Women's Work in Attic Comedy

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Women's Work in Attic Comedy
Klos, Katherine S
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[Gainesville, Fla.]
University of Florida
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1 online resource (90 p.)

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Master's ( M.A.)
Degree Grantor:
University of Florida
Degree Disciplines:
Classical Studies
Committee Chair:
Kapparis, Konstantin
Committee Members:
Van Steen, Gonda Aline Hector
Wagman, Robert S
Graduation Date:


Subjects / Keywords:
Midwifery ( jstor )
Mothers ( jstor )
Musicians ( jstor )
Nurses ( jstor )
Prostitution ( jstor )
Sex workers ( jstor )
Slavery ( jstor )
Terminology ( jstor )
Vendors ( jstor )
Women ( jstor )
Classics -- Dissertations, Academic -- UF
comedy -- economics -- employment -- gender -- greece -- greek -- history -- women
bibliography ( marcgt )
theses ( marcgt )
government publication (state, provincial, terriorial, dependent) ( marcgt )
born-digital ( sobekcm )
Electronic Thesis or Dissertation
Classical Studies thesis, M.A.


This thesis, which is intended to be merely the beginning of a much more exhaustive study, examines women’s economic functions in ancient Greece,through the lens of surviving Greek comedy. Attic Comedy presents some of the most fertile ground in surviving Greek literature for the study of female labor. The many preserved terms for female laborers refer to medical women,childcare workers, entertainers, performers, vendors, craftswomen, religious officials, and general laborers.   Although comedy offers a background narrative which provides valuable insights into the culture of origin, modern scholars frequently discount the genre as a credible source because it incorporates less-elevated or fantastical themes.  Often, women’s contributions to the ancient Greek economy are similarly dismissed as inconsequential and have thus received little attention in the past hundred years.  Even recent publications feature terminology which diminutizes or marginalizes the female worker.  Modern studies on comedy assert (regarding female zoning and labor) that vocal women, women outside the house, and employed women are either part of a comedic role reversal or double entendre for prostitution.  In addition to providing a general overview of female professions and discussion of the representation of their functions, I endeavor to challenge some of the accepted notions about women in ancient Greece,including the assumptions that women’s economic function was trivial, there were universal attitudes towards female laborers, and all entertainers were sex workers.  Demography and incidence of terms are included where prudent.  When forced to speculate, I focus on the plausible details rather than the absurd. ( en )
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Thesis (M.A.)--University of Florida, 2012.
Adviser: Kapparis, Konstantin.
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by Katherine S Klos.

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2 2012 K. T. Schofield Klo s


3 F o r Freddy


4 ACKNOWLEDGMENTS I am profoundly indebted to the person who, several years ago, while I was living in Florida wrote me elaborate letters in French and, when I was still living in Paris, invite d me to read some Greek with him Without Frederick Thomas Ueckermann, I never would have considered Classic s nor would I have likely decided to pursue a career beyond theatre. Several suggestions he made years ago continue to significantly impact my lif e. I extend special thanks to Ilse, who se presence over the past three and a half years has always been an uplifting influence I will always be grateful to Alison McCants who behaved with kindness and compassion towards me even when we were strangers I thank Helen Muir, and Molly Lester, whose friendship ha s proved similarly inspirational I am also thankful to my loving family, for the nurturing efforts, support and assistance N otably I recognize my mother, Sarah Schofield, Shar Schofield Susan a nd Tomas Woodard Lori and Hera Doll Susan Klos and Elsie Landers. Finally, I extend w arm thanks to Dr. Michael Buonanno Megan Daly, Dr. Andrew Nichols, Jamie Proctor, Dr. Jennifer Rea, and the countless other friends, colleagues, advocates, and ment ors who have expressed nothing but confidence in my abilities, especially my ever patient and understanding committee members, Dr. Gonda Van Steen and Dr. Robert Wagman. Above all else, I must express my sincerest gratitude to my director, Dr. Konstantino s Kapparis, whose advice, insight and encouragement have kept me motivated through the sometimes difficult writing process and made finishing this degree possible.


5 TABLE OF CONTENTS page ACKNOWLEDGMENTS ................................ ................................ ................................ ............... 4 ABSTRACT ................................ ................................ ................................ ................................ ..... 6 CHAPTER 1 INTRODUCTION ................................ ................................ ................................ .................... 8 2 CHILDCARE AND MEDICINE ................................ ................................ ........................... 13 3 ENTERTAINMENT ................................ ................................ ................................ ............... 39 4 VENDING, MANUFACTURE, AND GENERAL LABOR ................................ ................. 58 5 CONCLUSIONS ................................ ................................ ................................ .................... 84 LIST OF REFERENCES ................................ ................................ ................................ ............... 87 BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH ................................ ................................ ................................ ......... 90


6 Abstract of Thesis Presented to the Graduate S chool of the University of Florida in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Master of Arts By K. T. Schofield Klos August 2012 Chair: Konstantinos Kapparis Major: Classical Studies This t hesis, which is intended to be merely the beginning of a much more exhaustive study, through the lens of surviving Greek comedy Attic Comedy presents some of the most fertile ground in surviving Gree k literature for the study of female labor The many preserved terms for female laborers refer to medical women, childcare workers, entertainers, performers, vendors, craftswomen, religious officials, and general laborers Although comedy offers a backg round narrative which provides valuable insights into the culture of origin modern s cholars frequently discount the genre as a credible source because it incorporates less elevated or fantastic al themes Often, w Greek economy are similarly dismissed as inconsequential and have thus received little attention in the past hundred years. Even r ecent publications feature terminology which diminutizes or marginalizes the female worker Modern studies on comedy assert ( regar ding female zoning and labor ) that vocal women, women outside the house, and employed women are either part of a com ed ic role reversal or double entendre for prostitution. In addition to providing a general overview of female professions and discussion o f the representation of their functions I endeavor to challenge some of the accepted notions about


7 trivial, there were universal attitudes towards female laborers, and a ll entertainers were sex workers. Demography and incidence of terms are included where prudent. When forced to speculate, I focus on the plausible details rather than the absurd.


8 CHAPTER I INTRODUCTION nalized by historians and scholars since the very conception of these professions. Whether women led at least partially public lives, historical sources often treat their presence as a background detail; in addition to this, women have received significant ly less scholarly attention than men. In recent decades, the increasing interest in Gender Studies has somewhat ameliorated this situation in several fields, academics have attempted to reincorporate women into the timeline. In Classics, although sourc es which describe women in Athenian public life (and a number of terms for employed women) survive, one often hears that women were confined to the house, 1 could not make their own decisions, ansactions. 2 The aim of this thesis is to examine female employment, as attested in Attic Comedy. The three chapters beyond this introductory segment are organized by category of employment. The first post introductory chapter discusses professions rel ated to medicine and child rearing. The second, treats those in the entertainment industry (including musicians, sex workers, and inn keepers). The third and f inal chapter covers manual labo rer professions, miscellaneous jobs, and women who work in the m arket place. I have chosen this genre as an initial platform for this research partially because, despite elements of absurdity, comedy is based in some representation of real life; its background narrative provides valuable insights into the culture of or igin, and in 1 Barring, of course, prostitutes, slaves, women participating in religious p ractices, and women accompanied by a male guardian. jobs (such as bread selling) could not be feasibly performed inside and upstairs. Female seclusion has been debated for decades, but the notion that women were not confined still seems to be treated as radicalism. Pomeroy (1995: 58 60) summarizes chronology, positions, and participants. 2 hip to t his day. See chapter 4


9 the case of female labor it offers insights which, for a variety of reasons, might be absent from more elevated literary genres such as historiography, tragedy or philosophy. 3 Surviving works (chiefly Aristophanes) provide a fair sample of fe male characters and beyond Old Comedy we find more material in the few extant works of Middle and New Comedy which have reached us. This study has, whenever possible, concentrated on the works which are preserved relatively intact, as they provide adequate background information for us to form a clear and wholesome picture of female labor, and its representations in the comic tradition. Unfortunately, many careers survive only (or primarily) in fragments or passing references, so some statements are merely speculative or rely on the context of quoting sources, such as Athenaeus. Unless otherwise stated, all fragments are cited according to the numbering system found in Poetae Comeci Graeci (Kassel and Austin, 1980 ). This project is incapable of being comp rehensive in some respects, even limited in genre to comedy. This study is intended to be the starting point for a lengthier and more comprehensive examine certain accep ted notions about ancient women and female labor, such as the conception that specific to age or socioeconomic standing? Are all entertainment workers prostitutes? Are some categories of employment always portrayed as sex workers, but others sometimes portrayed as sex workers? Finally, this paper suggests that one should carefully consider language choices 3 Gonda Van Steen (2000) has observed that the ancients were also aware of this value of comedy. Her preface cites an anecdote from the Life of Aristophanes, which claims that Plato advised Dionysius of Syracuse to learn about Ath


10 when translating for scholarly projects or discussing women in an academic setting 4 because a lot of terminology carries semantic baggage, 5 meaning that it has specific connotations. Certain ializing, make assumptions, and continue to perpetuate these antiquated notions that women who performed menial labor were inferior, and that these jobs were, in fact, unimportant. ating income was vital, 6 especially for households with several children, during times of general economic function might be independent of her production and sales. Female economic participation certainly was not desirable for all men some championed or portraye d female regulation 7 and men who had working wives may have been subject to these less It is unlikely that employment was attractive to most women, either even if one discounts the influence of beauty standards (the ideal of pale skin), avoiding excessive exposure to the sun was likely preferable to toiling outdoors. When the survival of the family unit is at stake, 4 To an extent, one should also be careful with translation projects intended for the general (non Greek reading) public. Lysistrata 43 ( Roche (2005 : 421 ) For the significance of linguistic choices, see McConnell Ginet 2008, Lind 1949, Higginbotham 2011 5 McConnell 6 Kosmopoulou (2001: 281 319) and Pomeroy (1995: 73) agree on many points. Herfst (1922: 20) addresses poverty as a motivating force as well and supports the conjecture that some couples formed economic teams (1922: 21). 7 It is understandable that many scholars consider this group (Plato, Lysias, Solon, et al.) and sources which describe women in public life to be mutually exclusive. My position (that there was no universal opinion about ources.


11 however, every possible contribution is crucial. 8 Wealthy members of society may look upon both spous es with contempt, but disrepute is preferable to demise and one should not assume that the wealthy give much thought to menial laborers or that the opinions of those in higher economic brackets have any real affect on the decisions of much poorer individua ls. The bottom line is that, whatever negative opinions a culture may universally claim to have about menial occupations, 9 they are necessary. Someone must work in these industries and sometimes that person is a woman. Opinions on women in classical Gree ce vary, but secondary research focused solely on their employment is scarce. Studies of entertainers do exist, especially on prostitution, 10 but those that focus on comedy generally examine literary attitudes towards the 11 Angeliki encouraging claims which challenge the notion of female seclusion, but it ultimately reinforces the notion that employed women were an oddity and only occ asionally of citizen status (2001: 284) Pomeroy features a chapter on women and employment, but presents contradictory 8 Of course, it is not appropriate to make universal assumptions, about the marital status of all working women, or opinions of all male household heads. This example is used because one of the most popular arguments in favor of the improbability 9 Modern examples include but are not limited to agricultural workers, cafeteria workers, construction workers, custodi ans, factory workers, fast food servers, grocery workers, lawn workers, mechanics, plumbers, public transit workers, truck drivers, and waste collectors. How often does one assume that a person in one of these jobs must be an illegal alien or individual w ith no secondary education? How often does one give any thought to the origin of goods one purchases? How often does one see detailed representations of the functions of these careers in modern literature? 10 Of recent interest is Greek Prostitutes in the Ancient Mediterranean, 800 BCE 200 CE (2011). Glazebrook and Henry (eds.) 11 Henry (1985) provides a thorough treatment of the bona meretrix in Menander.


12 information. 12 The only book length resource focused solely on women and the ancient economy, explains: Sources on economic history are not very plentiful. This is above all true on the is the result of the insignificant role of women in the workforce. 13 The emphasis, in my opinion, is less the dearth of eco nomic sources, but rather the localization of focus. Ultimately, authors who are uninterested in something or find it impertinent to their project agenda are more likely to exclude this topic. One cannot necessarily ng women or economics from his work, but can safely assume that it is rooted in his personal opinion and immediate goals. A wealth of publications on comedy is available, but those concerned with women do not generally focus on economic function. 12 Pomeroy (1995: 72): "The feeling that purchase or exchange was a financial transaction too complex f or women [...] contributed to classifying marketing as a man's occupation." (73): "They also worked as vendors, selling food or what they had spun or woven at home." 13 Herfst (1922: 10) : Les sources de l'histoire conomique sont donc peu abondantes. Ce la est surtout vrai au point de vue des travaux de femmes, puisque l'homme concentre sur lui tout l'intrt, ce qui est l'effet du rle peu important de la femme dans le travail.


