Let Florida Be Green

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Let Florida Be Green Women, Activism, and the Environmental Century, 1900-2000
Poole, Leslie Kemp
Place of Publication:
[Gainesville, Fla.]
University of Florida
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1 online resource (415 p.)

Thesis/Dissertation Information

Doctorate ( Ph.D.)
Degree Grantor:
University of Florida
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Committee Chair:
Davis, Jack E
Committee Members:
Ortiz, Paul Andrew
Newman, Louise M
Smocovitis, Vassiliki
Flournoy, Alyson
Graduation Date:


Subjects / Keywords:
Beauty ( jstor )
Birds ( jstor )
Cities ( jstor )
Counties ( jstor )
Ecology ( jstor )
Environmental conservation ( jstor )
Everglades ( jstor )
Gender roles ( jstor )
Women ( jstor )
Womens studies ( jstor )
History -- Dissertations, Academic -- UF
activism -- audubon -- beautification -- clubwomen -- conservation -- ecology -- environment -- florida -- forestry -- parks -- science -- women
City of Miami ( local )
bibliography ( marcgt )
theses ( marcgt )
government publication (state, provincial, terriorial, dependent) ( marcgt )
born-digital ( sobekcm )
Electronic Thesis or Dissertation
History thesis, Ph.D.


Florida women were central agents in the rise of environmentalism in the state during the twentieth century, using their talents, energy, and organizing skills to respond to rising crises in the natural world. From protecting birds to creating the first state park to opposing water and air pollution, women helped set the environmental agenda in Florida, often a reaction to problems created by male-dominated industry, development, and government. This narrative focuses on the public and personal strategies women employed to create civic awareness, political action, and fundamental change in how Floridians viewed their relationship to the landscape as it underwent massive growth and changes. Their work corresponded with the rising national environmental movement, and, importantly, with dramatic changes in women's roles and rights during the same era. Women used a variety of tactics to operate within the strictures of different decades, expanding their roles and power from grassroots workers operating largely within same-sex clubs and organizations to leading bi-gender campaigns for environmental reform to running governmental bureaucracies. At the beginning of the century, women had no vote - by the end of it they advised presidents and set national policy. Although they took cues from environmental efforts across the country, Florida's unique biota and natural systems and the unbridled post-World War II development forced the state's women to fashion creative solutions to stop environmental ills and deal with male- and development-dominated political bodies. Citing numerous archival sources and new interviews with activists, this study shows how the interplay of increasing ecological understanding and environmental activism informed and propelled women's agendas to the forefront of public sentiment. In doing so, this dissertation demonstrates many dynamics at work in environmentalism, painting historical developments in a fresh light that contributes to a broader understanding of the history of women, Florida, and the environment. ( en )
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In the series University of Florida Digital Collections.
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Includes vita.
Includes bibliographical references.
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Description based on online resource; title from PDF title page.
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Thesis (Ph.D.)--University of Florida, 2012.
Adviser: Davis, Jack E.
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by Leslie Kemp Poole.

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2 2012 Leslie Kemp Poole


3 To my husband, Michael, and sons, Blake and Preston, who joined me on this long journey and kept me on the path; and to Clara Dommerich, Lucy Worthing ton deserve the thanks of every Floridian for their passion and dedication.


4 ACKNOWLEDGMENTS This dissertation would not have been possible without the guidance of Dr. Jack E. Davis. movement has been priceless and his close, challenging scrutiny of my work has vastly improved ers of women and science and patiently guided me through important dissertation topics, and Dr. Paul Ortiz welcomed my they will be available for future researc hers. Many thanks to my committee members, Dr. Louise tactics. Also at UF, Dr. Steven Noll has encouraged me and shared his keen understanding of Florida environment al history, particularly of the Cross Florida Barge Canal; Florence Turcotte shared her research about Marjorie Harris Carr that is incorporated into this document My work at the University of Florida was rewarded with the 2007 Jack and Celia Proctor Prize for research in Florida/Southern history, a great boost to my studies. Also many thanks to the Tampa Bay History Center for its 2007 Leland Hawes Prize, which h elped buy a new, greatly needed computer, and to the Marjorie Kinnan Rawlings Society for its inaugural 2011 Edna Saffy Graduate Award. I also thank Florida Historical Quarterly and Tampa Bay History for publishing some of my early research. My colleagues at Rollins College, in Winter Park, Florida, where I work as an adjunct professor, were the first to push me toward a doctorate degree. Now that I have survived it, I thank Dr. Bruce Stephenson, Dr. Patricia Lancaster, and Dr. Joseph Siry for the initial momentum and continual encouragement. Also supporting me at Rollins College are Dr. Julian Chambliss, Dr. Robert Smither, Dr. Sharon Carrier, Dr. Barry Levis, and Joanne Hanley. Dr. Jim


5 Clark, of the University of Central Florida and a former associate fro m newspaper days, offered sage advice, humor, and encouragement that kept me focused. James Murphy shared his unpublished biography of Doris Leeper, helping to paint a stronger portrait of her accomplishments, and Clay Henderson offered his recollections o Bond has been a patient, careful reader and fine friend throughout this process. Gerry Wolfson Grande has been an invaluable and good natured wordsmith. I could not have completed my research without the help of personnel and archivists at the University of West Florida, University of Miami, Miami History Center, Maitland Historical Society, Florida Audubon Society, Orange County Regional History Center, Uni versity of Central Florida, Florida Historical Society, Rollins College, and the Stranahan House and Museum. Special thanks to the Florida Federation of Garden Clubs and the Florida Federation of d email to help quench my academic thirst. Finally, I thank the nineteen women and three men who participated in my oral interviews, environment. Their love of Florida and optimism about its future are inspiring; they are models room.


6 TABLE OF CONTENTS page ACKNOWLEDGMENTS ................................ ................................ ................................ ............... 4 ABSTRACT ................................ ................................ ................................ ................................ ..... 7 CHAPTER 1 INTRODUCTION ................................ ................................ ................................ .................... 9 2 FOR THE BIRDS ................................ ................................ ................................ ................... 23 3 CONSERVATION, FORESTS, AND PARKS ................................ ................................ ...... 60 4 THE CITY AND STATE BEAUTIFUL ................................ ................................ .............. 114 5 A RISIN G ECOLOGICAL CONSCIOUSNESS ................................ ................................ 170 6 POLLUTION ................................ ................................ ................................ ........................ 219 7 ENVIRONMENTAL JUSTICE ................................ ................................ ........................... 275 8 WOMEN LEADERS ................................ ................................ ................................ ............ 322 LIST OF REFERENCES ................................ ................................ ................................ ............. 375 BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH ................................ ................................ ................................ ....... 41 4


7 Abstract of Dissertat ion Presented to the Graduate School of the University of Florida in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy LET FLORIDA BE GREEN: WOMEN, ACTIVISM, AND THE ENVIRONMENTAL CENTURY, 1900 2000 By Leslie Ke mp Poole August 2012 Chair: Jack E. Davis Major: History Florida women were central agents in the rise of environmentalism in the state during the twentieth century, using their talents, energy, and organizing skills to respond to rising crises in the n atural world. From protecting birds to creating the first state park to opposing water and air pollution, women helped set the environmental agenda in Florida, often a reaction to problems created by male dominated industry, development, and government. Th is narrative focuses on the public and personal strategies women employed to create civic awareness, political action, and fundamental change in how Floridians viewed their relationship to the landscape as it underwent massive growth and changes. Their wor k corresponded with the rising national environmental movement, and, used a variety of tactics to operate within the strictures of different decades, expanding their roles and power from grassroots workers operating largely within same sex clubs and organizations to leading bi gender campaigns for environmental reform to running governmental bureaucracies. At the beginning of the century, women had no vote by the end o f it they advised presidents and set national policy.


8 biota and natural systems and the unbridled post women to fashion crea tive solutions to stop environmental ills and deal with male and development dominated political bodies. Citing numerous archival sources and new interviews with activists, this study shows how the interplay of increasing ecological understanding and envi sentiment. In doing so, this dissertation demonstrates many dynamics at work in environmentalism, painting historical developments in a fresh light that contributes to a b roader understanding of the history of women, Florida, and the environment.


9 CHAPTER 1 INTRODUCTION Near the end of her life, Everglades activist and author Marjory Stoneman Douglas took changing environmental ethic. A state that once promoted draining its vast wetlands now was honoring Douglas, 91, for her feisty, tenacious campaign to save and restore the south Florida system, signifying a vast shift in attitudes during the twentieth cen tury. By 1981, Douglas was the icon of Florida environmentalism and now her name would grace the building that housed the Florida ecological ills. 1 Actually adding that environmental protections that once left many people skeptical now won widespread support. She urged her audience of three hundred, which included the governor and c abinet, news media, and employees of different state agencies, to continue protecting the natural world always for our beautiful and beloved Florida. 2 Those sent iments might have come from a host of Florida women whose talents, energy, and organizing skills were vital to the rise of environmentalism in the state in the twentieth century. Their work led to greater public awareness, political action, and fundamental change in addressing ecological ills that plagued the state from disappearing wildlife to polluted air to 1 Dedication of the Marjory Stoneman Douglas Building Headquarters of the Florida Department of Natural Resources, Tallahassee, Fla., May 15, Environment, Box 33, MS204, Folder: Awards to Marjorie (sic) Stoneman Douglas, 1981 1987, University of Florida Smathers Libraries, Special and Area Studies Collections, Gainesville, Fla. (hereafter referred t o as Smathers UF MSS), 2, 6. 2 Ibid., 2, 8; Jack E. Davis, An Everglades Providence: Marjory Stoneman Douglas and the American Environmental Century (Athens: University of Georgia Press, 2009), 553 554.


10 damaged waterways. In effect, they were cleaning up the mess that male dominated industry, development, and government had created and doing it with great passion and determination. To create change, Florida women developed a variety of public and personal strategies to function within the strictures of changing social and political expectations of the twentieth century, expanding their roles and power from grassroots workers operating within same sex groups to joining and leading bi gender advocacy organizations to running state and national bureaucracies. In the course of their activism, women expanded their spheres of influence in a masculine world o f business and government, forging new identities and gaining public respect t of governors, presidents, and political hopefuls. 3 conflicts of the centu ry, with threats to its unique ecosystems often bringing it into the national spotlight. Modern historians have begun to make up for these omissions, producing recent works May M ann Jenning s: suffrage years to enable women to achieve their goals. In his 1989 Som e Kind of Paradise: A Chronicle of Man and the Land in Florida environmental women. Two scholarly collections, Making Waves: Female Activists in Twentieth Century Florida published in 2003 and edit ed by Jack E. Davis and Kari Frederickson, and 3 Ibid., 2, 6.


11 Paradise Lost?: The Environmental History of Florida (2005), edited by Davis and Raymond figures in the fight to s Douglas, A n Everglades Providence: Marjory Stoneman Douglas and the American Environmental Century analysis of the imperiled ecosystem. Davis credits a number of women involved in the effort, recognizing the importance of club women and of women activist writers such as Douglas, Polly Redford, and Juanita Greene. However, much of his focus is on South Florida. Marjorie Harris Carr is beginning to receive long overdue historical respect for her work in the 1960s and 1970s to stop the Cross Florida Barge Canal. Frederick The Man Who Saved Sea Turtles: Archie Carr and the Origins of Conservation Biology (2007) chronicles and David Tegeder offer the first comprehensive history of the barge c anal battle in Ditch of (2009). They that accompanied the boondoggle project. Margaret naturalist, activist, wife, and environmental women. Agents of History


12 Florida Historical Quarterly and in 2008 in Tampa Bay History Researching these women d emonstrated to me the important role that women played throughout the century and the limited analysis they had received from state historians. Douglas was one of the few lauded in her lifetime, the tip of the iceberg (or the sandbar in this semitropical s Dommerich, a German immigrant and Florida winter resident, who organized the Florida Audubon Society in 1900 in her living room but died within the year, never knowing the substantia l long voice that called for the 1975 creation of Canaveral National Seashore; today she is recognized her role in its genesis. Judith Vallee, dismissed by Ft. Lauderdale leaders when she suggested that manatees be protected from speeding boaters on the Middle River, turned her anger into action, helping make the Save the Manatee Club an international mode l for species protection. Joy Towles Ezell dedicated much of her adult life to trying to clean up the industrially polluted Fenholloway River out of concern for public health and her love of a once beautiful waterway. Dommerich, Leeper, Vallee, Ezell, and hundreds of other Florida women have received scant, if any, historical attention for their efforts, despite the fact that they were essential to the movement. This dissertation adds to the expanding historiography by offering a comprehensive study of wome figures and to lesser and even unknown ones. It uses first hand accounts of more recent female mary


13 ventures well beyond recovery history to which, as stated above, others have contributed a great in a comprehensive history of twentieth century Florida environmentalism is only the foundational work of this dissertation. It also investigates what it meant to be a woman involved in these efforts, using their written, reported, and recorded words. It similarly charts how women navigated difficult and often biased social structures to be heard and to effect change. As the movement evolved, absorbing new so di d the role of women who rose from leadership roles early in the century to expanded responsibilities in later decades, bringing with them their own sensibilities and concerns. Along ber of societal environmental movements forced a more open and aware society, helping advance new visions By necessity, this disserta tion encompasses a number of historical topics, primarily serving as an environmental history that examines the changing relationship between humans and their landscape in the twentieth century and how each has indelibly influenced the other. Its goal is t o achieve what eminent scholar J. Donald Hughes prescribes corrective to the prevalent tendency of humans to see themselves as separate from nature, above this dissertation because it


14 and rights occurred during the same pe riod, making the intersection of the two movements a fascinating and significant historical topic. 4 gender history to illustrate the conditions, politics, and social mor es that existed during the twentieth century. These women operated within the confines of their human environment and end of the 1800s, activity that blossomed with the club movement. 5 and upper class women the movers and shakers behind early environmental change in large part followed this model, even articulated it, broadening their interests from the hearth to the local environment, which included education, prison reform, and protection of native flora and fauna. They often brought their interests and talents into garden clubs and Audubon societies, which worked their social roles expanded, so did their power and prominence. At the beginning o f the century, women had no vote by the end of the century, they were creating and leading non profit environmental organizations and advising presidents; one, Floridian Carol Brower, ran the most powerful government environmental organization in the world The irony of this changing female role is that much environmental work was a response to government. For the entire century, men dominated these fields, often viewing damaging, 4 J. Donald Hughes, What is Environmen tal History ? (Cambridge, Mass.: Polity Press, 2008), 4. 5 The Clubwoman as Feminist: Truce Womanhood Defined, 1868 1914 (New York: Holmes & Meier, 1980), and Anne Firor Scott, Natural Al (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1993).


15 polluting practices as the cost of doing business. Many women, however, had a different sensibility. Initially upset by the aesthetic damage rendered by clear cut logging, prolific roadside billboards, and dirty streets, Florida women, along with their sisters across the country, demanded cleaner cities and better forestry practices. As knowledge increased, bringing the science of ecology into the public consciousness and revealing public health risks of air, water, nvironmental women found even greater cause to be alarmed it was clear their homes and families were imperiled. Armed with this information, women helped reframe the debate, putting environmental issues in terms of personal health and that of children and future generations. Often working from outside the system and with little care for political allegiances, women were compelled to enter the public sphere where they demanded that industry and government clean up the crises of their own making. In doing so, women claimed new public ground and established themselves as important public advocates. They also found new and expanded identities that included holding public office an accomplishment that was only dreamed of by women in the early part of the century. The scope and geography of this project is far ranging. It includes a variety of sources clubs, garden clubs, museum and college archives, newspapers, and twenty one oral histories of people involved in Florida environmentalism. The dissertation provides the first century long synthesis of these materials in order to focus on the wide ranging environmental efforts and successes of state women. It builds upon some i The Clubwoman as Feminist: True Womanhood Redefined, 1868 1914 published in 1980, and (1993). These historians document the


16 myriad of problems from forests to child labor to education, is illuminated in Jess i e Hamm Meyer Leading t he Way: A Century of Service, 1895 1995 (1994). Conservation Movement: 1900 Environmental Review firmly rooted women as i mportant actors in the Progressive Era conservation and Audubon movements, although it ignores the organized efforts of Florida females. This dissertation is organized into chapters that follow a topical and chronological pattern. Some overlap exists since many issues remained pertinent throughout several decades and 2 focuses on Florida Audubon Society (FAS) rose to confront the devastating over colorful wading birds that displayed extravagant plumage during courtship and nesting seasons. The feathers were in great demand by the millinery industry; some were more v aluable by the ounce than gold, resulting in devastating losses of forty two avian species. The FAS organizers, men and women, came from many walks of life; all were bird lovers who had witnessed decreasing bird populations. While most FAS presidents were men, women were instrumental in care of finances; worked with schools and children; and helped gather support for proposed state laws. Laura Norcross Marrs led the FAS Executive Committee for many years and interacted with many national Audubon leaders. Marrs suggested Guy Bradley be hired as an Audubon national outcry. K atherine Bell Tippetts, who in 1920 became the first female FAS president,


17 Through their work with FAS, women proved to be skilled organizers and leaders. They also world, cleaning up environmental woes wrought by male interests in business and government. Women might have been wearing the feather adorned hats, but they b ought them from companies owned and managed by men. Chapter 3 Florida had long been a source of oak and pine supplies for naval stores, turpentine, and lumber companies. As early as the late eighteenth century, it was clear that poor management practices in the state were devastating once forested lands. The Progressive Era conservation movement, which found its full voice in the early twentieth century, paid great attention to the condition of conservationists pressed for forestry practices that i ncluded replanting for future harvests, a far more sustainable model than the previous clear joining with women in other states, raised public awareness and pushed state leaders to protect forested lands. Jennings powerful force in the politics of forestry and conservation in the state. Jennings also helped lead club women in the establishment of Royal Palm State Park, the first state park in Florida. For decades later, women helped establish parks around the state, some by donating their own property to be preserved in perpetuity. Chapter 4 Across the state, women in th e first three decades of the century worked through


18 clubs, garden groups, historical associations, and local agencies to counter declining aesthetics brought on by rising development. In efforts that reflected the national City Beautiful movement, women fo ught proliferating billboards, planted thousands of trees, helped create parks, and urged local governments to enact city planning and to improve or remove slums. In a large sense, but also through efforts that created a planned aesthetic. They believed an arranged, constructed beauty that included flowering trees and plants, landscaped roads, and carefully designed cities was the key to keeping an Edenic quality in a rapidly growing power blossomed, bolstered by U.S. female suffrage in 1920. As a result, legislators had greater the century. Nevertheles s, women were finding a greater role in the public arena, claiming issues and expanded space in which to exercise their many talents and establish female competence. After World War II, Americans began to realize that their country was being degraded in ma ny ways, often from post war technology that led to widespread (and enthusiastic) use of synthetic chemicals, fertilizers, and pesticides. With the help of science and in the face of undeniable environmental crises, they developed a new language to describ e the natural world and these problems ecology. Chapter 5 describes the rise of ecology, its entrance into academia and the vernacular, and how it came to frame and inform a number of Florida development schemes, particularly the dredge and fill of wetland s and estuaries and the ill fated attempt to build a barge canal across the northern part of the peninsula. Women were central to bringing this new science into the debate. Ellen Swallow Richards, who pioneered the study of human ecology and domestic scien ce in the late nineteenth century, was the first to be quoted in the news media using the term. But it was Rachel Carson, in her 1962 masterpiece Silent Spring


19 who brought the term into widespread public use. To counter the indiscriminate use of manufactu red pesticides across the country, Carson, an accomplished author, described the intricate relationships of soil, water, air, flora, and fauna and humans. This chain of life was being upset by chemical usage, she argued, leading to a huge public outcry and Congressional hearings. practices, including dredge and fill, that long had been accepted business methods. Capitalizing ovement, they increasingly worked within bi tactics she used in her campa if i demonstrating the constraints of the period and her wisdom about how to deal with them. Chapter 6 focuses on the increasingly complex world of women and the environment. Fem ale ironmental participation became central in a number of issues particularly air and water pollution As a number of crises and increasing scientific knowledge made clear, these were serious issues of human health that directly threatened families, always central to the female realm. Aesthetic concerns gave way to apprehensions about the health of community, people, and the natural world, framing enviro nmental conflicts for the remainder of the century. sex civic clubs, was expressed in a


20 variety of ways. They founded and ran organizations, often focused on specific issues. They led bi gender groups, following the lead of Carr and Douglas who, late in life, founded Friends of the Everglades to seek wetlands restoration. Several women used environmental platforms to gain elected office and pass legislation to force the state and local governments to cle an up their own mess. It was a new position of freedom and power that early club women could only imagine. By electing women to office, men acknowledged their leadership skills, often honed in environmental disputes. Chapter 7 examines a number of issues t hat have come to be viewed as environmental and livelihood for Seminole and Miccosukee people in the Everglades; a campaign to help relocate African American clean up the industry polluted Fenholloway River; and the work of Catholic nuns and Jeannie Economos of the Farmworker Association of Florida to help agricultural workers in the Apopka ar ea. Each example involves women addressing the needs of low income, marginalized people often of minority races who frequently were the first victims of pollution and environmental degradation. They also were the least likely and able to stand up to damagi ng corporate and governmental actions often inflicted under the guise of improving the economy or saving business costs. In these Florida cases, women were leaders in trying to secure health and safety for the afflicted and affected, reflecting the modern concerns about public and environmental health and melding them with the larger issue of social justice that arose from the civil rights movement of the 1960s. Chapter 8 is based in large part on oral interviews collected during the course of research for


21 won female rights and opportunities to rise in the workforce, often finding professional opportunitie s in environmental quarters. In unprecedented numbers, women established and led organizations, served on political boards, including water management districts, and ran state environmental bureaucracies. Others, elected to office on environmental mandates or appointed to political County Commissioner to help implement strong growth ma nagement rules. Mary Barley picked Pignone and Patricia Harden served on water management district boards to seek better water quality for all residents. Perhaps of Carol Browner, who from 1993 to 2001 was Administrator of the U.S. Environmental Protection Agency (EPA), a position of unequalled environmental power from which she helped set national p an emphasis on human health risks that came with environmental degradation and pollution. But she did not have to promote her agenda from within a same sex club in hopes of getting male cooperation to get things done; Browner was at the center of the power structure that affected change. FAS to running EPA, they experienced and participated in unprecedent ed societal and environmental changes. As their roles in society changed and expanded, women found different ways to adapt their tactics and activism to be effective advocates. Their interests also evolved from creating beauty and preventing ugliness to st opping toxic assaults on human health


22 century environmental movement is a montage of individuals who as a c ollective force made a difference in the way others saw the natural world. Both universal and individual experiences shaped their environmental sensibilities and their motivations, style, and strategies for taking action. Synthesizing existing scholarship with original research and conventional arguments with new interpretation, this dissertation demonstrates many dynamics at work in environmentalism, painting historical developments in a lorida, and environmental history.


23 CHAPTER 2 FOR THE BIRDS Reflecting back on the first 25 years of the Florida Audubon Society (FAS), President cular, Byrd noted that Clara Dommerich, at whose home the first meeting was 1 In the course whose stories often were ignored or relegated to short references or footnotes. At first glance, the story of the Florida Audubon Society appears to follow that same course. Its ear ly presidents were well educated, prestigious men who easily mixed with business and government officials in game birds. Their FAS successes were built upon the work of many progressive minded women w hose achievements of the organization. With passion and diligence, these women, many of them winter visitors, worked with year round residents to gain public support fo r the FAS mission, leading to bird protection laws, the creation and operation of bird preserves, and extensive school programs. In addition to helping launch FAS, women held long term leadership positions, kept track of its finances, records, and correspo ndence, led meetings, wrote articles and pamphlets, and worked with people in other organizations to further the cause. Their efforts reflected the growing American conservation movement that blossomed in the early 1900s during the reform minded Progressiv e Era a time during which many middle class women felt compelled to step outside their homes and pursue activities that improved their 1 Dr Hiram Byrd, Unmarked Newspaper Clipping, n.d., in unnamed files of Florida Audubon Society, Maitland, Fla.


24 center of home life were responsible for the moral tone of a community did not vanish, but increasingly it was said that such responsibility did not end with A nne Firor Scott. 2 Although they were unable to vote until 1920, these women had the financial stability, aesthetic appreciation, leisure time, and desire to spread their wings in activities that ranged from creating parks to fighting for pure food to impro ving child welfare efforts that 3 hunters who wanted their showy plumes for the millinery trade was a top environmental issue, and the FAS women attacked it with zeal, carrying the organization into the state and national arena. Conservation historians once mostly ignored them, but women w Movement: 19 00 preservation of the environment became a rallying cause for Progressive women. Although Merchant notes how women in many states were involved in organizing and publicizing the plume hunting p roblems, she fails to mention the integral work in Florida, the ground zero for much of the bird destruction, where FAS female members helped shape the debate, pursued 2 Scott, Natural Allies 141. 3 Adam Rome, ical He r Environmental History 11.3 (July 2006): 440 463, accessed November 16, 2006 journals /eh/11.3/ rome.html


25 legislation, supported the national organization, and financially aided warden activitie s. 4 Their FAS activities also reflected the shifting national consciousness that would move in the early twentieth century from a focus on conservation, namely the largely scientifically managed use of natural resources, into the modern environmental movem and popular, involving public values that stressed the quality of human experiences and hence of Beauty, Health, and Permanence: Environmental Politics in the U ni ted States, 1955 1985 The Audubon ladies wanted a world with beautiful, singing birds an aesthetic value, or measure, that would help spur the future environmental movement. 5 The feminine desire for hats adorned with long plumes and bright bird wings, hea ds, and bodies arose in the post Civil War decades and, by the 1880s, had accounted for the deaths of such as flamingos, herons, ibis, roseate spoonbills some 42 sp ecies that inhabited coastal that appeared on egrets during mating and nesting season. Nesting birds were easy targets for hunters because they roosted in large n umbers, sometimes in the hundreds, in small areas called rookeries and refused to abandon their nests and young when danger appeared. After shooting into rookeries and removing feathers and skins from adult birds, hunters left their bodies and crying orpha ned chicks to decay or become easy meals for crows, predators, and ants. The desirable feathers and bird parts were then shipped to millinery markets up north and abroad for processing into large, showy hats that might contain everything from elegant plume s to the 4 Carolyn Merchant, E nvironmental Review 8 1 (Spring 1984) : 57, 69 73. 5 Samuel P. Hays, Beauty, Health, and Permanence: Environmental Politics in the United State s, 1955 1985 (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1987), 13.


26 bodies of dead mockingbirds. One New York wholesaler was reported to have bought $200,000 worth of plumes for fashions part of the $17 million a year New York millinery industry that employed 20,000 people. This was big business and it extended in to international trade. 6 The results were nothing short of tragic. In Some Kind of Paradise: A Chronicle of Man and the Land in Florida Mark Derr recounts tales of rookeries being wiped out along the Florida west coast, from the Tampa area all the way sou th to the Everglades: White ibis, roseate spoonbills, pelicans, and herons and egrets of every hue and size were gone. Many hunters thought survivors had fled to rookeries inland or farther A similar situation existed on the east coast above Lake Worth. So thorough was the destruction of plume birds that within several generations collective memory of the rookeries was as dead as the birds themselves. 7 Early efforts to curb the plume business came in 1883 with the creation of the American protection. An AOU committee, which included George Bird Grinnell, a hunter and editor of Forest and Stream magaz enact provisions to protect non game birds and their eggs and nests. In an attempt to end the A opinion could be swayed to stop the bird deaths without the need for legi slation and he found widespread support. He launched The Audubon Magazine but it folded after its second issue in 6 Merchant, Mark Derr, Some Kind of Paradise: A Chronicle of Man and the Land in Florida (New York: William Morrow, 1989), 136 40 ; Marjory Stoneman Doug las, Everglades: River of Grass (Sarasota, Fl a .: Pineapple Press, Inc., 1947, 1988), 310 ; Jack E. in Paradise Lost: The Environmental History of Florida Jack E. Davis and Raymond Arsenault eds. (Gainesville: University Press of Florida, 2005), 245 ; Alfred Jackson Hanna and Kathryn Abbey Hanna, Lake Okeechobee: Wellspring of the Everglades (Indianapolis: Bo b bs Merrill, 1948), 340 41. 7 Derr, Some Kind of Paradise 136 37.


27 1888 and with it the Audubon Society. Although the organization was short lived, Grinnell continued to be an important player in conservation efforts, having a year earlier helped found the Boone and Crockett Club, an organization of 100 wealthy sportsmen that included Theodore Roosevelt, who later became the U.S. president. They worked to preserve large game in the United States, particularly in the West, and promote natural history research. It is important to efforts to link the gender divide by directing Forest and Stream articles at them, using women con tributors. This was done in part to support a hunting code of conduct that determined what species were acceptable targets; with women as hunters, theoretically, the morals of hunting were elevated. However, conservation for hunting purposes was a movement that remained mostly in the masculine realm; by and large women sought to protect wildlife for natural beauty and for the benefit of wildlife itself. By the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, the conservation ideal would find an expanded audie nce as the concept moved from the masculine Societies playing an important role, writes Daniel J. Philippon in Conserving Words: How American Nature Writers Shaped th e Environmental Movement 8 At the same time that concerns about plume birds were arising, Americans witnessed the demise of native creatures they never expected would disappear the bison and the passenger pigeon. Bison, estimated to have numbered anywhere from 40 million to 60 million in North America, had long been the symbol of the American West and a staple of native people who prized them for their meat and hides. Commercial demands for hides led to huge slaughters, placing the creature on the brink of extinction by the end of the 1800s. Perhaps no creature 8 Frank Graham Jr., The Audubon Ark: A History of the National Audubon Society (New York: Knopf, 1990), 3 13 ; Daniel J. Philippon, Conserving Words: How American Nature Writers Shaped the Environmental Movement (Athens: University of Georgia Press, 2004), 5 5 73.


28 the skies of North America for hours with enormous traveling flocks. Hunters had easy pickings with these bi rds, which were easily captured or shot and shipped to food markets. Once numbering around 5 billion birds, passenger pigeon populations were decimated in the late nineteenth century from overhunting and loss of habitat and food sources. The last of the sp ecies died at the Cincinnati Zoo in 1914 an extinction that alarmed bird lovers and conservationists writes Kurkpatrick Dorsey in The Dawn of Conservation Di plomacy: U.S. Canadian Wildlife Protection Treaties in the Progressive Era When species became scarcer, their value rose, driven by market forces. As the value of wading wetlands also continued. 9 Four years af ter the demise of the last passenger pigeon, the extinction knell sounded for a species that was well known in Florida the Carolina parakeet, a brightly colored bird that once ranged across half the country, particularly marshy and swampy areas. Historian Mark V. Barrow, Jr., writes that the species was hurt by habitat loss caused by nineteenth century logging and land conversion for agriculture. The birds also were killed by farmers protecting their crops and collected for milliners and the pet trade. Audu bon noted dwindling parakeet numbers in 1831, and bird observers in coming decades expected its inevitable extinction. In a 1900 letter, Henry B. Whipple, Episcopal Bishop of Minnesota, recalled that on his first visit to Florida in 9 Clive Ponting, A Green History of the World: The Environment and the Collapse of Great Civilizations (New York: Penguin, 1991), 167 170; Kurkpatrick Dorsey, The Dawn of Conservation Diplomacy: U.S. Canadian Wildlife Protection Treaties in the Progr essive Era (Seattle: University of Washington Press, Environmental History 15.1 (January 2010): 4 5.


29 w delighted in bird life and seen its devastation first hand; by 1918 the Carolina parakeet was gone forever. 10 Americans worried about waning numbers of species banded together to advocate for wildlife conservation. William Temple Hornaday of the U.S. National Museum led several efforts to save the bison that included generatin g publicity, creating a bison exhibit and society, and developing captive breeding programs. When it came to the dwindling passenger pigeon and dilemma, however, did spur a revival of the Audubon movement. Harriet Hemenway, a wealthy and well connected Bostonian, was an early leader, gathering influential women and male ornithologists to found the Massachusetts Audubon Society in 1896. Its goals were to and to further bird protection, according to Frank Graham Jr., in The Audubon Ark: A History of the National Audubon Society Almost 1,300 adults and children were member s at the end of the year, which also marked the beginning of a Pennsylvania society. In its early days, Massachusetts Audubon was a place where women leaders could shine they held an equal number of posts as men and 114 of the118 local chapters were led by women, according to Mary Jo Breton in Women Leaders for the Environment her home and arbitrated disagreements, Breton notes In 1897, New York, New Hampshire, 10 Mark V. Barrow, Jr., Confronting Extinction From the Age of Jefferson to the Age of Ecology (Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 2009), 127 Bird Lore 2.3 (June 1900): 97.


30 Illinois, Maine, Wisconsin, New Jersey, Rhode Island, Connecticut, and the District of Columbia formed Audubon societies, with six more the next year. By 1900, five states had enacted laws based on the AOU Model Law. The Audubon movement was alive once again and growing, thanks in large part to its female membership. 11 An important player in the national scene was Mabel Osgood Wright, a founder of the Connecticut group and a later leader in the national group. As did many other authors at the time, Wright wrote extensively about nature to a receptive national audience. She also served as an associate editor of Bird Lore a national bird Audubon magazine audience les and books, which included an 1895 bird guide, were widely read and were lauded by her literary peers, including heralded naturalist John Burroughs and other women writers and readers. At the same time, women, who considered the home and garden their re alm, used it as a means to enter the public sphere with Audubon activities, Philippon writes. 12 The Audubon movement initially gained most of its support from states east of the Mississippi River. By 1900, some twenty three Audubon societies had been formed with several in the South, including Florida, Kentucky, Tennessee, and South Carolina. North Carolina and Louisiana formed societies two years later, with Georgia joining the movement in 1903. The 11 Hays, Beauty Health, and Per manence, 19; Barrow, 10 8 114, 130; Graham, The Audubon Ark, 14 23 ; Mary Jo Breton, Women Pioneers for the Environment (Boston: Northeastern University Press, 1998), 257. 12 Philippon, Conserving Words 73 95.


31 spread of the movement into the South was significant sin ce much of the wading bird population targeted by hunters roosted in its wetlands. 13 The Florida Audubon Society was created in 1900 by a group of Central Floridians, several of them winter residents from northern states where Audubon activities were vibran t. Many had come to the area to escape cold weather and urban pollution while trying their hand at growing citrus in nearby groves. The fruit, which ripened in the winter and spring, was shipped to northern markets and turned a handy profit as long as the Florida winters stayed mild. The heady potential of orange profits had lured Louis and Clara Dommerich from New York City to the Central Florida town of Maitland, where they wintered at Hiawatha Grove, a shady 210 acre estate on the shores of Lake Minnehah a. Theirs was a large, spacious mansion suiting the status of Louis Dommerich, a prosperous silk importer and textile manufacturer, who, along with turkey and p ampering the resident cardinals, blue jays, and juncos. Every morning Dommerich eager avian guests to breakfast. Although they were German immigrants, the Dommeric hs had taken a strong interest in their adopted home and joined many others in concern about the future s first environmental organization. 14 13 Oliver H. Orr, Jr., Saving American Birds: T. Gilbert Pearson and the Founding of the Audubon Movement (Gainesville: University Press of Florida, 1992), 84, 91 92, 104, 129. 14 Lucy Worthington Blackman, The Florida Audubon Society: 1900 1935 n.p., n.d., 1; Dwelling House New York Times ( 1857 Current File): No vember 26, 1885, ProQuest Historical Newspapers; New York Times (1851 Early History of the Florida Audubon Society, 1900 Maitland, Florida; Mr The Florida Naturalist April 1950, 62 63.


32 Winter Park area, located north of Orlando. They included the Dommerichs; Whipple; Dr. G. M. Ward, the president of nearby Rollins College, and his wife; Harrie t Vanderpool, married to a local citrus grower and Maitland founder; W. C. Comstock, a Winter Park businessman and civic leader; Lida Peck Bronson, whose spouse was a businessman and former Maitland mayor; and Laura Norcross Marrs and her husband, Kingsmil l, a wealthy Massachusetts couple who wintered in Maitland. The community was a small one at the time, and many of these FAS founders would be involved in other civic activities, from opening a public library to establishing a church to serving in various leadership capacities at Rollins College. 15 At the meeting, Clara Dommerich made the case for founding the organization, noting, according to FAS minutes, the growing decimation of Florida birds and remarking on the work received to financially support a society. Her leadership included a successful motion to appoi nt a five member committee to create a constitution and by laws as well as a list of officers to govern FAS. In recounting the creation of FAS in Bird Lore Whipple, the first FAS president, or the interest which she has awakened for the protection of the birds of Florida. No state or territory in our country has been 16 15 Vanderpool, Whipple, and Dommerich Files, Maitland Historical Society,, Randall and Allied Families: Sherman Newton B ronson, accessed February 3, 2006, http://worldconnect .genealogy .rootsweb .com/cgi bin/igm.cgi?op=GET&db=wrandall&id=I1140 ; Richard N. Campen, Winter Park Portrait: The Story of Winter Park and Rollins College (Beachwood, Ohio : West Summit Press, 1987), 36 3 7 ; Blackman, The Florida Audubon Society 1. 16 Florida Audubon Society Minutes 1900 1910, n.p., n.d. Florida Audubon Society, Maitland, Fla. (hereafter referred to as FAS Minutes ); H. B. Whipple, Bird Lore (June 1900) : 97.


33 The early founders, as with other Audubon societies, were ardent b ird lovers. Dorsey notes that humans have long held an affinity for birds because the two species have much in common, biophilia a word he uses to describe a phenomenon in which humans emotionally bond focus with certain life forms. 17 Bird popularity al nity, 18 Bird were beautiful, moral, and already associated with female emotions and behavior. An affection for birds was shared by the FAS founders who made it their mission to emphasize di sseminating information about the value of birds, publicizing their destruction in the state, and discouraging the use or purchase of bird feathers. They also sought to start classes in public schools to nurture an appreciation in this species with traits common to humans, and they encouraged the establishment of local Audubon societies. Memberships were $1 per year, $5 per year for sustaining members, 25 cents for children, and free for teachers. A $25 payment would make someone a patron. Whipple, an Episc opal Church bishop who wintered in Maitland, was named president, and as vice presidents FAS selected Florida Governor William Bloxam, New York Governor Theodore Roosevelt (who became president the next year), and Kirk Munroe, a 17 Dorsey, The Dawn of Conservat ion Diplomacy 168; Edward O. Wilson, The Future of Life (New York: Knopf, 2002), 18, 134 143. Wilson has much to say about human affiliation with habitats as well as certain species. Certainly the non threatening songbirds lauded by Audubon Societies woul d fit this category. 18 Jennifer Price, Flight Maps: Adventures With Nature in Modern America (New York: Basic Books, 1999), 84 85.


