1st 1863 Chaplain William Wiatt preached at the evening funeral of a soldier buried close to camp. The ceremony began with a sermon based on Job V: 6, which explores the pun ishmen ts appropriate for the wicked. This verse must have appealed to Wiatt since it gave him the opportunity to warn soldiers struggling with camp vice to keep to the right path in order to avoid punishment. Afterwards soldiers fired three volleys over the grave, and Wiatt distributed religious papers. A little over a month later, Wiatt buried another soldier, accompanied by many enlisted men and every officer. At this ceremony, Wiatt spoke about Matthew XXIV, which explored the hope that would arise out o f destruction.36 While building cohesion among the soldiers, chaplainled funeral services deviated from the familial pre war burials. Despite their military bonds soldiers could not substitute for the presence of actual blood relatives at a funeral. Ther e are seldom any mourners here to follow him to his grave, and no tears of sympathy and grief fall on his coffin, Private Wilbur Fisk opined, as it is lowered into the silent tomb. Stranger hands bear him to his long home, and stranger han ds bury him fro m mortal view. These soldier s friends were far way: Somewhere among the wild hills of Vermont there are dear friends of this man, whose hearts will be pierced with sorrow when they see that name mentioned among the dead. And to know that he died among s trangers, with no 35 Adams, Memorial and Letters of Rev. John R. Adams 6970. 36 Wiatt, Confederate Chaplain William Edward Wiatt 30, 39. Job 5: 6 reads For misery does not come from the earth, nor does tr ouble sprout from the ground. Matthew 24 foretells the destruction of the Temple, describes signs of the end of the age, and details the coming of the Son of Man.

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92 friendly hand to minister to his last wants, will be the keenest pang of all."37 In practice, full funeral services were relatively uncommon, since the demands of campaigning often did not permit clergy the time or r esources to devote to b urials. Thus, these unifying activities were only effective at building cohesion among a minority of Civil War soldiers While burials helped build cohesion among soldiers, unique wartime circumstances often complicated the chaplains efforts to follow fam iliar antebellum worship practices. First, clergy had to contend wi th the busy nature of the camp. The consequent noise and bustle, the hauling and distribution of provisions, the coming and going of guards and outposts, the martial music, together with v arious other camp noises, Union Chaplain Alexander Stewart recalled, all combine to embarrass public services and drown the speaker's voice.38 Clergy faced a second difficulty: finding a suitable place for worship. Employing two carpenters to build benches, Union Chaplain Humphreys acquired a hospital tent to s tage a religious meeting. However, before he could use this space for Sunday services, the army confiscated it for use in a court martial.39 This case shows how dispensing m ilitary justice trump ed religious services in the midst of war. A further difficulty involved distinguishing Sunday as sacred time, separate from any other day.40 Before coming to Vienna, Virginia in fall 1863, Humphreys observed that soldiers treated Sunday as an ordinary day, not respecting its religious significance.41 Confederate James Pickens confirmed Humphreys observation, 37 Rosenblatt, Hard Marc hing Every Day 183. 38 Stewart, Camp, March and Battlefield, 161. 39 Humphreys, Field, Camp, Hospital and Prison, 12. 40 Eliades sacred time equates to the time of festivals and differs from profane time of ordinary temporal duration containing acts dev oid of religious meaning. (Eliade, The Sacred and the Profane, 68) 41 Humphreys, Field, Camp, Hospital and Prison, 375.

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93 complaining late in the war that arms inspections were usually held on Sundays: Why they choose Sunday for this, is singular; as any other day would do as well, & the men could employ themselves in profitable reading on this day instead of allowing an interruption of their thoughts by a handling of & attention to arms. According to Pickens, The Sabbath should be employed in religious reading & in serious & meditative contemplation of our selves & our actions, knowing, that of all these we must, at the last day, give a strict account to God our judge & the Supreme Overlooker of our thoughts & actions."42 However, Humphreys and Pickens experiences were not uniform since armies o ften respected Sunday. Writing in 1862, Private Wilbur Fisk clearly stated "Sunday we had entirely to ourselves. No marches or fatigues are required of us on this day, unless absolutely necessary. Gen. McClellan respects the Lord's day, as do a large proportion of his men. Many of them respect it more because he does than from any other consideration.43 In addition to presenting particular challenges, the military camp also offered new worship sites, di ffering from antebellum norms. Clergy preferred, but did not absolutely need, a bounded religious space for prayer meetings; a multipurpose space that blended the sacred and th e profane worked just as well. At the Potomac Creek Station the USCC main tained three large wall tents. On on e side we kept our books, papers and hospital stores; the other was occupied as a parlor by day, a chapel in the evening, and a sleeping room at night, one delegate recalled. For our parlor chairs we had rows 42 Hubbs, Voices from Company D 237. 43 Rosenblatt, Hard Marching Every Day 27. For Union Chaplain Orange V. Lemon other variables, such as the different seasons and constantly changing camps, also contributed to difficulties in holding regular Sabbath services. (Orange V. Lemon, undated diary entry, Orange V. Lemon, Chaplain, 36th Indiana Volunteer Infantry Diary, October 10, 1861 to January 14, 1862, folder four, Civil War Miscellaneous Collection Box 57, U.S. Army Military Institute at Carlisle Barracks, Carlisle, PA.)

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94 of planks, five deep, resting on empty boxes. These answered in the evening for chapel settees, and at night for spring beds.44 Other clergy improvised by holding worship in new sites. Midway through the war, delegate James Russell Miller helped men of the 7th Michigan organize a prayer meeting in a Northern Virginia cemetery. Every evening this group of around nine or ten, prayed together to strengthen each other in faith and love. [A]ll around rested the lifeless remains of those who in years gone by, had lived and moved and thought, Miller remembered.45 The spirit of the dead contributed to the heightened sense of re ligious devotion in this space. These two examples demonstrate how clergy utilized available space in a wartime environment where they often lacked suita ble accommodations for worship. Beyond those occasions set aside for religious observance, dress and undress parade, special review, and inspection provided further prayer opportuni ties for Union soldiers According to Chaplain John Robie of the 21st New York Volunteers, the ser vices at dress parade were supposed to last only three minutes.46 Due to military necessity, they were far shorter than antebellum services. Chaplain Charles Humphreys held prayer services at dress or undress parade on four separate occasions: once in May, once in June, and twice in November of 1864; because during these times he could best grab the soldiers attention.47 Chaplain Alexander Stewart officiated at a brief religious service for his entire division after a special review and general inspection of 44 Smith, Incidents Under Shot and Shell 153. 45 Miller, Two Civil War Notebooks of James Russell Miller Part I, 86. 46 Robie, 21st New York Volunteers, Religious Army Chaplains, in The Spirit Divided Memoirs of Civil War Chaplains: The Union 32. 47 Humphreys, Field, Camp, Hospital and Prison, 400, 404, 416, 418.

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95 the unit during M eades 1863 Virginia campaign. After the conclusion of the review and inspection, Stewart sat on horseback in the divisions center. Formed as a solid mass, closely flanked by three batteries of artillery, he recalled [t] he soldiers all in their best attire, with burnished, glittering armor, officers, also, all in holiday costumea forest of bayonets, and a sea of faces. From his position, Stewart hoped to reach over the assembled thousands, while confessing our sins, and invoking the Lord's pardoning mercy and unmerited blessings."48 In the camp environment new wartime worship practices developed. During peacetime, clergy held worship practices in stat ic buildings such as churches. In contrast, Union and Confederate spiritual leaders cultivated a dynamic sacred space focused on their person. The resulting nondenominational religious space allowed wartime clergy to work together to preach to Christian soldiers belo nging to many different sects. Within this space, other types of camp worship also emerged which more resembled the prewar religious world. Reproducing and Adapting Antebellum Worship Practices Civil War clergy tried to reproduce antebellum worship practices, adapted to wartime ex igencies Without women and lacking much of the apparatus of the church, chaplains and missionaries worked with limited resources.49 Even so, these eager clergy reproduced many worship practices by focusing on th e needs of willing worshipers. 48 Stewart, Camp, March and Battlefield, 334335. 49 The lack of female participation in wartime religious activities constituted a significant c hange from the antebellum era. On the eve of the conflict, women usually outnumbered men in congregations by a two to one margin. (Jon Butler, Awash in a Sea of Faith: Chri stianizing the American People (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1990), 283.)

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96 As in peacetime Civil War clergy used ritual to transform ordinary space into sacred space.50 According to religious theorist Jonathan Z. Smith, ritual is not an expression of or response to the Sacred; rather, something or someone is made sacred by ritual.51 From the beginning of the war, baptism was one key ri tual integral to the work of chaplains and missionaries.52 In the camps chaplains baptized through immersion and sprinkling, two generally accepted antebellum practices. Baptist churches used immersion believing it to be the New Testament method, while other Protestant churches used sprinkling since it was easier to administer.53 Usually, a clergyman performed this ritual in a river close to the camp, an environment familiar to devout soldiers. In autumn 1863 Confederate Samuel Pickens saw a Baptist minister immerse sixteen men half a mile from camp.54 Private David Holt of the Army of Northern Virginia observed Chaplain Thomas Witherspoon leading a v ery intricate baptism ceremony. After preaching, Witherspoon told the assembled, You have only to believe and show your sincerity by being baptized as our Lord commanded, and you will become a child of God, before ending with the query Who will follow me to the 50 Belden C. Lane, Landscapes of the Sacred: Geography and Narrative in American Spirituality (Mahwah, NJ: Paulist Press, 1988), 21. 51 Jonathan Z. Smith, To Take Place: Toward Theory in Ritual (Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 1987), 105. Religious theorist Kim Knott expresses a similar idea in her 2005 work, Sacred space is not the stimulus for ritual; ritual, as sacredmaking behavior brings about sacred s pace. Ritual takes place, and makes place in this sense. (Kim Knott, The Location of Religion: A Spatial Analysis (Oakville, Conn.: Equinox Publishing Ltd., 2005), 43) 52 Douglas Davies, Christianity in Sacred Place, ed. Jean Holm (London: Pinter Publishers Ltd., 1994), 4344. According to Davies, baptism was interpreted as a form of death to an individuals old way of life and entry to the new life of faith. (Davies, Christianity, 4344) 53 J. Paul Williams, What Americans Believe and How They Worship, revised ed. (New York: Harper & Row, Publishers, 1962), 129. 54 Hubbs, Voices from Company D 197198.

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97 river?55 Once at the r iver, he baptized the first four exclaiming, I baptize thee in the name of the Father and of the son and of the Holy Ghost. Amen and then used them to assist him in baptizing the other s while he provided directions. After directing his assistants how to hold the candidates, he said, "Are you ready?" The men said, "We are ready." Then he said, "Dip." And as each man dipped the candidate that he held, the parson said the words. Each time he would command the newly baptized to take their positions in the ri ver and assist."56 While larger and more complex than most prewar baptisms, this baptism ceremony would have been familiar t o most wartime participants. Neither the highest ranking officer nor the lowliest private was spared the baptismal waters. Regardles s of denomination, Civil War clergy a ggressively sought to convert. In turn, many soldiers eagerly sought out baptism and some newly baptized manifested an evident zeal for Christianity.57 For example, during a December 1862 prayer meeting, Confederate Chaplain Wiatt noticed how the recently baptized Sergeant Jackson bids fair to be useful[.] Last night when the chaplain asked him to pray he did so readily and very well[.]58 In another example, Confederate Chaplain Charles Quintard requested that General Bragg accept baptism and confirmati on. In response to Quintard, Bragg responded, "I have been waiting for twenty years to have someone say 55 Ballard and Cockrell, A Mississippi Rebel in the Army of Northern Virginia, 236. 56 Ballard and Cockrell, A Mississippi Rebel in the Army of Northern Virginia 237. 57 Alex L. Wiatt, ed., Confederate Chaplain William Edward Wiatt: An Annotated Diary (Lynchburg, VA: H.E. Howard, 1994), 14 and 19. 58 Wiatt, Confederate Chaplain William Edward Wiatt 19.

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98 this to me, a nd I thank you from my heart." Quintard spoke several more times with Bragg before baptizing and confirm ing him.59 In addition to baptism, soldiers often requested the blood and the b ody of Christ in an attempt to follow familiar antebellum practices. Both Catholics and Protestants participated in the rite of communion, although Catholics more commonly held communion during worship.60 Drawing from a tradition rich in sacraments and liturgy, Catholic soldiers reproduced communion along with other peacetime rituals, such as mas s, confession, and absolution. These Roman Catholic practices epitomized their churchs highly sacramental approach to worship.61 Although rare, Protestant communion serv ices were often large affairs. For example, Private David Holt of the 16th Mississippi, observed a communion service requiring the parti cipation of fifteen chaplains. The s ervice concluded with the chaplains consecrating the elements before dist ributing them to the attendees. The cracker crumbs [came around] on tin plates, Holt obser ved, and the wine in tin cups. They said, The body of the Lord, and the blood of the Lor d, and offered the elements.62 In April 1864, Captain Samuel Fiske of the 14th Connecticut Volunteers, attended a soldier communion presided over by two regimental chaplains, where approximately e ighty partook of the sacrament. At this 59 Elliot, Doctor Quintard, Chaplain C.S.A. and Second Bishop of Tennessee, 70. 60 Conkin, The Uneasy Center 195. In taking the bread of communion, Catholics believe that they are ingesting the physical body of Jesus Christ, which has undergone a transformation according to the doctrine of transubstantiation. When Protestants take communion, they receive both the bread and wine, while Catholics only receive the bread and the wine is reserved for the priests. (Williams, What Americans Believe and How They Worship, 3436, 127). According to Lane, Holy Communion s erves a spatial function as well: the impulse of Holy Communion, therefore, is to force the Church inward to the place where Christ is met spatially around the altar (in his own body and blood received by his people) and then outward to all places where t he crucified Christ continues to suffer in the physical experience of the displaced and disinherited. (Lane, Landscapes of the Sacred, 178179) 61 Conkin, The Uneasy Center 194. 62 Ballard and Cockrell, A Mississippi Rebel in the Army of Northern Virginia, 232.

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99 service, the offici ants tried to reproduce antebellum customs as much as possible, with some adapt ation due to wartime necessity: We had just our usual soldiers' bread, and the wine in two pewter cups, poured from a brown stone pitcher; and there was no white linen to represent that which was wrapped around the Savior's body Fiske recalled, but every thing seemed decent and in order, and we all enjoyed the season as if it were the very institution of the ordinance in that upper room in Jerusalem.63 Even more soldiers attended communion services held nearly a year later in each division of the Fourth Army Corps headquartered in Nashville, Tennessee. [H]undreds gladly embraced the precious privilege of commemorating the Saviours dying love[,] T.R. Ewing, General Field Agent recalled. It was touching to notice strong men, heroes of a score of battles, weeping like children as they heard and obeyed the command, Do this in remembrance of me.64 However, not all Protestant s were so eager to attend communion services. In the winter of 18631864, Confederate officer William Thomas Poague of the Army of Northern Virginia, recalled that when an Episcopal missionary visited camp to hold communion, some Baptists did not attend.65 The reason for this stemmed from the fact that so me Protestant denominations emphasi zed communion more than others. Only Lutherans and some Episcopalians believe that the bread and wine represent a physical miracle. Presbyterians, Episcopalians, and Methodists believe that during the 63 Sears, Mr. Dunn Brownes Experiences in the Army 241. When Fiske mentioned the upper room in Jerusalem, he was referring to the Jewish Temple. 64 United States Christian Commission, Fourth Annual Report (Philadelphia: n.p., 1866), 157. 65 Monroe F. Cockrell, ed., Gunner with Stonewall: Reminiscences of William Thomas Poague Lieutenant, Captain, Major and Lieutenant Colonel of Artillery, Army of Northern Virginia, CSA, 186165 (Jackson, Tenn.: McCowat Mercer Press, Inc., 1957), 8182.

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100 Communion Service Christ is represented spiritually in the elements, and the believer receives him as a spiritual blessing. Congregationalists and Baptists think of the Communion Service as a memorial to Jesus Christs life and death.66 By understanding these denominational di fferences, it makes sense that Baptists would be less likely to attend a communion service, while an Episcopalian missi onary would favor holding one. In this sense, denominational differences persisted in the midst of war. Alongside communion, mass was obs erved in the Union and Confederate armies throughout the conflict, wherever significant numbers of Roman Catholics congregated. Unlike Protestant services of the period, mass did not require audience participation.67 Confederate Chaplain Louis Hippolyte Gac he held weekday mass at 8 AM in the chaplains room with normally about four or five i n attendance. On Sundays, Gache said mass at 10 AM, with the few who could fit inside his tent.68 Mass could be a much larger event, according to Union Chaplain William Corby. After a military signal was issued, soldiers and their officers marched to the church tent. At this nexus of religious activity, Corby explained, the priests, vested in rich silk vestments embroidered with gold and artistic needlework, begin Holy Mass, in presence of the several thousand men and officers on whose bright, neat uniforms the gold ornaments sparkle in the sunlight.69 Not surprisingly, the time of day influenced attendance at mass. Confederate Chaplain Louis Hippolyte Gache wrote how few men attended an early morning mass in May 66 Williams, What Americans Believe and How They Worship, 127128. 67 Jeanne Halgren Kilde, When Church Became Theatre: The Transformation of Evangelical Architecture and Worship in NineteenthCentury America (New York: Oxford University Press, 2002), 12. 68 Gache, A Frenchm an, A Chaplain, A Rebel 93. 69 Corby, Memoirs of Chaplain Life, 100.

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101 1861 while the last mass at 10:30 dr ew a large crowd. By September of that same year, Gache could not contain his frustration at his regiments lack of attendance at Sunday morning mass, noting that two or three officers and forty men attended an early September service, when the regiment contained at least six hundred Catholics.70 As in the peacetime church, wartime mass required the construction of an altar, and the camp provided plenty of manpower for this task.71 Union Chaplain William Corby supervised the construction of an altar in a camp in t he dense woodlands of Virginia. Beginning with the shelter for the altar, constructed of pine branches fastened to a tree, the soldiers drove four crotched sticks in the ground and put two short pieces, about two and a half feet in length, from one crotch across to the other cut down a tree, and having cut off a length about six feet, split the log in two, and placed the pieces of split timber, flat side up, lengthwi se, t o form the table of the altar. After the completion of the altar and before proceeding with mass, Corby dressed it with linens and lit two candles.72 When on the move, however, altar construction required more improvisation. During the Peninsular campaign, Corby utilized an altar built not of carved walnut, or of costly cypress, or bird's eye maple, but of cracker boxes, supported by a light framework, forming a quasi table, with room enough to place on it the altar stone, cards, missal, etc.73 Regar dless of the materials used in its construction, the altar emerged as a pivotal part of Catholic sacred space, without which clergy could not hold mass. 70 Gache, A Frenchman, A Chaplain, A Rebel 35 36, 48. 71 See figure of a rustic altar in Corby, Memoirs of Chaplain Life, 264265. 72 Corby, Memoirs of Chaplain Life, 3738. 73 Ibid., 51.

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102 L ike their antebellum peers, Catholic spiritual leaders also eagerly listened to soldiers confess their mortal sins.74 From the middle of May 18 61, Father Gache daily heard confessions and administered communion to eager Confederates.75 Union Chaplain Corby thought highly of the rite of confession, writing in his memoir, "There is no more consoling sacrament established by our Lord, than the S acrament of Penanceconfession. It seems to have for those who rarely find opportunity to receive it, an infinite charm when unexpectedly brought within their reach."76 In March 1862, less than a day before an anticipated battle, Corby sat down on the roots of a tree and courted soldiers who wished to confess.77 A few months later, Corby described hearing the confession of a soldier who had gone nearly an entire year in the army without seeing a priest. The soldier dropped t o his knees whi le Corby sat on a cracker box. When finished, the soldier arose and cried out O Father! I feel so light! From that moment on, Corby recalled, he seemed to have new life and courage.78 While Catholics relied on sacraments and liturgy, the recitation of hymns or other types of devotional music helped to define Protestant sacred space.79 In the antebellum era, hymns were essential to the participatory nature of Protestant services, especially 74 Confession is one part of the Catholic Churchs f our fold Sacrament of Penance. The other acts include contrition, satisfaction, and absolution. During confession, the penitent discusses with the Priest his unconfessed mortal sins. Through these four acts of penance, a priest forgives the penitents sins, thus preventing him from going to hell. (Williams, What Americans Believe, 46 47). 75 Pere Louis Hippolyte Gache, A Frenchman, A Chaplain, A Rebel: The War Letters of Pere Louis Hippolyte Gache, S.J. ed. and trans. Cornelius M. Buckley (Chicago: Loyola University Press, 1981), 28. 76 Corby, Memoirs of Chaplain Life, 44. 77 Ibid., 34. 78 Ibid., 43. 79 Hubert, Sacred Beliefs and Beliefs of Sacredness, in Sacred Sites, Sacred Places ed. David L. Carmichael (Lon don: Routledge, 1994), 11. Davies, Christianity, 50 51.

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103 those of Baptists, Methodists, and Presbyterians.80 This practice conti nued in Civil War camps. During prayer, soldiers often sang hymns which reminded them of memories of home and loved ones, and of the dear old church far away.81 According to a late 1863 letter by Confederate Chaplain William Banks, tone and rhythm mattered little to soldiers who sang their tunes too low and too slow making little or no difference between whole & half or quarter notes.82 At the beginning of an autumn 1862 prayer meeting, Confederate soldiers sang How firm a foundation, ye saints of the Lord, Is laid for your faith in his excellent Word!83 Private David Holt of the 16th Mississippi Regiment noted this particular hymns power. Everyone sang with a will. We could feel the Spiritual presence of our Lord as a kind of heart manifestation of His love. I never heard such singing in my life, he recalled about a service held in the winter of 18631864. I looked around at the glowing faces of these seasoned warriors who seemed to be receiving some kind of inspiration, he continued, and a new hope, and the impulse of a sublime courage.84 Like their Confederate adversaries, Union soldiers enjoyed singing hymns which reminded them of churches. Only months into the conflict, Chaplain John Adams wrote about the nightly Psal m singing at the door of his tent, close to the campchest holding 80 Conkin, The Uneasy Center 206. In the antebellum period, during Sunday free worship the congregation usually sang three to five hymns. (Conkin, The Uneasy Center 206). 81 John William Jones, Chri st in the Camp or Religion in the Confederate Army (Richmond: B.F. Johnson & Co., 1887), 250. 82 William Banks to Mary, November 1, 1863, William Banks Papers, 18531880, South Caroliniana Library, University of South Carolina, Columbia. 83 William W. Bennet t, A Narrative of the Great Revival Which Prevailed in the Southern Armies During the Late Civil War Between the States of the Federal Union (Philadelphia: Claxton, Remsen and Haffelfinger, 1876), 206. 84 Cockrell and Ballard, A Mississippi Rebel in the Army of Northern Virginia, 233.

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104 the hymn books.85 Charles Humphreys, the Unitarian chaplain of the Second Massachusetts Cavalry Volunteers, asked for volunteers to sing in an early autumn Sund ay regimental service in 1863. Nineteen soldiers responded, and later sang accompanied by the twelve bass instruments belonging to the regimental band.86 In April 1863, Chaplain Louis Beaudry of the Fifth New York Cavalry elicited more interest among the men in attending the singing school than i n normal religious meetings. Of the eighteen men who attended a prayer meeting, Chaplain Beaudry recalled a few months earlier, only four joined him in prayer, whereas all sang with heartfelt emotion.87 According to Chaplain John Robie of the 21st New York Volunteers, successful clergy needed singing ability. [O] ne who can sing can call a congregation together on a hundred occasions, Robie argued, where one who cannot sing must forgo the pleasure of preaching.88 More than just creating delightful music, the singing of these hymns helped soldiers identify together through their common Christian heritage. L ike antebellum missionaries, United States Christian Commission delegates actively promoted t hese joyous and hopeful songs. A delegate from Philadelphia, George Bringhurst, argued that the Gospel reached the soldiers through the strains of music set to Psalms and Hymns and the sweet songs of Zion wooed many a prodigal 85 John Ripley Adams, Memorial and Letters of Rev. John R. Adams, D.D., Chaplain of the Fifth Maine and the One Hundred and Twenty First New York Regiments During the War of the Rebellion, Serving from the Beginning to its Cl ose (Cambridge: J. Wilson and Son, 1890), 22. 86 Charles Alfred Humphreys, Field, Camp, Hospital and Prison in the Civil War, 18631865 (Boston: Press of Geo. H. Ellis Co., 1918), 372. 87 Louis Napoleon Beaudry, War Journal of Louis N. Beaudry, Fifth New York Cavalry: The Diary of a Union Chaplain, Commencing February 16, 1863, ed. Richard E. Beaudry (Jefferson, NC: McFarland & Company, Inc., Publishers, 1996), 23, 9. 88 Chaplain John E. Robie, 21st New York Volunteers, Religious Army Chaplains, in The Sp irit Divided Memoirs of Civil War Chaplains: The Union, eds. Benedict R. Maryniak and John Wesley Brinsfield, Jr. (Macon, GA: Mercer University Press, 2007), 33.

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105 back to the Fathers loving embrace.89 Bringhurst recalled that several USCC delegates, in the wars first year, were enamored with the hymn, Rock of Ages singing it at Fortress Monroe and Yorktown.90 After the Wilderness battles in May 1864, another delegate sang the hymn Rest for the weary with a wounded soldier recuperating in Fredericksburg. A second wounded soldier, injured in the thigh by a shell, heard the hymn and was calmed by it. O, how that hymn cheered me! The so ldier later remarked to Baker. I forgot my painst whilst I listened to it; and I know it cheer ed many of the boys.91 M usic and musical accompaniment also helped to enforce a religious order to the armies in camp. On any given Sunday, camp music signaled the time for church and acco mpanied men to the prayer site. From the countrys earliest days, m usic contributed t o Christian worship in America. However, instead of the more conventional organ used in many antebellum churches, especially among Catholics, Lutherans, and Episcopalians, Civil War soldiers were more familiar with the bugler and the regi mental band.92 The regimental bugler sounded t he call for church at 9:45 AM. Forty five minutes later the regimental band, playing a quickstep, accompanied the men as they marched to the prayer site, a barn behind the regimental colonels headquarters.93 Mus ic continued during the services, except during active campaigning when music 89 Smith, Incidents Under Shot and Shell 25. 90 Ibid. 91 Lemuel Moss, Annals of the United States Christian Commission (Philadelphia: J.B. Lippincott & Co., 1869), 594. 92 Conkin, The Uneasy Center 197, 206207. 93 Humphreys, Field, Camp, Hospital and Prison, 380.

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106 might betray the regimental position to the enemy.94 During a Thanksgiving service in November 1863, a black Union soldier wrote about the sounds from waves and the post band whic h substituted for the organ: the waves on the seabeat shore seemed to partake of the majesty of the hour, and in low and gentle ri pples made music on the sands. Every head was bared as the Post Band commenced to play some of the good old Orthodox airs of home no doubt reminding many there assembled, of the day as observed at home."95 These sounds undoubtedly helped soldiers connect with their wives, sisters, and mothers worshipping on the home front. Civil War and antebellum spiritual leaders often relied on physical elevation in preparing a formal space for prayer while also signifying the clergyma n s own religious authority.96 By standing on a raised platform, a religious figure maintained distance from his congregants and promoted communication with the divine.97 Union Chaplain Thomas Kinnicut Beecher described the construction of a prayer space during chaplains drills, more c ommonly known as prayer meetings, which began with the assembly of just such an elevated position: Chaplains drill opens with a box drag by two, of a very greasy box on which hospital pork is cut by day, to a convenient site, whereon the Chaplain stands and swings his lantern. When enough gather around to say We, the Chaplain begins to talk.98 Confederate Chaplain James B. Sheeran 94 Adams, Memorial and Letters of Rev. John R. Adams 55. 95 Adams, On the Altar of Freedom 85. 96 Kilde, When Church Became Theatre, 19. 97 Kunin, Gods Place in the World, 30. A raised space engendered positive valence energy while a lowered space caused negative valence energy. (Kunin, Gods Place in the World 34.) 98 Chaplain Thomas Kinnicut Beecher, 141st New York Volunteer Infantry, in The Spirit Divided Memoirs of Civil War Chaplains: The Union, 77. This account is from an October 1862 letter written to the Elmira Weekly Advertiser and Chemung County Republican (Elmira, NY).

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107 recounted his elevated pos ition when conducting services. At an April 1863 mass near Fredericksburg, Sheeran explained how he ascended a little platform erected for the occasion.99 A year later, at the nearby camp of Wilcoxs Alabama Brigade, he also preached from an elevated platform, which another chaplain called the stand.100 Regardless of the s pace, like antebellum clergy, Civil War chaplain s or missionaries minister ed individually to men in the field. While in camp, most chaplains allowed soldiers or officers to reach them at any time for rel igious consolation and prayer. Even though he could not hold a public service, Union Chaplain John Ripley Adams explained in November 1862: My tent is always open for prayer, singing, and conversation.101 In March 1863 Union Chaplain Joseph Hopkins Twichell urged his flock to come to my quarters without res erve and at any time they need never fear interrupting me or delaying me in any engagement, for to receive such visits was not only my first pleasure but my first business also.102 Union soldier George F. Cram provided a soldiers view of his chaplains interactions with enlisted men: "He is a model man and well fitted for an army chaplain, very frequently he comes into our tent and spends the evening with us, always talking hopefully of the future."103 Through these 99 Durkin, Confederate Chaplain: A War Journal of Rev. James B. Sheeran, 40. 100 Ibid. 84 and Brinsfield, The Spirit Divided Memoirs of Civil War Chaplains: The Confederacy 172. The soldiers built these platforms to see the preachers. (Brinsfield, The Spirit Divided Memoirs of Civil War Chaplains: The Confederacy 172.) 101 Adams, Memorial and Letters of Rev. John R. Adams 74. 102 Peter Messent and Steve Courtney, eds., The Civil War Letters of Joseph Hopkins Twichell: A Chaplains Story (Athens: The University of Georgi a Press, 2006), 219. Usually near the surgeons tent, the chaplains tent was located on the right side of the rectangular camp (Maryniak, Ministry in the Camps in The Spirit Divided: The Union, 38) 103 Bohrnstedt, Soldiering with Sherman: Civil War Letter s of George F. Cram, 78.

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108 informal interactions with soldiers, Civil War clergy extended their spiritual reach beyond formal worship services. Although open to conversations with all soldiers, the clergy in the field seemed to mirror the attitudes o f their home denominations Antebellum and wartime evangelical clergy sought a formal religious landscape free of hierarchies and status roles.104 In camp near Falmouth, Virginia, midway through the war, Union Chaplain John Stuckenberg, recalled two incident s of this egalitarian worship. General Howard, his staff, and orderlies, attended a routine Sunday night prayer meeting at his headquarters. Both privates and officers also gathered at a second prayer meeting held in the chaplains tent.105 Only a month before the end of the war, a USCC delegate presided over a chapel service at another Union generals headquarters. Preaching to a crowded house, the delegate ministered to officers (including the general) and enlisted men who sat together for three hours.106 Not limited to the Union armies, Confederate evangelicals also strov e to provide a religious s pace free of hierarchy Chaplain William Wiatt, a Baptist minister, address ed officers and men as equals. During the autumn of 1862 Wiatt talked to a soldier serving as a nurse at the hospital tent about salvation. The next week, Wiatt met several times with Lt. Berry in his tent to discuss Berrys troubled religious state.107 By the end of their conversations, Berry rejoiced in heart on 104 Kunin, Gods Place in the World, 49. This religious egalitarianism practiced in the camp differed from the hierarchies of holiness in the Jewish Temple. (Kunin, Gods Place in the World 51.) 105 David T. Hedrick and Gordon Barry D avis Jr., eds., Im Surrounded by Methodists: Diary of John H.W. Stuckenberg, Chaplain of the 145th Pennsylvania Volunteer Infantry (Gettysburg, PA: Thomas Publications, 1995), 59. 106 Edward Parmelee Smith, Incidents Among Shot and Shell: The Only Authentic Work Extant Giving the Many Tragic and Touching Incidents that Came Under the Notice of the United States Christian Commission During the Long Years of the Civil War (Philadelphia: Edgewood Pub. Co., 1868), 355. 107 Wiatt, Confederate Chaplain William Edwar d Wiatt 5, 7 8.

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109 account of the blessed dealings of God with him.108 In the summer of 1863, a soldier in the Army of Northern Virginia heard Rev. Dr. Lacy deliver a fast day service to a motley crew: several generals, over a thousand soldiers, and the officers female relatives. Lacys address crossed class boundaries to illuminate a core precept of evangelical Christian t heology: how faith makes one a better person.109 While evangelical clergy strove to create an egalitarian worship experience, nonevangelical chaplains did not always follow the same practices Rank mattered most to Roman Catholic and Episcopalian clergy accustome d to prewar church hierarchy. While also ministering to the rank and file, these chaplains, including William Corby and Charles Quintard, granted religious preference to officers and their staffs. After granting Corby permission to use the divisi ons large hall for religious services, General Coldwell attended the event, where officer s were given priority seating. The officers were seated in front, and back to the door and away out on the grounds, Corby explained, while the men of the brigade, and others, in devotional reverence, clustered to hear Mass.110 Serving in the Army of the Tennessee, Confederate Chaplain Quintard, often preached before distinguished congregations when Generals Johnston, Polk, Cheatham and nearly all the general o fficers and staffs were present.111 On the 3rd Sunday in Advent, in December 1864, Quintard administered a Litany and Holy C ommunion at Army 108 Wiatt, Confederate Chaplain William Edward Wiatt 8. 109 G. Ward Hubbs, ed., Voices from Company D: Diaries by the Greensboro Guards, Fifth Alabama Infantry Regiment, Army of Northern Virginia (Athens: The University of Georgia Press, 2003), 195. 110 William Corby, Memoirs of Chaplain Life: Three Years with the Irish Brigade in the Army of the Potomac ed. Lawrence Frederick Kohl (New York: Fordham University Press, 1992), 219. 111 Sam Davis Elliot, ed., Doctor Quintard, Chaplain C.S.A. and Second Bishop of Tennessee: The Memoir and Civil War Diary of Charles Todd Quintard (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 2003), 64.

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110 Headquarters. At another Advent observance a week later, Quintard, after administering Holy Communion to those gathered in General Polks parlor, went into a separate room to convert and administer the consecrated elements to two other high ranking officers.112 Once soldiers left the camp environment, how ever, this attention to hierarchy dissolved. While the Army of Northern Virginia traveled through Maryland before Gettysburg, Confederate Samuel Pickens attended a Catholic church in Hagerstown. Alongside other enlisted men and Generals Ewell and Rodes, Pickens heard the clergymen use verses from Matthew Chapter fifteen to reflect on the importance of prayer.113 Drawn by their Christian faith, military clergy built on antebellum techniques to provide innovative methods of facet o face conversions in the camp. A devout Roman Catholic, Union chaplain William Corby, baptized a m an a half hour before his execution by firing squad. "Now, you are a Christian[,] he stated after dunking him in water, offer your life to God in union with the sufferings of Christ on the cross." According to Corby the mans disposition softened as the light of faith, secured to him by the sacrament, seemed to show in his countenance."114 Other conversions were more difficult, since some soldiers res isted changing their old ways. In a March 1863 letter, Confederate Chaplain Pere Louis Hippolyte Gache expl ained his difficulty in converting the members 112 Elliot, Doctor Quintard, Chaplain C.S.A. and Second Bishop of Tennessee, 193194. On three different occasions in late 1864, Quintard ministered to only commissioned officers. At one of these sessions, he read a few verses and then prayed with General Carter, speaking about atonement and the savior. (Elliot, Doctor Quintard, Chaplain C.S.A. and Second Bishop of Ten nessee, 170, 191, 193.) 113 Hubbs, Voices from Company D 179. 114 Corby, Memoirs of Chaplain Life, 126.

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111 of secret societies to Catholicism.115 One prospective convert changed his mind after hearing that the Church condemned Freemasonry. Without telling me openly what his ultimate choice was to be, Gache recalled, he turned away sad, like the rich young man in the Gospel, and never came to see me again.116 C onverted soldiers gained renewed religious awareness through wartime Bible classes, patterned after antebellum meetings and often taught by chaplains or missio naries. Lasting throughout the conflict, these classes attracted Union and Confederate soldiers interested in exploring scripture in an informal setting.117 Union surgeon John Bennitt of the 19th Michigan Infantry wrote that at his Bible class, there seems to be an intelligent interest on the part of those attending which makes it pleasant to be there and I doubt not it will be profitable; for it leads us to more careful examination of the truth."118 Private Wilbur Fisk concurred with this assessment, writing in March 1864, a sort of Bible class is held every day in the Chapel, and where the boys that desire it may meet for studying the Scriptures, and for mutual improvement.119 In May 1861, future Union Chaplain Benjamin Chidlaw spoke to a 115 Active in the antebellum period, freemasons became more si gnificant after the Civil War. For more information on freemasonry, see Mark C. Carnes, Secret Ritual and Manhood in Victorian America (New Haven, Conn.: Yale University Press, 1989) and Mary Ann Clawson, Constructing Brotherhood: Class, Gender, and Fraternalism (Princeton, N. J.: Princeton University Press, 1989). 116 Gache, A Frenchman, A Chaplain, A Rebel 163164. See Matthew 19:1630, Mark 10:1731, and Luke 18:1830 for this New Testament story. 117 According to Chaplain Stewart, the members of the regimental Christian Association normally taught the bible classes in his regiment. (Alexander M. Ste wart, Camp, March and Battle field: or, Three Years and a Half with the Army of the Potomac (Philadelphia: James B. Rogers, Printer, 1865), 211) 118 Robert Beasecker, ed., I Hope to Do My Country Service: The Civil War Letters of John Bennitt, M.D., Surgeon, 19th Michigan Infantry (Detroit, Mich: Wayne State University Press, 2005), 208. 119 Rosenblatt, Hard Marching Every Day 200201.

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112 Bible class of forty in the quarters of the Oberlin Rifles in Camp Dennison.120 Midway through the war, on a late July afternoon, Union Chaplain Francis Springer held his first Bible class, among the 1st Arkansas Infantry.121 A month later, his regiments interest in these clas ses had not waned for Springer easily convinced the soldiers to attend another Bible class. I went through our reg't, from company to company saying there would be a bible class on yon shady hill, he remarked whoever had leisure & inclination might go there in five or ten minutes. Taking my position on that appointed time & place, I sung the "Star of Bethlehem." There was soon quite a good congregation about me.122 Confederate soldiers also maintained a keen interest in these activi ties. For example, in February 1863, Confederate Chaplain Abner Crump Hopkins met with his Bible class of approximately thirty in the Brigade Court Martial house where they discussed the first chapter of Matthew.123 The informal format of these classes allow ed clergy to gain great familiarity with their parishioners, just like in the antebellum era. To lead his Bible class, Union Chaplain Alexander Stewart simply squatted upon the ground surrounded by officers and enlisted men. He then read and commented on a chapter or two of the Bible, before 120 Henrietta Chidlaw, Sunset and evening star: In Memoriam of Rev. Benjamin Williams Chidlaw (Utica, NY: T.J. Griffiths, 18 94), 19 20. Benjamin Childlaw was elected chaplain of the 39th Ohio Volunteer Infantry on August 14, 1861. (Chidlaw, Sunset and evening star 21) 121 Francis Springer, The Preachers Tale: The Civil War Journal of Rev. Francis Springer, Chaplain, U.S. Army of the Frontier ed. William Furry (Fayetteville: University of Arkansas Press, 2001), 46. 122 Ibid., 64 65. 123 Abner Crump Hopkins, diary entry, February 15, 1863, Box 1, Folder 1, Abner Crump Hopkins Diary, 1862 April 281863 December 19, Virginia Historic al Society, Richmond. The first chapter of Matthew describes the genealogy and birth of Jesus. See Matthew 1:125.

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113 members of the class asked questions.124 By this method, soldiers and their spiritual leaders spent many an afternoon conversing about larger questions of religious faith. These conversations often carried over to the individual tents of soldiers which emerged as sites of religiosity, decentralized sacred spaces under only the nominal supervision of clerical observers. This wartime religious space substituted for the antebellum home as a place for prayer.125 Writing during t he first year of the war, an unknown soldier in the 19th Virginia explained how on any given night prayers could be heard in one or more of the regiments tents.126 Midway through the conflict, Union Chaplain Andrew Jackson Hartsock recalled congregated men singing hymns, asserting nothing sounds so well as hymns sung in quarters and we do have a good deal of it.127 Near the end of the war, soldiers only became more interested in these sites of religiosity, according to the observations of Chaplain William Eastman of the 72nd New York and a visiting New York pastor. To listen in on the prayers, Eastman and the past or had to move behind the tent. The language of [the] prayers betrayed a rather rude simplicity, Eastman recalled, but they fairly burned with a flame of blood earnestness and my companion said to me, If I could hear my Fifth Avenue saints praying like that, I should know that a great revival was coming in New York.128 124 Stewart, Camp March and Battlefield, 334. 125 Kunin, Gods Place in the World, 55. 126 Jones, Christ in the Camp, 266. 127 Duram, Soldier of the Cross 83. 128 William R. Eastman, A Yankee Chaplain Remembers, in Faith in the Fight: Civil War Chaplains eds. John W. Brinsfield, William C. Davis, Benedict Maryniak, and James I. Robertson, Jr. (Mechanicsburg, PA: Stackpole Books, 2003), 121.

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114 Throughout the war both Union and Confederate soldiers congregated in areas rem iniscent of antebellum revivals, the open air made sacred by the appearance of a clergyman or a community of believers worshipping together.129 According to Union Chaplain Henry Clay Trumbull, regimental chaplains in active service alternated between open ai r and closed meeti ngs held in a building or tent: It was sometimes one thing and sometimes another; and this very variety gave an added attractiveness and rest to the chaplains ministry and work, in the gatherings of his men for their instruction and inf luence.130 Another Union chaplain, Frederic Denison, recalled that during the first two years of the war, services were normally held in either groves or in open fields. When Denison moved to the Department of the South in 1863, he held religious exercises in the open air in forts and entrenchments. They consisted of song, prayer, the reading of scripture, and a discourse, accompanied by regimental singing.131 While campaigning with Grants Army, in the Spring of 1864, Union Chaplain Henry Trumbull explained t hat open air meetings were so prevalent because there was no time to obtain chapel tents or to build chapel booths. The only way to gather the men for worship, Trumbull declared, was on the open field where we bivouackedby the roadside as we halted on a march, or in a shady ravine within reach, if we had a few hours of rest in a 129 Douglas Davies, Introduction: Raising the Issues, in Sacred Place, ed. Jean Holm (London: Pinter Publishers Ltd., 1994), 6. According to the chaplain of the 12th Mississippi Infantry, a regiment might not use their chapel if the congregation could not fit inside it. (Charles Holt Dobbs, Reminiscences of an Army Chaplain, in The Spirit Divided: Memoirs of Civil War Chaplains: The Confederacy ed. John Wesley Brinsfield (Macon, GA: Mercer University Press, 2006), 80.) 130 Henry Clay Trumbull, War Memories of an Ar my Chaplain (New York: Charles Scribners Sons, 1898), 15. 131 Frederic Denison, A Chaplains Experience in the Union Army (Providence, RI: The Society, 1893), 24 and 27.