13 CHAPTER 2 CHILDCARE AND MEDICI NE This chapter discuss es careers in childcare and medicine and their functions as they are represented in comedy. The primary occupations in these fields are, of course, the nurse and midwife. Before enumerating the incidence of these professions, it is necessary to briefly discuss past scholarship and cover the terminology. After the discussion of terminology, a brief overview of the works and fragments in which the terms occur and a catalogue of terms according to the function they illustrate are provided Le Travail de la Femme dans la Grce Ancienne, to my knowledge, remains the sole study dedicated to 1 The focus of his chapter on nurses 2 seems to be to distinguish between types of nurses based on whether their occupational obligations included breastfeeding; he contrasts those who breastfed with those demo graphic capable of hiring nurses, and popular opinion of the career. the commonly accepted defin nurses performing tasks other than breastfeeding, but does not adequately treat these (or sometimes takes inappropriate examples out of context). For exa mple, he argues that Theophrasto 1 2 The introduction ( 57 59 ) attempts to determine which nurses breastfed. The wet nurse section (59 61) offers a chronological overview of breastfeeding by nurses or mothers and considers reasons for hiring a nurse. The dry nur se segment (62


14 comments that the passage provides evidence that wet nurse s had duties beyond breastfeeding, 3 but he neither elaborates on these duties at this point, nor acknowledges them elsewhere in this chapter. The these, there are several other terms (and variant spellings). 4 means wet terms. 5 Thi s chapter mention s some terms not present in comedy in footnotes, merely as general points of interest A bstract and metaphoric examples are included only to consider the qualities by which the subject is identified with the profession. Given that defini tions were n ot fixed and terms overlapped, it is not practical to attempt to argue universal pragmatic application. So, in terms of this study nurse; for the 6 ppears fourteen times in Greek comic a uthors: it occurs seven times in Menander ( Samia [ 85, 237, 258, and 276] Flauti st [fr. 65] False Heracles [fr. 412] and a title); three times in Aristophanes ( Lysistrata 958, Thesmophoriazusae 609, Knights 716); and once each in Antiphanes ( Man Who Hates Villainy fr. 157); Alexis (a title); Eubulus (a title); and Cratinus 3 67 68: un passage des Charactres de Thophraste nous prouve que les les nourrices proprement dites, ne se bornaient pas toujours a llaiter les enfants. Il parle d'un homme qui se charge de la besogne d'une primary source describes a man who se odious nature compels him to disrupt others (His hobbies include waking others to talk to them) In this particular exampl e he is rudely interrupting the nurse, not functioning as one. Cf. Characters 20.1 20.5.2. 4 Some alternate terms are: and This is a primarily noun ba sed study, but I shall include a few examples of women who function as but are not explicitly described as nurses Some verbs and idioms for nursing and child rearing are , occurs twice in Menander ( Samia 247 and Epitrepontes 464). ( breast feed) occurs in a single one word fragment in Phrynic ho s (fr. 29). has too great a range of application and occurs with too great a frequency to be included. has been omitted for shared forms with 5 Recent studies indicate that some evolve (that is, the nurse continues to take care of the child after weaning, and assumes the other basic childcare duties) Cf. Brock 1994: 337, Kosmopoul ou 2001: 285. 6 For the sake of clarity, I will provide the Greek used in various references to nurses.


15 ( Archiloc hoi fr. 5). 7 Of these, three refer to a woman for whom we have a fair amount of context; four refer to a specific person (but context is sparse); four are general nurses; and three are one word titles. In addition to the highest incidence of the term, Sam ia contains the richest context. dialogue. times: it appears three times in Menander ( Dyskolos 190, 676; and fr. 327); and once each in Aristophane s (fr. 305), Alexis (fr. 270), and Eubulus (fr. 80). The two in Dyskolos provide ample context (the nurse even has speaking lines); two provide vague immediate context 8 (Eubulus fr. 80 and Menander fr. 327); and two are metaphors (Aristophanes and Alexis). are preserved in long lists of one word fragments and cannot tell us much. Since this is the case, most discussion of terms other than is constrained to the in Dyskolos The chief duty of nurses with unweaned charges is breastfeeding. Although most nurses in d escribed as breastfeeding. The most notable instance of this act occurs in Samia when the courtesan, Chrysis, acts as a temporary 7 I do not count duplicate fragments or variations of the same section of text. To further simplify matters, adespota will not be included in this stud y. also occurs once in Machon (fragment 17.391, quoted by Athenaeus). Although Machon was a comic poet, this particular quotation is not from a play. Arraphoros, Fl autist, or Flautists but I have picked one to simplify matters. 8 Menander fr. 327 ( )


16 9 Although she has sworn to prevent the child from 10 commenting that she nursed him when 11 In Epitrepontes we encounter another woman w ho functions as a wet nurse the wife of the charcoal make r nurses a foundling infant which has been given to her husband by Daos the shepherd 12 Eventually, every child must be weaned; in a family which had a nurse, this task sometimes fell to her. Co medy offers Knights : 13 It is immediately app are nt that this makes an unfavo production, during the weaning process, 14 food would hav e to be reduced to an easily digestible state in a more primitive way. The two feasible options are to grind the food up with a mortar and pestle or to chew it. The former option opens up extra venues for food contamination ( from tiny pieces of the grind ing implement, improper sanitation of the utensils, etc ), so it logically 9 265 The status of Chrysis is nebulous she acts as a nurse but is not described as one, so she cannot be counted in verbal statistics. 10 84 85: 11 245 247 : 12 464 13 Knights 716: 14 Kosmopoulou (2001: 285 continue after this point, but he labels this as territory and makes no reference to the weaning process. Galen De s anitate tuenda Khn 6.48 49 discusses basic duties of the


17 follows that a common method of assuring that the food was properly processed was for an adult to pre masticate. 15 In addition to general feeding, the nurse was also sometimes res ponsible for bathing the child and changing diapers. 16 Lysistrata (881) Kinesias attempts to persuade his wife, Myrrine, to break the sex strike and come home, on the pretext that their child has been 61) cites this as an example of a mother who nurses her own children (focusing again on the question of Suda informs that m wiping off (perhaps diaper changing) and bathing. 17 In Samia the old 18 In thi s various needs. 19 It seems, however, that a house slave performs general care and the former ly calls her 20 15 Galen, De sanitate tuenda Khn 6.47.14 6.48.4 : Cf. Scholia in Aristophanem Equites 717a.4 Gynecology 3) 16 See note 14. 17 Herfst 1922: 60 61. Suda tau .688: 18 ( 252 254 ) 19 Cf. 7 15 20 Once a always a ? Brock (1994: 337) conjectures that former charges frequently commemorated even nurses who eventually became as


18 Thesmophoriazusae suggests that it is at least plausible for the nurse to have accompanied the mother to festivals, carrying and tending to th e infant. When the assembled C 21 Although this child later is revealed to be a women refer to it as if it is a real child, not yet weaned; 22 no one objects that it would be unusual for a mother and nurse to both participate in the festival. 23 In the case of a real infant, the nurse would not merely be present to feed it as needed and change diapers, but presumably would chiefly interact with it while the mother spent time with friends. Chrysis and the former nurse in Samia both carry the child around; the latter talking sweetly to it, to stop its crying (238 244). In this situation, presumably no maternal figure but the nurse. In cases in which the mother was deceased or unavailable, the nurse would certainly have, through her babbling and soothing, introduced the baby to language and begun its socialization. In the Dyskolos Pan tells us that, before the action of the play, Knemon drove his wife to flee the marriage and abandon her daughter. The god does not divulge the age of the child at the 21 608 609: { .} { } 22 Cf. 691; 761. 23 Pedley (2005: 87 88) emphasises that the festival was restricted to married citizen women. Burkert (1985: 242) suggests that the status of slaves is unknown and points out that eryone else, and


19 m other; she expresses the desire to embrace the girl and talk to her, presumably to reassure her before the wedding. 24 as those other before or after Greek comedy features several variations of child trafficking as a plot accelerant. Examples of this and related concepts (abduction, exposure, surreptitious adopti on of foundlings, and maintenance fees) feature in several of Menander plays G enerally the exchange provides an opportunity for mistaken identity and a recognition scene, both of which are adapted from similar precedents in tragedy. 25 In Perikomene th e widower, Pataikos, admits that he left recognition tokens with his children when he exposed them; this implies not only that he expected someone to find and raise them, but that he hoped to be reunited with them. 26 Pataikos explicitly mentions his povert y, which leads one to think that, by exposing the children in such a manner, he might circumvent the fees for upkeep (since he could argue that he had exposed them, not made a contract to have someone care for them). The newborns were adopted (not legally or publicly, but in the sense that families received them and passed them off as their own children), but would have still needed a nurse. A surreptitious adoption also takes place in the Phasma ; the mother conceals her illegitimate daughter by placing he r with the neighbo rs. 27 24 883 25 Some examples of surrogate parenting in traged y are Oedipus (ordered to be exposed) and Orestes (temporarily sent away). Both characters eventually return home and have recognition scenes. This theme is also 122 ) 26 The recognition scene is roughly lines 750 827. The infant in Epitrepontes is also left with recognition tokens and a dispute over their guardianship is the subject of the arbitration. Cf. 300 352. 27 Phasma 11 ]


20 Thesmophoriazusae 28 29 in the context of a an explanation of adoption (surreptitious or Man from Sikyon implies that a free person who 30 comedy is Lysistr ata 958. When his wife refuses to return to him, Kinesias wants to hire a nurse. 31 Man from Sikyon (as has just been mentioned above). Specifically, Stratophanes 32 It seems unlikely that, in cases of exposure, a surrogate could claim any compensation but, in the unlikely case of a child sold into slavery by pirates, the caretaker might hypothetically seek upkeep and purchas e expenses. In studies of tombstones, wet nursing is the most commonly attested profession for ancient Greek women. 33 This is presumably because there were few restrictions on who could hold this occupation. Anyone could wet nurse, if she happened to be lactating. T he next few sections attempt to classify the references demographically. Much of this is purely speculative since, even after eliminating one word instances, many of the rest are disappointingly lacking in 28 Cf. Thesmophoriazusae 339 340; 407 409; 498 516. 29 fr. 30 Demosthenes 57.4 2 4 5 ( Against Euboulides ) confirms that impoverished citizen s could be compelled to do jobs ( such as that of a wet nurse ) considered beneath them. The speaker summons Cleinias (whom his mother nursed) 31 958: As I will discuss later, the status of this nurse is debated. 32 33 Brock (1994: 336)


21 concrete data. The reference in Knig hts is too general, and we are also unable to classify Archilichoi False Heracles Flautist or Man Who Hates Villainy For Samia Lysistrata Thesmophoriazusae and references to women who breastfed but are not called nurses. Lysistrata 958 is open to interpretation. Some scholars contend that this is not a nurse, but actually a prostitute. 34 This hypoth (957) references a man called Philostra such a person existed, but there seems to b e no record of a Philostratos who owned a brothel beyond th e scholiast. 35 Ultimately, nothing about the can be conclusively proved bu t there are a few possible readings. One can read lines 956 that it refers to someone else. If one take s 956 956 as a unit, one must then consider whether brothel keeper and nurse are mutually exclusive: If a pimp can provide a wet nurse, does he furnish a prostitute who has given birth or, does information from clients enable him to recruit a nurse elsewh 34 954 958: On this passage Sommerstein 1990: 115 How shall I satisfy [ pointing to his phallus ] this infant s needs Henderson (2010: 77) believes that Kinesias wants a pimp to help rear that the family has been financially unable to hire a nurse to this point. If this is the case, how could Kinesias hire one now? 35 sch lys.956.1 3: : I have been able to find, to a Philostratos who is a brothel keeper.


22 It is also possible here was a Lacedaimonian dogs were born from foxes. 36 ( I do not know to what extent the ancients believed the inter breeding myth, but it is feasible that some Spartan do g breed(s) may have resembled foxes. ) This is of interest both due to the plot of Lysistrata and because Lacedaimonian nurses were sought for their child hardening prowess. The scholiast seems ts to hire Even if this term does refer to a man called Philostratos who happened to keep a brothel, there is no need to assume that Kinesias cannot easily hire two women to perform two separate functions The nurse need not be a prostitute and she is also unlikely a slave. Owners did hire out slaves and slaves did serve as wet nurses, but, since young children require care at all hours, it seems logistically difficult to hire out slaves as wet nurses. Thus, this woman is poo r but probably a citizen, resident alien, or manumitted slave. Thesmophoriazusae seems to be a slave, since Mika treats her like 754), Mika o rders her to fetch something. The scholiast (728) also comments that Mania is a common slave name. The unspecified nurse in Samia (85) is probably free, but very poor. This woman lives in ment housing could afford to 36 Aristotle History of Animals 607a.1 Callimachos hymn 3.94.1:


23 feed a lactating slave. 37 It would be more plausible for a new mother (possibly a resident alien or The ex nurse in Samia is a free 38 It is unclear at what point in her life she was freed, or under what circumstances. Although we could not count Chrysis or the wife in Epitrepontes among the sta tistics for born woman (577), but a resident alien. The wife of Syr isk os, the charcoal maker in Epitrepontes is a slave; when Habrotonon sees her nursing the infan t, she admonishes Onesimos for allowing his 470) The Dyskolos is certainly a slave. Pan introduces her as such in the prologue. (31) Her current functions seem to be general manual labo r, as her charge is already of marriageable age. I t is less likely that Mania, the nurse from Thesmophoriazusae is not married (since she Samia is not married if she were, she would probably not continue to l ive with her former owners, after manumission. Chrysis, the Samian woman, is not legally married (but she is a concubine). As a resident alien in Athens, she cannot marry an Athenian citizen. The surrogate in Epitrepontes as has already been mentioned, is married to the charcoal maker. 37 Brock (1994: 343) estimates that a slave might initially cost somewhere in the range of 150 200 The costs of slave ownership were, of course, perennial rather than seasonal, and furthermore, slaves required 38 237