34 nationally known author of twenty eight largely honorary vice presidents, most of whom came from many areas of Florida, twenty two were male, including journalists, clergy, presidents of nearby Rollins College and Stetson University, and Frank Chapman, of the American Museum of Natural History and editor of B ird Lore Six women, including Marrs, Evangeline Whipple, wife of the bishop, and Rose Cleveland, sister of the former president and a close friend of Evangeline Whippl e, were named vice presidents. However, half the executive committee, which would be the guiding force of the organization during the next two decades, was female, including Marrs, Bronson, and Vanderpool. 19 e death of Clara Dommerich, whose influence and leadership skills were lauded in posthumous praises. Dommerich, 43, died of a lingering illness in in New York City on November 8, 1900. In December, new FAS Secretary existence to her loving interest in our feathered friends. birds which in the park added so much to the charm and beauty of our Southland. It was this womanly love which led her to ask others to unite in the creation of a society whose object is the protection of birds in Florida. We cannot speak too highly of her wise thoughtfulness and Bird Lore her 19 Blackman, The Florida Audubon Society 1 6 ; FAS Minutes The Massachusetts Historical Societ y accessed November 26, 2005 http:// cfm?fa=fab033


35 that in its ranks there is some one who will carry on the work which Mrs. Dommerich so 20 As FAS began a new year, it worked dilige ntly for the enactment of bird protection laws. The state had little legislation to accomplish this except for an 1877 statute that protected mockingbirds during breeding season. That law also forbade the destruction of nests, eggs, and young of plumed sea birds, but it was repealed two years later. In 1891, the state offered protection for wading birds, but it did not stop the plume trade. In May 1900, the federal government provided some hope when it adopted the Lacey Act, which prohibited interstate comm erce in birds that had state protections. Florida needed to adopt the AOU Model Law to be under that umbrella. The organization called in the heavy hitters for help. William Dutcher, then May 1901 to fight alongside Audubon leaders for the model law passage. Although the legislature approved a new statute, it excluded certain birds that FAS had hoped to protect, including robins, shore birds, meadowlarks, and hawks. Nevertheless, the group was off to a strong start, having made a statewide impact in its first year. 21 Although men would hold the title of president for the first two decades, the women of FAS carried much of the organizational workload, reflecting their passion for their mission and their work in municipal housekeeping. As group members divided up duties, women became prominent leaders. Lida Bronson was elected treasurer in 1901 and served in that role until 1915, gathering contributions and dues and disbursing funds for projects After her 1926 death, she was 20 No Title New York Times (1857 Current File), Nov ember 10, 1900, ProQuest Historical Newspapers New York Times (1851 2002 ), 7, accessed November 26, 2005; FAS Minutes Bird Lore (December 1900): 203. 21 Derr, Some Kind of Paradise 137 ; Graham, The Audubon Ark 22 23 ; Blackman, The Florida Audubon Society 7 8.


36 one of a small group in Maitland whose constancy and faith kept the Audubon movement alive ion reported in The Maitland News In handling the acumen that her fellow board members depended upon to keep FAS healthy. 22 ganization was invaluable. From 1901 to 1917 she served as the FAS secretary, which entailed a great deal of work. Vanderpool was in charge of much of the correspondence and record keeping for FAS, which included keeping hand written minutes of annual and executive committee meetings. She also corresponded with different Audubon groups around the state, gathering reports from each, and read them at executive committee meetings. In addition, Vanderpool also tirelessly sent mailings to newspaper editors aroun d the state, mailed thousands of leaflets to school board heads to encourage school participation, gathered information about school programs, and helped send warning posters about bird regulations to all Florida post offices. Since many of the early FAS m embers had northern residences, she took charge of much of the business during the summer months. It was a multi faceted job but perfectly suited for Vanderpool, a community activist who came to Maitland in 1876 with her husband, Isaac, to live on property that he had been homesteaded six years earlier on Lake Maitland and planted as an orange grove. Isaac, of New York City, helped plan the city of Maitland, served as its mayor in 1887, and worked to establish the nearby African American city of Eatonville. Like her progressive sisters, Harriet Vanderpool was involved in many aspects of improving her community, helping Bishop Whipple with the founding of the Church of the Good Shepherd in Maitland and working with Clara Dommerich 22 The Maitland News April 6, 1927, Maitland Historical Society.


37 to establish the Maitland Pu blic Library. She also wrote the official song of Maitland. At her 23 In a 1901 report of the founding of FAS, published in Bird Lore Vanderpool showed her terest to some of your readers to know that Florida, the land of sunshine, flowers and balmy breezes, has at last awakened to the fact that these combined are not all (even the most unconcerned) that their rivers, lakes and woods are strangely silent, and that some of the old had started work, in a few years our eyes and ears will be gladdened as of old. Sunshine, flowers and the happy song of our thousands of native birds, and Flor ida is Born in England, Vanderpool had seen the area in its earliest days of development. It was no longer a frontier the native people were long gone, and the train arrived by 1880 to offer transportation and trade links to th e eastern United States but it did offer relief from urban life, refuge from cold winters, and an opportunity to gain wealth in the new citrus industry. 24 As integral to FAS success as Bronson and Vanderpool were, perhaps no woman or, arguably, man was as i nfluential as Marrs, whose efforts impacted the direction of FAS as well as other national bird groups. Marrs, daughter of Otis Norcross, who was elected mayor of Boston in 1867, was a member of the Massachusetts Audubon when she became a founder of FAS an d chairman of the executive committee a position she held until her death in 1926. She 23 FAS Minutes Vanderpool files, Maitland Historical Society Mrs. Kingsmill Marrs Society Bird Lore (Dec ember 1901): 220 ; William Fremont Blackman, History of Orange County Florida: Narrative and Biographical Part I (Chuluota, Fla.: Mickler House, 1973), 200. 24 Bird Lore (September October 1901): 183 ; Leslie Kemp Poole, Maitland (Charleston, S.C.: Arcadia Publishing, 2009), 7 8, 29, 22 23.


38 in the same town as Evangeline Whipple, the wife of the bishop and sist er to Kingsmill. With a background much like that of Harriet Hemenway at Massachusetts Audubon, Marrs was just as important to the Florida group, taking up an even stronger leadership role. According to a 1926 FAS resolution reported in The Maitland News death left $25,000 to the National Association of Audubon Societies to promote bird study and protection. Despite spe nding only part of her year in Maitland, Marrs also was busy in other local Eatonville community. In later years, the Marrses traveled extensively in Europe and Egypt and later lived in Florence, Italy, where Kingsmill died in 1912. 25 Unless she was traveling, Marrs led the executive committee meetings, often at her home, where the operations and structure of FAS were discussed. Marrs also wrote annual reports for Bird Lore and traveled to national meetings to represent the group. In 1901, Marrs attended a conference of Audubon societies held in New York City, in which groups discussed organizing a national group but no actions were taken until the next year, when a National Committee of Audubon Societies was created. She continued attending annual meetings and, as an important desires to create a formal national group. That led to the 1905 in corporation of the National Association of Audubon Societies for the Protection of Wild Birds and Animals, the present day 25 The Maitland News April 6, 1927, Maitland Historical Society files ; FAS minutes The Massachusetts Historical Society, accessed November 26, 2005 http:// /findingaids/doc.cfm?fa=fab033.


39 National Audubon Society. Mabel Osgood Wright, the influential writer and founder of Connecticut Audubon, was part of the newly forme d national group. 26 Marrs was instrumental in hiring Guy Bradley as a bird warden in an effort to stop plume hunters in south Florida. Although Florida had passed legislation protecting its birds, the new law failed in one important way it did not provide f or the hiring or funding of law enforcement officers. In 1902, Kirk Munroe, a FAS honorary vice president, wrote to Marrs about the shooting that was damaging bird populations in the Florida Keys and along the southern coastline. Munroe suggested that Brad ley would be the right person to serve as a bird warden in the area, since Bradley had grown up there and had dabbled in plume hunting. Marrs sent the letter to New York to Dutcher, who had hired lighthouse keepers to protect rookeries since the state had failed to provide the personnel to do so. Dutcher put Bradley, at a salary of $35 per month, in charge of patrolling Florida Bay and the Everglades. It was a 140 square mile expanse of wetland marshes, tiny islands, rookeries, and poachers who were willing to ignore state and federal laws for the opportunity to make money in the hard scrabble area. Bradley worked hard, sending Dutcher lists of New York companies he believed acted illegally in the plume trade. To help Bradley, FAS in 1903 raised money to pur chase Bradley a boat, named Audubon Marrs worried that he might be in danger and advised Dutcher of this. She had good reason. As author hunter caught in the act at the scene of a crime. And that plume hunter would necessarily be he thought was poaching on an island near his home. Authorities arrested a local man, 26 FAS minutes ; Bird Lore (December 1901): 220; Graham, The Audubon Ark 46 ; Blackman, The Florida Audubon Society 8 13 ; Philippon Conserving Words 95.


40 Warden Guy M. Bradley fills not only our Society in Florida, but t he people of the United States, Bird Lore 27 temporarily disheartened. After the laws of the state cannot safety. Three years later, another Audubon warden was killed in Charlotte Harbor in southwest Florida; his boat was discovered sunk in the bay, his body never found. 28 Still, the move ment picked up momentum. FAS reports from its early years showed growing membership and activities, much of it supplied by the female members. By 1901, the society had published seven leaflets for distribution throughout the state, of which five were writt children. Her sister in ghts of the Man to have half hour bird lectures weekly in classes. In coming years, the society sponsored essay contests for children in many areas of the state, o ffered prizes, and provided educational materials about birds all part of a national push to influence the adults of the next generation. 27 FAS minutes ; Graham, The Audubon Ark 48 59 ; Florida Naturalist 73.2 (Summer 2000): 6 8 ; Blackman, The Florida Audubon Society 17 18 ; Stuart B. McIver, Death in the Everglades: Martyr to Environmentalism (Gainesville: University Press of Florida, 2003), 110 111; Mrs. Kingsmill Bird Lore (December 1905): 316. 28 McIver, Death in the Everglades 163.


41 FAS also paid for traveling lecturers and sent articles to local newspapers and national publications. Educating the F lorida public would take much time, Dutcher noted in a 1904 report in The A uk, 29 In 1903 FAS lauded another major event at its doorstep: the creation of the first national bird refuge in the United States. On March 14, President Theodore Roosevelt, at the urging of FAS members, particularly George N. Chamberlin, an executive committee member from Daytona Beach, established by executive order the Pelican Island National Wildlife Refuge to momentous occasion the first of fifty three federal san ctuaries that Roosevelt created. 30 And a Florida woman played a large role in its creation. bedroom antic coast. It would stay for months, gathering specimens from fo rays into local areas, and then gathering for the work of collecting and pro Latham proved to be a capable naturalist, collecting on her long walks along the coast loggerhead sea turtle eggs and embryos, which she sold, enhancing her reputation among visiting 29 Bird Lore (December 1901): 220 FAS Minutes ; Dorsey, The Dawn of Conservation Di plomacy 181 ; The Auk 21 (January 1904): 133. 30 Blackman, The Florida Audubon Society 15.


42 naturalists. truly study the egg tarpon, red acre Pelican Island, located nine miles away from her inn. There he studied the nesting brown pelican colony at a site once home to thousands of wading birds that had d isappeared from the plume trade. When he returned two years later to continue his study, Chapman discovered the pelicans had declined by 14 percent to 2,364 birds, an alarming number. In 1902, Latham was hired by the AOU to oversee the island, and it was a t her recommendation that the group hire Paul Kroegel as a warden to guard area birds a job that earned him $50 during the six month nesting season. It was a difficult task and by 1903, Dutcher concluded that the best way to protect the pelican colony was by purchasing the island a daunting undertaking given bureaucratic issues and dealing with the federal government, which owned the island. Dutcher began pressing his Washington, D.C., connections to purchase the island, but the resolution instead came wit h 31 of the plight of birds but also of the growing American conservation movement. At the end of the nineteenth century, it had become clear to Americans that their much loved natural resources were jeopardized in many ways. People were concerned about dwindling wildlife but also about the diminishing amount of timber and arable land, c aused by exploitative uses such as overgrazing, mining, and monoculture farming. In response, Americans embraced the 31 Douglas Brinkley, The Wilderness Warrior: Theodore Roosevelt and the Crusade for America (New York: Harper Collins, 2009), 488 Cleveland ed., Encyclopedia of Earth U.S. Fish and Wildlife Service, accessed Feb. 8, 2011 ildlife_Refug e.


43 humans. Roosevelt was a prime figure in the c onservation movement, one of many impulses of the Progressive Era, when organized citizens demanded government led reforms in business, education, electoral politics, and public health. The conservation movement melded well with the progressive reform agen da, advocating better use of resources and controls over the actions of business and exploitative individuals, such as plume hunters. 32 Although they were unable to vote and participate in the political process until 1920, Progressive Era women activists ex erted indirect influence through volunteer and charitable groups to pursue their civic interests, which extended from their domestic agenda and included providing safe, proper homes for their families. They pressed for public sanitation, orphanages, and ho spitals. They also proved to be very effective in tackling conservation issues around the country. The Florida Audubon women were part of this movement, exercising power in the civic arena through their activism in the organization a true blending of publi c and private life that historians often have neglected. Historian Sara M. Evans writes that women of this era found in domestic sphere but not in formal govern mental arenas from which they were banned. They practiced the basic skills of public life to speak and to listen, to analyze issues in relation to 33 Progressive women were so effective in their conservation work that like minded men often felt the need to preserve their masculinity by distancing themselves from protection 32 Benjamin Kline, First Along the River: A Brief History of the U. S. Environmental Movement 4 th ed. (Lanham, M d. : Acada Books, 2000), 59 68; Robert Gottlieb, Forcing the Spring: A Transformation of the American Environmental Movement (Was hington, D C : Island Press, 1993), 20 25. 33 Merchant, 58; Political Theory: in Visible Women: New Essays on American Activism Nancy A. Hewitt and Suzanne Lebsock ed. (Urbana: University of Illinois Pr ess, 1993), 120 28


44 comfortable arguing for env movement to save birds, culminating in the 1900 Lacey Act, Rome concludes, stands out because it was in other conservation realms. By 1909 women were important players in the national Audubon r women were advisory directors and more than 40 percent of its 1,250 members were female, and twenty of the thirty three annual state reports sent to the national group were penned by women. 34 The Audubon movement also galvanized women because it was femal e fashion that was driving the plume hunting and destruction. In Bird Lore ly was it a question of conserving resources, but the issue had become a moral one that called into question the vanity and responsibility of women. This gender driven argument hit home with the female populace, although it ignored the fact that men were h unting the birds and running the millinery trade that profited from the bloody slaughter. Both sexes were responsible for the plume trade, but women were assigned greater guilt. In a 2004 article for Audubon magazine, Price notes: At a time when many peop le were ready to embrace conservation as a moral issue, the glaring complicity of the distaff half, who were supposed to be the moral caretakers for all society, made this issue resonate at a higher moral volume than bate that raged in newspapers and legislative halls and clubhouses and hat shops across the country, outraged 34 Saving America n Birds 204.


45 Audubon activists proclaimed reasons to save not only birds but also the moral guardianship that women were supposed to ensure. 35 Across the countr y, the battle became one of the sexes. Saving birds for their beauty or human a code word for feminine while the avian sentiment was couched in the economic arguments that the birds were es economic reasons was to be rational, progressive and well a man who sounded like a man, or a club woman who had rejected Woman arguments ran strong in the bird debates but also echoed through the conservation movement. Nowhere was this better depicted than in a political cartoon of the day portraying famed author John Muir as a woman sweeping with a broom i n ridicule of his opposition to the damming of the Hetch Hetchy Valley in Yosemite National Park. Rome writes that these gendered politics for like minded men who r 36 In Flo rida, the conflict often was between females. In her history The Florida Audubon Society : 1900 1935 and cornering the wearer be it on the street, in the crowded hotel lobby, on the beach, at church or entertainment or party there compelled her to listen to the story of cruelty and murder of which h er vanity was the contributing cause. And Mrs. Munroe was eloquent. It was not unusual for women to be reduced to tears, 35 Merchant, Audubon November December 2004, accessed November 26, 2005 features0412/hats.htm. 36 Price, Flight Maps 83 18.


46 whether of anger or humiliation or repentance, and several were known to have taken off their hats and destroyed their aigrettes as a r esult of their encounter with Mrs. Monroe [ sic ]. 37 In an article for The Tropic Magazine in 1915, Mary Barr Munroe, a founder of the disputed claims by women that the plu mes on their hats came from long dead birds, that the have hunte d the birds in such numbers that after a few more years of such reckless slaughter during the breeding season the egret and snowy heron will be classed among the extinct birds of ignoring the male domination of the profit motivated fashion business. Besides scolding women, Munroe also took practical steps to stop the slaughter, writing a leaflet for public education and starting Bird to love rather than kill birds. 38 Florida Audubon worked hard to earn female support. In 1908, FAS started a campaign against wearing plumage and distributed a pledge to women around the state, especially n themselves with bird products. Audubon members asked Miami authorities to enforce prohibitions on plume trade during tourist season, Everglades, and spread a veritable bargain counter before the women at the hotels and boarding 37 Blackman, The Florida Audubon Society 20 21. 38 beari The Tropic Magazine Everglades Digital Library accessed Feb. 10, 2011 bios/ munroemb.htm ; Jack E. Davis, An Everglades Providence 212 214.


47 in Florida. But it did not prevent them from receiving Indian emissaries in their rooms, where 39 In an effort to garner grassroots support, FAS worked closely with the Florida Federation lubs, which early on had a subcommittee for the preservation of birds. From its beginning in 1895, the FFWC led conservation efforts such and later turned its attention to endangered species and wetlands preservation, wrote Jess i e Hamm Meyer in her FFWC history. At the 1905 FFWC annual meeting, the chair of the bird preservation tter from FAS asking for support, Meyer no ted adding that the delegates were entertained at Mary Barr By its second decade, FFWC members were attuned to the loss of birds, not just from plume hunting but also from sportsmen who traveled up prove their marksmanship or for the fun of seeing live birds fall ote adding that although preserve birds as well as efforts to conserve forests and plant trees in urban she add ed Other FFWC efforts mirrored Progressive Era initiatives : self improvement, domestic science, drug education, libraries, healt h care, and food for the poor. 40 39 Blackman, The Florida Audubon Society 20. 40 Jesse Hamm Meyer Leading the Way: A Century of Service 1895 1995 (Lakeland, F la. xii, 45 58.


48 The addition of FFWC as a sustaining member of Florida Audubon was a strategic triumph, which increased the Audubon base around the state. The FFWC represented 1,600 women in 36 clubs by 1910 and grew to more than 9,000 wome n by 1917, making it one of usually with a committee or chair designat 41 female attention and spread their message. In a 1904 article of The Ros alind a publication distributed to members of the same pleaded for support for FAS work, noting that of its 600 members, six were also members of The Rosalind Club: For it is not from sentiment nor a mere personal delight in the song or beauty of our birds that we ask this of you, but that there may be a general expression of disapproval of the merciless slaughter of these innocent creatures, which not only lend a charm but are of economic importance to our land. 42 FAS members also extended their appeals to the most influential of the Progressive Era two million strong by 1915. Created in 1890, this umbrella group, compose d of clubs of diverse GFWC members formulated platforms that covered a wide range of issues from conservation to and suffrage. A number of their programs 41 Linda D. Vance, May Mann Jennings: Flori (Gainesville: University Presses of F lorida, 1985), 56, 100; Davis, An Everglades Providence 214 215. 42 The Rosalind souvenir ed., February 1904, 1, in File: VF Associations & Clu bs Center, Orlando, Fla.


49 The Clubwoman as Feminist: True Wo manhood Defined, 1868 1914 At its 1910 biennial, the GFWC, which had committees that studied conservation issues such as forestry and the Hetch Hetchy Valley dam proposal in California, adopted a resolution endorsing Audubon bird protection work. 43 The ris started with literary and self community They were so successful that when states looked for female participation they sought club women to fill that role. Members who attended GFWC conventions often returned with new ideas for community work developed by talking with women from other areas. 44 Many FAS women fit this club woman mold and the progressive activist impulse, acting to spread a vision of a better home and community to others and then t o achieve it within local, state, and national organizations. Marrs, Vanderpool, Bronson, and Dommerich were all wealthy women with political and civic ties in their communities. They addressed their concerns about conservation through FAS, which gave them opportunities to exercise their talents for leadership and grassroots organizing through public speaking, handling of finances, correspondence, and 43 Doris Weatherford, Real Women of Tampa & Hillsborough County from Prehistory to the Millennium (Tampa: University of Tampa Press, 2004), 170; Blair, The Clubwoman as F eminist 119; Mary I. Wood, Two Years of its Organization (Farmingdale, N.Y.: Dabor Social Science Publications, 1978), 247 270. 44 Anne Firor Scott, The Southern Lady: From Pedesta l to Politics 1830 1930 (Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 1970) 158 162 southern women had were expected to fulfill in their municipal housekeeping activities, and the rac ism found in many communities.


50 publications. Although state membership numbers were not available, national Audubon membership showed a st rong female component. By 1909, its leadership may have been all male, but 40 percent of National Audubon was female a number that grew to over 50 percent by 1915. At FAS, the presidency was held by men for the first two decades, but women were part of the executive committee and served in many top roles, including leadership of local groups. Many were also GFWC members and leaders, including Mary Munroe, who helped found the Coconut Grove and then the Miami Audubon societies and later served on the FAS exe cutive committee. Munroe also spread her attention to other issues, helping start the y and was active as a FAS vice president and executive committee member (her husband was president). established the first domestic science program at Rollins College, wi th the goal of improving the two volume The Women of Florida in 1940 to pay homage to other activist females in the state and 45 A prime example of a Florida progressive woman was Katherine Bell Tippetts, a community activist who co founded the St. Petersburg Audubon Society (SPAS) in 1909 and 45 Merchant 79 80; Orr, Saving American Birds 204 ; Lucy Worthington Blackman, The Women of Florida: Vol. II (The Southern Historica l Publishing Associates, 1940), 70, 89, 145 ; Lucy Worthi ngton Blackman, The Women of Florida: Vol. I (The Southern Historical Publishing Associates, 1940), x; William Fremont Blackman, History of Orange County Florida 186; Blackman, The Florida Audubon Society, 25, 42 ; rts Bird Lore (December 1913): 448 ; news article from unknown newspaper, FAS unnamed files ; a Feather: The Coconut Grove Audubon Society, 1915 1917 Tequesta 45 ( 1985 ): 3 27.


51 served as its president until 1940 the longest ten ure of any SPAS president. 46 Tippetts was a other roles in the organization. One of her strongest interests was in the conservation movement, a role that eventually Well educated and the widow of a foreign correspondent, Tippetts was a businesswoman with the time and energy to be involved in many aspects of her community. I n 1909, the same year her husband died, Tippetts took over his hotel and real estate interests and then pursued one of her own, founding the St. Petersburg Audubon Society, which followed the FAS example of working to educate the public about imperiled bird populations. In a 19 10 newspaper article, Tippetts wrote that her passion for saving birds began long before her move to Florida. Tippetts described at length the numerous birds that she discovered in the South and an incident that led to the founding of SPAS. One day she saw a boy shoot a cardinal, and when she reached him she birds killed sic ] I resolved t something she accomplished a short time later. 47 posted summaries of state bird laws and successfully urged a Chicago publisher of a bo publication to remove air gun advertisements. In subsequent years SPAS also fought for protection of the meadowlark and encouraged its members to build birdhouses. Tippetts foresaw that saving birds would create a confrontation with agricultural intere sts that sought to rid their field of birds they considered nuisances. In the same article, Tippetts posed a logical argument to 46 Blackman, The Women of Florida: Vol. II 70, 92 7; Blackman, The Florida Audubon Society, 2 5, 42; Petersburg, Florida. 47 Tampa Bay History 22 (2008): 61 63.


52 to date farmer learns to leave a corner of his domain in the natural state to attract the birds, the sooner he 48 This is not an appeal to the aesthetically minded, but a plain statement of facts, given to all in the hopes that it will be read with thought and will induce an awakening of public sentiment toward making St. Petersburg known for its myriad song birds. I long for the time to com e when the passion for bird protection will have become so commonplace for that state only can be reached when all humanity assists in the work. 49 conservation of our ow n resources: forests, lands, mineral and water, [illegible] one of the three things for which the [President Theodore] Roosevelt administration will probably be longest about the aesthetic beauty and utilitarian importance of birds were regularly employed by naturalists of her era, Barrow notes. In the coming decades, those arguments would come to include ecological, evoluti onary, cultural, scientific, and ethical reasons. 50 SPAS started Junior Audubon classes in local schools and offered annual prizes to children her skills, media savvy and connections to win local and state protections, including bird sanctuaries and the passage of a short lived 1913 law to establish the Florida Fish and Game Commission and city ordinance requiring licensing of cats, considered a scourge to bird populations. Tippetts also made it a SPAS mission to save the robin, considered 48 Ibid., 63. 49 Ibid. 50 Ibid.; Barrow, 6 7, 10.


53 an agricultural pest but one that she argued instead was a friend to farmers as well as aesthetic delight. A photograph, hand dated March 1913, in the SPAS scr apbook, shows Tippetts with three other women and two elementary school girls, all in long white dresses, holding a 70 foot petition with signatures that asked the state legislature to save the robin a measure that passed two months later. 51 Despite the des ignation of Pelican Island as a federal wildlife refuge, Tippetts and SPAS still did battle to save the birds from fishing interests that portrayed the birds as ugly creatures that competed with working folks for food. During the food shortage of the first World War, largely reduce the catch of food fish and that he ser Largo Sentinel reported that a single pelican ate an estimated nine pounds of fish daily an exaggerated figure. When multiplied to an annual figure and then multiplied to cover the 50,000 pelicans, the newspaper estimat ed that the birds ate 169,250,000 pounds of fish per year fish better used to the usefulness fanatics if you will who put up a 52 51 wing ahead of time St. Petersburg Times June 18, 1997, accessed Aug ust 13, 2006 http://pqasb html?dids=12550349 :12550349&F

54 The Audubon response was rapid and controlled anything but fanatic and it relied on chairman of economy and utilization for the State Council of Defense, replied in a published statement that there was no way to verify the am ount of fish pelicans ate, that fishermen wasted picturesque attractions, especially to our winter tourist, as inseparable of association with the state as the Association of Audubon Societies, raised objections at the national level and later assured Florida groups that the bird would be protected. In a letter to SPAS, Pearson society for its activity in the matter and assured the members that their alertness in passing resolutions and taking other steps in behalf of the pelican were appreciated by the national ey vultures and helped fund a warden to protect local bird colonies. 53 Tippetts was a skilled communicator, and she regularly contributed articles to local alone. He r appeals, framed in two punch arguments that stressed the beauty of birds along with nature is your heritage and there is no lovelier thing in nature than our bi aesthetic appeal, surely you will see the economic value of saving bird life. As tree protectors, health protectors and crop pres ervers, our birds have no equal, and once they are gone, even millions of dollars in chemicals and labor cannot replace what they do for us. Do you know that 53 Tampa Daily Times March 8, 1918; Poole,


55 scientists declare we humans could not exist a score of years if we were entirely deprived of all 54 In 1920, Tippetts became the first female FAS president the same year American women won the right to vote. It signaled a new start for FAS and acknowledged the powerful role that women ha municipal and private sanctuary movement in Florida, and her familiarity with legislative re quirements and her close touch with National conservation groups made her a very valuable Blackman wrote. Tippetts also had led the effort to create eleven bird sanctuaries in Pinellas County. By the third anniversary of her leadership, Florida had thirty new sanctuaries and Volusia County was the first county in the country to be designated a sanctuary by a state legislature. 55 In 1922 Tippetts and Myrtice McCaskill, of Taylor County, were the first women in so close it forced a re count an indication of her political interests, accomplishments, and at her Tallahassee experiences convinced her that she could do a better job than a male legislator: The first great shock to the women new to the methods of the Halls of the Legislature is the fact that during the first weeks of the session the men assembl ed 54 St. Petersburg Tim es January 3, 1924, 10. 55 Blackman, The Florida Audubon Society 31 33.


56 to thrash out the grave problems of the state act like a bunch of boys kept unwillingly in school. The slightest mention of invitations to picnics or fish fries Hou se and Committee meetings loom menacingly that the older and stricter Members are able to hold the boys in check, some of whom had rather vote to adjourn for picnics, seemingly, than for their favorite bill. 56 Like many women of her era, Tippetts was involv ed in a host of other groups, including the National Park Association, the Boy Scouts of America, the Florida Chamber of Commerce, as Bird Chairman. She succeeded in getting the mockingbird named the official Florida state bird, encouraged similar bird campaigns in other states, and worked to have the wild rose named the national flower. 57 Despite her many activities, Tippetts held an attitude shared by many of the s ame gender during her era, declaring that her priorities put her children first, business second, 58 the woman who once scolded other reply almos have languished at the level of resource conservation and game protection, so fatuously wedded were men to market values and sporting activities. As it happened, the insouci ant plundering of 56 73. 57 St. Petersburg Times Ma rch 17, 1999, accessed Aug. 13, 2006 http://pqasb.pqarchiver .com/sptimes/access/39804287.html?dids=39804287:39804287&FMT=FT&FMT S=ABS:FT&date=Mar+17%2C+1999&author=SCOTT+TAYLOR+HARTZELL&pub=St.+Petersburg+ Times&edition=&startpage=5&desc=%27Everything+she+d id+was+her+way+of+being+good%27&pf= 1 ; Blackman, The Women of Florida: Vol. II 70. 58


57 nature agitated women, who founded organizations, lobbied for protective legislation, and left a legacy on which others 59 In its second decade, Florida Audubon continued to pursue the objectives it first set education, public awareness, and increased protection. By 1911 almost every state in the U. S. had adopted the AOU model law and had an Audubon society. Florida had new legislation that outlawed target shooting of live birds. A New York state law forbade plume sales, hurti ng the millinery trade in illegal plumes, and in 1913 two federal laws a migratory bird law and a non importation law went into effect as broader attempts to end the bird extermination business. Marrs worked three months to secure the non importation law which drew some 200,000 letters and telegrams to Congressional leaders. When it passed, the price of plumes, bird skins, and feathers in London and Berlin dropped dramatically but sales did not cease. That same year, Florida passed legislation creating a state fish and game commission, which used law enforcement officers as ex officio wildlife wardens. The state also enacted safeguards for the robin, which had been left out of the 1901 law. Unfortunately, both laws were repealed two years later when the l followed an orgy of lawless hunting and fishing and shooting under the system of county wardens appointed all too largely for political favors, which made the most optimistic Aud legislation under which and against which the Audubon Society had to work for the next attitudes that FAS had molded, she notes. 60 59 Davis, An Everglades Providence 215. 60 Orr, Saving American Birds 3 ; Blackman, The Florida Audubon Society 26 30 ; Mrs. Kingsmill Marrs, Audubon Reports Lore (November December 1911): 367.


58 The FAS leaders labored on, determined to continue its mission against persistent, although illegal, plume hunting. William F. Blackman, FAS president and president of Rollins traveled around the state giving Audubon talks to stop the plume related deaths. However, tragedy struck in 1916 with the destruction of the Alligator Bay Rookery in southwest Florida, then the largest egret rookery in the state. Poachers shot an estimat ed eight hundred birds and torched the rookery to force the colony to move to more accessible grounds all because there were not enough funds to pay for patrolling wardens to guard the nesting area. Not all state birds were lost, however, thanks in part to FAS help that had increased rookery numbers. By 1920 the federal government had established ten federal bird refuges in Florida in coastal nesting areas, and the National Association of Audubon Societies had preserved an additional island in Alachua Count y as a reservation. It also helped that fashion changed in the early twentieth century, ending the era of plume adorned hats and clothing. By 1917, prostitutes were using plumes in their hats, leading many women to stop wearing them. The popularity of new enclosed automobiles made wearing such unwieldy hats difficult, and the outbreak of World War I and, later, the economic downturn in the Great Depression, discouraged the wearing of such spectacular headgear. Still, many species were in serious peril. 61 Ame rican involvement in World War I sapped some of the FAS strength from 1917 to 1919, but the group stayed active, developing a four page publication for quarterly mailings to all FAS members. It had been a remarkable twenty years for the Florida Audubon Soc iety. From a founding group of fifteen, the gathering inspired by Clara Dommerich had grown into an organization with a membership of more than one hundred times that amount, pressing for legislation, education, and public awareness. Although it took two d ecades before a female 61 Blackman, The Florida Audubon Society 21, 30 31, 44 ; Derr, Some Kind of Paradise 138 139; Davis, An Everglades Providence 193.


59 became its elected leader, FAS had many women in critical leadership roles. They used their talents to handle the finances, keep records, communicate with many different groups, write brochures, and lead meetings. They traveled to me et with national leaders and kept the emphasis on educating the public about the needless destruction invaluable connections wit grassroots support from other progressive women for FAS initiatives at the local, state and national levels. In short, FAS gave women the opportunity to shine as grassroots organizers and civic leaders. In return, the women breathed vibrant life into the Florida Audubon Society and made it a force with which to be reckoned from its infancy into its adolescent years. Theirs was a large hand on the button of affairs in the state of Florida and on the progressive pulse of the United States and its growing conservation movement. Although it was largely unseen, the passionate, tenacious work of these community minded women would be felt well into the next century.


60 C HAPTER 3 CONSERVATION, FOREST S, AN D PARKS In 1923, Miami journalist Marjory Stoneman Douglas penned an article in which she envisioned a bright future for the Florida Everglades as a drained farmland of rich black, muck perhaps the home of future orchards of mangoes and other fruit bearing plants. These are unexpected words from a woman who would come to be known late in life for her activist efforts to preserve and restore this unique natural system. Indeed, she would b e recognized as the patron saint of the Everglades, whose very appearance at a zoning hearing could doom any development project in or near the wetlands. Agricultural damage to the Everglades would become the bane of her existence. Her activist work on beh alf of this unique ecosystem will be examined in Chapter 6 but it is important to note that, during the first half of the twentieth century, Douglas reflected the progressive conservation ideals that many Florida men and women espoused: the belief that na tural resources in the United States should be used wisely, with scientific efficiency, for the existed into towns, farms, and parks. 1 The American conservatio n movement arose in the late nineteenth century as a response to to water resources, and dwindling numbers of native species. Historian Samuel Hays notes that based fields, such as hydrology, forestry, anning to promote efficient 1 Jack E. Davis, and American Environmentalism Davis and Arsenault, Paradise Lost? 298, 305 306 ; Samuel P. Hays Conservation and The Gospel of Efficiency: The Progressive Conservation Movement, 1890 1920 (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1959), 2.


61 power, irrigating arid lands, and replanting forests for future use. However, he adds, by the first decade of the twentieth century th e movement started to change shape, expanding to include the values of preservation It was a conflict in attitudes and actions that would divide and redefine the national crusade as th restoring forests as well as destroying wetlands. Florida women, particula rly those involved in same gender clubs, participated eagerly in the movement, adopting its ideals and promoting them around the state. Deprived of the vote, conservation minded women still exerted considerable political pressure, using their extensive con nections and energies to try to right the wrongs dominated industry, development, and government. In a very real sense, they were awakening to the environmental mess that men had made of the state and were c impulses to clean it up. In tackling these issues effectively, women also raised the status of their gender, becoming a force that the male power structure not only could not ignore, but one with which they occasionally engaged, as with forestry, to press their like minded agendas. These women used these opportunities to establish individual identities for themselves in public life, further stretching the public gender boundaries. 2 Of late ma United States and in Florida. The land, scholars note, was culturally viewed as feminin e, as 2 Pont ing, A Green History of the World 167 170; Hays, Conservation and the Gospel of Efficiency 2,141.


62 manipulated, and controlled. This is not a uniquely American attitude, writes Louise H. ution from the most ancient human past in which an analogy seems to have gen assumed between the body of a Male led colonial activities crea territories into what later became farms, cities, and into an urban nation. Often these changes 3 Women pioneers, however, did not see the frontie r as a sexual conquest and therefore had a different civilizing response. Although they may have been reluctant migrants to wilderness and prairie areas, women set about domesticating the land by seeding gardens, planting flowers, and beautifying town squa res familiar paradise by conquering the land, women instead created gardens to make their homes paradise. Florida women reacted in much the same way, particularly when they saw the land t hey had envisioned as an Edenic paradise threatened and denuded by saws and development. As 3 Louise H. Westling, The Green Breast of the New World: Landscape, Gender, and American Fiction (Athens: The University of Georgia Press, 1996), 5 6; Annet te Kolodny, The Lay of the Land: Metaphor as Experience and History in American Life and Letters (Chapel Hill: The University of North Carolina Press, 1975), 7 9.


63 Chapter 4 artificial landscape to enhance the natural one they found in the state. 4 was the toll that destructive timber and logging practices were taking in the United States. Many productive and beautiful forests and trees were being converted into com modities to build and fuel the fast growing country and its rising industries, with little thought to replenishing them for by 1930 only 13 percent still exist s William Cronon. The prime focus was the white pine, which ranged widely from New England to the Great Plains and also floated, meaning that it could be cut in one place such as the upper Midwest and moved a great distance through water systems to markets such as those in scape if and when the white pines finally area boosters rationalized these practices. By the 1890s, pines that were once plentiful in Michigan, Wisconsin, a nd Minnesota began to disappear, and fires often followed as farmers claimed lands for agriculture that never became productive because the clear cutting and fires had reduced soil fertility. 5 4 Annette Kolodny, The Land Before Her: Fantasy and Experience of the American Frontiers, 163 0 1860 ( Chapel Hill: The University of North Carolina Press, 1984), xiii, 6 12, 54. 5 Ponting, A Green History of the World 256.William Cronon, Great West (New York: W.W. Norton, 1991), 151 154, 202 203.


64 Florida forests were subject to the same practices that raised national alarms. At the end of the late nineteenth century, vast stands of longleaf pines that once covered 60 million acres throughout the southeastern United States were rapidly disappearing, writes Lawrence S. Earley in Looking for Longleaf: The Fall an d Rise of an American Forest By 1996, only 2.95 million acres of longleaf remained, and almost all the old growth areas were gone a decline of 98 6 Earley uses three words t exploited its resources, and changed the natural processes that had evolved with it and uilty included farmers, turpentine extractors, lumber and paper companies, that the cut and run loggers then beginning to pillage the great bald cypress and longleaf forests throughout while they moved on to the next forest. Those watching the devastation left in the wake of such practices advocated new conservation principles that called for treating trees as a crop, which meant that th ey needed to be grown, harvested, and regenerated compared to previous practices. 7 earliest European colonists. In 1782, Francis Philip Fa tio, who built three plantations on the St. 6 Lawrence S. Earley, Looking for Longleaf: The Fall and Rise of an American Forest (Chapel Hill: The University of North Carolina Press, 2004), 1 2. 7 Ibid., 3, 175.