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115 wooded region.132 His enemy, James Pickens of the Army of Northern Virginia, confirmed this observation, recalling an April 1864 service: At 11 oclock we attended preaching whi ch was held in open air on a hillside above our camp; services by Rev. Mr. Curry. Text, Galatians, IV Chap. 4th & 5th verses.133 These verses reminded the soldiers of the redemption expected by those who believed in Jesus. Confederate chaplains Robert Bunti ng and Thomas Hart Law both saw these openair meetings as essential for soldiers who might otherwise not be able to pray. A couple of years earlier, while actively campaigning from a base at Kentuckys Camp Hardee, Bunting explained that circumstances per mitting large numbers of soldiers would assemble in the groves for worship.134 Confederate soldiers serving in forts such as North Carolinas Fort C aswell also worshipped outdoors In July 1863, the forts Presbyterian chaplain, Thomas Hart Law, held a prayer meeting with soldiers detailed from F ort Caswells garrison. These services were held in the woods, under the pines, where Law had only a barrel, to place my books, & the men sat around on stools, kegs, & planks attached from stool to stool.135 Spartan arrangements did not prevent soldiers from worshipi ng together in outdoor spaces. Far from a day of rest, the Christian Sabbath kept spiritual leaders busy from dawn to dusk, presiding over religious activities t hroughout the camps Much like antebellum 132 Trumbull, War Memories of an Army Chaplain, 32 33. 133 Hubbs, Voices from Company D 25 1. Galatians 4:45 reads But when the fullness of the time was come, God sent forth his Son, made of a woman, made under the law, To redeem them that were under the law, that we might receive the adoption of sons. 134 Thomas W. Cutrer, ed., Our Trust is in the God of Battles: The Civil War Letters of Robert Franklin Bunting, Chaplain, Terrys Texas Rangers, C.S.A. (Knoxville: The University of Tennessee Press, 2006), 25. 135 Thomas Hart Law, July 24, 1863 journal entry, Thomas Hart Law Journal, 18601865, South Caroliniana Library, University of South Carolina, Columbia.

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116 clergy, wartime religious leaders worked harder and longer on the Sabbath, officiating over numerous regimental services, prayer meetings, and funerals. Union Chaplain Charles Humphreys explained his hecti c schedule on any given Sunday: "Sometimes besides the morning service in the barn and the three services in the hospital there was a regimental service at dress parade in the afternoon, and frequently a soldier's funeral."136 Confederate Chaplain William Wiatt, also had mor e than enough work on Sundays. On November 30th 1862 he preached during a morning service and in the evening held a baptism ceremony, before offi ciating over a prayer meeting. A month later, Wiatt spent his Sunday visiting the sick in the tent hospital, holding a prayer service in the morning, distributing tracts, and officiating at two prayer meetings, one in the afternoon and another in the evening.137 Soldier accounts confirm that they appreciated the clergys hard work on Sundays. Union Captain Samuel Fiske explained in the autumn of 1862 : "Who dare say that there is no Sabbath day to the soldier, no worship of God in the camp? Let him come and see a regiment of eager men gathered together under the rays of a burning sun at noonday, after a week's hard marching and drilling, to hear the word of God preached and join in prayer and praise; standing up too through a service of nearly an hour.138 Like in the prewar decades, wartime services proceeded in a uniform, ordered fashion. Union Chaplain Charles Humphreys began by repeating The Lord i s in his holy temple; let all the earth keep silence before him. Next, came silent prayer before the singing of Watts hymn From all that dwell below the skies to the tune of Old 136 Humphreys, Field, Camp, Hospital and Prison, 14. 137 Wiatt, Confederate Chaplain William Edward Wiatt 15, 23. 138 Sears, Mr. Dunn Brownes Experiences in the Army 16.

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117 Hundred. This was followed by scripture reading, prayer, and an addres s on three things that abideTruth, Goodness, God. Immediately following was Wesleys hymn Lov e divine, all love excelling. Lasting less than half an hour, the service ended with a benediction.139 The soldiers understood the power of these massive Sabbat h services, based on antebellum guidelines. Samuel Fiske remembered an August 1863 service he attended in which the whole division, including the drum corps, the chaplains, and three bands, participated in front of its headquarters. His description illustr ated how the prewar Sabbath became fused with civil religion during wartime. Our pulpit was a platform of rails crossed by several endboards from our big wagons, our hymn books the admirable little collection, the "Soldiers Hymns," and the bands played us the "Star Spangled Banner" and "America," Fiske recalled, and we remembered the conquest of Sumter and Wagner reported in the yesterday's papers, and mingled a little of secular patriotism with our religious services in a way that might seem somewhat i ncongruous at home perhaps[.] According to Fiske, Best of all was the good, earnest, religious and patriotic speech which our general, under the inspiration of the occasion, was "moved in spirit" to add unto the sermon, and which showed him as eloquent a speaker and earnest a Christian as he is a valiant soldier."140 In this case, both clergy and secular officers worked together to facilitate a wartime civil religion, which would reach its height in the general hospital and prison.141 139 Humphreys, Field, Camp, Hospital and Prison, 13. 140 Sears, Mr. Dunn Brownes Experiences in the Army 161. 141 Chapter seven will discuss how civil religion reached its height in the prison and general hospital.

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118 Besides formal prayer services, spiritual leaders often held well attended prayer meetings where soldiers communed with God. Although part of antebellum life, Civil War pray er meetings were more intense occasions At these meetings, believers and seekers marked out a space for religion amidst the profaneness of camp life.142 According to Union soldier George F. Cram, at these regularly held meetings, both church members and nonmembers make it a point and esteem it a privilege to attend.143 Each site touched some participating soldi ers. There is many a Bethel scattered over the battlefields and camping grounds of the present war, USCC Delegate J. R. Miller explained, each of them sacred to some soul who there held sweet communion with God.144 Often these prayer meetings were held near army headquarters, close to the center of the military unit, adding to the sanctity of the space.145 For example, in September 1863, J. R. Miller recalled pitching the USCC tent, site of prayer meetings, only a few rods from General Meades headquarters in the Army of the Potomac.146 Delegate Rev. George E. Street described the normal ord er of the exercises held there. Singing before everyone was seated, followed by prayer, a reading of the Scriptures, and a twenty minute sermon, before the meeting was opened to all f or an hour. During this period, soldiers narrated religious experiences and new converts or r eturning backsliders exhorted. Finally, the ceremony closed with a 142 George C. Rable, Gods Almost Chosen Peoples: A Religious History of the American Civil War (Chapel Hill: The University of North Carolina Press, 2010), 129. 143 Bohrnstedt, Soldiering with Sherman, 91. 144 Miller, Two Civil War Notebooks of James Russell Miller Part I, 86. Bethel is a Hebrew word which means house of God. 145 Sacred space is situated at the center. (Eliade, The Sacred and the Profane 22) 146 Miller, Two Civil War Notebooks of James Russell Miller Part I, 75.

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119 benediction, although often soldiers remained to converse or obtain religious reading material.147 Delegate Rev. H. Q. Butterfield held numerous prayer meetings in the tents of the wounded on an October weekend.148 On those two days, he held short, ten to fifteen minute services whi ch touched those in attendance. As I explain 2 Cor. 5: 1, and contrast the torn and dissolving tent with the solid house not made with hands, showing the glorious privilege of passing from the one to the other, Butterfield recalled, the tears fill the soldiers eyes to think how his poor tent lies torn and battered; and his soul is filled with longings to enter the house.149 Like the prewar South, prayer meetings served as manifestations of the sacred within Confederate camps. Serving for the entire length of the war, Chaplain William Wiatt noted in his diary that prayer meeting s were held nearly every day Wiatt actively sought to hold these meetings, and found a substitute if he coul d not lead one due to illness. Often prayer meetings would be held in the afternoon or evening, and on Sunday evenings after the regular morning services.150 According to Chaplain William Banks soldiers offered up many earnest prayers at these meetings, with a special interest in praying for their wives and children at home.151 Thus, prayer meetings served to link soldiers with w orship practices at home. 147 Moss, Annals of the United States Christian Commission, 399. 148 Holding prayer meetings in tents of t he wounded substantiates Thomas T weeds conception of dwelling. According to Tweed, as clusters of dwelling practices, religions orient individuals and groups in time and space, transform the natural environment, and allow devotees to inhabit the worlds t hey construct. (Thomas A. Tweed, Crossing and Dwelling: A Theory of Religion (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 2006), 82) 149 Butterfield, U.S. Christian Commission 7. 150 Wiatt, Confederate Chaplain William Edward Wiatt 6, 12 13. 151 William Banks to Mary, letter, January 18, 1863, William Banks Papers, 18531880, South Caroliniana Library, University of South Carolina, Columbia.

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120 Antebellum and wartime missionary led prayer meetings greatly affected the participants. William Reynolds, a USCC representative visiting the Army of the Mississippi in the Spring of 1863, recalled a confrontation with a s oldier a fter a prayer meeting. Seeking help from the clergyman, the man articulated a desire to give up the profane influences whi ch had been directing his life. I want a discharge from t he devils army, he exclaimed. Ive been fighting and serving in his ranks for twenty five years, and Im tired and sick of the service. I want to leave his ranks and enlist under the banner of the cross, and fight for Jesus the balance of my life.152 This type of response motivated clergy to mi nister in the camp environment. No matter the skill of the preacher, as in the prewar period, weather directly affected the attendance at prayer meetings.153 According to Delegate J. R. Miller, coming to religious meetings on stormy nights might jeopardize ones health: there is a sort of d angerous fatality about prayer meetings that renders it extremely deleterious to health to attend them in any but the mildest and most propitious weather.154 Union and Confederate chaplains alike reported that chilly temperatures, snow, wind, and rain contr ibuted to low attendance and cancellations of camp religious services.155 This evidence calls into question Confederate Chaplain John William Jones numerous 152 Smith, Incidents Under Shot and Shell 108. 153 Eliade argues that for religious man, nature contains religious value. M ircea Eliade, The Sacred and Profane: The Nature of Religion (New Y ork: Harper & Row, 1959), 116. Scholars have only recently started to examine the role of weather during the American Civil War. See Robert K. Krick, Civil War Weather in Virginia (Tuscaloosa: University of Alabama Press, 2007). 154 Miller, Two Civil War Notebooks of James Russell Miller Part I, 6970. 155 Humphreys, Field, Camp, Hospital and Prison, 385, 418; Robert Audley Browne to his wife, letter, January 10, 1862, Robert A. Browne Papers, U.S. Army Military Institute at Carlisle Barracks, Carlisle, PA.; Wiatt, Confederate Chaplain William Edward Wiatt 9.

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121 accounts in Christ in Camp of Confederate soldiers coming to prayer meetings in even the most extrem e weather.156 Good news, however, transcended the effects of torrential downpours or driving sno w on the religious environment. While encamped at Camp Franklin, Virginia in February 1862, Union Chaplain John Adams held services even with four inches of snow on the ground. Owing to recent news of Union victories and addressing the providential thinking of the era, Adams explained to the men that they should recognize Gods hand in the recent victories. The service only lasted about ten minutes, although it con tained singing, a reading of the first eight verses of the F orty fourth Psalm, and prayer. The scriptural reading reinforced Adams theme: trying to get the men to recognize Gods hand in victory, by explaining Gods role in helping the Is raelites defeat t heir enemies. Even in this short time, the service provided A good opportunity to show the men that, with all our exultation, it is not the "bow" or the "sword" that is to save us, but the arm of the Lord, who will not give his glory to another."157 Of cour se, good weather heightened religious sentiment in camp and broug ht men out to hear the gospel. Writing from a camp near Chattanooga, Tennessee in July 1862, Confederate Chaplain Robert Bunting noted good weather facilitated regular preaching. Summers war m days and cool nights allowed Bunting the ability to preach regularly 156 See Jones, Christ in Camp 249. This discrepancy can be attributed to the Lost Causes influence on Jones. Thus, Millers account is m ore likely to be accurate. For more on the Lost Cause, see especially Charles Reagan Wilson, Baptized in Blood: The Religion of the Lost Cause, 1865 1920 (Athens: The University of Georgia Press, 1980); Gaines M. Foster, Ghosts of the Confederacy: Defeat, the Lost Cause, and the Emergence of the New South 1865 to 1913 (New York: Oxford University Press, 1987). 157 Adams, Memorial and Letters of Rev. John R. Adams 4243.

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122 during the Sabbath. Bunting hoped the Lord would bless his endeavors as he tried to sow the seed among his flock.158 Regardless of the weather, the observances of antebellum festival da ys, times of great jubilation, allowed religious leaders to hol d special services in the camp. These holidays included: Thanksgiving, St. Patricks Day, Christmas, and Easter. Observed by Union Chaplain John Adams and the Fifth Maine in August 1863, the Thanksgiving service brought out the entire brigade, except those on picket, including the General and his staff.159 This service allowed soldiers in concert with clergy to practic e a new form of civil religion. In October 1863, Abraham Lincoln declared Thanks giving a national holiday, and it was widely celebrated within the Union ca mp, beginning one month later. As described by an African American soldier, the first Thanksgiving in camp, even without the odor of pumpkin pies, plum puddings, and wine sauce, nor the savory roasts, boils and "schews" familiar to the Yankee homes of New England felt like a New England Thanksgiving day. The famed cathedrals of the Old World never presented a scene more grand, majestic, and impressive, the soldier explained than the volunteer soldiers of a great and powerful Republic, gathered in a solid mass, with the arching dome of heaven for their temple, acknowledging their dependence on the mighty King of kings.160 Catholics envisioned St. Patricks Day as a day of devotion and thanksgiving to God for the gift of faith and means of salvation with a required 158 Cutrer, Our Trust is in the God of Battles 71. 159 Adams, Memorial and Letters of Rev. J ohn R. Adams 123. The November thanksgiving holiday as observed in twenty first century America, was also celebrated in the camp. Only after Abraham Lincolns Thanksgiving Proclamation in October 1863 did Thanksgi ving become an annual holiday. Since it was instituted by the Union during the war, Confederate soldiers did not observe this holiday. 160 Adams, On the Alt ar of Freedom 85.

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123 military mass.161 To celebrate St. Patric ks Day in March 1863, Union Chaplain William Corby, constructed a rustic church, containing an altar.162 Union Chaplain Robert Browne observed Christmas Eve in 1862 with an evening worship service.163 Confederate Chaplain Charles Quintard celebrated both Chri stmas Eve and Christmas Day in 1864, with prayers at General Claytons headquarters. In addition, he led another round of Christmas Day prayers at General Lowrys headquarters in Browns Division.164 Combined with religious activities, soldiers focused on holiday foods. In their accounts, soldiers emphasized the diverse foods available on Christmas. Apple dumplings, equalling a young mortar shell in weight, with rye whiskey sauce, was the principal item on the bill of fare. So far as my observation went, a black soldier wrote apple dumplings formed the first and last course, but the boys enjoyed them notwithstanding the seeming lack of talent in the pastry cooks.165 This confluence between food and religious activities helped link the soldiers in the field w ith the activities of their relatives at home. In addition to other holiday celebrations, Confederate Catholics, like their antebellum forbearers, felt a particular need to celebrate Christs resurrection during Easter.166 These celebrations occurred with more frequency during the second half of 161 Corby, Memoirs of Chaplain Life, 140. 162 Ibid., 140 142. 163 Robert Audley Browne to his wife, letter, December 24, 1862, Robert A. Browne Papers, U.S. Army Military Institute at Carlisle Barracks, Carlisle, PA. 164 Elliot, Doctor Quintard, Chaplain C.S.A. and Second Bishop of Tennessee, 109, 206. 165 Adams, On the Altar of Freedom 9596. 166 The personal papers and memoirs reviewed for this dissertation reveal ample evidence of Confederate army chaplains celebrating Christs resurrection, but no comparable Easter celebrations among their Union counterparts.

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124 the war, when casualties started to mount ever higher, and soldiers eagerly hoped for a rebirth in Christ. Keenly feeling the religious power of the day, Chaplain James Sheeran provided Easter Sunday mass in April 186 3, near Fredericksburg But if it was edifying to see them standing in the snow before Mass commenced, he recalled how much more so to see them on their bended knees and with uncovered heads defying as it were the angry elements during the of fering of t he Holy Sacrifice. After this rite, most soldiers received Holy Communion before reciting the rosary of our Blessed Mother.167 On the eve of battle at Columbus in 1865, Confederate soldiers received the Easter sa crament from Charles Quintard. Quintard celebrated Holy Communion for the first time at 5:30 AM to a packed house. At the second service at 10:30 AM, the litany was spoken and he celebrated Holy Communion again.168 In addition to joyous holidays, Civil War clergy celebrated the fast day, a wartime inca rnation of the New England jeremiad.169 Fast days provided an opportunity for Confederate and Union spiritual leaders to blend devotion to God with nationalistic fervo r for their respective states. Confederate President Jefferson Davis proclaimed these holid ays as time set aside for fasting and prayer. On a fast day observance in mid June 1862, Chaplain Joseph Cross sermonized from Jeremiah 14:89 O the Hope of Israel, and the Savi or thereof in time of trouble! Why shouldst thou be as a stranger in the land, and as a wayfaring man, that turne th aside to tarry for a night? Why shouldst 167 Durkin, Confederate Chaplain, 3940. 168 Elliot, Doctor Quintard, Chaplain C .S.A. and Second Bishop of Tennessee, 120. 169 The jeremiad and New England fast day had been a staple of life in Puritan New England. (Drew Gilpin Faust, The Creation of Confederate Nationalism: Ideology and Identity in the Civil War South (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State Un iversity Press, 1988), 2627.) For more information on the jeremiad, see Sacvan Bercovitch, The American Jeremiad (Madison: The Univers ity of Wisconsin Press, 1978).

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125 thou be as a man astonished, as a mighty man that can not save? Yet thou, O Lord, art in the midst of us, and we are called by thy name. Leave us not."'170 These verses helped co ntextualize this fast day observance, since in them, the people acknowledge their sins and ask God for deliverance. On another fast day, nearly a year later, Cross preached from Psalm XX:5 to the Third Alabama Battalion in camp near Knoxville.171 This verse must have struck a cord among the assembled, since it offered a prayer for victory i n the face of an enemys army. Chaplain Charles Quintard recalled receiving a letter about a fast day observance held in Shelbyville. After a sermon preached by an Alabama regimental chaplain, Colonel Yeatman from Polks staff delivered a war prayer expressing his hope that the Unions moral sensibilities might be awakened by the roar of our cannon and the gleam of our bayonets and that the stars and bars might soon wave i n triumph through these beleaguered states!172 Quintard preached from Isaiah LX:12 on a March 1865 fast day.173 According to this verse, a nations success was determined by its service to God, a timely message for Confederate troops on the brink of defeat, knowing that only God could save them. On this final fast day, Confederate soldier Samuel Pickens observed, G en. Lee has ordered all duty as far as possible to be suspended & requests that all chaplains hold religious services & that all unite in a 170 Cross, Camp and Field. Papers from the Portfolio of an Army Chaplain. Books Third and Fourth, 31. 171 Ibid., 23. This verse reads May we shout for joy over your victory, and in the name of our God set up our banners. May the Lord fulfill all your petitions. 172 Elliot, Doctor Quintard, Chaplain C.S.A. and Second Bishop of Tennessee, 65. 173 Ibid., 246. Isaiah 60:12 reads For the nation and kingdom that will not serve you shall perish; those nations shall be utterly laid waste.

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126 proper observance of the day. Unfortunately, rainy weather prevented public worship.174 Union fast days, as in Confederate ranks, also allowed soldiers to fuse their antebellum civil religiosity with the Union cause. Midway through the war, George Squier of the 44th Indiana Volunteer Infantry wrote to his wife about a fas t day observance in Tennessee. He told her about t he afternoon sermon and evening prayer meeting while emphasizing the days special significance: "Yesterday was the day set apart by the President for fasting (not feasting) and prayer.175 Like antebellum revivals, the changing seasons affected sacred tim e within the Confederate camp. During the antebellum era, winter allowed for more religious devotion. It was a time of protracted meetings, when agricultural laborers had few duties.176 Confederate Chaplain Louis Hippolyte Gache explained how religiosity withi n the camp also varied according to the time of year. In an April 1862 letter, Gache explained that during a period of inactivity lasting from January to the middle of March poor weather, combined with the difficulties encountered on the march, made spiri t ual practices more difficult. With the beginning of Lent, however, a significant transformation occurred. A number of soldiers attended mass each morning, Gache recalled. Yet his activities continued through the night: Every evening right after the seven o'clock roll call, I conduct a service consisting of rosary, catechetical instruction, and night prayers, which is attended by thirty or forty persons. That's about all that can fit into my little log 174 Hubbs, Voices from Company D 359. 175 Julie A. Doyle, John David Smith, and Richard M. McMurry, eds., This Wilderness of War: The Civil War Letters of George W. Squier, Hoosier Volunteer (Knoxville: The University of Tennessee Press, 1998), 55. 176 Saum, The Popular Mood of PreCivil War America 71.

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127 house. The number of confessions and Communions has pic ked up too; every day I have at least a few.177 No matter the time of year wartime clergy often found that much like their antebellum experience diseased men fearing death turned to religion. The military camps soon became fertile grounds for private pr eaching, as approximately one eighth of all soldiers would die of disease spread in the cramped conditions of the wartime military camp.178 Even early in the war, not all clergy believed these were heartfelt professions of faith. In late 1862, Union Chaplain John Stuckenberg wrote in his diary that the sick professed religious convictions because they might die soon.179 Considering many soldiers accepted Jesus upon fear of death and the unknown while grasping for what historian Drew Gilpin Faust has described as the Good death, Stuckenbergs brief remarks seem surprisingly apt.180 Just as in prewar times, death entered the camp through for mal Christian burial services. However, due to the high rate of wartime deaths camp burial services were more frequent than their antebellum predecessors. Union Chaplain Joseph Twichell described the need for these ceremonies, noting that "[n]othing is more repugnant to a civilized sense than the burial of a man as though he were a dog. This is the privilege of 177 Gache, A Frenchman, A Chaplain, A Rebel 105. 178 The Price in Blood! Casualties in the Civil War. http://www.civilwarhome.com/casualties.htm (accessed June 22, 2011). 179 Hedrick and Davis, Im Surrounded by Methodists 18. Fear of death is so apt to be the strongest motive to become a professor during sick ness[,] Stuckenberg noted, and the impressions made there are so apt to be but transitory." (Hedrick and Davis, Im Surrounded by Methodists 18) 180 See Drew Gilpin Faust, This Republic of Suffering: Death and the American Civil War (N ew York: Alfred A. Knopf, 2008), 331 Stuckenbergs point about wartime religious devotion is not unique to dying soldiers. Other soldiers turned to faith t o cope with the high probability of death during war

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128 the Chaplain to prevent."181 United States Christian Commission delegates presided over many of these camp burials. A delegate in the Army of the Cumberland after the battle of Chickamauga, Rev. H. Q. Butterfield buried a soldier, whom he had ministered to earlier. Seeing a burial party passing without an accompanying chaplain, Butterfield hurried to overtake them before they reached the grave. He offered a prayer before lowering the body to its final resting place.182 In another incident from Falmouth in 1862 Rev. B. B. Hotch kin of Pennsylvania saw a party of soldiers about to bury nine of their comrades together in a trench without any prayers. Hotchkin convinced the burial party to allow him to hold services and provide the dead with a proper Christian burial.183 The angst and joy of soldiers engaged in prayer with their religious leaders filled the vast ope n spaces of the military camp. Frequent and intense, these prayer opportunities occurred at a moments notice, when spiritual leaders encountered soldiers who required relig ious ministrations and consolation. Although operating in a new physical environment, clergy relied on antebellum religious strategies to minister to the men. Through rituals, sacred music, bible classes, Sabbath worship, prayer meetings, and festivals, Ci vil War clergy successfully replicated prewar relationships between themselves and their parishioners, adapted to the wartime environment. At the same time, peacetime differences between Northern and Southern worship practices d iminished in the wartime camp. 181 Messent and Courtney, The Civil War Letters of Joseph Hopkins Twichell 18. A chaplain could not always direct a burial service for soldiers who died on the march. Confederate Capt. Blackford recalled a February 1863 burial where A burying detail was made, and, shrouded only in his uniform, without rite or coffin, we laid him to rest in the oozy gr o und, a martyr to duty, a priceless sacr ifice to his country (Charles Minor Blackford, ed., Letters fro m Lees Army or Memoirs of Life In and Out of The Army in Virginia During the War Between the States (New York: Charles Scribners Sons, 1947), 168) 182 H.Q. Butterfield, U.S. Christian Commission: A Delegates Story (Philadelphia: n.p., 1863), 8. 183 USCC, Fi rst Annual Report 62.

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129 Worship practices developed in the Civil War camp, some influenced by antebellum relationships and others entirely new. In coping with this new wartime environment, clergy carved out physical spaces for religiosity, where they interacted with soldiers. The next chapter continues to discuss the construction of sacred space in camp by examining the clerical role in church building, battles between the sacred and the profane, and cultivating t he camps religious diversity. It illuminates both new religious practices, and shows how antebellum religious life was reproduced in the military camp.

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130 CHAPTER 5 CONSTRUCTING SACRED SPACE IN CAMP: CHURCHES, BATTLES, AND DIVERSITY Introduction In the wartime camp, religious space was vibrant and ever changing a veritable beehive of activity. With many diverse groups of people living together chaplains often found it difficult to motivate them and focus soldiers energies on spiritual pursuits. Still wartime clergy were able to adapt antebellum norms and create new religious practices in the camp. Specifically, this chapter examines three main facets of the camp experience: churchbuilding in the Union and Confederate armies; battles that clergy waged between the s acred and the profane; and religious diversity in the camp environment. In these arenas, sectarian differences blurred and regional religious differences between the North and South diminished. Building Churches in the Civil War Armies The most static repr esentation of prewar religious space, churches became synonymous with wartime spirituality. During wartime, however, clergy and soldiers only built churches when in winter camp or at another stat ionary post. Even these modest physical shelters helped prom ote spiritual life in the Civil War armies.1 Within the Union armies, the United States Christian Commission aided church construction projects, providing Union chaplains with the supplies to build worship facilities. Even without a comparable institution, the Confederate armies funded and built many regimental and brigade chapels, especially within the Army of Northern Virginia. While on the march or 1 George C. Rable, Gods Almost Chosen Peoples: A Religious History of the American Civil War (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2010) 120.

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131 on campaign, soldiers often relied on improvised, and openair spaces, the type of transitory space emblema tic of antebellum revivals. As in peacetime, funding wartime chapels depended on charity Chaplain William Wiatt of the 26th Virginia funded his winter 1863 chapel by collecting subscriptions from the companies in his regiment.2 Additional funds paid for expenses arising from public worship, includi ng soldiers reading material. In the autumn of 1864, the Soldiers Chapel, an Episcopal institution located in Beaufort, SC, solicited donations to fund reading material and the relief of the poor.3 Like their antebellum predecessors, chapels were the most noticeable and easily recognizable sacred spaces in the Union and Confederate camp.4 Th ey operated as nodal points in a network of sacred places that define some larger religious landscape.5 Furthermore they served, Jeanne Halgren Kilde explains, as dynamic agents in the construction, development, and persistence of Christianity itself.6 Spiritual leaders constructed permanent structures where the army stayed for an extended 2 Wiatt, Confederate Chaplain William Edward Wiatt: An Annotated Diary 31. 3 Soldiers Chapel (Beaufort, S.C.) MS, Oct. 1864, South Caroliniana Library, University of South Carolina, Columbia, SC. 4 According to Eliade, the door of the church/chapel acted as a threshold between the sacred and the profane. Upon entering, one accessed sacred space which reproduces Par adise or the celestial world. Through this conception, the interior of the church is the universe. The altar is pa radise, which lay in the East. The imperial door to the altar was also called the Door of Paradise. (Mircea Eliade, The Sacred and Profane: The Nature of Religion (New York : Harper & Row, 1959), 32, 61.) 5 David Chidester and Edward T. Linenthal, Introduction, in American Sacred Space, eds. David Chidester and Edward T. Linenthal (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1995), 13. 6 Jeanne Halgren Kilde, Sacred Power, Sacred Space: An Introduction to Christian Architecture and Worship (New York: Oxford University Press 2008), 3. C hapels serv ed as central foci of the USCCs goal of reaching out to the unchurched.

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132 period of time, such as wi nter camp or in 1864 along the Petersburg lines.7 They also built temporary chapels where soldiers desi red more prayer opportunities. For example, in late October 1864, at a USCC station in Louisiana, continuous prayer meetings and conversions convinced the soldiers nearby to build a chapel to better accommodate devout soldiers.8 While a Catholic chapel might consist of an altar in a tent, larger Protestant structures were constructed of clapboards or logs covered by tent canvas.9 Wartime chapel building waxed and waned along with the fortunes of war. During the wars first year, as both sides adjusted to the scale and duration of the conflict, units occasionally constructed chapels; however, chapel building reached its pinnacle during the last two years of the conflict.10 Chaplain William Eastman recalled the increase in chapel construction during the winter of 18631864, when the USCC provided a large canvas covering t o the log chapels built there. At Brandy Station in Virginia, the several brigade chapels c ould each accomm odate over a hundred soldiers. In addition, the works before Petersburg contained an impressive log church constructed by a New York regiment in 1864. Used primarily for religious services, these chapels also housed lectures and other enter tainment. Confederate chapels contained literary societies, 7 For example, during the winter of 18641865, the Union army constructed thirty chapels while encamped near Winchester. (Edward Parmelee Smith, Incidents Under Shot and Shell: The Only Authentic Work Extant Giving the Many Tragic and Touching Incidents that Came Under the Notice of the United States Christian Commission During the Long Years of the Civil War (Philadelphia: Edgewood Publishing Company, 1868), 384) Building chapels had practical value, since worshippers needed warmer accommodations when armies were in winter quarters. (Rable, Gods Almost Chosen Peoples 304) 8 This patter n was repeated numerous times. ( Moss, Annals of the United States Christian Co mmission 186. ) For a picture of the Morganzia, Louisiana station see Moss, Annals of the United States Christian Commission 186187. 9 Rable, Gods Almost Chosen Peoples 120. 10 The spike in chapel building in the wars later years illustrates historian Allan Nevins point about the transition from an improvised War to an Organized War. See Allan Nevins, The War for the Union, 4 vols. (New York: Charles Scribners Sons, 1959)

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133 Sunday schools, Young Mens Christian Association meetings, libraries, and daily prayer meetings.11 Alexander Betts chapel even held a writing school which off duty soldiers attended.12 These sourc es indicate that construction of formal churches increased as the war wore on and both sides realized t hey were in for the long haul. Moreover, both the Union and the Confederacy were developing ways to build real chapels that could be put up and taken dow n quic kly, a key wartime adjustment. Whereas antebellum clergy had ample time to construct their religious edifices, wartime chaplain accounts commonly described chapel construction as a hasty affair, relying on the ample manpower available in t he camps. B uilt in a mere ten days in January 1864, Chaplain Jos eph Twichells chapel existed for a short time before his regiment had to move.13 The chaplain thought that breaking the chapel into pieces and moving it with the regiment would be easier than rebuilding it with new materials.14 That same month, Chaplain Beaudry built a chapel in only five days, utilizing the free covering and stove provided by the United States Christian Commission.15 The following February, the regiment needed only two weeks to build an even more intricate chapel tent.16 11 Eastman, A Yankee Chaplain Remembers, in Faith in the Fight 120121. 12 Rev. Alexander D. Betts, Experience of a Confederate Chaplain, 18611864, ed. W.A. Betts (Piedmont, S.C.: 1904), at Documenting the American South < http://docsouth.unc.edu/fpn/betts/betts.html > ( 4 March 2007), 56. See diary entry on March 9, 1864. 13 Letters written to Mother dated Jan. 10th 1864 and to Ned dated Jan. 17th 1864, in The Civil War Letters of Joseph Hopkins Twichell 291293. 14 Letter to Ned, January 17, 1864, in The Civil War Letters of Joseph Hopkins Twichell 293. 15 Beaudry, War Journal of Louis N. Beaudry 8687. 16 Ibid., 201202.

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134 While individual chaplains had limited time and resources to build chapels, USCC delegates drew on their vast resources to build chapels which rivaled any prewar churchs workmanship. Built in the winter of 18641865, near the front in Virginia, Meade Stations chapel was an impressive twenty three by forty three feet, having on the front a porch six by seven, mounted with a belfry and spire fifteen feet high, made of small pine poles, arranged in squares and triangles [.] 17 Rough pine board seats faced the pulpit, a five foot wide breastwor k supported by several columns. The columns and spaces between are richly ornamented with pine rods, the USCCs official description read, so artistically arranged as to present one o f the most novel and beautiful pulpits ever preached in.18 A Union soldier who helped build this chapel explained its effect on his subsequent religious life : I have been converted here. Ive been home since, and united with the old church, Dr. Plummers in Allegheny City, but I can never never forget this chapel. It has been the gate of heaven to me.19 Unlike antebellum chapel building, not all wartime construction went as planned. Chapel construction begun in the Eastern Armies in January 1865, and fi nished a month later, met delay s and numerous other problems. After waiting eight days for the post commander to deliver promised aid, the delegates started construction by digging a trenc h for the stockade themselves. This finally brought out the commander who supplied a troop detail. However, a failure to obtain boards and the approach of stormy weather necessitated the use of a makeshift canvas roof, delaying the dedication until 17 Moss, Annals of the United States Christian Commission, 184. 18 Ibid., 185. For a more detailed description of the Meade Station chapels interior and exterior see Moss, Annals of the United States Christian Commission, 182 185. 19 Smith, Incidents Under Shot and Shell 354355.

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135 mid February.20 Captured bounty jumpers helped co mplete the rest of the chapel. [T] he building was fairly plastered and shingled with oaths[,] a delegate admitted, for never did a wickeder set of men build a House for the Lord.21 Although some wartime chapels were impressive feats of construction and design, others were far more modest. A surgeon in the Army of the Potomac recalled how the Christian Commission loan ed a large canvas to cover a brigade chapel built of logs. Enclosed by this c anvas, the structures held up to three hundred people.22 Interiors of these log chapels of ten contained fireplaces, so Chaplain John Ripley Adams noted, we can have service in stormy weather.23 Several of these brigade chapels were constructed near Brandy Station in the winter of 18631864 and in the works before Petersburg.24 The Cincinnati committee provided several wooden chapels instead of tents to a few army units. Easy to ship and assemble, a twenty by sixty foot chapel with seats cost eight hundred dollars.25 While peacetime chapels only saw service as religious institutions, some of these wartime chapels were originally common or profane spaces converted into sacred areas.26 In 1863, the USCC took over the Sumter House, in Alexandria, Virginia 20 Smith, Incidents Under Shot and Shell 340. 21 Ibid. 22 Moss, Annals of the United States Christian Commission, 186187. 23 John Ripley Adams, Memorial and Letters of Rev. John R. Adams, D.D., Chaplain of the Fifth Maine and the One Hundred and Twenty First New York Regiments During the War of the Rebellion, Serving from the Beginning to its Close (Cambridge, Mass.: J. Wilson and Son, 1890) 141. 24 William R. Eastman, A Yankee Chaplain Remembers in Faith in the Fight: Civil War Chaplains eds. John W. Brinsfield, et. al. (Mechanicsburg, PA: Stackpole Books, 2003), 120121. 25 Moss, Annals of the United States Christian Commission, 344. 26 This idea clearly works with religious scholar Jonathan Z. Smiths theoretical conception of situational s acred space. According t o Smith, nothing is inherently sacred or profane. These are not substantive

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136 previously a den of iniquity, transforming that profane space into a spiritual haven. They hel d religious meetings there several times a week where previously only the harsh jargon of rioting and excess was heard.27 That same year, in another USCC station which served the Army of the Potomac, the delegates converted an old tobacco warehouse into a prayer space, while it s church served as a barracks. The warehouse was cleared, the windows and ceiling covered over, and a table served as the pulpit. Men filled the daily weekday and Sabbath afternoon meetings, where the preaching of the truth was made salvation to many erring souls.28 Like prewar times, an official dedication affirmed the importance of religious space to both spiri tual leaders and their flocks. In February 1862, Union Chaplain Alexander Morrison Stewart of the 102nd Pennsylvania began one such service by delivering a sermon on the importance of this space before nearly all the regimental o fficers and many enlisted men. Preaching from Exodus XL: 1719, a passage which describes how Moses set up the tabernacle, Stewart noted how Worshippers of all nations and times have endeavored to satisfy a want within them to have a settled locality, a definite place, a grave, a mountain top, a cave, a tabernacle, a church, more sacred than all other spots, where to pay their devot ions to whatever god they chanced to worship.29 This newly formed Bethel was to act as a place for praise, for categories, but rather situati onal ones. Sacrality is, above all, a category of emplacement. (Smith, To Take Place, 104) 27 United States Christian Commission, United States Christian Commission for the Army and the Navy: For the Year 1863, Second Annual Report (Philadelphia, n.p, 1864) 179. 28 Ibid., 38. 29 Exodus XL: 1719 states In the first month in the second year, on the first day of the month, the tabernacle was set up. Moses set up the tabernacle; he laid its bases, and set up its frames, and put in its poles, and raised its pil lars; and he spread the tent over the tabernacle, and put the covering of the tent over it; as the Lord had commanded Moses.

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137 thanksgiving, for instructionhere to be fed, to grow in grace, to hold sweet fellowship with each other and with Godhere to have many seasons of precious enjoyment and here, also, to induce others to come and share with us like enriching blessings.30 After Stewart concluded, the colonel of the 93rd Pennsylvania Volunteers spoke briefly before formally dedicating this space to the worship of Jesus Christ.31 Samuel Fiske, a captain in the Army of the Potomac, attended another dedication in February of 1864 of a church which could easily hold one hundred and fifty people. It seemed actually like "going to meeting" again, he enthusiastically described for we had a dozen ladies in the audience and good singing and a good sermon and good worship every way. Although this dedication ceremony differed from King Solomons held in Jerusalem over two millennia before, the assembled worshippers had great faith in their endeavor. According to Fiske, if the spirit of the Lord filled with a cloud of glory that temple built of fragrant cedar overlaid with shining gold, perhaps He was equally present with us in our temple of riven pine overlaid with Virginia mud."32 All completed chapels helped convince those hoping in Chris t to continue their devotion. After the completion of the USCC chapel at Bristow Station, a regimental chaplain stated Gods Spirit descended at once. Within four weeks of the chapels opening in March 1864, the seven hoping in Christ multiplied to sixty one.33 Tally Simpson wrote in April 1863 of the baptism pool located under the pulpit where twelve 30 Stewart, Camp, March and Battlefield: or, Three Years and a Half With the Army of the Potomac 106. 31 Ibid. 32 Stephen W. Sears, ed., Mr. Dunn Brownes Experiences in the Army: The Civil War Letters of Samuel W. Fiske (New York: Fordham University Press, 1998) 224 33 Smith, Incidents Under Shot and Shell 203.

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138 men were c onverted to the Baptist faith. The evening was very cold, and it went very hard w ith the poor fellows, he remembered. It was a touching sight, and I could not help thinking of the account given in the New Testament when Jesus was baptized by John.34 Once the chapel was built at the newly established USCC station at Warrenton Junction Va. that same month services remained crowded and frequent conversions occurred. During the first four weeks of the stations existence, approximately one hundred converted or were reclaimed, out of the several hundred engaged in serious reflection.35 By the same token, the loss of a chapel could prove disastrous for a spirit ual leaders religious agenda. Though rare in peacetime, the realities of war made this situation common. In the early s pring of 1865, Union Chaplain Thomas Scott Johnsons regiment encountered some difficulties after their chapel moved to a diff erent camp Without a regular regimental school, the men were encourag ed to study in their quarters. However, the lack of systematic instruction and the interruptions caused by camp and fatigue duties disrupted their studies.36 In spite of these problems, the companies religious worship continued. Accompanied by a small contingent of religious soldiers, Johnson held Sabbath services in the open air and prayer meetings in the company streets. As a result, Johnson concluded, a good state of religious freedom prevails among the men.37 34 Guy R. Everson and Edward H. Simpson, eds., Far, Far from Home: The Wartime Letters of Dick and Tally Simpson 3rd South Carolina Volunteers (New York: Oxford University Press, 1994) 213214. See Matthew chapter three for an account of Jesus baptism by John. 35 Moss, Annals of the United States Christian Commission, 427. 36 Kaliebe, The Letters of Thomas Scott Johnson, 75. 37 Ibid., 76.

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139 Like in the antebellum period, chapels served as the center of religious life for many Civil War soldiers, especially in the later stages of the conflict. Under the watchful eye of their spiritual leaders, in these spaces soldiers learned about the teachings of Jesus Christ. As a result, when relig ious awakenings occurred in camps chapel construction became a high priority. T he Sacred and the Profane Integral to antebellum religious life, chapels served as nodal points in the landscape of wartime sacred space. Yet t hey could not prevent vice. Even though the devoted Christian soldier could participate in a myriad of religious activities, the camp remained a battleground between the sacred and the profane.38 Consistent with antebellum crusades against vice, these struggles became exaggerated due to wartime pressures, including the lack of women in a male dominated, military environment where sinners vastly outnumbered cler gy, the guardians of virtue.39 Moreover, men enjoyed ample free time in camp, with little to do except engage in profane activities Even so, clergy, soldiers, and even women, through letters to their sons from the homefront, together battled the bewilderi n g array of vices in the army. In wartime, both Northerners and Southerners adopted the antebellum Northern evangelical philosophy that Christians had a responsibility for improving societal morals. These so called religious wars raged throughout the co nf lict, with few clear victors. 38 In contrast to sacred space, profane space also existed within the Union and Confederate camp. According to Eliade, profane space represents complete nonhomogeneity and nonbeing[,] and is homogeneous and neutral; no break qualitatively differentiates the various parts of its mass. (Eliade, The Sacred and the Profane, 22.) 39 In the antebellum period, two thirds of Protestant church members were women. (Bederman, The Women Have Had Charge of the Church Work Long Enough: The Men and Religion Forward Movement of 19111912 and the Masculinization of MiddleClass Protestantism, 111. )

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140 Unlike the antebellum environment where women kept vice in check, the military camp served as the epicenter of vice and profaneness.40 Young men left to their own devices behaved differently than men around women and around the ir elders. According to an October 1861 diary entry penned by Union Chaplain Alexander Stewart, A fearful amount of wickedness centers here. Every camp is a place where Satan's seat is. Drunkenness, profanity, gambling, all the devices of the evil one."41 A little over a year l ater, Stewarts view worsened. The majority of those serving in the armies, Stewart opined, practiced daily more wickedness than a hundred of the worst Hindoos in India profanity is t he vulgar tongue of our camps. How a righteous God can give success, in arms, to such masses of pollution seems difficult to comprehend."42 By January 1865, not much had changed in the Union armys camp, according to missionary Rev. J. K. McLean and his traveling partner. During a visit to City Point Virginia, they discovered the camp reeking with profanity and fetid with vulgarity and obscenity. These two men found themselves drawn up before this stronghold of Satan, with, so far as we knew, not a single Christian in it; sin rampant; blasphemy st alking unrebuked; our only arms the little tracts and books we held, light artillery indeed against such walls of sin.43 This universal problem affected the Confederate camp as well. In June 1862, a Confederate soldier wrote how his chaplain constantly tol d soldiers to abstain from the 40 Most Americans thought Civil War military camps were dens of iniquity. (Rable, Gods Almost Chosen Peoples 92) At the same time that profane man distanced himself from the sacred, Eliade argues, he could not help but access the religious world, preserving some vestiges of the behavior of religious man, though they are emptied of religious meaning. ( Eliade, The Sacred and Profane, 204.) 41 Stewart, Camp, March and Battlefield, 50. 42 Ibid., 257. 43 Smith, Incidents Under Shot and Shell 338.