24 Dyskolos is unmarried. There is no reference ever made to any husband. Her owner, Knemon, would certainly have never suffered an additional human presence in his house, so we can eliminate the possibil ity that she is a widow, as well. Most of these women are probably between youth and middle age. Chrysis, the charcoal Samia 85 and Lysistrata 958 are all lactating, so they are pre menopausal. Chrysis is pr obably relatively young, because Moschion mentions concern that his father might have to compete with younger rivals and Demeas is ashamed of his interest in her (possibly suggesting an extreme age gap). (25 27) Mania might be older, if she is er nurse, but she is still young enough to pretend to nurse the wineskin, so there is Dyskolos is ce this play. Only once is it not in reference to the nurse. (495) It is used seven times in the 39 In this dataset, all instances of patent wet nursing occur when the mother is physically unavailable. In Samia the nurslings referenced are the illegitimate baby and Moschion; the infant is temporarily removed from its mother and Moschion is adopted. The infant in Epitrepontes is even tually reuni ted with its mother, but she had exposed it before the action of the play. Lysistrata features an unspecified nurse, but the mother is still absent from the child. As has been mentioned, the only a family context is Simiche. In the Dyskolos the mother is also absent. Obviously, we do not have a large viable sample, but 39 : 31, 99, 427 453 495, 502 587 630 868, 925 925, 926 Italicised are the vocatives


25 this trend perseveres for all of those whose context is preserved a logical formula of parenting is pr esent even in comedy. As is mentioned above the family in Samia is wealthy. In Epitrepontes the father is wealthy enough to have slaves, but this instance is not of relevance because he does not actually hire the nurse. There is no discussion of Kine Lysistrata but he is hypothetically able to afford a nurse (since he speaks of hiring one). The family in Dyskolos is actually very poor (130, 795), but there are three members of the household (including the slave) and everybod y works on the farm in one way or another. There are two general patterns which are apparent in positive compari sons (in which inanimate objects or abstract concepts are nurses are subject to suspicion. Even in neutral or ambiguous representations, the speaker sometimes demon strates through constant presence in the household, she has taken on the role of an information even a syllable about the wine, nurse; and if you are irreproachable in other matters, on the sixteenth of Boadromion, you will 40 Although it is unclear how she acquired it, we can conclude that this nurse possesses some cond emning information, which the speaker fears she might divulge. the trusted nurse, housekeeper, co worker, daughter, sister of Peace, who is dear to all 40 412.1 3:


26 41 connects herself (by proxy of Eirene) to the recipients of the dialogue: she is the nurturer of something which allows them to live as they please. Alexis 270 provides a nother example: There are seven big islands which nature has offered to mortals. Sicily, according to report, is the largest, the second is Sardis, the third Cyrene, the fourth is Crete, the nurse of Zeus, Fifth is narrow Euboea, sixth is Cyprus, and Lesb os has obtained the seventh position. 42 In this instance, again, the nurse is presented as a nurturer of an intangible concept (here, a god), which an audience would associate with personal benefit. In these abstract cases, the 13 follows a similar pattern: friendship, the healer of unrestrained ravenous hunger, the table... 43 The table is bombastically compared to a number of things for comic effect, but some of the metaphors are still appropriate. (A table, if loaded with victuals, does combat famine, s a bit abstract in modern with her profession, is a nurturer, protector, and healer. Many of the things the nurse does to benefit the child also have negativ e applications. Good nurses feed children and talk to them; bad nurses underfeed the children whom they are 41 1 42 1 6: , , 43 13.1 5: { A


27 44 Fl autist and twice in reference to the former nurse in Samia In Flautist an unnamed character comments that once Myrtile, the nurse, is encouraged, she is able to out talk the Dodonian oracle. The nurse in Samia unintentionally betrays secrets. Upon lea rning that Demeas may have overheard her, she curses her own babbling (as does the slave with whom she converses). 45 The speakers of both passages consider the babbling harmful and seem to blame the nurses. In reality, however, the speakers are equally res ponsible for the consequences. One might simply walk away from Myrtile, or decide to not spy on an old woman comforting an infant. The men, presumably, are afraid of not knowing what the nurses might say, and listen all the same. 46 An unidentified spea Archilochoi and a clod 47 As in the previous passage, the Dodonian oracle implies garrulousness. Human comparison to dogs is extremely negative. 48 The Suda describes the 44 Taaffe (1993: 96) refers to Old Comedy reinforces a similar image of women as conspiratorial and garrulous; one word in particular, the verb conveys this idea theme of female gossip and slander (56 62; 158 204) 45 255 261 ' 46 Andromache context for the disaster that subsequently unfolds, the poet suggests a correlation between gossip in the household 47 48 Gilhuly (2009: 170) on Lysistrata the mind of a bitch: (And [Zeus] bid Hermes to put a W.D. 67 68 the crane as well.


28 crane in terms of thieving and eating (frequently both). 49 that she is rustic or toils hard at her evils. So, this passage seems similar to the nurse who steals food from her charge and the babbling Myrtile. In Eubulus 80, 50 if we inter professional dipsomaniac. 51 The unidentified (male) speaker states that he arrived and lay in 5) A lacuna follows. Af ter the lacuna, the cup has been dry for a long time, but another lacuna follows. (6) When the t is plausible that, given that a the love interest, attempting to persuade the nurse to reveal information or facilitate an introduction; if the young woman is someone with whom he is already acquainted (a family member), it seems less likely that he A ek fragment is treated in greater detail below 49 beta 308: Restraining the thieving, soaring Bistonian crane from the seed. (Also psi.75) epsilon. 490: : ta ke something from others, according to the story of the wolf and crane. phi.395.10 swallowing for a longer time. 50 Eubulus 80: ' 51 F see Henderson 1987: 119 Arnott 1996 : 648.


29 T the origin of the first true female Greek doctor. He does not state this openly, but beg ins this antiquity there is no e and, on the penultimate page, claims that the first true female Greek physician occurs in Pliny (56). The pages between discuss different terms for midwife; duties performed by midwives and doctors; and the opinions of Plato and Soranos concerning the traits of ideal midwives, including that they be literate, have long fingers, at they not succumb to the temptation to induce abortions, they must not lust after 52 As with his segment on midwives, Herfst seems to allow his primary focus to supersede other details; he provides terms for women who correct complications with su rgery (55), and treat serious illnesses (55, 56), whom he does call healers, but does not consider doctors. 53 (What is a person who treats illness and performs surgery, if not some form of physician?) It is difficult to determine what he means by this, s inc e this section is not organiz ed chronologically or by genre. 54 The terms for midwife/medical woman which occur in comedy 55 Well trained medical women were physicians; their expertise was not limited to 52 Herfst 1922 : 54: Soranos ( Gyn ecology 6) actually says: Kappari s (2002: 86) explains: He does not have any difficulty with the fact that a midwife might issue such a substance as a matter of principle. His objection has to do with the inappropriate administration of it 53 Herfst 1922: 57 : Mais il n' y a aucune trace de femmes portant des soins aux malades en vertu d'un mtier. 54 Hippocrates' Woman 55 Terms for midwife/female doctor which do not occur in this dataset are , and Also (to be a midwife (occurs once)), (business of a midwife), (delivery), (to deliver), (child birth ), (child birth). Terminology related to healing the sick : ( to tend; occurs once but not of a woman).


30 illnesses, and medical concoctions, such as abor tifacients. 56 Unfortunately for our study, the speciali z es in deliveries, and the woman who cuts the umbilical cord. Or a respectful way of addressing an older woman, therefore; Nurse. 57 Initially the word itself probably was a variant term for There are at least two a sort of second mother). The second is the mode of respectful address Dyskolos sheds some light on this. When Sikon, the cook, discusses the proper etiquette for addressing strangers, he explains that when he knocks on a door to borrow something, he addresses the person who answers in a flattering vocative 58 Thus, it fol lows that one appropriate of any benevolent woman with nurturing properties. Comedy features e 56 Gynecology Book 3 for Gynecology (1.60); Kapparis 2002: 7 32. 57 m < > 58 493 497: [ ] '. [


31 comedy once Lysistrata (796), Ecclesiazusae (915), Menander Dyskolos (387), and just as this chapter has considered t will catalogue the other uses of this word. Lysistrata 796 is the least nebulous. An unnamed woman invokes the goddess of childbirth, beseeching Lysistrata to let her go home to summon the midwife. This is, of course, actually an excuse to go have sex, but for the sake or our study, we will once again briefly suspen d disbelief: Woman: Revered Ileithuia, ward off this birth until I reach an appropriate place. Ly.: Why are y ou saying these foolish things? Wo. 3: Ly.: Wo. 3: But this is today. Lysistrata, send me home to the midwife, with all haste. 59 He 60 The article (in lieu of a possessive) argues against but does not imply that the midwife is a member of her household, simply tha t home is where the woman intends to meet her. 59 742 746: { } ', { .} { } { .} { } 60 Tarrant ( 1988: 119 ) attempts to dismiss the possibility that midwife was a profession at this time on the grounds that has a large range of possible meanings and birth lear, universal, and exclusive definition does not preclude specialization. (For example, in modern Engl second speaks to his inexperience with obstetrics. He goes on to claim that doctor was not a profession at this time, whatever the term profession' could have meant i f applied to the period


32 This false birth theme is parodied in Ecclesiazusae 61 when Blephyros invokes the goddess of childbirth and calls for a doctor to midwife his bowel movement. When his wife, Praxagora, returns home, she claim s, ironically, that she was ju st out helping a friend in labo r (528 530). Lysistrata 796, presumably because lies that are more detailed provide more room for error (and subsequent exposure). Thesmophoriazusae (498 516) presents an amalgamation of these situations; in an attempt to father in law, describes a fictional woman who feigns labo r for ten days while an old woman finds and brings her an infant in a pot. our data also occurs in Aristophanes, in metaphoric, rather than deceitful usage. The female chorus in Lysistrata warns for, deliver you as the dung 62 Eagle and Dung beetle an experienced or offended midwife might infli ct harm. It is interesting that all instances of midwifery in Aristophanes are fabrications or metaphors, likely because there are more opportunities for humo r in false deliveries than normal, healthy parturition. The remaining Ecclesiazusae demonstrates that even the same author sometimes has different uses in mind. A young woman, 61 363 371: 62 689 692:


33 Maia I beseech yo u, call in Orthagoras. 63 Dyskolos it is unlikely that Sostratos says: For, if the girl was not raised around women, nor became acquainted with those evils in life, nor was frightened through the agency of some aunt or maia but rather (she was raised) somehow freely in manner by her rustic, wickedness hating father, how is it not a blessing to meet her? 64 It is po interpret the consequence of other women in the environment; the medical woman might have conversed with her when treating one of the female relatives (among whom she was raised). It is Dyskolos takes place in the hills of Attica and the characters are not even part of a village, but indiv idual farmers, living at a distance from their nearest neighbors. A local woman would be less likely to have been t to marry her to a poor country farmer (as 796). The result is the same in either interpretation; the 63 915 917: ', ', < > sch eccl sic 64 381 389: ', For some textual issues and deliberation on see Gomme and Sandbach 1973: 193.


34 would have warned the girl about dangers for her own well being. The author does not think the source important enough to clarify, or this is a deliberate attempt to present Sostratos as especially love stricken and nave. The Antiphanes fragment is also ambiguous. This case, however, is more exclusive in terms of possible meaning than the Dyskolos passage. It reads: milk to babies to drink when they are born? They do not at all, by Zeus, bring in nurses, malicious people, or child conductors in turn, of whom more [for no evil exists, beyond] midwives, by Zeus; but these excel, by Zeus, beyond the begging priests. For many of this group are most abominable, unless, by Zeu s, someone is nothing more corrupted. 65 Since this is the only fragment for Man Who Hates Villainy the context is unverifiable but this might easily be the aftermath of an al tercation between a man and a tradesperson (possibly a nurse) since it follows a pattern of post conflict rant which is present elsewhere in this genre In Dyskolos for example, Knemon ( encountering a stranger, embarks on a similar tirade. He begins with how fortunate Perseus was to fly and turn people into stone (151 159), 66 then asserts that passers by are chasing him up the mountain s (165 frustration or anger). Th e tirade starts with wet nurses, but advances through a list o f other 65 157.1 [ ] Here, I translate the initial 66


35 ends with those that operate in the market place. The professions listed are mostly masculine, so the core of the issue is neither women nor working wome n. Most handle some form of currency, the Scythian parents do not introduce any external person to fill these roles. Thus, in this case, the term is able refer to a medical malicious professions 67 This character is probably similar to Knemon in Dyskolos and the implication seems to be that parents who wholly care for the child themselves would not leave themselves at the mercy of a vengeful outsider. As is mentioned above a one word fragme nt, and it is not possible to qualify it. The already been discussed in the section on metaphoric use of the terms for nurses) is definitely in reference to a physician, although it is used in reference to a table. As has already mentioned, this Comedy authors, and one New Comedy author. It occurs of both free and enslaved women; women who are probably old and young; and women who are likely of differ ent marital statuses. Its context carries both positive and negative connotations. author in New Comedy. Two uses are nebulous, two uses are positive metaphors and two are o f 67 Politics of Reproduction (1999 : 482 ) reminds us that fear of midwives is hardly confined to generated suspicions among some male commentators that both lying in and the midwife we re potential


36 The functions of nurses seem to be surprisingly adequately represented in comedy; the core of a whether she functions chiefly as a wet nurse, governess, or nanny. Beyond breast feeding, the nurse eventually weans the children by chewing up food for them. Sometimes she bathes the children, and carries them around with her. occupation, as a term of endearment. In the event that the nurse is a slave or remains in contact with the family, she develops a lasting bond with her charges; in some cases, she has cared for them as her own offspring. Nurses also receive negative attention in some fragments; this reflects insecurity on the part of the character from whose point of view we see the nur se. In the event that the speaker is a member of the employing household, the anxiety is likely rooted in the consciousness that, with absolute integration into the family unit, the nurse is able to affect the household (or the individual) for better or f or worse. There is no reason to trust women who serve as nurses in other houses. ing an income choice (especially when not offered a choice between specific options) and his claim certainly does not hold in the few surviving examples in comedy. The primary motivating factor in our Samia, could easily afford a nurse, but