65 Johns River to grow indigo and citrus, raise sheep, and obtain turpentine from pine trees, The forests on these lands will produce any quantity of tar, pitch and protection from destructive practices, including fires, and young trees should be left t o restore the forest cover. "Experience has taught us how to remedy that vast destruction of timber, and proper provincial laws should be made to prevent setting on fire the pine bearing lands, to regulate the boxing of trees for turpentine, to prohibit th e extirpating of the young saplings, and to fix the that his advice had fallen on deaf ears, as timber companies continued to harvest forests without replanting Rollins College in Winter Park, Florida. The National Society of Colonial Dames in Ame rica in Florida then dedicated a coquina garden seat in his memory and that of his descendant, Lina the trees of Florida, not only because of their great economic value to the State, [but] as a protection to the soil, and as the source of lumber and naval stores. The spirit of her great great grandfather Francis Philip Fatio lived again in her, in her lo 8 8 The History of the School of Forest Resources & Conservation and the Austin Cary Memorial Forest, U niversity of Florida School of Forest Reso urces & Conservation, accessed March 25, 2011 ; Program for presentation of seat and plaque Lina Philip Fatio collection, File 05C Fatio Garden Seat. Archiv es and Special Collections, Olin Library, Rollins College, Winte r Park, F la. ; Florida Times Union December 8, 1935, n.p.; Anglas Papers, UF Record Group 98 Box 3: Memorabilia and Photographs, File 3 : College, Winter Park, F la


66 business for in state and out of state companies. The state, with a population of 140,424, had 87 sawmills that produ ced products valued at $1.47 million annually. Within the next twenty years Florida had 10 naval stores plants, and its 135 sawmills were producing 248 million feet of et. of public timberland were sold in the late nineteenth century to largely non southern lumber lumberman reported that the woods were fu ll of similarly minded men from Michigan. Lumber transport was a very wasteful practice. In Florida, as well as in other southern states, timber often was floated by river to mills or to railroad spurs where it could be transported for processing; cut logs often were left rotting on riverbanks or on river bottoms. 9 Early on, many Florida women, particularly members of the Florida Federation of practices in the state. In many ways the group mimicked the conservation concerns of the forests from various perspectives. In 1905 the FFWC forestry committee issued a report quoting President T 9


67 lumber resources could hinder U.S. industry, a common conservation sentimen t that led the president to work for better forestry practices. 10 Roosevelt and much of America had awakened to forestry and conservation issues through alarms sounded by George Perkins Marsh in his 1864 groundbreaking book, Man and Nature : or Physical Geog raphy as Modified by Human Action Marsh warned that human destruction of the he plants his foot, the harmonies of nature are turned to discords. The proportions and who had traveled extensively outside the U.S., believed that great civilizations, including those in the Mediterranean area, had collapsed because of their abus e of natural systems and resources. the g 11 first birthday gift for Gifford Pinchot, who would dawning first career forester in the United States, having trained in France. A friend of Roosevelt, Pinchot became the first director of what became the U.S. Forest Service, wh ere he emphasized the 10 Meyer, Leading the Way 35. 11 George Perkin American Environmentalism: Readings in Conservation History 3 rd ed., Roderick Frazier Nash ed. (New York: McGraw Hill, 1990), 41, 44; Char Miller, Gifford Pinchot and the Making of Modern Environmentalism ( Washington, D.C .: Island Press/Shearwater Books, 2001), 55 56


68 e inevitable result, is national efficiency. In the great commercial struggle between nations, which is eventually to determine the welfare of all, national efficiency will be the deciding factor. So from every point of view conservation is a good thing fo 12 timber and empowered the president to set aside such public lands. President Benjamin Harrison used this to protect 13 million acres in el even forest reserves where no commercial lumber removal was allowed and in six timberland areas where supervised logging was allowed. Pinchot presidential terms, the two worked together to set aside more forested land, developing a national policy that gained public support. By the time Roosevelt took office, there were forty one forest reserves of 46.4 million acres. By the time he left office in 1909, he had increas ed that to 150.8 million acres in 159 national forests. What had been an industry of exploitation of cut and move on with little regard for the devastation and waste left behind now turned into long term planning and promotion of what historian Hays calls 13 The management of these forests, however, would not resemble the biodiverse woods of the past. Now they would be planted and replanted with specific species desired for their quick growth and commercial success. It wa s an improvement on past practices, but still with an eye toward nature as a commodity. 12 Roderick Frazier Nash, ed., American Environmentalism: Readings in Conservation History 3 rd ed. (New York: McGraw American Environmentalism: Readings in Conservation History 3 rd ed., 75. 13 Brinkley, The Wilderness Warrior 237 238; Hays, Conservation and The Gospel of Efficiency 2, 47, 127.


69 American Revolution, supported this new conservation model. National Conservation Association wrote that three women leaders in these two organizations of conservation for movement. It organized campaigns to save the Minnesota National Forests, the Palisades Park in New York and New Jersey, and the Big Trees in California; it agitated effectively for the bill to establish the A 14 from past forestry practices was not only undenia ble, but also obvious in many parts of the country. Women, freed from the constraints of business ties, were horrified by the aesthetic toll but also moved to act by the damage that lumber removal caused: erosion, watershed pollution, and forest fires. The congregate numbers would gain public and political attention, forcing better forestry management. In Minnesota, Lydia Phillips Williams of the Minnesota federation and GFWC Forestry Ch air from 1904 1906, organized members in an effort to repeal a timber act that threatened the Chippewa Forest Reserve. They traveled to Washington, D.C., to threaten their 14 Hays, Conservation and The Gospel of Efficiency 142, 144.


70 representatives an interesting electoral twist. In California, Laur a White, president and founder exterminate moths that threatened trees. Philadelphia women organized the Pennsylvania Forestry Association and worked to create forest reserves and the Pennsylvania Department of Forestry. The GFWC also supported and coordinated efforts to create national forest reserves in the Southern Appalac hians and New Hampshire and backed the passage of the federal Weeks 283 clubs reported that they had sent letters and petitions for state and national legislati on on 15 nagement of forests and the support to legislation creating state f orestry departments, state forest reserves, state parks, and 16 15 Carolyn Merchant, Ear thcare : Women and the Environment (New York: Routledge, 1995) 110 116. Redwoods: Clubwomen and Conservation, 1900 California Women and Politics: From t he Gold Rush to the Great Depression Robert W. Cherny, Mary Ann Irwin, and Ann Marie Wilson eds. (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 2010), 171, n. 21, n.22. 16 ent in the Conservation Movement, 1900 1930? Women and Social Movements in the United States, 1600 2000, Kathryn Kish Sklar and Thomas Dublin eds., accessed March 18, 2010,


71 alignment with and opposition fr in Humboldt County, California, worked with their state organization for two decades to purchase a grove of redwoods to create a park, historian Cameron Binkley shows how women, upset about loggi ng of the big trees, worked together and with the chamber of commerce, the watershed, the latter of great importance to health in the arid west. They also fought to save an area that had been a favorite camping and picnicking area for locals. Although they went up against logging, a male dominated industry, the female and male g roups converged to support money to match state funds to buy the were circumscribed by the social mores of the period, requiring innovative thinking and methods that forced change without making women social pariahs. 17 Without the ability to vote until 1920, women used their organizing skills and moral authority to gain political power and s upport the conservation cause, giving it a gendered sensibility. Perhaps nowhere is the difference in sexes more apparent than in a 1908 article for Forestry and Irrigation written by Lydia Adams Williams, a conservation writer and forestry chair for the 17 The Western Historical Quarterly 33.2 (Summer 2002): 182 188, 196 200, 202.


72 Williams, conservation clearly was apacious waste and complete exhaustion the resources upon which depend the welfare of the home, the practice of saving, of conserving, even been a paramount issue. women and men as an undifferentiated groups, Adams Williams saw the sexes as vastly different building home, family, and community, whi le male ventures focused only on economics, causing railroads, construction [ sic ] ships, engineering great projects, and exploiting vast commercial and financial enterprises, to take the time necessary to consider the problems which concern the entiment in favor economically handcuffed to achieve, but at the same time females would educate their families. patriotic duty of elevating the Nation may be changed by the motherhood of the country in a single generation, and this peopl e converted from the most wasteful and extravagant in the world 18 18 Lydia Adams Forestry and Irrigation 14 (1908): 350 351, in How Di Conservation Movement, 1900 1930 in Women and Social Movements in the United States, 1600 2000 accessed March 18, 2010,


73 Crocker espoused using scientifically approved methods to conserve natu will come when the world will not be able to support life, and then we shall have no need of conservation of health, strength or vital force, because we must have the things to support life or no doubt in an attempt to gain male attention that forests were valuable not only for their wood products but also their role in creating and nourishing soil; erosion prevention; protection of water resources; production of clean air; and come from aesthetics and health evidence. 19 Initially, women were welcomed to the forestry movement by the American Forestry Association (AFA), w hich included them at its annual meetings and as authors of articles in its The GFWC was invited to submit rep orts on their forestry activities in 1906, and forest poems by members were published. But the writes, noting a 1910 editorial in American Forestry 19 Major Problems in American Environmental History ed. Carolyn Merchant (Lexington, Mass.: D.C. Heath, 1993), 353 355. Note: Undomesticated Ground: Recasting Nature as Fe minist Space (Ithaca, N.Y.: Cornell University Press, 2000), 202, n. 27.


74 no longer published as of the following year. The AFA credentials, were seen as unprofessional because they concerned themselves more with the 20 different treatment from state forestry leaders, largely because one of them was a woman. The most powerful Florida woman in the progressive forestry movement perhaps the most powerful person was May Mann Jennings, wife of a former governor, and a committed conservationist who was born into political life. Her father, Austin Shuey Mann, was a constitut ion and serving in the state senate. Her husband, William Sherman Jennings, was Florida governor from 1901 to 1905, representing a period of progressive politics in which his administration achieved a variety of innovative social and conservation legislati on, including roles at local, state, and national levels. She also serve d on the state Chamber of Commerce and According to her biographer, Linda D. Vance, by age 42, with her unanimous election in 1914 as president of the FFWC, Jen 21 20 Rome, r maphrodites 11. 21 Vance, May Mann Jennings 1 8, 79, 121; Albert E. Cowdrey, This Land, This South: An Environmental History (Lexington: The University Pr ess of Kentucky, 1983), 111 113.


75 The Jennings family h ad large timber holdings and, therefore, a personal interest in their wise management. Jennings often worked with her son, Bryan, on forestry matters. In 1919, she spoke before the Conference of Southern Foresters, arguing that the state needed a departmen t of natural resources to oversee forestry and conservation programs. That earned her a seat on a the creation of the Florida Forestry Association. Bryan Jenni ngs was named vice president, and something particularly notable since this came a year before she was able to vote, indicating her legislative power and success. The new group wor ked to preserve forests and wildlife and to eliminate wildfires, helping set up county forest fire protective associations, pushing the creation of a state forestry board, and publishing pamphlets to educate the public about its concerns. Mr. B. F. William idea of getting together a group to develop it into the forest service and she really sparked the 22 work paid off when legislative approval came in 1927. entirely m yself except for several days work done at different times during the session by my Jennings was lauded by news media and national forestry officials for th is achievement, which 22 Vance, May Mann Jennings 118 120.


76 23 interests could meld wi remedy natural resource problems. In doing so, she flexed politically strong muscles while also claiming the hearth and home and promoting the idea of municipal housekeeping. In a 192 4 be, first of all, good home profession. The most wonderful function of woman is mothe tactfully earned favor with the men fro m whom she sought and gained cooperation, despite the cleverly couching it in motherhood and hearth even though it long ago had moved into the public realm, demand ing reforms far from home. 24 Jennings and club women put their energies into what essentially were grassroots actions, also suggests being outside the control of any state, church, union, or political party. To the women claiming its provenance, being from the grassroots generally means being free from any constraining political affiliations and being responsible to no authority except their own group. Though such wome n generally recognize their seeming powerlessness against corporate and governmental opponents, they also 23 Ibid., 121. 24 The Atlanta Constitution March 2, 1924, accessed through ProQuest Historical Newsp apers.


77 assert their moral superiority, their right to be responsible citizens, not according to official laws, but on their own terms. 25 In Crazy for Democrac y: Women in Grassroots Movements Kaplan highlights modern women fighting for environmental justice in the United States and South Africa, finding a common belief among activists that everyone is entitled to safe housing and a clean environment, dominant societal roles as wives and mothers, use that cultural position to act aga inst anything that threatens their homes and communities. It is not a biological trait, Kaplan says, but a This is familiar From the dawn of the twentieth arguments and moral claims to justify saving birds, preserving forests, and creating parks. Men had created the mess or so it was underst ood and in Florida, women were there to try to clean it up or repair it, as they did at home, especially when it threatened the health of their children, neighbors, and community both human and nonhuman. 26 At the same time Jennings and club women were asser ting moral authority in their experience. In gaining the endorsement and cooperation of men on these issues for problems caused by male dominated businesses and institutions, the women effectively were elevating the female profile in new areas of public and civic concern. These women, Jennings, Crocker, and Adams Williams, also were carving out individual identities for themselves. Jennings was not 25 Temma Kaplan, Crazy for Democracy: Women in Grassroots Movements (New York: Routledge, 1997), 1 2. 26 Ibid., 1 8.


78 just Mrs. Will iam Jennings she was May Mann Jennings, a person in her own right and an Williams found platforms on the national level, gaining respect of conservation proponents of both sexes. It wa s first and last names rather than by their own given names. In an effort to highlight the many accomplishments of Florida women who had been overlooked by hist orians, Lucy Worthington Blackman penned the two volume The Women of Florida historical record by inserting women into a narrative that had long ignored them. She wro te in her prospectus for the project: Several histories of Florida have been published, more or less comprehensive and meritorious, besides a number of county and other local chronicles. I have read most of these, and have been struck with the fact that t hey deal in the main with men only; their authors seem to have been oblivious to the fact that in all these years there have been women in Florida, as well as men, and as many of them, and that these women have taken part in some instances, indeed, a consp icuous and memorable part, and in all cases certainly an essential part in the development of the state. In some cases, women have been mentioned, but commonly in a casual and parenthetic manner only, as having been married on such and such a date to certa in men. 27 League of Women Voters, the Junior League of Florida, and the Florida F ederation of Garden Clubs. The second volume was composed of biographies of 164 women, some of whom were by their full names. Many entries featured large bl ack and white photographic portraits of her subjects. Blackman made a point of individualizing each featured woman by discussing her 27 Blackman, The Women of Florida: Vol. I ix.


79 education, family, club memberships, and civic achievements. Blackman wrote that the women he constructive movements of the women who have helped in the work, something Florida historians until that point had failed to recognize. One need only to pick 28 lasting fame, owing to her mastery of diplomacy. In later years Jennings r eceived a FFA citation a treatment far unlike that doled out by the AFA, was legislation. When Stetson University, at DeLand, awarded her an Honorary Doctor of Laws Degree in 1931, the University President commented jovially that he knew of no one who vely and energetically connected with many other worthwhile Mrs. Jennings or May Mann Jennings, she had distinguished herself not only as a woman but also as an impo rtant Florida leader. 29 forests, producing pamphlets about preventing forest fires and planting trees to raise public awareness. Their interests also meshed with concerns illustrated in Chapter 2 forests also meant losing the habitats that supported avian life. In this way, saving large stands of 28 Ibid., x. 29 pers, Box 23, Misc. File: Department of Conservation Special and Area Studies Collections, Smathers UF MSS.


80 timber was commensura te with protecting wildlife, adding additional impetus to the movement to conserve trees. They fought for forests, habitat, and wildlife and used a many pronged approach to appeal to both sexes. Maud Neff Whitman, FFWC conservation chair, noting that some states had begun saving haunts for wild life there can be no birds o 30 In a 1922 report to her fellow club women, Whitman, of Orlando, railed about devastation caused by lumber interests and forest fires and called upon women to change things, using reasoning that incorporated conservation and economic messages, muc h as the California women had in their defense of the redwoods: It is useless to expect the average man financially interested in timber to heed any altruistic appeal. He is not concerned with the beauties of Nature, is indifferent to an appeal to sentimen t but is quick to listen to sound financial argument. If he can unless it can be assured a continuous supply of timber he will at least give some attention to the conservati on question. Without her forests Florida would lose her lumber industry and thousands of aces of land, unfit for other use, would become a barren waste. Without her forests Florida would have no game and would present no attractions to the hundreds of spo rtsmen who come here each season and whose value in dollars and cents can hardly be estimated. Without her forests Florida would lose much of the beauty and mildness of climate 31 member groups. It included arguments designed to appeal to male and female sensibilities economic and sports reasons for men and beauty for women. In a pamphlet the GFWC published 30 The Florida Bulletin 2.3 (December 1922): 6 7. 31 Ibid., 7.


81 abou Wild Life Refuges Committee, emphasized in a manner reminiscent of Marsh that forests were erve the soil, Again, these were issues that covered a wide range of concerns, and most residents could agree tivists were demonstrating that they grasped all the pertinent issues that concerned women and men and were ready and able to counter them in their efforts to protect forests and wildlife, a natural extension of the female sphere of influence. 32 This theme was evoked almost a century earlier by Susan Fenimore Cooper, a New York Rural Hours Cooper prov Women and Nature: Saving protecting animals planting female pioneers. Cooper was variety of interests some pragmatic, some aesthetic, s Americans could no longer behave as though they were just passing through, on their way back to the old home across the ocean or to the n 32 Papers (Record Group 2), P Washington, D.C., 2, in Jarvis, Involvement in the Conservation Movement


82 and not just trees, but other plants and creatures that made the hab itat their home 33 Other women authors and naturalists followed Cooper in this tradition, many of them from middle class backgrounds with lives rooted to their homes. Mary Treat, who lived in New Jersey and often made winter trips to Florida, in her 1885 Home Studies in Nature observed the natural ooper, Treat found little difference between of the female existence no w stretched far into the natural world. 34 The natural world also extended into educating children, long part of the female sphere. In Teaching Children Science: Hands On Nature Study in North America, 1890 1930 historian Sally Gregory Kohlstedt analyzes h ow nature study became a required school subject for youth across the nation, providing early science instruction. Progressive Era conservation and preservation advocates used school lessons to promote their philosophies, which served to inform and inspire role in shaping certain ways of knowing about the natural world and indeed integrating specific knowledge in the lives of pupils in early twentieth 35 As cons became politically adept in their activism and often were courted by industry groups who sought 33 Glenda Riley, (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1999), 65; Vera Norwood, Made From This Earth : American Women and Nature (Chapel Hill: The University of North Carolina Press, 1993), 34 35. 34 Norwood, Made From This Earth 41 43. 35 Sally Gregory Kohlstedt, Tea ching Children Science: Hands O n Nature Study in North America 1890 1930 (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2010), 10.


83 their participation. By the 1920s, the American Forestry Association, in a tu rnaround from its and prevent fires, wrote Whitley, suggesting that her fellow club women present programs on the topic, work with forestry commissions about state needs, press for school instruction on the issue, and write new club programs and literature. It should be noted that, in the 1930s, Lura Reineman Wilson, of Jacksonville, served as vice president of the AFA, perhaps because she had served as the FFWC rep resentative to the Florida State Chamber of Commerce, was GFWC chair of Conservation and Natural Resources, and was active in state Democratic politics. Her husband had owned a mill and lumber company. Here was a woman with a wealth of connections through valuable addition to the AFA. 36 Articles regularly featured in The Florida Bulletin the FFWC publication, demonstrated a forestry, and economics as well as a plea to aesthetics Florida must awake to the fact that beautiful forests of timbered land, pine trees and cypress swamps must b e conserved if the picturesque landscapes of Florida count for anything in the She should be noted, does not mean hoarding; it means wise use, strict prohibition of slovenly lumbering practices, systematic replenishment and, above all, the sto 37 36 The Women of Florida: Vol. II 134. 37 The Florida Bulletin (September 1923): 5.


84 Twenty five years later, another FFWC member echoed these sentiments, reflecting the ed slash pine I feel that here are trained Jeffreys in 1948, notin g that Florida at that time had 38 million acres of land, of which 23 million acres were forests. She complained about forest fires that she reported caused $8 million in the forests. This would be a dreary and cheerless land without forests. While we are battling for economic 38 It was an argument that appealed to patriotism, male and female alike, while also invoking the largely female aesthetic appeal. It also revealed a lack of ecological knowledge forest fires them. Pulitzer Prize winning author Marjorie Kinnan Rawlings, whose books were steeped in stands, also used a patriotic theme in making the case for better forestry practices. In 19 42, the same year of publication of Cross Creek, a semi autobiographical account of her life in the same named hamlet, Rawlings agreed to write an article for the U.S Forest Service for Colliers the clear cutting of southern long leaf pine forests by timber 38 The Florida Bulletin The History of the Garde n Club of Jacksonville, Florida (Jacksonville: The Garden Club of Jacksonville, Florida, 1960), 22, accessed July 9, 2011, corner/Home/garden club history


85 companies at the time by the need to support the war effort. Her response had a wartime flavor and also claimed pat riotism: We must fight also at this critical moment to preserve the God given forests without which we should be helpless atoms on a sterile earth 39 When the Colliers article was published, Rawlings was as ked by a member of Congress to write more articles about the timber industry. She demurred, but wrote her husband, who was serving abroad in the American Field Service: I feel if I could be of help in such a critical matter, perhaps I ought to. My literatu re is painfully likely not to be deathless, but I might go down in history as the g al who 40 women on other conservation projects. In 1925, she joined forces with Katherine Bell Tippetts, of St. Petersburg, to secure protection for a variety of state plants that also were in peril, often from over collection for home decorations, especially native hollies that were much in demand during the Chris tmas season. That year Jennings also pushed legislation to create a Commission of Game and Fresh Water Fish, demonstrating conservation interests that acknowledged that what happened in the natural world affected its wildlife. In a 1925 article in The Chri stian Science Monitor creation of fish hatcheries in conjunction with the federal government and a law for a new nservation enthusiast, keenly realizing the great need of conservation along all lines, it is difficult to choose that which would 39 d Land: Marjorie Kinnan Rawlings and the Florida Environment u npublished paper delivered at annual meeting of American Society for Environmental History, Feb ruary 29, 2009, Tallahassee, F la. 12. 40 Ibid.


86 Legislature made long steps in the right direction and the friends of the State need not be surprised to see her stand shoulder to shoulder with her sister states in the matter of the 41 The parks le determination and political savvy. The park became their signature mark on the state, a hi ghlight Paradise Key was a lush hammock island that supported a variety of vegetation, including more than 60 varieties of trees, orchids, ferns, vines, and tree snails. Its centerpiece was almost one thousand royal palms, tall and majestic trees native to the state that towered 100 feet or more in height. The hammock arose amid the wetland expanses of the Everglades, forty six miles south of Miami and a d ozen miles southwest of Homestead, and had been visited for years by curious scientists, birders and residents. Its location seemingly would have left it isolated and safe from the development that was starting to consume the state, but by the 1890s effort s had begun to save it. Botanists Charles Torrey Simpson and John Kunkel Small, who early on monument, but that proved difficult because of land title issues 42 other women suggested at the annual FFWC convention that the group try to protect its lush flora 41 Vance, May Mann Jennings 120; May Mann Jennings The Christian Science Monitor November 13, 1925, B2, accessed June 1, 2010, through ProQuest Historical Newspapers. 42 Mrs. John Gifford and Mrs. Gaston H. Edwards, letter dated July 1916 on Florida Fed eration of May Mann Jennings Papers Box 10, Correspondence File: 1916 : June Decem ber, 1917: Jan uary May Smathers UF MSS ; Charlton W. Tebeau, A History of Florida (Coral Gables Fla. : Univers ity of Miami Press, 1971), 343 ; Davis, An Everglades Providence 216


87 and palms from plant collectors an act that also would protect its wading bird populations. The preserve the unique groups of Royal palms, this being the only spot in the United States where preservation but got no real traction, according to Vance, until Jennings was elected president of the almost 9,000 member FFWC in 1914. Munroe was joined by Edith Gifford, also of Coconut Grove, whose husband, Joh n, was a former Cornell University professor and forestry expert, in urging Jennings to bring the resolution to reality. Their hopes were wisely invested in Jennings, who had the leadership skills and political prowess needed to make it succeed. Vance writ es that reaching consequences for Florida, launching her upon a political, economic, and public relations struggle that would span thirty 43 Their actions came at a cruc ial time for the hammock. The area was being mapped for future development, which included a railroad extension from Miami to Key West planned by Henry Flagler, whose development and transportation projects already were lining parts of the st. The next year a road opened to the key from Florida City, wrote historian 44 Jennings set about this new mission with a fiery ardor, callin g upon the aid of up to one hundred FFWC members who had connections and family ties to prominent men, including 43 Davis, An Everglades Providence 216 217; Vance, May Mann Jennings 58, 80 81. 44 Vance, May Mann Jennings 81; Tebeau, A History of Florida 343.


88 their quest by Flagle held ownership to the rest of the land through the Internal Improvement Fund (IIF), would donate the 45 past. As Chapter 2 shows, various female organizations throughout the state and nation provided a cohesive mechanism for women to lay claim to activism within their communities. With thousands of other women in support and proclaiming it loudly they enlar ged their area of influence from local issues into the state and national arena with the Audubon movement. When the GFWC called for conservation and forestry protection, women across the country responded, and they were integral to the movement as well as creation of local, state and national parks. demanding community improvements. Blackman wrote that enough women with spinal cords starched stiff, who raised their undaunted eyebrows and said, 45 Davis, An Everglades Providence 219 ; Vance, May Mann Jennings 81 82.


89 Blackma talking back at the legislators after they had been told politely to go home and te nd the babies their sandspur tactics, the lawmakers finally suc their strategy of stic king to a thorny issue en masse and never letting go had gained political s, shift public opinion, and carry the day. 46 former first lady wisely used her connections with a multitude of groups to accomplish her goals. In December 1914, Jenni ngs wrote a letter to her FFWC board seeking support for a trip to Tallahassee. She was heading to the capital to sell the park idea to Gov. Park Trammell and state leaders and to seek $1,000 per year from the legislature for its maintenance. Jennings made the quarters for a woman who was married to a former legislator and Tallahassee businessman (and the woman who had contacted 46 Vance, May Mann Jennings 59; Blackman, The Women of Florida: Vol. I 128 133.


90 Virginia Trammell), met with the cabinet, whic h acted as IIF trustees. On December 23, the trustees gave Dade County the authority to stop hammock trespassing; a day later they agreed to the park, but it needed approval and funding from the legislature. It was going to be a struggle, n leaders readied for it. On December 28, Munroe led a trip to the key the fif ty mile car trip on a rough, unpaved road that took hours. 47 first s tate park, raising the size to 4,000 acres; eventually it would become the nucleus of the for the needed legislative approval for the proposed Royal Palm P ark, mobilized club women across the state, encouraged publications, and began an extensive speaking tour to garner was not already a club woman, although many of them were, Jennings found another club omen could implement threatening the withholding of dessert, according to a estion each club president, Mrs. Jennings urged them to write their members and relatives in the 47 Vance, May Mann Jennings 82 83; Davis, An Everglades Providence 219 220.


91 48 Perhaps by invoking a Lysistrata reference, the women were ready to apply or threaten to apply The FFWC included the park in its bil ls for the 1915 legislature proposals that also allowing women to be on school boards, and land for Seminole Indians. What Jennings had not expected were pro blems for the park posed by some of her fellow women. She later learned by letter that the $1,000 request for park operations had been eliminated by Tallahassee club women whose value was purely esthet writes historian John R. Nemmers. She also ran into problems created by another formidable club woman, Minnie Moore Willson, of Kissimmee, a prominent advocate of Seminole rights who felt the FFWC should be fighting for a reservation rather than a p ark and threatened state officials with reprisals if they failed to do just that. Moore Willson wrote to other FFWC because they owned thousands of acres of nearby land. Moore Willson notes Nemmers privately attacking Jennings fo r a few more years. The Seminole land bill did not pass in the 1915 session. Moore Willson kept up her attacks into the following year, as evidenced in a 1916 letter she sent to the Florida Audubon Society discouraging the organization from providing any s 48 Vance, May Mann Jennings 83 85 ; Polly Welts Kaufman Nationa History ( Clubwomen See Dream Realized The General Federation Clubwoman December 194 7, May Mann Jennings Papers, Box 23, File: Biographical Smathers UF MSS


92 do not think a Society should be asked to spend its money to help out and benefit land helping with this scheme, but many of them are getting wise to the fact that they are doing a 49 When time became critical for passage of the park bill, Jennings wrote to Moore Willson on May 12, 1915, assuring her of the FFWC s upport for the Seminoles and trying to stop the attacks that might incur negative reactions from the all male legislature. Federation has a splendid standing with the of ficials in the State, we cannot afford to jeopardize that standing by any antagonism, and I could not permit an attack on the officials to be made in the name of the Federation, and of course if you still persist in taking that course you would have to do was best to use a great deal of policy, and women had had to use a great deal of policy in their work to get the men to listen to them at all, as a great many men still think that women are 50 a ggressiveness, which risked being interpreted by men as hysteria, allegedly a trait of women, 49 Vance, May Mann Jennings 85, 87; John R. Nemmers May Mann Jennings, Club Women and the Preservation of Roya npublished paper delivered at annual meeting of American Society fo r Environmental History, Feb ruary 29, 20 09, Tallahassee, Fla., 4; Minnie Moore Willson letter to Mrs. I Vanderpool, Maitland, Secretary of Florida Audubon Society, March 19, 1916 Minnie Moore Willson papers, 1888 1949 Box 1, File: MMW Correspondence 191 6, University of Miami Special Collections, Otto G. Richter Library, University of Miami (hereafter cited as Richter UM MSS) Note: there are various spellings of her surname but for the purposes of this document the hyphenated Moore Willson will be used. 50 May Mann Jennings letter to Minnie Moore Willson, May 12, 1915, 2 Minnie Moore Willson papers, 1888 1949 Box 1, File: MMW Corresponde nce 1915, Richter UM MSS


93 were an absolute necessity to get anything accomplished in Tallahassee in view of its track record of masculine mockery of FFWC proposals. nted with the work in the Glades and probably know more of it than any other woman in the State, and my husband has had a great deal to do with the work for the State as well as private individuals as a lawyer, and I know of no scandal of any kind that cou ld be unearthed in connection with the Glades, and even if there was, it would not be the part tion of the Federation to advocate some thing definite for their relief, and Everglades and the exploiting of the land scandal, even if it exists, has anything whatsoever to do 51 (Issues regarding Florida Seminoles are discussed in Chapter 7 which highlights environmental justice.) After a trip to Tallahassee in which the $1,000 appropriation was restored to the bill, Jennings, ex hausted and sick at home in Jacksonville, enlisted her husband and son to go to Tallahassee to help the proposal. Another critical issue, writes Vance, was that publicity about of the palms 52 adjournment, the House passed the bill the Senate did so at midnight the next day. The the first in the United States to create a state park which they were also to manage an achievement that would be an inspiration for like minded women. No longer were women planting gardens simply to 51 Ibid., 2 3. 52 Vance, May Mann Jennings 86.


94 complement their homes. Now they were securing them to improve the state and serve the public. When the park, named Royal Palm State Park, was dedicated in 1916, a motorcade of 168 cars filled with club women led the way to the ceremonies. The keynote speaker was Mary Belle King Sherman of the 2 million strong for more national parks and supported creation of Rocky Mountain National Park, telling 53 emphasizing conserving natural resources to one of protecting scenic landscapes, a concept she m the ten thousand members of the Sherman used arguments of a motherly and aesthetic nature, stating children and communities 53 Kaufman, e 32 34.


95 where the people of all sections will get acquainted and come to appreciate one anoth in other words, a great act of democracy that could affect the lives of many generations. Sherman also supported the creation of the National Parks Service in 1916, the same year the Florida park was dedicated. 54 Royal Palm State Park signified the stat was sweeping the nation and redefining conservation to include preservation of landscapes. And women such as Sherman, Munroe, Gifford, and Jennings were integral to its success. The first national park in th e United States and the world was Yellowstone, established in 1872 in an disappearing wilderness in the United States. Thirteen years later, New York crea ted the Adirondack Park and Forest Preserve, setting aside five million acres to remain wild and to ensure that water resources were safe. Historian Roderick Nash states that wilderness was purposes were natural oddities sappearing wild lands and creatures, as previously mentioned, and in the example set by the commercialization of Niagara Falls, leaving that wondrous area a tacky, dirty scene for the tourists who traveled to view its splendor but instead found fences and some operators charging money to look through holes to see the falls. 55 54 September 1916, 31, located in May Mann Jennings Papers, MS 57, Box 23A, Smathers UF MSS; Kaufman, 32 33. 55 Kline, First A long the River 61 62; Roderick Nash, Wilderness and the American Mind 3 rd ed. (New


96 The first national park created consciously to preserve wilderness was Yosemite in 1890, the same year General Grant and Sequoia were established (and the birth year of Marjory Stoneman Douglas). Crater Lake, Glacier, and Rocky Mountain national parks came in the next twenty naturalists who had ventured westward for purposes other than settlement. Private ownership and development, they felt, would deprive the nation of assets that would be increasingly prized over flooding the Hetch Hetchy Valley, part of Yosemite National Park, and the 1913 Congressional decision that allowed it to be dammed for hydroelectric power and water supplies for the city of San Francisco, aroused the Women were integral in the grassroots effort to try to save Hetch Hetchy a cause led by noted author John Muir. The GFWC rallied its almost 800,000 notes, adding that challenged masculine authority, even leading to a cartoon depiction of Muir wearing a skirt and using a broom. 56 Although the valley was lost, for the first time, the public, with wo men firmly part of the conversation, debated what national parks should be and how they should be used and never again would one be dammed for utilitarian reasons. Nash says that a measure of this rising interest can be deduced by the number of magazine ar ticles about national parks that were produced: between September 1916 and October 1917, more than 300 appeared in 95 popular National Park System: The Critical Documents (Lanham, Md.: Rowman & Little field, 1994), accessed April 28, 2011, 56 Hays, Beauty, Health, and Permanence 100 101; Rome, r maphrodites 3.


97 journals. Congress created the National Park Service to oversee these lands and the growing movement that would bring national par ks to the East Coast in 1926 with Great Smoky Mountains, Shenandoah, and Mammoth Cave, and in 1929 with Acadia all of which began Hays. 57 Like Royal Palm State Park, these East Coast parks started with private ownership and led to bigger acreage and prominence grand plans. The creation of Royal Palm State Park left club women with a preserved site, but no money to maintain and operate it or to build a planned lodge. Jennings tackled the problem by writing to groups, news media, and wealthy and influential notables such as John D. Rockefeller, Andrew Carnegie, Charles Deering, and Thomas A. Edison (the latter two had winter homes in Florida). To hire a caretaker, at a cost of $1,200 annually, and to cover other expenses, the some of the land was rented to area farmers. Ag several female spouses of Dade County Commissioners obtained a one year $1,200 grant from that agency, according to Vance. That grant and loans from FFWC funds dedicated to other purposes funded the eventual im provements, she states. The old girl network would be invoked for the next two decades as the women sought and received funding and legislative support for the park. After 1920, they also could leverage their election votes. In an undated report to the Hou sekeepers Club of Coconut Grove, affiliated with the FFWC, Eleanor H. Sollitt related a story told at the March 1938 FFWC annual meeting. Although there had been a regular annual 57 Nash, Wilderness and the American Mind 180(n); Hays, Beauty, Hea lth, and Permanence 101.


98 However, the money was not forthcoming until shortly before the 1938 state convention, when so that there were approximately 9,000 women in the State of Florida who had something to say about whether the Royal Palm State Park should receive what had been appropriated toward its upkeep and that representat ives of the 9,000 women were convening in West Palm Beach in March and with the primaries so near at hand these women might be ready to do something from the state for $2,000. The legislature understood the strength of the FFWC, its members now empowered with the vote, and gave in to pressure. 58 Its female creators had very definite ideas of what they wante d the park to be, and much of it involved manipulation of the landscape with little care about saving the neighboring wetlands indeed, most favored the state policy of draining the Everglades for agricultural production. A year after Royal Palm State Park was created, Jennings suggested to a fellow club woman that a dike and canal be constructed on 160 acres west of the park to grow coconut and lime trees to generate operating revenue for the park. This view was in line with the progressive conservation eth ic of wisely and scientifically visions. 59 Without knowledge of the ecological value of 58 Vance, May Mann Jennings 88 91; Davis, An Everglades Providence 226; Eleanor H. Sollitt, Club of Coconut Grove Reports, Richter U M MSS. Note: the date of the convention confirmed through Meyer, Leading the Way 128, 131. 59 Nemmers, May Mann Jennings, Club Women and the Preservation of Roy al Palm State Park in May Mann Jennings 39.


99 the Everglades indeed the term and concept of ecology did not come into general use until the second half of the twentieth century drainage promoters had little idea of the toll their schemes would tak e. palms to line the road into the park, cut trails, and create a big sanctuary and game preserve. She was little concerned about the neighboring Everglades, having long shared views with her husband that the seemingly useless wetlands would be a boon to the state if they could be drained and put into 60 Early on, perhaps out of funding concerns, there was consideration fo r making the new park part of the national system of parks and monuments. In 1916, David Fairchild, who held the title of Agricultural Explorer in Charge for the U.S. Department of Agriculture, sent his congratulations to Jennings about the park and asked Fairchild wrote that he had met with George P. Dorr, who was working on the proposed Acadia project, leading Fairchild they manage adroitly, to have the Royal Palm Hammock taken out of politics entirely and put ent transformed the wonderful hammocks about Miami into residence sites for the wealthy, to 60 Davis, An Everglades Provide nce 226; Vance, May Mann Jennings 39.

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100 imagine the popular approval which the next generation will bestow upon th e foresighted women of Florida who have saved Paradise Key for the eager eyed botanists and nature lovers of 61 Jennings replied two weeks later, telling Fairchild that she was not in favor of turning the pa of the Park a National Monument, might be considered. If we could be assured that our plans would be continued. I had known of course that these Monuments wer e made by executive order, but I had not gone into the detail of the proceedings. I should be very glad if you will give me the information of just how to proceed in detail, as of course it might be possible we could not carry the expense of keeping the Pa rk and would have to appeal to the Government for aid in this hope of the scenic beauty which is found in the Java gardens, such as mountains and waterfalls, for the park included raising and selling tropical birds and creati ng an amusement park, the latter of which Jennings vetoed, suggesting Miami Beach would be a better site for such activities. A decade later Jennings still was exploring ways to manipulate the park, which by 1929 had grown to nearly 12,000 acres and since 1921 had received a $2,500 annual legislative appropriation. Her idea this time was using part of the park to raise deer, and, perhaps, whooping cranes and sandhill cranes to repopulate the state. Jennings said she was inspired by a 1911 trip to Queen Wilh 61 David Fairchild to May Mann Jennings, letter July 18, 1916 May Mann Jennings Papers, Box 10 Correspondence File: 1916 June December 1917, January May. Special and Area Studies Collections, Smathers UF MSS

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101 62 ith Royal Palm State Park. She toiled tirelessly to get more parks installed around the state and enlisted to her side the Civilian Conservation Corps, a work relief program developed during the Great Depression to put young men to work across the United S tates. It would be a conservation army, focused, in President Franklin al ready had helped push for legislative creation of the Florida Forest Service and the Florida Park Service, the latter of which was short lived. Now Jennings enlisted the forestry board, headed by her son, with the prospect of federal funding and increased tourism, and, naturally, made sure Royal Palm State Park, still a FFWC property, gained the first CCC camp in the state. service that was to be built by the CCC and the National Park Service. The CCC had two fronts in Florida: forestry, which included tree planting and fire protection, and parks, which, historian prof 63 With the CCC involvement, Florida finally got a system of state parks the first seven that stretched the length of the state and covered a variety of habitats. As with Royal Palm State Park, there was little mind to preserving wil 62 Ibid ., 117; May Mann Jennings to David Fairchild, letter Aug ust 15, 1916 May Mann Jennings Papers, Box 10 Correspondence, File: 1916 August October Special and Area Studies Collections, Smathers UF MSS; Vance, May Mann Jennings 90 117; May Mann Jennings to C. S. Graham, president, Florida Branch, Izaak Walton League, Aug ust 11, 1928 Stranahan Manuscript Collection, Box 31, Folder 172: Ft. Lauderdale Historical Society. 63 aradise: The Civilian Conservation Corps and Environmental Change in Florida, in Davis and Arsenault, Paradise Lost? 93, 96; Davis, An Everglades Providence 364.