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141 use of Ardent Spirits & profane swearing, two of the worst habits in an army particularly the latter as an oath is always on the end of the tongue of at least three fourths.44 Chaplain Joseph Cross of the 2nd Tennessee expl a ined some of the reasons why. Most importantly, The soldier is exiled from the house of God, and in a great measure deprived of his blessed Sabbath. Also, many soldiers belonged to regiments lacking chaplains and enough Bibles. [F]ar removed from the conservative influences of home, and exposed to new and strange temptations, Cross surmised, men became enticed by sinners in the camp environment.45 Although present in peacetime America, vulgar speech flourished in a camp environment which lacked the infrast ructure to police moral codes. Apparent from the beginning of the conflict, profanity remained a problem for both sides throughout the war. Clergy struggled t o fight this omnipresent vice. According to the spiritual teachings of the era, blasphemy, in particular, would anger God and soldiers could expect him to punish them for this action.46 Approximately a week after his October 1861 commissioning, Union Chaplain Orange V. Lemon noted in his diary the profa nity pervasive in Camp Murphy. Never before had I heard such vulgar and obscene language, he wrote.47 In a separate entry, Lemon railed against the evils of profanity and how it served no purpose in the army: Like the foolish fish who bites at the naked hook he gets no bait. He only gets caught upon a hook from which through the 44 G. Ward Hubbs, ed., Voices from Company D: Diaries by the Greensboro Guards, Fifth Alabama Infantry Regiment, Army of Northern Virginia (Athens: The University of Georgia Press, 2003) 91 45 Cross, Camp and Field. Papers from the Portfolio of an Army Chaplain. Books Third and Fourth, 121. 46 Rable, Gods Almost Chosen Peoples 9899. 47 Orange V. Lemon, Saturday October 19, 1861, diary entry, Orange V. Lemon, Chaplain, 36th Indiana Volunteer Infantry Diary, October 10, 1861 to January 14, 1862, folder four, Civil War Miscellaneous Box 57, U.S. Army Military Institute at Carlisle Barracks, Carlisle, PA.

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142 corruption of his own nature strengthened by constructed habit he will find it difficult to escape.48 The 14th Wisconsins chaplain and the chaplain of the 145th regiment of Pennsylvania Volunteers both argued that the responsibility for soldiers profanity rested with their officers.49 The Pennsylvania chaplain even composed a letter in the late autumn of 1862, to General Hancock, his divisional commander, reprimanding him for his profane language and urging him to stop swearing since it was against Gods commandments.50 In the face of chaplain protest, only rarely did officers issue orders to fight blasphemous speech.51 Deviating from antebellum moral norms, the Confederate camp was no less a cauldron of blasphemous and profane speech. Railing against the evils of profanity in his memoirs, Chaplain Joseph Cross of the 2nd Tennessee spent an entire chapter on profane influences, especial ly the evils of vulgar speech. He despaired at how common swearing was i n the service and how easily a young man, unexposed to this type of speech in the civilian realm, learned to talk in this manner. Some love to display their genious in the invention of new and startling form s of blasphemy, he contended. It seems to be c onsidered manly, heroic, almost virtuous, to insult Almighty God to his face, and grieve the hearts of those who revere his name.52 Continuing his tirade, 48 Orange V. Lemon, undated discourse on profanity, Orange V. Lemon, Chaplain, 36th Indiana Volunteer Infantry Diary, October 10, 1861 to January 14, 1862, folder four, Civil War Miscellaneous Box 57, U.S. Army Military Institute at Carlisle Barracks, Carlis le, PA. 49 James B. Rogers, War Pictures: Experiences and Observations of a Chaplain in the U.S. Army, in the War of the Southern Rebellion. By Rev. J.B. Rogers (Chicago: Church & Goodman, 1863), 231. 50 Hedrick and Davis, Im Surrounded by Methodists 303 1 T his letter was never sent. (Hedrick and Davis, Im Surrounded by Methodists 31.) 51 Rable, Gods Almost Chosen Peoples 99. 52 Cross, Camp and Field. Papers from the Portfolio of an Army Chaplain. Books Third and Fourth, 121122.

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143 Cross argued that among the gallant Confederate soldiers I have heard more cursing and swearing in t wenty four hours, than in all my life before The air, indeed, is so filled with profanity, that it seems to swear without a tongue.53 Even though the Confederate camp was so immersed in this wicked speech, Cross felt almost naively confident that alm ighty God would distinguish between the honorable cause for which the Confederacy fought and the depraved character of its soldiery, that he would bless the former for its righteousness, though he send the latter to hell for their wickedness.54 In addition to profanity, Civil War clergy waged wars against the drunkenness all too prevalent in the camp. During the antebellum era, temperance reformers mainly promoted abstinence, although some worked towards allowing moderate consumption.55 Drunkenness became m ore problematic when soldiers were posted close to citie s where alcohol flowed freely. Union soldier John Quincy Adams Campbell wrote midway through the war, Our proximity to Memphis is taken advantage of by many to indulge in the gr ossest and lowest diss ipation. Men whom I had before considered men of principle and mind, have given way to their passions and sunk the man into a mere animal, disgracing themselves, their company, their regiment, their friends, and their race.56 Although the contrast between the sacred and profane in the army was marked, unlike prewar America where these activities remained separate, the camp provided 53 Cross, Camp and Field. Papers from the Portfolio of an Army Chaplain. Books Third and Fourth, 122. 54 Ibid., 139. 55 Rable, Gods Almost Chosen Peoples 100. 56 Mark Grimsley and Todd D. Miller eds., The Union Must Stand: The Civil War Diary of John Quincy Adams Campbell, Fifth Iowa Volunteer Infantry (Knoxville: The University of Tennessee Press, 2000) 77.

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144 an opportunity to observe them operating simultaneously.57 In the Union armies, United States Christian Commission delegates r outinel y encountered contested space. Rev. Alfred Emerson and Rev. E.P. Smith, General Field Agent of the USCC in the Army of the Cumberland, aptly described the situation in 1864: strange contrasts are seen in the army, of gaming and psalm singing, of pr evailing sin and abounding grace, of prayer and profaneness such profaneness as we never hear at home, such prayer as the churches know nothing of.58 In ministering to a soldier after the battle of Chickamauga, a delegate recalled his close proximity to pr ofane influences: I kneel at his side; there may be cardplaying in the opposite corner, no matter, Gods Spirit is with us, and prayer ascends, and God hears us, for I leave the soldier with a trembling hope in Jesus.59 Although solid boundaries separate d the sacred and the profane in peacetime, in the camp th ese walls were more permeable. A St. Patricks day celebration demonstrates how contested space developed. During the winter of 1862, the Methodist chaplain of the 127th Pennsylvania, noted how during this festival, Irish Catholic soldiers would attend services in the morning, followed by a bought of indulgence. Drunkeness, horseracing, and fist fighting became the order or rather the disorder of the afternoon, he recalled and the day closed in a regular Tipperary fashion.60 Away from their 57 As scholars Edward Linenthal and David Chidester suggest, the sacred was not necessarily the opposite of the profane or absolutely separate from the profane. David Chides ter and Edward T. Linenthal, Introduction, in American Sacred Space, eds. David Chidester and Edward T. Linenthal (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1995), 17. 58 Moss, Annals of the United States Christian Commission, 201. 59 Smith, Incidents Under S hot and Shell 226. 60 John Chandler Gregg, Life in the Army, in the Departments of Virginia, and the Gulf, Including Observations in New Orleans, with an Account of the Authors Life and Experience in the Ministry By Rev. J. Chandler Gregg (Philadelphia: P erkinpine & Higgins, 1868), 8687.

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145 families and living in a mostly all male environment, this type of behavior seemed normal and expected, therefore many soldiers fell into these sinful habits. In the Southern armies, further examples of this c ontested terrain appear. A soldier in the 16th Mississippi Regiment claimed that he could only tell it was Sunday when he and his comrades, heard the band play hymns on some hill near camp. We would lay down the cards, even in a game of euchre, and go over to the band.61 During the Summer of 1863, Captain Blackford of the Army of Northern Virginia, heard an engaging sermon from a Ge neral who was also a preacher. This mans dress blurred the boundaries between the sacred and profane realms: [t]he gown covered up his uniform entirely except for the wreath and stars of a general on his collar which peeped out to mildly protest against too much peace on earth and the boots and spurs clanked around the chancel with but little sympathy with the doctr ine of go od will towards men. Blackfords assessment of the inci dent reflected his own ambiguous thoughts on the subject of religion in the camp: I do not approve of mixing the two professions, except for the duties of a chaplain.62 Much like prewar clergy, chaplains and missionaries occupied much of their waking hours combatting these profane influences and promoting r eligiosity among all soldiers. According to one Union chaplain, the presence of a chaplain in the unit helped restrain the profaneness of the soldiers.63 In addition, spiritual leaders actively battled profane influences by forming bands of Christian brotherhood and presidi ng over daily 61 Cockrell and Ballard, A Mississippi Rebel in the Army of Northern Virginia, 231. 62 Charles Minor Blackford, ed., Letters from Lees Army or Memoirs of Life In and Out of The Army in Virginia During the War Between the S tates (New York: Charles Scribners Sons, 1947), 176. 63 Rogers, War Pictures 7980.

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146 prayer meetings. Employing this dual strategy, USCC delegates fought gambling and prostitution in the last year of the conflict.64 Through several weekly prayer meetings in the Spring of 1864, George Crams chaplain felt that he had improved morality, by decreasing card playing and swearing. Considering the morality of most of the army, Cram wrote, I am really proud to belong to Company F/105th Ill.65 A month after the wars end, when Shermans army was stationed around Washington D.C., Rev. A. K. Moulton and Brother Libby found a group of four men playing a game of cards, and convinced them to exchange them for relig ious reading. This event attracted considerable attention, and by the time we got the cards, Moulton explained, we had a pretty good congregation, with whom we sang and prayed and preached for forty minutes.66 In an earlier incident in Alexandria, Virgi nia, among Union soldiers imprisoned in the slave pen, Rev. Mr. Flint interrupted a card game, offering the men Scriptu re cards to play with instead. The soldiers found these substitute cards highly entertaining and religiously stimulating for all complied when Mr. Flint requested a group prayer. Every hand was lifted, and then every knee was bowed upon the brick floor[,] he recounted, and the slavepen prison became a house of God, as perchance it had been many times before, when filled with the human c hattels of the slavedriver.67 Although these clergy might have overstated their successes to prove their worth in the 64 Moss, Annals of the United States Christian Commission, 513. 65 Jennifer Cain Bohrnstedt, ed., Soldiering with Sherman: Civil War Letters of George F. Cram (Dekalb: Northern Illinois University Press, 2000) 91. 66 USCC, Fourth Annual Report 194. 67 Moss, Annals of the United States Christian Commission, 574.

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147 wartime environment, it is undeniable that chaplains achieved some success while fighting wartime vice. Against daunting odds, some North ern spiritual leaders were as successful as their prewar colleagues at fighting al cohol consumption in the camp. Upon assuming command of the Army of the Potomac, General Joseph Hooker issued an order allowing whisky rations. Upon hearing of this order, C haplain J. Chandler Gregg convinced his regimental Colonel not to allow these rations, explaining this course would demoralize the men, and awaken in them such an appetite for strong drink as would be highly dangerous, and might lead some of them to ruin. 68 In April 1862, Chaplain Joseph Hopkins Twichell utilized a soldiers death from alcohol poisoning as an example to the rest of the men. After having the entire regiment parade and then stand beside the soldiers coffin, Twichell spoke about the evils of drink, recalling later I have good reason to believe that by Gods help, my words were not in vain.69 An extension of antebellum voluntary societies, the formation of Christian associations in Northern and Southern armies served mainly to undergird Chris tian soldiers strugg le against profane influences. In a November 1862 diary entry, Union Chaplain Andrew Jackson Hartsock explained how he actively sought out Christian soldiers for membership in t he Regimental Christian Union. By appointing a soldier in each company to report on those living as Christians, Hartsock involved enlisted men in 68 Gregg, Life in the Army, in the Departments of Virginia, and the Gulf 85. At a later date, the commanding general ordered the distribution of another round of whisky rations to the entire army. Gregg successfully appealed to the commanding officer of the regiment, who stood firm against the policy. C alled to headquarters for resisting an order the regimental commander did not lose his commission. (Gregg, Life in the Army, in the Departments of Virginia, and the Gulf 95) 69 Messent and Courtney, The Civil War Letters of Joseph Hopkins Twichell 108.

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148 this process.70 A Union surgeon recalled forming a Christian association in the summer of 1863 which sought to hold regular religious worship. He hoped this measure may prove for the everlasting good of all who may be engaged in it and may shed an influence upon those with whom they are associated that may be as seed sown in good groundbringing forth an hundred fold to the glory of the redeemer."71 These complex organizations maintained constitutions, like the one passed by the Christian Association of the Thirteenth regiment of Pennsylvania Volunteers. As a condition of membership, everyone took the following pledge laid out in the constitution: Adoring the grace of the Triune God, and hoping for salvation through the blood of Christ, I promise to endeavor, by the help of the Holy Spirit, to live according to the rule of the Bible, and to be faithful to all the duties of a member of the association.72 Although more prevalent in the Union armies, at least one Confederate Christian as sociation existed. Meeting in the Army of Northern Virginia in December 1863, it asked Chaplain Abner Crump Hopkins to inquire into publishing its Constitution and By laws.73 Based on a common f aith, these interdenominational unions of Christians were not unusual in the army, for despite the profaneness of many, pious soldiers served in every regiment.74 Taking advantage of the presence of devout soldiers, spiritual leaders actively promoted the t emperance cause in the Northern armies, an extension of prew ar temperance work. As early as January 1862 a temperance group arose in Camp 70 Duram, Soldier of the Cross 26. 71 Beasecker, I Hope to Do My Country Service 145. 72 Stewart, Camp, March and Battlefield, 98. 73 Abner Crump Hopkins, diary entry, December 19, 1863, Box 1, Folder 1, Abner Crump Hopkins Diary, 1862 April 281863 December 19, Virgini a Historical Society, Richmond. 74 Rogers, War Pictures 7879.

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149 McDowell, Virginia to counteract excessive drinking. "Before payday there is little drinking but since, it is visible by the bloated faces and bloodshot eyes, foolish stares, demeaning and brutish acts of degradation, wrote Union soldier Seymour Dexter to his sweetheart. To counteract this, a division of the Sons of Temperance has been organized with about 50 members a mong whom some have formerly been the most abject subject of this foul fiend and serpentine charmer. I sincerely trust it may prove a blessing to the regiment but I have little faith in the pledge of him who has so lost the dignity of man as to wallow in t he slough of intemperance."75 Seymour Dexters letter to his wife is an example of women communicating with soldiers on the front concerning religion and morality, a wartime extension of their antebellum role as guardians of morality. Women wrote many letters to their husbands and sons urging them to keep their moral codes intact. Do not let the dutyes you own to your God bee neglected, Elizabe th Stevens reminded her husband. Remember they are more binding than military dutyes.76 Ann Cotton spelled out her objections to her husband in no uncertain terms: You know that the greatest objection I had to you entering the army, was the fear that you would not lead a truly Christian life while there, & I know you will find it hard to do so I would a thousand times rather hear of your death, than have you live dishonored & disgraced.77 75 Carl A. Morrell, ed., Seymour Dexter, Union Army: Journal and Letters of Civil War Service in Company K, 23rd New York Volunteer Regiment of Elmira, with illustrations (Jefferson, NC: McFarland & Company, Inc., Publishers, 1996) 63. 76 Elizabeth Stevens of Oskaloosa, Iowa, to her husband Simeon as cited in Sean A. Scott, A Visitation of God: Northern Civilians Interpret the Civil War (New York: Oxford University Press, 2011), 9091) 77 Ann Cotton to her husband Dexter as cited in Scott, A Visitation of God 91

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150 The temperance crusade grew in importance as the war progressed. In April 1862, temperance meetings were being held in Camp Smith located seven miles from Fortress Monroe and two from Newport News.78 In a March 1864 letter to his wife, Chaplain John Adams of the 5th Maine recounted an increased interest in temperance, noting that most of the officers and many of the enlisted men had signed the r egimental pledge. Over the next month, this interest only increased.79 Meanwhile in the 5th New York Cavalry, Chaplain Louis Beaudry noted a similar interest in temperance during two specific periods, which incidentally paralleled periods of revivalism in the Union armies: February April 1864 and also February March 1865. During these periods, temperance meetings were held and many new recruits joined the Temperance crusade by pledging to abstain from alcohol and help banish it from the camp.80 Following peacetime pr actices, chaplain associations formed during the war held regular meetings in the Northern and Southern armies. Union army chaplains congregated in the chapel tents of the United States Christian Commis sion and at army headquarters. For example, Thomas Sco tt Johnson attended a weekly meeting of the Chaplain Association of the 25th Corps, held in the USCCs chapel tent at the Headquarters of the Army of the James in January 1865.81 Stationed at the Army of the Potomacs headquarters, USCC delegate James Russell Miller recounted that in 78 Stewart, Camp, March and Battlefield, 140. 79 Adams, Memorial and Letters of Rev. John R. Adams 143145. Antebellum moral reform focused on the temperance pledge. ( Rable, Gods Almost Chosen Peoples 101. ) 80 Beaudry, War Journal of Louis N. Beaudry 94, 9697, 99101, 106, 109, 205, 208. Overall, according to Beaudry, the temperance movement affected the soldiers in two profound ways: primarily, it acted as a moral influence on the men, thereby inculcating a degree of respect in some and in others a conversion experience. Secondarily it helped improve regimental discipline. ( Beaudry, War Journal of Louis N. Beaudry 109. ) 81 Kaliebe, The Letters of Thomas Scott Johnson. 59.

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151 September 1863 twenty seven chaplains gathered at the USCC chapel tent for camaraderie and to discuss issues they faced in their respective commands.82 That same month, Chaplain Alexander Stewart noted that in the chaplain meetings held in the Sixth Corps, from twelve to twenty chaplains met every Monday for prayer. They also brainstormed how to promote religiosity and fight profane influences in their respective commands. According to Stewart, by this time, All seem to believe w e are approaching a great crisis in the army. God and Satan are contending for the mastery; yet no despondency, but hopefulness for the ultimate triumph of righteousness.83 Wartime spiritual leaders were particularly willing to use these meetings to air gr ievances. Two meetings attended by Chaplain John Stuckenberg and held in the Union camp near Bealton, Virginia in August and September of 1863, highlight this fact. To Stuckenbergs dismay, at the first meeting attended by approximately thirty chaplains, p articipants complained that they lacked adequate transportation, received insufficient respect, and received no pay when not on duty.84 Frustrated about the second meeting, Stuckenberg wrote in his diary: I am tired of such meetings of chaplains, and wish they would discuss subjects that would benefit us spiritually and prepare us for our work or else give up the meetings altogether.85 In Stuckenbergs eyes, the exigencies of war had produced an unfortunate blurring of l ogistics and spirituality. 82 Miller, Two Civil War Notebooks of James Russell Miller Part I, 73. 83 Stewart, Camp, March and Battlefield, 347. 84 Hedrick and Davis, Im Surrounded by Methodists 105. 85 Ibid., 110.

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152 In the Southern armies, these meetings followed traditional paths in helping motivate chaplains to continue their spiritual crusades. In November 1862, Chaplain Joseph Cross noted how chaplains stationed around Murfreesboro, Tennessee held meetings for mutu al counsel and encouragement. During one meeting these chaplains collectively wrote to General Bragg requesting the enactment of measures to provide more time for Sabbath worship. Bragg responded by ordering a cessation of all unnecessary military maneuvers on the Sabbath and encouraging officers to tell their commands to observe the sanctity of the Sabbath in camp.86 In the Army of Northern Virginia, Chaplain Abner Crump Hopkins of the 2nd Virginia, organized and attended a chaplain meeting of his corps in March 1863.87 Here, he gained new resolve and inspiration from his fellow chaplains, while gaining new confidence in their merits.88 By September 1863, Hopkins reported the chaplains of the 2nd and 3rd Corps were holding weekly meetings at Orange Court Hous e.89 Yet, even with numerous meetings and the best of intentions chaplains and missionaries like antebellum clergy, could not completely dispel the devil from the camp. Many concluded that much of the fault lay with the officers who set a bad exampl e for men under their command. While participating in the Gettysburg campaign of June 1863, Captain Samuel Fiske documented the problem of intemperance among 86 Cross, Camp and Field. Papers from the Portfolio of an Army Chaplain. Books Third and Fourth, 73. 87 Chaplain Alexander Bet ts also attended this March 1863 chaplain meeting. (Rev. Alexander D. Betts, Experience of a Confederate Chaplain, 18611864, ed. W.A. Betts (Piedmont, S.C.: 1904), at Documenting the American South < http://docsouth.unc.edu/fpn/betts/betts.html > (4 March 2007), 29) 88 Abner Crump Hopkins, diary entries, March 11, 1863 and March 16, 1863, Box 1, Folder 1, Abner Crump Hopkins Diary, 1862 April 281 863 December 19, Virginia Historical Society, Richmond. 89 Abner Crump Hopkins, diary entry, September 1863, Box 1, Folder 1, Abner Crump Hopkins Diary, 1862 April 281863 December 19, Virginia Historical Society, Richmond.

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153 the officers. Until the higher officers of the army begin to change their habits and set a different ex ample to their subordinates it will be difficult to effect a reformation, he argued. As a king is so is his court, Fiske continued and every general is a sort of king, and the satellites revolving around him reflect his habits and opinions in the main. If the general swears, you may expect his staff and subordinate officers to swear also, and his orderlies and servants to fill their mouths with profanity and the whole atmosphere about him to be blue with cursing and oaths.90 Several months later, Fiske reported on the same problem again showing that not much progress had been made: "In short, the army is getting badly demoralized as to habits of temperance, and hundreds of young men who came out with fair characters and most correct habits will go home, if they go at all, poor bloated inebriates, and led into their evil habits, I am sorry to say too often, by the bad example of those who are older and of higher rank than they.91 In a March 1864 diary entry another Union soldier remarked how officers would participate in drunken debauchery, behaving with all the simpleness, foolishness, and disgust that drunk men generally do.92 This, in spite of earlier punishing their men for drinking and causing a disturbance.93 Beyond the officers, individual soldiers presented a poor example for the r est of the men in their units. When distributing testaments to the soldiers in March 1863, Union Chaplain Louis Beaudry, saw an enlisted man desecrate the book by t[aking] a huge quid of tobacco from his mouth, plac[ing] it in the center of the book, [and then] 90 Sears, Mr. Dunn Brownes Experiences in the Army 97. 91 Ibid., 177178. 92 Grimsley and Miller The Union Must Stand, 152. 93 Ibid. 152.

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154 contemptuously clos[ing] it with force, that as much of the book might be destroyed as possible by the saturation of the filthy spittle in the weed."94 In a May 1865 letter to his wife, written from Petersburg, Chapl ain Hallock Armstrong of a Pennsylvania regiment, complained about the impossibility of keeping whiskey out of the military camp.95 Wayward soldiers even tried to imitate clergy. During the early months of the war in the Army of Northern Virginia, Captain B lackford explained how, a member of his company falsely represented himself as a Methodist preacher in order to obtain food from a lady near camp. Invited to stay at the womans house, he would read the Bible and pray each night, in order t o earn his keep. On learning of this story, Captain Blackford exposed the man.96 Despite numerous temptations, religious soldiers, like the devout of the prewar era, agreed with chaplains that their was no excuse for partaking in vice. Writing to his mother in February 1864, Union soldier George Cram, explained "There is much demoralization in the army and thousands of young men here are ruined. Still there is no excuse for it, I do not think I have depreciated in the least, he continued, and it is my boast now that I can return home as much a gentleman as when I left. I have never been tempted to follow the vices of camp and cannot see how one who has any respect for himself or his friends at home can so degrade themselves as many do."97 Clearly trying to placate a woman distressed over her sons moral predicament in the army, 94 Beaudry, War Journal of Louis N. Beaudry 14. 95 Hallock F. Raup, ed., Letters from a Pennsylvania Chaplain at the Siege of Petersburg, 1865 (Lo ndon: The Eden Press, 1961), 37 38. 96 Blackford, Letters from Lees Army 66. 97 Bohrnstedt, Soldiering with Sherman, 73.

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155 Crams comment represented the opinion of many in the Union army and demonstrated how women on the homefront tried to regulate morality at the front. Unlike th e pre war period where they generally int eracted with willing worshippers occasionally wartime clergy demanded prayer from unwilling soldiers. For example, Union Chaplain Thomas Kinnicut Beecher, Lyman Beechers son, described the compulsory nature of services, when combined with parade maneuvers At quarter of ten, our Adjutant forms parade, Beecher explained, while the Chaplain fixed a box pulpi t out in a neighboring meadow. Then the battalion marches out and forms in front of the Chaplainclose, compact and attentive. At that point, Beecher recollected, the Protestant preacher would deliver A short prayer of invocationa hymna passage or two from the articles of war a short lesson from Scripture, with very few words of explanation or reminder. A Catholic regimental service also included both a prayer and the sung doxology.98 Even so, many men resented these compulsory services and the officers and ministers involved.99 Army movements and military maneuvers disrupted the development of religious space in unfamiliar ways, and such irregular movements routinely became a form of Sabbath desecration, producing one of the most challenging practices to combat in the camp.100 Even devout soldiers might involuntarily desecrate the Sabbath, finding little 98 Chaplain Thomas Kinnicut Beecher, 141st New York Volunteer Infantry, in The Spirit Divided Memoirs of Civil War Chaplains: The Union, 80. 99 Bell Irvin Wiley, Holy Joes of the Sixties: A Study of Civil War Chaplains, The Huntington Library Quarterly 16, no. 3 (May 1953): 295. 100 Sabbath desecration refers to not observing the Sabbath as a day set off from the other days of the week for rest. Christians observed the Sabbath on Sunday, while Jews observed it on Saturday.

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156 opportunity to commune with God amid so much hubbub and confusion."101 Early in the war, Union Chaplain Frederic Denison of the First Rhode Island Cavalry noted the impossibility of holding regular Sabbath services with his regiment occupied at the front serving reconnaissance, scout, and skirmish duty.102 After the 1862 Cedar Run campaign, Louis Hippolyte Gache, the Roman Catholic chaplain of the 10th Louisiana, felt worn out after a twelve day march. He lamented the fact that during this entire time, he could not offer any spiritual consolation in the form of mass, not even on August 15th, the Feast of the Assumption of the Blessed Virgin Mary.103 Active campaigning took precedence at the end of the war as well. During Grants final push towards Richmond in the Spring of 1865, Chaplain Thomas Scott Johnson wrote how Sundays were used as common days and there was no time for religious worship.104 Johnson could not hold a service until his regiment had returned from pursing General Lees Army of Northern Virginia in late April.105 Besides movements, other military actions complicated the wartime spiritual leaders efforts, making his job more difficult than his antebellum predecessors. These acts included distributing pay, reviewing and inspecting troops and their equipment, as wel l as participating in parades. W hile stationed at Fort Smith, Arkansas, in October 1863 Union Chaplain Francis Springer complained about the Army Paymasters decision to distribute wages on a Sunday without thinking of the religious 101 Rable, Gods Almost Chosen Peoples 95. 102 Denison, A Chaplains Experience in the Union Army 15. 103 Gache, A Frenchman, A Chaplain, A Rebel 137138. The Feast of the Assumption of the Blessed Virgin Mary celebrates both her death and her bodys assumption into heaven. 104 Kaliebe, The Letters of Thomas Scott Johnson. 81. 105 Ibid.

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157 consequences. He accused the paymaster of only contempl ating how to satisfy the claims of the sutlers & return borrowed money to their friends.106 That same month, the army held a Sunday review and inspection. Without regard for the Christian soldiers who wanted to observe the sanctity of the Sabbath, the troops were marched to the noise of drums & fifes, in front of the church where a few of the disciples of Christ were devoutly bending in presence of Jehovah for his blessing on the national cause & the brave men jeopardizing their lives in its defense."107 Ref lecting in the late autumn of 1863 on the sad state of the Lords Day at Fort Smith, Arkansas, Springer noted the common soldier treated Sunday like any other day. He had no notion of sacred time: Not one soldier in ten is sure why the Sabbath dawns, nor when it departs. To him all days appear the same, being all alike occupied with drill, indolence, toil, gossip, gambling, marching, or fighting."108 Confederate soldiers fared no better. In a February 1864 letter to his wife, Chaplain William Banks described religious services being pushed back until after noon on Sunday, on account of a morning inspection of the troops.109 Of course, as in peacetime, Sabbath desecration occurred even without army movements or other military functions, since s oldiers kept partaking in vice. This is Sunday, but there is no quiet Sabbath rest for me, wrote George A. Remley to his brother in the autumn of 1863. We have no Chaplain, no preaching nor any thing of the 106 Springer, The Preachers Tale, 90. 107 Ibid., 91. 108 Ibid., 96. 109 William Banks to Mary Pocotaligo, letter, February 22, 1864, William Banks Papers, 18531880, South Caroliniana Library, University of South Carolina, Columbia.

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158 kind, he lamented. The noise and confusion of camp is as great as ever and there is no outward circumstance to show that it is Sunday. Card playing, profanity and blasphemy seems to be on the increase in the regiment. Gambling has been carried on very extensively since we were paid off last time.110 Over the course of the war, conflict waged within the military camp over sacred and profane space. Eliciting the help of Christian officers, soldiers, and women on the homefront Union and Confederate spiritual leaders attempted to continue their antebellum roles as crusader s against vice by policing the camp environment. They specifically targeted gambling, profanity, and alcoholism through the use of active temperance organizations, regimental Christian associations, and chapl ain groups. These religious wars displayed the contested nature of wartime space and highlighted religions importance for both Union and Confederate soldiers. Diversity in the Camp s C onflict s between the sacred and profane permeated t he wartime camp. Although in many senses the sacred space constructed by chaplains and missionaries remained a relatively homogenous world of white, native born, Christian male soldiers, these spiritual leaders also periodically welcomed the participation of women, civili ans, nonnative speakers, and African Americans. Spiritual leaders strove to reach the same groups in the Civil War camp as in antebellum America with some adaptations due to wartime circumstances. For example, in the Union armies, the United States Christ ian Commission aided by military chaplains, ministered to native German s peakers and African Americans. Overall, the religious space of the Union armies was more diverse 110 Julie Holcomb, ed., Southern Sons, Northern Soldiers: The Civil War Letters of the Remley Br others, 22nd Iowa Infantry (DeKalb: Northern Illinois University Press, 2004) 102.

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159 than their Confederate counterparts, a reflection of the more varied population which resided in the Civil War North. Like their peacetime counterparts, Union chaplains strove to reach populations of nonEnglish speakers, immigrants not fully assi milated into Northern society. Foreignborn soldiers accounted for approximately a quarter of all Union troops, including two hundred thousand Germans.111 When camped near Falmouth, Virginia in midApril 1863, Chaplain Stuckenberg preached to the 127th Pennsylvania Volunteers in German, before preaching the same sermon in English.112 Five days later, Chaplain Andrew Jackson Hartsock observed another chaplain preaching in Welsh.113 Although some chaplains ministered to other nonEnglish speaking soldiers, like antebellum missionaries, the USCC saw native German speakers as another missionary field. Neglecte d by most benevolent societies working with soldiers due to the linguistic barrier, these Germans were often taken advantage of due to their ignorance of English.114 The USCC, however, saw a need for religious enlightenment and strove t o help out throughout the war. Rev. E. F. Williams, recalled that in late 1864 and 1865, services at New Market Station were held in German two evenings a week. These events caused an untold amount of joy among the German soldiers s tationed nearby. In a display of gratitude, ma ny German soldiers cut and hauled wood for the delegates quarters an d improved the chapels seats. In the armies making the final 111 Walter D. Kamphoefner and Wolfgang Helbich, eds. Germans in the Civil War: The Letters They Wrote Home (Chapel Hill: The University of North Carolina Press, 2006) xi. 112 Hedrick and Davis, Im Surrounded by Methodists 56. 113 Duram Soldier of the Cross 93. 114 James O. Henry, History of the Uni ted States Christian Commission (Ph.D. diss., University of Maryland, 1959), 225 and 232.

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160 push toward Richmond, clergy held German language chapel meetings, consisting of a sermon followed by a soldier prayer meeting.115 Unlike pre war times when northern missionaries mainly ignored African Americans blacks received ample USCC aid and attention, a reflection of the Commissions work to create a racially diverse sacred space. These northern missionaries strove to, as historian George Rable aptly explains, pour the light of education and a pure Gospel into the former slaves."116 Thus, the USCC had religious dealings with civilian blacks, not associated with the army from the beginning of its existence. One delegates 1862 report mentioned the presence of black contrabands at a young soldiers burial.117 A year later, in the Army of the Tennessee, a delegate invited two black whitewashers to participate in a daily prayer meeting. [T] he simple and hearty union with us, who had made an agreement with Israels God to maintain a daily service, the delegate later remarked, was truly most touching, most gratifying.118 Another report from the Western theatre dated January 1, 1864 discussed the prayer meeting Rev. B. W. Ch idlaw held with former slaves. [Q]uite a number of freedmen gathered around me, and on the sill of the door, he recounted, I preached unto them Jesus and the resurrection; and on the sod in front we knelt in prayer with these sable sons of Ethiopia, commending them to the God of all grace and consolation.119 115 USCC, Fourth Annual Report 113, 103. 116 Rable, Gods Almost Chosen Peoples 293 117 USCC, First Annual Report 19. 118 USCC, Second Annual Report 131. 119 Ibid., 198.

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161 By 1865 a distinct shift becomes apparent in the USCCs work, with a new focus on educating blacks in the army. The USCCs activity among African Americans was an extension of the antebellum evangelical Sunday school movement, where schools taught cognitive skills and the need for a personal conversion experience.120 In order for these soldiers to receive the Commissions evangelical message, black troops first needed to learn how to read. In the twenty fif th corps, the Commission provided teachers, educational supplies, and necessary chapel equipment.121 The USCCs educational mission succeeded. [T] hose taught in our schools were more obedient and respectful to their officers; discipline was improved; habit s of vice were checked, a delegate explained, and in many cases genuine religious interest was excited.122 The USCC directly affected the beginning of Reconstruction through its delegates religious and educational activities i n 1865. These missionaries along with those belonging to the American Missionary Association, composed the vanguard of Northern missionary efforts to educate Southern blacks .123 At the end of the war, delegates complemented their ordinary work by teaching in Freedmens Schools, dist ributing numerous copies of Testaments and The Freedman, in addition to often preaching in 120 Boylan, Sunday School 10. 121 Moss, Annals of the United States Christian Commission, 437438. 122 Ibid., 453. 123 See Daniel W. Stow ell, Rebuilding Zion: The Religious Reconstruction of the South, 18631877 (New York: Oxford University Press, 1998), especially chapter eight A Pure and Loyal Gospel: Northern Missionary Efforts in the South, 130145 and Joe M. Richardson, Christian R econstruction: The American Missionary Association and Southern Blacks, 18611890 (Athens: The University of Georgia Press, 1986). Along with the USCC and the AMA, the Freedmens Bureau also helped educate Southern blacks in the post war period. See especi ally Architects of a Benevolent Empire: The Relationship between the American Missionary Association and the Freedmens Bureau in Virginia, 18651872 and Land, Lumber, and Learning: The Freedmens Bureau, Education and the Black Community in Post Emanci pation Maryland in Paul A. Cimbala and Randall M. Miller, eds., The Freedmens Bureau and Reconstruction: Reconsiderations (New York: Fordham University Press, 1999).

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162 black churches.124 Delegate George C. Bancroft was even asked by blacks in the hospital to help organize a church.125 Southern blacks and whites saw the Commission ver y differently. The whites liked our rations but hated our gospel, a USCC Agent recalled. The blacks worked for their own food, while they sought the gospel from us.126 Like some of their antebellum predecessors, a few Union and Confederate army chaplai ns purposely c reated a sacred space for black civilians in the camp.127 While stationed near Falmouth, Virginia in December 1862, Union Chaplain John Stuckenberg preached at the funeral of a twoyear old slave child.128 When stationed near Petersburg, Union Ch aplain Henry Trumbull observed his contraband s ervants interest in religion. Noticing him at a regimental prayer meeting one evening, Trumbull spoke to him, and was pleased at the hearty way in which he expressed his trust in Jesus as his Saviour.129 A lthough he could not read nor write, Trumbull believed his 124 USCC, Fourth Annual Report 135. 125 Report of Rev. George C. Bancroft Delegate of Christian Commission to Col. Hospital Station for Week ending May 2 1865, Box 1, RG 94 Records of the Adjutant Generals Office, 1780s 1914 United States Christian Commission, 18611866 Weekly Reports of Delegates, 18641865, PI 17, Entry 755, National Ar chives and Records Administration, Washington, D.C. 126 USCC, Fourth Annual Report 135. 127 Union army chaplains were fascinated by African American religiou s practices traveling to black churches to view them. On Sunday, March 19, 1865 Chaplain Beaudry, att ended services at the African Church led by an octoroon, Rev. Mr. Orrick. The next Sunday, Beaudry attended another black prayer meeting. I t was a season of peculiar interest to methe fir st of the kind I ever witnessed, he recalled t he manifestations of feeling and deep religious emotion and experience in words, gesticulations, tears and songs, was at times laughable, yet deeply impressive generally. (Beaudry, War Journal of Louis N. Beaudry 210211.) 128 Hedrick and Davis, Im Surrounded by Methodists 36. 129 Trumbull, War Memories of a Chaplain, 397.

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163 servant got more comfort out of the Bible truths learned from others chat than many have gained from their study of books.130 Modeled after peacetime clergy like Charles Colcock Jones, who mini stered to slaves, some Confederate chaplains also included bl ack civilians in their prayer meetings. On a Sunday in 1862, Chaplain Alexander D. Betts delivered communion to a racially mixed audience. Included among the three men who had missed morning serv ices, were two white doctors and a black servant.131 Chaplain Charles J. Oliver officiated at a burial of another black servant. According to his journal, he invited all the negroes of the battalion together and addressed them hoping that God grant it may not be without effect. In a frank assessment of this religious gathering, Oliver lamented the fact that more was not done for blacks in the army, stating [w]e are so apt to neglect this part of the work.132 Union chaplains operating in the Department of the South, a region heavily populated by AfricanAmericans, aided black civilians throughout the conflict.133 While encamped at Hilton Head, South Carolina in November 1861 Robert Browne read from Matthew, and then knelt in prayer on the tents floor with a black contraband in his employ named Tony.134 About six months later, Browne, now stationed in Beaufort, ministered to a group of civilian blacks, who had come to hear him preach. After the 130 Trumbull, War Memories of a Chaplain, 398. 131 Betts diary entry, 16 Nov. 1862, Experience of a Confederate Chaplain, 22. 132 Charles J. Olivers journal, 6 Oct. 1864, in The Spirit Divided: Memoirs of Civil War Chaplains: The Confederacy 175. 133 L ate in the conflict p art of this aid might b e tied to recruitment efforts. Black chaplains were often assigned to recruit new black soldiers. (Redkey, Black Chaplains in the Union Army, 344) 134 Robert Audley Browne to his wife, letter, November 12, 1861, Robert A. Browne Papers, U.S. Army Military Institute at Carlisle Barracks Carlisle, PA.

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164 service, he went back with them to their praise house, a miserable little den fit ted up with a deck and seats. There, after dispensing some religious advice, Browne joined them in prayer and song.135 Chaplain Frederic Denison used to sometimes preach for African Americans who had constructed a rude chapel within the entrenchments on Hilton Head Island. When stationed at Fort Pulaski later in the war, Denison would hold special religious meetings among the blacks, explaining Scriptural passages in detail. Among their favorites, according to Denison, was the story o f Daniel in the lions den.136 While black civilians benefited from the attention of Union chaplains, most of the chaplains energy was devoted to providing for the spiritual welfare of black soldiers. Foremost among them were the fourteen African American c haplains who served all black regiments which formed during the last half of the conflict .137 In both prayers and sermons, these men stressed to black soldiers that through their bravery they would ensure the future of the black race in America.138 Like their white counterparts, black chaplains warned enlisted men about the evils of profanity The poor oppressed negro of this land needs the most wholesome example set before him to elevate him, one black chaplain asserted but this is one bad example, set by t hose whom he looks up to for example, and one which confirms him in his degredation. Would that for humanitys 135 Robert Audley Browne to his wife, letter, Wednesday, March 19, 1862, Robert A. Browne Papers, U.S. Army Military Institute a t C arlisle Barracks, Carlisle, PA. 136 Denison, A Chaplains Experience in the Union Army 2829, 3233. S ee Daniel chapter six f or the stor y of Daniel in the Lions den. 137 Most black chaplains first helped recruit black soldiers before they received their c ommissions. (Redkey, Black Chaplains in the Union Army, 334) For more on the experience of these fourteen African American chaplains, see Edwin S. Redkey, Black Chaplains in the Union Army, Civil War History 33:4, December 1987, pp.331350 and Edwin S. Redkey, Henry McNeal Turner: Black Chaplain in the Union Army in John David Smith, ed., Black Soldiers in Blue: African American Troops in the Civil War Era (Chapel Hill: The University of North Carolina Press, 2002) and also Zachary Warren Usher, Blac k Chaplains in the Civil War, MA thesis, University of North Carolina at Charlotte, 2011) 138 Redkey, Black Chaplains in the Union Army, 339.

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165 sake it could be stoped!139 While warning their charges about the evils of vice, chaplains encouraged an evangelistic fervor among these black sol diers. W e now have some 20 or more converts to be baptized before admitting them in the church as full members Chaplain White wrote shortly after reporting for duty We have a glorious revival of religion now going among us. I have already baptized for ty persons in my regt. since reaching here.140 A black chaplains religious work was validated when he could observe the spiritual awareness displayed during a soldiers prayer meeting. I have repeatedly stood and looked at my soldiers, when holding their prayer meeting, Chaplain Turner recalled, until I cried like a child, standing out under heavens broad canopy singing and praying, in the most inclement weather.141 USCC delegates aided these African American regimental chaplains, enabling both to act in concert as purveyors of religion. For example, in December 1864 in Virginias Army of the James, black regimental chaplains met with Commission delegates to arrange for schoolhouses to educate the men and chapel tents for both prayer meetings and Sabbath services.142 These types of arrangements would become more widespread near the end of the conflict. Even without the help of chaplains or missionaries, some black soldiers participated in prayer m eetings, a mixture of the new wartime camp and antebellum meetin gs held in the slave quarters. In December of 1863, Colonel Thomas Wentworth Higginson of the 1st Regiment of South Carolina Volunteers, a regiment of ex slaves, 139 Redkey, Black Chaplains in the Union Army, 340. 140 As quoted in Redkey, Black Chaplains in the Union Army, 3 39. 141 As quoted in Redkey, Black Chaplains in the Union Army, 342. 142 Kaliebe, The Letters of Thomas Scott Johnson, 55.

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166 heard odd sounds from a nearby camp fire where African American soldiers were worshippi ng. According to Higginson, These fires are often enclosed in a sort of little booth made neatly of palm leaves & covered in at top, a native African hut in short. In this space men sang either the John Brown war song or incomprehensible Negro Methodist, meaningless, monotonous, endless chants, with obscure syllables recurring constantly & slight variations interwoven, all accompanied with a regular drumming of the feet & clapping of the hands, lik e castanets[.] In response, outside the enclosed space, men begin to quiver & dance, others join, a circle forms, winding monotonously round some one in the centresome heel & toe tumultuously, others merely tremble & stagger on, others stoop & rise, oth ers whirl, others caper sidewise, all keep steadily ci rcling like dervishes. The circle then becomes bigger louder grows the singing about Jesus & Heaven, & the ceaseless drumming & clapping go steadily on. At last seems to come a snap and the spell breaks amid general sighs & laughter.143 Higginsons description provides evidence of how AfricanAmerican Christianity during the Civil War maintained elements of early nineteenth century Baptist and Methodist worship that the white churches had suppressed.144 L ike their predecessors, Civil War clergy expanded their mi nistry by including civilians. In the Confederate armies, Catholic chaplains like Louis Hippolyte Gache ministered more to civilians than their Protestant colleagues. On a Sunday in the fall of 1861, Gache at the request of a Norfolk, Virginia family, preached in French, to over 143 Christopher Looby, ed., The Complete Civil War Journal and Selected Letters of Thomas Wentworth Higginson (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2000), 5657. 144 Mark A. Noll, Americas God: From Jonathan Edwards to Abraham Lincoln (New York: Oxford University Press, Inc., 2002), 177.