37 the mother of his child breastfeeds until the truth must be concealed from its grandfathers. The wealthy are individual s, too, and ultimately the nurture of all children is determined by guardian preference, not perceived societal norms. We have seen four in one Old Comedy author, once in a Middle Comedy author, and once in a New Comedy author. When deali ng with medical women, we enter the realm of metaphor and illusion; the midwife is the pretext for unexpected departure and the physician is the nourishment laden table, defender against famine. The full range of their abilities is not well explored; like ly because real illness and parturition are more gruesome than humorous and their private nature would likely make these areas more taboo subject matter. It is also entirely possible that the comedians whose works survive were simply either not interested in or not experienced with female health care professionals. Although the full repertoire of the medical woman is not present, the table physician heals and it is alleged that the midwife delivers, so the descriptions reflect reality. We do receive a rep resentative sample of the semantic range of In Aristophanes it is used of phantom midwives and to address an older woman; in Antiphanes it is used of a profession foreign to the house; and in Menander, it is one of the necessary evils of being raised among women. The physician table is posi tively valued but some are treated with suspicion. This is for the same reason that some characters do not trust nurses. The speakers are afraid of being at the mercy of strange women, whose true motives are unknown. Although many scholars might a


38 T his is not necessarily the case. Rather, this impression reveals more about modern attitudes to scholarship than it does about the ancient Athenian. We cannot expect the ancients to share one homogenous view of a given topic. If we do, we cease to treat them as human beings with personal experiences and sources naturally seem problematic. If, how ever, we accept that individual Athenians had different opinions about one another, and key social issues (just as human beings do today), discrepancies in attitudes to nurses, physicians, and women in general are no longer problematic and Greek comedy pro vides a credible representation of the diverse personalities found in any society.


39 CHAPTER 3 ENTERTAINMENT This chapter explores representations and functions of women who work in the is a very broad term, which comprised tavern workers, performers, and sex workers, it will be necessary to consider attempting to discuss some of the surviving represen tations of different entertainment workers. The sheer number of anecdotes about prostitutes and indistinct lines between certain categories constrain this section to exploration of broader topics. Since the as a literary construct (and attitudes towards her) has already received thorough treatment, this chapter prefers to consider the mechanics (both of professional practice and translation), and logistics (such as location), free entertainers, enterta iners who sometimes seem to function as prostitutes but sometimes do not, and entertainers who are not depicted as prostitutes. This treatment begins with brief consideration of existing scholarship. Pieter Herfst informs that the original terms associated with prostitutes were and but the more recent, euphemistic term, became the most popular (1922: 69). He provides a list of additional slang terms (several of which do not have the stand alone plain (69). 1 Some comprehension difficulties present themselves; notably, Herfst avoids detailed discussion of the sex 1 These terms are: ( ), ( ), , Maculate Muse discusses surprisingly few of these terms (and has no in dex listing for prostitutes). In his index of Greek terms are: (21); (16) ; (212); (212); and ( 212 213). ( which does not appear in comedy in this context), and other terms which refer to prostitution as work refer only to female prostitution (Kapparis 2011: 226).


40 2 Kurke (1997: 107 108) asserts that traditional scholarship places in the role of exclusive service (to one or two individuals) in brothels and the streets ( sell sex.) 3 She describes the deviate from euphemistic nomenclature, places les htaires in every possible setting, so his opinion is sometimes elusive, but he does associate musicians and slaves with brothels (72). Henry (1985) offers a th orough summary of general themes associated with sex workers in bona meretrix in critical perspective (2) Henry prudently defines her use of the terminology, explaining that she has opted to use 4). Before the advent of motion picture, radio, and moveable type, people enjoyed (among other plea sures) theatre, live music, and the earlier incarnations of the modern book. While entertainment media have drastically changed over the past 2,000 years, general human opinions concerning what constitutes entertainment have not. In Frogs Dionysos reque sts that Herakles provide advice concerning a mission to retrieve Euripides from the underworld: 2 Herfst 1922: 69. The statement which follows, commerce sexu el avec les esclaves. does not necessarily clarify with which women Homeric he ros did not associate : Rather, it seems to imply that either prostitutes could not be concubines or slaves or courtesans could not be concubines or slaves. 3 Kurke provides a concise summary of past scholarship on but expressly avoids comedy, due to the complicated nature of the material which it offers. (111)


41 Point out for me: the refuges, bakeries, brothels, inns, detours, springs, roads, cities, lodgings, and taverns, where there were the fewest bedbugs 4 Dionysos requests information about logistical necessities (food, shelter, water, hygiene, and safe passage) and local entertainment (brothels, taverns, and restaurants). The oldest pleasures of all are the simplest: banqueting and sex. Alcohol serving and prost itution were hardly the only professions in the ancient Greek entertainment industry, but the other entertainers (such as musicians and dancers) are associated with similar occasions (such as symposia) or literary themes. As has already been briefly menti oned, several different terms for entertainers overlapped in description with one another, and many were slang terms or euphemisms, with completely different associations depending on context. Persistent trends in translation suggest that scholars prefer t o render one word terms with one word or compound term, when possible. 5 We often make concessions, because the precise connotations of specialized terminology are difficult to understand or explain, let alone translate into the equivalent term in English, whether that term exists. For example, (as mentioned above) the term, prostitutes, a use whose actual implications are impossible to convey with a single term. 6 liated 4 Frogs 112 115: ', , 5 6 This term is just an example. These translation issues extend far beyond C oncessions are certainly necessary, but it behoves us (depending on the nature of our projects) to consider our choices carefully. Some terms present additional difficulties, since they insinuate different things to different individuals; for example, have less distinct implications Anaxilas, in Nestling (fr. 21), explains that one calls a charming and polite woman, who is a gracious companion, very well be the irate monologue of a spurned lover; here, are compared to violent, destructive monsters. Kapparis (2011: 223) explains that are high class esco rts and might be any prostitutes.


42 7 As has been noted, terms are author specific; some modern resources opt to simplify matters by using several terms interchangeably (as does Henry); others apply one term to everything (as does Herfst); and others attempt to ad here to strict ideas and boundaries. Representations of the varied greatly, especially from author to author. Sometimes, the term did just mean friend especially when used by other women ( Ecclesiazusae 528); it could even be argued to mean just a treacherous friend in Thesmophoriazusae 346, given the prev alent theme of women as serial stealth adulterers and nymphomaniacs. Some authors who seem use this term in reference to general prostitutes likely do so deliberately, in order to make certain subtle suggestions to an audience. 8 It seems most accurate to render the terms for entertainment workers literally or very 9 Alcohol sellers are dancers. Those who play music will be described as s players of their respective instruments. 10 Above all else, this paper eschews the antiquated formula of [attribute] girl / maid a tradition which prevails in scholarship to this day, and is in many contexts not necessarily appropriate for academic discus sion of individuals not described as children, teenagers, or in terms which imply imminent or ongoing puberty. 7 s.v. Oxford English Dictionary 8 Miner 2003: 20. 9 translations, for and will, under no circu with time, and such terms are inaccurate both in description of prostitution and in original definition. For more on these colloquisms, see Gibbens, 1955. 10 I am aware that Henderson (1991: 51, 183 fellatio artist, but sometimes a wind instrument is just a wind instrument.


43 1) are also found in comedy. Those which Henderson does not include in his index of Greek terms (1991: 255 (girl), (streetwalker/city traverser), (prostitute), (ground striker). appear in Phrynicho s (fr. 34), which might be rendered appears again in Hermipp o s (fr. 9) along with similar hostile vocatives. is used of musicians playing at a symposium (Plat on fr. 71). is a one word fragment (Aristophanes fr. 124). occurs of Chrysis in Samia 11 Several terms ( ) refer to the very lowest sort of prostitutes, those who had to work the ir way through the whole city or have sex on or near the ground ( Kapparis 2011: 233, 234, 240 ) comedy it does not appear to expressly imply prostitution just that the musicians are very young (as is a common theme in this genre) If this use is co mmon, it seems both euphemistic and demeaning, as it would have the effect of diminutizing an adult female (like concubine) refers specifically to the character of the prostitute; it i s used expressly in reference to sows in heat (Kapparis 2011: 232). seller or bar tender) and (inn/tavern keeper). These terms, like those for prostitutes, also have a certain amount of flexibility. In some cases, they apply to vendors (as in Peace ) is that they attempt to cheat the customers out of the full amount of wine for w hich they have 11 For a thorou gh treatment of terms (and many terms not featured here) associated with prostitutes, brothels, and pimps see Kapparis 2011: 222 255.


44 paid. 12 Although women are associated elsewhere with legendary dipsomania and manipulating the amount of alcohol served (Pherecrates fr. 152), this type (the short measuring or drink diluting bar keeper) also pertains to male servers ( Thesmo phoriazusae 347). A comic Korianno (fr. 76) A female wine pourer (who is chastiz ed by another character; the latter is seemingly addressed first and later as 13 has served prop these proportions actually make a very strong drink. In Wealth it seems that the wine sellers are not agora workers but rather tavern or inn workers, since they serve food as well as alcohol (1120 1122). The in Frogs work in a multi level building, either a restaurant (perhaps with the living quarters upstairs) or an inn, judging from the large amounts of food stolen by Herakles: sixteen loaves of bread, ten obols worth of boiled meat, a lot of g alic, smoked fish, and baskets of cheese (550 560). These women are presented as very litigious, as also in Wealth 426, when Poverty is compared to a shrieking inn keeper, and as of some market vendors (See page 72 of this thesis). Their behavior suggest s that they are likely free women and the proprietors of the robbed businesses (561); they could feasibly be resident aliens. (Brock 1994: 341) 14 12 Thesmophoriazusae 347 ; Wealth 435 always cheats me with sma ) 13 36 of this thesis), or a madame. (Demosthenes 59.19) 14 These could, indeed, be Metics (and Cleon and Hyperbolos are their patrons). Since the terminology associated with the intricacies of the female run business is not well documented, it is also seems possible that Cleon and Hyperbolos are the men who have entered into business partnerships with the w omen (and go to court in rendering them puppet businessmen instead of the patrons of resident aliens.


45 woman present at a symposium might be sexually unavailable to the male participants. Pherecrates fr. 113.28 30 seems to support this, since the wine pourers have just reached the aca demic definition) 15 it seems strange that a woman describes this. It is possible that this there is no way to determine whether these particular women solely pour ed wine) at a private party almost certainly indicates slave status, but slavery does not necessarily equate prostitution. Although Brock (1994: 341) associates and low life figures like pimps and prostitute prostitutes in comedy. 16 17 The aulos was composed of two flute li multiple varieties, including a form with only one pipe. The kithara and psaltrix seem to have been somewhat harp Sappho, the female poet, is inventing) various instruments (14.36 37). The feminine form of poet ( 15 Blazeby (2011: 68 105) argues ver y coherently against several accepted notions of symposia and drinking in ancient Greece. 16 Ecclesiausae 739. This term seems to indicate a person who sings and plays the kithara. 17 Adulterer i d female sambux player. (fr. 45.1 5): A: Parmenon, there should be an aulos player or nablas (player) present. Parmenon: But what is a n { A .} '.


46 play by Alexis, but there is no indication whether this is female poet or poetry. Several authors have been credited with writing plays called Sappho 18 The accepted notion of female musicians is that they were ordinary prostitu tes, because expensive concubines ( Epitrepontes ). They do not seem to have a fixed position on the spectrum. Sometimes it does appear that t here is a chain of consumption. At prostitute, but sometimes there are multiple groups of specialized entertainers ( for example, musicians and dancers or dancers and ). 19 Often, for configurations of more than one genre of entertainer, male interest is directed to one group before another. In these cases, it is possible that either preference or current customs influence the selection; at different time periods, various banqueting protocols were observed (Athenaeus 15.33). It is logistically plausible that, in groups which comprise musicians or dancers and all might engage in acts of prostitution, but the latter receive attention first, to allow the other entertainers to continue performing and maximize entertainment Musicians are sometimes explicitly described participating in sex acts ( Wasps 1346), but when appear in conjunction with the dancers are sometimes more explicitly refe rred to as prostitutes ( as in Metagenes fr. 4), and frequently seem to receive the attention first. In Frogs 513 515, the aulos player is superlatively gorgeous, but 18 Credited with composing plays of this name are Amipsias, Amphis, Antiphanes, Diphilos, Ephippos, and Timocles. Credited with mentioning Sappho by name are Epicrates and Menander. 19 Dancers and prostitutes Acharnians (1091 10 93). Musicians and dancers Frogs 513 515; Metagenes fr. 4.