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102 managers eagerly acted to change to suit their definitions of natural beauty; one described it as a camp near Royal Palm State Park, where they repaired the FFWC lodge, built a power house for electricity and water, created a lily pond, cut new roads, built hiking trails, and planted trees. When they finished more than seven months of work, the crews headed n orth to the Highlands Hammock area near Sebring. 64 Highlands Hammock, with 100 foot trees and its virgin hammock, had long been on the it required local money to create it In 1930, Margaret Shippen Roebling, the wife of a wealthy bridge builder who owned a nearby estate, donated $25,000 to buy the original 1,000 acres and then another $25,000, challenging the community to raise $5,000. Almost every citizen contributed with amo unts ranging from $1 to $1,000. After Roebling died that October, her husband John spearheaded the project, building its infrastructure. The 1,280 acre park was dedicated in 1931 ; in 1935, with the establishment of the Florida Park Service, it became one o f seven state parks. 65 In 1934, the CCC began its work on a botanical garden planned on 1,500 acres of adjacent land. Supporters of the Florida Botanical Garden and Arboretum, which included the mostly female Florida Federation of Garden Clubs (FFGC), hoped it would complement the park or become part of a proposed DeSoto State Forest, and they lobbied Tallahassee to make it a reality. I. Thomas, who served as conta ct member for the Special Committee of the Highland Hammock. 64 98; Davis, An Everglades Providence 364 365. 65 Nelson, accessed April 29, 2011, additionalinformation cfm ; Phil Werndli, (Altamonte Springs, Fla.: Florida Media, 2010), 29.

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103 project, intended to help the state forestry department direct CCC work. In the meantime, Thomas urged a member may consider herself an agent to see the idea of a State Forest Park, Botanical Garden, designers and planners John Nolen and Frederick Law Olmsted, the latt er of whom designed that the group was working on a state plan that would connect parks and reserves by a system of scenic highways in Florida. In 1935, the arbor etum and park projects merged to become Highlands Hammock State Park, but the botanical garden project ended after World War II. 66 A far reaching plan for state parks and highways was greatly evident as Florida underwent rapid growth and transformation. Wit h the arrival of trains and then the automobile, more people and the sta much damage to the natural world already was done. Schemes began to build a ship ping canal across the state, increase acreage of exotic fruits, build sea walls, flatten mangrove forests, and, of course, get rid of problematic wetlands. Developers and state leaders had done their best to drain million acres disappearing between statehood and 66 n.d., n.p., included in Report, Executive Board Meeting, Jan uary 10, 1934 General Federation of Garden Clubs Board Reports March 2 1, 1929 March 20, 1935. FFGC, Inc. b ound volume n o number, no numbered pages (hereafter cited as FFGC BR); brochure.

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104 1920. Still, the U.S. Department of Agriculture determined that the state in the early 1920s had 16.8 million acres of land that needed drainage for agriculture. 67 In 1925 alone, some 2.5 million people visited or relocated to the state, where the population had risen from 188,000 in 1870 to 968,470 in 1920 to a leap to 1.8 million in 1940. 68 These growing numbers did more than anything else to for the future. Around them were disappearing forests, dirty streams, miles of new roads, ugly billboards that seemed to sprout up overnight (more on this in Chapter 4 ), and fires in the woods and wetlands that could not be ignored. urban development continued in this pattern, which made the push for parks and natural areas important. In her 1923 ann ual report as FFWC parks chairman, Veola Ezell, of Leesburg, stated We Americans are a busy, pushing people. Let us push f or parks in our communities and do all possible to arouse interest and enthusiasm for the state f forest removed. Countering know ys women help make public opinion, so the Florida 67 Derr, Some Kind of Paradise 175 178 Davis and Arsenault, Paradise Lost ? 125. 68 Derr, Some Kind of Paradise 64, 313.

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105 beauty spots. lived in a relatively rural area, Ezell was well aware of the potential impact of agriculture on the state. In Lake County, where Leesburg is located, citrus was becoming an important crop, citrus trees. By 1923, however, groves covered an estimated 30,000 acres of land that had once supported old growth pine forests. At the same t ime, Ezell had to be aware of plans to convert Still, there was abundant rural land in the state, and Lake County was not in danger of urbanization. Perhaps she was simply clairvoyant, with a keen concern about where the state was heading. Or she may have borrowed a template argument about the importance of parks that was being disseminated regularly by GFWC and FFWC. That message was spurred by the undeniable lo have been inspired by a conservative impulse, not just of natural resources but also a desire to keep parts of Florida unchanged. As a leader of various histo rical groups, including the Daughters of the Confederacy and the DAR, Ezell participated in revering the past as expressed its heritage from change. 69 Royal Palm State Park, which, by the 1920s, had become beset by new problems. In a 1927 article, Tippetts extolled the park and compared it with other 69 1923 1924 Yearbook Minerva Jennings Papers 1908 1935, MssColl #20 01 01, File: Organization Cocoa, Fla.; Rebecca Bryan Dreisbach, Umatilla (Charleston, S.C.: Arcadia Publishing, 2010), 97 accessed February 9, 2012, in/fg.cgi?page=gr&GRid=30432515

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106 support the project, including selling postcar ds of the park and planning a nursery to generate revenue. A lodge had been built on the property to house visiting scientists and tourists and, hopefully, to make money, but it suffered extensive hurricane damage in 1926 as well as a fire that burned 50 a cres. The legislature approved $5,000 for park aid, wrote FFWC historian Jessie Hamm Meyer, while FFWC members raised money by collecting rent from tomato growers, selling plants, giving chicken dinners and seeking donations from member clubs and individua ls. Two years later, another hurricane damaged the lodge, which may have caused the park Everglades National Park, which the women voted to endorse. 70 By the 192 0s, problems in the neighboring Everglades were becoming apparent as newly drained and reclaimed soil oxidized, literally disappearing as fires erupted in the organic soil and s decade that on fire with the passion of the idea that would possess h im for the rest of his life. No one ever wrote more letters, paralyzed more people with his insistent talk, was considered more a fanatic reality, and women were the re to support the project almost every step along the way and their Royal Palm State Park would become the nucleus of this grand venture. 71 70 Katherine Bell Tippett The Florida Clubwoman 7.2 (November 1927), 12; Meyer, Leading the Way, 103 105, 108 109. 71 Paradise Lost 150 152; Luther J. Carter, The Florida Experience: Land and water policy in a growth state (Baltimore: The

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107 to convince Washington, D.C., leaders to locate a park in south Fl orida. Since the inception of Yellowstone, more than five hundred proposals for national parks had flowed in, with only twenty five created by 1931. In 1930 the National Park Service sent a delegation to see the proposed park which was joined by a number o f naturalists as well as Douglas and Ruth Bryan Owen, the first Florida congresswoman. Owen, elected in 1928, was the daughter of noted politician and orator William Jennings Bryan, and she became a key factor in the creation of what would eventually be na med Everglades National Park. F illed with hope after the visit Douglas wrote in the Miami Herald : It really looks as if this were going to be true. It really looks as if, through the wisdom of the national park service, we in our time were going to see gr eat pilgrimages of people along the marine highways of the Everglades park, to those remote fastnesses where the white egrets soar in their thousands and where in the lovely air of some stained sunset hundreds of quiet people can make their peace again wit h sea and vast sky and brooding land in the inexpressible sound of wings. 72 Several months after the tour, which included bird watching and a dirigible ride, Owen cosponsored a bill to create the park. According to Davis, when House opponents argued in a he the tall, stately Owen, who had a love of the outdoors, picked up a large non poisonous king snake that a surgeon had brought and dangled it from her shoulders. Dou glas wrote that Owen, Johns Hopkins University Press, 1974), 108 109; Marjory Stoneman Douglas, Florida: The Long Frontier (New York: Harper & Row, 1967), 281 For more lengthy details about of the creation of Everglades National Park, see Davis, An Everglades Providence ; Michael Grunwald, The Swamp: Th e Everglades, Florida, and the Politics of Paradise (New York: Simon & Schuster, 2006); Douglas, The Everglades: River of Grass ; Nelson M. Blake, Land into Water Water into Land (Tallahassee: University Press of Florida, 1980). 72 Davis, An Everglades Provi dence 334 Miami Herald May 25, 1930.

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108 Senate approval of the park bill in early 1931. Owen lost her election that year and, despite the fact that her successor supported the bill, the national economic downturn took its toll and the House refused to approve the park. 73 Coe was not to be stopped, however, and he turned to Douglas and O wen for help in publicizing the project. Douglas, along with Department of Agriculture scientist Ralph Stoutamire, penned a brochure entitled The Parks and Playgrounds of Florida in which they of primeval earth which this region will hold forever intact, will be felt inevitably by tens of thousands of visitors. Its vast and untouched age has still the youth of the sea ooze in it, the youth of the great salt winds over it, and of the imperial sn ow bursts of the clouds which hang in airy dazzling turrets at its horizons. 74 In 1934, the House finally passed a bill, and Coe agreed to Senate restrictions on no funding until 1939. As a result, the park was approved in 1934, and federal lands within its proposed boundaries were removed from sales or settlement. Unable to promote the park for scenic values that had enabled the Yellowstone and Yosemite preservations, and with only limited naturalists who agreed that the biological uniqueness of the extant wetlands merited a national park designation. 75 For the first time, Americans would have a park deeme d important simply for the wildlife, hydrology, and geology it contained. 73 Davis, An Everglades Providence 335 339; Marjory Stoneman Douglas, Voice of the River (Sarasota, F la. : Pineapple Press,1987), 194. 74 D avis, An Everglades Providence 340 ; Marjory Stoneman Douglas and Ralph Stoutamire, The Parks and Playgrounds of Florida Bulletin No. 62, Reprint (Tallahassee: Florida Department of Agriculture, January 1942), 29; Marjory Stoneman Douglas Papers 1890 1998 Box 40 General Files, Correspondence Friends Folder 16: Correspondence April 10, 1939 Dec ember 30, 1947 Special Collections Dept., Richter UML MSS 75 Davis, An Everglades Providence 342, 370.

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109 Prior to the federal approval, state leaders in 1929 had created a Tropic Everglades wa s elected director. Joining him on that commission, which was revived in 1936, were two prominent club women Jennings and Mary Sorenson Moore, the Miami wife of a developer and former legislator, who reported back to the FFWC in 1936 that much needed to be done, including land acquisition, improvements to the lodge and more salary needed for the Royal Palm State Park warden. The next year, Jennings was authorized by the commission to lobby for $87,000 in funding from the legislature, an acknowledgement of h er political skills. In a entire commission resigned (including Coe) to get gubernatorial approval of the funding. Vance writes that Cone appointed a new chair of the c Millard Caldwell revived the commission in 1945, Moore and Jennings were included in its membership. Jennings was specifically designated to represent area landowners and in a gesture of support, immediately deeded her acreage near Flamingo to the park. 76 The year 1947 was to be a wate Everglades National Park became the twenty ninth national park and was dedicated on December 6 at a gathering of more than 8,000 people, including prominent supporters and politicians, with a keynote spee ch by President Harry S. Truman. Jennings, who appeared on the three years saving Paradise Key and then lobbying for the park. In an editorial the following day, the Florida Times Union the newspaper 76 Ibid., 333; Meyer, Leading the Way 126; Vance, May Mann Jennings 131, 154.

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110 in J Jennings will agree that a large measure of credit is due her for determinatio n and persistence 77 Florida had a national park, but the public sentiment was still firmly entrenched in the conservation ethic of utilitarian management of resources. In hi s speech, Truman reiterated these values, decrying the processes that destroyed natural resources and calling for wise use of minerals, forest, water, and soil. 78 This was no call for preservation of wilderness for ces for human betterment. Despite their desire to save the park area, Jennings and Douglas and many other club women were in full accord with this view of nature. Now that the park was safe, it was perfectly fine, in their eyes, to continue large scale dra inage and manipulation of the rest of the Everglades under the auspices of improving it. No one had a keener appreciation for the wetlands than Douglas, whose monumental book, The E verglades: River of Grass was published in November of the same year to a warm reception. In it, she carefully and accurately described its intricate biological and botanical s first line. With the title of the book, moving river system rather than a stagnant swamp and the unfavorable stigma associated with it. By the last chapter of the first edition, destruction wrought by development, saltwater intrusion, fire, overdrainage, and soil misuse. But her answer was not to leave it all alone instead, she advocated improved management planned 77 Vance, May Mann Jennings 131 132. 78 Davis, An Everglades Providence 393 394.

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111 by the federal government that she expected would suit park, agriculture and humans alike. As Army Corps of Engineers launched a massive flood control and water management project largely for the benefit of agricultural expansion. The multi million dollar construction plan would span many years and include the building of dikes, dams, canals, and water retention areas. Douglas supported the that in truth the corp 79 since 1876 with the production of cotton, corn, vegetables, sugarcane, and tobacco. For the next five decade s, according to historian Samuel Proctor, land use would remain much the same, with some farming by small landowners but agriculture mostly in the hands of ltural census statistics show that, as the number of farms rose in Florida during from 1900 to 1930, so did the value of crops produced by farms from $18 million to more than $100 million. In 1930, writes historian William W. Rogers, agriculture remained t million; oranges $25 mil lion; tangerines, $1.67 million; and grapefruit $7.6 million. 80 With that 79 Douglas, The Everglades: River of Grass 5, 382 385; Davis, An Everglades Providence 397 398; an Douglas and the Transformation of Paradise Lost? 308 310. 80 The New History of Florida Michael Gannon ed. (Gainesville: University Press of Florida, 1996), 268; Gilbert C. Fite, Cotton Fields No More: Southern Agriculture 1865 1980 (Lexington: The University Press of Kentucky, 1984), 234, 236,

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112 economic importance it is no wonder that state leaders favored agricultural production particularly tropical fruit as Douglas espoused over what was perceived to be unproductive wetla nds. Within two decades, Douglas would come to understand her mistake an about face achieved through greater scientific information about the Everglades system from watching continuing crises, including droughts, fires, and pollution in the wetlands. It wa s a new era of thinking in the United States in which environmentalism and ecology replaced old conservation concepts of wise and sci entific use of resources. T he battle turned to cleaning up the mistakes of the past, preventing future problems and preserv ing what natural lands still existed. Douglas would become the patron saint for saving the Everglades, the queen leading the crusade to right the wrongs inflicted by the ruling establishment of men: engineers, landowners, and politicians. The conservation movement of the first half of the twentieth century brought great changes in thinking to Florida, propelled in large part by the activities of its women. Residents and politicians began questioning forestry practices, and the state enacted legislation and developed organizations to protect forests and natural lands. The first state park was created, leading to the Although large scale drainage projects were still ap plauded, the destruction and problems they caused would soon come under new scrutiny as crises arose and the science that once endorsed grassroots agents in bringing conservation concepts to the state, lobbying legislators, and raising dominated political and business leadership, women also created ne w e The New History of Florida The New History of Florida 315 316.

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113 public space for themselves not only as visible, successful activists but also as individuals who provided important leadership for the state. As the environmental age arose in the second half of the century, bringing with it novel approaches to the natu ral world and a myriad of challenges, Florida women would be prepared to engage in the conflict and guide the state in a new direction.

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114 CHAPTER 4 THE CITY AND STATE B EAUTIFUL At the same time Florida women were leading the way in protecting forests and c reating the first state park, they focused their substantial energies on projects closer to their own backyards. Across the state, women in the first three decades of the century worked through clubs, garden groups, historical associations, and local agenc ies to counter declining aesthetics brought on by rising development. Using their collective political power and later their ability to vote and serve on municipal boards they fought proliferating billboards, planted thousands of trees, helped create parks and pressed local governments to enact city planning and to improve or remove slums. In a large sense, Florida women were striving for beauty by saving the lan dscape often adorned with non native, albeit beautiful, plant species. Without a firm understanding of the new science of ecology, which will be explored in Chapter 5 women believed that an arranged, constructed beauty that included flowering trees and pl ants, landscaped roads, and carefully designed cities, was the key to keeping an Edenic quality to the state in the face of rapid growth. ratification of the Nineteen th Amendment, which granted women voting rights. Conservationist and urged legislators in 1919 to make Florida the first state in the union to ratify the amendment. Legi slators failed to heed her advice, finally approving the amendment in 1969, several years

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115 after her death. Nevertheless, Florida women now had voting rights, which they expected would bring greater attention and resources to the issues they championed. 1 Th ey were often disappointed, particularly in the decade immediately following suffrage when many predicted success in female driven social issues. According to historian Joan S. affecting Carver says d remained largely Southern customs, writes historian Anne Firor Sc Southern Lady was not supplant making, or in the 2 One of the arenas in which Florida women found success was the City Beaut iful Movement that arose in the 1890s and extended into the new century as part of the Progressive and upper 1 Florida Historical Quarterly 48.3 (January 1 970): 299 300, 303 The Journal of Politics 41.3 (August 1979): 941 Florida Historical Quarte rly 36.1 (July 1957): 42 60. 2 945; Anne The Journal of Southern History 30.3 (August 1964): 298 299, 317 318.

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116 cultural agenda, a middle class environmentalism, and aesthetics expressed as beauty, order, goal was to imbue urban dwellers while women engaged in the campaign usually were married to business leaders and participated in he same or parallel campaigns ment through conservationist themes of science and efficiency. 3 its flat lands, pine wood expanses, and vast, often impenetrable wetlands, Florida hardly provided the awe inspiring visual scenery found in other parts of the nation or the aesthetic ideal unique semi tropical flora and fauna. As Edenic as it seemed, however, to many residents and visitors it was clearly a land that state involved cutting drainage canals, straightening rivers, destroying rapids, and reclaiming wetlands. As its cities grew, development and expansion detached them from natural surroundings that might have offset the unsightliness of civilization. Beautification came to mean removing trash, litter, and livestock from streets, and paving those streets. But, as this chapter shows it grew to include a new ordering of the state with park arrangements 3 William H. White, The City Beautiful Movement (B altimore: The Johns Hopkins University Press, 1989), 1 2, 75; Gottlieb, Forcing the Spring 71.

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117 of plants (some native, many not) that were the complete opposite of the tangled wilderness that settlers first encountered. As Chapter 3 notes, the planting of exotic plants and fruit trees in drained wetlands was considered a good and worthy agricultural achievement. Beauty was in the eye of the beholder; in the case of Florida that often meant the eye of a person born outside the new, something expected to be better. Marie Wirka, who calls their action the historians, they were significant in the movement, participating in settlement houses and civic committees to press a reform agen da that focused on the problems of unplanned urbanization, including overcrowding, filthy streets, poverty, and noise. 4 Many of the women upon whom Wirka focuses were New York City settlement house leaders with a social agenda, but club women also found a way to participate in City Beautiful. Believing aesthetic improvements would create order in cities, writes historian Julian C. promote a number of improvements, including better housing, education reform, and the building of parks and playgrounds. transformation afforded middle class women a unique role in civic affairs during the Progressive 4 Planning the Twentieth Century American City Mary Co rbin Sies and Christopher Silver eds. (Baltimore: The Johns Hopkins University Press, 1996), 57 75.

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118 mani festation of municipal housekeeping), and they used their many organizations on the path to civic reform and improvement. As with the forestry and conservation movement highlighted in Chapter 3 the City Beautiful movement gave women the opportunity to ste p further into public hearth. 5 It was a woman who gave name to the movement. In 1898, Mira Lloyd Dock, of Harrisburg, Pennsylvania, helped found the Civic Club unpaved streets, where pigs roamed, and nearby rivers that were essentially sewers. An active Europe, Dock produced a booklet illustrating parks and improvements there as part of her Beaut that the city had abused its beautiful setting, and she appealed to social consciousness, arguing class people and their children needed beauty spot s and recreation areas as much The argument was designed to appeal to a wide spectrum of citizens and leaders, including both sexes and different economic groups. This tactic had been employed successfully by club women addressin g diff erent issues across the country; and now it worked in Harrisburg, where, according to historian Susan Rimby, city officials quickly began drawing up a comprehensive beautification and improvement plan that included paved roads, sewage 5 Chicago and Atlanta, 1900 ence History Association Annual Meeting, St. Louis, Mo., October 2002), 2 4.

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119 treatment, and water purification the female populated Civic Club had supported for years 6 City Beautiful also was promoted at the dawn of the twentieth century by Home Journal winter resident in Florida. Bok promoted three main environmental projects: beautifying cities, eradicating billboards and preserving Niagara Falls, the latter of which had been overrun by commercial interests. Historian Jan Knight writes that Bok envisio ned the magazine to be an aid pseudo sense in his readers, Bok asked J. Horace McFarland, president of the American Civic Association and a friend of Dock, to write a regular magazine column. From 1904 to 1907, the mess rendered by male run industry and development. At the same time, in a very real and ironic se nse, Bok and McFarland were expanding female household duties to include cleaning up the local community. These were men asking women to clean up after men the female duty for ages past and something women understood and in this case accepted with gusto. B ut this public fields of experience and create identities separate from their families. The movement toward new feminine identities was a central element in American society in the 1920s. Often to the dismay of older generations, women embraced new visions of themselves, as expressed by the Gibson 6 : Mira Lloyd Dock, the State Federation of 17 3 (Fall 2005) : 13 14; Wilson The City Beautiful Movement 129 132.

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120 Girl and the flapper, personas characterized by dramatically new (and shorter) fashions, assertive behavior, and increased independence even emancipation from social strictures imposed by male dominated society. They wanted to be viewed as individuals first; motherhood and marriage were secondary images. Through the City Beautiful movement, women of different ages could not o nly try to put a new face on their communities, but also on themselves. 7 McFarland, a vocal preservationist, publisher, and horticulturist from Harrisburg, used his public forum to describe the beauty of the country, point accusing fingers at its ills, and urge ss of our home premises, the filth of our streets, the monotony of our highways, as necessary, and have little thought of the natural be done. Men are well en ough to come in later, but it is the mothers, wives and daughters who shall I make our sluggish councilmen pass a law to keep hogs off the stre problem Dock had observed in Harrisburg. 8 7 Federation of Women's Clubs, and the Environment, 1901 Journalism History 29.4 (Win ter 2004): 158; Dorothy M. Brown, Setting a Course: American Women in the 1920s (Boston: Twayne Publishers, 1987), 30 32. 8 Alfred Runte, National Parks: The American Experience (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1979), Home Journal (18 89 1907 ), January 1904, 15.

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121 In later columns, McFarland complained about crooked streetlights, ash piles, dumps, true econ 9 So uthern cities during this period often have been portrayed as backwards, with unpaved in Jacksonville after the Fire, 1901 1909 that southern cities lagged behind owing to post Civil War poverty and racism, which kept them from competing with northern urban areas un til the mid twentieth century. Florida was largely a rural state in this period and its largest cities in 1900 were Jacksonville with a population of 28,429; Pensacola with 17,747; Key West with 17,114; Tampa with 15,839; Orlando with 2,841; and Miami with 1,681. Despite the small urban numbers, females across the state toiled largely fit the problems they encountered in their own communities many of which McFarland had mentioned in his columns. They could not sway municipal leaders through elections but they did effect change by lobbying the male power establishment and, sometimes, by simply doing it (or paying for it) themselves. 10 As its name connotes, one of the e arliest focuses of the Green Cove Springs Village 9 Home Journal ( 1889 190 7 ) April 1907, 27. 10 James B. Crooks, Jacksonville after the Fire, 1901 19 19 (Jacksonville: University of North Florida Press, 1991), 3, 15.

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122 beautification. Membership required either the weekly payment of five cents, ten hours of labor, or the planting and prot ection of a tree, according to historian Jessie Hamm Meyer. In their first year, members, championing the idea of cleanliness and order, petitioned the city to stop tree cutting and to request street improvements, asked federal agriculture professionals ab out the proper type of shade trees to plant, and paid $45 to spread clay and sawdust on dusty streets. The women removed weeds, planted flowers, and, according to Meyer, very optimistically declared wheelbarrow and tools, for the purpose of cleaning the streets of stray paper and trash of all rote, the newly created Crescent City Village Improvement The Palmet to Club of Daytona Beach began as a card playing group but by 1897 had turned its group expanded its outreach insisting that city officials improve street and lighting and abolish billboards. It also addressed other social concerns that included advocating for public health, establishing child care for African American families, and starting school nurse and luncheon ent Association of Tarpon Springs raised money to plant trees along principal streets and hired men to clean streets, vacant lots, and bayous. Other early groups provided barrels for trashcans, created horse hitching posts, and encouraged cemetery cleaning s. City beautification also inspired at least one female public demonstration. To save a large live oak that stood in the path of a road paving project, two in protest. The

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123 women, who se homes were on either side of the tree, sat on chairs near the oak and refused to move until the town agreed to spare it. To this day, the tree stands, dividing the road around it. 11 race relations, the club provided leaders and workers, persuading male McFarland came to Jacksonville to speak, Francis P. Conroy of the Board of Trade showed the They have always been leaders in anything looking to the betterment of our streets, parks and egion and nation class women also played a substantial and often leading role in the development of Jacksonville 12 With the formation of th 1895, members united their concerns and political savvy to address issues on a statewide basis. 11 Meyer, Leading the Way 6, 7, 11, 12, 19 82 83. 12 Crooks, Jacksonville after the Fire 84 85.

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124 was ineffective, and it took over five decades befor e the state legislature ended the open range by implementing a fence law, mostly as an act of safety to prevent collisions with cars many driven by tourists the General Federation of promoted by its national sister. An examination of several of these issues, which reflect many 13 By their political clout, though they still lacked the ultimate power of the vote. By 1919, sixteen Florida towns had granted suffrage to women but the state refused to do the same. Dr. Anna Shaw, a national suffrage leader who visited Florida, predicted that gaining the female vote When I think of Florida club women having to do things like fixing up parks, cleaning str eets, and setting out trees by your own club contributions and donations, it makes me furious, when, if you were part of the government, it could be done and kept done. It is maddening and we have got to make men see it, and women see it, but neither men n or women will see it until we can vote. 14 As previously discussed, Florida women were national leaders, having created the first Royal Palm State Park, Mary B ell King Sherman, GFWC conservation chair, praised the club recreation for giving rest and courage to the weary and toil worn of this generation, and for the development 13 Meyer, Leading the Way 38 40. 14 Meyer, Leading the Way Miami Daily Metropolis February 3, 1917, 5, accessed April 17, 2012, htt p:// newspapers?nid=2206&dat=19170203&id=xywuAAAAIBAJ&sjid=O9UFAAA AIBAJ&pg=5597,3441223

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125 with Nature in the mountain summits, or in the gentler scenes of the prairie lands, and in the tropic wonderland of your own Florida, there comes to one a sense of kinship with all created 15 It was in seeking harmony, developing healthy children, conquering visual blight, and leaving a legacy that many state women strove to increase the number of state parks and establish refuges for recreation and wildlife. A state park system was created in 1925 and the and federal incentives of labor and funding to jump 16 That largely came through the federal Civilian Conservation Corps, which provided much needed work not only at Royal Palm and Highlands Hammock state parks, but also several others around the state. Local parks also sprouted around the state, often due to In a 1924 FFWC report, Veola Badger Ezell, of Leesburg, noted that a new Wekiwa Park Parks have their relation to the national Park system, and the County and Municipal Parks have their relation to state parks. So Seminole County has added a new link in the county Park chain. The civilized man needs the wilderness. Behind the present day civilizatio n, there lies the immeasurable background of time when man was largely an out door animal, so this inheritance, this love of Nature us work for more Parks where man and the coming ge nerations may enjoy nature, not artificial 17 15 G.F.W.C. Florida Federation of Women s Clubs 1914 1916 B ound volume of minutes, 140 148 16 Werndli, 22, 29. 17 Veola B. The Florida Bulletin 1924): 5.

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126 In many ways Ezell was repeating ideals that came from many areas: the moral and theological ben efits of nature study employed by early women naturalists and the standard defense of parks espoused by the GFWC and the FFWC. As related organizations, the GFWC and FFWC shared many agendas and strategies, and the necessity of parks was one of them. The w ords of Ezell and Sherman promoted the civilizing effects of nature and, particularly, wild areas a philosophy in tune with not only the park movement but also the writings of the nineteenth nature lovers. Yosemite activist and author John Muir, along with writers Ralph Waldo Emerson and Henry David Thoreau, promoted nature as a gateway to spirituality and closeness to God, and argued the creation of a forest for them to dwel 18 Although Seminole County during this period was a rural region, its club women were sounding alarms and taking action to preserve natural areas. Many people in the spring fed Wekiva River basin, which includes Lake, Orange, and Seminole counties, recognized its importance in supporting wildlife and recreation and tried to preserve different areas along its path. Forests in the area had been logged since the nineteenth century, with cut trees floated downstream to mill hunting property; it was sold to the state in 1969. Today, Wekiwa Springs State Park is 18 Reading the Environment Melissa Walker ed. (New York: W.W. Norton, 1994), 41 44.

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127 river; Wekiwa means spring) is heavily protected although still in peril from suburbanization, as Chapter 8 will examine. As Chapter 3 demonstrated, lumber and na val stores industries had trying to change wasteful practices. With so much attention focused on conservation and forestry issues, Ezell and the FFWC likely were aw devastation of this unique resource. 19 state population reached 968,470, almost doubling in the past decade. That numbe r, according to author Mark Derr, would jump to 1.5 million in 1930; since then the state has been mostly urban with 75 percent of the population living on 6 percent of the land. In 1930, Jacksonville had exploded to 63,000 inhabitants; Miami had 78,000; a nd Tampa had 84,000. Derr writes that the concentration in cities and resorts along the coasts and around the lakes and rivers of Orlando that was beginning to devour parts of the state. It may not have been in their backyards, but they could see it coming. Their efforts may have been spurred by a conservative impulse to hold onto the past but it also served the resource conservation ethic. 20 Garden club members, cognizant of the damage the lumber industry was wreaking on the state, s the public. Upon learning that the State Board of Parks and Historical Memorials had approved 19 Jim Robison and Bill Belleville, Al ong the Wekiva River (Charleston, S.C.: Arcadia Publishing, 2009), 77. 20 Derr, Some Kind of Paradise 313 Rank by Population of the 100 Largest Urban Places, Listed Alphabetically by State: 1790 http://www.census.go v/population/ www/documentation/twps0027/tab01.txt

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128 timber leases in Torreya State Park, the FFGC board at its October 19 53 meeting adopted a sale or lease of timber or timber rights for any purposes, or any processing of timber for use in copies of the resolution to the governor, the attorney general, and the state parks director. They specifically noted that their membership was 21,000 strong. Unlike the club women who founded Royal Palm Park in 1916, they also could say they were voters, giving their views added political clout. The resolution declared that state parks are citizens and visitors of FFGC annual meeting, along with another resoluti on that protested proposed leasing of land for oil exploration within Everglades National Park. Garden club women also promoted parks and age women at different state parks. The week long nature st udy courses sent young women into different state parks and taught them about the intricacies of the local environment. The FFGC, the first group in the national garden re better leadership for youth groups in the realm of nature appreciation, and right personal attitudes in the important and far route to preserving Florida was to reach out to youn g women who one day would take up the conservation cause. By immersing women in wild areas that they otherwise might not encounter youth to the park system and work ing to create future leaders. The Florida Audubon Society had

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129 done much the same by promoting school instruction and offering student competitions. The best legacy was an informed, activist, younger generation. 21 Florida women found many ways to support par k projects, often recognizing their unique qualities. In 1925, the Sallie Harrison Chapter of the Florida Daughters of the American orted that it had worked to secure a five acre park on the Wekiva River. The property, which featured a boat and ferry landing, also included four acres of wetlands, swamps are all being drained and destroyed, this wonderful bit of tropical forest will be preserved for all who, a year earlier, donated a tract of Manatee County i sland property to the state. The spot, now known as the Madira Bickel Mound State Archeological Site, features an important ceremonial Indian mound where researchers found evidence from three periods of native culture. 22 Gertrude Rollins Wilson, whose fami ly owned a plantation on Fort George Island, Florida, near the mouth of the St. Johns River, donated 100 acres of the heavily forested land in 1940 to Rollins College, which was founded by her relative Alonzo Rollins. The property, known as the John T. Rol 21 Werndli, 36; Isabel T. King, Mrs. Melville Hall and Mrs. Truman Green eds., The First 50 Years The Florida Federation of Garden Clubs, Inc. 1925 1975 (Board of Directors of Minutes 1951 1953 FFGC, bound volume, 6 Seventh Annual 10, 1953, Miami, Minutes 1951 1953 FFGC, bound vol ume, 6 9. 22 Florida Daughters of the American Revolution The Twenty Third Annual Conference 1925 (DeLand Fla. : Press of The News 1925), 67 68 Third Annual C 22, 1949, St. Petersburg, Fla., Minutes 1947 1949, FFGC 9; Madira Bickel Mound State Archeological Site webpage, accessed June 23, 2011,

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130 Wilson, an artist, was a founder of The Garden Club of Jacksonville Garden Club, former president of the FFGC, author of two garden books and a gardening column for the Florida Times Union would remain in public use. In 1932, Robins and her husband, donated t heir home, known as Chinsegut Hill Plantation, as well as the 2,080 acres of groves and forests that surrounded it, to the U.S. Department of Agriculture to become a wildlife refuge and an agriculture and forestry experiment station. Today, it is home to t he Chinsegut Conservation Center and is managed by the state as a wildlife education complex. 23 Maud Neff Whitman was integral in beautification and park development in the city of fter a city wide beautification efforts in the early part of the century that involved planting more than 5,000 live and water oaks as well as hundreds of azale as, palm trees, and flowering plants. As the only and the first woman in the state appointed to any city board Whitman served as its secretary 23 File: Wilson, Gertrude Rollins (Mrs. Millar) Biographical, Box 05 D: Wilson, Gertrude (Millar sed June 22, 2011, Acre Estate on Fort Jacksonville Times Union n.a., December 1, 1940; Blackman, The Women of Florida: Vol. II 156 10, 2011,

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131 subsequently served on city park, recreation, and charter boards while also holding leadership roles in the Orlando Garden Club, the FFWC, and the Florida State Chamber of Commerce. 24 While Whitman gained political appointments for her beautification impet us, Lena Culver Hawkins used the same and recent suffrage to gain elected office. Two years after moving in commerce. In 1928, using a platform of city beautification, she ran unopposed to became the only woman mayor in the state. After her mayoral term, Hawkins ran unsuccessfully for the state legislature and later Floridians. Through their work on city beautification, Whitman and Hawkins not only stimulated change but also placed themselves into leadership positions typically held by men in their communities. Whether they inte nded it or not, they had helped elevate their sex into new tiers of society, winning the acceptance and, even more important, the endorsement of male leadership, involv ement in public beautification issues and supporting their governance. 25 Concerns about the upkeep of a city park that featured a memorial to the Confederate dead drew the attention and activism of the Pensacola chapter of the United Daughters of the Confed largest civic voluntary organization with almost two hundred members, took over responsibility 24 Paul S. Lewis accessed October 3, 2011, http://www.cityoforlan Historic,%20Preservation/Orlando_City_Beaut iful_Article.pdf; Whitman), Rollins College Archives; Blackman, The Women of Florida: Vol. II 153. 25 The Women of Florida: Vol. II 66, 153; Joy Davis Platt, St. Petersburg Times October 5, 2001, accessed June 23, 2011, .shtml

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132 100 contribution from when necessary and in 1937 protesting a plan to build a road through the square. 26 and then promoted local park projects by serving on boards, donating lands, and becoming active proponents through large organizations. I t was part of their civic improvement impulse to improve their surroundings, to preserve areas of beauty imperiled by development, and to add beauty to the communities they had come to call home. The irony here is that women gained a large measure of male support for these actions, which in essence involved cleaning up or addressing environmental ills caused by male dominated industry and business. The women who engaged in this work, as was true with the Audubon and club movements, were mostly upper class w hite women with the financial means and time to devote to projects that improved or they had witnessed the problems of urban life and overcrowding. Now in the co southerly and semi tropical state, they blossomed in its luxuriant beauty and took action to prevent the same problems from destroying their newfound Eden. Lessons learned elsewhere also informed their work, as with their championing of wise a destruction, women sowed loveliness, planting thousands of trees for city beautification and as 26 April 1999 100 th Anniversary Teas, June 1999, 1 3, Special Collections D epartment, John C. Pace Library, University of West Florida; Minute Book, United Daughters of the Confederacy archives, Box 5, File: Photocopy of Minute Book April 1899 November 1906, 63 65,148 153, File: Minutes 1920 1940, October 14, 1937, Minutes, Speci al Collections Department, John C. Pace Library, University of West Florida.

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133 memorials, justifying such work w work In her 1926 report for the twenty fourth annual conference of the Florida DAR, Nellie Watrous Semonite Hill demonstr ated these values when she included this poem: A Tree for Every D. A. R What do we plant when we plant a tree? We plant the ship which will cross the sea. We plant the mast to carry the sails; We plant the planks to withstand the gales The keel, the keel son, the beam, the knee; We plant the ship when we plant the tree. What do we plant when we plant the tree? A thousand things that we daily see; We plant the tower that out towers the crag. We plant the shade, fr om the hot sun free; We plant all these, when we plant the tree. 27 special dates and occasions, acts that also served to beautify highways and parks. Historian Ann Arnold Hun ter notes the national DAR created a conservation committee in 1909 (as previously try, DAR groups planted trees: in California, thirteen trees, each from one of the original thirteen states; in 28 In 1932, the Florida DAR members planted trees to participate in national commemorations of the 200 th 27 Twenty Fourth Annual Conference (DeLand, Fla.: The News Publishing Co., n.d.),71. 28 Ann Arnold Hunter, A Century of Service: The Story of the DAR (Washington, D.C.: National Society of the Daughters of the American Revolution, 1991), 192.

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134 special services in Daytona Beach. In Gainesville, five magnolias were ins talled with a marker in boundary. A tree was planted in Bradenton on the grounds of the Manatee County Courthouse. The DeSoto Chapter in Tampa reported that i t helped with financing a fourteen oleanders, a flowering evergreen shrub. 29 Oleanders were not native to Florida, but that was not a concern during this period, when many plants were imported and planted for their beauty with few if any concerns about how they might interact with indigenous species. Women had gained legislation to protect some indigenous plant species that were threatened, but the science of ecology and the effect of non native floras were not understood or appreciated. As Derr notes, newcomers often tore out local northern forests and gardens or th more than 1,000 alien plant species, many of which created environmental nightmares, including Casuarina known as Australian pine, which pushed out native plants in coastal and island commun ities; Melaleuca also from Australia, that was deliberately planted to soak up wetlands, including the Everglades, and grew dense monoculture stands that allow no native flora; Brazilian pepper, an ornamental planted for its beauty but which grew out of c ontrol in the southern part of the state; and water hyacinth, introduced in 1884 as a beautiful flowering and floating plant, that proceeded to clog up state waterways. Eliminating these plants or just trying to get them under control subsequently cost the state millions of dollars. But none of this was anticipated in the 1920s and 1930s, when the main consideration was how a plant or tree might 29 Florida State Society of the D.A.R., History 1892 1933 Daughters of the American Revolution of Florida, Vol. 1 (Jacksonv ille: Douglas, 1933), 125 126, 145, 234, 288, 234, 309.

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135 make the state even more attractive. It was an artificial, planned aesthetic that took advantage of limate but often replaced natural biota. 30 early as the 1830s to mak e Florida, particularly its southern lands, a center for tropical plants and agriculture that could not exist in more northern climes. After the Civil War, northern g arden landscape, production for national markets, and conditions for living easily during Fruits and Plains: The Horticultural Transformation of America Citrus trees, particularly oranges, were central to this idea, provi ding bright fruit and potential profits despite the fact that the plants were not native to the state and much effort would be spent in coming decades dealing with the negative crop effects of freezes, diseases, and pests. The development of the citrus ind ustry and subsequent tropical agriculture ventures would continue into the twentieth century as horticulturists continued their drive to remake Florida into a garden. hor an ideal that many Florida women and gardeners adopted as they continued their efforts to make the state more beautiful. 31 Florida DAR members participated by pl anting trees, cleaning up cemeteries, and placing memorial markers throughout the years. In 1940, they dedicated a marker at one of their biggest Florida projects a twenty five acre memorial forest planted by the Civilian Conservation Corps 30 Derr, Some Kind of Paradise 57 59. 31 Philip J. Pauly, Fruits and Plains: The Horticultural Transformation of America (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 2007), 4, 195 196, 203, 206 107, 21 8 229.