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167 thirty French Catholics.145 While in Williamsburg a short time later, Gache said mass in the parlor of the fa mily with whom he was staying. Although he thought the service was just for himself, the family members showed up as well. I dont know what they did during the Holy Sacrifice, Gache recalled, but I didnt hear the slightest movement or whisper until I had finished.146 While at Biglers Mill to administer the Last Sacraments to a sick soldier in December 1861, nine Irish Catholic civilians who had not seen a priest in three or four years asked G ache to say mass the next day. He complied, observing mass in the bedroom of his host, who responded, Father, after having had the blessing of a mass said in my room, Ill sleep sound tonight.147 Also, while in Williamsburg, Gache offered mass to women and convalescents within the lunatic asylums chapel. In December 1864, upon arriving at Mrs. Ballentines home in Pulaski, Tennessee Chaplain Charles Quintard baptized six people and later in the day baptized four children of Thomas Jones, whose house General Hood had made his headquarters.148 Regardless of the groups involved, antebellum religious distinctions dissolved in the camp, including boundaries between soldier and civilian religious space. In February 1864, at the Army of the Cumberlands winter quarters in Lookout Valley, USCC delegates with the help and approval of General Howard established a Sabbath school for soldiers and citizens.149 Delegate William Salter, attended or held several different 145 Gache, A Frenchman, A Chaplain, A Rebel 63. 146 Ibid., 68. 147 Ibid., 93 94. 148 Elliot, Doctor Quintard Chaplain C.S.A. and Second Bishop of Tennessee, 108. 149 USCC, Fourth Annual Report 207.

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168 services at Murfreesboro on Sunday, July 10th 1864 in the presence of women and other civilians. The first service which he attended held approximately two hundred and forty people, half of them soldiers, a quarter women, and another quarter other citizens. When he preached at 6:30 PM, he noted that of the two hundred in attendance four ladies perform ed alongside five soldiers in the choir.150 While women only periodically appeared in Union and Confederate religious space, they did assert their peacetime authority as guardians of virtue through wartime correspondence with their loved ones at the front. U nion Chaplain Charles Humphreys presided over a February 1864 service attended by Colonel and Mrs. Lowell and Miss Sha w. Three months later, Colonel Lowells mother attended another service.151 A little over a year earlier, Chaplain Francis Springer presided over the burial of a female matron of one of the hospitals at the Union army post in Springfield, Missouri. This woman received a full military burial, complete with several companies of infantry and a full fife and drum band. At the grave, a selection of scriptures was read before remarks, prayer, and three volleys fired by the escort.152 In the Southern armies, Chaplain Louis Hippolyte Gache delivered holy mass to the Ursuline nuns upon his August 1863 arrival in Columbia, South Carolina.153 A few months ear lier, Chaplain William Wiatt preached from 1 Corinthians XV: 51 at the funeral of a Mrs. DeShazer, who had dropped dead 150 William Salter, Forty Days with the Christian Commission: A Diary by William Salter, Iowa Journal of History and Politics 33 (April 1935): 129. 151 Humphreys, Field Camp, Hospital and Prison, 391, 398. 152 Springer, The Preachers Tale, 3940. 153 Gache, A Frenchman, A Chaplain, A Rebel 197.

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169 due to heart palpitations, while combing her hair.154 While in Berryville in November 1862, Captain Blackford watched the reaction of a wi fe sitting next to her husband, a colonel, called out of church from her side. As he left her, Blackford recalled, her head sunk over the back of the pew in front and I saw her shiver in agony of prayers and tears. War was brought very close to her and she felt all its horrors.155 This mix of civilians and soldiers affected religious beh avior. The Army of the Potomac included higher numbers of civilians and women in its sacred space, presumably due to its prox imity to the nations capital. When the army w as on the front lines near Washington D.C. in March 1863, Chaplain Louis Beaudry presided over a service attended by only one woman, probably the wife of the comm anding officer, Major Hammond. In a service held later that same month, eight or nine civilians, including two women attended.156 In May and June of that same year, the army continued to entertain increasing amounts of civilians and females as long as they stayed near Washington.157 The presence of civilians, especially women, in the military camp duri ng religious exercises helps to show the merging of the military and civilian worlds, thus highlighting the complexity of religious exper ience in the camp environment. Historians tend to ignore the role of women and other civilians in the military camp, al though a close reading of the primary sources demonstrates that the 154 Wiatt, Confederate Chaplain William Edward Wiatt 30. First Corinthians XV:51 states Listen, I will tell you a mystery! We will not all die but we will all be changed. This verse refers to Pauls belief that he along with a few other Christians will survive to see Christs return. 155 Charles Minor Blackford, ed., Letters from Lees Army or Memoirs of Life In and Out of the Ar my in Virginia During the War Between the States (New York: Charles Scribners Sons, 1947) 134. 156 Beaudry, War Journal of Louis N. Beaudry 12, 17. 157 See Beaudrys account of the services held on the following Sundays: May 3, 1863, May 17, 1863, May 24, 1863, May 31, 1863, June 7, 1863 and June 14, 1863.

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170 boundaries between the civilian and military worlds remai ned quite fluid during the war. However, the more important role for women can be seen in their letters to loved ones at the front where they constantly ask for information on morality and religion in the wartime camp. Camps near major cities also allowed for further blurring of the wor lds of civilians and soldiers. This was especially difficult for Union soldiers who interacted relig iously with Southern civilians in c ities like Memphis, Tennessee. While attending a Sabbath service at a Presbyterian church in August 1862, Union soldier William T. Shepherd found Southern civilians inhospitable. Praying for the success of their armies t heir officers their nation and to be delivered from the oppression now upon them, Shepard noted, The girls flirt and stick up their noses at us and the women carry a very haughty air, while the little ragged boys of Poplar St. hurrah for Jeff Davis. As f or me I carry a stiff upper lip before all of them.158 A year later Shepard had a more favorable experience at the Union Church: I feel as though I had some friends and am treated with a little courtesy. But when among the other congregations I imagine mys elf among a crowd of bitter enemies, and am not altogether mistaken!"159 Next year, while stationed in Memphis before moving to Huntsville, Alabama, Shepherd regularly attended Sabbat h school with other civilians. While at this school, he receiv ed a generall y good reception. At the Methodist Church in Memphis in January 1863, William received an invitation from the Superintendent of the Sabbath School to come every 158 Kurt H. Hackemer, To Rescue My Native Land: The Civil War Letters of William T. Shepherd, First Illinois Light Artillery (Knoxville: The University of Tennessee Press, 2005) 209210. 159 Ibid. 282283.

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171 Sabbath, although denied the privilege of teaching since he was a soldier.160 While in Huntsville Alabama the next year, William was flattered by an invitation to pray with local civilians. "I went rather late and took a seat in a class of soldiers, William wrote, and was examining the lesson, when some lady sent the secretary to me with an invitat ion to join a citizens class. A Mr. Tratman being the teacher. He expressed a wish to have me become a permanent member of his class and invited me to come every Sabbath, which I was pleased to accept."161 Helping blur the boundary between the civilian sphere and the military world, military clergy continued their traditional roles by helping celebrate holy matrimony near the camp. On Christmas Eve in 1863, Union chaplain Charles Humphreys, guarded by three soldiers traveled beyond the Union pi cket line to marry two rebels. Being the first wedding Humphreys had ever officiated at, he worked hard to prepare for a solemn service in the quiet confines of the brides home.162 Although the ceremony went well, the wartime mood was palpable since there were no neighbors to join in the celebration, no flowers to adorn the bride, no ring to pledge in marriage, no cake to give the guests.163 A few months later, in a house outside the camp, Humphreys married the adjutant and his sweetheart.164 These marriages occurred in the Confederate camp as well. For example, in April 1865, Confederate Chaplain Charles Quintard presided 160 Hackemer, To Rescue My Native Land, 254255. 161 Ibid. 303. 162 Humphreys Field, Camp, Hospital and Prison, 38 2 384. Humphreys had graduated from Harvard Divinity Sch ool only a few months earlier. 163 Humphreys, Field, Camp, Hospital and Prison, 384. 164 Ibid. 395.

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172 over the marriage of General Hoods aide de camp, Captain John S. Smith, and Sallie C. Hawks.165 T he religious environment of the military camp was diverse. Using pre war spiritual methods, chaplains and missionaries embraced this diversity, spreading the Christian gospel to African Americans, women, and other civilians. Within the Union armies, the United States Christian Commission aided African Americans and proved instrumental in the beginnings of religious reconstruction. The diversity of the Civil War military camp necessitated the adaptation of prewar religious practices to a more chaotic environment. The next chapter examines how chaplains and m issionaries ministered to soldiers during combat and to the sick, wounded, and dying in the hospital. It shows how many clerical experiences, while building off antebellum norms, needed to be drastically changed to fit the new wartime world. 165 Elliot, Doctor Quintard, Chaplain C.S.A. and Second Bishop of Tennessee, 250.

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173 CHAP TER 6 FIGHTING, DYING, SICK, AND WOUNDED Introduction Religious fervor always seems most heightened among those whose very lives are at stake. During the American Civil War, those individuals were fighting, dying, sick, and wounded soldiers When their ver y existence was in the balance, these men called to those who they knew would steer them toward glory in the afterlife, chaplains and missionaries. This chapter focuses on clerical experiences during combat and in hospitals.1 Scholars usually discuss these topics separately, but this analysis brings them together, as distinct religious spaces sharing the particular religious fervor experienced by the most downtrodden soldiers in the war: the sick and wounded.2 Within the wartime hospitals, Civil War clergy both adapted antebellum norms and created new wartime practic es. Both in the hospitals and on the battlefields, soldiers and clergy also framed new responses to death and dying.3 The clergy constructed makeshift religious space on the battlefield even as soldier s fought and died around them. In the immediate aftermath of battle and in hospitals, the clergy created religious s pace amidst medical personnel. These discussions lead to larger insights about the battlefield and hospital as 1 This chapter build s upon the fundamentals of sacred space discussed in chapters four and five 2 As in other chapters, the United States Christian Commission plays a large role i n this religious work. No comparable records exist for Confederate missionaries, thus th ey receive little mention here. 3 Scholars have only recently started to consider death and the American Civil War. See especially Drew Gilpin Faust, This Rep ublic of Suffering: Death and the American Civil War (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 2008); Mark S. Schantz, Awaiting the Heavenly Country: The Civil War and Americas Culture of Death (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 2008); Gary Laderman, The Sacred Rem ains: American Attitudes Toward Death, 17991883 (New Haven, Conn.: Yale University Press, 1996); and Kent Alan McConnell, There must be tears in the houses: A Search for Religious Meaning from the Carnage of the American Civil War (Ph.D diss., Univers ity of Virginia, 2007). Entitled A Time Stained God: Religious Lives and the Civil War Dead, McConnells revised dissertation will soon be published by Cambridge University Press.

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174 new environments where antebellum religious practices were put to the test and expanded.4 Religiosity During Combat: Navigating the Boundaries of Life and Death The ni neteenthcentury conception of P rovidence allowed for the fusion of religion and combat. Belief in Gods P rovid ence helped structure the worldview of Civil War soldiers, and nineteenthcentury Americans more generally.5 Soldiers firmly believed God would determine the outcome of the bat tle, the war, and their lives. Moreover, the fear of death encouraged combat rea dy soldiers to achieve salvation through conversion before heading into battle. The providential God of the antebellum era gained new powers as the wartime God of Battles. In a January 1863 letter to his wife, Union officer John White Geary wrote about the God of Battles who sustained the battlehardened veterans: "We will go forward under a firm and relying trust that God will bless the arms of my command with victory as always heretofore I have never been deceived in my reliance and faith upon Him. I feel a joyful confidence that so long as I implore His aid, I will be ever victorious, even upon the field of battle."6 Several months later Geary could not contain his thanks to God for shielding him during battle: "I am here still, the monument of God' s mercy, he reported. He not only shielded me then, notwithstanding my wounds, but He 4 These two spaces are clear manifestations of decentralized sacred space which developed out of a place of self sacrificial service to ones neighbor. (Douglas Davies, Christianity, in Sacred Place, ed. Jean Holm (London: Pinter Publishers Ltd., 1994), 56.) 5 For more information on this providential worldview see David Rolfs, No Peace for the Wicked: Northern Protestant Soldiers and the American Civil War (Knoxville: The University of Tennessee Press, 2009), esp. chapter six Gods Will, 103124 and Lewi s O. Saum, The Popular Mood of PreCivil War America (Westport, CT: Greenwood Press, 1980), esp. chapter one Providence. 6 William Alan Blair, A Politician Goes to War: The Civil War Letters of John White Geary (University Park: The Pennsylvania State Un iversity Press, 1995), 83.

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175 has stood by me where ten thousand deaths were on every side of me, and with the hollow of his hand He has shielded me from every danger."7 This God of Battles was also recognized by Confederates such as Ted Barclay of the Stonewall Brigade, who commented on Gods mercy in the wake of a recent battle in February 1864.8 Though it was not a severe fight, it requires only one ball to end our lives and many a one passed har mlessly by recalled Barclay. That is the time it is to feel how sweet it is to be a Christian. When the balls are flying thick around you and dealing death all around, to commit yourself into His care, that He has power to hurl by harmless the missiles of death.9 Peacetime clergy adapted to wartime exigency by trying to meet soldiers religious needs at all times i ncluding during mortal combat. Although not officially required, many chaplains v entured on to the front lines. The majority of chaplains, however, remained noncombatants, ministering to soldiers before battle, aiding at the hospital during battle, and taking care of the casualties once hostilities ceased.10 In July 1861, Confederate Chaplain Robert L. Dabney writing to his wife, compared hi s role to the surgeons who attended to men on the field of battle, yet did not expose themselves to danger. Calming his wifes fears, he described how safe he was : You know it is the rarest thing in the world to hear of a surgeon attacked; in civiliz ed warfare. They and 7 Blair, A Politician Goes to War 108. 8 For more on the Confederate God of Battles see Jason Phillips, Diehard Rebels: The Confederate Culture of Invincibility (Athens: The University of Georgia Press, 2007), chapter one The S mile of Providence: Confederate Religion and Invincibility. 9 Charles W. Turner, Ted Barclay, Liberty Hall Volunteers: Letters from the Stonewall Brigade (18611864) (Berryville, Virginia: Rockbridge Publishing Company, 1992), 125. 10 Benedict R. Maryniak and John Wesley Brinsfield, Jr., eds., The Spirit Divided: Memoirs of Civil War Chaplains The Union (Macon, GA: Mercer University Press, 2007), 99. Anecdotal evidence exists of chaplains who participated in the actual fighting.

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176 their benevolent work are considered as sacred from interruption.11 Three days later he clarified his situation further, writing I do not consider it my duty to expose my life to danger.12 Both Union and Confederate chaplains expanded thei r pre war clerical roles by assisting the wounded and dying on the battlefield, creating a sacred space within the carnage and chaos of battle. David Holt of the 16th Mississippi recalled that his chaplain, Alexander Lomax, always went in with the line of battle prepared with tourniquets and bandages.13 If he encountered a dead soldier he would note his name and offer a prayer commending his soul to God. Upon encountering a wounded man Lomax, after providing first aid, told the soldier of Gods love and the forgiveness of sin and how courage was one of His gifts. And that God was our Father who wanted us to have enough confidence in Him and ask Him for those things necessary for us.14 Confederate Chaplain Alexander Betts even aided Yankee w ounded. When on the battlefield, Betts saw a Union soldiers undressed wounds and offered spiritual comfort, consoling him by say ing Brother, Jesus loves you. You came down here to kill my 11 Robert L. Dabney to my dearest Betty letter dated July 19th 1861 from Bulls Run Prince William Co., Subfolder 6 Elizabeth Catherine Dabney, Dabney Family Papers, 18241927, Virginia Historical Society, Richmond. 12 Robert L. Dabney to my dearest Betty letter dated July 22th 1861 from Manassas Junction, Subfolder 6 Elizabeth Catherine Dabney, Dabney Family Papers, 18241927, Virginia Historical Society, Richmond. 13 Harry Lewis described Chaplain Lomax as neither intellectual nor cultivated but a sincere hard working Christian. (Harry Lewis to Mrs. Nancy Lewis, 6 April 1864, The 16th Mississippi Infantry: Civil War Letters and Reminiscences ed. Robert G. Evans (Jackson: University Press of Mississippi, 2002), 242.) 14 Thomas D. Cockrell and Michael B. Ballard, eds., A Mississippi Rebel in the Army of Northern Virginia: The Civil War Memoirs of Private David Holt (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 1995), 232. Chaplain Lomax served as chaplain of the 16th Mississippi between December 1863 and April 1865.

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177 brothers, but I love you.15 Pere Louis Hippolyte Gache, the Catholic chaplain of the 10th Louisiana Infantry, expertly explained the reasons for aiding fallen enemy soldiers in his remarks to a fellow Confederate officer during the Cedar Run campaign: "'When an enemy is vanquished and can no longer do you any harm, he is no longer an enemy; he is simply an unfortunate human being who has a right to Christian charity. Besides, I'm a Catholic priest and my work here doesn't allow me to make any disti nction between Ya nkees and boys from the South. I see all men as redeemed by the Blood of Jesus Christ. Due to these beliefs, Gache concluded he had to show sympathy to all and animosity to none."16 While antebellum missionary groups focused nearly all their energies on the living, United States Christian Commission delegates found fulfillment in ministering to the dying on the battlefield. Delegate Archibald Beatty recalled resting among the wounded at Antietam before being awakened and asked to visit a dying soldier. To this nearly deceased individual, anxious for salvation, Beatty spoke of Jesus, His death, His love before offering prayers. Every moan and groan of the sufferers who could hear was hushed Beatty recalled, and in the solemn stillness I prayed for him, so soon to meet the Judge, and for his comrades about us.17 These delegates also normally failed to differentiate between Confederate and Union wounded, according to Delegate Andrew B. Cross who wrote about the USCCs work after the battle of Gettysburg. Due to 15 Rev. Alexander D. Betts, Experience of a Confederate Chaplain, 18611864, ed. W.A. Betts (Piedmont, S.C.: 1904), at Documenting the American South < http://docsouth.unc.edu/fpn/betts/betts.html > ( 4 March 2007), 15). 16 Louis Hippolyte Gache, A Frenchman, A Chaplain, A Rebel: The War Letters of Pere Louis Hippolyte Gache, S.J. ed. and trans. Cornelius M. Buckley (Chicago: Loyola University Press, 1981), 131. 17 Edward Parmelee Smith, Incidents among shot and shell: the only authentic work extant giving the many tragic and touching incidents that came under the notice of the United States Christian Commission during the long years of the Civil War (Philadelphia: Edgewood Pub. Co., 1868), 42.

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178 patriotic motives, or a belie f that they should not help their enemies Cross recalled, some deleg ates would not aid the rebels. However, most, without any reserve, adopted the principle of the Gospel, which says: If thine enemy hunger, feed him.18 Other delegates at Gettysburg ministered to wounded rebels in a barn connected to th e hospital of the Third Corps. The USCCs Second Annual Report explains that doctors, serving as delegates, bound up wounds, amputated limbs, and gave th em nourishing soups and stimulating drinks, while they never forgot the relig ious wants of their patients. Interesting conversions here took place, the report continued and we cannot doubt that it will appear at the last day that many laid the foundati on of their new life in this old barn.19 A strong connection developed between the USCC delegate and the wounded soldier on the battlefield, the wartime iteration of the empathy antebellum clergy felt for members of their flock. When on a visit in May 1864, Bishop McIlvaine of Ohio observed the labors of USCC delegates at Fredericksburg: What particularly struck me in the work was the individuality and personality of the connection between the commission ag ent and the wounded sufferers. There was nothing between them to make the application of aid circuitous or doubtful. From McIlvaines perspective Commission delegates supplemented the work of army surgeons, supplying deficiencies in special emergencies, which no government could be ready for [.] At Fre dericksburg, for example, USCC delegates greeted the wounded on the battlefield and the nearby town 18 Andrew C ross, Battle of Gettysburg and the Christian Commission (Baltimore, n.p., 1865), 19. This verse, from Romans 12:20, states Therefore if thine enemy hunger, feed him; if he thirst, give him drink: for in so doing thou shalt heap coals of fire on his head. 19 United States Christian Commission, United States Christian Commission for the Army and the Navy: For the Year 1863, Second Annual Report (Philadelphia, n.p, 1864), 75.

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179 long before the appliances of a very overworked corps of excellent army surgeons and nurses could get to them.20 Like their Confederate counterparts, Union chaplains continued to subscribe to the tenets of their prewar ministry by viewing everyone as children of God. In wartime, this meant not differentiating between rebels and Union men. After the Battle of Fair Oaks in June 1862, an officer of the Irish Brigade recalled, Catholic chaplains Fathers Ouellet, Dillon, and Corby helped the doctors to console the mind and heal the body regardless of affiliation.21 Only two months later, after the Second Battle of Manassas, Chaplain Twichell explained how he cared for both Union and Confederate wounded as long as he could see.22 Yet occasionally, the chaplai n felt unease about this duty. After the Battle of Antietam, Chaplain Alexander Morrison Stewart felt powerless when he could not provide more ai d to a Confederate soldier doomed to die a sad and lonely death: War cruel, unfe eling, relentless, bloody war! I inquired not for his name, his home, nor his mother having no desire to know them. Little doubt, he would there di e, unsoothed, unaided, unwept. No comforting incident in the case to write to his mother, if one were living; no cheerful memory for me to cherish concerning him."23 Care for rebels by Union chaplains extended to the conclusion of the war, indicating that mounting casualties did not alter the chaplains miss ion, unchanged from peacetime. In a battle days before Lees surrender, Father Egan of the 9th 20 Andrew B. Cross, The War and the Christian Commission (n.p., 1864), 38. 21 D.P. Con yngham, The Irish Brigade and Its Campaigns ed. Lawrence Frederick Kohl (New York: Fordham University Press, 1994), 161. 22 Peter Messent and Steve Courtney, eds., The Civil War Letters of Joseph Hopkins Twichell: A Chaplains Story (Athens: The University of Georgia Press, 2006), 173. 23 Alexander M. Stewart, Camp, March and Battlefield: or, Three Years and a Half with the Army of the Potomac (Philadelphia: James B. Rogers, Printer, 1865), 236.

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180 Massachusetts tended to a spiritually and physically distraught Confederate sol dier found behind Union lines. Learning that the man had never been baptized, he immediately performed that sacrament explaining the necessity of bapti sm in order to go to heaven. Egan stayed with the man for as long as he could, sorry that he would not be there when the soldier left his earthly torment.24 Scenes su ch as this occurred frequently. As in the camp, during the chaos of battle, chapl ains or missionaries also declined to differentiate between Catholics and Protestants, a reflection o f a new wartime ecumenicalism. During the antebellum era, Catholic and Protestant clergy kept to their own denominations. Not so during the war. Father Ouellent, while ministering to the wounded on the front line at Malvern Hill, asked them two simple questions before servi ng them, Are you a Catholic? And do you wish absol ution? When one wounded soldier, responded No, but I would like to die in the faith of any man who has the courage to come and see me in such a place as this, Father Ouellent gave the poor man conditional baptism. He then went on with his merciful wor k, absolving the wounded, and exhorting them to have courage, while placing their trust in Christ.25 Other clerical accounts suggest that aid to the wounded also sometimes bridged racial divides in nineteenthcentury America. For example, United States Chri stian Commission delegates ministered to wounded Indians after the Wilderness battles. Delegate Isaac Baker remembered his response to four wounded Native Americans from Wisconsin with strong Union loyalties. I lay down close to one, Baker recalled, 24 William Corby, Memoirs of Chaplain Life: Three Years with the Irish Brigade in the Army of the Potomac ed. Lawrence Frederick Kohl (New York: Fordham University Press, 1992), 342. 25 General Dennis Burk, Roman Catholic Chaplains in the War The Rev. Thomas Ouellet, S.J. Irish Brigade in Corby, Memoirs of Chaplai n Life 306.

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181 and spo ke of Jesus and his salvation. His eye brightened. He had heard that blessed name before, and in his broken way said, I love him; I love him. In response, Baker commended his spirit to God, before the soldier perished while he attempted to sing hi m to sleep. For the other three Native Americans, too wounded to speak, Baker could only provide refreshments.26 Throughout the war chaplains and missionaries facilitated the creation of sacred space in anticipation of the blood and gore of battle. This ne w wartime duty pushed them to expand their ministry beyond more narrowly de fined traditional church roles. They re enacted prewar worship techniques in a constantly changing and fluid environment which unlike the antebellum church service, they could not c ontrol. For example, a Portsmouth preacher celebrated the sacrament with the officers of the C.S.S. Virginia before an early 1862 battle.27 In the midst of the Peninsular campaign that year, Union Chaplain Corby routinely took confession and provided H oly C ommunion for all in need. The men gathered around the altars, assisted at Mass; and as they watched the priest lift the Sacred Host on high, many a one said in his heart: Perhaps this is the last time I will see Jesus till I meet Him in the life to come. 28 Before his men formed in line of battle at South Mountain, the 11th Ohios Presbyterian 26 Lemuel Moss, Annals of the United States Christian Commission (Philadelphia: J.B. Lippincott & Co., 1869), 595. This same incident is repeated in Edward Parmelee Smith, Incidents Among Shot and Shell: The Only Authentic Work Extant Giving the Many Tragic and Touching Incidents that Came Under the Notice of the United States Christian Commission During the Long Years of the Civil War (Philadelphia: Edgewood Pub. Co., 1868), 261. 27 Sam Davis Elliot, ed., Doctor Quintard, Chaplain C.S.A. and Sec ond Bishop of Tennessee: The Memoir and Civil War Diary of Charles Todd Quintard (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 2003), 42. 28 Corby, Memoirs of Chaplain Life, 54.

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182 Chaplain led devotional exercises, where he read verses from the 86th Psalm.29 Private Wilbur Fisk of the Second Vermont Regiment recalled a service led by a USCC delegate in late November 1863, who act[ed] the part of the Good Samaritan to the suffering, as a great many belonging to that Commission have done, to the everlasting gratitude of those who have been wounded in action, and to preach the gospel and distrib ute religious reading where such services are needed."30 Before Grants Overland Campaign in the wars last year, United States Christian Commission delegates in Culpepper on the last Sabbath in April preached twenty three times to the regiments in and about the town. Everywhere the men listened as if they were anticipating the baptism of blood which awaited them, and were anxious to prepare for the march to death which so many were to make.31 Some wartime battles caused clergy to adapt specific pre war mass worship techniques to the precombat experience. At Fredericksburg, Union chaplain John Ripley Adams recalled ministering to a group of soldiers ready to fight at a moments notice. The narrow space of the ravine where the troops massed ready to relieve their comrades on the front lines, seemed to magnify the religiosity present there. Adams described this space as long, narrow, and deep, the walls in some places being fifty feet high. However, the space proved amenable to religious services. The singing 29 William W. Lyle, Lights and Shadows of Army Life: or Pen Pictures from the Battlefield, the Camp, and the Hospital (Cincinnati, OH: R. W. Carroll & Co. Publishers, 1865), 125. According to Lyles account, he read verses one to seven Bow down thine ear, O Lord, hear me: for I am poor and needy. Be merciful unto me, O Lord: for I cry unto thee daily. Rejoice the soul of thy servant: for unto thee, O Lord, do I lift up my soul. For thou, Lord, art good, and ready to forgive; and plenteous in mercy unto all them that call upon thee. Give ear, O Lord, unto my prayer; and attend to the voice of my supplications. In the day of trouble I will call upon thee: for thou wilt answer me. 30 Emil and Ruth Rosenblatt, eds., Hard Marching Every Day: The Civil War Letters of Private Wilbur Fisk, 18611865 (Lawrence: University Press of Kansas, 1992), 166167. 31 Smith, Incidents Among Shot and Shell 244.

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183 reverberated in the lengthened cells of our temple, Adams explained, while the solemn attitude of the men, and the audible responses of some of them, awakened thoughts of Waldenses and Convenanters, who had often worshipped God in such places.32 During the battle of Gettysburg, the wars crucial turning point, several chaplains reported directing prayer before combat. Prayer intensified since both clergy and soldiers understood that this battles outcome might decide the war. Chaplain John Ripley Adams remembered the atmosphere as he spoke to his troops at Little Round Top. From his position on the top of a flat rock, Adams recalled, It was a scene for a painter. Groups of men lying amid the rocks on rough ground, in battle line ready for action, hushed to silence after the thunders of the days fight had ceased, and yet imploring Gods blessing, and thanking Him for the success of our arms.33 Catholic clergy took pains to offer the rite of absolution to the troops who braved the travails of combat. The most famous example was Father Corbys absolution of the Irish Brigade during the second day at Gettysburg.34 During absolution, the sins of Catholics are forgiven and they ar e brought to a state of grace. Dying in a state of grace allows one to escape hell, thus explaining the clerical imperative to grant absolution to soldiers before a battle.35 In his memoirs, Major General Mulholland described Corbys absolution as a religious ceremony performed that, in the sublime magnificence and 32 Adams, Memorial and Letters of Rev. John R. Adams 82. 33 Ibid. 117. 34 Corby also gave his men a hasty absolution right before they were engaged at the battle of Antietam. (Corby, Memoirs of Chaplain Life, 112) 35 J. Paul Williams, What Americans Believe and How They Worship, rev. ed. (New York: Harper & Row, Publishers, 1962), 48.

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184 gr andeur of its surroundings, was never equaled on the continent.36 Mulholland recalled Father Corby standing in front of the brigade, which was drawn up in a column of regiments. According to Mulholland, Corby next made a fervent and passionate appeal to the men to remember in the hour of battle the great Captain of all, Jesus Christ, and to have contrition for all their sins, that they might be prepared to die for the cause for which they fought. After Corbys simple request, Mulholland explained, Ever y man fell upon his knees, the flags were dropped, and Father Corby, looking up to heaven, called down the blessing of the Almighty upon the men. Stretching out his right hand (as the lips of the soldiers moved in silent prayer) he pronounced the words of absolution [in latin].37 After witnessing Corbys actions, Chaplain John H. W. Stuckenberg of the 145th Pennsylvania asked his commanding officer if he too could worship with the troops before battle. The colonel granted permission and called the troops to attention. The occasion was a very solemn one, Stuckenberg recalled, it was the last prayer in which some of our regt joined.38 In addition to absolution, priests held mass, the fundamental act of prewar Ca tholic worship, before combat. Union chaplain William Corby describes celebrating pre combat mass on two occasions, before the battle of Chancellorsville in 1863 and the first battle o f the Wilderness a year later. At Chancellorsville, Corby prepared to 36 At Gettysburg, Mulholland served as colonel of the 116th Pennsylvania Volunteers, one of the units attached to Meagh er's Irish Brigade. 37 Maj. Gen. Mulholland, The Irish Brigade in the War for the Union in Memoirs of Chaplain Life, 385. Corbys memoirs also contain his extended account of the same event. See Corby, Memoirs of Chaplain Life 181184. An account of Corb ys absolution is repeated in Chaplain Henry Trumbulls memoir, War Memories of an Army Chaplain, although it is unclear if Trumbull witnessed the event. (See Trumbull, War Memories of an Army Chaplain, 6 8. ) 38 David T. Hedrick and Gordon Barry Davis Jr., eds., Im Surrounded by Methodists: Diary of John H.W. Stuckenberg, Chaplain of the 145th Pennsylvania Volunteer Infantry (Gettysburg, PA: Thomas Publications, 1995), 77.

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185 celebrate Mass on the slope of a hill facing the brigade A rustic altar, constructed the night previous with a few boards which we found in the vicinity of the mill, stood under a spreading beech tree, and looked very picturesque. Shortly after Corby commence d with mass, the battle began. Corb ys unit received orders to advance right after mass.39 After the first day of the battle of the Wilderness, and during preparations for the next days conflict, Corby said mass with another priest. During this service, the seriously wounded received Holy C ommunion early because the priest had already heard their confessions the previous evening.40 One Protestant chaplain staged a mass prayer service similar in scope to Corbys absolution bef ore the battle of Chickamauga. Rivaling a Second Great Awakening era camp meeting, this particular service augmented peacetime worship practices by focusing on civil religion, including calling upon t he flag, and patriotic fervor. From the center of the formation, Presbyterian Rev. W. W. Lyle of the 11th Ohio addressed the troops assembled in two divisions: He spoke about the holy cause for which they were to fight that day; that it was not for territory or revenge or military glory; but for home and country, for liberty and truth, for God and Humanity!41 Lyle continued wi th prayer, specifically focused on the battlefield circumstances. After telling the soldiers of Gods love for them, he added I pray God to cover your heads to day in the battlestorm. I pray that he may give you brave hearts and strong hands today. Be brave be manly! Remember the dear old flag, and what it covers. And if any of you feel uncertain as to your future, O look to the Savior who died for you[.] If any of you fall this day in battle, 39 Corby, Memoirs of Chaplain Life, 157. 40 Ibid., 231. 41 Lyle, Lights and Shadows of Army Life, 289290.

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186 Lyle concluded, may you not only die as brave soldiers for your country, but die as soldiers of the Lord Jesus Christ!42 The services held before an anticipated battle might coincide with a familiar peacetime religious celebration, such as Eas ter, heightening their impact. On Easter Sunday in April 1865, the las t month of the war, Confederate chaplain Charles Quintard described the elevated sense of anx iety evident among his troops. When the service began everyone except for a handful of men had gone to the trenches. A couple of soldiers came late, in order to receive communion. One soldier in particular affected Quintard. Hoping that God would protect him, Quintard observed the devout officer kneel at the chancel and hasten away equipped for the battle, clasping his wife by her hand, as he tore himself away."43 C ontested sacred space often emerged under chaotic combat conditions, foreign to antebellum clergy accustomed to total control of their religious environment, where chaplains risked injury or death.44 Under such precarious circumstances, determined clergy re mained committ ed to their vocation. At Antietam in September 1862, Father Corby delivered confessions under lethal Confederate small arms fire, when every instant bullets whizzed past my head.45 Near Atlanta, in the Summer of 1864, Surgeon John Bennitt li stened to a chaplains sermon, happy that he could spend a sabbath in a semi Christian manner, notwithstanding the picket firing and canonading going on 42 Lyle, Lights and Shadows of Army Life, 290. 43 Elliot, Doctor Quintard, Chaplain C.S.A. and Second Bishop of Tennessee, 253254. 44 This space was in fact contested, for the profaneness of battle interacted alongside the sacred words of biblical ministrations. 45 Corby, Memoirs of Chaplain Life, 112113.

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187 almost incessantly, within a half mile of us. Shells from the enemy's guns have not fallen directly among us but have on each side, he recalled. We are becoming so accustomed to them that but little notice is taken of them, unless firing becomes more brisk, or ceased altogether."46 During the siege of Petersburg, scene of almost continuous battles between 1864 and 1865, chaplains and missionaries ministered to men exposed to a deadly onslaught of lead. This environment pressed clergy to speed up their familiar prewar ritual practices to accommodate the battle ready soldiers needs. In October 1864, Chaplain Trumbull buried his regiments dead while the skirmish line was still engaged and every moment a renewal of the attack was expected. The contested nature of this space was apparent as the sound of prayer mingled with the echoes of artillery and mus ketry and the crash of falling pines for hastily constructed breast works.47 In the middle of administering mass, Father Egan explained, I heard some sharp rattling of musketry, followed by loud cannonading. I hurried through Mass and the administering of Communion to about sixty soldiers, then, getting my vestments together and placing them in my saddle bags, mounted my horse and rode out of the fort, just as the gunners were ordered to mount the parapets.48 The Methodist chaplain of the 54th North Carolina, recalled preaching at Petersburg in March 1865, only days before the Union army forced the Confederates t o withdraw from that position. While holding an eleven 46 Robert Beasecker, I Hope to Do My Country Service The Civil War Letters of John Bennitt, M.D., Surgeon, 19th Michigan Infantry (Detroit MI : Wayne State University Press, 2005), 304305. 47 H.M. Plaisted, Colonel Eleventh Maine Volunteers, Commanding Brigade from Headquarters of the third Brigade, First Div, 10th Army corps, October 8, 1864, The War of the Rebellion: A Compilation of the Official Records of the Union and Confederate Armies ser. I, vol. XLII, (Washington D.C.: Government Pr inting Office, 18801902), 732. 48 Corby, Memoirs of Chaplain Life, 335.

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188 oclock service behind the breastworks, he kept the attention of the congregation although the Minnie balls from the enemy were flying over our heads harmlessly.49 Only days earlier, a Union chaplain on the other side of the Petersburg lines remembered the chaos which ensued at his chapel at the front, in res ponse to a Confederate charge. Right before the benediction, a yell was heard. "A charge! A charge! ran through the chapel, the chaplain recalled, and in one half minute the chapel was cleared. The boys rushed to arms. Voleys of muskettry long and loud pealed forth from our picket line. In less time than I have been writing this every man was at the breast work."50 During wartime, missionaries like the military clergy shed their antebellum security by ministering to soldiers while the b attle raged hotly around them. Knowing that this woul d be the last chance to reach some of these men, United States Christian Commission delegates saw their duty to evangelize at any cost. According to B. F. Jacobs, during the battle of Nashville the guns ceased firing so there could be prayer: the soldiers knelt upon the ground, and the officers, taking off their caps, bowed their heads before articulating the Divine blessing.51 During the same battle, Jacobs participated in a combat burial where Just as we had all bowed round the grave, the hastening hoof s of the aids horses called the men to the charge. The prayer was brief, Jacobs remembered, but ere it was over the bullets had begun to sing, the men were 49 John Paris, diary entry, Sunday, March 19 1865, Box 1, Folder 4, Volume 3 Diary 1865, John Paris Papers, 18281905, Southern Historical Collection, The University of North Carolina, Chapel Hill, NC. 50 Hallock F. Raup, ed., Letters from a Pennsylvania Chaplain at the Siege of Petersburg, 1865 (London: The Eden Press, 1961), 11. 51 Smith, Incidents Among Shot and Shell 426.

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189 back in their places, and the line was sweeping on in triumph towards the doomed works of the ene my.52 Even if clergy worked outside the range of rifle fire, they could fall victim to a new wartim e danger, long range shelling. On May D ay 1863, while two miles below Fredericksburg, Union Chaplain Stewart recalled the large and deeply religious meetings held in the front lin es over the past few evenings. In full view of the enemy, Stewart remembered "the booming of their cannon rolling over the hills and through the valleys, their shells occasionally scream ing over or bursting near us." The nearby shelling did not excite or distract the worshippers and the meeting continued as usual. Emblematic of the occasion, Stewart preached on the text, "As thy days, so shall thy strength be."'53 While in Grants army in 1865, S. E. Fitz, Agent of the Twenty fourth Arm y Corps, noted how delegates continued their service to soldiers, even while exposed to shelling. He recalled how their heartfelt dedication received approbation from their flock: Twice when the enemy shelled the line for several hours, and New Market a nd Henry shared the danger of the camp in general, our delegates gained approval by proceeding undisturbed in their work at home and on the lines.54 Confederat e clergy shared these dangers. For example, C haplain Louis Hippolyte Gache, had just begun to pray during the Cedar Run campaign when a shell exploded against a tree scarce twenty five feet away.55 52 Smith, Incidents Among Shot and Shell 430. 53 Stewart, Camp, March and Battlefield, 310. 54 United States Christian Commission, United States Christian Commission for the Army and Navy For the Year 1865 Fourth Annual Report (Philadelphia: USCC, 1866), 132. 55 Gache, A Frenchman, A Chaplain, A Rebel 134.

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190 In contrast with their prewar roles, where they only rarely had contact with injured people, chaplains often tended to the mortally wounded during combat, serving as de facto battlefield nurses. According to Union chaplain William Eastman, all day and into the night, As the rows of wounded men grew longer, chaplains went from man to man to see what could be done to relieve their pain, perhaps to take a message or write a letter.56 Union chaplain William Corby recalled how at the battle of Fair Oaks, a recently wounded soldier would first see the priest, who would immediately hear his confession if the wound was fatal.57 During the Seven Days fight, Corby noted that his work among the wounded gave great security to the minds of the Catholic soldiers.58 In the wake of bloody combat, the wounded might see a chaplain or missionary even before a surgeon.59 In contrast with their peacetime roles when they were often last to se e the wounded, wartime clergy usually were first on the scene. Cat holic clergy needed to provide Holy C ommunion to those laying on the field in case they perished before being moved. I was obliged to carry it to them, Father Corby explained, as they lay here and there on the straw, unable to movestepping over som e, and walking around others. If they had not made a sign for themselves previously, a soldier pointed 56 William R. Eastman, A Yankee Chaplain Remembers, in Faith in the Fight: Civil War Chaplains eds. John W. Brinsfield, William C. Davis, Benedict Maryniak, and James I. Robertson, Jr. (Mechanicsburg, PA: Stackpole Books, 2003), 121. 57 Corby, Memoirs of Chaplain Life, 7273. 58 Ibid., 87. 59 Battlefield experiences contributed to revivalism, providing specific evidence to support the arguments of earlier historians that fear of death caused soldiers to turn to God in increased numbers. After the Battle of Williamsburg (May 5, 1862) and the Battle of Fair Oaks (May 31 thru June 1, 1862), Stewart saw an increase in interest during prayer meetings. Approximately a week after Williamsburg, Stewart asserted the hearts of Gods children have been evidently drawn nearer Himself on account of the protection granted i n the hour of imminent danger. Not a few intelligent Christian members have related in our meetings their re ligious feelings and impressions in the hour of impending death. (Alexander M. Stewart, Camp, March and Battlefield: or, Three Years and a Half With the Army of the Potomac (Philadelphia: James B. Rogers, Printer, 1865), 161162.)

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191 out the wounded ready to receive the sacrament.60 Protestant chaplains such as W. W. Lyle, also worked very hard to minister to the dying. Lyle explained to one dying soldier on the South Mountain battlefield, that even though he might be a sinner he shoul d look to Jesus f or salvation. I told him that, sinful and unworthy as he might be, Lyle recollected in his memoirs he was precious in the sight of God; that the Savior had suffered and died for him, and that salvation was freely offered, on condition of trusting in Chr ist as his allsufficient Savior.61 Despite the arrival of clergy immediately after combat the religious infrastructure remained wholly inadequate to relieve the true cost of war, the suffering of the masses of wounded men. For the first time in their car eers, many clergy could not successfully complete a central ministerial task. Union chaplain John Stuckenbergs experience was typical. Stuckenbergs inability to relieve all in need pained him: "It made my heart ache to see so much intense suffering, crow ded in a small compass, and the means to relieve it totally inadequate. I could not minister to all who desired it, and often had to turn a deaf ear to the most earnest cries for help.62 Those clergy who did succeed in reaching the wounded found the battle field an environment where antebellum sectarian difference dissolved in favor of trans den ominational Christian harmony. In ministering to Union wounded on the battlefield in the wake of combat, Confederate Catholic chaplain Gache recalled how most nonCat holics showed great respect for the Catholic faith, and appreciation for Gaches spiritual advice. According to Gache, these soldiers repeated his suggested short 60 Corby, Memoirs of Chap lain Life, 113114. 61 Lyle, Lights and Shadows of Army Life, 134. 62 Hedrick and Davis, Jr., Im Surrounded by Methodists 46.