47 becomes background imagery with the introduction of the dancers, 20 presumably tha t she might continue to provide background music. This very thing seems to occur in Thesmophoriazusae when Euripides seduces (by proxy) the archer guarding his father in law, with an aulos player dance for some men (1177 1178), while the musician plays. The music rouses the guard (1176), but he eventually disappears to have intercourse with the dancer (1198). There is no way of knowing whether, at some point during the course of a symposium, a m usician might join the dancers or standard prostitutes on the menu. Whether an aulos player participates in a sexual capacity (or merely continues to enhance the ambiance) would likely depend on the preferences of guests, the amount of hired entertainment specific arrangements between the entertainment coordinator and host, and the nature of the occasion. On some occasions, a musician might be hired to entertain at a party at which active prostitution (or even the mere presence of a sex worker) would pr obably be entirely inappropriate, or even offensive. The conclusion of Samia offers one such occasion. Demeas, the proud father of the bridegroom, calls for an wedding. 21 Even if this musician is a sex worker, she cannot be performing in that capacity at this time. Her status as a prostitute seems less likely because, elsewhere, characters express disapproval at t he idea of wives directly competing with prostitutes ( Epitrepontes fr. 7), who 22 20 513 515 in the bloom of youth and just plucked { .} ' { .} { .} 21 729 730: {( )} 22 Gomme and Sandbach 1973: 356.


48 Anti Lais (fr. 2) also suggests that women who played the aulos in religious ible to see other aulos players 23 Here, the songs of Apollo and Zeus easily suggest that some female musicians specialized in religious music or more elevated forms of music, not necessarily The hawk reminds one of the predatory animal epithet which imply that some prostitutes are c alculating hunters. Herfst very briefly suggests that on some occasions, such as at sacrifices or other religious events, the aulos players were not actually prostitutes. 24 He even broadens this suggestion to include other female entertainers, such as dan cers and acrobats. 25 Although one might be tempted to dismiss this opinion as evidence of the lingering influences of Victorian era European morality, and any number of contributing factors might be at play (in situations in which dancers would or would no t be prostitutes) he is nonetheless correct that not all portrayals of performers discuss sex. Girls who were destined to be prominent, high earning were trained young, made over (Alexis fr. 103), taught skills such as instrument playing or dancing, and introduced to the trade as soon as they were old enough. 26 There seems to be a special interest group for very 23 2.1 4: 24 Herfst 1922: 72 : Quelquefois les jeunes filles jouant de la flt e pendant le sacrifice s'appellent mais ordinairement on entend par les htaires jouant de la flte. 25 Herfst 1922: 73 : Il est encore possible que quelques unes de ces joueuses de flte, de ces danseuses et de ces acrobates n'aie nt pas t des htares. D'autre part la comdie ne connat videmment pas d'autres danseuses ou musiciennes que celles qui sont la fois htaire. 26 Metagenes fr. 4: I told you before that there were dancers who were beautiful prostitutes ( ), but now I should not mention to you the flute players, just recently downy, who, for a price, hastily loosened the knees of merchant men. ( ) See also Alexis fr 103.


49 young prostitutes, since variant 27 Women who are not quite as young are frequently described as freshly depilated. Generally, these teenagers are dancing, singing, playing instruments, o r pouring wine at symposia or feasts. As they matured, they received negative attention from some authors (Epicrates fr. 3), but were still acknowledged as potentially appealing elsewhere; since middle aged and even old prostitutes are still employed in b rothels, this suggests that not all clients were equally interested in pubescent teenagers (Xenarch o s fr. 4.8 9; Aristophanes fr. 148). Equilibrium (fr. 103) describes a long list of illusions contrived to distort the These preparations were intended to remodel novice prostitutes, make aesthetically inferior sex Samians (fr. 34 ) represents dancers with long hair, all the way down to the buttocks, presumably the hair is not the feature on display. This fragment seems to acknowledge that, in addition to specialized or diverse merchandise to cater to personal preferences (such as in Xenarch o s 4), there were notions of beauty (such as pale skin), certain attributes would reduce median attractiveness (since some men would not have these t astes). The women also learned stock seductive behaviors, which included smiling, appearing naked, and, directing key body parts towards the intended target ( Wealth 149 152; Thesmophoriazusae 1185). 27 In addition to the passage in the previous note, Miners (Pherecrates fr. 113.28 Frogs 513 515; etc. One also finds the word Old Age (fr. 148 ). The term seems to imply a person who is still virginal, has recently been virginal or is just a girl. This study will not speculate as to the inner workings of the connoisseur of prepubescent prostitutes.


50 Performers and prostitutes are associated with immodera te spending; if one spends considerable amount of time with musicians or prostitutes, others might easily assume that one either hosts a lot of parties (and pays service charges) or has a relationship with a prostitute (and lavishes her with costly gifts). These expensive habits are scorned as reflections of his immoderate personality and luxurious excess. 28 Entertainment rates and payment protocols vary depending on service, duration, and location. Intoxication the speaker complains about e xcessive expenditures, claiming that he spends ten drachmai on a sheep to sacrifice to the gods, but nearly a talent on wines, eels, cheese, honey, perfume, and female musicians (who play both the aulos and psaltinx). 29 It is impossible to discern precisel y how the talent is allocated, but this is still a considerable amount of money. In Samia (392 ten drachmai (proving that even expenses are relative). In Thesmophoriazusae Euripides, dis guised as an old female pimp, demands a drachma for a single sexual encounter with a dancer (1195). Sometimes the fees go from client to the performers themselves, as in Antiphanes fr. 224, ossible that these women are information is available here. In Epitrepontes a payment of twelve drachmai a day goes to not to Habrotonon (a psaltinx player), but to the pimp. The speakers calculate this to be sufficient 28 consuming consumables (1985: 18 21; 28 women) are not at all discordant to the issues mentioned here. 29 Menander fr 224 .2 6: ,


51 money to sustain a poor man for a month and six days. 30 Habrotonon is an enslaved concubine (she lives with the client), prostitute (she is described as a at line 646), and musician. ). Brothels have a wide range of prostitutes, to suit the tastes of a diverse clientele (Xenarcho s fr. 4.7 9). These women are trained to flatter and lure clients, with words appropriate to the me (Xenarcho s fr. 4.14 15). The brothels are not merely significantly less expensive than renting entertainment for parties or contracting a concubine, it seems, in some cases, that they enjoy a reputat ion for being quite economical; one might enter some brothels for the flat access fee of one obol. 31 Frequenting prostitutes in the cheaper brothels has other distinct advantages, in addition to providing occasional brief self esteem boosts and affordable p leasure to men of moderate means. Since in brothels, the sex is more anonymous, this transaction is arguably more about immediate gratification than companionship or status. Thus, a man who does not want a relationship hypothetically reduces the likeli hood of emotional attachment and long term entrapment. Infatuation in general (but especially with unsanctioned love objects) is credited with inciting the afflicted to immoderate and inappropriate acts, such as violence ( Perikeiromene ), behaving beyond o Frogs 543); or abduction of the beloved ( Wasps 30 136 } 31 Philemon fr. 3.12 13. According to Eubulus (fr. 82 and fr. 67) bro thels are cheap. In contrast, a cook in Painter (fr. 42.38 41) comments that he plans to hire himself to a brothel where a companion is opulently celebrating the Adonia with the other prostitutes. Loomis (1998: 166 185) studies and calculates the various fees for class, socially 1,000 drachmai (185).


52 1342 1380). 32 When the male lover is of more advanced age ( Samia Wasps Philokleon), his activities are especially embarrassing and shameful. A common theme in comedy is the love affai r between a woman of nebulous status (or prostitute) and a (typically young) man. In especially far fetched narratives ( Perikeiromene ), the woman of questionable status is eventually discovered to be an Athenian citizen, and the young man marries her. 33 T not a citizen (and is likely a prostitute). The second couple cannot legally marry, even if the companion or his concubine. A for any unmarried woman who cohabitates with her sex partner), 34 a woman sometimes becomes one as the result of a business transaction, so it is sometimes an economic fun ction. 35 There are few demographic restrictions on who could be a concubine, and several possibilities for the arrangement. The concubine might be willing or unwilling; free or enslaved; and paid or unpaid. Even young, free prostitutes or musicians might genuinely be attracted to the man (or a more stable life complete with economic security). A pimp might rent enslaved prostitutes of all ages. Aging prostitutes, while no longer necessarily appealing to youths, might remain attractive to 32 Lysias 3 alleges that the opponent, Simon, beha ved violently towards several people (3.6 8, 15 18) and attempted to abduct the beloved (3.11 12), possibly/allegedly a male prostitute (3.22, 24). Demosthenes 54 alleges that some young men exchanged blows over prostitutes (54.14, 20). Both speeches des cribe both falling in love with prostitutes (or conceiving violent passions) as activities which are inappropriate, but especially so for older men. (Lys.3.3 4; Dem.54.14, 21 22.) 33 ces these women (and concubines) in the courtesan category. 34 ) as It is easy to see how the word came to mean concubine as well as girl the two have the same marital stat us. 35 For example, Epitrepontes See page 54 of this thesis.


53 older men, and t hus might retire to be concubines, if bought by long term (or past) clients, who had fallen in love or remained sexually attracted. 36 In cases of resident alien concubines, it is sometimes difficult to determine whether they have been slaves or prostitute s, but they are often vilified as such. 37 A widower might take a household slave to help care for his children and be his concubine (Menander fr. 411); in addition to being enslaved, this woman might easily be unwilling and unpaid. Women also worked in t he entertainment industry as providers, arrangers, and contractors of pleasure. This is a smaller category, which includes procurers ( ), brothel keepers ( ) and pimps ( ). There are several other terms and variants which do no t occur in comedy (Kapparis 2011: 251 253). The precise etymology of some terms is unsure, but (based on the investigations of Kapparis) the terminology for pimps seems to fall into two general categories: terms which imply that one raises, nurtures, or k eeps prostitutes and terms which imply that one lures customers or arranges liaisons between sex workers and clients. In comedy, t he primary distinction between these categories seems to be that the procurer might be a pimp (as Euripides evidently pretends to be during his interaction with the archer/guard, in Thesmophoriazusae ) or a term applied to anyone who finds and brings sex partners to a promiscuous woman. 38 In Frogs these are among the list of shameful or inappropriate things which Euripides is acc used of portraying on stage ( Frogs 1078). 36 Neaira seems to have been a former courtesan who was sold to customers (Demosthenes 59.29). Other former lovers later helped buy her freedom (Demosthenes 59.30 32) and she eventually came to live with Stephanos (59.39) as his concubine 37 eyed (Cratinus fr. 259), a prostitute (Eupolis fr. 110), and a pimp ( Acharnians 527). Her appearance in Acharnians 5) explanation for the start stolen (523 529). Concubines are often mentioned to malign the politicians with whom they associate, especially in Old Comedy (Henr y 1984: 29). 38 The term occurs of a female slave in Thesmophoriazusae 341.


54 Brothel keepers and pimps are and do not appear with feminine articles in comedy, so it seems to be generally assumed that they are male. 39 on the other hand, do occur in the feminine. Both terms might imply that an individual keeps a bro thel or hires out sex workers, but is associated more with luring than brothel tending. The is notorious for fraud and entrapment. Her activities are described by t he C horus (fr. 8), the wretched stophanes ( Thesmophoriazusae 558) credits the procurer with depleting household resources. of indeterminate gender induce one to have intercourse with male prostitutes (Diphilos fr. 42.22). Obviously, none of these jobs was considered an honora ble means of income. is a matchmaker. She performs a similar function to the procurer and pimp, except, as Herfst (1922: 73) explains, the matchmaker does not find sex partners for prostitutes, but rather works to contract legal unions between free citizen women and Clouds (41), when Strepsiades, a goat headstrong personality and expensive tastes. Despite her honorable job description, the matchmaker seems to be compared to illicit procurers in that she is apparently credited with misrepresenting the match. 39 For a summary of the occurrences and discussion of the unsavory reputation of this profession, see Hunter 1983: 179 180.


55 The ancient Greek conceptualization of what constitutes entertainment sh ares some characteristics with its modern incarnation. It is relatively painless to understand what sort of activities the Greeks considered pleasurable, because many people today still enjoy the same activities. Unfortunately, however, it is difficult careers in ancient entertainment are less unambiguously demarcated. A speaker might apply any number of profess ional designations to various careers, which overlap in function, depending on the role which the entertainer is fulfilling at present. Some terms are more limiting than others; and are used interchangeably by some authors to describ e bartenders or innkeepers, but seem to be restricted to this use in comedy. Although prostitutes certainly could have spent time in taverns and inns, or even serviced clients in them, the terms for women who work in taverns or inns are the only inclusion s which do not at any time (in the very few surviving fragments) appear to have been matter what the context; these only suggest that a woman provides sexual grat ification for money; the woman is sometimes enslaved, so the money may not even pass through her own hands. entertainment workers are commonly associated with the symposium. In this setting, they often serve wine, dance, playing music, or work as prostitutes. Consorts also attended symposia. These companions could be world famous prostitutes or concubines. The common conception of g parties is that every woman was sexually available. Surely, some amount of sexual activities did take place, but there is no evidence in comedy to suggest


56 that every woman who attended participated in sex work at every symposium. Certain professions se em to receive this type of focus before others, when entertainers whose descriptions imply different specializations are present. Beyond the symposium, the term especially when used by women, might simply refer to a good friend. Women who participated in paid sex acts at symposia might be hired for other events at which this type of work would be inappropriate. If a prostitute plays the aulos for a weddi ng party, it can be assumed that she enhances the atmosphere with her music and beauty, and any sex acts negotiated occur elsewhere, afterwards. It is plausible that some women who learned to play instruments were not actually prostitutes. Since the ide a of free women being compelled to compete with prostitutes was repugnant, the mere presence of sex workers at even ancient Greek wedding parties seems potentially extremely offensive to the bride and her family. For this reason, it seems possible that so me musicians who performed at weddings or religious festivals were not actually sex workers at all. generally disreputable for women to hold careers in this field, b ut such professions were the necessary response to the demanding appetites of financially capable men. The reasons that these activities were believed to be disreputable varied according to profession. Prostitutes were considered immoral for obvious reas ons, such as associations with greed and resource consumption, both as a personality trait and a symbol of these traits in their clients. Musicians and dancers indicated the luxurious lifestyle of the purchaser. The arguably potentially sex free careers (such as tavern workers or innkeepers), received the negative stereotypes of being litigious and querulous by nature; and for attempting to swindle customers by providing them with watery or improperly measured drinks.