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136 in 1939 with 20 ,000 commercial timber pines at the Hillsborough River State Park near Tampa. The venture was carried out in conjunction with the golden jubilee celebration of the national DAR and was called the Penny Pines Project. At a ceremony on January 15, the DAR na tional five years the forests planted by the Daughters of the American Revolution throughout the nation will be the women expected the Florida trees some day would be harvested a very male impulse. That they placed a permanent marker at the site indicates they envisioned the land being replanted to remain a forest for posterity. Unfortunately, the initial planting f ailed, and when DAR members replanted the forest sixty two years later, they did so with a modern eye informed by ecology. A 2003 marker at Hillsborough River State Park notes that the new planting was of trees and shrubs native to the longleaf pine habita the 62 acre area, named the Millennium Forest, involved rooting native longleaf pines, wiregrass, and saw palmettos at a cost of $1,500 to the DAR, raised as memo rials to ancestors who fought in the Revolutionary War. Although both projects focused on restoring trees to a park area, the latest project clearly was not intended for commercial purposes but rather as a restoration of wildlife habitat and a tribute to a ncestors. It was a legacy of a markedly different kind. Instead of creating beauty with luxuriant plants, the modern DAR members found greater still artificially planted, but with ecologically compatible biota 32 32 Florida State Society of the D.A.R., History 1933 1946 The Florida State Society of the Daughters of the American Revolution, Vol. II (Jacksonville: H. & W.B. Drew, 1946) 12. Warthen is referred to in records as Mrs. Ober D. Warthen. Her first an d maiden names determined on October 10, 2011, http://vidalia. natsociety/content.cfm?ID=263&FO=Y&hd=n uary 15, 2012, river

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137 n interest in a single line of work which helps to improve tree life, public sentiment will be strengthened, and the forestry interests of Florida will receive much by future generations. Following that philosophy, clubs often gave away trees, honored Arbor Day celebrations, and tried to stop removal of native vegetation. For example, in 1916 Natural Scenery, decried developments th months have we seen beautiful jungles of native palms and spreading oaks give way to the ruthless invasion of some enthusiasts trying to lay out a site for home makers and thus increase the beauty and comfo places are disappearing in many sections is alarming. The members of this organization favor progress along every line, but how we can build cities and develop our rural sections and still bridge at fort.html St. Petersburg Times February 21, 2003, accessed February 15, 2012, /21/Brandontimes/ Planting_plan_blends_.shtml

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138 33 was the FFGC, founded in 1924 with the protection of trees, shrubs, flowers, and birds among its objectives. The Garden Club of Jacksonville, organized in 1922, was one of the founding four clubs of FFGC, and it focused much of its energy on protecting th The group, with the aid of Jacksonville philanthropist Jessie Ball duPont, also rescued the historic Treaty Oak, an ancient live oak loca 34 The Garden Club of St. Petersburg worked closely with the city to improve the waterfront area through plans and plantings. At a time when the city had limited funds, the club gained the help of a landscape archit ect to consult with the city about its parks, wrote Flora Wylie, who of and the creation of additional beauty. Wylie, for whom a waterfront city park is named, was active in a number of city organizations and served seventeen years as the only woman on the 33 1911, University of Miami Archives; 1917 Reports 94; Mrs. N.W. Hensley. 1928, Club, in email to author, November 9, 2011. 34 Board Reports, March 21, 1929 March 20, 1935 Club of Jacksonville website, accessed June 23, 2011, history.htm

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139 35 At its fifth annual convention in 1930, the FFG C, composed of many local groups across the state, adopted a resolution to fund protective iron fencing around the base of a bald cypress its initials upon it, and an age of 3,500 years and was the centerpiece of Big Tree Park in Longwood. Historian Alfred Runte writes that women were following the national impulse for preservation of large tre es that had occurred earlier in California efforts to preserve redwood trees and, notably, the sequoia 36 California had its General Florida now had its Senator. The FFGC executive board in 1930 agreed to take advantage of new media outlets, creating radio broadcasts asking people to plant living Christmas trees and to conserve holly plants used in seasonal decorations. The group also participated in the Washington bicentennial tree planting effort and asked its members to support the Florida Forestry Association to which it meeting the FFGC adopted a resolution suppo the prevention of woods fire shall become State spread practice of woods burning in Florida is denuding our woodlands and killing 35 Mrs. Walt St. Petersburg Evening Independent September 28, 1965, 13A. 36 Board Reports, March 21, 1929 March 20, 1935 FFGC, bound volume, 9 10; Oc tober 10, 2011 ; Runte, National Parks 61. Note: an arson fire destroyed The Senator in January 2012.

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140 baby trees by the mill destroyed by wild fire, resulting from the common practice of light and plant life are being driven from our woods and fields thereby destroying the natural beau ty for Florida, the work of state forestry and plant boards, and the Everglades park. The National Council of State Garden Clubs, the umbrella for garden clubs across the United States, adopted the Arbor Day program in 1932, encouraging its members to plant trees on roadsides, in parks, cities, school grounds, and other public lands. 37 Although education and conservation of resources was stressed in FFGC activities, its da Federation of Garden Clubs as a Parrish had served on a gubernatorial committee to study conservation laws, from which two bills emanated that would become l aw: a requirement that conservation be taught in high schools leaders, all women, worked with men to accomplish many of these goals and often had male experts in different areas speak at their annual gatherings. Ninah May Holden Cummer, worked w ith Dr. 37 s, Fla., December Board Reports, March 21, 1929 March 20, 1935, Board Reports, March 21, 1929 March 20, 1935, FFGC, boun Clubs Board Meeting, March 14, 1932, Board Reports, March 21, 1929 March 20, 1935, FFGC, bound volume, n.p.; King, et al. The First 50 Years of The Florida Federation of Garden Clubs 17 18, 23; Mrs. Robert R. Cro sby, Fifty Years of Service: National Council of State Garden Clubs 1929 1979 (St. Louis, Mo.: National Council of State Garden Clubs, 1979), 45.

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141 David Fairchild, a Miami based U.S. Department of Agriculture botanist, to help lay the groundwork for later development of Fairchild Tropical Botanic Garden, a Miami conservatory. In 1938, the FFGC gave honorary memberships to Fairchild and McFarland, describing them as e provided a fund of native species and planting arrangements that followed no natural setting or arrangement. In a sense, they were conserving beauty, but ofte n a second nature beauty. It was not true natural Florida, but a Florida they were creating using their own aesthetic sensibilities in many ways a created paradise. 38 In 1953, the FFGC, for the fifth year in a row, sponsored a bill to name the sabal palm Fl native tree that can grow to a height of eighty feet, because it was widely dispersed through the state. It also had insp ired early visitors, including noted author and preservationist John Muir. During his 1867 trek across the state, Muir, an avid botanist, saw a sabal palm along the St. ful and calm in the sunshine, it has a power of expression not excelled by any plant high or low that I 38 King, et al. The First 50 Years of The Florida Federation of Garden Clubs, 18 ; determine d throu gh pdf, accessed June 23, 2011 ; corner/Home/garden club history accessed June 23, 2011 ; th March 24 25, 1938, Minute s 1935 1939, n.p.

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142 ly impressive and told me grander board approved spending $ 5,000 to help purchase 160 acres in Collier County of virgin cypress 39 Muir, nature that was truly wild and untamed opened the door to spiritual ecstasy; observing a sabal palm sent him into religious meditation. For the Florida females, a sabal palm was a lovely tree that deserved recognition as a state symbol. Although they created the first state park to save royal palms from road landscaping projects, these women were not in favor of keeping the adjacent wild Everglades intact; they advocated drainage and agri culture projects beyond the human chaotic paintbrush. In later decades Flor idians came to value the true wilderness of the Everglades; unfortunately by then it had been so plumbed and disturbed that there was little wild about the wetland system. In many ways, female striving for beauty reflect ed that of City Beautiful advocates particularl y landscape architect Frederick Law Olmsted Sr. who establishe d a national reputation designing and Buffalo. i n the la te nineteenth an d ear ly twentieth centuries 39 King, et al., The First 50 Years of The Florida Federation of Garden Clubs Sixth Mi nutes 1951 1953 FFGC, bound volume, April 21 23, 1952, 15, 32; John Muir, A Thousand Mile Walk to the Gulf (Bos 2011; da State accessed September 28, 2011,

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143 strove to integrate nature into modern, urban landscapes. His carefully constructed designs were intended to provide city dwellers with psychological relief from the pressures of their lives, offering tranquility and beauty as a n antidote to the modern world. City Beautiful adherents, replicated it in their plantings. This was not preservation of the natural wild, but berate organization of plants and trees intended to create an idealized harmony between humans and nature. 40 Harmony, in the eyes of many women in Florida and across the United States, was a landscape without the visual pollution of billboards and street si gns that were proliferating across the rapidly industrializing country and had been regulated in some European countries. McFarland railed about their proliferation, complaining that political signs on the telegraph poles environmental radicalism that would be touted and acted upon in the late twentieth century as activists became increasingly passed an ordinance to regulate and restrict billboards, an action that w omen across America Eden they must be either eliminated where offensive, or very materially modified in character and appearance where they seem to be permissib millions who will see these words, and who can, if they will, readily start a great work of 40 http: // ; Pauly, Fruits and Plains 4.

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144 er offering many examples of signage blight, McFarland advised his readers to use persuasion through letter writing campaigns to advertisers and others, and compulsion such as restrictive laws to battle the problem. He launched through the magazine what he ns and recounted stories of billboard battles in different areas of the United States. In May 1906, writes Knight, The Ladies Home Journal offered a two page spread of contest winners, which included as offensive to the immediate residents as would be the maintenance of 41 they acted of their own volition or from his urging, they worked for decades to fight signage that they viewed as ugly and dangerous. Removing the billboards did not create beauty in Florida; had worked so hard to line with trees and pleasant landscaping. Different groups formed committees, passed resolutions, and sought local and state legislation to deal with the July 1929 edition of The Florida Clubwoman the regular publication of the FFWC, an article 41 Wilson, The City Beautiful Movement 47, 143; Home Journal (18 89 1907 ), July 1904, 27;

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145 o say that the ubiquitous billboard has made a mockery of our outdoors. It has smeared a once verdant landscape with trash, has made of our noblest trees nothing but hitching posts for vagrant advertising ideas, and has condemned those who ride our highway s to drive between staggering starting point in recent legislation aimed at removing all billboards from the rights of way of state and county highways. Duval Count y commissioners have taken the first step. Others will follow. It has been said that this is an era of outdoor advertising, as the motorist cannot protect himself. But the woman can, and it is up to them to rid Florida of that many headed monster which coi 42 chairman of the National Roadside Council, a group that fought billboards across the country. In every seven seconds on a drive from Jacksonville to Miami. Lawton repor ted that in one count, 3,700 signs were found on 300 miles of highway, not counting additional signs at filling stations, tagged for example with a six hundred and sixty six patent medicine sign [ sic ] on tree, fence, barn or billboard? Or why a state which promises to restore health and youth should be plastered 43 42 The Florida Clubwoman 9.3 (July 1929): 7. 43 The F lorida Clubwoman (February 1935): 13.

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146 Her suggested antidote: a state billboard law to replace a 1929 law that she deemed to be she preferred that the state require a permit for individual signs. 44 rowing billboard problem, which came at a time of rising automobile use and highway construction across the nation. In 1919, Americans had 6.7 million passenger cars, a number that jumped to 23.1 million in 1929. As historian Dorothy M. Brown notes, the Fe those businesses were the job of billboard advertising. At the same time, the automobile changed the nature of touris m in Florida. No longer was it a destination for the rich and elite the mass produced cars gave middle class families the opportunity to come to the state. This new was more mobile and demanded affordable lodgings and campgrounds. Governments scurried to highways. Signs sprouted up as well to direct visitors to local resta urants, hotels, attractions, and shops. Before the Great Depression of 1929, Florida had three million annual visitors more than three times the total state population; during the Depression that number dropped to one million still a large influx for the s tate and its roads to handle. 45 At a 1930 meeting, the FFGC executive board discussed the issue of billboards, including pending legislation and lawsuits in different states pertaining to the issue. They noted that seventy eight signs had been counted on tw o miles of a highway in Savannah, Georgia, and 44 Ibid. 45 Brown, Setting a Course sed February 15, 2012, Florida Historical Quarterly 88.4 (Spring 2010): 436 439.

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147 similar to one in u se in Maryland, and agreed to send a letter to the state road department for help Cora Scott Riggs addressed the group, stating that it had appointed a chairman for a Roadsides and Billboards committee to deal with the issue. She noted a state law that prohibited signs on were removed from highways. It is unclear, although highly possible, that women tore down the signs; at the very least they urged local governments to do so while also supporting stricter regulations and taxation on signage. 46 and garden club members discussed different laws enacted in different states and urged members to work for local and state regulation while also contacting t he bill board [ sic ] along the rural highway, for they shall be called protectors of roadside beauty M argaret Pryor, of Haines City, FFWC chair of state y who stand against 47 Several FFGC members served on the national council where billboards and city beautification were the regular focus of their actions. The Billboard and Roadside Committee 46 Florida Fede ration of Garden Clubs Executive Board Meeting, Dec. 10, 1930, Daytona Beach Shores Fla., Board Reports March 21, 1929 March 20, 1935 FFGC, b ound volume n.p.; Cora March 4 5, 1931, Orlando Board Reports March 21, 1929 March 20, 1935 FFGC, b ound volume n.p 47 The Florida Bulletin (March ed through email to author from Dorinda Garrard, Polk County Historical & Genealogical Library, Bartow, Fla., October 7, 2011.

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148 was one of the first committees created by the National Council of State Garden Clubs, founded gard but in fighting billboards they continued to rely on the collective power of their organizations to try to force changes in outdoor advertising blight. 48 During a 1932 National Council meeting, the committee chair, Mary Peckham Tubby, of New Jersey, repo rted on recently enacted Wisconsin restrictions on billboards and utility poles, shaded pedestrian sidewalks along the s tate roads will drive out billboards as surely, if not quite so fast, as will legislation. We must have good restrictive laws and enforce them. We must have greater safety for pedestrians, and we must work toward long stretches of beautifully planted highw ays, free of all advertising disfigurement. Every bit of work tells, but it must be steady and courageous until we can report of every state, as we can report now of Arizona and Nevada, that no billboards whatever are tolerated and that every tree is cheri 49 regularly endorsed different laws at public meetings and at their annual conventions as a way of galvanizing their membership and throwing their considerable collec tive weight in the political 48 1933, publication, n.a., n.p., Orlando Garden Clubs archives, Box 1, Scrapbooks of the Club, 1928 1 939, Orange County Regional History Center; Crosby, Fifty Years of Service, 6, 54 55. 49 eport on Projects Started fo ; s crapbook dates it June 8, 1932 Orlando Garden Clubs archives, Box 1, S crapbooks of the Club, 1928 2012,'s_who's_who_of_America

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149 arena. For example, in January 1935, a large number of St. Petersburg women, representing a councilmen in an effort to curb roadside signs. W ylie, a garden club leader, emphasized eliminating street signs, declaring it a matter of civic pride. Lawton, of the National Roadside communities that had imposed sign taxes still were experiencing blight. That laws were being Beautiful advocates, and a number of lawmakers most of these positions held by men also tried to curb signage abuses. However, for the next three decades the loudest voices on the issues would be those of women who were better organized and less likely to feel any economic pressure to stand down from their demands. Once again women were acting to control aesthetic damage inflicted by male capitalism run amok. They could not and would not be ignored. 50 The advertising industry was forced to take notice and respond. The Outdoor Advertising Association of Florida distributed a multi March 1935 annual ever occurred to you that the Garden Club members possibly are being used by selfish interests as a means to destroy the Outdoor Advertisi should not unwittingly become the cats billboard companies em an important point during the Great Depression and suggests that opposition may be fomented by other industries that want outdoor advertising dollars. Employing an economics versus aesthetics argument, the brochure 50 The Eveni ng Independent (St. Petersburg, F la.), January 7, 1935, 1 2.

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150 sta 51 The pamphlet did not persuade FFGC members. In 1939 they passed a resolution highway space for advertising purposes and the serious interference thereby with highway safety ic roadsides for advertising purposes should be prevented by state legislation and enforced in the courts, and by further restricting state billboards, two adver tising executives appeared before the FFGC executive board suggesting the two groups work together, stating that the industry would not oppose legislative controls and asking to see the bill before it was introduced to the legislature. The advertising busi nessmen were well aware of the clout held by the FFGC, which could rally its members to call for legislation. And although FFGC documents do not show the organization ing their demands echo louder in Tallahassee. 52 Advertising interests tried to counteract National Council campaigns as well, offering free Crosby, adding, these members in some areas countered by urging their members and other consumers to write to the companies and manufacturers whose goods were being advertised on the unsightly signs. Such prac 51 21, 1935 n .a. ; Board Reports March 21, 1929 March 20, 1935 FFGC, b ound volume n o number, no numbered pages 52 th Annual Convention, March 30 Minutes 1935 1939 F la., Minutes 1939 1945 FFGC 10.

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151 regulation, and their powerful lobby defeated any bills for national control 53 The battle continued into the second half of the twentieth century. In a 1950 article for The Florida Clubwoman the FFWC chair of roadside beautification, Margery Waide Brockway, of the length of U.S. Highway 1 in Florida, one could find 8,988 small signs; 1,128 large ones; 1,278 eating places; 281 filling Florida become the trash barrel for al 54 By 1951, as a result of garden club work and a 1941 signage law that the FFGC worked eighteen years to get passed, more than 300, 000 unlicensed signs had been removed from state highways. Two years later, garden club members still worried about roadside debris and signage and advised their members to look for problem intersections and properties and then contact landowners for help in getting them cleaned. Members were advised not to fight to get rid of all signs, noting that companies and landowners profited from them. 55 As with many other Florida issues, Jennings also played a large role in Florida highway beautification. Through he r work as an officer of the FFWC as well as the Duval County year chair of the Beautification Committee of the Florida Chamber of Commerce, and a leader in the Duval County Highway Beautification Association, Jenning s pressed lawmakers and businesses for decades to improve the appearance 53 Cros by, Fifty Years of Service 55. 54 Mrs. E.K. The Florida Clubwoman (May 1950): 10. Brockway s name determined and accessed April 17, 2012, 0430 RickRemembers 55 Mrs. Horace To The Camel l ia (publication of Pensacola Federation The Camellia 4.3 (March 1953): 11.

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152 Jennings gained passage of a state law that required 100 foot right of way for roads, landscaping, setbacks for wire holding poles, and the appointment of a beautification expert to the state road department. 56 economic and the aesthetic a savvy melding of int erests to appeal to male and female alike. At Understanding h that all efforts of this nature, whether for parks, highways, or whatever related interests, had long according to an article in the Christian Science Monitor day competitive business methods, she declared, have brought out clearly the fact that beautiful cities, country sides, and highways, are among our soundest investments, drawing in throngs the travelers and helping 57 beautification and conservation, which is an important part of it, together constitute a n indispensable factor when reckoning the dollars that will circulate in his home town markets. If it is true that the day of the old corner grocery, with its wire baskets of apples and potatoes, its newspaper wrappings, and oddments of string has given wa y to shining windows of fruit displays, cellophane and colored twine, how equally true it is that the careless indifference of 56 Vance, May Mann Jennings 134 135. 57 Christian Science Monitor, May 25, 1933, n.a., n.p., Box 23a, Scrapbook, May Mann Jennings Papers, University of Florida archives.

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153 those days has given place to city planning, county and state beautification association, organized effort on the part of busines s men and women working together for beauty and 58 Near the end of her life, Jennings was regularly applauded for her many years of work on these issues. In a 1959 Jacksonville Times Union and vigorous effo to this endeavor. If the time and money she has put into the state wide and Du val County beautification programs could be piled up into one lump and all converted into gold, she would listed Florida as fifth in the nation in state scenic beau ty, and he pondered how to reach the top have the most beautiful highways and parks in the country, if they will join together and work diligently and intelligentl 59 As the century progressed, state and national garden clubs continued to press for billboard restrictions, which were enacted nationally in 1958 and in 1965, the latter of which required a state to give up ten percent of its federal h ighway funding if it failed to comply with federal regulations that dictated sign sizes, set backs, and placements along roadways. The federal rules were the first to attempt nationwide control of signage, and while they did eliminate some eyesores, they d id not remove the problem. Advertising signs evolved to meet and sidestep the federal rules, which were regularly amended until the end of the century to address new issues of 58 Ibid. 59 Jacksonville Times Union April 29, 1959, n.a., n.p., Box 23 a, Scrapbook May Mann Jennings Papers, University of Florida archives.

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154 the day. Noting that highway beautification was a top environmental issue of the 1950s and 1960s, culminating with the federal acts, authors Charles F. Floyd and Peter J. Shedd maintain f national standards, and general 60 governm ental planning and zoning as solutions to these woes something with which 61 The planning movement in the United States arose out of concerns about the ills of rapid urbanization, particularly in the northeast. Olmsted led the movement in the late nineteenth century, writes Jon A. Peterson, advocating to his most fundamental ideas about aesthetic taste, family values, public health, and civilized of 1893 and the 1902 U.S. Senate Park Commission Plan for Washington gave the coun try a new view of comprehensive planning: 60 Crosby, Fifty Years of Service Cont October 3, 2011, ; Charles F. Floyd and Peter J. Shedd, atest Failure ( Boulder, C olo.: Westview Press, 1979), 1 2. 61

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155 centralized endeavor in which a single Peterson writes, adding that this conceptualized drove city planning in the City Beautiful movement until World War II. 62 Women of L. Birch, not only as planners but also as community activists. The club network of elite, college counting 495 affiliated groups with a total of 800,000 members. Women also were active in a number of other 63 The FFWC supported city planning, which reinforced other club efforts that included sanitation, hygiene, playground construction, and child welfare. In 1912 grassroots support to bri ng planning to their communities. Although they were disfranchised views on planning and other reform issues were untainted by selfish motives and therefore more imp 62 Planning the Twentieth Century American City Mary Corbin Sies and Christopher Silver eds. (Baltimore: The Johns Hopkins University Press, 1996), 39, 45 49. 63 Ibid., 473.

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156 with designers that included noted planner John Nolen. 64 Although Fl orida did not suffer from many of the urban ills of the large cities, its women, many of whom had relocated from northern cities, saw enough problems to take action, especially during the land boom of the 1920s and ensuing decades as growth mushroomed at a rapid pace. Spurred by the City Beautiful movement and through contact with Olmsted and electri quickened the pace of urbanization, and the gaps once separating cities from their hinterlands had required a horse or a boat; fifty years later one could ride railroads across the peninsula. Now roads opened up the 1930, Florida had more than 3,200 m iles of paved roads that reached along its coasts and into the keys. By the 1950s, one million tourists came to the state by car; a decade later an interstate road system and a central turnpike not only opened more areas for tourists and residents, but all owed them to get there faster. Realizing that this modern trend was inevitable, Nolen believed regional planning was essential for securing water supplies, allocating lands for urban uses, and preserving natural systems ideas in developing a plan for St. Petersburg, Florida, the first in the state. Ten years earlier, the city, which had adopted City Beautiful thinking, had joined with Pinellas County officials in hiring the Olmsted Brothers, a 64 The Ame rican Planner Donald A. Krueckeber g ed. (New Brunswick N.J. : Center for Urban Policy Research, 1994), 472 478, accessed July 10, 2011 context=cplan_papers.

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157 company comprised of Olmsted m legislation from the state, since there was no statewide planning act, and Nolen hoped it would mimic British law that required cities to create master plans before c reating detailed maps. rights, Nolen had come to believe that the real answer lay with broad regional plans that could offer incentives to landowners. The St. Pe tersburg plan included a greenbelt with barrier islands along the coast of the Gulf of Mexico, transportation routes, neighborhoods, tourist areas, referendum in 1923, but the city did adopt some of its ideas. He and his firm would go on to consult for more than twenty Florida communities, including West Palm Beach, Clewiston, and propo 65 Nolen received much support from Florida women for his ideas about planning. Perhaps no one was as important to the cause as Jessica Waterman Seymour, who, before her move to Miami after World War I, had been involved in planning issues in St. Paul, Minnesota. Seymour had studied with noted planner Patrick Geddes who, according to Stephenson, espoused 65 Stephenson, R. Bruce J ohn Nolen, 1926, unpublished manuscript, 2011, 7 13, 20 Florida Historical Quarterly 75.3 (Winter 1997): 282 283; Raymond The New History of Florida Michael Gannon ed., (Gainesville: The University Press of Florida, 1996), 428 431.

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158 regionalism and As a member of vic Committee, Seymour was responsible for bringing Nolen in to lubs and was a leading city proponent for Miami planning. Seymour also became a friend and mentor to Marjory Stoneman Douglas, and the two espoused the idea of regionalism Seymour through her advocacy and rallying of community groups and Douglas through he r daily column that appeared in the Miami Herald rapid growth combined with its lush natural palette made city planning imperative. 66 Seymour and Douglas, according to historian Jack E. Da all the goals of the C ity Beautiful movement. Douglas also encouraged an Douglas was spea lined roads, and parks filled with unique tropical flora. This beauty included non native plants, such as the African tulip tree, the banyan tree from India, and the jacaranda from South Africa, that were hailed for their beauty and now are firmly entrenched in the Miami area. Eventually Douglas recognized that invasive species could be harmful, especially in her beloved Everglades. For the time being, 66 Jessica Seymour (Mrs. Robert M.), Planning Problems of Town, City and Region: Papers and Discussions at the Eighteenth National Conference on City Planning held at St. Petersburg and Palm Beach, Fla. March 29 to April 1, 1926 (Philadelphia, Pa.: Wm. F. Fell, 1927), 197 a ccessed April 30, 2009 natirich_djvu.txt ; Stephenson, John Nolen 45 47; Davis, An Everglades Providence 283 288

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159 however, she and the others espousing the regionalist philosophy were looking at form rather than biological function. 67 When Miami was under consideration for the 1926 National Conference on City Planning, Seymou the men in charge of affairs here are small town men, consequently the right kind of preliminary holding the conference distinctive and natural features of the would be his land of opportunity. Their give and take suggests mutual respect and reliance all geared at improving the urban landscape. The female participation, it must be noted, once again invo lved remedying the urban problems that were a product of male governance and development. 68 Instead of Miami, planning leaders opted to hold the 1926 conference divided between St. Petersburg and Palm Beach. At the conference, Seymour delivered an address t laboratory for all these experiments. I made many excursions around the state, and in 1923 was appointed a state chairman in the Federation of Women's Clubs, to give a program on Regional Plan of New York, the New Jersey park system, and the necessity of political cooperation. The whole thing was such a t remendous vision of the possibilities of co operation that I knew, coming from the people, from the women of the clubs and the homes, that if the 67 Davis, An Everglades Providence 284, 288, 325. 68 Stephenson, John Nolen 45 46.

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160 ideals I had heard in just personal talks could be spread about there would be no trouble whatever in putting commendation mo vement, she stated, and reminded the assembled group that Florida, with 1.5 million people verdant beauty of the state and espoused her vision of regionalis m in which communities would have individual identities ba sed on indigenous resources Again, when you look at Florida it is flat, of course; it cannot compare with California or Colorado or the Great Lakes or North Carolina or many other places in the matter of picturesqueness. It is a place that cries aloud fo r engineers and artists and landscape architects who will work together on the whole state, so that counties and cities may co operate in order that the entire state can be considered a part of the plan and each part of the state have its own he said, asking the group to pass a resolution endorsing a state plan, particularly in the design of the Dixie Highway, which would become a major connecting thoroughfare in the state. As with many residents of her era and has been mentioned earlier, Seymo ur looked at state to make it even more attractive the same impulse that led many to import and plant exotic species to the state. 69 In closing, Seymour chast ised the male dominated planning professionals for discounting the influence of women in such matters: I think you possibly made a mistake in leaving women too much out of your conferences because women nowadays are going to decide where they shall live; t hey are going to decide which town they will bring their family into; they are going to decide what those children are going to do; they are going to decide 69 199.

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161 whether they shall be horticulturists and botanists and scientific men and women, or whether they s hall entirely go over into business and industrial life. We are just beginning; we are just born; we are infants in this thing, but we are very lively infants, and we intend to grow and expand, and we intend to take the finest, the most ideal, the most spl endid thing from any home that any one of us has ever known. We intend to take that thing out into the community, into the county, into the state, as our work. I t is not political work, it is artistic, scientific work, it is democratic work, and we believe in it. 70 In many ways, Seymour was warning this male group to change their ways in the face of although they were, in a sense, newborn to the political world, she fo recast a rising female influence in planning as well as the sciences and business. For the time being, however, women were marginalized from the planning process and rare in the profession. Catherine Bauer and Edith Wood were among the few females in the f ield, having started in wartime housing efforts that later linked to progressive planning efforts. Men like Olmsted and Nolen led in the planning arena, which addressed the burgeoning growth of cities and the attendant ills of overcrowding. However, as pre women were important in early planning movement activities, focusing their energies on the social conditions created by urban growth and placing them on the public agenda. At t he same conference in which Seymour spoke Nolen stated that uncontrolled growth was the biggest obstacle for cities, which afforded the opportunity to create new ideas. Florida was a test case for the profession, Nolen s ai d, agreeing that Florida needed a state plan and a state planning commission to suburbs 71 70 Ibid., 200 201. 71 Planning the Twentieth Century American City Mary Corbin Sies and Christopher Silver eds., 140 142; Stephenson, John Nolen 49.

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162 Through the first three decades of the century Seymour pushed for planning and for beautification. She served several yea rs as FFGC Beautification Chair developing an agenda favoring the use of native plants, highway planning, garden design, and city and regional that was used by Califor nia garden clubs and distributed by the National Council to its member individual members of garden clubs, to an active interest in the necessity for a better u nderstanding of plant material and its proper use, whether in the small garden, the large estate, Two years later, the FFGC unanimously adopted a resolution endo rsing a state bill that would 72 September 1929 issue of The Florida Clubwoman published by the FFWC, featured an article by Grace Wilbur Trout, chairman of the Jacksonville City Planning Advisory Board. Trout lauded St. Petersburg for developing a plan and lamented that if Jacksonville had done t he same maintained if the people who then were building expensive homes could have been assured that economic argument that planning attracts residents, which provides more customers for 72 Board Reports March 21, 1929 March 20, 1935. on of Garden Clubs In Convention Assembled at West 22, 1935, Board Reports March 21, 1929 March 20, 1935, FFGC, 12

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163 hand in hand with city beautification enhances an 73 home in 1914 on the south side of the St. Johns River in Jacksonville. They moved permanently to the city in 1921 and four years late r Trout was elected president of The Garden Club of Jacksonville, a title she held until 1927; she also served as second vice president of the FFGC. they met annual ly to seek advice or miss fashion, so term mayor) were appointed to the City Planning Commission, and in 1928, George W. Simons Jr. became 74 From its inception, accordin g to Simons, the Planning Board advocated saving park areas that developers eyed for projects. Board members also worked to draw a plan for the city that aesthetic 73 The Florida Clubwoman 9.5 (September 1929): 10. 74 The History of the Garden Club of Jacksonville, Florida Mrs. Fred Noble ed. (Jacksonville: The Garden Club of Jacksonville, 1960), 13 a ccessed July 9, 2011 corner/Home/garden club histo ry ; Pleasant Daniel Gold, History of Duval County Florida (St. Augustine: The Record Company, 1928 ), 474 ; full name revealed at accessed July 9, 2011.

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164 street system, and a year later the City Council approved a planning board inspired update of 75 That the Jacksonville board represented both sexes demonstrated the power of local chastisement two years earlier had indicated. Initially McFarland and City Beautiful proponents had recognized that women were vital to the cause. In Chicago, when the Commercial Club, composed of businessmen, sought to institut this, the Commercial Club broadened its base by appealing for support for process as the infrastructure goals set by businessmen took precedence, writes Chambliss, adding 76 Historian Adam Rome explains and women worked together in civic improvement groups such as the American Park and Outdoor Art Association that had equal numbers of male and female members. Although several women were organizers of the 1909 National Conference on City Planning, the with feminini ty and a rejection of women from the movement. Seymour had seen this in Florida 75 The History of the Garden Club of Jacksonv ille 16 17. 76 12.

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165 and complained that men were missing important contributions that women could offer. But it was the same door that slammed on women in the forestry movement during the same per iod, as highlighted in Chapter 3 Women were useful to a certain point, but men wanted ultimately to be happy to call upon women, la McFarland, when it suited t heir interests, but they were not going to give up jobs to them. 77 Approaching the mid stricter zoning and planning laws in their effort to fight roadside blight created by fly by night r oadside stands, billboards and to make their communities more attractive. They were very The Florida Clubwoman Judge Webber Haines, of Winter Park, highlighted the persistence and gradually quieted by legal terminology, or argued into silence, or acquiescence, by the seeming they had identified with the moral necessity of community work, women were formidable proponents to see it accomplished. 78 fire trucks to planting trees to installing kitchens for community supp is impossible if it is worthy, and her enthusiasm, once aroused for a project, soon creates a 77 17. 78 The Florida Clubwoman (October 1949): 8.

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166 momentum that the laggards and even the unwilling can not resist. I know of two small communities that have been remade in the last three with political factions and dissension, they have had little growth. Ignoring politics, and elected officialdom, the women have organized civic clubs and surmounted the jealousies, apathy and actual antagonism o 79 Miami and its environs had exploded since the early part of the century and were feeling the pr oblems, including ghettos of poverty with which many of its northeastern counterparts had been coping for decades. By mid century Miami had a half million residents and was the most segregated city in the country. Coconut Grove, part of the Miami metropoli s, suffered as well from a lack of plumbing and electricity, uncollected garbage, vermin, and ramshackle buildings championed beauty, education, and health. In August 1948 Elizabeth Landsberg Virrick, a well educated woman who owned a Coconut Grove apartment building with her Russian born husband, joined Reverend Theodore Gibson, rector of the black Christ Episcopal Church, in calling a meeting that drew 200 people, leadin g to the creation of the biracial Coconut Grove ostracized by a white community steeped in segregated housing areas and Jim Crow laws. 80 The group set out initially to investigate sanitary conditions, to work for rezoning of the 79 Ibid. 80 Davis, An Everglades Providence 426 427; Untitled 17 page paper that chronicles the group history with no author listed Box 2, File 14: Coconut Grove Committee for Slum Clearance Elizabeth Virrick Papers, History Miami Archives & Research Center Miami, F la. 2 ; Laura Brack enridge Danahy, Making Wave s: Female Activists in Twentieth Century Florida Jack E. Davis and Kari Frederickson eds., (Gainesville: University Press of Florida, 2003), 250 251.

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167 encountered. As a result, the group proposed two ordinances requiring that households be connected to city water and that every household have a flush toilet, septic tank, and sink; the ordinances were approved in October by the city of Miami. The Committee, realizing the financial difficulty involved in forcing these actions, established a fund to help defray costs that residents could repay in small monthly payments a plan proposed by Marjory Stoneman group tried to get the area rezoned to favor single family residences and duplexes rather than apartments and commercial and industrial buildings, which were allowed in the area. Frustrated with the city, the Committee gathered petition signatures and forced a referendum that they won in November 1949. A history of the grou first successful initiative petition and referendum in the State of Florida. It is also the only case refer the area and pressed for improved garbage service. The group cleared a dump to create a playground and get rid of nuisance vermin. It also helped get African American police for the area and raised $35,000 to create a nursery. 81 Virrick presented a plan to the city of Miami that called for an elimination of slums in the next decade or two. Her plan, however, was not intended to remove blacks from Miami as many suspected was the motive in other urban slum clearance plans. Rather, Virrick believed that eliminating the ghettos would end segregation ly quoted her 81 Davis, An Ever glades Providence 426 428; Untitled paper, Coconut Grove Committee for Slum Clearance, 5 11.

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16 8 also believed in raising the standard of living and ending segregation of the black population inherent in slums. The committee history quo will never get rid of slums, if we have segregation, and vice versa, if we did not have made city leaders take a hard look at race and poverty and forced them to find some solutio ns. 82 With their work to improve the living conditions of their fellow Miamians, Virrick and communities. Women had found freedom through suffrage, and now they used their growing political clout to help others escape the manacles of poverty and slum life. Many leaders in securing female suffrage had hoped that this would create a gendered voting bloc that would concerns such as poverty, working conditions, and improved housing. Here it was at work in the state. In the early decades of the century, many Florida women eagerly embarked on campaigns orking within their own clubs and then as voters and participants in state and municipal boards, they achieved much civic reform, successfully gaining traction on issues such as parks, beautification, sign regulations, civic improvements, and city planning inspired in great part by the national City Beautiful largely one of artificial aesthetics and not of true wilderness, it did include livable, landscaped 82 260 261; Davis, An Everglades Providence 429; Michael McGerr, A Fierce Discontent: The Rise and Fall of the Progressive Movement in America, 1870 1920 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2003), 296, 310, 315 319.

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169 communities in harmony with at least some forms of nature. They strove for these goals using a number of tactics, from pressuring governmental leaders who had to listen to these new voters to paying for improvements to donating land for parks to simply pulling the weeds and planting environmental ills caused by male controlled government and b usiness, state women had paved new, broader paths into the public arena, permanently expanding their political boundaries. Although they may not have achieved as much as they hoped, Florida women, in the name of preserving and enhancing their state, advanc ed into new political and civic frontiers and would never be pushed back again.