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192 aspirations and prayers. His account followed with a telling example of the chaplains effect on the men. When talking to an old colonel who had been wounded in the chest, Gache explained that he should ask Gods pardon for his sins. The soldiers response was telling: I have already done that, but Ill do it again. And I do thank you for your a dvice. I also pray that God will bless you for the kind words you have said to me and for t he sympathy you have shown me. I really have no right to this at all.63 Battlefield conditions forced clergy to adapt prewar worship techniques to the chaotic atmo sphere of the battlefield. For the first time, many clergy could not control their environment. Once the battle ended, wounded and dying soldiers were moved to hospitals where they also received aid from chaplains and missionaries. This was a new wartime s pace with which most clergy had no previous antebellum experience. Aiding the Dispossessed: Ministering to the Sick, Wounded, and Dying in the Hospitals Throughout the conflict, Civil War hospitals served vast numbers of sick wounded, and dying soldiers. Wounded soldiers were rushed to the field hospitals surrounding the battlefield for immediate medical attention, while those who would benefit from more extensive care for longer periods of time were sent to general hospitals on the homefront. Dedicated cl ergy braved all kinds of difficulties and privations to aid the soldiers in these institutions.64 Here, they often enjoyed a captive and engaged audience eager to receive prayer and heartfelt ministrations. Nothing like the wartime 63 Gache, A Frenchman, A Chaplain, A Rebel 119. 64 For specific Union hospital chaplain duties see Warren B. Armstrong, For Courageous Fighting and Confident Dying: Union Chaplains in the Civil War (Lawrence: University Press of Kansas, 1998), 3641. For the role of chaplains in Confederate hospitals see Nancy Schurr, Inside the Confederate Hospital: Community an d Conflict dur ing the Civil War (PhD diss, University of Tennessee at Knoxville, 2004), esp. chapter three.

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193 hospital existed in antebellum America, so clergy who worked in this arena were trailblazers, figuring out effective worship techniques through trial and error.65 In a November 1862 report, Chaplain Thomas G. Carver noted that A hospital is a sacred place and especially so when th e building used is a church consecrated to Gods worship.66 For Carver and other chaplains, the wartime hospital served as the epicenter of religiosity.67 Hermann Bokum, Union chaplain of Philadelphias Turners Lane Hospital, explained the hospitals pecul iar religious environment and its ef fect on the chaplain. According to Bokum, the chaplain derives encouragement when he preaches surrounded by a congregation many of whom are hanging upon his lips with strange intenseness, since perchance, for months pas t they have not heard the Gospel, and others, because the scenes through which they have passed have given them a new power of understanding it [.]"68 In Union general hospitals, commissioned chaplains tried eagerly to accommodate this need, and felt privileged to do so. Is it not a glorious privilege that we can preach Christ to the sick and afflicted? Union chaplain John Ripley Adams wrote to his wife in a July 1861 letter.69 His colleague, Chaplain James B. 65 Antebellum hospitals mainly served the insane, poor, or travelers. By the mid nineteenth century the pavi lion ward was coming into use. This was an open ward, but of limited extent; ventilated on both long sides by windows, on both short sides by doors; connected to a corridor that serves similar pavilions, but self contained with its own service rooms. (John D. Thompson and Grace Goldin, The Hospital: A Social and Architectural History (New Haven, CT: Yale University press, 1975), 118.) The pavilion ward would be the dominate form used in Civil War hospitals. 66 Report of Rev Thomas G. Carver November 1 1862 US General Hospt S Paul Church Ableble [sp?] To T Ru sh Specius Surgeon in Charge of Gen Hospl 2nd Div, National Archives and Records Administration, Washington, D.C. 67 Here I am referring to general hospitals, located safely away from combat. In these institutions, the infrastructure developed for an organi zed hospital chaplaincy. In the more temporary or makeshift field hospitals there was little time for religious ministrations. 68 Hermann Bokum, Wanderings North and South (Philadelphia: King & Baird, Printers, 1864), 65. 69 Adams, Memorial and Letters of Rev. John R. Adams 24.

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194 Rogers, noted the specific interests of his patients, mostly ambulatory convalescents, who could attend services: They appeared exceedingly anxious to receive the Gospel. Very many were Christians and seemed happy and joyful even in the midst of sorrow. It is easy preaching, when men hang upon the lips of the speaker, rejoicing in the "glad tidings."70 Another Union chaplain, Andrew Jackson Hartsock agreed, declaring in December 1862 the Gospel is sweet to the sick and dying.71 Later that month, Hartsock explained why he enjoyed preaching in the hospitals: Here it seems men like [the] Sabbath.72 These reflections confirm the privilege of preaching to the sick, wounded, and dying.73 Unlike the prewar era when clergy were rarely seen at hospitals, wartime chaplains served as integral members of the hospital staff.74 Although many of the boys welcomed hospital chaplains, historian George Rable suggests that some nurses and patients considered them feckless busybodies wandering among the sufferers to no great purpose.75 Union chaplain B. H. Crever thought of the soldiers in his flock as 70 Rogers, War Pictures 8081. 71 James C. Duram and Eleanor A. Duram, eds. Soldier of the Cross: The Civil War Diary and Correspondence of Rev. Andrew Jackson Hartsock (Manhattan, Kansas: Military Affairs/Aerospace Historian Publishing for the American Military Institute, 1979), 35. 72 Ibid., 49. 73 The sick might have ulterior, nonfaith based, motives to seek Christianity. Union chaplain John W. Stuckenberg explains why : Fear of death is so apt to be the strongest motive to become a professor during sickness; and the impressions made there are so apt to be but transitory." ( Hedrick and Davis, Jr., Im Surrounded by Methodists 18. ) 74 More than two hundred Union chaplains served in hospitals, not including regimental chaplains who worked temporarily in hospitals while on campaign. (Maryniak and Brinsfield, Jr., The Spirit Divided: Memoirs of Civil War Chaplains The Union, 184). According to a May 1862 act one chaplain was assigned to each permanent Union army hospital. ( Armstrong, For Courageous Fighting and Confident Dying Union Chaplains in the Civil War 7. ) See Armstrong, chp. 1 Defining the Charge, for more background information concerning the Union hospital chapl aincy. 75 George C. Rable, Gods Almost Chosen Peoples: A Religious History of the American Civil War (Chapel Hill: The University of North Carolina Press, 2010), 173.

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195 representing peaceful but distant homes endeared to them by a thousand memories and as an exponent of the terrible energy of a g reat nation smiting her foes. Crever maintained an unutterable desire that those who wear the livery of the republic should be got with the panoply of Christ.76 In an earlier report, Crever described how he inculcated a civil religion among the hospital patients: It has been my constant aim by every mode of public utterance to set forth the religious basis of our national struggle and create a patriotic sentiment sustained by the consciousness of Heavens approval.77 Union chaplain John F. Wright believed his role extended to comforting the depressed, moving them toward a stronger belief in Jesus Christ: if the digested one has no knowledge of Salvation by the remission of sins, I do not fail to urge him to repent, and cast himself on the mercy of God in Jesus Christ that he may have unbounded mercy for his refuge and omnipotence for his defense.78 As Union chaplain W. H. D. Hatton explained in a report, religion served to awaken in the minds of hospital patients serious thoughts which frequently result in moral and physical improvement.79 Taking advantage of the surroundings chaplains could more easily reach parishioners in the hospital than in the camp. According to Union chaplain Rogers, in the camp the chaplain could only retain hear ers by being short and direct. While in the 76 B. H. Crever Hospital Chaplain U.S.A. USA Gen Hospital Frederick Md March 1 1864 Monthl y Report of Official Duties to Surgeon J.V.G. Blaney Medical Director Department West Va Cumberland Md, National Archives and Records Administration, Washington, D.C. 77 B. H. Crever Hospital Chaplain U.S.A. General Hospital Frederick MD February 1 1864 to Surgeon J.V.G. Blaney U.S. Vols. Medical Director Department West Va Cumberland Md, National Archives and Records Administration, Washington, D.C. 78 John F. Wright Chaplain U.S.A. Marine U.S. and West End General Hospital Cincinnati January 31 1864 to C.H. Crane Surgeon U.S.A., National Archives and Records Administration, Washington, D.C. 79 W.H.D. Hatton Hospital Chaplain U.S.A. Camp Curtin Post Hospital Harrisburg PA March 31 1864 Monthly Report to Surgeon Genl. W. A. Hammond USA Washington D.C., National Archives and Records Administration, Washington, D.C.

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196 hospital, men are at leisure, and their minds have been i n a measure prepared for the contemplation of serious things by the tedious discipline of sickness, or wounds.80 According to at least one Union chaplain, B. H. Crever, a hospital chaplains duty extended to restoring the spirituality of men who los t it wh ile serving in the army. "It is also a matter of frequent occurrence and I will add, a cause, with me of devout gratitude, he noted that persons who had suffered spiritual declension in the field or camp, if not the entire loss of spiritual life, have here been happily restored to the divine favor."81 Adopting familiar worship techniques to this new wartime setting chaplains developed a specific procedure when visiting a hospital ward. A. S. Billingsley provides some insight into this topic in a December 1864 report to the Surgeon General. Visiting several wards daily, Billingsley directed patients toward Christ and repentance. In the course of these ministrations, Billingsley prayed, sang, exhorted, and read the Bible with them. The patients responded with tears, appreciat ion, and frequent conversions. As a result, many of the soldiers die happy, triumphant deaths."82 Later in his memoirs, Billingsley described his larger pl an to reach thos e in the wards. Seeing so many brave heroes lying upon the verge of eternity, and others, perhaps, just passing the crisis of the soul, he noted and all anxiously inquiring what to do to be saved, and not being able to reach them all in due time in pers onal conversation, Billingsley adopted a 80 James B. Rogers, War Pictures: Experiences and Observations of a Chaplain in the U.S. Army, in the War of the Southern Rebellion. By Rev. J.B. Rogers (Chicago: Church & Goodman, 1863), 83. 81 B. H. Crever Hospital Chaplain U.S.A. General Hospital Frederick MD February 1 1864 to Surgeon J.V.G. Blaney U.S. Vols. Medical Director Department West Va Cumberland Md, National Archives and Records Administration, Washington, D.C. 82 A. S. Billingsley Chaplain 101 PA Vols. Report of Station P.O. Address Duties for Nov. 1864 U.S. Genl Hospital Fort Monroe, Va Division No. 1 December 1 1864 to Brig Genl. J.K. Barnes Surgn. Genl. U.S. Army. National Archives and Records Administration, Washington, D.C.

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197 method of preaching where we could at the same time instruct, beseech, and implore all in the whole ward to come to the Saviour at once.83 These innovative worship techniques helped intensify the bond between the chaplain and the hospital patient. Union chaplain John Ripley Adams explained this connection in a letter he wrote from a Washington D.C. hospital, only days after the First Battle of Bull Run. After visiting and praying with the wounded in the Washington hospitals, Adams remarked "They are men, they are soldiers, and they have soul s. What I saw there I shall not describe, but I do say that I admired t he fortitude of the sufferers. It was good to see the grateful response that came up from lips and hearts t hat were not unmoved by the story of the Great Physician sympathizing with the sick and with the stranger in the distant land."84 Adams sentiments were reflected in the writings of other civil war clergy. This new wartime bond influenced the type of interactions common between a chaplain and a wounded soldier in the hospital. After learning of the bullet which had traveled through his patients right lung, Union chaplain Hermann Bokum of the Turners Lane Hospital met with Corporal Charles Crary, telling hi m how faith in Jesus can provide comfort.85 In response, Crary acknowledged his already strong faith in Christ, and enjoined Bokum to visit him often and read to him Biblical passages, especially from the New Testament and Psalms. According to Bokum, during Crarys last days in the hospital before his death, the singing of hymns during evening prayer meetings 83 Maryniak and Brinsfield, Jr., The Spirit Divided: Memoirs of Civil War Chaplains The Union, 215. 84 Adams, Memorial and Letters of Rev. John R. Adams 30. 85 Bokum, Wanderings North and South, 45.

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198 reminded him of his home in Detroit.86 Bokum argues that Crarys spiritual journey in the hospital has its counterpart in every part of the country, and in every relation of life."87 By relying on prewar techniques like group prayer and oneonone communication, clerical workers were able to reach two types of men who populated the hospital ward: the Christian and the inquirer. USCC Delegate Rev. F. P. Monfort, who worked in Washingtons permanent hospitals offered an excellent depiction of the two. The Christian, he explained served the Saviour five years, nearly half that period in the Union army and considered his position in it the best he had ever known, for a sense of personal religious responsibility, for nearness to God, growth in grace, and usefulness to other s in the practice of piety[.] On the other hand, the inquirer had a fond remembrance of home, the family altar, the Sabbathschool, and the sanctuary, a stranger as yet to saving grace, but under deep conviction of sin, and longing to know the love of God in Christ Jesus and the joys of his salvation.88 Either character, according to surgeon John Bennitt would be receptive to the chaplain: Indeed there seems to be much of interest on the subject of religion among the sick and wounded, and it seems to be a good time and place to make an impression upon men in this respect.89 Active prayer combined with ample free time in hospitals, allowed clergy relying on peacetime conversion techniques to easily convert and spread the desire among 86 Bokum, Wanderings North and South, 49 and 54. 87 Ibid., 55. 88 Moss, Annals of the United States Christian Commission, 581. 89 Beasecker, I Hope to Do My Country Service 306.

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199 soldiers for salvation.90 For example, USCC delegates frequently converted the patients at Alexandri a, Virginia hospitals in 1865. In this place, some o f the delegates were cheered by being permitted to report ten, and, in one instance fifteen definite cases of hopeful conversion during their six weeks labor.91 In summer 1864, James Campbell Bates of the 9th Texas Regiment informed his mother and sister about his religious conversion in an Atlanta hospital : "[N] ow through the mercy of the great & good God I feel that "my sins are forgiven me," and although we may never meet here again, I will meet you in Heaven where partings are not known. Oh I would not exchange the peace & happiness that this "blessed hope" gives me, for the wealth of all the world. God grant me strength ever to "keep the faith."'92 Delegate Thos. Atkinsons post Chickamauga ministry in the Nashville hospitals illustrates many s oldiers desire for salvation. After gathering together and preaching to a group of about sixty convalescents in mourning over their recently deceased comrade, Atkinson asked them if any wished to attain salvation by attending the daily prayer meeting. The response was overwhelming: Hands went up all round; here and there a stump was raised; one man had neither 90 A spiritual awakening could be centered at relatively stationary hospitals. In July 1864 Virginias Huguenot Springs Hospital experienced several conversions and an ensuing wave of revivalism. William Banks, the Presbyterian chaplain of the 4th South Carolina, in a July 22nd letter, described the religious excitement in this hospital and his fine opportunities to do good for the spiritual welfare of our soldiers, among whom the remarkable work of grace is still progressing. Although conversions occurred at a rapid pace, he only accepted applications for baptism on request. A little over a week later, Banks reconsidered his decision to minister to t he troops, and inquired of his wife whether he should stay in the chaplaincy or resign his c ommission. He asserted that if he could withstand the demands of active service, there is so much encouragement among the soldiers so many anxiously inquiring what they must do to be savedso many hopeful conversions. In the end, he concluded, that he needed to go home, and if then he found himself unfit for service, he would resign and leave the military. (William Banks to Mary, Letter, July 22, 1864 and July 30, 1864, William Banks Papers, 18531880, South Caroliniana Library, University of South Carolina, Columbia.) 91 USCC, Fourth Annual Report 68. 92 Richard Lowe, ed., A Texas Cavalry Officers Civil War: The Diary and Letters of James C. Bates (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 1999), 305.

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200 hand remaining, so he raised two poor stumps in token of his desire for Christ; another had no stumps even to raise, he could only turn his head an d say with difficult earnestness, Meme.93 Yet these antebellum missionary techni ques did not work on everyone. Some patients would still not accept religion even w hile knocking at deaths door. Delegate Chas. Cutler, working at a cavalry hospital at Cit y Point, Virginia in September 1864 recalled the stubbornness of a soldier who, try as he might, would not listen. Ive got no religion, and I dont want any, he told Cutler, I wont burn out my candle now, and throw the snuff in God Almightys face. I ll die as Ive lived. Its honester.94 In another incident from the last two years of the war, Rev. E. P. Smith, failed to reach the soldier he was minister ing to in a St. Louis hospital. See there, stranger, do you think I am going to give that withered, dried up hand to God, after I have given all its strength to the devil? the soldier told Smith. Do you think Im going to drink the devils wine all my life up to this last day in hospital, and then offer the settlings to Jesus?95 Soon after speaking w ith Smith, the soldier lapsed into a partially conscious state and died.96 93 USCC, Fourth Annual Report 224. Official United States Christian Commission sources posit that hospital patients neglected their spiritual development before the Commissions arrival and thus proved one of the organizations most fruitful fields of labor. Yet the overwhelming number of reports from Union hospital chaplains indicates that the Christian Commission might have exaggerated their influe nce in these official records. Writing in the early summer of 1864, Delegate David Weston of Washingtons Judiciary Square Hospital described the patients aggressiveness when religious reading was provided, stating they snatched at it as a hungry man would snatch at food. Moreover, they appeared overjoyed when the opp ortunity for religious conversation and counsel arose. One soldier remarked quite enthusiastically, I have been here many weeks, and you are the first one whom I have heard mention religion. David Weston, Among the Wounded: U.S. Christian Commission: Experiences of a Delegate (Philadelphia: Rodgers, 1864), 11. 94 Smith, Incidents Among Shot and Shell 324. 95 Ibid., 463. 96 Ibid.

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201 Even some hospital staff did not s upport the chaplains mission. Confederate Chaplain Beauchelle slept in the same tent as one of the regimental surgeons, Dr. Tyler. According to another surgeon, the wicked and profane Dr. Tyler, and the chaplain argued nightly about Scripture.97 Union chaplain Joseph Anderson encountered opposition from the chief surgeon at the barracks hospital in Detroit, who stated that wards are improper places f or such services. In response, the chaplain quipped that if wards were actually improper places for prayer most hospitals would be unable to hold religious services, having no other space for group prayer.98 The chief surgeon at a field hospital in 1865, n oted a degree of ambiguity, telling United States Christian Commission delegates to hold religious services at a place outside the hospital tents but still convenient for convalescents.99 Agent Rev. John F. Loyd explained how the del egates satisfied this request. They usually held services near some of the tents, so that th e patients in them could hear. After preaching, we would pass from tent to tent, talking and praying with the boys, as prudence dictated.100 If surgeons did not encourage convalescents to attend services, the chaplains personal influence on the patients was counteracted.101 97 Spencer Glasgow Welch, A Confederate Surgeons Letters to His Wife (New York: The Neale Publishing Company, 1911), 5354. 98 Joseph Anderson Chaplain U.S.A. Report on the hospitals of this city Detroit Michigan 31st August 1864 to the Surgeon General U.S.A., National Archives and Records Administration, Washington, D.C. 99 USCC, Fourth Annual Report 219. 100 Ibid. 101 John V. Dodge Chaplain US Genl Military Hospital Evansville Indiana Personal Report for month ending Oct 31 1864 to Surgeon General's Office Washington D.C., National Archives and Records Administration, Washington, D.C.

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202 While some surgeons acted as if the work of chaplains interfered with the well being of patients, other doctors, following standard antebellum practice, actively supported their chaplains initiatives. Surgeons usually favored religious services for they might calm the patients as well as engage them in productive activities. Dr. Davis, the Post Surgeon at a town near Pittsburg Landing, Tennessee, issued an order that urge d all convalescents to attend a Sunday service in April 1862. The resulting attendance caused Union Chaplain Rogers to reflect on the scene: As the service went on, the moistened eyes and marked attention of all afforded evidence of their readiness to rec eive the truth. "These men," thought I, "are now in circumstances to be benefited, and as this wide door of usefulness is opened, let me improve it. May I not even expect that souls will be gathered as the result of even this one effort?"102 Rodney Gage, ch aplain at a general hospital in Alexandria, Virginia stated that the supervising surgeon along with his family attended worship services unless special duties interfered.103 A March 1864 order by the chief surgeon at a New Orleans hospital actually forced able bodied patients to atte nd services. This parallels evidence of compuls ory services held in the camp. For example, Surgeon Samuel Kneeland directed all ambulatory patients and off duty attendants to attend a Sabbath afternoon service held by the hospital chaplain. Only those excused by the Medical Officer of the Day could remain in their wards, but they could not receive visitors unless given special permission.104 102 Rogers, War Pictures 30. 103 R. Gage U.S. Genl Hospital 3rd Div Alexandria Va Nov 1st 1864 to L. Thomas Adjutant Genl U.S.A., National Archives and Records Administration, Washington, D.C. 104 Special Order No.1 University Hospt New Orleans March 17 1864 by order of Saml Kneeland Surgeon U.S.V. in charge, National Archives and Records A dministration, Washington, D.C. It is not apparent whether this surgeons actions were an exception or the norm in the hospital since I have not found other evidence of surgeons forcing patients to attend services. However, patients still followed orders while in

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203 As opposed to prewar clergy who rarely worked in hospitals, Civil War chaplains and missionaries devoted much of their time to caring for soldiers, who survived the trials of combat but ended up among the forsaken in hospitals.105 Union Chaplain Joseph Twichell described his dual role in a field hospital near Falmouth, Virginia in December 1862. Serving as both a nurse and minister, he happily wor ked toward some larger purpose. He tended to the mortally wounded including a man paralyzed by a bullet which went through his back and lungs .106 Following the Battle of Chancellorsville, Confederate priest James B. Sheeran went to the hospital surrounding the Confederate camp and administered the sacraments to many wounded Yankee soldiers.107 Sheeran also helped the hospitalized wounded in the wak e of the Second Battle of the Wilderness, spending from morning till late at night in hearing confessions, administering Extreme Unction, baptizing, and in washing and dressing wounds.108 In the autumn of 1864, Union soldier Private Wilbur Fisk recalled how a chaplain presided over a service of both Confederate and Union soldiers in a church used as a makeshift hospital. The Chaplain had friends and foes for his audience, but the wounded rebels appeared to enjoy the discourse very much, as did also the wel l Union boys, Fisk remembered. The attendance was not large however. The regiments were drawing the hospital, for even though removed from their regular regiments, they remained under the militarys jurisdiction. 105 For an excellent description of ministrations to a sick and dying man in camp see Rogers, War Pi ctures 6870. 106 Messent and Courtney, The Civil War Letters of Joseph Hopkins Twichell 201. 107 Rev. Joseph T. Durkin, ed., Confederate Chaplain: A War Journal of Rev. James B. Sheeran, C.Ss.R. 14th Louisiana, C.S.A. (Milwaukee, WI: The Bruce Publishing Company, 1960), 44. 108 Ibid. 87.

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204 beef just at that time, and you know soldiers, just like all the rest of the world, love the meat which perisheth, a great deal better than they do the bread of life.109 Sometimes peacetime missionary techniques would not work in the warti me hospital environment. At other times the hospital environment inhibited atte mpts to create a sacred space. To conduct services, hold prayer meetings and otherwise minister t o the men, required a degree of well being among the sick and wounded. Feverish soldiers sometimes could not handle the activity, especially the noise, and thus surgeons occasionally barred the religious work of chaplains and delegates. In late March of 1863 Reverend Andrew Jackson Hartsock recalled how the surgeon forbade hospital serv ices due to a soldiers fever. Hartsock, however, could still minister to this soldier who professed a hope in God and seemed willing to trust in the mercy of God thro Chr ist our redeemer.110 In addition to coping with sick soldiers, Civil War clergy stationed in hospitals dealt wi th another unfamiliar problem: limited space.111 Clergy could usually only pray in individual wards if not declared off limit s by the supervising surgeons. A chapel might be more advantageous, but that would exclude nonambulatory hospital patients from attending.112 In an April 1864 report, Union chaplain John V. Dodge described how spatial c oncerns affected his preaching. Many patients in large two hundred foot long 109 Rosenblatt, Hard Marching Every Day 271272. 110 Duram and Duram, Soldier of the Cross 85. 111 Limited space remained a greater concern within the hospital than in the more open atmosphere of the camp. 112 Union chaplain Joseph Anderson explained the need for a chapel to conduct orderly worship and to serve as a reading room and library. ( Joseph Anderson Chaplain U.S.A. Monthly Report of the hospitals of this city Detroit, Michigan 31 December 1864 to the Surgeon General U.S.A. Washington D.C., National Archives and Records Administration, Washington, D.C. )

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205 wards first seemed aloof, according to Dodge, but became more attracted to his message as the service continued.113 Moreover, in the same report, Dodge opined that preaching in the wards offered s ome advantages over the chapel. By varying th e place of preaching, Dodge explained I find that Gospel truth is brought to bear upon a much larger number and especially upon many who could not be apt to hear it at all unless it was thus brought to them."114 However, regardless of their other advantages, wards could not accommodate officers families.115 As opposed to the rigid established space of antebellum churches, Civil War clergy rearranged hospital space so the soldiers could enjoy their religious ministrations. A prayer meeting in the Union Armys Ninth Corps in July of 1864 per mitted everyone to participate. [T]he tents of the sick ward are arranged around an opening somewhat oval in shape, Rev. J. H. Edwards explained. Three or four of us took our stand under a tree, near the tents which contained the worst cases, men unable to walk.116 The sign ificance of the event was not lost on Edwards, reminding him of one of the groups we may imagine to have frequently surrounded the Saviour, the lame, halt, and blind.117 Surgeon John Bennitt wrote about the tent flies used by hospital chaplains: "Two days [ago] we put up two tent "flies" covering a place about 18 X 28 ft. & in it put 113 John V. Dodge Chaplain U.S.A. U.S.A. Genl Hospital Evansville, Indiana April 30 1864 Monthly Report of Station and Duty for the Month of April 1864 to S urgeon General's Office Washington City D.C., National Archives and Records Administration, Washington, D.C. 114 John V. Dodge Chaplain U.S.A. U.S.A. Genl Hospital Evansville, Indiana April 30 1864 Monthly Report of Station and Duty for the Month of April 1864 to Surgeon General's Office Washington City D.C., National Archives and Records Administration, Washington, D.C. 115 Edmund B. Tuttle U.S. Hospital Chaplain Camp Douglas, Ills June 30 1864 Report of Hospitals in Camp Douglas and 18th Street Hospital Chicago to Col. J.K. Barnes Acting Surgeon General Washington, D.C., National Archives and Records Administration, Washington, D.C. 116 Moss, Annals of the United States Christian Commission, 435. 117 Ibid.

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206 two large tables for reading and writing for the use of the convalescents. Seats construct ed as many as the rooms can hold furnish a resting place in the cool shade. The minister preached, according to Bennitt, by the side of this and between it and the tents where the sick are lying so that a large proportion can hear.118 With generous monetary contributions, a simple hospital ward could be appropriated, and converted i nto a chapel. Union Chaplain J. Ploudfort used a private contribution of one thousand dollars to convert his religious space at Fort Wood in New York Harbor.119 Only a few months later, Ploudfort improved this space further by installing an organ, an addition which attracted many new attendees.120 Although both chaplains and patients expressed great enthusiasm for chapels, the primary site of religiosity in peacetime, most h ospitals did not contain these separate spiritual places This led to the creation of contested spaces, profane areas which were also used for religious purposes.121 Since Union chaplain Joseph Anderson worked at a hospital which lacked a chapel, he held services in the dining room, a space crowded by 118 Beasecker, I Hope to Do My Country Service 306. 119 J. Ploudfort Chaplain U.S.A. Report for October 1864 Fort Wood Bedlois Island N.Y. Harbor October 31 1864 to Gen Joseph K. Barnes Surgeon Gen. U.S. Army, National Archives and Records Administration, Washington, D.C. 120 J. Ploudfort Chaplain U.S.A. At Fort Wood Bedlois Island NY Harbor Report for January 1865 January 31 1865 to General Joseph K. Barnes Surgeon Gen U.S.A. Union chaplain John Poucher of the US General Hospital in Nashville, Tennessee also noted that the recently installed organ helped ma ke his ch apel more attractive. ( John Poucher Chaplain 38th Ohio V.I. U.S. Genl Hospital No. 1 Nashville Tenn. March 31 1865 Report Station and Duty during the month of March 1865 to Surgeon General U.S.A. Washington D.C., National Archives and Records A dministratio n, Washington, D.C.) 121 This idea clearly works with religious scholar Jonathan Z. Smiths theoretical conception of situational sacred space. According to Smith, there is nothing that is inherently sacred or profane. These are not substantive categories, but rather situational ones. Sacrality is, above all, a category of emplacement. (Jonathan Z. Smith, To Take Place: Toward Theory in Ritual (Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 1987), 104)

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207 five rows of tables.122 Nor was Anderson the only chaplain to make a di ning room into a prayer space. Working in a Philadelphia hospital, Chaplain John Long tried using the dining room as a chapel but found it unsuitable s ince it also served as the passage way to the wards.123 Serving in New Orleans in December 1864, Union chaplain C. B. Thomas co opted a lecture room to conduct Sunday services.124 That same month, William Vaux, a hospital chaplain in Washington D.C., convert ed a vacant m essroom into a worship space. During the week it served other purposes, however, the buildings full capacity was reached during Sunday worship.125 Wartime contested spaces also emerged when former chur ches became profane hospitals. For example after the Battle of South Mountain, every church in Middletown, a town only a couple miles from the battlefield, became a hospital. In the Methodist Church where Union chaplain William Lyle worked, on the night after the battlethe audienceroom, and le cture room below, were filled from end to end, and even the aisles and pulpit and platform were crowded with the wounded and the dying.126 Like pitying angels from the better world, intent only on fulfilling some mission of love and gentleness, women assi sted Lyle in his ministrations. [T] hey moved amid those dread 122 Joseph Anderson Chaplain U.S.A. Report on military hospitals of this city, Detroit Michigan 28th February 1865 to the Surgeon General U.S.A. Washington D.C., National Archives and Records Administration, Washington, D.C. 123 John Long Chaplain USA U.S.A. Genl Hospital South St Philadelphia Pennsyl April 4 1865 to B rig Genl Thomas Adjutant Genl USA, National Archives and Records Administration, Washington, D.C. 124 Rev C.B. Thomas Hospital Chaplain University U.S. Gen. Hospl New Orleans, LA December 31 1864 Report for Month of Dec 1864 to Brig. Gen. J.K. Barnes Surg. G enl. U.S.A., National Archives and Records Administration, Washington, D.C. 125 William Vaux Chaplain U.S.A. Columbian Hospital Washington, D.C. December 31 1864 Monthly Report of services rendered to Brig Genl J.K. Barnes Surgeon Genl. U.S. Army Washington D.C., National Archives and Records Administration, Washington, D.C. 126 Lyle, Lights and Shadows of Army Life, 144.

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208 scenes of mortal anguish, Lyle later recounted literally dealing bread to the hungry, giving drink to the thirsty, soothing the suffering, and speaking peace to the dying.127 Unlike pre war r eligious spaces which always retained the same function, when patients occupied the chapel the spiritual work there could be superseded. This happened to at least two hospital chaplains who ministered to soldiers far from the battlefield, during the last y ear of the conflict when casualti es soared in the Union armies. In a July 1864 report, hospital chaplain Nathaniel Callender noted how the temporary occupation of his Denison, Ohio chapel with sick and wounded men, suspended the regular public religious services held there.128 In his New Haven, Connecticut chapel, hospital chaplain James B. Crane described in reports covering July September of 1864, some of the wars bloodiest months, his problems finding prayer space. Due to space constraints, religious serv ices in the chapel were uncertain. Service is contingent and uncertain, he recalled. No place whatever is afforded for religious assemblages day or evening. A want deeply felt and to be deplored.129 By the end of September the chapel space had been restored, and many soldiers now attended.130 Wartime religious space allowed USCC delegates to combine temporal and spiritual work, while in the antebellum period t hese spheres had been separate. After 127 Lyle, Lights and Shadows of Army Life, 145. 128 Nathaniel Callender Chaplain U.S.A. Personal Report Dennison USA Genl Hospital Camp Dennison Ohio July 31 1864 to Surgeon Genl U.S.A. Washington City D.C., National Archives and Records Administration, Washington, D.C. 129 James B. Crane Knight U.S. Gen Hospital New Haven Conn. August 31 1864 to Surg Genl Barnes Washington D.C., National Archives an d Records Administration, Washington, D.C. 130 James B. Crane Knight U.S. Gen Hospital New Haven Conn September 30 1864 to Brig Genl J.K. Barnes Surg Gen USA, National Archives and Records Administration, Washington, D.C.

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209 the battle of Perryville, Benjamin Chidlaw, a former chaplain turned USCC delegate, provided tea and toast to several men while ministering to them in a hospital located in a church. "As a matter of course the preacher hung his banner on the outer wall, his account read as an Ambassador of the Prince of Peace, and preached Christ to these men who had been so delightfully regaled with tea and toast that the friends of the soldier had sent to them."131 Later, while ministering in a deserted tavern turned hospital, Chidlaw explained to the seventeen soldiers lying on the floor the gospel of clean clothes, and of something good to eat. The next day, he labored in the gospel of Christ among them."132 Among the wounded there, Childlaw found a former Sunday School boy from Ohio who had been converted but never profes sed his faith in Jesus Christ. As a recruiting officer of the Captain of Salvation, I was ready to muster in this new recruit, Chidlaw recalled. I talked to him about the articles of war, tried to tell him what it was to be a faithful soldier that he mu st not "break ranks" and run to the enemy and then, on the avowal of his faith in Christ, I baptized this Christian soldier, and welcomed him into the Church of our Lord Jesus Christ."133 In the summer of 1864, Surgeon John Bennitt of the 19th Michigan Infantry, writing from a hospital near Marietta, Georgia explained how the USCC along with its sister organization, the USSC, contributed to his present good health. I have no doubt but that my present freedom from Scurvy is in a great measure due to the fruit s that have come to my table from those societies, he said. The government grants them privileges of transportation that 131 Henrietta Chidlaw, Sunset and evening star: In Memoriam of Rev. Benjamin Williams Chidlaw (Utica, NY: T.J. Griffiths, 1894), 141. 132 Ibid., 142. 133 Ibid. 142143.

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210 cannot be obtained by private individuals & hence these things can be had in this manner that could not come any other way."134 Wartime clergy used ritual in different ways than their prewar comrades, to actually decons ecrate certain spaces. Here they followed rituals to prepare the space to receive wounded men.135 For example, the USCC built chapels or town churches already constructed bef ore the war served periods as makeshift hospitals for wounded soldiers after morta l combat. These contested spaces multiplied in the wake of increased bloodshed in the second half of the war. In September 1863, Delegate James Russell Miller serving in the Army of the Potomac at Culpeper, Virginia described the establishment of a station in the Vestry of the Mt. Pony Baptist Church. This particular station was first appropriated for living quarters, before becoming a hospital later that week.136 The atmosphere inside one of these former churches was quite depressing. As explained in a report describing a Fredericksburg church in the early Summer of 1864, the former sacred space no longer held that status: In the Episcopal church, a nurse is bolstering up a wounded officer in the area behind the altar. Men are lying in the pews, on the seats, on the floor, on boards on top of the pews.137 Even Meade Station, one of the most beautiful USCC sites, after an unexpected enemy attack in 1865, became occupied for a brie f time as a hospital. The chapel, which only the evening before had 134 Beasecker, I Hope to Do My Country Service 293. 135 Jane Hubert maintains that in the Christian religion one may deconsecra te a sacred site. A church, for example, can be deconsecrated, she notes by the carrying out of rituals, so that it becomes a secular site, an ordinary building that can be used for any purpose. Thus the sacredness of the church is not something that is inherent in the place itself. Ritual leaders can create a sacred place, and uncreate it. (Hubert, Sacred Beliefs and Beliefs of Sacredness, 13 14.) 136 Alvin Duane Smith, ed., Two Civil War Notebooks of James Russell Miller Part I, Journal of Presbyter ian Historical Society 37 (June 1959): 78. 137 Smith, Incidents Among Shot and Shell 250.

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211 been occupied by quiet worshippers, was now filled with bleeding and dying men, some of them the same who, but a few hours before, had left that room in perfect health and vigor.138 While certainly difficult, wartime clergy could also use ritual to reconsecrate a building. In at least one case, USCC delegates converted a former church which had earlier been used as a rebel hospital back to its original form as a religious edifice. On a Sabb ath day in Kingston in 1864, the General Field Agent transformed the prewar Baptist church back into a religious center: I took off my ministerial coat, the General Field Agent recalled, and for one hour, with the mercury at ninety degrees, worked with might and main. When I had swept out the straw, cleared the rubbish from the pulpit, thrown the bunks out the window, pitched the old seats down from the loft, arranged them in order on the floor, and dusted the whole house over twice, it was time for ser vice.139 Union chaplains created a strong ecumenical atmosphere in the hospitals. These actions would have been virtually unheard of in antebellum times where sectarian strife was the norm. A dying Catholic soldier specifically requested the services of Jos eph Hopkins Twichell, the Congregationalist chaplain of the 71st New York who prayed with him using the Episcopal form of Visitation of the Sick.140 At Malvern Hill, a Catholic priest, Father Ouellent of the Irish Brigade, ministered to a badly wounded s oldier. When asked if he were a Catholic, the soldier asserted, No, but I would like to die in 138 Moss, Annals of the United States Christian Commission, 443. 139 Smith, Incidents Among Shot and Shell 286. 140 Letter from Twichell to his father from Camp Selkirk, MD, August 25th 1861, in Messent and Courtney, The Civil War Letters of Joseph Hopkins Twichell 61.

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212 the faith of any man who has the courage to come and see me in such a place as this.141 At Spotsylvania in 1864, Father Corby of the Irish brigade commissioned Chaplain William Eastman, a Congregationalist minister, to hear a dying soldiers confession. Tell him to confess to you, Corby told Eastman tell him that I said so and that whatever you say to him or do for him is right. With Corbys approval, Eas tman kneeled upon the grass beside the dying boy, listened to what he had to say, offered such comfort and hope as was given me, and commended him in prayer into the keeping of our gracious Lord. Seemingly satisfied, the boy died.142 In line with nineteent h century conceptions of separate spheres, women played a role in ministering to those in the wartime hospital environment.143 In his memoir, Union chaplain William Lyle provides a more specific assessment: If even a cup of cold water given in the name of C hrist shall in no wise lose its reward, then those noble women, who ministered to our brave soldiers on that trying and terrible occasion, will not be forgotten by the ever living and ever loving Redeemer.144 Female nurses displayed the 141 General Dennis Burk, Roman Catholic Chaplains in the War The Rev. Thomas Ouellet, S.J. Irish Brigade, in Memoirs of Chaplain Life, 306. 142 Eastman, A Yankee Chaplain Remembers, in Faith in the Fight 124. 143 For a discussion of separate spheres in nineteenthcentury America, see Nancy Cott, The Bonds of Womanhood: Womans Sphere in New England, 17801835 (New Haven, Conn.: Yale University Press, 1977). For studies on women in Civil War hospitals, including female hospital workers, and nurses who were also members of catholic orders see Sister Mary Denis Maher, To Bind Up the Wounds: Catholic Sister Nurses in the U.S. Civil War (New York: G reenwood Press, 1989) and Jane E. Schultz, Women at the Front: Hospital Workers in Civil War America (Chapel Hill: The University of North Carolina Press, 2004). See also Megan Connelly, A War of Involvement: The Story of How Civil War Women Used Nursin g to Display Their Religious Convictions (MA thesis, Lehigh University, 2009). Women also served in USCC sponsored diet kitchens located in Union hospitals, ensuring that soldiers were well fed and thus more receptive to th e ministrations of the clergy. See James O. Henry, History of the United States Christian Commission (PhD diss., University of Maryland, 1959), chapter fourteen Special Diet Kitchens of the Commission and Theresa R. McDevitt, Fighting for the Soul of America: A History of the United States Christian Commission (PhD diss., Kent State University, 1997), chapter eight Standing Side by Side with Man: Women in Civil War Diet Kitchens. 144 Lyle, Lights and Shadows of Army Life, 146.

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213 practical value of C hristian faith and thus inculcated religiosity in soldiers. Harriett Eat on described her service in the following manner: I think I have been led more into the depths of Christian experience than any hitherto my own will swallowed up, and I purified, this poor sinful body made a meet temple for the Masters use.145 When duty calls and so much can be done for the Master another female nurse maintained, I must not waiver.146 Roman Catholic nuns worked especially har d to aid the sick and wounded. According to Union soldier Charles Mattocks, "[T] he Sisters of Mercy" and the "Sisters of Charity" with their black bonnets and white bonnets are everywhere personally attending to the trials and sufferings of sick and wounded soldiers. It matters not to w hich army the soldier belongs. That he needs help is enough for these noble women to know.147 Confederate chaplain Louis Hippolyte Gache explained this phenomenon well in a November 1862 letter. In his opinion, the care and attention which the nuns bestow on the sick is a constant sermon which, if it does not enlighten the understanding of men, touches at any rate and wins their hearts, and disposes them in a wonderous way to be receptive to the priest's instruct ion and to receive the faith. The sick just need to see these saintly women at work for a period of three or four days to be lieve in the "sisters' church. For these men the proof of the Catholic church is in the life of the sisters."148 Marylands Sister Camilla OKeefe utilized her position to help 145 Harriett Eaton as cited in Schultz, Women at the Front 76. 146 Mary Shelton as cited in Schultz, Women at the Front 76. 147 Philip N. Racine, ed., Unspoiled Heart: The Journal of Charles Mattocks of the 17th Maine (Knoxville: The University of Tennessee Press, 1994), 203. 148 Gache, A Frenchman, A Chaplain, A Rebel 147.

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214 convert errant souls. To witness the change in those men, she recalled, was evidently the mercy of God over His redeemed creatures.149 Moving beyond their established antebellum roles as nurturers, women also aided in religious development by ser ving in the choir. Union chaplain Amos Billingsley remembered how another chaplain named Roe led a female choir which sang in the wards on the Sabbath. The chaplain, accompanied by the choir, Billingley recalled, would enter a ward, read a suitable pass age of Scripture, fol lowed by the enlivening music. After singing two or three pieces, they would go to the next ward.150 As in the camp, occasionally women parti cipated in religious services. In late October 1864, Confederate Chaplain Charles Todd Quintard held a morning service attended by surgeons, convalescents, and ladies from town.151 Another Catholic Confederate chaplain, Louis Hippolyte Gache offered mass to women and convalescents in Williamsburg within the lunatic asylums chapel in the late autumn o f 1861.152 As in the camp, prewar racial differences diminished in light of the shared hospital experience. When preaching to those convalescing outside the front lines at a General Hospital in Fort Monroe, Virginia in 1865, Union hospital Chaplain Amos Stev ens Billingsley preached to both black and white soldiers. A colored soldier said to me, Billingsley recalled, I liked to jumpt out of bed while you was preaching, last night, I felt 149 Sister Camilla OKeefe as cited in Schultz, Women at the Front 77. 150 Amos S. Billingsley, From the Flag to the Cross: Or, Scenes and Incidents of Christianity in the War (Burlington IA: R. T. Root, 1872), 121. 151 Elliot, Doctor Quintard, Chaplain C.S.A. and Second Bishop of Tennessee, 167. 152 Gache, A Frenchman, A Chaplain, A Rebel 73.