57 Unofficial labels sometimes reflect t his negative opinion, but vary considerably depending 287). The clien t who falls in love with a sex worker or other entertainer lavishes her with presents and finances her expensive tastes. At first glance, he does not openly seem to afford much consideration to the negative stereotypes of typical prostitute morals and hab its. If the lover eventually comes to suspect that his beloved has manipulated and deceived him (or taken other lovers), however, he betrays acute awareness of the appropriate generalizations and slurs (such as those in Anaxilas fr. 22). In this case, hi s behavior often becomes more representative of the very insults and accusations which he hurls at his lover ( Samia 348 398). Some terms or betray information about his or her relationship to the woman in question. Preferences and


58 CHAPTER 4 VENDING, MANUFACTURE AND GENERAL LABOR This chapter discuss es the representations and functions of women who sell merchandise, craftswomen, and general laborers. This includes women who prepare or deal in specific products as well as those who sell a range of goods or services. Since, in some cases, the lines between production and commerce are indistinct j obs that prepare and sell the same goods are grouped together. This chapter discusses goods before services and begin s with food production. Before enumerating the incidence of these professions, it will be necessary to cover the terminology and some dif ficulties with this particular area of research. Following this is a brief overview of the works and fragments in which the terms occur and elaborat ion on professional obligations, themes, or public opinion as context allows. Herfst begins his section on commerce (34 52) with a discussion of the first appearance of women in the market place; he credits Aristophanes with our first introduction to female vendors, but concedes that they had been present for some time before him, since they feature so promine th century (35) is unsupportable; earlier sources are to o scarce for it to be possible to verify when they first appeared. Herfst also devotes much of this section t o an attempt to unravel the implications of the 40) and briefly cataloguing some of the different vendors. He rightly rejects the earlier suggestion that women were barred from working in the same space in the market place as men, but still supports the notion of some sort of division along lines of sex with the conclu s ion requisite domestic goods


59 (m nage) were sold, and where only women would go. 120 Herfst acknowledges the questio n of product specification and provides a brief catalogue of vendors (40 52). His assessment of term fluidity (that sellers would be described one way or another depending on what goods are being sold or bought at the moment) seems at least partially corr ect. Kuenen Janssens (1941: 210 211) successfully argues against those who would claim that women were significantly restricted 121 in the world of commerce by being limited to transactions equal to the value of one medimn os of barley (according to Isaeo s 10. 10.1 3), by pointing out that the minimum value was three drachmai. By his calculations (204 206), a family of five would only require about 61 medimnoi of barley per year. These restrictions were not necessarily enforced (209, 212) and, even with strict compliance, would not prevent a woman from running a business (214), since the standar d daily wage for unskilled labo rers and slaves was three obols (211, 214). Harris (1992) demonstrates that a woman might easily circumvent any archaic financial restrict ions (and borrow, lend, or deal in large sums of money), as long as a man assumes legal responsibility in the event of a dispute. These more recent resources influence some of the following speculations about economic brackets and capabilities. Most of th e female victual sellers in surviving comedy can be divided into two categories: dealers in cereals or produce. The terms for these vendors imply that the women sell flour ), bread ( ) figs ( ), vegetables ( ) (ground legumes/eggs) 120 Brock (1994: 345) explains that currently the rassed to be seen there or avoid the area entirely as Herfst implies. 121 since the Oxford English Dictionary


60 and ) 122 There is a degree of uncertainty regarding some functions and wares, as is discuss ed in the following paragraphs. conversationally occurs three times in surviving comedy; two instances are found in Aristophanes ( Wasps 238 and Frogs 858) and the third is a one line fragmen t (Archippo s fr. 34) In addition to this, Hermipp o s wrote a play called Breadsellers (fr. 7 12) and Aristophanes has two characters who are bread sellers (one appears at Wasps 1388 and the other in Aristophanes fr. 129). A comic compound including female bakers, 123 occurs in Lysistrata 458. (grinder) occur s twice ( Lysistrata 643 644; Eupolis fr. 192.198). 124 occurs in Ecclesiazusae (686), in reference to the bread or flour market. 125 It seems that once again, there is a fair amount of overlap in use of terminology; women who are described as selle rs sometimes participate in preparation and sell goods related to (but beyond the immediate scope of) their descriptors. A grinder can be a mill worker (usually considered a slave due to the harsh nature of the work) or a young girl who grinds flour to pr epare offerings to Athena; the female chorus in Lysistrata (640 641) describes performing this function at age 10 and serving as peplos bearer at age 7. 126 A barley seller could sell barley or 122 The scholiast on Lysistrata 123 124 Eupolis 192.198 i s too fragmentary to be of use. survives as the title of a play by Eubulus and occurs as a title by Alexis can be a mill worker of either gender. 125 Thompson and Wycherley 1972: 172. 126 640


61 bread products, but, in Ecclesiazusae this term modifies stoa a nd refers to the bread market, or a public storehouse. 127 It is implied that some Wasps the chorus comments that it recalls stealing a tool from the bread seller. The tool might be a mortar, but is just as probably a mixing bowl. 128 (Depending on the size and construction materials, it could feasibly serve as both.) In either case, the tool implies that this bread seller is Old Age (fr. 129) preserves a bread sel ler describing her pan baked loaves ( ) as still warm ( ), possibly implying that she baked them herself. Vegetable women appear several times in comedy all in Aristophanes occurs in Wasps (497). occurs in Thesmophoriazusae (387); an allusion is m ade again at (456). Produce selling also occurs in Lysistrata (457 458), in the compounds and Fig sellers are referenced once, in Lysistrata (564). Wealth (427). Herfst suggests that much of the terminology for women who sold certain sorts of goods (such as vegetables) was interchangeable, and that one might refer to a dealer with one term or another depending on the goods involved in the transaction (47). This a ssertion seems, for the most part, correct, but it is possible that the issue is also one of agricultural practice and basic economics. There were surely different sized produce selling operations; some families probably received most of their income from shop keeping, but others periodically sold food in excess of 127 Ecclesiazusae 868: It seems much more common to designate locations of production or selling by the dative of goods sold or neuter variant of the wor ds for Frogs ) 128 Suda says that the one crushes pulse and whatever else.


62 Janssens (1941: 213) suggests, could have grown produce in a small portion of their own yards. We have terms for garlic sellers, 129 but it is difficult to believe that a household could produce enough garlic to support spices. The in Wasps If you also require a horn onion to make some seasoning for your small fry, the asking for an onion? Is it a principle of tyranny, or do you think that Athens makes seasonings for you? 130 History of Plants includes this plant in his discussion of the group ( 131 He mentions garlic ( ) in this section and compares its s hape to that of the horn onion ( Given that many factors influence the germination of different crops (, there were three planting seasons during which certain crops could be planted ( 7.), and certain plants take longer to bear fruit ( 11), it hardly seems far fetched to suggest that a might be a inclusion of garlic and coriander in the same group as cabbage and cucumber supports this suggestion a might sell various produce (including garlic) from the same pla nting 129 and is a garlic bulb, but means petty wares. Hesychiu Since Pollux (7.198.5 7.199.1) cites Dionys a lexander Breadsellers .) 130 496 History of Plants informs that this onion has no bulb, but is more like a leek. ( 11 ) 131 Some other crops which comprises are cabbage ( ), beets ( ), lettuce ( ), arugula ( ), garden patience ( ), mustard ( ), coriander ( ), dill ( ), garden cress ( ), leeks ( ), savory ( )


63 season, but only have garlic in between that season and the next. This possibility actually enables us to simplify one of the compound terms in Lysistrata depending on our interpretation of can be a number of pulse products or eggs The scholiasts on Wealth 427 132 seem to agree that properly signifies an egg yolk and that, at some point, came to mean pulse due to similarity in colo Lexiphanes ound u p pulse which has been made wet, but 133 Pseudo Zoranas and Suda state, however, that this woman sells eggs. 134 For some instances in comedy, either definition is plausible, but I have found no cases in com edy where the is explicitly egg yolks. 135 Perikeiromene The text of this passage is damaged, but it is possible to form a general idea of the context. Following an argument, Moschion and his slave, Dao would like to be a cheese seller or run a general store, Moschion seems to compare Daos to an old honey seller. 136 I am not sure whether honey has any special stigma (or whether, in this case, 132 Tzetzes (recensio 1) 427.1 8; Tzetzes (recensio 2) 427.1 9; Mosc hop o ulo s 427.09 13. 133 Lucian, Lexiphanes 2 4, p 192. 12 5 Rabe: 134 Pseudo Suda 135 Lysistrata 562 seems to be soup. Ecclesiazusae This is plausibly the soup which the youngest women are boiling at line 845. ( ) Alexis fr. 260 is soup, according to Arnott ( 1996: 729), who avers that in the feminine, the term means yolks, but in the masculine, means pulse, soup, or porridge. Anaxandrides fr. 42 .41 is a list of unrelated food items. Cantharos fr. 13.1 is one word. Metagenes fr. 18 offers a list of plant based foods. Pherecrates fr. 26 discusses women boiling 136 [ .] ', [ ] {( )} [ ..] [.] ... [ ] [ {( )} [ ] [ {( )} [ [.] [ suggestion ha s been offered for some of the textual gaps in lines 286 287.


64 the goods sold are relevant) the simile is already emasculating and insulting. The connotation is probably something similar to Pherecrates fr. 70. 137 Part of it is likely the implication of poverty, but, as a slave, Daos is already socially below a poor free woman. Suda it is an umbrella term and implies a builder, skilled craftsperson, or one who brings things into existence. 138 It often refers to female cooks. This is grouped with honey sellers because, in both (explicitly female) examples in comedy, the handles honey. The first, example, Chrysis is brief, but presents female asking for bowls of honey. 139 F alse Herakles (fr. 409.12), the happens to be preparing desserts: For the cook makes shaped cakes, bakes flat cakes, boils porridge, and serves it after smoked meat, and then stuffed fig leaves and grapes. But the female cook, holding her ground against him, bakes meat slices and thrushes as sweetmeats. Then the diner eats the former, and after anointing and garlanding himself, dines again upon honey cakes commingled with thrushes. 140 Herfst seems perplexed by this term. Because Athenaeus (4.72) uses it to describe both male and female cooks, Herfst seems to believe that the masculine use also refers expressly to women. 141 Since the scholiast on Knights 650 notes that is also used of bridesmaids, and Pollux (3.41) and Hesychius (delta 849) say that make wedding cakes, Herfst 137 An old female vendor might gossip and corrupt those around her. (See pages 79 80.) 138 Suda ( delta .436.1 2): : 139 Antiphanes fr 2 24.3: 140 409.9 16: < > 141 Herfst 1922: 31 : o Ici Athne parle donc de mles, mais la citation qu'il fait ensuite du Pseuderacls de Mnandre, nous prouve qu'il a voulu parler de femmes. Although Brock ( 1994: 338 ) believes that this term indicates a profession, he seems to follow Herfst in feminizing it (he uses ) and does not explicitly associate the with any job other than patissi re.


65 suggests that the term does not refer to a professional cook (31). 142 I believe that Herfst is incorrect on both points. Ath enaeus uses a masculine article and participle, since he means in general and happens to be writing in a language in which groups of mixed or unspecified genders default to the masculine. Two of his examples involve women, but this does not con tradict the masculine article or pronoun. Athenaeus lists in a list of terms for different food handlers (cooks, servers, tasters, etc) and uses it in reference to dessert chefs. In this discussion, he emphasiz es two points of interest: mater ial and ability. He cites both passages (Antiphanes fr. 224 and Menander fr. 409) as evidence of the materials (honey) 143 and explains that Menander fr. 409 criticizes non specialized cooks ( ) when they attempt even what they should not. 144 Although he be to draw a distinction between cooks and culinary workers who specialize in certain dishes or have specific training (such as dessert or wedding catering ), not men and women. (31) suggests, the large number of makes no sense. 145 Cooking was certainly a valuable skill, which women were expected to learn, so it is hardly a far fetched suggestion that some female specialized in food preparation, but the term is not limited to culinary 142 Interestingly enough, he has no difficulty including it in his list of prostitutional terminology (69). 143 Athenaeus 4. 22 been separate, the used to see to desserts, but the 144 72.3 4: 145 Xenophon Economics 7.6.4 7.7.1: educated, Socrates, concerning matters of the stomach; which is extremely important, as concerns me. It seems to be an object of instruction for bot


66 professions It also occurs of male craftspeople in Lysistrata (407), 146 specifically in reference to a man who works with jewelry (408) and a cobbler (416). Since we have records of women who worked in these very fields, 147 there is no reason that this word might not hypoth etically apply to any artisan. Before moving on to more limited data (sellers and manufacturers of non comestibles and the service industry), it is prudent to discuss themes in opinions, reactions, and general treatment of victual sellers. Scholars often des cribe female vending (and labo 148 In comedy, it seems that there are definite patterns of disrespect and mistreatment (either of the vendor herself or her family), which are not frequently prompted by t 149 prejudice against poorer individuals and lack of concern for the origin of necessary goods. Bakers seem to receive the worst affronts (and the abuses vary in detail), bu t other vendors are also affected. Wasps we receive two accounts of female bread sellers who are victimized by drunken male antics. T he instance when the chorus of jurors recalls stealing a b has already been referenced above The second account is from the other victimized baker herself: Come, defend me, I beseech you, by the gods. For this is the man who destroyed me when he struck out w worth of bread and then four in addition. 150 146 We who say something as follows to the artisans ) 147 Broc k 1994 : 342 345 ; Herfst 1922: 32 34 148 Kosmopoulou 2001: 284; Brock 1994: 339, 346. 149 As Herfst (1922: 106) suggests. 150 1388


67 The offending party, Philokleon, is not just unremorseful; he mocks the baker, essentially telling her that she should stop barking and buy more baking supplie s. When she threatens to summon the market officials, he informs her that he does not care about her situation. Eventually, she takes her witness and goes to find the officials. A third example occurs in Old Age (fr. 129); a baker and othe r character only identified by the vocative ) 151 According to Athenaeus (who cites this for the type of bread that is baked in a pan ), this seller 152 He does not elaborate further; at the end of this passage, the narrative turns to other breads. suffer at the hands of strange men. L ysistrata (555 564) offers an account of men who recklessly menace the market place. The women want to stop armed men from roaming the ceramics and vegetables, terrorizing the fig sellers, and consuming (perhaps taking advantage of tate to avoid payment) their best wares. 153 The government official [Men] It is, of course, a ridiculous statement that this violent public intoxication (or theft) was common or considered manly; 154 rather, the fo cus is 151 Aristophanes fr. 129.1 6: { } { } { } { .} { } { .} 152 They have discarded behavior appro priate to their old age. 3.74.40 42: 153 555 154 Allegations of drunken violence, however, are not entirely unheard of. Against Simon (3.6 8, 12 Against M e idias (21.180) and Against Conon ( 54.4, 7 9, etc ) ; the Herms scandal of 415 etc. It is considered esp ecially inappropriate for those old enough to know better (Demosthenes 54.20 22).