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170 CHAPTER 5 A RISING ECOLOGICAL CONSCIOUSNESS By the middle of the twentieth century, some of the greatest problems in the United States and in Florida had involved the degrad ation and destruction of natural resources upon which the country and state had been built. To assess and address the damage, citizens turned to the scientific community for research and direction, particularly to the growing field of ecology and its exami nation of the function of and relationships within natural systems. As the century unfolded and an activist environmental movement arose to confront the many human made ills in nature, ecology and its concepts took a central role in informing and framing t he debates, legislation, and solutions resulting from this growing field of science that forced a reconsideration of the human role in the world. In Florida, opponents to a number of development schemes, particularly those involving dredge and fill of wetl ands and a federal public works project to build a barge canal across the state, used ecology to question the in Florida issues, although their members, capitalizing on new increasingly put their time and talents into bi gender environmental groups that were created to address specific and often local pr with increasing success, the prevailing attitude that any and all growth and development in Florida was good and desirable. Ecology derives from the term Oec ologie promoted in the late nineteenth centu ry by German zoologist Ernst Haeckel. The word is rooted in the Greek oikos which literally means house, home, habitat. For Haeckel, Oecol o gie living organisms to the external world, their habitat, custom an all

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171 together, in conflict as well as in mutua 1 Haeckel was an avid advocate of British naturalist and evolutionist Charles Darwin, considered by many scholars to be one of the founders of ecology. In his 1859 On the Origin of Species, eize on each place in the Origin was rich in the use of ecological metaphors and insights. By the late 1800s, began to be formalized as a discipline in Europe. Historian Robert P. McIntosh writes that an extremely heter ogeneous mix of natural history, physiology, hydrobiology, biogeography, and evolutionary concerns of nineteenth 2 United States researchers also pioneered ecological studies, which coincided with the t and would increase in importance when the complexities of environmental degradation forced Americans to seek solutions through the growing field of science. As a word, ecology came into vogue in the United States following the 1893 meeting of the Madison Botanical Congress in which a committee of botanists, writes ecology to distinguish their interest in plant 1 Note: this term also is spelled Okologie and Oekologie by science historians. For this paper I will use Donald 2 nd ed. (1977; repr., Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1998 ), 192. 2 Charles Darwin, On the Origin of Species facsimile ed. (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Pres s, 1964), 73, 102 315, 489 ; Gavin de Beer Charles Darwin: Evolution by Natural Selection (Garden City, N .Y. : Doubleday, 1967), 93 ; History of American Ecology, Frank N. Egerton ed. (New York: Arno Press, 1977), 353. For more on the difficult discussion of Darwin 2012, darwin an ecologist

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172 T he new approach moved the study of plants outdoors into the field and their natural habitat. 3 Ecology was not limited to the grasslands, prairies, lakes, and streams. As some scientists moved their research out into the hinterlands, others stayed within t he urban realm, including chemist Ellen Swallow Richards, who pioneered the study of human ecology in the 1890s. In an repeated in the press, the first time Haeck Richards was a female trailblazer as the first woman student and faculty member at the Massachusetts Institute of Technology (MIT) and in 1873 probably became the first American woman to receive a science de the female realm, applying it to the new field of water, air, sewage, and consumer products, including milk, notes biographer Robert Clarke. To R s an interdisciplinary modern environmentalism. 4 role of its women. This new field developed in response to the rising science of bacteriology that created an enormous shift in the understanding of disease and its causes at the end of the 3 Sharon E. Kingsland, The Evolution of Amer ican Ecology, 1890 2000 (Baltimore Md. : The Johns Hopkins University Press, 2005) 68 69, 94 4 Carolyn Merchant, American Environmental History: An Introduction (New York: Columbia University Press, 2007), 179 181 ; Carolyn Merchant, The Columbia Guide to American Environmental History (New York: Columbia University Press, 2002), 162 ; Robert Clarke, Ellen Swallow ; The Woman Who Founded Ecology (Chicago: Follett, 1973) 4, 40 43, 97, 153, 247.

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173 nineteenth century and in the early decades of the twentieth century. Suddenly, Americans bega n writes historian Nancy Tomes in The Gospel of Germs: Men, Women, and the Microbe in American Life A primary response was to ensure that homes were clean and ger m free, a burden essentially left to women. Richards and her colleague Marion Talbot believed that sanitary y all with religious fervor. However, Tome notes, women could not just concentrate on their isolated homes and comfortable spheres might affect health and safety. 5 In the community, broadening female borders that had expanded with conservation efforts. For some women, this dawning science provided opportunities to redefine their identit ies in new professional careers in social work, nursing, and home economics. Guarding the home and duty to be active in the community, worrying about municipal servi ces, poor housing, and workplace conditions. It was imperative that women look beyond their homes and champion the importance of public health a priority that would become a central female focus several decades later in the environmental movement. 6 The eco logical message came to Florida and its activist women in the early twentieth century through academia, popular literature, and personal contacts as its principles were applied 5 Nancy Tomes, The Gospel of Germs: Men, Women, and the Microbe in American Life (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1998), 65, 135 139. 6 Ibid 136 140, 151.

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174 Small used ecological descriptions in his 1929 book warned that threatened with extermination, but in many places the very soil which is necessary to their production and maintenance is being women were paying attention. Sha worked with him to secure Royal Palm State Park and later would collaborate in efforts to create Everglades National Park. 7 ms, using arguments that reflected ecological thinking. Simpson, a friend of Small and Miami club women (and an ally in securing Royal Palm State Park despite his misgivings about some of the communities and writing books about his discoveries. Biographer Elizabeth Ogren Rothra writes ing and being changed by water, wind, fire, and relationship between land, plants, and animals. By 1932, Simpson was mourning the destruction they have done in the past few years this can only end in the destruction of all that is lovely and azy to destroy, claiming that what is done is necessary in order that food and the necessities of life may 7 ; John Kunkel Small, From Eden to Sahara: (Sanford, F la. : Seminole Soil and Water Conservation District, 2004), 1; Davis, An Everglades Providence 220.

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175 8 With their observations and warnings, Simpson and Small linked the many elements of ecology that extended from soil and water to plants to animals to an implied human threat in his writing, anticipating Paul Sears and Aldo Leopold, As early as 1947, Miami author (and active club woman) Marjory Stoneman Douglas reflected ecological views in her best selling book The Everglades: River of Grass Although she worked Michael P. Branch, Douglas came to understa geological, climatological, and biological interconnections that comprise what would later come the book, 9 As the concept of ecology slowly crept into American academia and literature, a number of crises occurred that provided vivid examples of its truth. The disaster of the Dust Bowl in the 1930s, during which millions of tons of topsoil in the arid, drought plagued southern Great Plains literally blew to the e astern U.S. coast, forced the federal government to act, creating 8 Elizabeth Ogren Rothra, (Gainesville: University Press of Florida, 1995), 4 5; Charles Torrey Simpson, Florida Wild Life: Observat ions on the Flora and Fauna of the State and the Influence of Climate and Environment on Their Development (New York: MacMillan, 1932), 152 153, 183, 193; Davis, An Everglades Providence 220 221. 9 Michael P. Branch, Writing the Swamp: Marjory Stoneman D ouglas and The Everglades: River of Grass Such News of the Land: U.S. Women Nature Writers Thomas S. Ed wards and Elizabeth A. De Wolfe eds. (Hanover N.H. : University Press of New England, 2001), 127, 131; Davis, An Everglades Providence 354 359.

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176 agencies and policies that reflected new ecological thinking. The conservation movement, which had included different programs to manage resources mostly to serve commercial purposes now mov 10 Another series of crises in the 1 930s also led to more support of ecologically based land management. Government sponsored removal of predators, intended to improve deer numbers for hunters and to protect commercial cattle, proved disastrous as deer surged in numbers, destroyed habitats t hrough overgrazing, and then ultimately died of starvation when food supplies were destroyed. Leopold, a Yale trained forester and author, observed this first hand, an experience that led him to reject the utilitarian conservation idea and instead argue fo r an ethic based on ecology. In his 1949 posthumous masterpiece, A Sand County Almanac Leopold described how the extirpation of predators ultimately destroyed the ecosystem. Leopold argued role of Homo sapiens from greatly influenced public thinking about the role of humans in the natural world. 11 Although men were recognized as early leaders in the ecologi cal field and Douglas already had used its concepts, it was a female biologist who finally brought ecology into mainstream selling 1962 book Silent Spring awoke the country and the world to the dangers of uncontrolled pesticid e use in the environment, refuting claims by the chemical industry and federal and local governments that newly developed chemical 10 Worster 2 29 23 5 11 Ibid ., 270 271 ; Aldo Leopold, A Sand County Almanac With Essays on Conservation from Round River (New York: Ballantine, 1966), 137 141 240 254

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177 technologies would make lives better. Of particular focus was the widespread use of the chemical DDT (dichloro diphenyl trich loro ethane) to control insects. As Carson showed, relying heavily on research from noted scientists to prove her points, DDT remained in the environment for long periods of time and was stored in plants and animals. Eventually the accumulated chemicals mo ved through the web of life, causing toxicity and reproductive longer ex isted. She used her knowledge of ecology to explain the problem, documenting fish kills, animal deaths, and threats to human health posed by DDT and other pesticides and compared them to the dangers of nuclear power. In discussing problems posed by chemica ls to chemical companies, and created debates in the media and Cong ress, eventually leading to the 1972 U.S. ban on DDT. 12 Carson, who had previously written best selling books about the sea and its shore, was an avid birdwatcher and had traveled extensively around the country. In the book she documents case after case of environmental poisoning caused by pesticides, including fish kills and contamination in Florida that, she argued, hurt the commercial angling industry. Biographer Linda Lear writes that Carson, in an effort to counter expected criticisms that she was a publication support of a number of experts and organizations, including the League of Women Voters and the garden club. At the suggestion of her friend Marie Rodell, on May 14, 1962, Carson attended a luncheon to whic h were invited 12 Rachel Carson Silent Spring (1962; repr., Boston, Mass.: Houghton Miff lin, 1994), 1 3, 189.

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178 not every group leader attended at the luncheon, all of the groups received proof copies of Silent Spring Carson did find support from some attendees, in cluding Sylvia Ravitch of the National Council of Women (NCW), and the group invited her to speak at its annual conference, Lear American Association of University Women also asked Carson to attend a meeting in which 13 However, once the book was published, reactions were mixed among Westcott, an entomologist and regular contributor to wome distinguished denigrating Rachel as nothing more than an emotiona l female alarmist, they hoped to win the media was equally guilty of sexual stereotyping. Mary Joy Breton notes that Time magazine 14 deep chord with Am ericans, particularly women. Letters to the editor had more female than male 13 Linda Lear, Rachel Carson : Witness for Nature (New York: Henry Holt, 1997), 400 406, 455. 14 Ibid., 428 429, 435 437 Boston, American Experience, DVD; Breton, Women Pionee rs for the Environment 73.

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179 issues: fluoride in the water, food additives, thalidomide, radioactive fallout, go vernment secrecy, and corporate deception. They linked their concern with their primary roles as housewives and mothers and with the protection of future generations. Their outlook was not so r status as an unmarried woman with no offspring to discredit her. They demeaned her first as a mere woman, too squeamish to be logical, and then belittled her expressed concern for future generations by claiming she lacked the greatest of all female autho rity and influence: motherhood. (In fact, she was raising her nephew.) 15 Silent Spring did, and any previous difficulty men had expressed about her authority, writes historian Vera No Silent Spring rallied women who aired their concerns about pesticides, some filing lawsuits to stop their use. Women no longer looked at the natural world with mostly aesthetic eyes they now worried about its ecological health, and, in turn, the health of the human rac e. Health of the home and community had become a concern during the early decades with the advent of germ theory, and now it extended beyond the community into the environment. 16 public, and the publication of Silent Spring now seen as a classic in environmental literature, often is hailed as the beginning of the modern environmental movement. Former U.S. Vice President Al 15 Lear, Rachel Carson 16 Norwood, Made From This Earth 166 167.

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180 Gore, a Nobel Prize laureate for his environmental work, a fundamental idea lost to an amazing degree in modern civilization: the interconnection of human beings and the natural environment. This book was a shaft of light that for the first time illuminated what is arguably the most important issue of our 17 By mid century, ecology was melded to a rising new environmental consciousness that 18 Established conservation organizations, including The Nature Conservancy and the A udubon Society, started to join in the growing environmental movement, and began espousing ecological views. Some conservation era groups had stagnated for years, their numbers hurt by ousness, according to Luther P. Gerlach and Virginia H. Hine, two of the first scholars to study what they called the ecology movement, including campaigns in Florida, these groups were positioned as leaders in 17 Carson, Silent Spring xv xviii, xxvi. 18 Kingsland, The Evolution of American Ecology 180, 200 Worster, 361.

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181 environmental probl ems and demand action one of the many fights waged across the country in the 1960s as social unrest swirled around the Vietnam War, the civil rights movement, and the Silent Spring insisted that government reform itself with interventions to solve issues such as water and air pollution, nuclear radiation, oil spills, and abuse of natural resources. They demanded new laws and governmental accountability in efforts to co unter the damage already inflicted on the natural world. 19 projects to fit new scientific knowledge and ecological thinking. The National Council of State Garden Clubs, whi ental groups was evolving to its more modern manifestation, albeit too slowly for some local and state groups that organized gaining the vote and with rising demand s for equality developed in part from their labor in World War II efforts many women refused to be relegated to separate spheres and took their rise of the wome 19 Lear, Rachel Carson 117; Luther P. Gerlach and Virginia H. Hine Lifeway Leap: The Dynamics of Change in America (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1973), 4, 234 235. For a discussion about the ro le of nature films in American culture see Gregg Mitman, With Wildlife on Film (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1999).

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182 discussed in Chapters 6 and 8 ). Women joined in the new and reinvigorated bi gender environmental groups, often serving as the primary organizers and leaders. The FFWC and the FFGC stil l asked its members to fund efforts and write letters, but the real power became concentrated in single issue grassroots efforts, where elected representatives had to answer to increasingly adamant constituents of both sexes who regularly attended governme ntal hearings, demanded action from their officials, and, if ignored, pursued relief in the courts. 20 The new, bi Florida popular fiction author John D. MacDonald, particularly in A Flash of Green published in 1962, the same year as Silent Spring The novel focuses on the efforts of business and government interests to launch a dredge and fill project in fictional Grassy Bay, located in southwest Florida F. Dasmann, adding that the book depicted the flavor of early conflicts that posed real estate and politically ineff and fill opposition is posed by a handful of grassroots residents, members of the bi gender Save Our Bays, Inc. (S.O.B.), who wage a losing A main charac ter, Kat Hubble, the S.O.B. recording secretary, helps rally opposition to the project, perhaps Doris Rowell, a character with a scientific background, explains the impo rtance of marine years man shared this planet with other living things. The ecology was in balance. Now we 20 Crosby, Fifty Years of Service 40.

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183 are in a very short time of natural history when we hav complaints about overpopulation, pesticides, predator removal, and pollution. 21 war population boom. MacDonald and his wife were part of the in migration, settling first in Clearwater and then in Siesta Key, a Sarasota barrier island. Early on, he became aware of unregulated dredge and fill activities at work in area estuaries efforts meant to create mor e lucrative waterfront lots for the throngs determined to have their own piece of Florida paradise. In 1956, MacDonald became the spokesperson for the Committee for a Better Sarasota, a protest group that opposed bay filling by using ecological arguments t hat the development would destroy habitat, including oyster beds and fish and bird feeding areas. Just as touted money over estuary. Two years later, MacDonald again protested a project proposed by the mighty Arvida Corporation that involved development of four thousand homes and fill of complained that Florida was the only 22 The Sarasota project was o ne of many dredge and fill projects at work reshaping the state, dominated businesses and governments. After all, dredge and expensive, taxable wat erfront property the ultimate Florida dream. MacDonald certainly was 21 Raymond F. Dasmann, No Further Retreat: The Fight to S ave Florida (New York: Macmillan, 1971), 60; John D. MacDonald, A Flash of Green (New York: Ballantine, 1962), 12, 71, 170 71. 22 Gary Mormino, Land of Sunshine, State of Dreams: A Social History of Modern Florida (G ainesville: University Press of Florida, 2005), 340 Florida Historical Quarterly 87 4 (Spring 2009), 406 505.

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184 aware of the bay fill at work in Boca Ciega Bay, in the upper Tampa Bay area of St. Petersburg, that would create a legal showdown and inspire legislation before it was resolved. Between 1950 activists combined to fight and Ecological arguments agai nst filling were used as early as 1956 by marine biologists whose input into the decision development interests and to county commissioners who had never opposed a fill permit that promised more taxable lands. Women were energetic, effective leaders in the anti fill effort, working on equal ground with fellow male environmentalists. 23 A large c ontroversy swirled around a Boca Ciega Bay project proposed by developer Albert Furen. In 1953, he bought the rights to fill 504 acres of bay bottom that abutted six shoreline acres already in his possession. He applied to the Internal Improvement Fund (TI IF), a commission composed of the governor and cabinet members, for a permit to turn the bay bottom into residential lots, eventually selling the project to a different developer who proceeded with the fill plans. Its major opponent was the Alliance for Co nservation of Natural Resources (ACNR), a group formed in 1954 by Mary Bigelow, Ann Davis, and Floyd Brown, a high school 23 Mormino, Land of Sunshine State of Dreams 341 342 ; R. De : Dredge and Fill in Boca Ciega Bay, Paradise Lost? The Environmental History of Florida Jack E. Davis and Raymond Arsenault eds. ( Gainesville: University Press of Florida, 2005 ), 326 332. Other estuarine controversies included Rookery Bay a For more on these projects, see Blake, Land Into Water Water into Land and Carter, The Florida Experience

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185 science teacher, to oppose bay fill. Bigelow, who had fallen in love with the area in the 1940s, moved there in 1951. She could have b waterfront vista was being transformed into a subdivision, she organized the ACNR by gathering members from e to 1958 to testify on behalf of the group. 24 Davis was president of the Garden Club of St. Petersburg and an ACNR officer who understood the power of numbers and was happy to use them. At an April 1957 hearing before make good on that t hreat: since the city of St. Petersburg had agreed to the project, the group already had sent two thousand protest letters. It is important to note that, although she helped found an environmental group and was willing to stand up to the county commission, Davis was still a woman of her era, identified in media as Mrs. Robert Davis. As with many women of her wife, not as a liberated individual with a separate ident ity. That type of recognition was not provided on a regular basis until the last decades of the century. 25 Ecology figured large in the arguments against bay dredge and fill projects. As part of their decision process, Pinellas County commissioners heard th e testimony of marine biologist Robert Hutton, author of The Ecology of Boca Ciega Bay a 1956 ecological analysis sponsored 24 340. 25 St. Petersburg Times April 12, 1957, B 1, B 24. Note: as with many women of her day, Davis used her married name of Mrs. Robert Davis for her membership records and most newspaper interviews. Her first name determined with the help of Mary Frances Lawrie, president of the Garden Club of St. Petersburg, August 22, 2011, and confirmed through Evening Independent (St. Petersburg, Fla.), April 20, 1958.

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186 by the state that warned of enormous estuarine damage that the infill would cause. The report, a precursor to the environmental imp act statements required by federal law beginning in the 1970s, was a first for an environmental conflict, but this format eventually would be key to stopping many potentially damaging projects. Pinellas County leaders approved the project, ignoring Hutton, ourt. 26 Women found a number of ways to participate in efforts to stop dredging this time trying to prevent men from creating yet another environmental mess in the state. In 1956, Barbara Falk, She and her husband pledged $1,000 to the campaign, hoping that the money would be sent to Gov. LeRoy Collins for a public purchase of the submerged lands in the lower part of the bay. The irony of the need for the public to buy what were deemed public lands illustrates the inverted thinking a nd actions of governmental figures that readily allowed developers to buy s and This area would be a pumped in [ sic 27 A decade later, civic groups combined forces to confront new Boca Ciega dredging projects. In 1965, they formed the Committee to Save Our Bays and distributed 40,000 handbills 26 Stephenson, ; Dav is, An Everglades Providence 418. 27 St. Petersburg Times August 2, 1956.

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187 urging people to protest to their county commissioners. Vice chair of the group was Mary Louise Mills, who succeeded Katherine Bell Tippetts in 1941 as president of the St. Petersb urg Audubon Society. The group was a merger of ACNR and another group, Save Our Bays; the membership of the new organization was estimated at 15,000 people. The Committee to Save Our Bays launched opposition that year to a proposed $4.7 million project by the Southwest Florida Water Management District to create a seventeen square mile freshwater lake by impounding the upper portion of Tampa Bay. It is worth noting that several organizations during the 1950s and 1960s used the name Save Our Bays to oppose p rojects in their areas an apt description of their so fictional portrait of a Florida phenomenon. 28 Although the loss of large portions of Boca Ciega Bay was a tragedy for the environment, it signaled a change in the state. Dredge and fill projects, once a matter of public policy deemed heard. A proposal for a twelve groups and went to the Florida Supreme Court before Zabel obtained a permit in 1965. The project still needed a review by the Army C orps of Engineers, which received a tide of protest. In 1967, the Corps refused the permit the first time the agency had denied such a request for previous dred ging and filling of the bay had damaged seabed grasses and led to $1.4 million in annual fishing losses. The decision was appealed to the federal courts, and in 1970 it set a national precedent: an appellate court found that science now proved the environm ental disasters 28 St. Petersburg Times January 9, 1965; James Lewis, St Petersburg Times determined at petersburg audubon history accessed August 16, 2011.

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188 of dredging on marine systems and denied the project. Boca Ciega Bay had set a new national standard. 29 The campaign to save the bay also helped put a woman into elected office. At a 1966 hearing in which two hundred people gathered at the G arden Club of St. Petersburg, Dorothy Eaton Sample, vice president of the Pasadena Property Owners Association, updated the group collected money for opposition efforts. By 1971, she was president of the St. Petersburg based Save Our Bays, and she spent several years opposing fill projects and offshore drilling in th e Gulf of Mexico. Three years later Sample ran for the state House of Representatives, describing 1976 and served twelve years, earning accolades for her envi ronmental sensitivity; in 1984 she 30 Not only had women proven to be competent environmental soldiers, a s Sample demonstrated, but they were able to use the cause to reach public office. Florida women had come out of the house and entered the House, claiming greater territory and proving their aptitude to take on environmental confrontations and lead the cha rge. In doing so, they gained greater recognition as individuals with talents that benefitted the entire community. 29 340, 343 344. 30 Ibid., 326; Ann Weldo The Evening Independent (St. Petersburg F The Evening Independent (St. Petersburg, F Hinted On The St. Petersburg Times The Evening Independent (St. Petersburg, F lawmaker, civic activist Sample leaves legacy of nice, St. Petersburg Times September 4, 2002.

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189 The political winds were shifting for male leaders as well. Late in life, Collins, who was governor from 1955 to 1961, called the Boca Ciega another State Land Use an d Control Committee used to regulate dredge and fill operations. In 1967, Claude Kirk, the first elected Republican Florida governor in a century, appointed as his and fill oper studies from developers who wanted fill permits. Permits dropped from some two thousand a year to two hundred in 1970. In 1969, Florida enacted an Aquatic Preserve b ill to protect its estuaries. Boca Ciega Bay would become the first area so designated. Although it was too late to change in opinion and practice wrought of damage, experience, and citizen opposition. 31 Federal efforts were simultaneously initiated to protect coastal areas, culminating in the 1968 National Estuary Protection Act, which encouraged local governments to safeguard vital marine habitat through planning. It also required federal agencies to consider ecologic impacts of development projects in these areas. In 1970, the federal act was used (and ultimately upheld in appellate court) to deny a dredge and fill permit for a project in, ironically, Boca Ciega Bay. The courts now relied on scientific reports of the ills of dredge and fill on marine systems to refuse the practice, setting a new standard for the bay and the nation. Ecology was starting to win. 32 Florida was not the only state grappling with the issue o f dredge and fill of wetlands, tidal flats, and coastal marshes. Although it had been common practice, indeed good commerce, 31 Davis, An Everglades Providence 342. 32 344.

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190 Americans were rethinking such pract ices and coming to place great value on coastlands and estuary systems. Historian Joseph V. Siry, in Marshes of the Ocean Shore: Development of an Ecological Ethic period, at both grass roots and bureaucratic levels, an ecocentric understanding evolved, which e federal legislation. As demand for more coastal development increased an estimated 53 percent of U.S. population is on the coastline new conflicts arose about the proper use of these areas. 33 In 1959, debates erupted in the San Francisco area after the U. S. Army Corps of Engineers produced a pamphlet that promoted filling 248 of the 435 square miles of wetlands in the Bay area by the year 2000. Instead of wetlands, the area would be used for housing, industry, and transportation. At the same time, a nuclea r power plant was proposed on the coastline located public sentim ents by a few corporate officials, and an alliance of local preservationist groups by national organizations, including the Sierra Club and the League of Women Voters. Save the San Francisco Bay Association, led by faculty wives from the University of California, was one of the strongest citizen groups. It stressed aesthetic values of the landscape and swelled in 33 Joseph V. Siry, Marshes of the Ocean Shore: Development of an Ecologi cal Ethic (College Station: Texas A&M University Press, 1984), 158 164.

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191 membership by 1965 to nearly 9,000 people. The gr oups demanded legislation, dredge moratoriums, and oversight committees to address the issues. 34 Controversies also flared up in New York, particularly the Long Island area, where growth, wetland destruction, and the use of DDT to control mosquitoes aroused public attention. Citizens who had escaped the environmental mistakes of New York City, where thirty four square miles of tidal marshlands had been destroyed, did not want the same mistakes repeated. By 1967, Long Island had lost 29 percent of its coastal wetlands in a ten year period, with 88 percent of the environmental activist, and journalist of the period. She criticized attitudes and actions throughout the nation that them, and fill them with rubble and rubbish which we then call improvements and enter on our tax r and the marshes but dropped the bay bottom thirty feet in places, too low for light to reach marine 35 In Massachusetts, where 25,000 acres had been lost by 1966, conservationists created a coalition to lobby for regulation of such practices. The state passed the 1963 Jones Act, which required state permits for dredge or fil l of coastal wetlands, usurping what had once been the right under its police powers to limit the use of private property if the utilization endangered coastal she 34 Ibid., 164 167. 35 Ibid., 167 Atlantic Monthly 219.6 (June 1967): 76

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192 environmental groups, Massachusetts agreed to preserve 45,000 acres of coastal marshes and until 36 Attitudes about wetlands, estuaries, and tidelands had evolved enormously from no permit necessary dredge and fill projects to protection of these important marine resources. Science, particularly the growi ng field of ecology and a wider public appreciation for its tenets, played a critical role in the changing perspective. New environmental groups promoted this attitude, which also emanated from some older conservation groups, including the female dominated garden clubs. In 1962, Dr. Walter Boardman, executive director of The Nature Conservancy, lauded the involvement of garden club members, citing their familiarity with ecological thinking and support for efforts to save lands once thought to be undesirable : When it is proposed for instance that a swamp should be drained, it is the garden They see the future significance if another vital resource is lost forever. The vital compl ex of life to be found there is understood. Not only are the flora that may be unique to the swamp appreciated, but the relationship of the host of higher and lower forms of life to be found there to the surrounding countryside is recognized. Since they st and to make no personal gain from the preservation of the swamp, their appeal carries more weight than though moved by selfish interests. Furthermore, if it becomes necessary to raise money for the purchase of the acres in question, garden clubbers are sur e to be found active on the project committee. 37 In just two decades, Americans and Floridians, in particular, learned to appreciate wetlands world of ecology, activis ts armed themselves with science, often in the form of environmental impact statements, to confront business as usual development schemes and became increasingly successful in their fights. Nowhere was this better illustrated than in the Cross Florida Barg e 36 Siry, Marshes of the Ocean Shore 170 37 The National Gardener 33.3 4 (March April 1962): 6 7.

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193 Canal project that greatly influenced the nature of environmental controversies in the state and across the United States. Ecology came into the ring with a punch few developers could counter. And, following in the path forged by Richards and Carson, the leader was a woman who happened to be a scientist. Since the earliest days of Spanish settlement, humans dreamed of building a canal across the state to link the Atlantic Ocean with the Gulf of Mexico in order to shorten the trip and avoid treacherous wat times there were schemes for shipping and then barge canals across the state, but the idea had little traction until technology and politics matured in the twentieth cent ury. As historians Steven Noll and David Tegeder note in Ditch of Dreams: The Cross Florida Barge Canal and the ticularly the north central part of Florida. In 1932, the Army Corps chose a 200 mile route that would start at the Atlantic Ocean, follow the St. Johns River and then head up the Ocklawaha River. A canal then would be cut below Ocala to Dunnellon and foll ow the Withlacoochee River to the Gulf of Mexico. The thirty foot deep 38 38 Steven Noll and David Tegeder, Ditch of Dreams: The Cross Florida Barge Canal and the Struggle for Florid (Gainesville: University Press of Florida, 2009), 2 3. Note: For a more complete investigation of the Cross Florida Barge Canal, see Noll and Tegeder, Ditch of Dreams Other works to consult include Blake, Land into Water Water into Land ; Cart er, The Florida Experience ; Dasmann, No Further Retreat The rise of environmentalism in a Our Lady of The Florida, 2010). Note: although the spelling for each vary in differing academic publications, the spelling of Ocklawaha will follow that generally accepted after 199 2, unless specifically cited in a different spelling, and the Cross Florida Barge Canal will be hyphenated unless specifically cited otherwise.

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194 The scheme reflected the comm on attitudes Americans held about their natural resources. Canals had been a source of transportation, income, and patriotic pride in the nation since the building of the Erie Canal in the early nineteenth century, and remaking the landscape had been an im but it was halted a year later for fiscal and political reasons. It a lso had aroused opposition from some Florida conservation groups, who worried about its impact on the Floridan Aquifer, a large underground water supply for the region. New impetus for a canal came during World War II, when fears about German U boats off t he Florida coast made politicians reconsider the project. Using the same route, promoters now sought a canal for barge transportation. It would be twelve feet deep, designed to provide safe shipping of oil and gas from Texas to East Coast markets. Another two decades of wrangling over funding ensued until, on a cold day in February 1964, President Lyndon B. Johnson pulled a switch to explode 150 pounds of dynamite that signaled Florida Barge Canal. To the canal boosters and politicians, the canal looked like a done deal. What they could not envision was that less than a decade later the project would be killed through the efforts of a scrappy group of academics and outraged citizens, led in la rge part by Marjorie Harris Carr. 39 Carr was uniquely qualified and positioned to be a leader in the campaign against the canal. Born in Boston in 1915, Carr moved as a young girl to Bonita Springs in southwest Florida, where she reveled in the natural beau ty of the area while witnessing human abuse of the 39 Noll and Tegeder, Ditch of Dreams 2 5, 142 infrastructure, see John Lauritz Larson, Internal Improvement: National Public Works and the Promise of Popular Government in the Early United States (Chapel Hill: The University of North Carolina Press, 2001). For a discussion of colonial attitudes about natural resources, s ee William Cronon, Changes in the Land: Indians, Colonists and the Ecology of New England (New York: Hill and Wang, 1983).

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195 custom for men to come down, hire a boat, take a gun and stand up in the front of the boat and shoot anything you. Anything that moved was the sport. That outrage, that stupidity of killing every, anything rred early Audubon women, and Carr was well aware of their contributions, noting that the rise of conservation in is very important that these groups got starte clubbers or women clubbers who had a sense of the need for caring and they fought hard for 40 Unlike many women of her era, Carr was able to attend college, receiving a 1936 degree in zoology at the Flori da State College for Women in Tallahassee. Although she was an honors graduate, inducted into the Phi Beta Kappa honorary society, Carr was denied admission to graduate programs in zoology or ornithology at Cornell University and the University of North Ca rolina because of her gender. It was an era of prevalent sexual segregation and discrimination in scientific fields, documented by Margaret W. Rossiter in her two volume history of female American scientists. Women found few jobs in science and related aca demia, except for scattered teaching jobs or work as laboratory assistants or librarians. Rossiter writes that women women; as women they were unusual scientis Eventually women implemented two strategies: either demanding full equality or accepting the prevailing inequality and using them for short term gains. 41 40 Marjorie Harris Carr, interview with author, October 18, 1990. 41 67; Margaret W. Rossit er, Women Scientists in America: Struggles and Strategies to 1940 (Baltimore, Md.: The Johns Hopkins University Press, 1982), xv; Lear, Rachel Carson 94

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196 Carr was fortunate to find jobs in science, working in a fish hatchery and then a laboratory. In 1 research on the breeding habits and embryology of the large mouthed black bass, science that could be applied to producing more fish for recreation and food While workin g at the fishery as laboratory work and met her future husband, Archie Carr. It was a loving, collaborative relationship that opened many doors for Marjorie Carr and greatly influenced her environmental work. 42 Although Carr had never studied ecology specifically in college, historian Margaret F. they applied to Florida. that would be important in her future environmental activism. Archie Carr had studied animal ecology as early as 1931 at the University of Florida, where the emphasis in the biolog y department was on the complex study of biota in their ecological contexts. Archie Carr would go on to a distinguished career as a biologist, naturalist, writer, and herpetologist, receiving the Eminent Ecologist Award from the Ecological Society of Ameri ca in 1987. 43 American scienc Women Scientists in America Other authors who have addressed this area include Londa Schiebinger, of Modern Science (Boston: Beacon Press, 1993) and her volume Has Fe minism Changed Science? (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1999); Sandra Harding, Whose Science? Whose Know (Ithaca, N.Y.: Cornell University Press, 1991); and Carolyn Merchant, The Death of Nature: Women, Ecolog y and the Scientific Revolution (New York: Harper & Row, 1980). 42 Noll and Tegeder, Ditch of Dreams 147; MacDonald, 131. Note: discrimination she and others encountered in the sciences. 43 Frederick Rowe Davis, The Man Who Saved Sea Turtles: Archie Carr and the Origins of Conservation Biology (New York: Oxford University Press, 2007), 20 21 26 3 26 4. Note: for the purposes of this dissertation, Carr will refer to Marjorie Carr, while any references to her husband will include his complete name.

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197 Archie Carr had a lifelong engagement with ecological principles. They informed his research into the biology of sea turtles and enabled the development of an entire science of conservation biology to protect them in their native nesting sites in the Caribbean. Historian deep obligation to rescue the species he had spent much of his life coming to know and, flora and fauna of Honduras, where they lived for several years. Although the couple had started a family that eventually would include five children, Carr was able to employ her scientific and research skills while exploring the natural world. 44 The Carr family returned to Florida in 1949, when Archie Carr resumed his work as a professor at the University of Florida. Carr turned her attention and energies to taking care of her five children at her rural home near Micanopy, assisting at the Florida Museum of Natural History at the University of Florida, and publishing her research from travels abroad. When her children reached school age, writes MacDonald, Carr became involved in local environmental issues, which included successfully asking the Micanopy town council to preserve live oaks that lined downtown streets and unsuccessfully trying to divert the propos ed path of Interstate 75 from her property and the biodiverse Paynes Prairie. Carr went on to stop a highway and parking facility that would have crossed the University of Florida campus and destroyed the iconic Lake Alice, and led a later campaign that ha lted a potentially damaging turnpike that would have passed through Micanopy to link Jacksonville and Tampa. 45 44 he Journal of the History of Biology 158. 45 195, 208 210.

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198 and she found a home in the Gainesville Garden Club and th e Alachua Audubon Society, the latter of which she cofounded in 1960. At the female dominated garden club, Carr served for several years on the board of directors and accomplished her first major project, the preservation of Paynes Prairie, a 17,346 acre s avannah located between Gainesville and Micanopy that was save the prairie and educate the public, using savvy tactics to thwart plans to flood the prairie into a lake for recreational use. In 1961, the garden club, utilizing a program created by the Florida Department of Transportation, created a roadside preserve along U.S. 441, planting cabbage palms along the highway right of way to sow the seeds for the prai sanctuary but it was only as wide as the road and right of way, leaving the rest of the prairie still susceptible to development schemes of private owners. In 1970, the state used $5.1 million from a new land conservation program to buy private acreage and create Paynes Prairie State Preserve, saving the unique ecosystem in perpetuity. 46 Unlike the female garden club, Alachua Audubon was compos ed mostly of professional birds but also environmental issues. In a 1990 interview, Carr noted that many women conservationists who previously had put their effort s into garden club work now moved to 47 46 Ibid., 197 204; Lars Anderson, Paynes Prairie The Great Savanna: A His tory and Guid e (Sarasota F la.: Pineapple Press, 2001), 134 47 198; Carr, interview with author.

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199 Alachua Audubon was part of a transformation among established environmental groups that began mid century, making the most dramat ic changes in the 1970s as they found new focus for their energies on broader topics, using science to propel their efforts. National Audubon had shifted from a bird watching and bird advocacy group into a higher gear that included preservation of wilderne ss and landscape, a makeover pushed in part from within its membership. A leading critic who effected the change was bird enthusiast Rosalie Barrow Edge. In the late 1920s and early 1930s, Edge argued that the National Association of Audubon Societies (now pointing to its cozy relationship with hunting interests and its failure to oppose an Alaskan bounty on bald eagles. At a 1929 meeting of the NAAS, Edge, a veteran of the suffr agist struggle, demanded a response to these issues, but was told by NAAS founder T. Gilbert Pearson picture on birds, and NAAS actions, the indomitable Edge founded the Emergency Conservation Committee, which Furmansky describes as vocacy organization of its time and, some three years of its existence, ECC was fueled by Edge, who acted as lobbyist as well as editor and writer for more than 140 publications that reached a mill wanted to know what was really happening in the nature a Pennsylvania migratory route for raptors, was not a naturalist writer of the John Muir tradition.

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200 scientist and militant political agitator the l ikes of which the 48 Edge got results as NAAS adopted stances more in line with her demands for reforms and more comprehensive conservation. She embodied the new profile of a radical activist; by the in 1952, it was a 7,000 member organization focused on hiking and outdoor experiences. By the time he left, Brower had almost single hand edly molded it into a powerful national lobby that counted 77,000 members. Brower was a master of the media, producing magazine articles, books, and films to support Sierra Club campaigns that included the creation of the 1964 Wilderness Act, the preservat ion of the North Cascades National Park, and the end of federal proposals to build two dams in the Grand Canyon. Edge produced publications to support Brower in his successful 1956 effort to stop the dam that would have flooded Dinosaur National Monument, scattered interests of modern conservation sportsmen, ecologists, wilderness pres ervers, park advocates, and so forth were drawn together in a common cause. Brower, more than anyone aesthetics, Brower armed himself with facts to challenge experts a nd engineers while developing 48 Dyana Z. Furmansky, Rosalie Edge, Hawk of Mercy: The Activist Who Saved Nature From the Conservationists (Athens: University of Georgia Press, 2009), 1 4, 107 118;

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201 49 Brower and the Sierra Club provided a new model for future environmental disputes, building a membership of both sexes, and using tactics that would be employed by Carr and her allies in the campaign to stop the Cross became vi tal to other national environmental groups, no longer forced to operate in same sex leagues where they had earned their conservation credentials. This became the profile of the anti canal group: men and women joined together to build a solid base of opposi tion to state and discussed later in this dissertation ), women were not only important players but also leaders in the exhausting, multi year effort to stop a ditch fro m bisecting the state and damaging important natural resources. Because of these changes and the gender implications that arose from it, along in depth discussi on. 50 In 1962, Carr talked with a Jacksonville woman who served on the board of FFGC, the only group in the state that questioned the wisdom of the massive federal canal project. Carr and her Alachua Audubon co chair, David Anthony, put the canal on the gro agenda for discussion. Anthony was a UF biochemist with an activist bent; he was related to suffragist Susan B. Anthony and had worked on the Manhattan Project after fighting unsuccessfully years earlier for the creation of an intern ational agency to control nuclear 49 Furmansky, Rosalie Edge 126 139, 246; John McPhee, Encounters with the Archdruid (New York: Farrar, Straus and Giroux, 1971), 15 16, 164 165; Kline, First Along the River, 87; Life and Times of David Brower Bullfrog Films, 1989. 50 David Brower

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202 weapons. At the meeting, Anthony recalled, Alachua Audubon members realized they were the project meant, none of the academics around the table, many of them trained ecologists, could answer the question. After another inquiry, the Corps replied that the river was going to be relatively undisturbed, a characterization at great odds with the actual project description. It was clear that the majority of the Ocklawaha River, extolled for centuries by poets and writers for its beauty, would be destroyed along with 27,000 acres of adjacent wetlands forests. 51 It was a river that Carr knew well and valued for its spring fed waters and jun gle like wild things. She treasured the existence and fought for the preservation of a wilderness unspoiled ed by other Florida women who Chapter 3 author Marjorie Kinnan Rawlings, who lived only a short distance from the Carr property and had boated on the Ocklawaha, wor ried in the 1940s about the abuse of state forests and noted the disappearance of some creatures. But even earlier, in 1873, famed American author Harriet Beecher Stowe wrote about the beauty of Florida and its threats from humans. During a steamboat trip on the St. Johns River, to which the Ocklawaha connected, she observed ignored the riverine beauty in favor of aiming guns at birds, alligators, and animals. Calling the m iger kills for food; man, for 51 92.