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215 so happy; my very heart seemed to leap with joy.153 For this chaplain and many of his colleagues, wounded men deserved religious attention regardless of race. Catholic hospital chaplains continued some of their prewar missionary activity by caring for the needy memb ers of their beleaguered sect. This entailed voluntary minis try to Cat holics in nearby institutions. In a November 1864 report, Chaplain F. E. Boyle of Washington D.C.s Stono General Hospital recalled visiting the Catholic soldiers in four other nearby hospitals, who appreciated being able to receive the sacrament s.154 The Rev. B. S. Widget, a chaplain at a Washington D.C. hospital, ministered when necessary to French and German Catholics, in the surrounding hospitals. Widget earned the distinction of being the only Washington D.C. based chaplain in 1865 who could communicate with Germanspeaking soldiers in their native tongue.155 Like in peacetime, some chaplains specifically ministered to German sol diers in their own language. St ationed in Nashville, Union hospital chaplain Herman Eggers preached in German for German soldiers in the city, and cared for the German sick from April 1864 through June 1865.156 In the immediate post war period, Eggers 153 Chaplain Amos Stevens Billingsley, 101st Pennsylvania Infantry and Hospital Chaplain of US Volunteers, in The Spirit Divided Memoirs of Civil War Chaplains: The Union 216. 154 Rev. F.E. Boyle Chaplain Stono General Hospital Washington DC Nov 21 1864 Report of Moral Status to Assistant Surgeon J.V. S. Middleton U.S.A., National Archives and Records Administration, Washington, D.C. 155 Rev. B.S. Widget Hospital Chaplain U.S.A. Stanton General Hospital Washington D.C. January 31 1865 Monthly Report to Brigadier Genl J.K. Barnes Surg General U.S.A. Washington D.C.; Rev. B.S. Widget Hospital Chaplain U.S.A. Stanton General Hospital Washington D.C. April 30 1865 Mont hly Report to Brigadier Genl J.K. Barnes Surg U.S.A.; Rev. B.S. Widget Hospital Chaplain U.S.A. Stanton General Hospital Washington D.C. June 30 1865 Monthly Report to Brigadier Genl J.K. Barnes Surg U.S.A., National Archives and Records Administration, Washington, D.C. 156 Herman Eggers Hospital Chaplain Cumberland Hospital Nashville Tenn April 30 1864 Monthly Report of Station and Duty for Month of April to Col J.K. Barnes Acting Surgeon Gen U.S.A. and other monthly reports thru June 1865, National Archives and Records A dministration, Washington, D.C. Herman Eggers Hospital Chaplain Cumberland Hospital Nashville Tenn June 30 1865 Monthly Report of Station and Duty

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216 responsibility towar d his German brethren expanded. In addition to ministering weekly to those in the hospital in Nashville, Eggers also preached on Sunday to those soldiers in the city, as well as alternately every week to two German regiments without chaplains.157 Eggers noted their positive response to hi s efforts: "Our sick and convalescent Germans are generally willing, often glad and sometimes anxious to receive religious instruction and consolation in their mother tongue."158 Wartime clergy adapted antebellum missionary tactics to the hospital environmen t in order to reach the s ick, wounded, and dying there. They also established new religious precedents to reach thos e in this wartime environment. When interacting with the dying, clergy tried to utilize the antebellum concept of the Good Death. The End of Worldly Suffering: The Religious Space of the Dying Dying soldiers, more so than anyone else, turned to the religious support of chaplains and missionaries. Historian Drew Gilpin Faust argues that soldiers needed to be both willing and ready to die. As they left for war, she further asserts, they turned to the resources of their culture, codes of masculinity, patriotism, and religion to prepare themselves for what lay ahead.159 Nineteenthcentury Americans of all religious denominations shared the conception of the Good Death, which chaplains and for Month of June to Surgeon Gen U.S.A., National Archives and Records Administration, Washingt on, D.C. 157 Herman Eggers Hospital Chaplain Cumberland Hospital Nashville Tenn May 31 1865 Monthly Report of Station and Duty for Month of May to Surgeon Gen U.S.A., National Archives and Records Administration, Washington, D.C. 158 Herman Eggers Hospital Chaplain Cumberland Hospital Nashville Tenn May 31 1865 Monthly Report of Station and Duty for Month of May to Surgeon Gen U.S.A., National Archives and Records Administration, Washington, D.C. 159 Faust, This Republic of Suffering 5.

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217 missionaries provided to soldiers who died during their military service, far away from home and the support of their families.160 Coming from an antebellum culture almost obsessed with the Good Death, the chaplain focused special attention on t he dying or recently deceased. Union Chaplain Thomas Kinnicut Beecher admitted his focus on the dead stating I cannot explain it but 'tis so the departed are more mine than the staying the dead are more to me than the living ."161 Another Union chaplain David W. Tolford of the U.S. General Hospital in Columbus, Ohio reported on the special attention he gave to funerals, stating "I make it a duty to know that the dead are properly and decently laid out and prepared for burial, and all funerals from the Hospitals are attended with religious rites and our military honors."162 An unfamiliar role for most, army chaplains took seriously their most challenging duty: p reparing men for certain death. Throughout the conflict, Northern and Southern chaplains prayed with deserters and other condemned men, providing them with religious consolation before their planned executions. Prewar executions were seen as a setting where all could attend and profit. 163 In the antebellum period, individuals punished in this fashion had committed a heinous crime, while wartime justice called for 160 Faust, This Republic of Suffering 7 8. The use of wartime condolence letters sought to make absent loved ones virtual witnesses to the dying moments they had been denied, to link home and battlefront, and to mend the fissures war had introduced into the fabric of the Good Deat h. (Faust, This Republic of Suffering, 15. ) 161 Maryniak and Brinsfield, Jr., The Spirit Divided: Memoirs of Civil War Chaplains The Union, 77 78. 162 D. W. Tolford U.S.A. Chaplain of Hospitals Personal Report U.S. Gen Hospitals Columbus O. and Vicinity May 3 1 1864 to Surgeon General U.S.A. Washington D.C., National Archives and Records Administration, Washington, D.C. 163 Lewis O. Saum, The Popular Mood of PreCivil War America (Westport, Conn: Greenwood Press, 1980) 93.

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218 much harsher penalties. Onetime crimes such as desertion, that could potentially disrupt military order, elicited the death penalty. Yet in both arenas the attendees learned from these events. Union chaplain Charles Alfred Humphreys experience at a February 1864 execution of a deserter was typical: "The poor victim chose to lean on my arm as he walked to execution behind his ow n coffin borne by his old messmates, he recalled while the band marched beside playing a funeral dirge. And he leaned still more closely on my faith that, though his country could not forgive him, beset as she was with enemies, God would forgiv e if he was truly penitent[.]" Right before the scheduled execution, Humphreys offered final prayers before commending the soldier to Gods mercy, binding a handkerchief over his eyes, and requesting that the executioner aim at his heart.164 In this new role, the cler gyman served as final confidant and confessor. He also was the lone person to express sympathy for the condemned "They were solemn and tearful as I read the Scriptures and prayed with them, Union Chaplain John Ripley recorded. Poor men! Death stares the m in the face, not with flushes of victory and honor on the battlefield, but with the shame and disgrace of cowardice and falseheartedness."165 A Confederate soldier, Samuel Pickens, along with his entire division, watched a deserter speak to a chaplain bef ore being executed.166 Another Confederate James Pickens, and the rest of his brigade watched the execution of three deserters in April 1864. Right before being shot to death, they 164 Humphreys, Field, Camp, Hospital and Prison 20 21. 165 Adams, Memorial and Letters of Rev. John R. Adams 133. 166 G. Ward Hubbs, ed., Voices from Company D: Diaries by the Greensboro Guards, Fifth Alabama Infantry Regiment, Army of Northern Virginia (Athens: The University of Georgia Press, 200 3 ) 199.

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219 kneel in prayer, with a minister, for a few minutes, ere their spirits are w afted into eternity.167 The chaplains normally unenviable new wartime role could have a positive outcome when men received last minute pardons. Midway through the war, Union Chaplain Frederic Denison prayed with a deserter plainly and faithfully as in the sight of God and not of men. Finding true penitence in the man, Denison secured his pardon.168 In this case, Denison was able to intercede on the mans behalf but other times an officer would, without clerical assistance. In July 1863, Union Chaplain Willi am Corby, attended to a soldier convicted of shooting a fellow of ficer for speaking ill of him. While the man prostrated himself before God for the last time, Corby prepared him for certain death, keeping before his mind the infinite mercy of God, the suf ferings of Christ on the cross, and other ref lections of a similar nature. Right before the mans scheduled execution, an officer granted a last minute pardon.169 A similar series of events affected Confederate Chaplain Quintard when ministering to a man se n tenced to death for desertion. With the soldier seated on his coffin, Quintard gave him the sacrament and performed final ministrations, before the prisoner received a last second pardon.170 Working within newly created religious roles in the military justice system, chaplains and missionaries placed equal effort into preparing the enemy for death. Civil War clergy felt all men deserved their ministrations regardless of their actions, or the 167 Hubbs, Voices from Company D 254. 168 Denison, A Chaplains Experience in the Union Army 21. 169 Corby, Memoirs of Chaplain Life, 209210. 170 Elliot, Doctor Quintard, Chaplain C.S.A. and Second Bishop of Tennessee, 7375.

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220 side they took in the conflict, actions which would have been unheard of in the sectarian influenced envi ronment of antebellum America. Post Chaplain Francis Springer of Fort Smith, Arkansas ministered to four condemned Bushwhackers (irregular troops who ha d attacked Union forces in the area) bef ore their July 1864 execution. On the morning of their execution, Springer dutifully sang the following hymn with the condemned, undisturbed that they were the enemy: "In the tempest of life, when the wave and the ga te are around and aboveif thy footing should fail, If thine eye should grow dim, and thy caution depart, Look aloft, and be firm and confiding of heart.171 Right before their execution, he said a few words of prayer before the condemned mens eyes were ban daged and their hands tied. Francis Springers ministrations must have succeeded for right before their deaths, was heard earnest supplications to God for mercy and forgiveness; and one of them broke out in the chorus of a hymn: "We'll all meet in heaven to part no more."172 In a separate incident in March 1864, the Union army executed Ephraim S mith Dodd for allegedly spying. Taking their Christian duty seriously to treat an enemy as a friend, before the execution, several Union chaplains prayed with him before immers ing him in the baptism waters. Through Divine grace, these chaplains hoped that this man could surrender his soul to God and gain salvation.173 As opposed to prewar clergy who focused primarily on the living, the chaplain or missionary in the hospital spent much of his time with soldiers about t o leave their earthly torment. He aimed to console the soldiers, and hopefully also point them toward salvation, a most effective strategy when a soldier lay on his deathbed. Union chaplain 171 Springer, The Preachers Tale 111112. 172 Ibid., 113. 173 Cutrer, Our Trust is in the God of Battles 254.

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221 Andrew Jackson Hartsock recalled the dying words of a mortally wounded man in the hospital Tell them I die for my country, that my faith & hope is in Jesus.174 Another soldier found God on his deathbed, even though he had been a neglector of r eligion and was very profan e. In this trying hour, Chaplain Beaudry recalled, he clung to me most ferociously, unwilling I should leave him for a moment. He also desired to have me pray for him.175 W artime clergy often held burial services for those who perished in hospitals. Evi dence suggests that the wounded and sick who could, often attended these services.176 Union hospital chaplain Rodney Gage explained that the brief religious services held at the grave consist of prayer, a reading of scripture, and sometimes remarks.177 At a fu neral service Union hospital chaplain S. S. Potter would usually sing a hymn, read a portion of the Lords word, deliver an address from 15 to 20 minutes expounding a passage in the Bible and closing with prayer and the benediction.178 Union hospital chapl ain M. J. Gonzales described a more intricate ceremony, which 174 Duram and Duram, Soldier of the Cross 41. 175 Beaudry, War Journal of Louis N. Beaudry 121. Like prewar clergy, not all cl erics performed this job well. J. R. Miller criticized how a preacher he accompanied ministered to a dying man in the hospital. According to Miller, the dying man did not have an understanding of salvation or Jesus Christ. Not cognizant of the situation, the minister attending him expressed the fol lowing message cheer up, brother you are safeGod only asks you to believe, and you say that you desire to believethat is enough. You are all right. Miller articulated scathing criticism of this ministers actions: Thus instead of opening up to him a v iew of his real condition, this man, professing to lead souls to Jesus, smooths down his pillow with false hopes, and tries to make him feel satisfied with his hopes, when in reality the dying man knew nothing whatever of the way to salvation. (Smith, Tw o Civil War Notebooks of James Russell Miller Part I, 85 86.) For examples of deathbed confessions, see Billingsley, From the Flag to the Cross 317319. 176 See Adams, Memorial and Letters of Rev. John R. Adams, 3536, 112113. 177 R. Gage U.S. Genl Hospital 3rd Div Alexandria Va Nov 1st 1864 to L. Thomas Adjutant Genl U.S.A., National Archives and Records Administration, Washington, D.C. 178 S. S. Potter Chaplain U.S.A. New Albany, Indiana November 30 1864 Monthly Report of Hospitals No's 8 and "Corps D' Afrique" on their "moral and religious condition" to Surgeon General U.S.A. Washington City D.C., National Archives and Records Administration, Washington, D.C.

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222 contained aspects of civil religion. Almost daily at half past three in the afternoon, Gonzales attended a funeral service in which An escort follows the bodies to the grave and the coffins are always enveloped in the glorious Flag of our Country."179 Confederate chaplain Wiatt recalled reading and commenting on Matthew 22:44 at a service in the tent hospital in midJanuary 1863.180 As part of this inculcation of religiosity, Union hospital chaplains clung to antebellum notions of the Good Death and presided over burial servi ces for Confederate prisoners. While stationed at Point Lookout in May 1865, James B. Crane recalled attending at the dead house, performing the burial service and making an address to a large number of prisoners, at the burial of four of their companions.181 Edmund B. Tuttle, while serving at Camp Douglass, Illinois provided religious services to the wards of the prisons rebel hospital, but did not perform a burial service for t he dying. Maintaining a degree of ambiguity about his lack of action, he stated in his report simply If wrong in this matter, would like instructions.182 While single person burials were the norm in the antebellum period, the vast numbers of deceased in larger hospitals, requir ed collective burial services. Union 179 M.J. Gonzales Chaplain USA Monthly Report U.S.A. General Hospital Baton Rouge LA Oct 31 1864 to Br ig Genl. Jos K. Barnes USA Surgeon General., National Archives and Records Administration, Washington, D.C. According to C haplain N.L. Brakeman army regulations required a mi litary escort at all funerals. (N.L. Brakeman, Chaplain U.S.A. Monthly Report Fort Williams Baton Rouge LA, June 30th 1864 to W.A. Hammond Surgeon Genl, National Archives and Records Administration, Washington, D.C.) 180 Alex L. Wiatt, ed., Confederate Chaplain William Edward Wiatt: An Annotated Diary (Lynchbur g, VA: H.E. Howard, 1994), 26. Matthew 22:44 states The Lord said unto my Lord, Sit thou on my right hand, till I make thine enemies thy footstool? 181 James B. Crane USA Genl Hospital Point Lookout, MD May 31st 1865 to Major Genl J.K. Barnes Surg Genl U.S.A., National Archives and R ecords Administration, Washington, D.C. 182 Edmund B. Tuttle U.S. Hospital Chaplain Camp Douglas, Ill November 30 1864 Report for November 1864 Camp Douglas Port Hospital General Hospital Des Maries Hospital to J.K. Barnes Surgeon General U.S.A. Washington D .C., National Archives and Records Administration, Washington, D.C.

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223 chaplain Billingsley describes the type of service he officiated over in the hospital, complete with resonances of civil religion: At the hour appointed, the escort, drum corps, deadcart, pall bearers, and the chaplain, all being assembled, the funeral begins by placing the encoffined dead into the cart, each one receiving the regular dead salute of a threefold rapping of the drums, and the escort presenting arms. We usually take five at a load, all covered over with the glorious old flag they died to honor and defend. Then, with a slow step and solemn notes of the deathmarch, of fife and drum, we march to the graves, and with solemn sil ence consign them to the tomb. Once the last coffin is le t down the chaplain reads some scripture and offers some remarks, often speaking of the dying messages and brig ht prospects of the departed. The service concludes with prayer for the sick, wounded, dying, and for the comfort of the bereaved friends at home and then the escort fires three volleys.183 Another problem that wartime clergy faced whic h their prewar predecessors had not concerned burial space. Early in the war, the need for funeral services out stretched spatial limitations. Chaplain C. W. Denison of a Washington D.C. hospital wrote in September 1862 to the Surgeon General explaining his need for a specif ic space for funeral services. He asked the Surgeon General to make a suggestion on his behalf for some central church, or vestry (not now occupied as a hospital) where the deceased could be carried, and religious services performed by the chaplains.184 Due to the mass slaughter during Civil War battles, impersonal, mass burials, unheard of in pe acetime, could not be avoided. Union chaplain W illiam Reed Eastman 183 Billingsley, From the Flag to the Cross 323. 184 C. W. Denison Chaplain USA Grace Ch. Hospital, Washington D.C. Sept. 17 1862 to Surgn. Gen. Hammond, U.S.A. Washington D.C., National Archives and Records Administration, Washington, D.C.

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224 recalled these mass burials in the wake of battle: Each night at sundown the men who had died during the day were buried, with a short prayer, side by side in one shallow common grave, each in his uniform with canvas wrapped about his face and a strip of paper giving his name and regiment in a bottle buttoned under his blouse."185 In the aftermath of a battle on the Rappahannock River in November 1863, Union chaplain Adams spent time with the wounded and dying in the hospital. The next day, he buried the dead near the rifle pits, seven in one grave offered prayer, and saw the slain were decently buried, marking the place with head boards. Having received orders to advance, the regiment was not present.186 For some of these mass burials, chaplains required both ci vilian and military assistance. For example, Union chaplain Louis Beaudry needed this aid to bury eighty men in a mass grave, in the wake of battle in June 1863.187 An example of the non sectarian nature of Civil War religious l ife is displayed in a cooperative venture between Catholic and Protestant Confederate chaplains, who worked together in a daily funeral service in the cemetery. This type of transdenominational interaction would have been unheard of previously. Pere Louis Hippolyte Gache, the Roman Catholic chaplain of the 10th Louisiana reported on this daily event with unfeigned disdain. Gache explained that some Catholic army chaplains had reached an agreement with their Protestant colleagues over sharing the conduct of a transdenominational funeral service for the dead of all religious faiths. So as not to violate the laws of the [Catholic] church in this respect, Gache remarked with disdain, 185 Eastman, A Yankee Chaplain Remembers in Faith in the Fight 122. 186 Adams, Memorial and Letters of Rev. John R. Adams 132. 187 Beaudry, War Journal of Louis N. Beaudry 49.

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225 they recite not the prayers of the Latin ritual, but other prayers, and in E nglish. They also insist that they do not read these prayers for the dead, but rather for those who are present at the funeral service."188 Although most Civil War soldiers spent the majority of their time in the camp, the other wartime environments, namely combat and hospital space, created new challenges for clergy. Within hospitals, soldiers dealt with the benefits and curses of ample spare t ime. Religion definitely helped alleviat e the boredom of hospital life. During combat, the lure of religious devotion, might be the only sound which could compete for the attention of the soldiery, offering them hope as they encountered a baptism of fire. It helped soldiers endure the harshness of Civil War life, and kept them connec ted to their families at home. In the se particular spaces, the chaplain or missionary took on the role of mediator between the peacetime world and a world full of bloodshed and death. However, in these two environments, Civil War clergy experienced for the first time, a lack of control. In antebellum churches, the preacher told the congregants what to do and how to behave, and f or the most part they listened. During combat conditions, or surrounded by sick and dying soldiers in the hospital, this was not the case. Here outside forces held sway and clergy needed to respond to them, without k nowing the outcome in advance. Clergy adapted prewar worship techniques to the combat and hospital environments, two arenas wh ere they lacked total control. The next chapter discusses clerical care in genera l hospitals and prisons. In these places, religious devotion, 188 Gache, A Frenchman, A Chaplain, A Rebel 190.

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226 morphed into a civil religi on in the North and the South. These spaces were more removed from antebellum religious practice, than the camp or battlefield.

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227 CHAPTER 7 CLERICAL CARE IN GENERAL HOSPITALS AND PRISONS Introduction When former American prison ers of war are asked years later about what helped them cope with the indignities of prison life in some far off land they often say religion. The same was true for Confederate and Union prisoners incarcerated in desolate places far removed from familial contact. Hope in these places was often in short supply, and most easily accessible via their religious fai th The same faith helped the occupants of general hospitals endure long periods of recuperation while awaiting contact with prewar friends and relatives. This chapter examines the construction of sacred space in both prisons and general hospitals, two new and particularly challenging spaces that emerged out of necessity in both the U nion and the Confederacy.1 Within hospitals, chaplains worked alongside missionaries (USCC delegates in the Union) and female nurs es to create a religious space. In prisoner of war camps, imprisoned clergy or nearby enemy clergy, worked to keep the men occupied in religious pursuits and away from profane influences.2 Although in many senses very distinct sorts of institutions, for our purposes hospitals and prisons lend them selves to a conjoined analysis. Both institutions involved 1 These two spaces are clear manifestations of decentralized sacred space which developed out of a place of self sacrificial service to ones neighbor. (Douglas Davies, Christianity, in Sacred Place, ed. Jean Holm (London: Pinter Publishers Ltd., 1994), 56.) The discussion of hospitals in this chapter focuses on the specific religious aspects of the general hospitals. The previous chapter, while including some evidence from the general hospital, focused on how clergy ministered to sick, wounded, and dying men. 2 Officer Frederic F. Cavada remarked that Libby prison housed many imprisoned chaplains. According to Cavada, this time the rude grasp of Mars has not respected the inviolable sanctity of the holy robe." (Cavada, Libby Life: Experiences of a Prisoner of War in Richmond, Va., 186364 50)

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228 the construction of phy sical spaces for housing men who were no longer engaged in military pursuits. How did the clergy bring religion to these men in such unf amiliar physical surroundings? Moreover, hospitals existed inside prisons and chaplain reports show that Union chaplains stationed at general hospitals also ministered to prisoners.3 In fact, Northern officials often located wartime general hospitals and prisons on the same site. Both ge neral hospitals and prisons provided new religious spaces with no precedent in prewar A merica. With some success clergy tried to use antebellum religious practices to minister to the men in th ese institutions. The religious conditions in these spaces, however, did not replicate the antebellum church, or even the wartime camp, requiring clergy to both adapt antebellum norms and create new wartime practices unique to the general hospital and pri son. Out of this environment emerged a civil religion which would fl ourish in the post bellum era. Time is on Our Side: Sacred Space in the Union Genera l Hospital More so than any antebellum institution, the wartime general hospital emerged as an ideal place for inculcating rel igiosity in Civil War America. Men enjoyed ample free time while stayi ng there for extended periods. Within the Union armies, most hospitals could rely on the services of an inhouse chaplain, United States Christian Commission delegates, and nearby civilian preachers. These conditions allowed for clergy to reach 3 Nine boxes of hospital chaplain reports housed at the National Archives in Washington D.C. form the evidentiary basis for this chapters discussion of the religious space in Union general hospitals. In 1864, the Surgeon General of the United States ordered all Union hospital chaplains to submit monthly reports detailing their hospital duties.

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229 many Civil War soldiers, rejuvenating their faith in Christianity, and teaching them about the world to come.4 Performing much the same functions as antebellum missionaries, USCC delegates labored alongside officially commissioned Union hospital chaplains s tationed at general hospitals. In June 1864, for instance, United Stat es Christian Commission delegates stationed at Fortress Monroes McC lellan and Chesapeake hospitals tended to the wounded and sick.5 They helped relieve the bodily distress of the sick and wounded and stressed personal religion to these men.6 USCC delegates and chaplains often expanded their religious reac h by leading worship together. For example, in April 1863 Chaplain Hartsock worked with a Mr. Centers of the USCC to hold services in three of the division hospitals wards.7 Surgeon John Bennitt t old his wife of his positive view of the USCC and its sister organization, the USSCs, work in hospitals: "The U.S. Sanitary Commission & the U.S. Christian Commission are doing very much good work in supplying those things that conduce to the physical and moral well being of the 4 Chaplain James Marshall of Fort Monroe, Virginia, spoke of the variety of religious meetings he provided in November 1864. Totaling twenty nine, these religious meetings included six Sunday Schools (three for white soldiers and children and another three for African American boys that were servants of officers); four for singing sacred music; eleven f or conference and prayer; five for preaching; two in the military prison; and one held during Thanksgiving. (James Marshall Chaplain U.S. Gen Hospital Chesapeake in Officer's Division, Fort Monroe VA Report of Station P.O. Address and Duties for November 1864 November 30 1864 to Brig Genl James K. Barnes Surgeon General U.S. Army, National Archives and Records Administration, Washington, D.C.) 5 Jon Edward Kaliebe, The Letters of Thomas Scott Johnson: His Work Among the Negro as Christian Commission Delegate and Chaplain, 18641866 (Masters thesis, Uni versity of Wisconsin, 1966), 8. 6 Kaliebe, The Letters of Thomas Scott Johnson, 1415. 7 James C. Duram and Eleanor A. Duram, eds., Soldier of the Cross: The Civil War Diary and Correspondence of Rev. Andrew Jackson Hartsock (Manhattan, KS: Military Affairs/Aerospace Historian Publishing for the American Military Institute, 1979), 87.

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230 soldier. There are among us some men, agents of these Societies that seem to be true followers of Him who went about doing good."8 Like prewar church services, the devotional music accompanying ritual acts pervaded the hospital environment.9 This makes sense considering the ample spare time men could devote to singing and other aspects of the ritual. After Mr. Sloan distributed the Soldiers Hymnbook in the Smoketown hospitals, he declared the singing heard in most of the wards al most every evening had a good effect upon the general spirits of the men and often led to conversion.10 Union hospital chaplain James Marshall who worked near Fort Monroe, Virginia in January 1864 stated how on every Friday night he sang and taught the pr inciples of sacred music to soldiers in the chapel.11 A little over a year later, Marshall had established four singing schools, where a soldier drills a full chapel of orderly soldiers on duty both in Hospital and Prison Guard, in the rudiments of sacred music.12 Unlike the rudimentary hospitals of the antebellum era, a Union general hospitals spatial arrangements promoted the dissemination of Christianity.13 Thomas Drumm 8 Robert Beasecker, ed., I Hope to Do My Country Service: The Civil War Letters of John Bennitt, M.D., Surgeon, 19th Michigan Infantry (Detroit, MI: Wayne State University Press, 2005), 282. 9 The recitation of hymns or other types of devotional music also marked sacred space. (Hubert, Sacred Beliefs, 11. Douglas Davies, Christianity, in Sacred Place 5051.) 10 United States Christian Commission, United States Christian Commission for the Army and Navy Work and Incidents First Annual Report (Philadelphia: USCC, 1863), 30. 11 James Marshall Chaplain U.S.A. Chesapeake Gen Hospital near Fort Monroe, VA January 31 1864 Report of Duties for January 1864 to Col J.K. Barnes Acting Surgeon General U.S. Army, National Archives and Records Administration, Washington, D.C. 12 James Marshall Chaplain U.S Gen Hospital Officer's Division near Fort Monroe VA Report of Station P.O Address and Duties for February 1865 February 28 1865 to Brig. Genl. J.K. Barnes Surgeon General U.S.A., National Archives and Records Administration, Washington, D.C. 13 Antebellum hospitals mainly served the insane, poor, or travelers. By the mid nineteenth century the pavi lion ward was coming into use. This was an open ward, but of limited extent; ventilated on both long

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231 worked at the First Division hos pital in Alexandria, Virginia. Consisting of three distinct hospitals in a triangle formation, Chaplain Drumm explained, two sides of the hospital complex stretched 1/3 of a mile in length, whil e the third was 7/8 of a mile. Combined the hospitals could accommodate seven hundred and forty patients.14 The co nnectedness of these buildings allowed the chaplain easy access to hospital patients, granting him the ability to minister to their religious needs. Similar to the wartime camp and prewar church, the general hospitals chapel emerg ed as a beacon of religio sity. According to hospital administrator Jane Stuart Woolsey, The chapel services were always well attended, except now and then in times of great sickness and heavy work, or when the Hospital was, for the time, thinned out.15 Chaplains considered themselves lucky to have a chapel, and many bemoaned the lack of one.16 Joseph Anderson recalled that the wards in his Detroit hospital could not accommodate all who wanted to attend services since they were crowded with beds.17 Reporting from a Pennsylvania hospi tal in August 1864, Chaplain W. H. D. sides by windows, on both short sides by doors; connected to a corridor that serves similar pavilions, but self contained with its ow n service rooms. (John D. Thompson and Grace Goldin, The Hospital: A Social and Architectural History (New Haven, CT: Yale University press, 1975), 118.) The pavilion ward would be the dominate form used in Civil War hospitals. 14 Thomas Drumm Chaplain U.S .A. 1st Div Genl Hosp Alexandria VA August 1864 Monthly Report August 31st 1864 to Brig Gen. L. Thomas Adjutant General U.S.A., National Archives and Records Administration, Washington, D.C. 15 Jane Stuart Woolsey, Hospital Days: Reminiscence of a Civil War Nurse (Roseville, MN: Edinborough Press, 1996), 61. 16 Lewis H. Sreoner, a Sanitary Commission delegate, relayed his friend, Chaplain B. H. Crever's need for a chapel in a January 1863 letter to the Surgeon General. Lewis H. Sreoner Sanitary Commission Fre derick City January 6 1863 letter to Brig Genl W. A. Hammond Surg Genl U.S.A. inside chaplain report B. H. Crever Hospital Chaplain USA Genl Hospt Frederick MD April 1 1864 to J.V.G Blaney Surgeon USA and Medical Director Dept West VA Cumberland, MD, National Archives and Records Administration, Washington, D.C. 17 Joseph Anderson, Chaplain U.S.A. Detroit Michigan 31st May 1864 Report on the Moral condition of the hospital of this city, to the Surgeon General U.S.A., National Archives and Records Administrat ion, Washington, D.C.

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232 Hatton noted the lack of a suitable place for indoor services necessitated open air services.18 By the wars last year few open air mee tings occurred within the camp. Instead most religious services happened either in c hapels or other enclosed areas. When available, new wartime hospital chapels surpassed in both design and sophistication, those edifices constructed in the c amp and in the pre war period. This is logical considering that general hospitals could be used ind efinitely and clergy relied on plentiful convalescent labor to build these struc tures. Lemuel G. Olmsted who worked in an Indiana hospital vividly described an almost completed chapel at the end of June 1865: It is 150 feet long, 40 wide, 20 high with a roof quarter pitch, and two side buildings of 14 by 28 ft and endwin to the centre of the sides of the main building. The last are for the Libraries. The work is well done. There is a double floor throughout the whole and filled in with six inches of sawdust to deaden the sound and keep it cool in summer and warm in winter. The building stands on cedar supports about 2 1/2 to 3 feet from the ground. It is well cleared and underneath and the wind drives under, as it does over and around it. The walls have hanging boards for pictures and maps from its waniscotting and the plates and new gable. The building is unique, well constructed, generally admired. The walls, are as fine as can be found and it is one of the easiest houses to speak in, that we know of. The pulpit is one side, in the centere of the side. Over against it is an orchestra of one third of the mai n building, 50 feet in length. I have 300 arm chairs about half or two thirds done. They are a beautiful pattern, of good, well masoned material.19 With the help of convalescent labor, Olmsted had been working on this chapel si nce September 1864. After obtaining the necessary funds from the Sanitary and Christian Commissions, as well as some material aid from the United States 18 W. H. D. Hatton Hosp. Chaplain U.S.A. White Hall USA G. Hosp. near Bristol, Bucks Co. PA Monthly Report of Hospital August 31 1864 to Surgeon Genl. J.K. Barnes USA Washington City, D.C., National Archives and Records Administration, Washington, D.C. 19 Lemuel G. Olmsted Jefferson U.S.A. Hospital Jeffersonville, Indiana June 30 1865 to Surgeon General USA Washington D.C., National Archives and Records Administration, Washington, D.C.

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233 government, Olmsted built an imposing structure which served as a chapel, reading room, and picture gallery.20 In August 1864, Union chaplain C. Brewster of Readville, Massachusetts reported that his chapel could hold between eight hundred and one thousand people.21 That same month, James Marshall stated that his chapel near Fort Monroe, Virginia contained a bell weighing three hundred and seventy five pounds, used to call the soldiers to the sanctuary.22 As in the camp, hospital chapel services welcomed all comers.23 This differed from t he antebellum era when transdenominational worship was almost unheard of. Serving in Baton Rouge, Union hospital chaplain M. J. Gonzales, held one Sabbath and two weekday evening services per week. In a March 1864 report he recalled their nonsectarian ori entation: All Union services, where all Christian soldiers of every name and Denomination can unite in the worship of the same God and Savior.24 Gonzales continued to mention the nonsectarian nature of services in several other reports he 20 Lemuel G. Olmsted Jefferson U.S.A. Hospital Jeffer sonville, Indiana April 30 1865 to Surgeon General USA Washington D.C., National Archives and Records Administration, Washington, D.C. 21 C. Brewster Hospital Chaplain U.S.A. U.S. Gen. Hospital Readville, Mass. August 31 1864 Monthly Report to the Surgeon G eneral U.S.A. Washington D.C., National Archives and Records Administration, Washington, D.C. 22 James Marshall Chaplain U.S.A. U.S. Gen Hospital near Fort Monroe VA Report of Station P.O. Address and Duties for August 1864 August 31 1864 to Brig. Genl. J.K Barnes Surgeon General U.S. Army, National Archives and Records Administration, Washington, D.C. 23 Private religious instructions and prayer remained available for those patients unable to attend public worship. (B. H. Crever Hospital Chaplain U.S.A. USA Gen Hospital Frederick Maryland March 31 1865 to Surgeon A.B. Campbell Medical Director Department West Va Cumberland Md, National Archives and Records Administration, Washington, D.C.) 24 M.J. Gonzales Chaplain Monthly Report to the Surgeon General U.S.A. Asylum U.S. Gen. Hospital Baton Rouge March 31 1864 to Col Barnes U.S.A. Inspector General and Acting Surgeon General, National Archives and Records Administration, Washington, D.C.

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234 submitted to the Surgeon General during the wars last year.25 Other chaplains undoubtedly shared his perspective on this topic. Unlike pre war services which usually attracted the same monolithic groups, Union general hospital services included diverse individuals, besid es just the patients. Since his hospital chapel was the only church near Fort Monroe in March 1864, James Marshalls place of worship was thronged every Sabbath with strangers, citizens, and soldiers.26 The soldiers there were encouraged by the regular at tendance of citizens and their families.27 By January 1866 this hospital chapel remained the areas only white church. We rejoice at the presence and seeming cooperation of native residents who are present with Government soldiers and employees in morning service, Marshall remarked, and whose children compose chiefly the Sabbath School.28 While antebellum clergy commonly relegated nonnatives to immigrant churches, Union hospital chaplains created an inclusive religious space for non English speaking i mmi grants, especially Germans. In October 1864, Alfred Nevin, a chaplain at Philadelphias Satterlee general hospital, allowed a German missionary to preach to German soldiers on Tuesday evening and preside over their BibleClass on Saturday 25 M.J. Gonzales Hospital Chaplain U.S.A. Asylum U.S.A. General Hospital B aton Rouge LA Feb 28 1865 Monthly Report to General Jos. K. Barnes Surgeon General U.S.A. and M.J. Gonzales Hospital Chaplain U.S.A. Asylum U.S.A. General Hospital Baton Rouge LA Jan 31 1865 Monthly Report to General Jos. K. Barnes Surgeon General U.S.A., National Archives and Records Administration, Washington, D.C. 26 James Marshall Chaplain U.S.A. Chesapeake Gen Hospital U.S.A. near Fort Monroe VA Report of Station P.O. Address and Duties for March 1864 March 31 1864 to Col J.K. Barnes Acting Surgeon General U.S. Army National Archives and Records Administration, Washington, D.C. 27 James Marshall Chaplain U.S.A. Chesapeake Gen Hospital near Fort Monroe, VA January 31 1864 Report of Duties for January 1864 to Col J.K. Barnes Acting Surgeon General U.S. Army 28 James Marshall Chaplain U.S Gen Hospital Fort Monroe VA Report of Station P.O. Address and Duties for January 1866 January 31 1866 to Brig. Genl. J.K. Barnes Surgeon General U.S. Army

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235 afternoon.29 This minister held Tuesday afternoon German religious meetings through the end of the war.30 Hermann Bokum, a Union hospital chaplain in Tennessee, explained how the USCC employed a German missionary to minister to hospitalized German soldiers. The enterprise o f the Rev. Mr. Romich, who has been the means of erecting a church edifice at the corner of Poplar and Twenty first streets, he remarked also commends itself to everyone who is aware how important it is that our German emigrants should be provided with t he means of grace.31 In sharp contrast to the religious segregation of the prewar years, as in the camp, hospital religious space was racially inclusive. Like USCC delegates, but unlike most of their peacetime counterparts, hospital chaplains were involved in the inculcation of religiosity among AfricanAmericans. But before they could instruct blacks in the Christian faith, chaplains somet imes needed to teach them to read and write. Benjamin Swall ow tried to teach reading to sick African American soldiers who occupied the wards of his Little Rock, Arkansas hospital: I have urged upon those who are able, to employ an hour or two each day in acquiring the ability to read, having secured the assistance of those who c an read in their instruction. The African Americans exhibited much interest and put forth substantial effort. The disposition to learn is very strong[,] Swallow stated. Men sitting on their beds, or chairs may be seen with Spelling Book in 29 Alfred Nevin Hospital Chaplain Satterlee U.S.A. General Hospital West Philadelphia, PA October 31st 1864 Report to Surgeon General U.S.A., National Archives and Records Administration, Washington, D.C. 30 Alfred Nevin Chaplain USA Satterlee U.S.A. General Hospital West Philadelphia, PA November 30th 1864 Report to Surgeon General U.S.A., all reports through April 1865, National Archives and Records Administration, Washington, D.C. 31 Bokum, Wanderings North and South, 72.

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236 hand, working carefully and with success.32 He hoped t o teach all the African Americans to read the Bible.33 In July 1865, Swallow observed great ignorance among the African American patients while "their desire for knowledge is so obvious and sincere, that many are employing the present opportunit y to learn t o read and write. To this end, Swallow procured and distributed spelling books.34 A month later, Rev John Woart, a Hilton Head, South Carolina hospital chaplain, conducted religious services, and lectured on several subjects including the Solar System.35 Th e increasing density of black troops over the next months led Woart to hold extra educational lectures and religious meetings.36 Following the prewar Sunday School model, wartime clergy viewed children and African Americans as key missionary foci in the waning months of the conflict into the immediate post war period.37 Stationed near Alexandria, Virginia in March 1865, 32 Benjamin Swallow Hospital Chaplain USA USA General Hospital Little Rock Ark 1st July 1865 Monthly Report for June 1865 to Brig Genl Joseph K Barnes Surgeon Genl USA Washington D.C., National Archives and Records Administration, Washington, D.C. 33 Benjamin Swallow Hospital Chaplain USA USA General Hospital Little Rock Ark 1st July 1865 Monthly Report for June 1865 to Brig Genl Joseph K Barnes Surgeon Genl USA Washington D.C., National Archives and Records Administration, Washington, D.C. 34 Benjamin Swallow Chaplain USA USA General Hospital Little Rock Ark 1st Aug 1865 Report for the month of July 1865 to Brig Genl Joseph K Barnes Surgeon Genl USA Washington D.C., National Archives and Records Administration, Washington, D.C. 35 Rev John Woart U.S.A. Hos. Chaplain U.S.A. Gen. Hos. Hilton Head, S.C. Aug 31 1865 to the Surgeon General U.S. Army Washington City, D.C., National Archives and Records Administration, Washington, D.C. 36 Rev John Woart U.S.A. Hos. Chaplain U.S.A. Gen. Hos Hilton Head, S.C. September 30 1865 to the Surgeon General U.S. Army Washington City, D.C., National Archives and Records Administration, Washington, D.C. 37 Aided by the United States Christian Commission, Union general hospitals also offered religious s chools for whites modeled on the Sunday Schools pr evalent in antebellum America. In a January 1865 report, Chaplain John A. Gere of York, Pennsylvania noted that competent and experienced teachers taught the two hundred men enrolled i n his hospitals daily school. Th e USCC supplied the textbooks. Every morning the school opened with reading the Holy Scriptures, singing and prayer. (John A. Gere Chaplain U.S.A. U.S. Army Gen Hospital York PA Jan 31st 1865 Personal Report of P.O. Address duty to

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237 hospital chaplain Norman W. Camp, baptized one adult and twenty African American children at the Freedmens Village.38 That same month, Chaplain James Marshall, stationed at Fort Monroe, Virginia led four Childrens Sunday Schools and four Sunday schools for black hospital attendants.39 The next month he held a combined ten bible classes and Sunday schools for African American hospital attendants and nearby white children and soldiers.40 On average fifty people attended the soldiers Bible Class and Childrens Sunday School at two in the afternoon on each Sa bbath. While on average forty attended the 3:30PM Sunday School for both African American hospital servants and the divisions African American soldiers.41 By January 1866, Marshall still officiated over the weekly afternoon Sabbath Sunday School for white children, after a morning Jan 31 1865 to the Surgeon General U.S.A., National Archives and Records Administration, Washington, D.C.) 38 Norman W. Camp Chaplain U.S.A. Augur U.S.A. General Hospital Near Alexandria Virginia Monthly Report to Brigadier General Joseph R. Barnes Surgeon General U.S .A. Washington D.C. March 31 1865, National Archives and Records Administration, Washington, D.C. 39 James Marshall Chaplain U.S Gen Hospital Officer's Division Fort Monroe VA Report of Station P.O. Address and Duties for March 1865 March 31 1865 to Brig. G enl. J.K. Barnes Surgeon General U.S. Army, National Archives and Records Administration, Washington, D.C. 40 James Marshall Chaplain U.S Gen Hospital Officers Division near Fort Monroe VA Report of Station P.O. Address and Duties for April 1865 April 30 1865 to Brig. Genl. J.K. Barnes Surgeon General U.S. Army, National Archives and Records Administration, Washington, D.C. 41 James Marshall Chaplain U.S Gen Hospital Officers Division Fort Monroe VA Report of Station P.O. Address and Duties for June 1865 June 30 1865 to Brig. Genl. J.K. Barnes Surgeon General U.S. Army, National Archives and Records Administration, Washington, D.C. One can observe the post war melding of races, in the shadow of the hospital. In June 1865, Union hospital chaplain James Marshall operating out of Fort Monroe, preached a fast day sermon in the hospital chapel, and then on the following Sabbath, repeated it to over 600 soldiers, white and black, in open air, in Segars orchard, near the Hospital. James Marshall Chaplain U.S Gen H ospital Officers Division Fort Monroe VA Report of Station P.O. Address and Duties for June 1865 June 30 1865 to Brig. Genl. J.K. Barnes Surgeon General U.S. Army, National Archives and Records Administration, Washington, D.C.

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238 chapel service. That month, Marshall observed, Both Church audience and Sunday School are growing in size and interest.42 In spite of this wartime drive for racial inclusivity, not all racial barriers were breached within the military hospital s. White nurses commonly treated black nurses as inferior.43 Chaplains also observed races worshipping separately. Serving in Baton Rouge, Louisiana in the autumn of 1864, M. J. Gonzales, recalled that although separate religious services existed for whites and blacks, they could attend each others meetings. Ministering to a diverse audience, Gonzales preached to contrabands and their families, who primarily worked for the U.S. Government, as well as white and black Union soldiers.44 In September 1864 in Union chaplain W. W. Meechs Kentucky hospital the wards remained racially div ided, except on Sundays when both races shared preaching and prayer meetings.45 The welcoming nature of Civil War hospital services also had a downside: not all soldiers fo und their religious needs met. Due to the lack of religious infrastructure such as ch apels and limited denominational variety, clergy could not offer the cornucopia of spiritual options that some soldiers had experienced in peacetime. Ambulatory soldiers often preferred to attend churches in a nearby city rather than relig ious meetings in the hospital. Chaplain Joseph Anderson of Detroit, Michigan, explained in a May 1864 42 James Marshall Chaplain U.S Gen Hospital Fort Monroe VA Report of Station P.O. Address and Duties for January 1866 January 31 1866 to Brig. Genl. J.K. Barnes Surgeon General U.S. Army, National Archives and Records Administration, Washington, D.C. 43 Schultz, Women at the Front 99. 44 M.J. Gonzales Chaplain U.S.A. Monthly Report of the chaplain of the U.S.A. General Hospital Baton Rouge, LA Nov 30 1864 to Brig Gen. Jos. K. Barnes U.S.A. Surgeon General, National Archives and Records Administration, Washington, D.C. 45 W.W. Meech Hospit al Chaplain USA U.S. General Hospital Bowling Green KY Sept 30 1864 Report for Sept 1864 to Surg Gen J.K. Barnes, National Archives and Records Administration, Washington, D.C.