68 the wealthy When confronted, the aggressor dismisses the complainant or accuses her of hysteria. 155 In the Thesmophoriazusae r of being a vegetable seller. This attack is different from the first two the others seem a consequence of some c ombination of general poor behavio r, and lack of consideration for human beings below is motivated by enmity for the target. The implication is econom ic incompetence; if the head of the household cannot provide for his family single ct of poor, useless menial labo rers. The other implication has to do with the merchandise; if a woman sells produce, she must be a country person rustic and uncivilized. Euripides is directly 156 We do not know whence the vegetable woman rumo r originated, or have any conclusive evidence for or against its verity At any rate, it was pervasive enough that the Suda entry for Euripides diligently attempts to correct, other was a vegetable woman; she actually happened to be of very 157 155 Wealth 425 430: (Poverty): Do you know who I am? (Chremylos): An inn keeper or pulse seller. Since you screamed at us without being wronged. (Poverty): Really? So, nothin g terrible happened when you tried to kick me out of every land? { .} { .} { .} 156 455 456: 157 Suda epsilon.3695.2


69 We have seen that some individuals with more economic freedom despise the working poor. In contrast, Myrtia (the baker whose bread has been destroyed by Philokleon), does not seem at all ashamed of herself, even though she is a tradesperson. She angrily states that the er of not only invokes their authority, but also indicates either that she has no respect for them, or that they are unashamed to be publicly associat ed with a woman who sells bread some debate; the scholiast for Wasps 1397 asserts that her dialect (specifically the uncontracted until later (339), but then asserts that she is pre sumably a citizen, because 158 There is no reason to suspect that Myrtia is a slave, but comedy does afford us an example of a slave (who is not a vendor but rather works in the service industry) who also threatens to exact vengeance upon clients who behave inappropriately. 159 In comedy, the female vendors who do not handle comestibles deal in luxury goods, religious supplies, and clothing items. We have s ome general context for women who bands ( ). 158 Frogs 858 shares responsibity for any reputation bakers might have may i 159 Bath Attendant See page 84. Public dedications which working women made indicate that not all were ashamed of their professions or statuses (Brock 199 4: 346).


70 The term for female wreath sellers, survives only as the title of a play by Eubulus (fr 97 104). The play survives only in fragments quoted by other authors, but some of the fragments provide insight into materials from which garlands were composed. Fragment 102 ch, 160 This fragment may suggest that some impoverished women become garland sellers (instead of entering a different field) because they happened to have the appropriate materials around the house. Ivy is a well kno wn garland material, from its association with the and rites of Dionysos, but soapwort is more obscure. Fragment 104 reveals more construction materials in an exchange between seller and customer: A: Perhaps you would like some garlands; would you like tufted thyme, myrtle, or thoroughly adorned with flowers? B: I would like these myrtle crowns; sell everything except the myrtle. 161 Myrtle was probably a popular wreath material, due to its association with several deities. Of course, women did not just sell these wreaths but also sometimes made them. Thesmophoriazusae provides more information about the wreath manufacturing process. During the female council on the Euripidean crisis, we meet a woman who weaves myrtle crowns: 160 102.1 7: History of Plants lists soapwort in the section on garland materials (6.6.1 6.8.6) but says little beyond that it produces s centless flowers and blooms in the summer ( Sanders (2003: 222) says that the plant does have a scent. He also mentions that soapwort has been used for centuries as a cleaning agent and to treat everything ranging from acne to syphilis. (But it is actually somewhat toxic.) 161 104.1 2: { .} Fragment 103 seems to be either a 103.1 3: Athenaeus (15.24.3 15.24.17) cites this in his discussion of types of garland materials. Since myrtle is sometimes slang for female genitalia some scholars (such as Henderson [1991: 134 135]) assume that wreath sellers are prostitutes. Athenaeus, on the other hand, when discussing wreaths, asserts that different garland materials (myrtle included) were supp osed to have different medicinal properties (15.16 18). There are any number of reasons (including religious) that a person might buy a specific sort of garland, or a woman might weave garlands of a specific material (including easy access to said materia l around the house).


71 Since my husband died in Cyprus, leaving five children, I have hardly supported them, weaving garlands in the myrtle market. Until now I have been feeding them half inadequately; but now this man, in his tragedies, has convinced people that there are no gods; as a result we ha ve no longer been selling even half. 162 only means of generating income. The children, themselves, seem to be too young to hold real jobs, but old enough to be weane d, since their mother does not work as a wet nurse. At the end agora ; for it is necessary to weave the twenty 163 This statement raises three questions concernin g the logistics of this enterprise : Where the weaving takes place; who weaves; and who sells to the general public. She comments that she weaves on the market, but, in light of her situation, she may weave larger orders at home, while taking care of her c hildren, and then bring the finished products to market. It is also possible that, if she weaves at home part of the time, some of her children are old enough to assist with weaving and transport. 164 ( ). In our other example of wreath selling, the vendor has an assortment of wreaths from which one might choose. If some vendors weaved crowns before selling them, it might be unnecessary to make an extra trip to the agora to order one. There is no way to know 162 446 452 : 163 457 548: 164 Demosthenes 57 supports this conjecture. E uxitheos living in a wa over the activities of a single fami ly member (who is not the speaker), there is no need to use the first person plural unless the speaker also participated, probably helping his mother sell ribbons as soon as he was old enough. 57.31.1 2: 57.35.8


72 for certain, but this woman may have an economic partnership with some men who run a wreath shop. Some women might sell their own wreaths in the agora, but, in the case of a woman with small children, it m shop. The vendors presumably have an idea of how many garlands will sell on a given day, depending on the time of yea r, and have contracted the labo r of some number of weavers, to co nstruct a certain number of garlands each. This way, both parties can maximize efficiency and profit. Whether she sells myrtle crowns to the public or to a shop (or both, depending on the s implies that some women did contract or commission work. The single occurrence of 165 Whose mother, or whether she is selling ribbons in Attica or Thrace, is unspecified. The only real information of interest which this reference affords us comes from Athena eus (7.128.9 with a variety of fish, but it is of interest to our attempt to dis tinguish different types of wares. was a word used of victory bands (Eubulus fr. 2) and, according to Athenaeus, religious decorations (5.28.13); a species of fish; a long, thin strip of land (1.60.17); and a belt or girdle. Suda (tau.107 109) sup ports his definitions. The obvious connection between these items is that they are all long and thin. So, might be any number of things, but in this instance, Athenaeus explains that she sells clothing, not ribbons or fish. 166 165 Athenaeus 7.128.9 166 Other women who participate in the clothing manufacturing process: (a word for seamstress or medical woman) is an Antiphanes play. Pollux 7.168.5 mentions that Eup olis (fr. 434 (woman who dyes clothing). Platon wrote a play called ( W ool C arders ). Apollodoros wrote a play called Dowered or Clothing Seller


73 Frogs (1349) presents a woman who sells skeins of thread or yarn. The accepted notion of and manage to still feed her family exception to that conception it it is less likely to be motivated by extreme poverty, since she has slaves (1338). Whether or not the working poor may have been able to have slaves is not the question. Rather, if this woman truly were in dire need, she might ha ve her slaves gather materials, help produce goods to sell, or even sell the goods, but she makes the yarn herself. The slaves are ordered to perform unrelated functions. Moreover, the sale of even one slave would generate more money than several skeins of yarn, while reducing household consumption. The logistical possibilities of her marital status and home situation are too complicated to explore at this time (and traditionalists will surely argue that we must exclude her as a parody or hyperbolism), b ut this raises an interesting question if a woman wanted to she might comfortably live on her own earnings. 167 We have only a single instance of In Ecclesiazusae following the success of the female conspiracy to seize control of the governm ent, the new leaders organize the first citywide banquet. In preparation for the feast (838 842), the women load tables with a variety of dishes, the youngest boil soup, the wine is mixed, and the perfume sellers all stand assembled. This seems to provide (in details, not agency) an account of dinner party preparation. Instead of 167 If we consider Kuenen Janssens 206) that a family of five would only require 61 medimnoi of barley per year, and the rate of 3 drachmai per medimnos, a family of five would require (61 X 3) 183 drachmai per year. The baker in Wasps has 14 obols worth of wares which are destroyed. If she sells half this amo unt per day, and only goes to market every other day, she sells (182 X 7) 1274 obols (about 212 drachmai) of bread a year. Demosthenes 41.9 ( Against Spoudias ) mentions that the wife of Polyeuktos left behind papers (indicative of book keeping or financial activities) when she died and that her brothers witnessed her financial transactions. This is not explicitly vending, and I imply nothing about the origin of this money, just that it indicates that some women handled large sums of money. 41.9.1 4:


74 hiring / or having slaves make the preparations, the body of women as a whole seems to participate. Some cook, some mix wine, the youngest and least experienced are in charge of simpler dishes, and the perfume sellers, in compliance with the n ew laws, provide their merchandise to the other banqueters. As with symposia or other special occasions, the diners anoint and garland themselves before partaking. The evidence does not necessarily indicate that these are slaves. 168 Elsewhere in comedy, however, there is evidence of different stigma associated with this merchandise. Although male employment practices are less directly pertinent to this project, it seems relevant to mention the opinion of some Athenians that certain market prof essions were more appropriate for women, if not feminizing Kitchen or Night Party (fr. 70), a character asks: Under what persuasion would a man need to sell perfumes, sitting proudly under an awning, and providing a meet ing place for young men to talk amongst themselves throughout the day? 169 At first glance, the speaker appears to base his objection on the assumption that perfumers sat under some kind of tents. The tent will presumably protect the vendor from sun exposure and hypothetically eventually result in paler skin (a standard of beauty which proved that a woman was wealthy enough to avoid the sun) and allow youths to congregate and gossip like women (a sexist theme that perseveres to this day). No blemen (fr. 2), a character This corrupt behavior begs the question of whether specific types of vendors would typically not have tents; certain extrem ely perishable goods 168 169 70.1 3:


75 (such as fish or certain vegetables) might deteriorate if not sold from an awning or building. It seems that the market had some sort of tent like fixtures, which may have belonged to individual sellers. 170 If these structures were eas ily removable, they were probably also easily breachable, and it could not have been s afe to store wares in them overnight. For this reason, all goods would have to be sold by the end of the market day, transported home, or sold from a more permanent loca tion. According to Thompson and Wycherley, some vendors owned shops or houses on the border of the agora (1972: 171); in later times, wealthy merchants seemingly rented rooms in the stoa (107) and, in times of war, other craftspeople appropriated them (96 ). Cordswainers and cobblers are also subject to comic feminization on account of their pale complexions from working inside. 171 If there were tents, booths, or similar constructions, and some sellers operated out of permanent structures on the fringes, o r beyond the agora proper, there is a chance that some vendors of even the most masculine merchandise would sell from cover at some point. objection is likely the mercha ndise. Although it was certainly appropriate for men to wear perfume on some occasions, such as at symposia or (seemingly almost like deodorant) after exercise and bathing, 172 this speaker believes that, ultimately, perfume is a feminizing product. 170 Thompson and Wycherley (1972: 48) say that the market portion of the agora mostl y comprised removable skenai or light booths. 171 385 387 : 172 Hunter 1983: 194.