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203 compatriots faced something even more devastating to wilderness and wildlife its total annihilation through modern technology. 52 Seekin g better information, the suspicious Alachua Audubon members contacted state officials but were frustrated with their inconsistent answers and angered into action. The Corps, however, initially was unconcerned, having little reason to suspect there would b e serious opposition to one of its projects. For decades the agency had been welcomed to the state, with it jobs and federal funding. The Corps also had been l auded nationally for its extensive dam building projects in the American West. In a 1991 talk before The Society for Ecological Restoration, Carr noted that waterways construction was a major engineering focus of the era, supported by human centered belief s that river systems could and should be altered. By the early nation projects w born of ignorance the prevailing thought was what is the use of a river other than transportation as an ecosys tem from its head paragraph in Silent Spring 52 Harriet Beecher Stowe, Palmetto Leaves facsimile ed. (1873; Gainesville: University Press of Florida, 1999 ), 258 Making Waves: Female Activists in Twentieth Century Florida Jack E. Davis and Kari Frederickson eds (Gainesville: University Press of Florida, 2003) 177.

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204 phrase conceived in arrogance, born of the Neander thal age of biology and philosophy when it 53 In Florida, the Corps was responsible for flood control projects and canals spiraling out from Lake Okeechobee, the channelization of the Kissimmee Ri ver (begun in 1961 and completed ten years later), and the development of an Intracoastal Waterway system along the nted federal money and jobs for their they are devoted to their object ives and pursue them with a persistence and single mindedness that their opponents seldom have the time or the capability to turn aside. So it was to be with the Cross 54 However, times were changing. Brower and the Sierra Club had stop ped Grand Canyon dams. Environmental damage from Corps work in the Everglades was becoming apparent, enraging many people who had once supported the agency. Coastal residents were opposing Corps dredge and fill projects. And Alachua Audubon was not a group of flighty birdwatchers. institution of the period. And there was Marjorie Harris Carr, writes historian Luther J. Carter. tted, energetic, and, she would concede, politically personality along the lines of Brower and Douglas, the latter of whom founded Friends of the 53 Third Orlando, F possession; Carson, Silent Spring 297. Note: the 54 No Further Retreat 147 148.

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205 Everglades in 1969 and became a national figure for her efforts to save the unique wetlands (See Chapter 6 ). Although many people were involved in the anti canal effort, Carr became the face of the effort, and many credit her energy, intelligence, and force of will as essential to the cause. She also came into her own as a bioactivist, applying her scientific training with activism to fulfill her moral obligation to save the river and its biota. As a result, Carr and Alachua Audubon were headed for unavoidable collisions with the Corps, the Florida Board of Conservation, the cabinet, the governor, and the Canal Authority, an appointed body that oversaw the project for the state. It was David versus a panel of self assured, powerful Goliaths. The group initially did not expect to s top the barge canal, but hoped to re 55 By the time President Johnson unleashed the dynamite on the site, pronouncing in a speech to make the resources of nature useful and beneficial to river activists, many members of Audubon and another Marion County (Citizens for Conservatio n), were alarmed and incensed. They studied maps, traveled on the river, and demanded information about the river and the canal project. Carr and company, economic, and legal research; expert testimony; a grassroots letter writing campaign; and public 56 One source of information was Margie Bielling, a high school science teacher and UF trained biologist whose father, John Couse, was a leader in Citizens for Conservation. Bielling 55 Carter, The Florida Experience 279 56 Noll and Tegeder, Ditch of Dreams 149 150, 169 230.

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206 shared her knowledge of the geology and hydrology of the Ocklawaha River Valley, particularly how the canal might affect underground water reservoirs known as aquifers, and helped create brochures to teach the public about the canal gathered steam; by fall 1965, Alachua Audubon had support from the Federated Conservation chapters, and sporting groups. In September 1965, Carr and Anthony boldly but unsuccessfully sought the help of Lady Bird Johnson, who was leading highway beautification efforts across the canal forces acknowl edged the continuing influence of women in aesthetic issues, something they now tried to convert to environmental efforts. 57 The group already had been rebuffed in its efforts to get a public airing of the issues at an October 1965 Canal Authority hearing in Ocala. Hoping to get a place on the agenda, and in an attempt to appeal to any gentlemanly qualities of the all male authority, Audubon appointed as recalled Antho was a clearly gendered tactic, as the group hoped none of the male authority members would be rude to such an elegant female speaker, and their concerns would be addresse d. Instead, the declared to be out of order. There was a promise that the Canal Authority, with no specific date or place set, would hold a public hearing. Morriso n had tried to get the attention of authorities in the manner of Rosalie Barrow Edge, and her mistreatment only confirmed what activists knew 57 Ibid.

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207 the public was not being heard, and women would get no genteel considerations from the men who wielded state and f ederal power. 58 In anticipation of the January 1966 hearing in Tallahassee, the activists pulled out all the stops, contacting nationally prominent conservation groups as well as every environmentally conscious person they could find, asking them to come t o Tallahassee to try to force a change in the canal route to spare the Ocklawaha. They also sought all the publicity they could get, sponsoring a boat a cade, fishing contests on the Ocklawaha, and seeking newspaper endorsements. 59 Canal supporters also rom anced the public, producing literature and securing newspaper editorials that supported their position. They touted the economic benefits of the project while denigrating the opposition as bird watchers, do gooders, and obstructionists who were well intent ioned but ill informed and hysteria ridden the latter employing the traditional insult to women, as Carson had discovered. Supporters also continued work on the massive venture, acquiring property and rights of cks. Eight miles of construction were finished on the eastern leg, and the $10 million annual appropriation from Congress doubled that of the previous two years. Both sides prepared for the 1966 public hearing showdown that, in the final analysis, would pr ove to be a sham and a rallying cry that turned the tide. 60 On January 25, 1966, more than 350 river supporters arrived at the Florida House chamber in Tallahassee for the 2:30 p.m. hearing before the Florida Board of Conservation. The chamber already was f illed with pro canal people, who had to merge with conservationists coming from 58 Carter, The Florida Experience 100. 59 102; Noll and Tegeder, Ditch of Dreams 170 174. 60 Noll and Tegeder, Ditch of Dreams 167 171.

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208 as far as Key West, Pensacola, Boston, and New York, Carr said, adding that she was surprised that the governor and cabinet were absent; only Secretary of State Tom Adams and c onservation board director Randolph Hodges both canal supporters were present. On their return drive from the long hearing, canal opponents listening to radio news reports discovered the reason why: the Board of Conservation had voted to continue the proje ct hours before the hearing. It minded apostles: 61 Carr was consumed with the barge canal project, turning her kitchen, with a whirring Xerox machine, into ground zero. Carr and her staff of volunteers contacted news media as well she made arm tw recalled Anthony, whose tenure at the University of Florida afforded him the freedom to speak his mind in public as long as his activities did not conflict with his campus responsibilities. Anthony said he was never certain that t Marjorie played a role 62 In formulating her strategies, Carr used a variety of gend ered tactics that had long been river, much as her feminine forebears had done in expanding their public spheres in conservation efforts. And although she had f ormal training in the sciences, Carr was amenable to playing the needed 61 Ibid., 174 177; Carr, interview with author; Anthony, interview with author; Bill Partington, interview 109. 62 Noll an d Tegeder, Ditch of Dreams 201 113.

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209 public sympathy and press coverage. convers ations with politicians, supporters, and opponents, Carr presented herself as a reasonable downplayed her scientific background and played up her role as the unassu eviscerated her opponents with her command of science and information a tactic that played upon chauvinistic stereotypes of the era while opening th e door for her weaponry of facts. In a very real sense, she shrewdly used biases long held by men as a weapon against them. 63 and Carr and her team would use any publicity tactic t hat would work, recalls JoAnn Myer Valenti, who spent a year as an unpaid employee opposing the canal and helping to attract media attention. in tennis shoes 64 The news media jumped on the image of a housewife and mother versus the Corps, a n updated and highly gendered version of David versus Goliath. In reality it was a modern myth, since Carr did not act alone, having the support of many like minded men and women. However, political unrest when many citizens challenged the status quo. The confrontation between an individual, particularly a woman supposed to be a powerless domestic, and a monstrous, seemingly faceless military bureaucracy was a story made for the headlines. 63 Noll and Tegeder, Ditch of Dreams 201 203, 236 263. 64 JoAnn Myer Valenti, interview with au thor, April 1, 2011.

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210 T he gendering also applied to the Ocklawaha River. As discussed in Chapter 3 the image In January 1970 that violent act was applied to the river and the project in a reference was undeniable and shocking, pa This new media attention elevated the controversy into the national spotlight and, Valenti said, 65 In popular thinking, Carr was a woman leading the charge to save the feminine natural world from the threatening masculine world of engineers. And make no mistake about it: during this period engineering was the realm of men. A 1919 national survey identified only 139 U.S. labor shortages, some women developed engineering and technical careers; however, by 1950 less than 1 percent of science and engineering were awarded to women, a numbe r that rose to just 26 percent in 1970, an increase to be sure, but not a substantial gain in a field long considered unsuitable for women. In the mid 1960s, psychologist Bruno Bettelheim asserted that, although women might want to be good scientists or en Morrison, and Valenti faced during the canal debates. It was filled with gender barriers with which they were forced to cope even as they pressed to save a river. One strategy was to counter 65 Ibid.

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211 opponents with the best facts and experts; another method was to embrace the maternal stereotype and cast Carr firmly into it. 66 Although FDE largely was compo sed of men, women did most of the office work, filing and making telephone calls, with Carr at the helm, Valenti said, adding that, although they d the utmost respect of any man who walked into that office, pro or con our Valenti said, constantly nurturing her staff, while remaining calm in the storm with her mott o: 67 Carr and company shifted gears from trying to reroute the project to outright halting it. And they did it with facts, aided by the shifting politics of the 1960s. The Vietnam War had tightened the federal budget, and crises had a roused public environmental awareness, heightened in Florida by problems in the Everglades and the visible damage caused by canal construction powerbase long hel d by rural politicians, known as the Pork Chop Gang, and giving more but now different eyes would evaluate its political capital and find it less compelling. Ther e was a new Republican governor in town that year; two years later, in 1969, the Republicans would take the presidency and begin to see the Cross Florida Barge Canal as a fiscal boondoggle caused by the Democrats. And two environmental clashes would provid e inspiration for the 66 membership/history/2454 the swe story ; Leslie A. Journal of Higher Education 66:2 (March April 1995), 213 215. 67 Ibid.

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212 By the late 1960s, it was apparent to the anti canal forces that their best recourse was the judicial system, but they could not find attorneys willing to take on the cause. Then, in February 1969, Sports Illustr ated featured an article about the work of attorney Victor Yannacone, Jr., and the Environmental Defense Fund, located in Brookhaven, New York. The EDF believed that rt armed 68 Alachua Audubon members contacted and then met with EDF, the latter of which agreed to provide legal counsel with the requirement that a local g roup be formed to focus on the case. In July 1969, canal opponents created Florida Defenders of the Environment (FDE), playing on canal activist Bill Partington became the FDE chief wi th one objective defeating the barge canal. Two months later, EDF sued the Corps in federal court in Washington, D.C., asking to stop the canal, an action that sparked national publicity and angered canal supporters, who already had spent $50 million on th e project and needed an additional $100 million in federal funds to complete it. 69 While Partington ran the organization and handled much of the publicity, Carr recruited professionals to write about or refute different aspects of the canal. She found botan ists, biologists, geologists, economists, historians, English professors many from the University of Florida whose studies showed not only the value of saving the river but also that the entire 68 Sports Illustrated February 3, 1969, accessed August 17, 2011, http://sportsillustrated. article/ magazine/MAG1082047/index.htm 69 119.

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213 write a news release about it and distr ibute it to the media, producing two or three releases a week. The experts gave FDE credibility with the press, which started to rethink its previous endorsements of the canal project. 70 FDE also took lessons from another brewing environmental conflict in S outh Florida over efforts to place a jetport in the Big Cypress Swamp that bordered the Everglades. As early as 1967, Audubon members in the Miami area learned that the Dade County Port Authority was rld, larger than Miami itself and larger September 1968. A few months later, concerned environmental groups, including the National Park Service, the Sierra Club, and the Army Corps, convened to discuss the jetport and its impact on the nearby national park. Spurred by Undersecretary of the Interior Russell E. Train, the U.S. ct on south Florida and Everglades National Park, with whose health the department was charged. Luna B. Leopold, a U.S. Geological Survey employee and the son of Aldo Leopold, was asked to head the study; he, in turn, asked Art Marshall of the U.S. Fish an d Wildlife Service and a to coordinate the effort. Other wheels also were in motion; a few months later, in the spring of 1969, Senator Henry M. Jackson of Washington announced hearings about the of the Senate Committee on Interior and Insular Affairs, also was developing the National Environmental Policy Act of 1969 (NEPA), which study concluded in 1 70 Ibid., 119 121.

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214 and development for agriculture, industry, housing, transportation, and services in the Big Cypress Swamp which will inexorably destroy the South Florida ecosystem and thus Evergl ades the project, and U.S. Secretary of the Interior Walter Hickel announced their opposition. Kirk On January 15, 1970, representatives of the Departments of the Interior and Transportation, the Port Authority, and Kirk signed the Jetport Pact, which officially abandoned the site in favor of finding a new location. To date, the jetport has not been bu ilt, although a runway used for training flights still exists in the wetlands. 71 barge canal environmental impact statement, completed in January 1970 (the same month the jetp ort was halted) and published in March of that year. Written by scientists and volunteers, the 115 page Environmental Impact of the Cross Florida Barge Canal with Special Emphasis on the Oklawaha Regional Ecosystem ite Noll and Tegeder, The report, used to support the FDE lawsuit, attacked the project on many fronts, projecting that it would cause wildlife destruction, water pollution, and saltwater intrusion into the aquifer. Most cost ratio, which ass essed the economic benefits versus the cost of the project. Economist Paul Roberts, of the University of Florida, argued that the numbers were subjective and failed to account for a number of costs, including the necessary installation of an Interstate 75 bridge, weed control, and 71 Davis, An Everglades Providence 485 486; Dasmann, No Further Retreat 82 84, 93 95; Blake, Land Into Water Water Into Land 216 22 0; Carter, The Florida Experience 195 208.

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215 $20 million in interest costs. Roberts then proffered that the Ocklawaha River system had value simply by its existence something that had not been considered by the Corps but reflected the rise of ecological thinking. 72 The passag e of NEPA gave further fuel to the fire; FDE amended its standing lawsuit to argue that the Corps was proceeding with a project with an undetermined impact. In response, page double spaced thing and thought it was an In November 1969, the Florida Game and Fresh Water Fish Commission issued a report that also criticized the project, stating that previously assumed benefits to hunting and fishing would not occur. News media and politicians also began to question the wisdom of the canal, with Environmental Quality. In response, the Corps offered a n alternative canal route to run adjacent to the Ocklawaha ironically the original goal of the anti canal activists but its benefit cost ratio was barely significant. On January 15, 1971, exactly one year after the jetport was halted and two weeks after NE PA became law, a federal judge issued a temporary injunction on the grounds that the Corps did not have an environmental impact statement as mandated by NEPA. Four days later, Nixon halted it by executive order the first time a U.S. president had terminate d a public works project so far in progress. The jetport had cost the Port Authority $14 million and the U.S. DOT $700,000, but nothing of the magnitude of the barge canal, whose t, writes Carter, was challenging a host of pro believe economics, their single minded concern for economic development and token regard for esthetic 72 Carr, interview with author; Noll and Tegeder, Ditch of Dreams 243 249.

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216 values and biological diversity, and their habit of cater years later, the Florida Cabinet and Governor Reubin Askew withdrew their support for the ivered a report recommending termination of the project; seven years later, Congress formally de authorized the western portion of the canal, finally de authorizing the entire project in 1990 and transferring the land to the state. 73 ay Jr., a former state legislator, (who later would be Florida governor and lieutenant governor), worked with Carr to de authorize the canal during his first term in Congress. Freshly elected in 1983 to a new district that included Alachua and Marion count gave him this MacKay set out to visit all 435 members of the House to convey his feeling that the canal was a boondoggle, with the added authority that it cros sed his district. In his autobiography, How Florida Happened: The Political Education of Buddy MacKay he relates how he followed her However, MacKay was opp osed by senior Congressmen who had long supported the canal, in part because it was linked to other national public works projects. In his efforts, MacKay relied on Carr and FDE leaders for facts and media contacts. In 1984, unable to win the Congressional vote, MacKay forged a compromise that de authorized the canal from Palatka 73 130; Carter, The Florida Experience 297 301; Blake, Land Into W ater Water Into Land 213 218; Noll and Tegeder, Ditch of Dreams 311 313.

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217 west to the Gulf of Mexico an act that for all intents and purposes ended any possibility of cross state barge traffic. 74 Until her 1997 death from emphysema at age 82, Carr led FDE in its new missions to de authorize the canal and to restore the parts of the Ocklawaha River that were damaged and flooded in early canal construction. And she remained a formidable force, able to contact newspapers and get an editorial the next day; her very presence at the state capitol could secure a vote on a canal issue. In her final years, as her health faded and she was hooked up to an oxygen tank to ease her breathing, Carr still could stir up the issue with a written article or a well placed tele phone call. 75 Carr never saw her dream realized. Although the canal died, the legislation and funds to restore the Ocklawaha River have not been secured. Lands set aside for the project instead were used to create the Cross Florida Greenway, a 107 mile recr eational path that traverses the state. After her death, it was renamed the Marjorie Harris Carr Cross Florida Greenway as a lasting tribute to her invaluable work. In her 1971 Sierra Club speech, Carr predicted that the canal structures would be dismantle for the damaged part of the Oklawaha to heal itself. But long before that this superb stream will her simple pine coffin was carried by pallbearers dressed in uniforms that represented different government the same sentiment proclaimed by a sticker on the bac k window of her hearse. 76 74 Kenneth H. MacKay, interview with author, March 8, 2011; Buddy MacKay with Rick Edmonds, How Florida Happened: The Political Education of Buddy MacKay (Gainesville: University P ress of Florida, 2010), 76 79. 75 193. 76 th Biennial Sierra Club Wilderness Conference, Washington,

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218 The demise of the Cross Florida Barge Canal heralded the ascension of ecological science natural world using science was in the vernac ular by the 1960s. Environmentalists made it their most potent weapon in opposing destructive development schemes and a tool to propel social action. Henceforth, ecology would frame the debates, legislation, and resolutions about the use ural resources. And women would be at the forefront of many of these issues, using their newfound identities and freedoms to challenge the business as usual masculine notions about state development. As aesthetic arguments for saving nature gave way to sci entific many continued their activism from within traditional all female groups, a number of women used their talents within bi gender groups, proving to be effe ctive advocates and respected leaders. Society, which had found a new way of understanding the natural world, now found new value for women whose participation would be vital in future environmental efforts. Tegeder, Ditch of Dreams 325 Gainesville, Fla.

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219 CHAPTER 6 POLLUTION environmental movement where female participation became central in a number of issues particularly air and water pollution As a number of crises and increasing scientific knowledge made clear, th ese were serious issues of human health that directly threatened families and quality of life, compelling many women into activism. No longer relegated to single sex civic clubs, they expressed their concerns in a variety of ways, from founding and leading organizations to developing campaigns to being elected to office using environmental platforms. Their emergence into the societal power structure resulted from decades of struggle, during which the female role evolved from that of domestic and municipal h ousekeeper to activist to true mover and shaker in public life. As noted previously American women entered the twentieth century in an expansive mode. Freed from the labor needs of a rural farm setting, increasing numbers lived in urban surroundings with improved economic status that allowed them to divert time and energy from the home to the local community, entering into undertakings designed to improve and beautify their immediate environs. In many ways, women found themselves struggling against the mas destructive force. Increasing their public sphere and power, women fought for better schools, an end to child labor, and to improve workplace safety. Favored feminine issues that would later and establishing parks. Until they gained the vote in 1920, however, women activists had to work from a platform of moral authority, claiming h igher ground to justify the initiatives they took Still at the whim of male politicians who dominated the state legislature for the entire twentieth

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220 century, women carefully couched their arguments in economic s as well as aesthetic s Once they held the vo te, however, women moved into a new power arena in the United States. The floodgates had opened and there was no going back. bureaucracies to address their long segregation of socialize outside the home. The Victorian Era was finished. With suffrage, many believed that hanging roles of women, now better educated and more likely to express individuality, prevented any widespread poll solidarity. The irony here is that the modern, voting female lost much of her as May Mann Jennings and Katherine Bell Tippetts had utilized in their various early conservation campaigns. In Florida, the energies and acceptance by men i n professional fields and in environmental groups that focused ly turned away from environmental activism to issues that focused on women, children, and, yes, g ardening. Even with the vote, women were far from achieving full equality and their discontent feminists indeed women activists in many arenas questioned and challe nged the status quo, bringing gender matters as well as issues viewed from a female point of view into the public eye. However, as Nancy A. Hewitt notes, new scholarship challenges the idea that there were ever

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221 sm. Rather, there were continuing efforts through arising from Civil Rights crusade of the 1950s and 1960s. 1 ind change in attitudes about the environment and soon the two were inextricably linked. Nowhere was this more apparent than in Florida where residents saw the paradisiacal beauty and pristine natural resources that first drew them to the state disappear beneath a multitude of post war bulldozers, pavement, and development that sprawled into the landscape. For many, including the male dominated state legislature and construction businesses, the whirlwind of drainage and growth in the state signaled progre ss, but a number of Floridians began to worry that their wellbeing and the ecological fitness of the state was at risk. Women, the traditional caretakers of home and family, were particularly concerned about air, water, and land pollution in the state as t he old ideals of scientific, ecological principles that merged with desires for a quality of life that depended on a healthful environment Although many continued to operate within the framework of single sex organizations, an increasing number collaborated with men in groups created to address very specific issues resulting from the masculinization of the Florida landscape. Often, as with Marjorie Harris Carr women became heads of the groups, proving their effective leadership skills and forging new public identities. The environmental movement and the women who participated in it would never be the same. 1 Sara M. Evans, Born for Liberty: A History of Women in America (N ew York: Free Press Paperbacks, 1989, 1997), 160 161 172 173; No Permanent Waves: Recasting Histories of U.S. Feminism Nancy A. Hewitt ed. (New Brunswick N.J. : Rutgers University Press, 2010), 2 5.

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222 amuel P. Hays, Americans objectives arose. While conservation and its goal of efficient, scientific use was a top down movement, the new environmental concerns came abo conservationists, nature was largely a commodity that needed management and efficiency for future use; environmentalists were fo that melded the two. Certainly wo men in Audubon, forestry, and beautification activism adhered to the philosophy of conservation, but they also saw trees, birds, and parks as important factors in a good quality of life. They wanted both birds to eat agricultural pests and to fill the air with song; trees to provide needed lumber and naval stores but also to shade city streets and provide wildlife habitat. Men in the tradition of Gifford Pinchot may have been more concerned with promoting a scientific agenda; women were happy to add aesthet ics to the argument. 2 In this post war era, rising affluence, automobile ownership, and housing finance programs allowed many Americans to leave noisy, polluted urban areas for newly created suburban housing to achieve a better quality of life. Hays notes desire to enjoy a more natural setting, but it also evidenced the search for nature beyond the growing drive for parks that set aside much national and state acreage for recreation. But, as historian Adam Rome adds, this new attitude and the resulting building boom that brought 2 H ays, Beauty, Health, and Permanence 13 14

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223 wetlands an d floodplains, clear cutting of lots, subdivisions without green space, energy inefficient homes, and leak places and women traditionally were caretakers of the domestic threats to environmental qu environmental keepers, a modern expansion of female borders and influence. These new issues were a natural draw for women, Rome writes, adding that while activists w ere not homogenous, they typically were white, in their thirties and forties, well educated, living in metropolitan or environment meant saving their home, protecting th larger community where they could use their considerable talents. It also to use the housewife metaphor meant cleaning up the environmental mess caused in large part by the male machinations of society that h ad brought new development to the state, including commercial expansion, phosphate mining, large agricultural operations, and the attendant infrastructure such as roads and power plant expansion. 3 By 1963, problems were evident across the country. On the h eels of Rachel Silent Spring In his groundbreaking book, The Quiet Crisis pinnacle of wealth and power, yet we live in a land of vanishing beauty, of increasing ugliness, of shrinking open space, and of an overall environment that is diminished daily by pollution and 3 Ibid 22 23; Adam Rome, The Bulldozer in the Countryside: Suburban Sprawl and the Rise of American Environmentalism (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2001), 4 16, 42 43, 256; Adam Rome, The J ournal of American History 90.2 (2003): 534 538. to environmentalism, arguing that the story of tract homebuilding in America explains much about changi ng environmental attitudes.

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224 noise and blight. pollution, the latter of which would require 10,000 treatment plants to remedy. His plea to action Kennedy, who wrote that the He urged each American to make 4 If one were trying to escape urban chaos and find refuge, what better place than Florida? military installations or travele d through the state. With the benefit of Veterans Admin i stration guaranteed loans, many ex military personnel made it their home after the hostilities ended. From 1850 to 1900, the state population increased six fold to 530,000 people. However, by 1950, re sidents numbered more than 2.7 million people a number that doubled to more than 6 million by 1969 These were modern day settlers with a new sensibility and a dream list that He adds 5 o moved to the state. Its iodiversity unusually rich but also susceptible to 4 Stewart L. Udall, The Quiet Crisis introduction by John F. Kennedy (New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston, 1963) vii, xiii, 176 177. 5 Mormino, Land of Sunshine, State of Dreams 11 13, 324 325; Dasmann, No Further Retreat 5 5 56.

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225 tropical storms and hurricanes as well as freezing temperatures and droughts. The state also lacked the visual majesty associated with other parts of the country, featuring no mountains, canyons, glaciers, or roaring rivers to capture the conventional aesthetic comprehension. Its beauty, instead, was subtle and unfamiliar to those from other states. Often, one had to be st amounts of freshwater to coastal estuaries that provided nurseries for saltwater species to wetlands such as the Everglades that were of immeasurable value to wildlife and humans alike in terms of habitat and water resources. At the same time, many who came to Florida never fully transferred their affections and allegiances from their home states, something Mormino refers to 6 One thing they did expect was clean air. For over a century the state and its chambers of commerce had touted Florida as a spa like mecca that promised a return to health for those who visited. According to Anne E. Rowe, by the 1820s, two decades before statehood, steamboats were quite famous. Ralph Waldo Emerson came to St. Augustine as a young man in 1827 to recover from a lung ailment Emerson, one of t he founders of the transcendental movement, wrote descriptive (and often unflattering) letters and poems about his visits and, after a winter in the mild climate, returned home in good health. Famed author Harriet Beecher Stowe came to the Jacksonville are a in 1867 with her son, Frederick, who had been wounded in the Civil War. The next year she bought thirty acres in the small hamlet of Mandarin on the St. Johns River, where she and her family wintered and tended a small orange grove until 1884. Stowe penn ed 6 Dasmann, No Further Retreat 12 21; Mormino, Land of Sunshine, State of Dreams 125

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226 1873 book Palmetto Leaves Stowe noted that many people came to Florida suffering from serious diseases. Many did not find improved health, she wrote, adding owners who came here ten, twenty, and thirty years ago, given over in consumption, who have here for years enjoyed a happy and vigorous life. Two years later, p oet Sidney Lanier wrote in his travelogue of the state, Florida: Its Scenery, Climate and History stories told of cadaverous persons coming here and turning out successful huntsmen and although Lanier returned to Florida a year later he was not cured of his fatal case of tuberculosis. 7 World War II years, p roblems with its quality were evident and Florida women were early to recognize and confront them. Hi storian Scott Hamilton Dewey writes that Florida women initially adopt ed as protector of the home as a foundation for enviro nmental activism and as an indirect challenge middle class members, Florida anti air pollution movement also attracted working class women and senior citizen s who met roadblocks from largely male run business and government in a chronically pro development state where the appearance of smoke often was equated with 7 Anne E. Rowe, The Idea of Florida in the American Literary Imagination (Gainesville : University Press of Florida, 1992), 11 15, 28 30, 34 37; Stowe, Palmetto Le aves 116 122; Sidney Lanier, Florida: Its Scenery, Climate, and History facsimile of the 1875 edition (Gainesville : University of Florida Press, 1973), 131.

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227 This resistance slowed pollution control, Dewey notes, but activist women were able t before environmental issues became national policy. 8 In Jacksonville, air pollution spewed from local industries that included pulp mills, chemical production, phosphate, oil reclamation, shipbuilding, and food processing. City incinerators, electric plants, home furnaces, and automobile emissions also inflamed the eviden ce in the form of vegetation damage, skin disorders, soot, and corrosion to metal, windows, and paint. One morning in 1949, sulfuric acid laden soot from an unidentified industrial boiler dissolved the nylon stockings worn by women on their way to work. Wh en so soothing comparison, said the situation was similar to that in Donora but added that the Jacksonville soot He said Jacksonville probably was meant to be comforting unless your stockings had been shredded. 9 supported, according to South offending pollutant uniformly over a large enough area, it will be dispersed and diluted to a at re solution, which was applied to air and water pollution in Florida, had its own problems, requiring vast enough host resources to achieve proper dilution. He note s 8 Florida Women and the Fight agai nst Making Waves : Female Activists in Twentieth Century Florida Jack E. Davis and Kari Frederickson eds. ( Gainesville: University Press of Florida, 2003 ) 198 199. 9 Ibid., 200. ; New York Tim es February 17 1949, 27, accessed April 13, 2012 throug h ProQuest.

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228 though they were invisible through wide dispersal, science proved that pollutants remained problematic. McCluney surmise s rocketing our unwanted (and non recyclable) pollutants to the sun, we on earth will have to lea rn 10 The women who opposed Florida air pollution were following the path forged by their sisters in northern urban areas where many industries in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries had dirtied the air, leading to a r ise in lung diseases, including tuberculosis and bronchiti s It was, literally, a man made problem since men ran the technology that created air pollution in cities run by men. The degradation of industrial cities resulted from public policies that encoura pollution was considered a trade off for industrial expansion. The few who were willing to suggest that it be stopped or controlled did so out of their own fiscal interests. The Smo ke Committee of Cleveland reported that eleven department stores lost a combined total of at least clothing damaged by pollution. Women could attest to this: t he Cleveland committee reported that air poll ution forced constant home cleaning, laundry, dry cleaning, and household damage If women were responsible for clean home s and healthy children, then they had to address community ills that affected these duties. In d successfully campaigned for the creation of a municipal Division of Smoke Inspection ; as a result, air pollution waned until the Great Depression hit and factory regulations were lifted. 11 10 The Environmental Destruction of South Florida : A Handbook for Citizens William Ross McCluney ed. (Coral Gables: University of Miami Pre ss, 1971), 47. 11 Pollution and Reform in American Cities, 1870 1930, Martin V. Melosi ed. (Austin: University of Texas Press, 1980), 83; Anthony N. Penna, Bounty: Historical and Modern Perspectives (New York: M.E. Sharpe, 1991), 264 266 a ccessed October 18, 2011

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229 ng the male arguments that smoke was a necessary byproduct of industry which, after all, was male run used their moral authority in the battle, arguing that smoke destroyed the very fabric of society. Jean Sherwood, president of dark smoke was A dirty city is was a clear indictment of the companies and corporate boards that produced the filth that women believed debased society and made housekeeping onerous. Women, Grinder writes, more than any other anti hey sought immediate laws. However, many anti growth mentality that reinforced the idea that smoke was a sign of pr 12 Women in many areas of the country including St. Louis, Boston, New York, and Philadelphia, took up the cause. In 1908, Chicago women of the Anti Smoke League held a housework strike and announced an economic boycott in their efforts to suppo rt electric train HN8YsINe _EC&pg=PA265&lpg=PA265&dq=smoke+committee+of+Cleveland&source=bl&ots=9v4O TimLWR&sig=QFTu8B7 ESR_lianrEw rufPPJY&hl=en&ei=Wy2fTsmWBsT10gGRlJmMCQ&sa=X&oi= book_ result&ct=result&resnum=6&ved=0CCwQ6AEwBQ#v=onepage&q=smoke%20committee%20of%20Cl a ccessed October 18, 2011 ech cgi/ E5 ; Elizabeth D. Blum, Love Canal Revisited: Race, Class, and Gender in Environmental Activism (Lawrence: University Press of Kansas, 2008), 125. 12 http://en.wik's_who's_who_of_America,_1914 15.djvu/729 accessed October 21, 2011.

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230 lines that they believed would reduce smoke. Historian David Stradling contends that smoke ort to exert control over the urban industrial environment, an attempt to place beauty and health along with prosperity and profit as that had turned Mothe 13 By the 1960s, air problems led to a joint federal state local study that found air As the problem grew, citizens, particularly those in Talleyrand, a working class neighborhood, pressed gned by more than 1,000 people and was complained that her furniture had been seriously damaged. The group included men and representatives of black and white whose s ubcommittee on air and water pollution held hearings in Tampa in 1964 to consider Florida air pollution as part of its fact finding to implement the ground breaking federal Clean Air Act of 1963, which provided funds to combat the problem She told Muskie that she had asked for help from everyone she could but had only gotten the runaround from officials. Belcher 13 Major Problems in American Environmental History Carolyn Merchant ed. (Lexington, M ass. : D.C. Heath, 1 993), 422 423; Suellen Major Problems in American Environmental History 437; Blum, Love Canal Revisited 126; David Stradling, Smokestacks and Progressives: Environmentalists, Engineers, a nd Air Quality in America, 1881 1951 (Baltimore, Md.: The Johns Hopkins University Pres s, 1999), 59.

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231 and two other women asked Muskie to hold hearings in Jacksonville, but were unsuccessful. Tampa was the only Florida site for a hearing. The next year, the Duval County Air Improvements Authority was created by the legislature but it did little more than conduct issue one Cicero, Illinois, woman, angered t hat he did not bring air pollution hearings to her town, scraped black soot off her window and mailed it to him in a fat envelope. 14 There was real reason to be angry and fearful about air pollution since science was proving it to be a real health risk. A s eries of crises, repeated in newspaper headlines across the country, made the consequences of unclean air evident as the vocabulary of the problem changed from an issue of smoke to that of air pollution which included not only industrial wastes but also l ead laden exhaust fumes from automobiles in an increasingly car centered culture. In Los Angeles, where the city previously had adopted several measures to stop smoke emissions, the summer of 1943 brought the first recognized episodes of smog, which caused eye, digestive, and respiratory chemical production plant However, the problems persisted after the plant was temporarily closed and it became clear that car exhaust was responsible. Five years later a temperature inversion and fog in Donora, Pennsylvania pushed gases from industrial mills, furnaces, and stoves downward toward the ground in a poisonous smog. As a result, twenty people died and probably many more in subsequent years from li ngering heart and pulmonary issues. In 1949, air pollution in Los Angeles County damaged almost half a million dollars in crops; in 1961 it was estimated that California lost $8 million in agricultural crops to pollution. In 1952, more than 4,000 deaths we re 14 200 St. Petersburg Times, January 14, 1964, 2B; L St. Petersburg Times February 23, 1964, 3D.

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232 attributed to a deadly fog in London, England. Air pollution, writes historian Robert Gottlieb, 15 Pollution released into the skies from phosphate plants in Centr al Florida brought more women into the movement for improved air quality. For decades, phosphate had been an important state industry centered in Hillsborough and Polk c ounties, mining minerals used for fertilizer products. By the 1950s, Polk County was th e leader in national phosphate production, key ingredient in detergents. However, the public costs of phosphate increased when the industry began processing l awn and agricultural fertilizers, in huge demand in Florida, releasing fluoride and sulfur oxides into the air from 1948 to 1970. As early as 1958, Polk leaders were concerned about the issue, with several attending a national conference on air pollution h eld by U.S. Surgeon General Leroy E. Burney. At that conference of 900 people, including civic, medical and social groups ( among them rt that noted that nine states, including Florida, had air pollution laws. The group agreed that the key to resolving the issue was scientific and medical research and knowledge sharing. The Florida legislature, following the election of Governor Claude Ki rk, who became pro environment after his election, addressed the issue in 1967 when it created the Florida Air and Water Pollution Control Commission. At its first session, in November of that year, the commission cited some sixty industries and many citi es for failing to meet pollution control standards and gave each a timetable to correct the 15 Gottlieb, Forcing the Spring accessed October 20, 2011 rchives/History/marchcov.html; 0, 2011, .gov/ html/brochure/history.htm; Devra Davis, When Smoke Ran Like Water: Tales of Environmental Deception and the Battle Aga inst Pollution (New York: Basic Books, 2004), 15 25; Kline, First Along the River, 80 81

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233 problems. Among the polluting industries were sugar cane processors, pulp and paper mills, citrus packers and canners, and the phosphate industry. It was a bold ste p, but it did not resolve the problem. By 1969 the air in Central Florida had bec o me so noxious that Life magazine included it in an article featuring photographs of heavily polluted areas of the United States, including steel mill output in Indiana, car f umes in Washington, D.C., and pulp mill discharge in Montana. The article described how the phosphate industry burned wastes, producing fluorides that contaminated soil, hurt the growth of citrus trees, and sickened cattle, with an estimated $14 million in damages during the previous twenty years. Ironically, Polk County was the center of citrus production with 16 percent of the U.S. crop a huge business conflict. Phosphate also ables because of 16 Faced with these problems, women rose to challenge the masculine forces that created them. Harriet N. Lightfoot, a senior citizen who came to Florida for her health after her Health. Bi gender and iss ue Committee represented the new, post war generation of environmental organizations. Lightfoot, nevertheless, inaugurated her role by doing what women activists had done for generations : she wrote letters. She complained to state officials about public health problems that included burning eyes and skin requiring medical attention symptoms that she first thought were caused 16 Lakeland Ledger es, Industries to End St. Petersburg Times Life February 7, 1969, 38 50, accessed October 11, 2011, =frontcover&source=gbs_ge_summar y_r&cad=0#v=onepage&q&f=false

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234 by pollen only to discover they were from phosphate emissions. some months ago to enjoy the fresh air and sunshine; but for the past eight years I have been sist upon your cooperation to stop this evil which descends upon Governor Farris Bryant, Lightfoot played the tourism card, noting that she had dissuaded friends from visiting the state until controls were placed on air pollution. Her appeals to federal officials were for naught; she was told that under the Clean Air Act of 1963 federal authorities could only intervene with permission from the state. Working with t he committee, Lightfoot recognized the need to engage different members of the community and used her club woman ties to gain female groups were not as prominent in environmental work as in the past, they stil l offered a network of activists with ties that bolstered groups viewed air eath e women to distribute a petition demanding that state officials increase air pollution controls. As Dewey notes, the position of women acting in the still largely male dominated realm of public policy, as well as the frustrating situation of ordinary citizens relying on technical experts to define and address a scientifically complicated red 5,000 signatures within a few weeks. 17 17 Is This 208

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235 Lightfoot also appealed to the news media. In a 1966 Associated Press article that appeared pollution from a nearby plant. The article also discussed Jacksonville and Miami air quality, imes by action complaining to the U.S. Department of Health that phosphate pollution had damaged her orange al of her neighbors participated in her letter campaign seeking federal help. Their issues would not be resolved, Dewey writes, until 1970 when lawsuits and federal government pressure forced the state and phosphate industry to lessen and regulate emissio ns 18 Despite the emergence of bi gender environmental groups in the 1960s and 1970s that d to press for nature protection, expanding their interests to include issues that had not been concerns fifty members had planted 62,016 trees in the previous year (a lo ng standing conservation effort) as well as participating in public hearings about water management and estuarine pollution, the latter being concerns that were influence also was felt in its represe ntation on many of the bi gender organizations and panels that arose in this period. The 1968 convention report noted that FFWC members were on the Ocala Star Banner December 18, 1966, 41; Mrs. E. N. Lightfoot, Florida Clubwoman 12.1 (September 1964): 10 11. 18 Is This 212;

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236 Use Education Committee, and the Florida Conserv ation Council Environmental Quality, a wilderness workshop on Everglades National Park, and the organizational meeting of Florida Citizens for Clean Air. At the same time, the article celebrate d the fact that Evelyn Waybright, of Jacksonville, the FFWC conservation department chair was Roebuck Foundation for her work on various state boards. In a nod t o modern times and rising female equality and power, women were integral members of these new boards, working with men to address important problems and receiving public recognition for their effectiveness. FFWC provided female representation on these boar ds signaling its continuing importance and influence. 19 In response to growing concerns about air and water quality, the legislature in 1967 created the Florida Air and Water Pollution Control Commission, giving it power to issue waste discharge permits an d enforce air and water quality standards. The League of Women Voters active force in anti pollution efforts during this period as well. At the behest of the nationa l group that was plotting national policy on the issue, the South County League of Women Voters in Boca Raton conducted a six month study of the effects of air pollution in south Palm Beach County. The report, released in April 1971, named the sugar cane i ndustry and transportation as 19 Jacksonville, April 29 The Florida Clubwoman 1 5 1 (Summer 1968) : 7 Sarasota Herald Tribune September 11, 1967, p. 13, accessed April 4, 2012, http :// TkgAAAAIBAJ&sjid=_WUEAAAAIBAJ&pg=1559,2752237

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237 quality committee, who added that one soluti on would be more effective public transportation. Another committee member, Judi Marsh, said there was no doubt that Florida was cleaner than water supply. a modern creation born of the 1970 Earth Day celebrations that raised international environmental consciousness the Boca Raton group created and distributed posters for air pollution awareness that put an envi ronmental twist Old Mother Hubbard Went to the window To give her poor dog some sun But when she got there What used to be air Was sulfur and hydrocarbon! 20 Nearby Miami was another hotspot of air pollution, but unlike Jacksonville and Central Florida, its causal agent was a growing population that brought with it smoky laundries, burning garbage dumps, city trash incinerators, electrical generators, and emissions from jets and automo complicated the problem with seasonally fired sugar cane fields and noxious smoke from tires that were burned to warm fields and citrus groves during freezes. Witho ut its steady offshore as early as 1961 but it was not immune to the problem. Activists pointed to yellow brown hazes during traffic rush hours (visible from of fshore or from elevated highways) as evidence of suggests that rush hour and notice the burning sensation in your eyes. This way you can actually feel the air 20 Bo Boca Raton New s, April 25, 1971, B1.