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239 report why the patients chose to go to the city, stating it is not unreasonable considering our want of comfortable accommodation, and of that concord of sweet sounds w hich is so exhilarating and so conducive to the true spirit of devotion.46 In his next months report, Anderson elaborated on another reason why patients pursued prayer opportunities elsewhere: to better meet their denominational needs.47 One month earlier, Union chaplain Alexander Shiras remarked that he did not hold a service on one Sunday since the mostly Roman Catholic patients remaining wanted to attend Catholic services.48 This particular incident stands in sharp contrast to the lack of denominationalis m present during the Civil War. Within the general hospital, chaplains adopted antebellum religious functions by leading funeral services according to their sp ecific denomination. The chaplains training, not sectarianism, shaped the ir leadership during services. For example, during their tenure at different general hospitals, M. J. Gonzales, Robert McMurdy, and D. D. Van Antwerp, all Episcopal priests, performed the burial service of the Episcopal Church.49 46 Joseph Anderson, Chaplain U.S.A. Detroit Michigan 31st May 1864 Report on the Moral condition of the hospital of this city, to the Surgeon General U.S.A., National Archives and Records Administration, Washington, D.C. 47 Joseph Anderson Chaplain U.S.A. Report on the Moral Condition of the hospital of this city, Detroit, Michigan 30t h June 1864 To the Surgeon General U.S.A., National Archives and Records Administration, Washington, D.C. 48 Rev Alexander Shiras Hospital Chaplain Officers' Hospital Canac's Woods Philadelphia PA May 31 1864 Report of Services for the month of May 1864 to Surg. Gen. Wm. A. Hammond M.D. U.S.A. Washington D.C., National Archives and Records Administration, Washington, D.C. 49 M. J. Gonzales Hospital Chaplain U.S.A. U.S.A. General Hospital Baton Rouge LA June 30 1865 Report for the Month of June to Brig. Gen J. K. Barnes Surgeon General U.S.A. Washington City; Robert McMurdy Chaplain USA Hd Quarts 2nd Div Genl Hospital Alexandria VA October 31 1864 to Surg Gen. USA Washington D.C.; D.D. Van Antwerp Hospital Chaplain US Army Beaufort N.C. Dec 31 63 Personal Repor t to Dr. C.H. Crane Surgeon U.S.A., National Archives and Records Administration, Washington, D.C.

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240 H ospital chaplains also performed the burial servi ces of private citizens. In January 1864, James Marshall of Chesapeake General Hospital near Fort Monroe, Virginia officiated over four funerals: two for black soldiers, one for a white soldier, and the last for a young male citizen.50 An August 1865 report of the Washington D.C. based Chaplain William Vaux recalled eight funerals in total, one of an officer, another of a soldiers wife, and six of privates.51 Mounting casualties later in the conflict illuminated how newly expanded hospital burial space still proved inadequate for the countrys needs. B. H. Crever submitted a February 1864 report outlining the problem with his Frederick, Maryland hospitals cemetery. Though reposing within a general enclosure of great beauty, the seven hundred and forty soldiers buried there, Crever noted are not located to my entire satisfaction, not only are they crowded, as is generally the case in military interments, but the great body of them are on low ground w hich is unfitted for adornment. It is also an extreme posi tion being the utmost margin of the enclosure nor are there any intervening spaces between the trenches, for shrubbery or evergreens. Crever accepted this situation at the outset of the conflict before the cemetery company had received any governmental as sistance. By the time of his report, however, the Government provided a dollar a man, making the situation problematic.52 50 James Marshall Chaplain U.S.A. Chesapeake Gen Hospital near Fort Monroe, VA January 31 1864 Report of Duties for January 1864 to Col J.K. Barnes Acting Sur geon General U.S. Army, National Archives and Records Administration, Washington, D.C. 51 William Vaux Chaplain U.S.A. Armory Square U.S. Hospital Washington, D.C. August 31 1865 Monthly Report to Bvt Maj. Genl J.K. Barnes Surgeon Genl. U.S. Army Washington D.C., National Archives and Records Administration, Washington, D.C. 52 B.H. Crever Hospital Chaplain U.S.A. General Hospital Frederick MD February 1 1864 to Surgeon J.V.G. Blaney U.S. Vols. Medical Director Department West Va Cumberland Md, National Archi ves and Records Administration, Washington, D.C.

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241 As in the camp and prewar America, clergy enthusiastically celebrated hol idays in the general hospital. Hospital administrator Jane Stu art Woolsey remembered, "We kept all the holidays at the Hospital: feasts and fasts. The fasts were observed, not literally, but with chapel services."53 In the hospital time and equipment allowed for even grander holiday affairs. Yuletide hospital celebrations were no exception to country wide Christmastime jubilation. Chaplain Charles Alfred Humphreys remembered that on Christmas Day the band played for the hospital patients.54 With the help of other chaplains and the Sanitary Commission, Chaplain C W. Fitch of Jeffersonville, Indiana provided a D ecember 1863 Christmas dinner. According to Fitch, the help of Jeffersonville ladies made this dinner a resounding success.55 A year later, Chaplain Alex McLeod, of a Wilmington, Delaware, hospital recalled that citys citizens personally served a Christmas day dinner.56 In addition to Christian holy days, other wartime holidays emerged to celebrate a uni quely American civil religion. Foremost among these was Thanksgiving, a holiday that was celebrated in ante bellum America but did not become a nationwide celebration 53 Woolsey, Hospital Days 63. 54 Humphreys, Field, Camp, Hospital and Prison, 384. Confederate chaplain Robert Franklin Bunting of the Texas Hospital in Auburn, Alabama remembered an even more extravagant Chr istmas celebration held in December 1864. The young ladies of Auburn made and hung up decorations. At the hospitals great feast, each plate held a double ration of fowl and fresh meats, sweet potatoes and light bread, nice custard, pie and pound cake, do ughnuts and milk. (Thomas W. Cutrer, ed., Our Trust is in the God of Battles: The Civil War Letters of Robert Franklin Bunting, Chaplain, Terrys Texas Rangers, C.S.A (Knoxville: The University of Tennessee Press, 2006), 302.) 55 C.W. Fitch Hosp. Chaplai n Jeffersonville Indiana December 31 1863 Personal Report to C.H. Crane Surgeon U.S.A. Surgeon General's Office Washington City D.C., National Archives and Records Administration, Washington, D.C. 56 Alex McLeod Chaplain USA Tilton General Hospital Wilmingt on Dela Dec 31 1864 Report for the Month of December 1864 to Surgeon J.K. Barnes Surgeon Genl. USA Washington D.C., National Archives and Records Administration, Washington, D.C.

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242 until 1863. Nor did it become tinged with patriotism until the Civil War.57 Operating out of a U.S. General hospital in Fort Monroe, Virginia, in 1864 Amos S. Billingsley held a special Thanksgiving Day service where he preached in the Dining Hall to a large, attentive congregation, graced by a well played Harmonium and good singing.58 Woolsey remembered with fondness Thanksgiving in her Alexandria, Virginia hospital: "Thanksgiving was the best of all. There was the sermon on the blessing of the time; there was always enough to be thankful about, in the darkest days; and Rally round the Flag, Boys, and My Country 'tis of thee[.] With delight, Woolsey recalled, the turkeys with their lovely giz zards chopped up in hot gravy, the mashed potatoes and onions stewed in milk, the cranberry sauce, the pickles, the fruit pies and puddings and icedcakes trimmed with pink lightning, and the oyster supper in the evening, crowning all.59 Even more telling was the congregation which amassed for Washingtons birthday 57 Lincoln issued several national thanksgiving day proclamations in April 186 2, July 1863, October 1863, May 1864, July 1864, September 1864, and October 1864. The modern Thanksgiving holiday is patterned off of these observances. (Allen C. Guelzo, Abraham Lincoln: Redeemer President (Grand Rapids, MI: William B. Eerdmans Publishing Compan y, 1999), 322323.) Northern clergy articulated themes relating to Civil Religion during homefront sermons, primarily on Thanksgiving and Fast days, illustrating Civil Religions penetration into the discourse of the times. Sermons described such themes as Christian patriotism, civil government as a divine institution, Gods presence in national affairs, and governmental allegiance as a religious obligation. See especially William Adams, Christian Patriotism (New York: Anson D.F. Randolph, 1863); G eorge Dana Boardman, Civil Government, A Divine Ordinance: A Discourse, Delivered in the MeetingHouse of the First Baptist Church of Philadelphia, November 6th 1864, by the Rev. George Dana Boardman, Pastor (Philadelphia: Ringwalt and Brown, 1864); Wilber F. Paddock, Gods presence and purpose in our war: A Thanksgiving Discourse Delivered at St. Andrews Church Philadelphia, Thursday, November 26, 1863 (Philadelphia: Caxton Press of C. Sherman, Son & Co., 1863); Samuel Spear, The Duty of the Hour (New Yor k: Anson D. F. Randolph, 1863); Thomas Nelson Haskell, Christian Patriotism: A Medium of Gods power and purpose to bless our land: A sermon, delivered in the First Presbyterian Church, East Boston, April 30, 1863 (Boston: Hollis and Gunn, 1863); Rev. Joseph Fransioli, Patriotism: A Christian Virtue. Sermon preached by the Rev. Joseph Fransioli at S. Peters (Catholic) Church, Brooklyn, July 26th, 1863 (New York, 1863); and J. Romeyn Berry, Christian patriotism: a sermon delivered in the Reformed Dutch Chur ch Kinderhook on Sabbath morning, June 23, 1861 (Albany, N.Y.: Weed, Parsons, printers, 1861). 58 A.S. Billingsley Chaplain 101 PA Vols. Report of Station P.O. Address Duties for Nov. 1864 U.S. Genl Hospital Fort Monroe, Va Division No. 1 December 1 1864 to Brig Genl. J.K. Barnes Surgn. Genl. U.S. Army, National Archives and Records Administration, Washington, D.C. 59 Woolsey, Hospital Days 63.

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243 celebration in February 1865. About twelve hundred gathered in the Dining Hall, the largest of the season.60 Abraham Lincolns assassination amplified religiosity in the Union general hospital, a demonstration of the increasing role the new wartime civil religion played in the hospital envi ronment by the conflicts end. Stationed at the U.S. general hospital at Fort Monroe, Virginia, Chaplain A. S. Billingsley, recalled two thousand people meeting in the open air on April 19th, Lincolns burial.61 Near Fort Monroe, hospital chaplain James Marshall noted the effect of Lincolns death on religion: "The depth of grief of the soldiers and citizens here at the murder of our President Abraham Lincoln has been immeasurable. The first Sabbath after the terrible day, and April 30 were devoted to the character of the lamented dead and the sources of our nation's grief. Large and solemn audiences filled our Chapel.62 On Davids Island in New York Harbor, Chapl ain G. M. Blodgett held a special service in the wake of Lincolns assassination where a large assembly convened in the chapel on the 14th and in solemn and appropriate acts of devotion testified profound sorrow at our recent surprisingly fearful national 60 A.S. Billingsley Chaplain 101 PA Vols. Report of Station P.Office Address 1865 U.S. Genl Hospital Div. No. 1 Fort Monroe, Va March 1 1865 to Brig Genl. J.K. Barnes Surgn. Genl. U.S. Army, National Archives and Records Administration, Washington, D.C. 61 A.S. Billingsley, Chaplain 1 1 PA Vols. Report Station and P. Office Address U.S. Genl hospital Fort Monroe, Va May 1 1865 to Brig Gel. J.K. Barnes, Sgn. Genl. U.S. Army, National Archives and Records Ad ministration, Washington, D.C. This ceremony was held by order of the Surgeon in Charge of the hospital. (James Marshall Chaplain U.S Gen Hospital Officers Division near Fort Monroe VA Report of Station P.O. Address and Duties for April 1865 April 30 1865 to Brig. Genl. J.K. Barnes Surgeon General U.S. Army National Archives and Records Administration, Washington, D.C.) 62 James Marshall Chaplain U.S Gen Hospital Office rs Division near Fort Monroe VA Report of Station P.O. Address and Duties for April 1865 April 30 1865 to Brig. Genl. J.K. Barnes Surgeon General U.S. Army, National Archives and Records Administration, Washington, D.C.

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244 bereavement.63 These observances foreshadowed Lincolns role as the messiah of the post Civil War northern civil religion.64 The nascent religion in wartime general hospitals foreshadowed the civil religion which would emerge in post bellum America. In these same hospitals, chaplains and missionaries fought the profane activities which emerged when soldiers had ample free time and nothing required of them. Although vice existed in antebellum America, clergy had little experience dealing with it on so grand a scale. Fighting Profane Space in the Union General Hospital In the camp, maneuvers could be required of troops at a moments notice, while in the general hospital men had almost limitless free time to spend as they pleased. Moreover, ambulatory convalescents could easily move around the hospital grounds. These two facts made the hospital environment a hotbed of profane activities.65 Fully aware of the variables stacked against them, clergy tried to use antebellum strategies to contain and fight the v ice in general hospitals.66 63 G.M. Blodgett Chaplain U.S.A. De C amp General Hospital Davids Island, New York Harbor April 30 1865 Chaplains report to Brig General J.K. Barnes U.S.A., National Archives and Records Administration, Washington, D.C. 64 See Allen C. Guelzo, Abraham Lincoln Redeemer President (Grand Rapids, Mich: William B. Eerdmans Publishing Company, 1999), especially Epilogue: The Redeemer President, p.439463. 65 See chapter five for a discussion of profane influences, such as gambling, profanity, and alcoholism in the camp environment. T his chapter augments that information, by looking at the specific nature of the profane influences in the hospital environment, and compares them to the camp environment where applicable. 66 Chaplain Hermann Bokum described the scene in his Philadelphia hos pital accurately and fairly: We have among the soldiers Christian men who are endeavoring to do good to their fellow soldiers. At the same time there are many who are careless and others who are the slaves of bad habits. Hermann Bokum Chaplain U.S.A. Tur ner's Lane Genl Hosp. Phila August 2 1864 Monthly Report of Station and duty for July 1864 to Surgeon General U.S.A. Washington D.C., National Archives and Records Administration, Washington, D.C.

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245 Some chaplains, however, refused to admit the presence of antebellum vice -gambling, alcohol abuse, profanity, and card playing -in the hospital. Chaplains Burdett, Carver, and McMurdy all claimed that in their hospitals no p atients gambled, swore, or drank heavily.67 Yet, other chaplain reports and basic human nature, testify that these chaplains deliberately chose not to report these activities to their superiors. Perhaps they thought that the presence of these vices demonstr ated their ineffectiveness as guardians of hospital vice.68 Chaplain John F. Wright offered an honest assessment of profanity in the hospital. Al though he seldom heard foul language, he noted perhaps they will not do it out of respect for my friendly feeli ngs, where they know I am within hearing distance. According to Wright, those men who curse take the hook of the s ubtle temptor without any bait. They voluntarily serve him not having even the promise of a reward. Wright further acknowledged the pervasi veness of this vice throughout the army, navy, and the entire population, reminding us of that terrible utterance of the Bible for because of swearing the land mourneth.69 According to Chaplain W. H. D. Hatton, the hospital 67 Michael Burdett Chaplain U.S. Army St Louis Gen Hospital New Orleans LA Nov 14 1864 Monthly Report to Brig Gen J.K. Barnes Surgeon General USA; Thomas G. Carver Chaplain U.S.A. Taylor General Hospital Louisville, KY January 31 1864 Personal Report of Station Duty and Post Office Address to Surgeon General U.S.A. Washington D.C.; Robert McMurdy Chaplain USA Hd Quarts 2nd Div Genl Hospital Alexandria VA November 30 1864 Chaplain's Monthly Report to Surg Gen. USA Washington D.C.; R. McMurdy Chaplain USA Hd. Qrs. US Genl Hospital Division No. 2 Alexandria Virginia Ch aplain Report August 31 1864 to the Adj General U.S.A. Washington City D.C., National Archives and Records Administration, Washington, D.C. 68 As in pre war times, the poor quality of other chaplains affected vice. Surgeon John Bennitt of a U.S. General Hos pital in McMinnville, Ten nessee noted in February 1864: "I wish we could have a good chaplain. One that would stand uncorrupted, & be always exemplary. I feel the need of religious influence to restrain me from falling by the corrupting influences around m e in the army. But my trust is in God, & He is able to keep me. Beasecker, I Hope to Do My Country Service 239. 69 John F. Wright Hospital Chaplain U.S.A. Marine U.S. General Hospital Cincinnati May 31 1864 to Surgeon General U.S.A., National Archives and Records Administration, Washington, D.C. Here Wright quotes Jeremiah 23:10: For the land is full of adulterers; for because of swearing the land mourneth; the pleasant places of the wilderness are dried up, and their course is evil, and their force is not right.

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246 staff might have been more at fault for swearing and blasphemy than the patients. He added that some of the acting Asst. Surgeons and even the head Asst. Surgeon frequently used profanity, negatively affecting the morals of their hearers.70 In the same report, Wright also explained how familiar card games disrupted the sanctity of the hospital. I believe no games are played with cards at the Marine Hospital for a wager, Wright remarked yet I have some evidence that games played with cards, for which the men seem to have a wonderful passion are sometimes rather unsafe through there be no bet involved, on account of the excitement produced, sometimes resulting in wrangling if not something worse.71 This chapla in was not alone in his views. Union Chaplain W. H. D. Hatton saw cardp laying as even more pernicious, thinking it productive of idleness, wrecklessness, swearing, etc. and calling on Congress to prohibit the use of cards within the army.72 In addition to standard prewar vices, the clergy feared that dancing in the hospital could corrupt soldiers morals. According to Chaplain W. Allington, who worked in Nashville, Tennessee, the introduction of dancing in various rooms on the hospital grounds, have increased the difficulties of the chaplains and have received the condemnation of the Christian portion of the inmates, and of many desirous of becoming much besides being in uncomfortable pr oximity to sick and dying men. According to Allington, the citizens who ran these dancing parties and lived in the 70 W. H. D. Hatton Hospital Chaplain USA USA G. Hospital White Hall near Bristol, Bucks Co, PA Monthly Report of Hospital November 30 1864 to Surgeon Genl. J.K. Barnes USA Washington City D.C., National Archives and Records Administration, Washington, D.C. 71 John F. Wright Hospital Chaplain U.S.A. Marine U.S. General Hospital Cincinnati May 31 1864 to Surgeon General U.S.A., National Archives and Records Administration, Washington, D.C. 72 W. H. D. Hatton Hospital Chaplain U.S.A. Camp Curtin Post Hospital Harrisburg PA March 31 1864 Monthly Report to Surgeon Genl. W.A. Hammond USA Washington D.C., National Archives and Records Administration, Washington, D.C.

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247 hospital, threatened hi m with bodily harm w hen he spoke out against them. The chaplains report ended with a condemnation of these citizens conduct, finding them injurious to the patients religious and moral interests.73 As in the camp, some soldiers fought these profane influences by enlisting in temperance organizations, often with the hospital chaplains blessing. These groups emerged out of prewar Northern evangelical Christianitys focus on improving societal morals. Resident at a Washington D.C. hospital in August 1864, Chaplain James J. Ferre noted that a Sons of Temperance organization had been active among both patients and staff in his hospital for the past eight months.74 Hospital temperance meetings su pported the abstinence pledge. In June 1864, Chaplain N. L. Brakeman serving at Fort Williams in Baton Rouge, Louisiana, held a temperance meeting every Wednesday night, and already four hundred and thirty five men and officers had signed the pledge.75 In April 1864 another chaplain explained that the one hundred an d thirty member Sons of Temperance branch organized months ago among both members of the Invalid Corps and the patients of his Washington DC hospital diminished the drunkenness there.76 73 W. Allington Chaplain, Monthly Report, USA Hospt. No. 14 Nashville Tennessee Januar y 21 1865 to Surgeon Gen. J.K. Barnes USA, National Archives and Records Administration, Washington, D.C. 74 James J. Ferre Hospital Chaplain USA Lincoln US Gen Hospital Washington DC August 31 1864 to General L. Thomas Adjutant General US Army, National Ar chives and Records Administration, Washington, D.C. 75 N.L. Brakeman, Chaplain U.S.A. Monthly Report Fort Williams Baton Rouge LA, June 30th 1864 to W.A. Hammond Surgeon Genl, National Archives and Records Administration, Washington, D.C. 76 W.W. Winchester Hospital Chaplain U.S.A. Finley Hospital Washington D.C. April 30 1864 Report for April 1864, National Archives and Records Administration, Washington, D.C. For an earlier report of this temperance society see W.W. Winchester Hospital Chaplain U.S.A. Finle y Hospital Washington D.C. February 1 1864 Report for January 1864, National Archives and Records Administration, Washington, D.C.

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248 As in the prewar years the increase in temperance w as tied to religio us revivals In December 1864, Chaplain James White preached in his Philadelphia hospital chapel twice on the Sabbath, and held well atten ded nightly religious services. This dovetailed with fl ourishing temperance activity. According to White, We have a T e mperance League numbering 628. Gambling is not allowed in the Hospital and the use of profane language is becoming less general.77 Only a few months earlier, hospital Chaplain Alfred Nevin of Philadelphias Satterlee, noted that along with the Sons of Tem perance, he hoped the hospitals sacred music class will exert a good influence on the moral condition of the soldiers under our care.78 Similar to the camp and prewar era, regardless of the interest at prayer meetings, diligent clergy could never rid the hospital com pletely of profane activities. Chaplain R. Gage reported that even though gambling was not allowed, both men and officers under his care uttered profanity. He also noticed a few cases of intemperance of an alarming character.79 In an April 1864 report, B. H. Crever noted that licentiousness with intemperance, is working terrible mischief doing more harm than the enemy. How lamentable that a cause so holy should be thus enfeebled and scandalized.80 These chaplains remarks undoubtedly echoed t he experience of many of their colleagues. 77 James White Hospital Chaplain U.S.A. Mower U.S.A. General Hospital Chestnut Hill Philadelphia December 31 64 Monthly Report to Surg. Gen. Barnes U.S.A., National Archives and Records Administration, Washington, D.C. 78 Alfred Nevin Chaplain USA Satterlee U.S.A. General Hospital West Philadelphia, PA April 30th 1864 Report to Surgeon General U.S.A., National Archives and Records Administration, Washington, D.C. 79 R. Gage U.S. Genl Hospital 3rd Div Alexandria Va Nov 1st 1864 to L. Thomas Adjutant Genl U.S.A., National Archives and Records Administration, Washington, D.C. 80 B. H. Crever Hospital Chaplain USA Genl Hospt Frederick MD April 1 1864 to J.V.G Blaney Surgeon USA and Medical Director Dept West VA Cumberland, MD, National Archives and Records Administration, Washington, D.C.

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249 Those religious minded patients with ac cess to a chaplain were lucky. As in peacetime, religious hospital patients without access to a chaplain struggled to keep away from sin by banding together as stalwart defenders of Christ. John Bennitt of the U.S. General Hospital at McMinnville, Tennessee explained that biweekly prayer meetings and a Sabbath Bible class serve to bring to our minds good thoughts and tend to keep us out of sin. Still we have many temptations to overcomeand there is so much of evil going on all around that it is almost impossible to keep God in the thoughts. But He is faithful and kind & will not forsake us so long as we trust in him and strive to do his will."81 Still Bennitt and others acknow ledged the need for a hospital chaplain in an April 1864 letter: "Elder Webb has been 14 years in Burmah as a missionary. I hope he will come and do us good, for we need it. I so much desire to have good preaching and the influences of a pious minister among us. I feel that they are important for my present & eternal good."82 Later in the same letter, he wrote "Our Bible class was not very largely attended, but tonight there was a house full at Prayer meeting. The fields seem ripe for a harvest if w e only had a faithful Chaplain. We hope to have one before many weeks."83 Union chaplains utilized antebellum techniques to fight a losing battle against the vice in general hospitals. Other chaplains and missionaries responded to the needs of the most disillusione d soldiers of all, those languis hing away in wartime prisons. This was a new wartime space with which no clergy had previous antebellum experience. 81 Beasecker, I Hope to Do My Country Service 248249. 82 Ibid., 257. 83 Ibid.

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250 Prisons: Inculcating Religiosity and Civil Religion Prisoners normally had little access to chaplains or mis sionaries. At the same time, soldi ers confined in these hellholes, where disease spread rapidly and often brought with it the cold hand of death, needed religion the most. Whenever possible, clergy tried to use traditional worsh ip tactics to reach these men. These attempts met with mixed success, but in the process a new civil religion emerged.84 While distinct from the prewar era, at first glance the religiosity exhibited in the prison environment did not dramatically differ from the military camp. Clergy utilized whatever spaces were available, seeking outside areas during pleasant weather, and covered spaces during inclement conditions. On the same day, Delegate Andrew B. Cross ministered to both Confederate prisoners and Union soldie rs stationed at Fort Delaware. At ten oclock in the morning he preached with other delegates in the quarters of the artillery inside of the fort and then at eleven in one of the hospitals.85 Lacking access to a chapel, after dinner, he preached to th e prisoners, in an open air religious space in the barrack yard, which was protected from the w ind, and where the sun shone. In only a few minutes nearly one thous and men gathered in this space. After listening to Cross and the other delegates for over t hirty minutes, they seemed unwilling to part and begged for additional preaching.86 In January 1864, many prisoners at Point Lookout demonstr ated an interest in preaching. In case of inclement weather, an unoccupied cook house near the gate could hold about five hundred 84 In addition to the w ork of chaplains either stationed near, or interned at prisons, the United States Christian Commission aided both Un ion and Confederate prisoners. (Henry, History of the United States Christian Commission, 236.) 85 Cross, The War and the Christian Commiss ion 9. 86 Ibid.

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251 people. When the weather was pleasant the preferred method was a very large and very attentive congregation in the open air.87 Disregarding the antebellum need for a clergymans guidance, imprisoned soldiers prayed regardless of clerical presence, speaking to the drastic need for religion and faith in a place with little hope. Union chaplain Henry Trumbull observed that the prisoners in Richmonds Libby Prison could attend prayer meetings three nights a week. Religious services with sermon s were held twice each Sunday in the presence of chaplains, and often even when they were not in the prison.88 In June 1864, Confederate Ted Barclay writing from Fort Delaware noted, "We have religious exercises here regularly and there is great interest manifested, about twenty have professed faith in the last fifteen days."89 According to Chaplain Amos Billingsley, the poor souls interned at Andersonville Prison in Georgia display ed intense religious devotion. Billingsley described the prayer meetings in that camp thusly: Deeply realizing their need of Divine help, with no covering but the canopy of heaven, and no light but that of the moon, yet enlightened by Gods spirit, and constrained by Christs love, they often met, read G ods word, sung and prayed[. ] In these appeals to God for protection and deliverance, one soldier remarked, We could pray as well, or better, there, than at home.90 87 Cross, The War and the Christian Commission, 19. 88 Trumbull, War Memories of an Army Chaplain, 297. 89 Charles W. Turner, ed., Ted Barclay, Liberty Hall Volunteers: Letters from the Stonewall Brigade (18611864) (Berryville, VA: Rockbridge Publishing Company, 1992), 147148. 90 Billingsley, From the Flag to the Cross 163. Although the exact details of this account, drawn from a work displaying Christian incidents during the war might be exaggerated, the message is undoubtedly accurate.

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2 52 According to some accounts, prison chaplains were not as competent as their prewar counterparts. Union officer Bern har d Domschcke praised the Rev. Mr. Louis N. Bouldrye, the chaplain of a New York Cavalry regiment. But he criticized other chaplains "Even we [skeptics and freethinkers] could stand an occasional sermon one composed clearly, delivered effectively, and aimed at a useful end, Domschcke explained. But, again and again in the meetings, the windiest of windbags babbled and blustered. Worse, the manner, a sanctimonious chest thumping, would nauseate any honest, rational listener."91 Still when a chaplain preached to disillusioned prisoners he usually found much religious interest. In Salisbury Prison near Charlotte, North Carolina, Confederate Chaplain Mangum ministered to the Union foe. On a Sabbath afternoon, Mangum observed a Baptist minister preaching to a large congregation near t he old well on the prison yard. To entice the thousands who were not in attendance, Mangum began to sing, attracting a steadily increasing crowd at a large oak in the eastern center of the prison. The men attending were very res pectful, earnest and solemn eager to obtain the one testament Mangum intended to present to one of them. At the conclusion of his service, the prisoners crowded thickly around me, and a number grasped my hand in Christian fervor."92 In his history of Sali sbury prison, Mangum further explained how religion functioned in this institution: And doubtless amid the gloom and horror of that old prison, there was many an upward glance of the heart many a struggle and triumph of faithmany a thrill of redeeming love and heavenly hope, which all unknown 91 Frederic Trautmann, ed., Twenty Months in Captivity: Memoirs of a Union Officer in Confederate Prisons (Cranbury, NJ: Associated University Presses, 1987), 4445. 92 Mangum Family Papers, History of the Salisbury, N.C. Confederate Prison by Rev. A.W. Mangum, D.D., 25 26.

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253 to friend and foe, were recognized by Him whose nature is love, and who is mighty to save."93 The new wartime spiritual environment most affected recently captured prisoners, who looked to clergy to help them keep the faith necessary to weather their present situation. Temporar ily detained at Kinston, North Carolina, while awaiting further transportation to a large prison camp, Union chaplain White officiated over a Sabbath prayer service. His remarks concerned the psalm The Lord is my Shepherd.94 In response, Every knee bowed as I offered prayer. According to White, Such ability to lay hold of the promises I have seldom felt. Whites worship service explored themes touching on civil religion, including, Home and loved ones, and dear country, and the sacred flag and its noble defenders, as well as our personal salvation and holiness.95 I n R ichmonds infamous Libby prison, Domschcke remembered, newly arrived Catholic prisoners or those that claimed to be, receive d preferential treatment. When Richmonds Catholic bishop came to Libby both Catholics and those who falsely claimed allegiance to the Pope flocked to him. As a result, Domschcke recalled, Soon, with few exceptions, Catholics and all who claimed to be Catholics were exchanged.96 Prisoners, how ever, understood the hypocrisy. According to Domschcke, One prisoner, piqued, nailed up a caustic placard of classification by belief. His category number 93 Mangum Family Papers, History of the Salisbury, N.C. Confederate Prison by Rev. A.W. Mangum, D.D., 26 27. 94 The Lord is my shepherd is the op ening of the 23rd Psalm. 95 White, Prison Life Among the Rebels 24. 96 Trautmann, Twenty Months in Captivity 5051.

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254 seven (those who could least expect to be exchanged) consist ed of Jews, Mormons, and atheists."97 Unlike the fully furnished antebellum church, the prison lacked even the scarce religious paraphernalia of the camp, including a conventional chapel, altar, or a covering above th e head of those assembled. Chaplain Hump hreys attended a Sunday service held in a Confederate prison in Charleston where the improvisation o f religious space was obvious. The filthy prison yard served as the auditorium. The ground and open windows of the prison acted as seats. Th ere was no roof except the sky. A box standing on its end served as the altar and a tub the platform. To mark the time, Humphreys further explained, the booming of the Swamp Angel battery told off the quarter hours like the strokes of the clock of fate. In place of org an accompaniment there was the terrific burstin g of the deathdealing shells. For an audience I had the sick and wounded prisoners, the heavy hearted captives, the despairing victims of a remorseless cruelty.98 To this sad assemblage, Humphreys tried to instill optimism, explaining providences role in their situation. By enduring their providentially ordained imprisonment, each one of us was thus doing more to bring the war to an end than we could by adding our enfeebled strength to the armies of the Unio n, since our wasted vitality would be so much overbalanced by the well fed recruits to the Southern cause.99 Nor could chaplains easily obtain religious reading. While incarcerated at a 97 Trautmann, Twenty Months in Captivity 5051. 98 Humphreys, Field, Camp, Hospital and Prison in the Civil War, 18631865, 138139. 99 Ibid., 139.

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255 prison in Savannah, Georgia, Chaplain W hite could not obtain a Bible. He even wrote letters requesting that Methodist ministers nearby send him one, without success.100 Like their foes, Confederate chaplains imprisoned in Union institutions had no access to religious paraph ernalia. Catholic Chaplain James Sheeran spent time at Fort McHenry in late 1864. Upon recently arriving at the prison, a group of Protestant prisoners asked him to conduct a service for them. The chaplain initially declined, since he had no vestments, altar furniture, or vessels. Sheeran later reconsidered thinking that his preaching might prove benef icial to the incarcerated men. He focused his oration on fighting obscenity, gambling, and profanity.101 Even without the trappings of the antebellum church, prison prayer meetings were more intense th an those i n the camp, since these men felt they had nothing left to lose. Chaplain White explains how these open air events were illuminated only by the fitful glare of the fires that burned along the dead line to enabl e the sentinels to fire well. The audience consisted of good men whom abuse had soured, who White explained, uttered prayers with bold and terrible denunciations that almost chilled my own blood, and I do not wonder that they stirred up the rebels.102 Bold prayer meetings combined with sacred song set to traditional tunes encouraged the inculcation of religiosity among the prisoners. During his imprisonment in Charleston, Chaplain Humphreys and two messmates, sang a hymn near ly every day. The singing of this hymn God of the fatherless: to the tune Day slowly declining 100 White, Prison Life Among the Rebels 76. 101 Durkin, Confederate Chaplain, 129. 102 White, Prison Life Among the Rebels 67.

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256 by Von Weber, Humphreys acknowledged, helped to keep up our spirits.103 He sang it for the last time upon his release from prison.104 Unlike the camp or hospital, chaplains did not need to promote religi on within the prisons since captured soldiers actively sought out opportunities for spiritual growth and comfort. In the camp and hospital, authority figures such as officers, chaplains, or chief surgeons sometimes forced sol diers to attend services. Within the prison, soldiers took the initiative to request religious services. For example, Union chaplain White, received an officers request for a service, during his first week in the Macon prison. He obliged, holding an eveni ng service with his fellow inmate, Chaplain Dixon.105 While inculcating religiosity was not difficult, clergy still attempted to fight the profane influences in the prison, just as they did in the camp, hospital, or prewar church com munity. As his torian Geor ge Rable explains blasphemous and profane speech permeated the prison, and irreverent soldiers often disturbed worship services held there.106 While imprisoned at Baltimores Fort McHenry, Confederate chaplain James Sheeran pr eached on two occasions. On Sun day, November 13, 1864 he spoke against profanity, obscenity, and gambling, specifically exhorting them to discontinue their obscene and profane language if for no higher reason, at least through respect for their fellow prisoners.107 A week later, Sheeran continued his tirade against profane influences, stating I know not where my words or ideas came from on that occasion but 103 Humphreys, Field, Camp, Hospital and Prison in the Civil War, 18631865, 143144. 104 Ibid. 105 White, Prison Life Among t he Rebels 62. 106 Rable, Gods Almost Chosen Peoples 366. 107 Durkin, Confederate Chaplain: A War Journal of Rev. James B. Sheeran, 130.

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257 it appears to me that I pictured the vices of impurity and profanity in such colors that even the most abandoned would feel ashamed of themselves.108 The constant fight against vice highlights the contested nature of prison religion, where space limitations necessitated that religious dev otion occur near profane acts. In contrast, the availability of prewar churches allowed for a strong boundary bet ween sacred and profane space. Rev. J. M. Clark, the USCCs permanent agent at Annapolis, pieced together the preaching experience in this infamous prison fr om various soldiers accounts. These accounts told of socalled Chaplains (few if any had an actual commission) who preached the Gospel to the imprisoned. They preached in three spots, where up to six hundred could congregate. The most frequently used spot had formerly served as the execution site for six of the infamous raiders.109 Rega rdless of where they prayed, nearby wicked prisoners disturbed the devout.110 A s in other Civil War setting s, chaplains near prisons worked with needy soldiers regardless of the uniform they wore.111 The religious diversity of the antebellum era dissolved in t he shared trau mas of the wartime experience. Many Union hospital chaplains navigated the liminal space be tween the hospital and prison. While assigned to a hospital and primarily responsible for the patients there, the chaplain also felt a 108 Durkin, Confederate Chaplain: A War Journal of Rev. James B. Sheeran, 133. 109 Smith, Incidents Among Shot and Shell 408409. 110 Ibid., 409. 111 As in antebellum times, nuns also ministered to prisoners, regardless of whether they wore C onfederate gray or Union blue. Officer Charles Mattocks thought highly of the Sisters of Mercy who ministered to him and other Union prisoners ne ar Charleston, South Carolina. In mid September 1864 Mattocks wrote "Two of the "Sisters of Mercy" (Roman Catholic) called on us today, bringing books, grapes, &c. They have visited our men (6000) now in a prison camp on the "race course" near this ci ty. The "Sisters" represent the condition of these men as truly horrible. Many of them are already idiotic. We took up a contribution for the Sisters to use for the benefit of the poor fellows." (Philip N. Racine, ed., Unspoiled Heart The Journal of Char les Mattocks of the 17th Maine (Knoxville: The University of Tennessee Press, 1994), 203.)

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258 need, to voluntarily minister to the Confederates imprisoned at the adjacent institution.112 This need arose out of a perceived Christian duty, to minister to those in need, regardless of whether they were friend or foe. Rev. Thomas G. Carver of the United States Officers H ospital in Louisville, Kentucky acknowledged thi s fact in a March 1864 report. In addition to his hospital duties, he voluntarily agreed to serve as chaplain of the military prison where a clergymans services are constantly and urgently needed.113 Chaplai n William G. Leonard of Point Lookouts Hammond General Hospital, mentioned his duties tow ard the Confederate prisoners. In the Summer of 1864, he preached to them weekly on Sabbath mornings and administered the Sacraments to some of them.114 A. H. Lackey, h ospital chaplain at Alton, Illinois military prison, acknowledged the worth of this missionary endeavor, stating My services in the Prison are attended by a congregation of six to eight hundred and at our prayer meetings which are held nightly many are i nquir ing and ask to be prayed for. His overall goal remained to be the instrument in accomplishing a great religious work here.115 112 This was not always true. For example, the prisoners in Fort Delaware lacked religious services and reading matter, since the chaplains confined themselves mostly to the garrison and the hospital. (Cross, The War and the Christian Commission 10.) 113 Rev Thomas G. Carver Chaplain U.S.A. U S Officers Hospital Louisville KY March 31 1864 Personal Report of Station orders and duty, National Archives and Records Administration, Washington, D.C. 114 William G. Leonard Hospital Chaplain Hammond General Hospital P oint Lookout, Md May 31 1864 to J.K. Barnes Act. Surgeon General U.S.A., National Archives and Records Administration, Washington, D.C. William G. Leonard Chaplain U.S.A. Hammond General Hospital Point Lookout Aug 29 1864 to Surgeon General U.S.A., Nationa l Archives and Records Administration, Washington, D.C. William G. Leonard Hospital Chaplain U.S.A. Hammond Genl. Hosp. Pt. Lookout MD June 30 1864 to Surgeon General U.S.A., National Archives and Records Administration, Washington, D.C. 115 A.H. Lackey Hosp ital Chaplain U.S.A. Military Prison Hospital Alton Illinois October 31 1864 Monthly Report to Brig Gen J.K. Barnes Surgeon General U.S. Army Washington City D.C., National Archives and Records Administration, Washington, D.C.

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259 Not to be outdone by their Union foes, Confederate chaplains also saw through the Union uniform to preac h salvation and Chri sts love. Adolphus Williamson Mangum preached to Union prisoners before they left Salisbury prison in February 1865, promising one of the soldier s would receive his Testament. At the end of the service, the soldiers gathered around Mangum to obtain the coveted book. I really felt a strange interes t in them, Mangum remembered. One of them spoke out I love all of Gods people. Another said Today remi nds me really like old times. Excited by an imminent exchange, the prisoners expressed a heartfelt goodbye to Mangum.116 In another example of Confederate chaplains preaching to Union soldiers, Mangum with the invitation of the prison hospitals chief surgeon, held a service for the sick in the hospital located in the basement of a large building on the prisons grounds.117 Chaplain sources posit that all soldiers appreciated the chaplains efforts.118 Using the prewar technique of pooling spiritual resources, Union chaplains and missionaries affiliated with the United States Christian Commission also minister ed to their Confederate foes. While imprisoned in federal installat ions at Vicksburg and Memphis, C haplain J. K. Street of the 14th Texas Cavalry recalled a Methodist chaplain preaching from Isaiah 48:18 O that thou hadst hearkened to my commandments! The n had thy peace been as a river, and thy righteousness as the waves of the sea on 116 Mangum Family Papers, 17771993, Letter from A.W.M. to my dear sister dated Feb. 20th 1865 from Salisbury, N.C., Southern Historical Collection, University of North Carolina, Chapel Hill. 117 Mangum Family Papers, History of the Salisbury, N.C. Confederate Prison by Rev. A.W. Mangum, D.D. 24. 118 According to historian George Rable, visiting local Protestant clergy faced skepticism or hostility, while Catholic priests received a warmer reception since there was a shortage of them in the Union army. (Rable, Gods Almost Chosen Peoples 367368).

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260 Sunday, February 7th 1864.119 This same chaplain, with help from a Dr. Warren, and a USCC agent, preached to Street and other Confederate prisoners from February through April .120 The United States Christian Commission also ministered to rebel prisoners at Camp Douglas near Chicago. As explained in the Commissions Second Annual Report, at these meetings large numbers have nightly crowded to the chapel, or during the day gathere d in the open air, to listen to the word of God, and many of them we hope have been changed from rebels against God to the willing subjects of King Jesus; and many give good promise of returning loyalty to our Union.121 In addition, hospital chaplains recei ved generous aid from the United States Christian Commission in ministe ring to Confederate prisoners. Two USCC delegates helped William H. Paddock, Fort Delawares hospital chaplain, minister to the over nine thousand prisoners at that barracks.122 According to T. S. Dewing, chaplain at the US General hospital in Elmira, New York the USCC provided both the military prisons hospital and 119 J.K. Street diary, Sunday February 7 1864, John Kennedy Street Papers, 18581899, Southern Historical Collection, University o f North Carolina, Chapel Hill. Street does not specify his location in his diary, but scholars know he wrote in his diary while at pri sons in Vicksburg and Memphis. (See finding aid to John Kennedy Street Papers, 18581899, Southern Historical Collection, University of North Carolina, Chapel Hill.) 120 J.K. Street diary, Sunday February 7 1864 to Sunday, April 24 1864, John Kennedy Street Papers, 18581899, Southern Historical Collection, University of North Car olina, Chapel Hill. In May 1864 Street tried to preach to the men. (J.K. Street diary, Sunday May 1st 1864 and Sunday, May 8th 1864, John Kennedy Street Papers 1858 1899, Southern Historical Collection, University of North Carolina, Chapel Hill.) 121 USCC, Second Annual Report 219220. 122 William H. Paddock Hospital Chaplain Fort Delaware, Del July 31 1864 Report of Station to Col J.K. Barnes Act Surg Gen U.S.A. Washington D.C., National Archives and Records Administration, Washington, D.C. In addition to the prisoners, Paddock looked after the garrisons sick and wounded. William H. Paddock Hospital Chaplain Fort Delaware, Del July 31 1864 Report of Station to Col J.K. Barnes Act Surg Gen U.S.A. Washington D.C., National Archives and Records Administration, Washington, D.C.