76 In addi intercourse toilette, and promiscuity. 173 There are two ma jor difficulties which hinder discussion of service careers scarcity of context and improbable terminology. Several terms are preserved, but very few have much relevant context within the genre (or quoting source) to warrant detailed consideration in a project of this scope. In many cases, Hesychius or the Suda simply says something to the effect Play also improbable that some jobs actually existed, at least in Athens. For example, female herald ( Ecclesiazusae 174 but it is doubt ful that ancient Athenian women were heralds. 175 Three terms for female labo rers who work in agriculture survive, but we cannot learn much beyond that (grass cutters) belonged to the same cate gory as diggers, gardeners, and mule drivers. 176 Dyskolos provides an example of a young woman (a poor virgin of marriageable age) who may participate in general labo 173 Lysistrata 938 947). Whe n Blepyros accuses Praxagora of infidelity, she protests that she is not wearing any perfume ( Ecclesiazusae 524 525). Both husbands feel that perfume is an unnecessary part of the routine. Given that even men wear perfume on some occasions, the connotatio 174 Ecclesiazusae 711 716. This passage seems to express the need (in the context of the plot) to create a female herald. ( ) 175 I do not argue existence; rather, I note that they are unrealistic but we do have records of women working as metal and ivory workers (See page 70 ). Pollux 7.139.7 9 credits Aristophanes (fr. 858) with female sailors ( ). ( Fisherwoman ) is the title of a play by Antiphanes (fr 27 29). Athenaeus (8.21.11 8.21.36) cites the longest passage ( fr 27 ), which seems to be an exchange between a fisher and a vendor and/or slave Pollux attributes to A ristophanes and Platon. 176 Archippos 46.1 The term also occurs as titles of plays by Magnes and Phrynichos. Pollux 7.150.6 credits Aristophanes with mentioning (r eaper/mower; fr. 829) and (firewood gatherer; fr. 916).


77 when he digs in the fields and gathers fruit (333 334). Two terms for hairdresser 177 occur, also with no viable context. We have somewhat more context for service providers who work in temples and baths. There are a fair number of religious officials in comedy. We have references to priestess es, temple attendants, 178 and general labo rers. 179 180 Religious work (even menial tasks such as grinding grain to prepare offerings) is an ivated by poverty. Unlike other employed women, priestesses were often from the most affluent families. Although temples received dedications, few (if any) priestesses likely received direct remuneration; rather, these posts were indicators of high socia l status and piety. Since this is a much larger topic (and less relevant to primary goals), it would be inappropriate to afford religious officials more than an overview. are in Man from Sikyon Thesmophoriazusae (758 and 759); once in Posi d ipp Dancers (fr. 28.21); a nd as the title of a 177 is found in Ecclesiazusae ( 737 possessions to catalogue and give to the common store, and it is unapparent whether a hairdr essing slave or grooming tool is being addressed. is sometimes hairdresser, sometimes shears, and sometimes shrimp. It is the title of plays by Alexis, Amphis, and Antiphanes. 178 Female service jobs from briefer fragments: The scholiast o Birds (1569.10 11) mentions that ( Washers ) was the title of a Philyllius play. Photius lambda.231 informs that Aristophanes (fr. 849) uses to refer to two girls who wash the temple of Athena. ( : ) 179 Two words for temple attendant are present and Both of these occur in Leukadia ( which is far too fragmentary to be of much use). is us ed of attendants in general, as well as hairdressers. Leuk adia fr 4: 5: < > 180 The Sybil is also mentioned in Peace (1095, 1124), but the references are not particularly useful.


78 play by Apollodoros. Dyskolos 496 and Man from Sikyon 279). Most of these instances afford us little information of use. For example, i Thesmophoriazusae Mnesilochos in law seems to parody a priestess 181 Man from Sikyon so mewhat fragmentary, but sufficiently intact to reconstruct some idea of the plot, which features many of the staples of Menander child trafficking, mistaken identities, recognition scenes, and reams. 182 The general plot seems to be that a young man acquired a girl and slave from a slave market; the girl has escaped (214) mer captor, announces that he relinquishes all authority over her and wishes her to be sent to be cared for by the priestess, until her parents are located. An argument between the spectators ensues and eventually the young female refugee partakes of asyl um with the priestess. We learn from Posi d ipp Dancers and Dyskolos sometimes used as a polite means of address for strangers. As has been discuss ed in the section on medical women, the cook in Dyskolos (and flatter) strangers from whom he would like to borrow utensils. 181 758: 182 For thorough discussion of the problems with reconstruction and numerous possibilities, see Gomme and Sandbach 1973: 632 636.


79 properly read a crowd and manipul ate strangers. Part of his advice is that the g priestesses. Priestess the surviving fragments do not offer many details of her professional functions; the main points of interest are that the woman has children, can marry, and performs exorcisms. 183 The presence of cymbals in the single surviving multi line fragment (fr. 191.3) may indicate that the title character is a Pri estesses contain nothing of interest to this study. The public bath employee who appears in comedy is the Brock (1994: 3411) renders will be demonstrate d momentarily, this does not necessarily seem to be (in this ca se, at least) an accurate description. It seems that four authors composed plays called Bath Worker The Etymologicum Genuinum (alpha .445.10 11) informs that Diphilo s composed an and Pollux (7.17.10 11) attests to one of the same name by Amphis There seems to be, however, some confusion among primary sources concerning the authorship of the fragment relevant to this study. Athenaeus cites Antiphanes fr. 26: And [Antiphanes] in Bath Worker but it is also said that the play is by Alexis : If you make my workplace infamous, by dear Demeter, I shall pour the biggest cup of water over you, after dipping and drawing it from the middle of a boiling cauldron; 184 183 See Gomme and Sandbach 1973: 694 695. 184 3.96.19 but, instead, agree that the four authors could have written plays by the same name, and defer to Poetae Comici Graeci (vol II), which lists the full fragment under Antiphanes. (322)


80 The procedure at the gymnasium see ms to have been as one might expect. According to Athenaeus, one would exercise, bathe, and then anoint with unguent, even in the times of heroes (1.44.18 23). The male employees, according to the Suda, were sometimes called but some were more like athletic trainers. 185 Alexis fr. 141 presents female slaves (in an unspecified context) apparently pouring water of different temperatures into baths or over bathers. This ools include a ladle or cup and a pot of boiling water. This do es not imply that this is her sole function; rather, massage, even if she does anoint customers, need not necessarily be involved in the perfuming process. 186 According to several secondary sour ces, bathhouses attendants were stereotyped as individuals of unsavo ry character and the facilities themselves were generally considered establishments of ill repute. 187 This is exactly what this bathhouse attendant wishes to avoid (but she does not explici tly mention whether other bathhouses are notorious). She implies that the facility in which she works does not currently have a bad reputation and that she is willing to This is a very short passage, but does not reveal any sense of shame about her s tatus as a slave or manual labo rer. Several logistical questions have presented themselves during the course of this project. Namely, in the commercial sphere, one wonders to what extent a female vendor ( or even the family unit) might have been involved in the manufacturing process What were the precise 185 Suda 186 Perhaps her capa city includes pouring perfumed water over patrons, as per the suggestion of Anderson 1991: 152. Herfst (1922: 66) concedes that he has no idea about her functions. 187 Brock 1994: 341, Anderson 1991: 151. Ehrenberg (1951: 180) goes as far as to say that the bathhouses were no better than brothels.


81 Greek family business?) Unfort unately, paucity of information and the scope of this thesis did not allow for satisfactory answers to all issues but some sources seem to suggest certain practices. The surviving terminology implies that most vendors dealt in very specific wares, but t his was probably not always the case, for several reasons: Ancient agricultural practices had planting cycles, so some crops would not have been available year round. Some people likely described vendors by the product, but others by the genre of product Some terminology is nebulous: might mean pulse or eggs and there is no way to determine with absolute certainty whether Aristophanes intended for the several term compounds in Lysistrata (457 458) to be interpreted as women who each sell differe nt goods, women who each sell several different things, or whether he was concerned about interpretation at all. T he semantics of the bare t erminology also implies that there were terms for those who performed specific manufacturing or service tasks, but the evidence (pragmatic use) suggests that these duties also sometimes overlapped. Female sellers frequently appear (or are described) individually and do not provide a detailed account of the allocation or manufacturing process. This might be for a numbe r of reasons; relevant information might belong to the vast amount of comedy which has not survived; it may have been immaterial to the plot; or some excessively wealthy people may not have cared about production logistics. The genre does not adequately r esolve the question of goods production, but there are occasional references to production tools or other parties. If a poor woman has small children to rear and no one else to look after them, she cannot necessarily both produce and sell enough merchandi se to support them single handedly. In some cases, it is


82 possible that poor parents divided responsibilities of manufacturing and selling; shopkeepers may also have employed women and commissioned product quantities. Since the details are vague, one can only specul ate about these logistics, but it seems plausible that logistics varied on an individual basis. widow has several children, they might help with manufacturi ng but be too young to secure employment or make significant contributions to the household. Working widows were likely the lowest economic bracket. Widows may have been more likely to manufacture and sell non victuals, since produce could be eaten, or f ed to the children. Women who dealt in perishables (which the household produced) were presumably in a higher economic bracket than those women who operated as individual manufacturers ; the former probably sold food which was in uirements, to live slightly more comfortably. In times of war or general economic difficulty, a woman might feel compelled to acquire and save extra funds in case of emergency. The attitude that women only worked under compulsion of extreme poverty also does not account for some slaves whose owners install them in various professions. Even if the bathhouse worker earns wages and hopes to attain manumission, she did not necessarily choose this career. Few characters explicitly explain their opinion s abou t female vendors and labo rers. Those who do interact with, or describe female sellers are primarily disrespectful and dismissive. This is especially prevalent in Aristophanes, who typically presents a male character who damages a ignores her threats to seek legal help. We do not have a wealth of viable sources, but female workers in comedy do not seem emotionally affected by the stigma associa ted with poverty or female labo r. Rather, they are concerned with survival, feeding the ir


83 children, and, in some cases, being treated with respect. Myrtia, the bread seller in Wasps, and the enslaved bath attendant from Antiphanes fr. 26 seem to take some pride in themselves, arguing against a universal attitude towards even menial laborers


84 CHAPTER 5 CONCLUSIONS This thesis has discussed a wide range of careers held by women in ancient Greece, in terms of their representations in Greek comedy. Among the major difficulties presented to this study were scarcity of non fragmentary primary s ources, the lack of equivalent terms and concepts in English, and long lives. The first step in undertaking such an endeavor was to gently discard a number of preconceptions and when confronted with their echoes in various publications, to simply ask, Greek comedy offers depictions of medical workers, child care workers, entertainment workers, and those who work in general labor and the market place. In some cases, one is offered insig motivated by economic need or, in the case of slaves, compelled into these industries. It is eds to live more comfortably. In times of general prosperity, a vendor who produced a large amount of goods out of inexpensive materials could have very easily supported herself and a couple of children. It seems that few jobs were restricted to certain m embers of society. Wet nurses would have to be lactating women of child bearing age. Prostitutes and dancers would have to maintain a certain amount of stamina and medical women would have to be physically fit enough to walk long distances. Vendors who did not have slaves would have to be able to physically transport their goods to market, unless the goods were sold from the location in which they were manufactured. Poorer women were probably more likely to deal in goods manufactured from


85 materials foun d around the neighborhood, and less economically desperate ones might afford the materials to make bread, or sell extra vegetables from time to time. Some women may have sold their own merchandise, while others may have been employed as manufacturers. O ther women, still, may have worked together or had employees. Citizens, freedwomen, and slaves all contributed economically to their households and children sometimes helped their mothers make or sell merchandise. Not all entertainment workers seem to be p rostitutes. This study does not examine every instance of taverns or inns and cannot comment about the regularity with which sex workers or pimps frequented them, but women who work in taverns or inns are not depicted as sex workers at all. Performers ar e not always depicted as prostitutes. A number of factors likely influenced this, but it is possible that even those who frequently participated in sex for money did not function in this capacity at all times. It is also suggested that musicians performe d at weddings (where the presence of prostitutes would have presumably been offensive to the bride and her family). Comedy offers us a less censored look at a broad range of ancient Athenian opinions, those menial laborer. As one might expect, these opinions vary greatly depending on the socioeconomic status of the speaker and his or her relationship to the subject. A wealthy individual who has been accustomed since birth to having slaves perform all menia l functions within the household might not give much thought to the difficult lives of those who gather his or her vegetables or grind flour to bake the bread. These careers naturally seem slavish and disreputable to this person, because a comfortable lif e is all that he or she has ever known.


86 The widow who works to support her several children, on the other hand, does not generally seem troubled about propriety or negative stigma. Her main concern is to feed and rear the children. Wealthy people may c riticize her, but it is unlikely that she interacts with such people outside of her work life, and she might take solace in the fact that she may be poor but has survived to nurture her family. Characters who were raised by nurses or seem to be otherwise being are grateful to these women and do not criticize their economic function or blame them for being impoverished. Reputability is relative. Realistically speaking, wet nursing, weaving garlands, selli ng regardless of public opinion. Even today, the person who criticizes the grocery worker or gardener purchases something from the market or hires somebody else to perform basic yard maintenance. Prostitutes would not exist at any point in history were there no demand for paid sex. Many people who work in certain fields have little choice in the matter, especially in societies which condone slavery. These fields e xist because people are incapable or unwilling to perform these tasks for themselves; they are necessary to the survival of the society as well as the people who perform them.


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90 BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH K. T. Schofield Klos first came to Florida in infancy dedicated several years of childhood to roaming unsupervised t hrough public libraries, briefly attended fine arts high school eventually studied t heatre and French and earned an award for best character actor and an IMDB credit while acting at Studio 84 working in the box office and preparing to move to France The author currently holds a n AA in Acting from State Colle ge of Florida and a BA in Classical Studies from the Unive rsity of Florida and expects to receive an MA in Classical Studies from the University of Florida in 2012 Non academic interests and acti vities include reading and learning for pleasure, British comedy, drag performance, experimental cooking, gardening, italo disco, science fiction, and tinkering with electronics.