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261 the U.S. General Hospital with one hundred and twenty volume libraries.123 USCC delegates preached to both prisoners and hospi talized Union men at Point Lookout, Maryland with excellent results: The Gospel seems to have been effective upon the prisoners, as well as those that were free, and many a rebel who entered the prison a scoffer, has become a man of prayer.124 The USCC was an offshoot of the antebellum YMCA movement, an active force in at least one prison. Confederate officer Edmund DeWitt Patterson, imprisoned at Johnsons Island on Lake Erie noted the impact the interdenominational YMCA of Johnsons Isl and, Ohio had on th e prisoners. In mid April 1864 Patterson attended a YMCA meeting.125 Approximately three weeks later, he listened to a lecture, describing it as one of the most eloquent and instructive lectures which it has been my good fortune to hear. It was delivered by Col. L. M. Lewis, before the Y.M.C.A. He pictured a glorious future for the young men of the South, if they only prove true to themselves."126 In September 1864 Patterson had emerged as the Secretary of the Association.127 By the end of that month, the YMCA had decided to work toward what their Christian compatriots in the USCC were doing throughout the Union armies building a church in the prison. Patterson hoped that the prison authorities would allow a church, stating If they will only give their permissio n, we can very soon raise the funds with which to build 123 Thomas S. Dew ing Hospital Chaplain U.S.A. U.S.A. General Hospital Elmira, N.Y. June 30th 1865 Monthly Report to Surgeon General U.S. Army, National Archives and Records Administration, Washington, D.C. 124 USCC, Second Annual Report 180. 125 John G. Barrett, ed., Yankee R ebel: The Civil War Journal of Edmund Dewitt Patterson (Knoxville: The University of Tennessee Press, 2004), 161. 126 Ibid., 162. 127 Ibid., 192.

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262 it. If we do not get one built, we will have no place at all for worship this winter as all the blocks will be closed up, partition[ed] off into small rooms."128 Like surgeons in hospitals, Confederate prison officials or prison hospital surgeons tr ied to control the religious space around them This arrangement altered the freedom of religious w orship seen in prewar churches. The commandant, the guards, and even the surgeon wanted the prisoners to remai n as docile as possible, and religious fervor might make them ag itated and encourage a revolt. Dr. Currie discouraged Chaplain Adolphus Mangum from preaching to the masses of prisoners, stating that they were generally foreigners and Catholics, and were not at all likely to give me a kindly reception.129 This is an odd remark, considering that it was widely known that the majority of Civil War soldiers were Protestant and Americanborn, although antebellum immigration patterns caused the Union to have larger concentration s of Catholics and foreigners. Another incident reflecting on this theme, involved Union Chaplain White, who was imprisoned outside Andersonvilles main stockade. Although White tried to preach to the men inside the main prison, the commanda nt, Captain Wirtz would not allow it. Neither would the surgeon. Writing after his imprisonment, White recalled the incident with sadness, stating: O how my soul longed to preach Christ to those dear and dying men.130 128 Barrett, Yankee Rebel 200. 129 Mangum, History of the Salisbury, N.C. Confederate Prison by Rev. A.W. Mangum, D .D., 25. 130 White, Prison Life Among the Rebels 42.

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263 A series of events in a Macon prison i llustrates the fusing of patriotism and religion civil religion which the Confederates found troubling and potentially dangerous.131 Civil religion emerged as a new religious entity in w artime. According to historian George Rable, Union soldiers prayers for Lincoln always drew the enmity of Confederates.132 While imprisoned among his fellow officers at Macon, Georgia in 1864, Union chaplain White spoke out in support of the U.S. government and the Federal armies at a service. He specifically asked God to bless the President of these United States, his cabinet, the Congress, the army and navy and to give wisdom to our officers, and confuse the counsels of our foes; and so give victory to the loyal armies of the nation.133 The Confederate authorities responded to the chaplains ministrations by indirectly telling him that prayer for the President and the army of the United States was not permitted. A few days later, after another chaplain imprisoned with White offered prayers for the President and the countr y, a General officer informed White that prayer for the President of the United States offended the Confederates. The next time White preached, the prisons commandant interrupted the service to stop White from praying for the President of the United States, the success of the Union army, and the defeat of the Confederacy. Unwilling to back down, White argued with him in front of guards, citizens, and imprisoned Union soldiers, at one point stating that Confederate chaplains in Union prisons were allowed to say whatever prayers they wished. In the end, Whites 131 For background information on civil religion see especially Robert N. Bellah, Civil Religion in America, Daedalus 96, no.1 (Winter 1967): 121. 132 Rable, Gods Almost Chosen Peoples 367. 133 White, Pri son Life Among the Rebels 62.

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264 arguments prevailed and the commandant permitted him to say his prayers.134 A Union soldier in Macon, Captain Bernhard Domschcke recalled another incident between Chaplain White, Chaplain Dixon, an d the commandant Captain Tabb. At the beginning of a service Tabb told Chaplain White that prayers for the President of the United States were not permitted. However, this did not deter Chaplain Dixon from praying loudly for the president, his cabinet, the Cong ress, an d generals Grant and Sherman. According to White, Tabb heard the prayer to the end, thunderstruck, before responding "Well, yo ur prayer won't do much good." He then promptly left.135 This nascent wartime civil religion was not c onfined to only lar ge prisons. During his imprisonment in Lynchburg, Virginia, Chaplain Humphreys officiated at a service which struck tones of civil religion and devotion, while exploring the captivity of those assembled. Encompassing much of the prison, this service began with Humphreys recalling the biblical captivity of the Hebrews in Babylon, stating If I forget thee, O Jerusalem, let my right hand forget her cunning.136 Following this recollection, he explained the patriotic duty of his countrymen and emphasized the duty of remembering still our countrys cause and serving it by patient endurance of our sufferings as they sometimes serve who only stand and wait. The service closed with the expression of my deep conviction that the cause of the Union must triumph be fore 134 White, Prison Life Among the Rebels 6265. White held a patriotic service filled with resonances of civil religion o n at least one other occasion. When White first came to the Macon camp, another officer asked him to hold a service where he sang America, prayed to God for the President, for Congress, the army and the navy, and for the country and once the service was over spent an hour singing our own national songs. The Star Spangled Banner, and The Red, White and Blue, and Rally Round the Flag, Boys and others. (White, Prison Life Among the Rebels 52) What is really interesting about this first service is that in contrast with the incident explained in the above text, the rebel soldiers, along with women and African Americans watched it without interference. (White, Prison Life Among the Rebels 52) 135 Trautmann, Twenty Months in Captivity 85. 136 Humphreys, Camp, Hospital and Prison in t he Civil War 120. This quote is taken from Psalm 137:5.

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265 the singing of America, where the USA is described as the Land of the Pilgrims pride.137 This new Union pride in civil religion extended to such traditional observances as the Fourth of July holiday, indicating a sense of sacred t ime penetrated int o the prison. Chaplain White recalled how Chaplain Dixon officiated at Macons Fourth of July services. After an opening prayer, Dixon offered warm and holy petitions for the President and the country before speeches, toasts, and the singing of national songs caused increased excitement.138 Even the rebel soldiers caught it and seemed moved, White explained. The eyes of the sick and dying began to snap, and all their faces blushed with laughter and hope. The rebel officers, fully armed and in full unifor m, moved rapidly from point to point. After a colonel gave a most radical, bold and noble speech two hours into the meeting, the prison officials ordered all attendees to disperse.139 This case illustrated another example of how Confederates tried to regulate prison sacred space. Late in the war an emergent Confederate civil religion also materialized alongside its Union counterpart.140 The fact that they were losing the war caused Confederates to fuse patriotism with their trust in Gods providence. In May 1864, Confederate officer Edmund DeWitt Patterson attended almost daily prayer meetings held for the special purpose of invoking God's blessing on our arms during the coming campaign and to 137 Humphreys, Camp, Hospital and Prison in the Civil War 120121. 138 White, Prison Life Among the Rebels 69. 139 Ibid., 69 70. 140 Historian Kurt Berends has also identified the emergence of a Confederat e civil religion during wartime. (Kurt O. Berends, Confederate Sacrifice and the Redemption of the South, in Beth Barton Schweiger and Donald G. Mathews, eds ., Religion and the American South: Protestants, and others in History and Culture (Chapel Hill: The University of North Carolina Press, 2004), 114.)

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266 thank him for the successes already gained; more especially howev er, the object is to pray for the success in Virginia, that our army there may go forth conquering and to conquer, and that we may there gain a victory which will give us peace. Patterson felt satisfied after attending these meetings, later remarking on his faith in General Lee as the Army of Northern Virginias leader I feel almost certain that our noble Lee will live to see his work accomplished, to see the South free and independent."141 General hospitals and prisons arose as new wartime religious spaces distinct from anything that clergy had encountered in the antebellum era. Prewar hospitals and prisons were small structures, unlike the massive buildings that housed thousands of wartime soldiers. Many of the profane influences from the camp, including profanity, gambling, and alcoholism a ppeared in the hospital space. Chaplains and missionaries actively sought to rid the hospital environment of these issues, but in the end, as in the cam p, they could only do so much. The outnumbered clergy competed with vice for patients attention. They would have to be content with small victories. The prison and the general hospital also inculcated a new civil religion, within the ranks of Union and Confederate men. This civil religion appeared in essentially similar forms in Union and Confederate wartime discourse, and then became more regionalized in the post war period. Clergy adapted prewar worship techniques to two utterly new environments, general hospitals and prisons. These places proved the foundation for the Northern and Southern civil religions which came to fr uition in the post bellum era. The next chapter 141 Barrett, Yankee Rebel 162.

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267 concludes the dissertation by reiterating the main arguments, couching them within the scholarship on organized r eligion in post bellum America.

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268 CHAPTER 8 CONCLUSION During the Civil War, thousands of young men in the North and the South marched off to war with much in common, including a Christian background; a sense of religion and prayer; and an anxiety resulting from separation fro m home and fear of the unknown. Another army of men accompanied these soldiers to care for their spiritual needs. Mostly older than the soldiers, these clergy belonged t o every Christian denomination. Some possessed formal theological t raining, while others were devout lay practitioners. All shared a spiritual sense of duty and hoped to evangelize at any cost. This dissertation explores how these two cohorts of men, North and South, navigated the challenges of the Civil War in military c amps, battlef ields, hospitals, and prisons. These wartime spaces differed from familiar pr ewar spaces in a host of ways. Moreover, soldiers and clergy intent on maintaining a spiritual life had to adapt to wartime exigency, including constant movement, per sistent deprivations, and the peculiar challenges posed by living in an almos t entirely masculine setting. The Civil War was a grand spatial conflict. During the War, familiar antebellum space was contested and reco nceived and functions shifted. Limited ca pacity hospitals that had served peacetime needs transformed into massive structures serving large numbers of sick, wounded, and convalescing soldiers. The discrete battlefields of previous eras disappeared as armies brought the war to civilians. Small prisons expanded into massive stockades where tens of thousands of men starved and died of disease as they wai ted indefinitely for exchange. By the end of the war, the dead

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269 created landscapes of their own, with national cemeteries stretching for miles establi shed at places suc h as Arlington and Gettysburg. In the wartime armies clergy initially attempted to replicate the idyllic w orld of the antebellum church. Instead of succeeding in that endeavor, they found themselves cons tructing a new religious world. Ins tead of static physical spaces being largely responsible for creating religious meaning, wartime clergy generated relig ious belief by their presence. A dynamic sacred space moved along with the Civil War chaplain or missionary, as needed to accommodate cha nging wartime circumstances. These clergy did their best to create a sense of the sacred amidst the profaneness of war. For example, the sacred manifested itself in the work of USCC delegates as they constructed chapels during the height of revivalism in the Army of the Potomac, and through Father Corbys absolution of the Irish Brigade at Gettysburg. Throughout the war, Civil War soldiers searched for religious continuity with their p rewar beliefs and practices. In turn, clergy tried to assist them in their quest by promoting revivals, constructing churches, distributing tracts, preaching sermons, and fighting profanity, alcoholism, and gambling. However, constructing religious spaces and promoting religious belief proved difficult in the constantly changi ng wartime world. As the war continued, armies grew larger and casualties increased. The war i tself became more destructive. By the end of the conflict, battles lasted for weeks on end, and hardened veterans populated the armies. In addition, changing infr astructure including new hospitals and expanding prisoner of war camps, all presented new challeng es for clergy and their flocks. In working through these challenges, clergy

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270 gained increasing numbers of male converts and helped inculcate them into a new ci vil religion which would continue to develop in the post bellum period. At the same time that the scale of war intensified religious practice, Civil War spiritual leaders continued antebellum religious precedents, especially in emphasizing the teaching s of evangelical Protestantism. Providence, the underlying theological conception of the prewar era held sway during wartime. Revivals, the hallmark of evangelical religious life, existed and were perpetuated throughout both the Union and Confederate armies. B ibles, tracts, religious newspapers, and the rest of the burgeoning evangelical publishing industry in nineteenthcentury America developed before the Civil War, and the war saw continued growth in these areas. Both clergy and soldiers brought their prewar religious beliefs and practices into the wartime environment. Like those men growing up in antebellum America, evangelicalism served an integral role for the common soldier in the Union and Confederate armies. The Civil War placed soldiers and clergy in an unusual situation, and it took time for both to learn how to navigate its challenges. War disrupted many of the patterns and routines of prewar church life, but the foundation of the relationship between clergy and parishioner remained strong. The wartim e armies were populated by young men and older clergy. Women, family, and the physical apparatus of chur ch going were suddenly absent. Moreover, soldiers and clergy had to grapple with the prospect of death and the horrors of war, presenting them with new challenges to their faith. In addition, over the course of the war, a constant flow of new missionaries and chaplains confronted in creasingly war weary soldiers. Nonetheless, these spiritual leaders did a remarkable job in maintaining some continuity in religious pra ctice throughout the conflict. While

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271 primarily responsible for holding religious services, wartime clergymen might be asked to perform numerous duties for their soldier parishioners, ranging from writing letters to delivering deathbed confessions. The bond which developed between chaplains, missionaries, and members of their flock increased in intensity over the course of the war, as the conflict became increasingly more destructive.1 Previous scholars have argued that the Civil War was a conflic t that challenged and perhaps transformed established gender roles and relations, a contention which helps explain religious change as well.2 The antebellum church world had in many senses been do minated by churchgoing women. Due to their wartime experiences and the frequent proximity to chaplains and missionaries who had actively evangelized, especially by the end of the conflict, men in ever increasing numbers flocked to Christ. As a result, the wartime armies became cauldrons of male religiosity. Ho wever, this wartime transformation did not translate into a post bellum shift toward the masculinization of religious adherence where men and women jointly wors hipped God. Late nineteenthcentury white protestant churches remained twothirds female, and for black Protestant churches that number was even higher. Only in Catholic churches was the gender proportion almost evenly split.3 1 Postbellum congregations maintained these strong bonds. For example, African American preachers, helped congregants deal with issues ranging from relating to God to coping with daily life. In black communities, only the bonds between family members trumped those between a preacher and his congregation. (William E. Montgomery, Under Their Own Vine and Fig Tree: The AfricanAmerican Church in the South, 18651900 (Baton Roug e: Louisiana State University Press, 1993), 322, 324.) 2 For seminal work on gender and the Civil War, see especially LeeAnn Whites, The Civil War as a Crisis in Gender: Augusta, Georgia, 18601890 (Athens: The University of Georgia Press, 2000) and Catherine Clinton and Nina Silber, eds Divided Houses: Gender and the Civil War (New York: Oxford University Press, 1992). 3 Gail Bederman, The Women Have Had Charge of the Church Work Long Enough: T he Men and Religion Forward Movement of 19111912 and the Masculinization of MiddleClass Protestantism, in A Mighty Baptism: Race, Gender, and the Creation of American Protestantism, eds. Susan Juster and Lisa

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272 Civil War armies displayed a unique form of ecumenicalism, which also demonstrated a shift from prewar religious practice. Co ntemporary clerics routinely praise and promote ecumenicalism among Christian groups, but in the nineteenth century the individual churches were more insular. In the prewar period, Protestant clerics only displayed nondenominationalism through their wor k in benevolent organizations. However, within the Civil War armies, clergy broke down denominational walls and practiced ecumenicalism widely, especially the evangelical spiritual leaders affiliated with the Unite d States Christian Commission. Although mos t religious leaders leaned toward nondenominationalism within the armies, ingrained hostility between the papal subjects and the followers of Luther did occasionally bubble to the surface, indicating that spiritual battles on the home front did, at times, penetrate the boundaries of the military establishment. In the postwar period, this wartime thrust toward ecumenicalism dissipated as soldiers demobilized and m oved back to civilian churches. At home, they had more religious options and took advantage of these opportunities to reconnect wi th their denominational faith. Nonetheless, the sectarianism of antebellum times was not as marked in the postbellum era.4 In stark contrast to prewar America, the Civil War military environment fostered themes of re ligio us and societal equality. With few exceptions, chaplains and missionaries ministered to men regardless of religious belief, racial identity, or ar my MacFarlane (Ithaca, N.Y.: Cornell University Press, 1996) 111, 115118. Lewis Saum argues that the feminization of religion is more apparent in the post war period than in the antebellum religious world. (Lewis O. Saum, The Popular Mood of America, 18601890 (Lincoln: The University of Nebraska Press, 1990), 87) 4 Saum, The Popular Mood of America, 18601890, 88 and Edward J. Blum, Reforging the White Republic: Race, Religion, and American Nationalism, 18651898 (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 2005), 129 and 131.

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273 affiliation. Differences were subsumed under the banner of unity under t he flag of a Christian nation. Thes e ideas of equality showed that Civil War soldiers and their clerical leaders operated in an environment that differed from nineteenthcentury s ociety at large. Racism, xenophobia, fear of Catholics, all played a major role in the lives of most nineteenthcentury Americans. Yet in the Civil War military environment these prejudices were normally suspended, if not dispatched with entirely. Once soldiers and clergy came home, however, most reverted back to their ingrained biases and prejudices. The religious culture surrounding death during the Civil War also showed continuities with the antebellum era, al beit with certain adaptations. Acknowledging the concept of the Good Death, prewar Americans of all religious denominations, hoped that on their deathbed they would be surrounded by family members ushering them into the hereafter. The war often made these comforting rituals impossible. Civil War chaplains and missionaries, however, served as surrogates for family members, providing an improvised version of the Good Death to soldiers who died during their military service, far away from home and the support of their families. When available, female nurses also helped prepare soldiers for death.5 In the aftermath of the conflict, Civil War dead, served as a flash point of sectional discord, yet by 1900 memorialization of the dead helped unify the nation.6 5 For these wartime rituals of death see J. Matthew Gallman, Mastering Wartime: A Social History of Philadelphia during the Civil War (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1990), especially chapter three Kinfolk at war: Philadelphians responses to death and separation and also, Drew Gilpin Faust, This Republic of Suffering: Death and the American Civil War (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 2008), especially chapter one, Dying: To Lay Down My Life. 6 Drew Gilpin Faust This Republic of Suffering: Death and the American Civil War (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 2008) 269. For more information on post war memorialization of the Civil War dead see especially William Blair Cities of the Dead: Contesting the Memory of the Civil War in the South, 18651914 (Chapel

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274 The influence of the United States Christian Commission, an evangelical organization which provided support for almost all religious activities in the Union armies and hospitals, also shows continui ty with antebellum precedents. Borne out of the YMCA and Sunday school movements of the prewar years, USCC delegates worked together with Union chaplains through such activities as delegatechaplain meetings and served an instrumental role in the fostering of a nond enominational religious space. Perhaps most significantly, USCC delegates actively ministered to nonEnglish speaking soldiers and Native Americans, groups which Confederate spiritual leaders disregarded. By the later part of the war, the USCC placed much of its resources toward evangelizing African Americans, both soldiers and civilians, through a dual program of education and spiritual ministry. Directly affecting the beginnings of religious reconstruction, these missionaries composed the vanguard of the Northern missionary efforts in the South.7 At the end of the war, delegates complemented their ordinary work by teaching in Freedmens Schools, distributing numerous copies of Testaments and The Freedman, i n addition to preaching in black churches.8 The Congregationalist American Missionary Association expanded upon its wartime operations by bringing the USCCs educational work into the post bellum South through the establishment of a Hill: The University of North Carolina Press, 2003) and Caroline E. Janney, Burying the Dead but Not the Past: Ladies Memorial Associations and the Lost Cause (Chapel Hill: The University of North Carolina Press, 2008). 7 See Daniel W. Stowell, Rebuilding Zion: The Religious Reconstruction of the South, 18631877 (New York: Oxford University Press, 1998), especially chapter eight A Pure and Loyal Gospel: Northern Missionary Efforts in the South, 130145 and Joe M. Richardson, Christian Reconstruction: The American Missionary Association and Southern Blacks, 18611890 (Athens: The University of Georgia Press, 1986). 8 The USCC officially ended its work on January 1, 1866.

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275 network of common schools, with a largely religious based curriculum.9 Through their educational and religious work, both the AMA and the USCC fostered the expansion of post bellum African American churches.10 In the spirit of antebellum clerical efforts, chaplains and missionari es sought to provide worship spaces within the confines of the Union and Confederate armies. Although generally successful, this spiritual project faced persistent obstacles. During their entire tenure, spiritual leaders battled the bewildering array of pr ofane influences inherent in military life.11 They did not come to these fights unarmed. Antebellum temperance organizations and bodies devoted to combating prostitution and other sinful behavior had been battling profane influences in society since the Sec ond Great Awakening. Post bellum temperance organizations would continue to fight vice, although their job was perhaps easier than that of the wartime clergy because they did not work in an almost wholly masculine environment, where people had limited opti ons wit h which to occupy their time. 9 Richardson, Christian Reconstruction, 27 28, 44. In June 1867 AMA teachers worked in every southern and border state, instructing approximately eighteen thousand in Sabbath schools and nearly thirty nine thousand in day and night classes. (Richardson, Christian Reconstruction, 37) 10 See William E. Montgomery, Under Their Own Vine and Fig Tree: The AfricanAmerican Church in the South, 18651900 (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 1993) and Joe M. Richardson, Christian Reconstruction: The American Missionary Association and Southern Blacks, 18611890 (Athens: The University of Georgia Press, 1986). Post bellum black worship practices show continuity with their antebellum and wartime predecessors. Influenced by Southern slavery, prewar black worshippers and preachers perpetrated emotionally driv en church worship services. Wartime clergy noticed this same degree of emotionalism when ministering to African Americans. Fully integrated into the ritual of African American worship services, by the post bellum period emotionalism had become a hallmark of Southern bla ck churches. If worship did not elicit an emotional response from the congregation, the service would be deemed a failure. ( Montgomery, Under Their Own Vine and Fig Tree, 291. ) 11 Soldiers dealt with the benefits and curses of ample spare time. For some, religion helped alleviate the boredom free time imposed. Other soldiers occupied their time with profanity, gambling, and alcoholism. During combat, the lure of religious devotion, might be the only sound which could compete for the attention of the soldiery, offering them hope as they encountered a baptism of fire.

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276 For the first time many Civil War soldiers observed holidays in camp which became central to post bellum American life. The Sabbath, a day of rest and the focal point of civil war clergys emphasis on religiosity, becam e linked with Sunday S chool. While Sunday S chools emerged in the antebellum era and continued in the wartime environment, only during the post bellum period did common people embrace the Sunday S chool movement. For many, the Sunday S chool replaced the cont emplative Sunday.12 The more significant wartime change in holiday observance was Americans conception of Christmas. Many soldiers first observed Christmas in the wartime camp. Prewar Americans tended to associate Christmas with Catholicism, a sect of Chri stianity often seen as negatively associated w ith immigrants and foreigners. Soldiers brought this holiday home with them, albeit without its religious message as a celebration of Jesuss birth. Instead, Christmas represented to most postbellum Americans a time for exchanging gifts, dancing, and frolicking.13 This foreshadowed twenty first century Americas mass commercialization of the holiday. However, increased wartime observance of traditional religious holidays was not the onl y change from prewar Ameri ca. While first emerging within the camp and battlefield environments, the prison and the general hospital inculcated civil religion within th e ranks of Civil War soldiers. Scholars have posited that a renewed focus on civil religion occurred in post Civil War America, especially in the post war South with 12 Saum, The Popular Mood of America, 18601890, 89 and Anne M. Boylan, Sunday School: The Formation of an American Institution, 17901880 (New Haven, Conn.: Yale University Press, 1988), 169. For more on Sunday Schools and identity in the post war South see Stowell, Rebuilding Zion chapter 7 Educating Confederate Christians: Sunday Schools and Denominational Colleges 13 Saum, The Popular Mood of America, 18601890, 93, 96 and Penne L. Restad, Christmas in America: A History (New York: Oxford University Press, 1995), 91142.

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277 the rise of the Religion of the Lost Cause.14 In the post war North, Lincoln emerged as the messiah of another branch of civil religion.15 Yet the extant scholarship does not link this postwar religiosity to the w artime activities of soldiers. My evidence posits that Civil War soldiers were exposed, and initiated into this civil religion during wartime in socalled sacred spaces, and then, brought it home w ith them after demobilization. The revivalism of the antebellum period, especially the camp meetings of the Second Great Awakening, paralleled the evangelical revivalism at wor k within the Civil War armies. Scholars tend to focus on the success of Confederate revivals, however, the evidence suggests that U nion revivals, especially those inspired by the USCC achieved good results in the northern arm ies. One can note ebbs and flows in the strength of Confederate revivals but cannot really find a consistent pattern to them. Instead, they appear as localized movements. On the other hand, USCC delegates acted much like the itinerate preachers of the Second Great Awakening, generating interest in conversion wherever they went or were stationed. These USCC revivals became widespread even before the tide had turned in favor of the Union. Civil War spiritual leaders borrowed revival techniques and methods used by their prewar predecessors. In the Civil War armies and during previous revivals, the converted were awakened during either camp meetings or inchurch services. Moreover, during revival periods preaching could be held nearly every night and multiple times on Sunday. As in other nineteenthcentury revivals, prayer meetings would often be held during the day to sustain the revival spirit. 14 See especially Charles Reagan Wilson, Baptized in Blood: The Religion of the Lost Cause, 18651920 (Athens: The University of Georgia Press, 1980). 15 See especially Allen C. Guelzo, Abraham Lincoln: Redeemer President (Grand Rapids, MI: William B. Eerdmans Publishing Company, 1999).

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278 All nineteenthce ntury revivals, including those during the war, emphasized public conversion and the communal spirit it generated. Revivals moved conversion from a priva te matter to a public concern. These democratic and egalitarian movements strove to include all people, regardless of denomination, in the worship of Jesus Christ, using stalwart Christians to help engage potential converts. The revivalist or spiritual leader directly appealed to the audience who gathered to hear his message. Participants in wartime revival s differed from their peacetime predecessors. While before the war, revivals drew and involved members of all ages, classes, and backgrounds, the reality of the wartime military camp environmen t did not allow that to occur. Young men in their twenties and thirties comprised the majority of the population in Civil War military camps. Women occasionally visited and the memoirs and diaries of some spiritual leaders point to them in the crowds during religious services, but they played a very minor role. While antebellum women urged men to participate in the revivals and the resultant conversions, as well as occasionally served as revivalist preachers, they could not perform this f unction in the Civil War camp. However, sweethearts and wives could (and did) urge their men to convert or become more religious through correspondence and letters, a technique far less effective than the face to face contact of prewar revivals. As opposed to the almost wholly masculine Civil War religious environment, the antebellum revival tended to be a family affair. Families would go to the camp ground to gether and pray together. The revivalist spirit also spread through families and other people close to those involved, especially during the revival sparked by Finney in Roc hester, New York in the 1820s. In the Civil War camps, traditional families did not

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279 pray together. Instead, soldiers relied on the combat unit for support, and also identified with this group during prayer services, especially when a regimental chaplain presided o ver it. Prewar revival movements did not spawn chapel building and the creation of new physical prayer spaces, like their wartime iterations. Instead, the open air antebellum revival would just build the church community. While the church community remaine d a focus of the Civil War revivalist, during the war, indoor prayer space was at a premium. The influx of new conversions and increased interest in the worship of Jesus Christ by the soldiers, created the need for more and bigger chapels. In the Union arm ies, the United States Christian Commission supplied this need by providing chapel flies to any religiou s leader who requested one. While some similarities surely existed, one also sees important diff erences in religious practice. Early nineteenthcentury revivalis ts provide numerous accounts of seemingly bizarre behavior among those attending both camp meetings, such as the one held in Cane Ridge in 1801, and more structured meetings in churches, such as those which Finney held in Rochester in the 1820s. T he experience of falling so eloquently described by James Finley, a revivalist in Kentucky in 1800, finds no parallels in the extant materials on the Civil War.16 Nor does one find the further degree of emotionalism described by antebellum participants: c oma inducing, crying, shouting, or convulsive movements or jerks. While emotionalism was present in the Civil War revivals, the evidence does not support the degree of emotionalism descri bed by peacetime revivalists. 16 See Rev. James B. Finley, Autobiography or, Pioneer Life in the West ed. W.P. Stric kland (Cincinnati: Methodist Book Concern, 1853), 362369.

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280 Post bellum revivals tended to follow t he patterns set by antebellum and wartime revivalism By ten years after the wars end, annual revival meetings by professional itinerants were integral to evang elical church life in America. This revivalists job was to rekindle the attention of church members and those who strayed from the faith, while also try ing to attract nonchurchgoers. While prewar revivals tended to have a specific denominational focus, those in the post bellum period tended to cross denominational lines.17 Two main reasons account f or this change: first, wartime revivals which by necessity had to attract an assortment of men from across denominational lines and second, the labors of a revivalist named Dwight Moody who worked with the USCC during the Civil War. His work in particular set the stage for the revivalism of the twentieth century as epitomized by Billy Graham. To the extent possible, wartime religion maintained continui ty with antebellum precedents. However, the cauldron of Civil War transformed how Americans looked a t and experienced religiosity. In turn, clergy adopted wartime spiritual measures to reach both old and new population groups in peacetime America. Through their religious activities, postbellum clergy and their flocks traversed a peacetime religious landscape that had vestiges of the chaos of the wartime spiritual world. 17 William G. McLoughlin, Jr., Modern Revivalism: Charles Grandison Finney to Billy Graham (New York: The Ronald Press Company, 1959), 160161. The post Civil War period was a time of nationwide eva ngelical conformity. (McLoughlin, Modern Revivalism, 162)

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281 BIBLIOGRAPHY Primary Sources Special Collections Department, Robert W Woodruff Library, Emory University, Atlanta, GA George Leonard Chaney Papers, 18561908 Francis Robert Goulding Papers, 18461934 Atticus G. Haygood Papers, 18611952 Charles James Oliver Papers, 18321868 Samuel David Sanders Papers, 18611867 George G ilman Smith Papers, 18351956 Georgia Department of Archives and History, Morrow, GA Kennedy, Francis Milton. Diary. Edited by Mrs. J.E. Hayes, vol.5, Confederate Let ters, Diaries and Reminiscences Rice, Edmond Lee, ed. Civil War Letters of James McDonald Campell. Undated typescript Southern Historical Collection, Manuscript Department, Louis R. Wilson Library University of North Carolina, Chapel Hill, NC Beckwith Family Papers, 18521889 Charles William Dabney Papers William Porcher Dubose, Remi niscences, 18361878 W.R. Gwaltney Papers, 18621948 Hauser Family Papers Daniel Harvey Hill Papers, 18481951 John Lipscomb Johnson Papers Francis Milton Kennedy Diary, 18631864 Drury Lacy Papers, 18231965 (bulk 18231903) Bishop Henry Champlin Lay Papers, 18421885 Mangum Family Papers, 17771993 Matthias Murray Marshall Papers, 18231912 Robert Hall Morrison Papers, 18201888 John Paris Papers, 18281905 John K ennedy Street Papers, 18581899 Webb Family Papers, 1795 1960 Rare Book, Manuscript, and Special Collections, William Perkins Library, Duke University, Durham, NC William Wallace Bennett Letters, 1866 1868 David C. Dutcher Papers, 18641871 Spencer R. Full er Diary, 1864 Sept. 26Oct. 24

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282 Henry H. Hopkins Letters, 18621865 Charles Todd Quintard Papers, 18571899 Special Collections, Z. Smith Reynolds Library, Wake Forest University, WinstonSalem, NC William Bailey Royall Papers, 187219 28 Alexander Bell Smith Papers, 18321862 US Army Military Institute at Carlisle Barracks, Carlisle, PA Civil War Miscellaneous Collection. Series I & Series II, 18611865 Emmeran Bliemel O.S.B., Chaplain 4th Kentucky and 10th Tennessee Infantry Regiment (C.S.A.) 18391887 Robert A. Browne Papers Chaplains Letters, May 23, 1860Nov. 19, 1863 L. W. Ear le, Chaplain, 21st Michigan Volunteer Infantry, Reminiscence of Chattanooga Lookout Mountain and March to the Sea Edwin W. Keen Papers Orange V. Lemon, Chaplain, 36th Indiana Volunteer Infantry Diary, October 10, 1861 Mark P. Lowrey Father Jeremiah F. Trec y, Chaplain, Huntsville, Alabama and Rosecrans HQ The Civil War Times Illustrated Collection Lyman Daniel Ames Papers, 18611865 Levi W. Norton, 72nd New York Infantry Regiment Letter, October 22, 1861 Jerome Spilman, 5th Iowa Cavalry Regiment; 93rd India na Infantry Regiment, Letters, January 28, 1862April 4, 1863 Harrisburg CWRT Collection William J. Gibson Papers, Chaplains Letters, Mar 25Apr 21, 1862 J. M. Herr Papers T he Michael P. Musick Collection South Caroliniana Library, University of South Carolina, Columbia, SC Adger, Smyth[e], and Flynn Family Papers, 18231930 American Missionary Association. Archives, So uth Carolina, ca. 1862ca. 1884 William Banks Papers, 18531880 John B. Bannon Papers, 18631927 Thomas Frederick Davis Papers, 4 Sept. 18619 March 1869 DeSaussure, Gamewell, Lang and Parris Family Papers, 17571925 David E than Frierson Papers, 183918 96 John M. Head. Diary, 1861 July 241862 Apr. 9 Thomas Hart Law Journal, 18601865 John DeWitt McCollough. Ministerial register, 18481865 John DeWitt McCollough Papers, 18241900 John McLees Papers, 1838 1918

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283 William D. Rice Papers, 1861 1864, 18701871 James Hodge Saye Papers, 18371863 Soldiers Chapel (Beaufort, S.C.) MS, Oct. 1864 Clark B. Stewart Journals and Calendar, 18361885 Robert Benson Tar rant Willis Family Witherspoon Family Papers, 17771937 The US Army Chaplain Archives, U.S. Army Chaplain Museum Library, Fort Jackson, SC Dobbs, Charles Holt. Reminiscences of an Army Chaplain: Articles from the Presbyterian Christian Observer 1874 Extract from 1862 Diary of Chaplain John Crabbs of the 67th Ohio Library of Virginia, Richmond, VA Moses Barker, 18251865 George Phillip Clarke, Diary 1863 1865 Benjami n F. Dodson, Letter 20 May 1862 Julian T emple Edwards Papers, 18631892 George J. Henderson Letters, 18631865 Henkel Family Letters, 18611864 Daniel Harvey Hill Letters, 18621864 J. William Jones Papers, 18611892 Joh n B. I. Logan Papers, 18161886 Joseph Richard Manson Diary, 18641865 William T. McDougle Letter, 25 January 1864 Alexa nder Murdock Letters, 18631864 The Ross F amily Correspondence, 18611864 Sophia Stoc kett Sellman Letters, 18641865 Jeb Stuart Letter, 24 January 1864 Museum of the Confederacy, Eleanor S. Brockenbrough Library, Richmond, VA Confederate Chaplains Collection Diary of Chaplain Randolph H. McKim, 2nd Vi rginia Cavalry, September 3, 1864 to March 10, 1865 Virginia Historical Society, Richmond, VA B idgood Family Papers, 18161937 Fannie Crocker Blackwell, Recollections of Life During the War Between the States Dabney Family Papers, 18241927 Early Family Papers, 17981903. Section 1

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284 Hoge Family Papers, 18041938. Section 18 Hoge, Moses Drury, Papers, 1861 1876 Abner Crump Hopkins Diary, 1862 April 281863 December 19 Abner Crump Hopkins. From Petersburg to Appomattox [Memoir, 18641865] Keith Family Paper s, 18301879 Thomas Dwight Witherspoon, A chapter in the history of the defense of Fredericksburg, Virginia Library of Congress, Washington, D.C. Samuel J. Baird Papers, 18341892 William Oland Bourne Papers George North Carruthers Papers, 18631969 Jubal Anderson Early Papers Lemuel Thomas Foote Papers, 18561937 Winthrop Henry Phelps Papers, 18641865 Leonidas Polk Papers, 18561868 Bishop Matthew Simpson Papers, 18291929 George Hay Stuart Papers, 17981887 Joseph Conable Thomas Papers, 18551905 (bulk 18631866) Oliphant Monroe Todd Papers, 1862 U.S. Christian Commission, Notebooks, 1865, 2v U.S. Sanitary Commission Papers, 18631864 John N. Waddel Diary, 18621864 Miscellaneous Manuscripts Collection James Grant, 18291905, Manuscript entitled The Flag and the Cross, A History of the United States Christian Commission, 1894 R. H. Massey Collection, 186364 James Burtis Merwin Collection, 18611910 National Archives and Records Administration, Washington, D.C. Pension Record, Chaplain Orson B. Clark, 83rd PA Volunteer Infantry Regt. Record Group 94. Records of the Record and Pension Office, Administration Records, 18501912 Entry 679. Reports of Chaplains: Civil War Record Group 94. Records of the United States Christian Commission, 18611866 Entry 739. Letters Sent, Philadelphia Office, 18621866 Entry 740. Communications Received, Central Office, 18621866 Entry 745. Abstracts of Letters Written for Sick and Wounded Soldiers, Army of the Potomac, 18641865 Entry 752. Reports, 18621866 Entry 753. Minutes of the Executive Committee Entry 755. Weekly Reports of Delegates, 18641865 Entry 757. Diaries, 18621865

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285 Entry 765. Day Book, Nashville Station, 1865 Entry 794. Record of Religious Activities, 1864 Entry 796. Miscellaneous Publications, 18621865 RG 679 Files of the Surgeon General's Office Printed Primary Sources Adams, John Ripley. Memorial and Letters of Rev. John R. Adams, D.D., Chaplain of the Fifth Maine and the One Hundred and Twenty First New York Regiments During the War of the Rebellion, Serving from the Beginning to its Close. Cambridge: J. Wilson and son, 1890. Adams, Virginia Matzke, ed. On the Altar of Freedom: A Black Soldiers Civil War Letters from the Front Amherst: The University of Massachusetts Press, 1991. Adams, William. Christian Patriotism New York: Anson D.F. Randolph, 1863. Ames, Lyman Daniel. The Civil War Diaries of Lyman Daniel Ames, 18611865. Edited by Edwin Lyman Ames. 1979. Ballard, Michael B. and Thomas D. Cockrell, eds. A Mississippi Rebel in the Army of Northern Virginia: The Civil War Memoirs of Private David Holt Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 1995. Barrett, John G., e d. Yankee Rebel: The Civil War Journal of Edmund Dewitt Patterson. Knoxville: The University of Tennessee Press, 2004. Beasecker, Robert, ed. I Hope to Do My Country Service: The Civil War Letters of John Bennitt, M.D., Surgeon, 19th Michigan Infantry Detroit, MI: Wayne S tate University Press, 2005. Beaudry, Louis Napoleon. War Journal of Louis N. Beaudry, Fifth New York Cavalry: The Diary of a Union Chaplain, Commencing February 16, 1863. Edited by Richard E. Beaudry. Jefferson, NC: McFarland & Company, Inc., Publishers, 1996. Beck, Brandon H., ed. Third Alabama!: The Civil War Memoir of Brigadier General Cullen Andrews Battle, CSA. Tuscaloosa: The University of Alabama Press, 2000. Bennett, William W. A Narrative of the Great Revival Which Prevailed in the Southern Armies During the Late Civil War Between the States of the Federal Union. Philadelphia, PA: Claxton, Remsen and Haffelfinger, 1876. Berry, J. Romeyn. Christian patriotism: a sermon delivered in the Reformed Dutch Church Kinderhook on Sabb ath morning, June 23, 1861 Albany, N.Y.: Weed, Parsons, printers, 1861.

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310 Armstrong, Warren B. The Organization, Function, and Contribution of the Chaplaincy in the United States Army, 18611865. Ph.D. diss., University of Michigan, 1964. Bazikian Daniel B. The United States Christian Commission: A Religious and Historical Study M.A. thesis, Trinity Evangelical Divinity School, 1976. Berends, Kurt O. Thus Saith the Lord: The Bible and the Southern Evangelical World View in the Era of the Americ an Civil War. Ph.D. diss., Oxford University, 1997. Budd, Richard. Serving Two Masters: The Professionalization and Bureaucratization of American Military Chaplaincy, 18601920. Ph.D. diss., The Ohio State University, 1994. Connelly, Megan. A War of Involvement: The Story of How Civil War Women Used Nursing to Display Their Religious Convictions. M.A. thesis, Lehigh University, 2009. Dollar, Kent T. Soldiers of the Cross: Confederate Soldier Christians and the Impact of War on Their Faith. Ph. D. diss., University of Tennessee at Knoxville, 2001. Henry, James O. History of the United States Christian Commission. Ph.D. diss. University of Maryland, 1959. Hieronymus, Frank L. For Now and Forever: The Chaplains of the Confederate States Army. Ph.D. diss., University of California, Los Angeles, 1964. Hildebrand, Reginald F. Brother, Religion is a Good Thing in Time of War: The Theology of U.S. Colored Troops. Conference paper, the Second Biennial Meeting of the Society of Civil War Histor ian s, Richmond, VA, June 19 2010. Irons, Charles Frederick. The Chief Cornerstone: The Spiritual Foundations of Virginias Slave Society, 17761861. Ph.D. diss., University of Virginia, 2003. McConnell, Kent Alan. There must be tears in the houses: A Search for Religious Meaning from the Carnage of the American Civil War Ph.D. diss. University of Virginia, 2007. McDevitt, Theresa R. Fighting for the Soul of America: A History of the United States Christian Commission. Ph.D. diss., Kent State University, 1997. Norton, Herman A. The Organization and Function of the Confederate Military Chaplaincy, 18611865. Ph.D. diss., Vanderbilt University, 1956. Prim, Jr., Gorrell Clinton. Born Again in the Trenches: Revivalism in the Confederate Army. P h.D. diss., The Florida State University, 1982.

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311 Raney, David Alan. In the Lords Army: The United States Christian Commission in the Civil War. Ph.D. diss., University of Illinois at Urbana Champaign, 2001. Rolfs, David W. No Peace for the Wicked: How Northern Christians Justified Their Participation in the American Civil War. Ph.D. diss., The Florida State University, 2002. Schurr, Nancy. Inside the Confederate Hospital: Community and Conflict during the Civil War. Ph.D. diss., University of Tennes see at Knoxville, 2004. Shattuck, Jr., Gardiner H. A Shield and Hiding Place: The Religious Life of the Civil War Armies. Ph.D. diss., Harvard University, 1985. Slomovitz, Albert I. The Fighting Rabbis: A History of Jewish Military Chaplains, 1860194 5. Ph.D. diss., Loyola, 1995. Smith, John M. The Military Ordinariate of the United States of America. Ph.D. diss., The Catholic University of America, 1966. Stowell, Daniel Wesley. Rebuilding Zion: The Religious Reconstruction of the South, 1863187 7. Ph.D. diss., University of Florida, 1994. Usher, Zachary Warren. Black Chaplains in the Civil War. M.A. thesis, University of North Carolina at Charlotte, 2011. Whitt, Jacqueline. A Crisis of Faith: Vietnam, Chaplains, and Religion in the American Military. Ph.D. diss., University of North CarolinaChapel Hill, 2008. Wight, Willard E. Churches in the Confederacy. Ph.D diss., Emory University, 1957. Williams, Eugene F. Soldiers of God: The Chaplains of the Revolutionary War. Ph.D. diss., Tex as Christian University, 1972.

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312 BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH Benjamin L. Miller g rew up in Baltimore, Maryland. He earned a Bachelor of Arts in history and religion with honors in history from the College of William and Mary in Virginia in 2004. Miller earned a Master of Arts in Judaic Studies with honors at Baltimore Hebrew University in 2006. He then attended graduate school in history at the University of Florida and earned a Master of Art s in American history in 2008. Benjamin is currently teaching his tory at the Claire and Emanuel G. Rosenblatt High School at Donna Klein Jewish Academy in Boca Raton, Florida.