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238 ites Miami journalist Juanita 21 was proposed on Biscayne Bay in the Homestead area south of Miami. The Seadade Industries, Inc., refinery would be joined at its site with related industry. It required a deep water port to receive tanker ships as well as a channel through offshore reef fo r boat transportation. Refinery proponents promised to employ 18,540 employees in an industry that would process 50,000 barrels of oil daily. Citizens arose in protest, worried about the toll on water resources as well as potential pollution of the nearby Everglades National Park and the John Pennekamp Coral Reef 22 The port and refinery project was approved with littl e opposition in 1962 by Metro commissioners, a group of city and county representatives, and it was supported by the Greater Miami Chamber of Commerce and two Miami newspapers. Shortly after the Metro vote, however, a group of twelve dissenters formed the Safe Progress Association (SPA) t o fight the project. M embers included its leader Lloyd Miller, a ctive in the local chapter of the Izaak Walton League, an airline pilot, several University of Miami marine biologists, author Philip Wylie, whose writing year s earlier had stopped the discharge of raw sewage into the bay, and three very important women: Belle Scheffel, treasurer of the local Nature Conservancy group and described ; Greene, a veteran Miami Herald reporter who 21 The Environmental Destruction of South Florida McCluney ed., 54 The Environmental Destruction of South Florida McCluney ed., 69. 22 214; Davis, An Everglades Providence 441; Carter, The Florida Experience 157.

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239 wrote many pro SPA articles ; and Polly Redford magazines and a year later would publish a book that the natural world. She also was very active in the local bi gender Audubon Society and, having founded the local Izaak Walton League chapter with her husband, James, understood the dynamics of male female groups. In a 1971 essay, Redford, recalling the SPA campaign wrote minute he joins with two or three others and calls himself an organization, his power increases a hundredfol Redford wrote, adding that those continuing to participate in the issues often join ed national organizations such as the Nature Conservancy, Audubon Society, and Izaak Walton Leag ue, which offer ed 23 These were strong, opinionated, vocal females experienced in working with men in environmental efforts and (in the case of Greene and Redford) in the workplace, reflecting the though her newspaper male dominated editorial management endorsed the project. A veteran of the world of fact finding and a friend of ac tivist author Marjory Stoneman Douglas, Greene was willing and able to use her talents to publicize and participate in a number of South Florida environmental issues. Redford worked with men in publishing her books and in environmental group activism 24 23 Davis, An Everglades Providence 441 in The Environmental Destruction of South Florida McCluney ed., 106. 24 Davis, An Everglades Providence 442 443.

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240 In many ways, the se powerful female personalities women in the 1960s that increasingly joined the workforce helping their families rise in income and status In 1950, 34 percent of women worked, a number that jumped to 38 percent in 1960 and 43 percent in 1970. Although women were getting more education and finding more traditionally male jobs, and in female inability to rise up corporate ranks, impediments often described as entrenched and many expected equal opportunity and pay based on their merit and achievement. The reality, however, was that sal aries and promotions lagged behind equally qualified men. Such disparities for women as well as African Americans and other disfranchised members of society led to great upheavals in the 1960s. The Civil Rights crusade and its protests, Evans ided a new model for social change and a language about equality, rights, and president in 1960 and called for public activism, it was a goal that women embraced. Pr ofessional women as we ll as radical feminists challenge d the status quo, culminating in the Presidential Commission on the Status of Women, chaired by former first lady Eleanor untered in the workplace, including discrimination, unequal pay, legal inequality, and a lack of child care. As a result, Kennedy issued a presidential order requiring that civil service hiring eliminate sex considerations and the Equal Pay Act of 1963 ma de it illegal to pay men and women different wages for the same work. 25 25 Evans, Born for Liberty 264 265, 273 275; Sara Evans, Liberation in the Civil Rights Movement & the New Left (New York: Vintage Books, 1980), 7 10, 18; http:/ / od/feminism/a/glass_ceiling_women.htm; Kristin E. Smith and Amara

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241 Another milestone that year was the publication of The Feminine Mystique by Betty Friedan. The book questioned cultural assumptions and images that women could find complete fulfillment as wives, mothers, and homemakers. Friedan argued that the essential problem was and fulfillment and that it might be found outside the home. The book caused a tidal wave of a public conversation that had been fostered a year earlier with th e publication of Silent Spring Chemical companies vilified Carson, in part because of her sex but her warnings could not be ignored and led to Congressional gained volume, leading Americans to question cultural norms that had long made women secondary citizens. These were rules t hat had been largely dictated by a patriarchal society that dominated government and industry. Now women challenged this masculine authority, refashioning their roles in the world. 26 ounded in beings, who, like all other people in our society, must have the chance to develop their fullest human potential. We believe that women can achieve such equality only by accepting to the full the challenges and responsibilities they share with all other people in our society, as part of the decision Redford were recognized profe ssionals in their fields, gaining a certain amount of autonomy that allowed them to channel their passions in their work much like Douglas. They were valuable U.S. Census Bureau, accessed April 2, 2012, opulation/www/documentation/ twps0032/twps0032.html 26 Betty Friedan, The Feminine Mystique (New York: W.W. Norton, 1963), 9 10, 15 20, 317.

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242 members of bi gender groups, serving as a n inspiration and example for other activists, as this c hapter will later demonstrate Through their environmental work the se women also carved out important public personas that raised awareness of female capabilities and competence 27 SPA had little money, but made up for it with talent and passion. It attack ed on three fronts: that Biscayne Bay would be harmed by industrial pollution; that trade winds likely would blow air pollution from the refinery and petrochemical plants over the county; and that dirty industry was not compatible with the quality of life that Dade County residents desired. Despite free. In response, Metro commissioners in 1963 adopted a pollution control ordinance and touted it as the toughest in the United States. A federal air pollution control official, writes Dewey, found the developing the ordinance, Metro caused a delay in issuing a building permit for the project. In addition, Seadade had trouble getting a dredging permit from Metro to dig a channel, giving opponents time to oppose the project before any bay destruction could begin. 28 SPA attacked the project on all fronts using every available contact and talent to raise heavy groups that wer e coming to reflect the new ecological ethic and could still raise a ruckus with their large membership. B club ladies, noted, refinery resolut 27 http :// /purpos66.html 28 Davis, An Everglades Providence 441 444; Carter, The Florida Experience 158

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243 Male SPA members visited community groups with more male based membership, including sports clubs, exchange clubs, chambers of commerce, and service clubs, helping to spread their position to every gendered and bi gendered organization possible The group, Redford estimated, reached 400,000 people in Dade and Monroe counties with their concerns. Redford also put her pen to work, writing about the project for in February 1964, stating that SPA was not against industry, just that 29 refineries and pollution and warned that the project could da mage tourism and make the area the from the Miami News the cities of Miami and Miami Beach, and more than three dozen civic groups from across the county. Sead ade ran into new problems when it came into conflict with a proposed new city of Islandia that would be built on several islands in the South Bay. But the federa l status. Miller got the backing of Metro and met with Washington, D.C., officials, including U.S. Rep. Dante Fascell, who endorsed the concept. When federal researchers prepared a required report on the southern part of the bay, they determined that the c oral reef and flora and fauna of the bay were of national significance, surprising even SPA members about its biological richness. The scheme was the product of the rising recognition of ecology and the implementation of new environmental tactics. Six deca des earlier state Audubon societies set aside land and hired wardens to protect bird habitat and nesting areas. However, it is unlikely they ever would have tried to stop a major business such as a refinery in favor of birds because 29 February 1964, 96 101.

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244 they simply did not un derstand (or yet experience) the impact of habitat degradation on avian populations. The preservation alternative gained momentum with an election change in Metro members, who ultimately denied the Seadade building permit. In 1968, the Biscayne National Mo nument Act preserved 96,000 acres of seabed and islands, ending the Seadade and Islandia hearings, thousands of letters and telegrams from conservation club m embers, bumper strips, etcetera, etcetera activated local force of environmentalists who would have much to dispute in coming years. 30 Women from all walks of life and from across th e state, from Jacksonville to Lakeland to Boca Raton to Miami, used their voices in the 1960s to combat dirty air that threatened the health of the state and themselves. As Dewey notes, their opposition was not just against individual industries, but also by the 1970 federal Clean Air Act a mendments that removed the obstacles that had sheltered polluters in the past. In essence, the air pollution skirmishes of the 1960s that Florida women encountered were a new incarnation of the issues that had activated female alarms at the dawn of the twentieth century. Simply put, men and male dominated interests that revolved around income and profits then and now They had killed birds for the millinery industry, clear cut fore sts for lumber products, and erected countless signs to promote business, uglifying the landscape. Women rose up to stop these practices, to clean them up, but by mid century the dangers to the natural world were more insidious and dangerous. As Chapter 5 30 Davis, An Everglades Providence 443 447; Carter, The Florida Experience 159 162.

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245 demonstrated, women, aided by new scientific knowledge, came to view many schemes, such as dredge and fill, wetland loss, and a canal cutting through the state, as not only ill advised but times, fit into this latter impetus to enter into environmental disputes, bringing with them honed organizational skills and professional talents. In doing so, like their NOW sisters, these women claimed the entire world as their realm of concern and authority. 31 Water issues and their attendant health problems also captured headlines and attention in Florida and throughout the nation as rivers, lakes, and estuari es were despoiled by industrial wastes and untreated sewage. As Hays notes, early urban water supplies came from wells and human wastes were deposited in outhouses or dry wells, endangering the quality of water and forcing municipalities to seek water sour livestock manure, and wastes from meat packing plants, rendering an unmistakable stench that threatened health and comfort. By 1871, city engineers had reversed the flow of the river into the Illinois River and away from Lake Michigan, preserving drinking water supplied from a two mile tunnel built under the bottom of the lake. That did not remove the pollution, which still ca used trouble during spring runoffs and heavy storms, but it pushed it further away from population areas with the intention (and widely held engineering belief) that dilution would solve the problem. Prior to 1938, untreated sewage and storm water from the Minneapolis was dumped directly into the broad Mississippi was not broad enough to absorb the noxious mass, and not swift enough to 31 216.

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246 make it unnoticeable. The resu lts locally were permanent stench, diseases, fish kills, and reduced use of the river for recreational and commercial purposes. Residents in Newark, New Jersey, once swam, fished, and boated in the beautiful Passaic River; by 1882, with all sixty miles of the In 1899, Congress took limited action in favor of waterways with the Rivers and Harbors Act, which made it illegal to throw garbage and refuse such as c hemicals, oil, or acids into navigable waters; unfortunately, liquid sewage was exempt, so the practice continued. There were some voices raising alarms about the need for better sanitation practices, including Ellen Swallow, who argued for clean water and milk supplies as part of a healthy home and community. Still, of the water supply through filtration and chemical treatment and to continue to discharge pa works programs in the 1930s did sewage treatment receive serious attention, but no real action occurred able. 32 By the 1950s and into the next decade, it was evident that disinfection technologies of the past were not controlling water pollution. When foam and suds washed up on shorelines, there was a serious problem stemming from laundry detergents in regular use in American households. Phosphates in detergents caused serious environmental problems by raising the nutrien t level in water bodies, causing algae 32 Hays, Beauty, Health and Permanence 76 80; Cronon, 248 ed October 24, 2011, history.asp acces sed October 24, 2011,

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247 clean home and fresh laundry was complicated by the aftermath of the effect on water pollution. In the 1960s, untreated munic ipal and industrial discharge had caused widespread problems, including lake eutrophication, fish kills, a blob of untreated sewage that formed off Staten Island, New York, and the dirtying of many saltwater bays that were declared unfit for humans. And th en there was the unimaginable: the river that caught fire. On June 22, 1969, the oil and debris filled Cuyahoga River near Cleveland, Ohio, burst into flame, capturing, as historian Benjamin zing for many Americans the California, earlier the same year brought the reality of pollution damage into every household through the evening news broadcasts. 33 A in the 1920s to use rivers for waste disposal, four decades later that was considered inappropriate. Federal regulations passed in 1965, 1970, and 1972 were similar t o air pollution laws, setting standards and implementation, according to Hays. The 1972 act was innovative in its requirement of technology standards far more stringent than the air measures demanded. 34 In Florida, water issues were a serious problem. Dasma Jacksonville dumped raw sewage into the ocean from pollution, phosphate mining discharge, and oil spills without adequate treatment systems. Virtually every municipality dealt with sewage by dumping 33 Gottlieb, Forcing the Spring 78; Hays, Beauty, Health and Permanence 76 78; Kline, First Along the River 88. 34 Hays, Beauty, Health, and Permanence 78 79.

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248 into nea rby waterways oceans, rivers, and lakes th eir marine ecosystems after many years destroyed or on the verge of collapse. The Amelia and Fenholloway rivers were filled with pulp mill poison (the Fenholloway will be examined in Chapter 7 ); Lake Apopka, once a bass fishing haven in central Florida, was dying from its long time use as a repository for a variety of wastes; suburban development threatened Lake Jackson near Tallahassee; agricultural and cattle runoff polluted the Kissimmee River and Lake Okeechobee ; trash and weeds filled drainage ditches; and automobile traffic coated roads with greases and chemicals that rains washed into already fouled waterways. 35 By mid moving rivers, limestone formations, and underground water supplies were endangered by sewage. In 1945, Richard Tait, president of the Florida chapter of the American Society of Sanitary Engineers, warned that a s the state is practices, Tait said, came greater threats of disease needs, allowing homes to use cesspools or septic tanks that could pollute wells. Historian Nelson Blake wrote plant in Florida by 1960. In four years things had improved dramatically with increased funding, 35 Dasmann, No Further Retreat 164; Davis, An Everglades Providence 442.

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249 residents were served by sewage treatment operations. 36 Women writers and activists of the period pointed out the ills of untreated sewage Land into Water, Water into Land, sewage through the years until the day would come when she had fouled u p her clear, sweet river and her blue shining bay to such an extent that it was no longer out of sight and fish would die and sea gardens would disappear and the beautiful Biscayne Bay would lie, a pollution between gnore. By 1971, eighty nine sewage treatment facilities in Dade County daily discharged 35 million gallon s gallons into the ocean, and 1.4 million gallons into drainfields; leaking septic tanks caused additional misery. In Billion Dollar Sandbar: A Biography of Miami Beach published in 1970, Redford painted a grim portrait of the results of 30 million gallons of untreated wastes dumped daily by Miami Beach and other nearby coastal communities into the Atlantic Oc ean. Fishermen the turds, condoms, paper, cigarette filters, and balls of clotted grease that pop to the surface and are carried northward where winds and curre outfall another 5,000 feet to the edge of the Gulf Stream, which, it is hoped, will soon whisk all this objectionab le matter out of the state entirely so that Carolina and Georgia fishes may profit 36 St. Petersburg Times, September 11, 1945, 11, n.a.; Blake, Land Into Water Water Into Land 293 295; Cynthia Barnett, Mirage: Florida and the Va nishing Water of the Eastern U.S. (Ann Arbor: The University of Michigan Press, 2007), 24 The Miami News October 24, 1964, A13, n.a.

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250 37 By 1970, Governor Kirk declared that Dade, Broward, and Palm Beach counties were ing from birds and trees to issues of modern ecological concern, also voiced their concerns, passing a number of resolutions to get attention of state officials. In 1955, the 24,000 member FFGC passed a resolution at its annual convention to put it on reco eventual destruction of all rivers, streams and lakes in this former paradise, by the dumping of sludge, sewage or any other n o xious material detrimental and injurious to the purity of such waters which can render them unfit for the most suitable and useful purposes of man, and be it 38 A numb er of attacks on water pollution opened by the late 1960s as national, state, and local groups combined forces to press for improvements. A leader in water activism was the League of Women Voters (LWV), a national grassroots organization founded by suffrag ists in 1920 to teach political effectiveness to newly enfranchised wome n The nonpartisan all female group, which admitted male members in 1974, and its state and local chapters concentrated on issues deemed to be nn Firor Scott notes that early 37 Blake, Land Into Water Water Into Land Problems in Dade The Environmental Destruction of South Florida McCluney ed., 51 52; Polly Redford, Billion Dollar Sandbar: A Biography of Miami Beach (New York: E.P. Dutton, 1970), 258 259. 38 St. Petersburg Evening Independent March 14, 1970, A2, n.a; 2, Minutes 1951 1961 n.p., FFGC.

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251 V neve r endorsed specific candidates or political parties, it encouraged its members to exercise their new voting rights to press for legislation and governmental action to preserve the environment. The LW V represented a new form of female activism the powerful any substantial female representation, as outlined in Chapter 8 female suffrage did create a shift in political power. In theory, women no longer had to rely on the tactics of May Man n Jennings, Katherine Bell Tippetts, and Mary Barr Munroe: letter writing, the goodwill of elected officials, leaders and had the option of running for office themsel ves. Interestingly, while the LWV in the leadership the victim of more specialization in community organizations. Such was the case in Florida where the FFWC kept its focus on environmental issues and collaborated with other groups, but by mid century many of its members took their activism into local issue alliances. 39 In 1956, the LWV decided to focus attention on water, deeming it an issue of major public concern and become a major player in the debate about the federal responsibili ty for water quality, and league coalition of three dozen groups, including the American Association of University Women and GFWC as well as bi gender organizations such as the Izaak Walton League. Their objective: exerting political pressure on Congress to spend the full $1 billion appropriated for pollution 39 Scott, Natural Allies 173 ssed April 6, 2012, http://www.u s

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252 efforts, including matchi ng grants for sewage treatment facilities, instead of the $214 million then in the proposed federal budget. Through their influence, national leaders were forced to revise the budget, eventually agreeing to an $800 million appropriation. In a September 196 9 address in St. Petersburg to the board of the League of Women Voters of Florida (LWVF), Ruth Clusen, second vice president of the national LWV, told the group of the importance of the She said many people steered clear of understanding. You only need to know that water has to be treated in order to insure there being enough water in the right place at the rig dominated professional world, Clusen declared that a citizen did not an engineering degree to have a voice in the topic. swi m in, to boat in, to fish in, and leave it to the scientists to make the technical decisions to 40 The St. Petersburg League was a particularly active group on water issues. Even before the national group chose the topic, the St. Petersbur sewage system resulting three years later in a decision to support a n improved system for the city. A decade later the group joined with the Clearwater league to speak at a public hearing in favor of creating aquatic reserves for the coastal Caladesi Island area and for embattled Boca Ciega Bay. When an election was held in Manatee County to decide whether to adopt a pollution control code and create an air and water pollution board, the local league got heavil y involved, distributing 4,000 flyers, one hundred posters, and sample ballots as well as appearing on a local 40 Public Administration in the Developed World t of St. Petersburg Evening Independent name determined at accessed October 26, 2011.

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253 television program and providing radio spot announcements in favor of both measures. The pollution code and board were approved by a nine to one margin. This was a group that made use of every available means of communication, an essential part of any successful environmental effort. As David Brower had demonstrated in his efforts to stop dams and mines, an apathetic or uninformed public could be aroused by a keen publicity crusade women already had used radio, newspapers, and internal club publications for alerts N ow women and environmental activists had television as part of their arsenals and its effectiveness in disseminating images and information was dramatic An iconic television commercial developed by the National Advertising Council that depicted a Native American crying while viewing litter created a national sensation, evidence of the power of this new form of media. To furth er gain Conference with the University of Florida in 1959. It followed up with workshops in the next two decades, often teaming up with environmental groups in an ef environment. According to its self : oil spills, solid waste disposal, air pollution, wetlands, and energy. 41 League members were eager and competent participants in a variety of programs, testifying at a 1970 hearing of the state pollution control board that Tampa Bay needed improvement and controls on dredging and improved sewage treatment. A year earlier, a league 41 Looking Back 50 Years (St. Petersburg: League of Women Vo ters of the St. Petersburg Area, 1989), 8, 10, 15 16 League of Women Voters Collection, Smathers UF MSS ; Arnetta Brown, Recollections: A History of the League of Women Voters of Florida 1939 1989 (St. Petersburg: League of Women Voters of Florida 1989), 29, League of Women Voters Collection, Smathers UF MSS The Florida Voter newsletter of LWVF, January 1968, 3, League of Women Voters Collection, Smathers UF MSS ; Kline, First Along the River 87.

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254 sponsored Tampa seminar had drawn some 600 people to hear about the ills facing the bay, namely eutrophication caused by an influx of nutrients such as phosphates (thanks to loca l mines and detergent use) and nitrates from many sources, including the City of Tampa, which dumped 31 million gallons of partially treated sewage into the bay daily. Sewage and industrial pollution had contributed to the long term degradation of Tampa Ba y, once a vibrant estuary with celebrated fishing grounds. By the 1960s and 1970s Belleair Shore in Pinellas County. Wi th her six children in school, Grizzle took a long time interest in politics into the arena, going from being PTA president to leading the Florida Republican woman elected to the legislature, an accomplishment owing to the suffragist crusade ity movement There she worked on a number of issues, inc luding supporting the Equal Rights Amendment, requiring child care licensing, and passing the Married Women Property Rights Act, which allowed married women to buy property or start businesses to the state senate, where she served fourteen years, using her position to work the mechanics of legislation, particularly in ecological issues that were close to her heart and home. Her finest achievement for the environment came in 1972 when she co sp onsored a bill that set tough new standards for sewage dumped into Tampa Bay and other area waters affected by seven counties. Grizzle argued that the bay, with its shallow bottom and slow tidal action, needed protection from nutrients and phosphates that had destroyed rivers and bays elsewhere. Her work, according to a St. Petersburg Evening Independent

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255 twenty eight tons of untreated sewage into the bay, but by 1980 Tampa had installed advanced wastewater treatment, and St. Petersburg not only became the first city in the state to give secondary treatment to all its sewage but was moving toward zero dump ing in the bay actions a victory for all Floridians. For her work on environmental and 42 In many ways, Grizzle had earlier women conservationists to thank for blazing the trail to her political success. Fifty y ears earlier, Ruth Bryan Owen forged new ground with her 1928 election to Congress and her subsequent championing of Everglades National Park. Owen firmly gendered societal image of women in the domestic sphere that was popular in the early part of laws come it already was home in 42 St. Petersburg Times November 14, 1969, B4; Feb. 26, 1970 1970, S mathers UF MSS ; St. Petersburg Times, November 10, 2006, accessed August 15, 2001 Ten Com accessed October 24, 2011, Standards, St. Petersburg Times St. Petersbur g Evening Independent St. Petersburg Times May 16, 1960, 22A.

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256 first congresswoman. As a Republican, Grizzle likely was influenced by the recent spate of environmental advocacy by Repub licans such as Governor Claude Kirk, Nathaniel Reed, and President Richard Nixon. As members of a rapidly growing minority party, these politicians had embraced ecological causes, such as opposing the Cross Florida Barge Canal, to their political advantage an image national Republicans would abandon hastily a decade later. But for now, this was the party that harkened to Theodore W omen such as Grizzle were con tinuing that tradition while also forging new legislative paths with their focus on environmental issues. Her presence and agenda in Tallahassee signal ed the end of long held male views in which natural resources were sacrificed to the god of economics. Ta mpa Bay was a treasure to the entire public, deserving of care and governmental cleanup. The crisis was evident, the science was clear, and women were gaining political power and leadership to change 43 While Grizzle concen trated on cleaning up Tampa Bay, skirmishes over water quality raged in South Florida involving large scale projects proposed to cater to the growing populace. Point, a site on southern Biscayne Bay. Ironically, FP&L proposed the site after it was denied expansion of another plant that officials feared would cause air pollution a battle led by the Izaak Walton League and Greene. Now opponents worried that the Turkey Po int facility, with two oil fired units and two proposed nuclear units, would be a source of water disturbance from its output of heated water from the plant cooling system. This waste water, they warned would 43 Making Waves: Female Activists in Twentieth Century Florida Jack E. Davis and Ka ri Frederickson eds. ( Gainesville: University Press of Florida, 2003 ) 37 38.

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257 damage or kill marine plants and animals in th e shallow bay. With tempers running hot, Kirk asked the federal government for help, resulting in a February 1970 water pollution conference in Miami organized by the Water Pollution Control Administration (WCPA) of the U.S. Department of the Interior. The WCPA was familiar with Florida water issues; the previous month it had held a conference in Pensacola that resulted in several polluters being required to clean up discharge in the nearby Perdido River and Escambia Bay. The Interior Department filed sui t to force FP&L to create a cooling system that avoided thermal discharges into the bay. In November 1970, another lawsuit was filed by an unexpected source a female FP&L gail Starr Avery, of Lincoln, Massachusetts, contended that FP&L leaders violated state and federal laws in their attempt to dump heated discharge into Biscayne Bay and asked for $300 million in damages for their mismanagement. Avery who described herself Ultimately, the discharge issue was settled in 1971 in federal court, with all parties agreeing to cycle cooling canal. Today, the power company touts the site as a wildlife boon that attracts sixty species of birds and animals, seventeen of which are endangered. 44 Other environmental controversies erupted in south Florida during the same period: the proposal to build a jetport in the Everglades and continuing water issues in the nationa l park. Women from teenagers to Marjory Stoneman Douglas, in her seventies were integral to both 44 Carter, The Florida Experience 162 167; Davis, An Everglades Providence 449 Daytona Beach News Journal November 25, 1970, A12,

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258 efforts. The jetport conflict was highlighted in Chapter 5 but it is important to note the female activism at play in this issue. Joe Browder, a television ne ws reporter, was recruited onto the budding environmental issues and, when the posi tion came open, they endorsed his move to become a paid regional employee of National Audubon and primary organizer of the anti jetport crusade. The outspoken Wainwright, the first woman elected to the city commission (in 1961) and later its vice mayor (a political prominence that early Florida Audubon women never could have imagined), had sponsored many city beautification ordinances and measures to ban dangerous pesticides. Previously she had worked with Virrick on the Coconut Grove slum clearance campaig n and had fought the Seadade project. Wainwright was inspired by an aesthetic is a desire to create or preserve something of natural beauty for those who fol 45 Browder also engaged younger workers in the cause. Charles Lee, now director of advocacy for FAS, had started working with Audubon as a teenager and found inspiration from its board, including Redford and Wainwright. Two young women from the Ever glades School for Girls also joined in, following in the footsteps of earlier women activists particularly their role model Douglas Juliana Field, whose parents were good friends with Douglas, worked in the field with Lee, meeting with rural landowners, hunters, and local residents in hopes of finding ways to engage the community They were joined by two other Everglades School students, Lili Krech and December Duke, who se senior project in high school was a study of the cooling water discharge from the F P&L plant at Turkey Point Undertaking their research at the time the issue 45 Davis, An Everglades Providence 447 448, 456 458; Alice Wainwright, s peech given upon receiving Thomas Barbour Medal, n.d. Alice Cut ts Wainwright papers, Box 1, File: Brochures, Notes, Speeches, etc. 1950 1990 History Museum of Southern Florida, Miami, Florida.

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259 was being debated by authorities the seniors found water temperatures in Biscayne Bay that were higher than set limits and documented dying turtle grass, an essential part of the biology. As part of her work, a school community service requirement, Duke used a survey to interview government officials about pollution problems in the area. She also followed up on concerns about sewage discharge with her own experiment by fl ushing peanuts down a toilet at Miami city hall and then watching with city officials as the peanuts appeared in the bay. As Davis notes, four years later the city and county created the Miami Dade Water and Sewer Authority and later expanded a wastewater treatment facility by 50 percent. Duke and Krech inserted scientific facts into the controversy to bolster their views. It was a new weapon in the arsenal of female environmental activism that their forebears did not have at their disposal. 46 To counter the jetport project Duke and Krech, accompanied by another classmate, Mary Beth Norton, spent many weekends over two years driving hundreds of people by jeep and minibus to the jetport site for a first hand look at the project. They pointed out that the jetp ort was to be built on the sacred site of the Green Corn dance ritual conducted by the Miccosukee McSherry, said it took them an hour to reach the spot but if they could get people to the site, they could win their support to stop the jetport and save the wetlands area for its importance as a in New York, she carried on her act ivism by demonstrating in the city against Eastern Airlines, a supporter of the project, and gaining media attention to help build anti jetport sentiment. Browder says that the work of these teenagers, in combination with fishermen, working class 46 Davis, An Everglades Providence 466 469.

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260 people, a nd members of some of the oldest families in the area 47 conflicts from which she would emerge the new fi gurehead of Florida environmental ism In the twenty years since publication of her book about the Everglades, Douglas had concentrated on her journalism and fiction writing, not imagining any activism beyond her support of the national park. She was aware of the fledgling environmental movement, but considered herself a Voice of the River : I wrote get ou 48 Browder was on her doorstep the next day and asked Douglas to issue a press release denouncing the jetport. When Douglas replied that such a message would be more ef fective coming from an organization, he challenged her to create one, noting that since Douglas was not After a trip to the jetport site, as had happened with many others, Douglas, 79, realized that it must be stopped. She mulled over signing table at Fairchild Tropical Gardens, she talked to Mich ael Chenoweth, a friend from sailing events. What would he think about an organization, perhaps to be called The Friends of Everglades? Chenoweth 47 Ibid., 467 470; December Duke McSherry, interview with author, February 25, 2 011, Gainesville, Florida; Joe Browder, interview with author October 9, 2009, Gainesville, Florida. 48 Davis, An Everglades Providence 472 473; Douglas, Voice of the River 223 225.

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261 organization to c synchronistic events sprung FOE. Douglas gathered members, at a cost of one dollar each, from the numerous events at which she spoke, usually dressed in dark glasses and floppy hats that gave h she wrote, was to include people in all counties in the Everglades region in a grassroots effort to s the heart and life of South Grunwald writes that Douglas used her club mem oriented gro ups around the state and country, such as Sierra Club, FDE, and SPA, where men and women worked together to oppose ecological ills. Women no longer sought power and solutions solely from gender specific organizations their formidable talents were welcomed into the wider environmental society, where they were integral to many successes. Even after the jetport was was a critical issue. 49 49 Marjory Stoneman Douglas letter to Representative Robert Graham, March 28, 1970, Box 26, File: Smathers UF MSS ; Grunwald, The Swamp 257 258; Davis, An Everglades Providence 474 480, 483 484; Douglas, Voice of the River 225 226.

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262 Since 1947, the Army Corps of Engineers had invested huge amounts of money, energy, and construction into re plumbing the Everglades. Douglas initially had supported this work, believing that it would benefit the national park with a guaranteed water flow. But two decades later the da ponging between too wet and too sparking fires and causing saltwater intrusion in drinking wells. Three water conservation areas, basically enormous retaining ponds, were built on the eastern edge of the Everglades, stifling water flow and leading to a buildup of what Douglas described a the straightening of the meandering Kissimmee River at the northern watershed of the Everglades. In the space of a decade, the Corps had spent $35 million to undo the work of millennia, turning the river into Canal C 38. By its completion in 1971, it was clear to everyone that the project was an environmental disaster that had ruined a river and its plant and animal life. Now the greatest threat to the Everg lades area and the national park it supported was water quantity and quality. Pollution from urban areas and agriculture, particularly the sugar cane industry and dairy farms, was damaging the natural systems, and, as Douglas liked to point out, endangerin g the drinking water of all south Floridians. Until age 101 (she died in 1998 at age 108), Douglas used FOE and her growing authority to fight for the Everglades. Her presence at a zoning hearing meant an end to land use proposals she opposed. Governors, p residents, and political hopefuls sought her endorsement and shied away from her condemnation. 50 50 Grunwald, The Swamp 259, 267; Douglas, Voice of the River 231 232.

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263 Nowhere was this better illustrated than the enactment of the Marjory Stoneman Douglas Act, a state act intended to spur joint federal and state cleanup and res toration of the Everglades. The bill, written in large part by sugar lobbyists, was heavily compromised and Douglas would have nothing to do with it. A month after she was likened to Mother Nature by President Bill Clinton, the 103 year old Douglas wrote t o Florida Senator Lawton Chiles and insisted that her the Everglades Forever the male politicians that had led to this disaster and would not have her name attached to anything less than a plan she truly thought would be successful. After all, she had been suspect of male motivations and their environmental consequences since her columnist days, writing in In many ways, as Davis demonstrates in his all encompassing Douglas biography, An Everglades Providence: Marjory Stoneman Douglas and the American Environmental Century she embodied the learning the twentieth century. She had come to Florida as an outsider but she beauty and wildlife and advocate for it in early conservation efforts. Once a proponent of Everglades water manage learned through crises and ecology about the delicate nature of the system and the damage incurred upon it, eventually becoming the greatest champion of its restoration. A suffragist who encour founded FOE, a bi a term she so

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264 es passion and tenacity overcame sexist prejudices as she rose in prominence and power. She became well versed in the machinations of male politicians who claimed to be working for the environment and was willing to public ly denounce their attemp ts to co opt her into their plans by adjusted her views and activism as evidence and scientific knowledge demanded, often relying on the advice of FOE member Art Ma rshall, whose biological knowledge had helped stop the jetport. With these new resources and her growing persona, Douglas focused squarely on saving 51 The work of Douglas and company would have a lasting impact on Floridians and t he nation, who by 1970 saw the environment as a central issue and now used ecology as a on April 22, 1970. What initially was expected to be an education based event grew into a grass roots celebration involving 20 million people and one that continued to be annually celebrated. Florida found its own way to celebrate Earth Day, notably in the Dead Orange Parade in Miami that followed the route of the annual King Orange Parade, the latter a much touted event that l a college football even t and tourist mecca that reeked of masculinity. A number of floats complained about environmental conditions but perhaps the most telling p articipants were the stroller pushing mothers who led the parade year rly maternalistic and symbolic message of community and personal health offered by the protesting mothers was 51 Grunwald, The Swamp 300 301; Davis, An Everglades Providence 223; Marjory Stoneman Douglas, Douglas Building Headquart ers of the Florida Department of Natural R esou

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265 clear, a continuation of the long female struggle to clean up the environmental mess of men in n would have picked up their strollers or children to protest; one man was arrested for carting twenty pounds of dead, smelly fish and one octopus public event al so portended a future in which leaders the children of the parade and women like Krech and Duke would be well aware of the toll of business and industry on the natural world. 52 In response to a growing public demand spurred in part by environmental crises, political bodies, particularly the U.S. Congress, had implemented groundbreaking laws and policies, many of them based on ecological principles. The Clean Air Act (1963) and Water Quality Control Act (1965) addressed pollution issues, while the Wilderness Act (1964) and the Wild and Scene Rivers Act (1968) attempted to preserve wild lands and free flowing rivers. Ecology literally became the law of the land due to the National Environmental Policy Act (NEPA), which was passed in 1969, requiring that federal agencies consider the environmental impact of proposed acts into their decision making process. To enforce the new laws, the act created the federal Environmental Protection Agency (EPA), which consolidated various pollution related programs. It was follo wed by the Clean Air Act of 1970, which identified pollutants and set standards to regulate their emission into the atmosphere. The Clean Water Act of 1972 also regulated pollutants, this time those going into waterways, while mandating rules for restorati on, with the ultimate goal of no discharge of pollutants. A series of other laws that addressed topics 52 Davis, An Everglades Providence 505; Kline, First Along the River 90 St. Petersburg Times April 23, 1970, 3B.

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266 such as endangered species, pesticides, hazardous wastes, and ocean dumping followed, leading many to dub the 1970s the Green Decade. 53 Two days after th F unk documented recent environmental victories against FP&L at Turkey Point, the jetport, and the barge canal but added that the new state concern was pollution, highlighting degradation of bays in Tampa and Pensacola and health problems among Palm Beach r esidents exposed to water and air pollution. In response to these problems, a group of fifty two people, including 70s, to lobby for eventually were successful grassroots activism against the Everglades Jetport and the Cross Florida Barge Canal. The unique nature of the group, wrote Carter, was that half the members of its twenty member board downside was that some of its actions were neutralized by internal politics. Other memb ers included the Florida Audubon Society, the League of Women Voters, the FFWC, and the Nature Conservancy. C eived expressly for researching the need and developing a format for proper legislation and environmental protection in which forty one bills sponsored by the group were passed. Al though most were minor, some bills had a big 53 Merchant, The Columbia Guide to American E nvironmental History 180 181; Kline, First Along the River 91 107.

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267 impact, including constitutional amendments that allowed sewer bonds to be issued; the banning of sales of submerged lands except in the public interest a blow to dredge and fill efforts; the setting of coastal construction setback lines; and the creation of a Coastal Coordinating Council dership problems, 54 Reubin O. Askew, who replaced the environmen tally minded but quirky Kirk, and ushered in a new era of serious concerns that sparked protective legislation. Noting the accomplishments of C rampant growth that had made Florida the ninth largest state, with a population of 6. 8 million uicide would discourage people from settling in a state with the balmy climate and other natural assets which conference in Miami, Askew talked about ecology, en vironmental degradation, and restoration, Florida, as well as in the res t of our great state a peace between the people and their place, between the natural environment and the man made settlement, between the creek and canal, between the air and the airplane 54 The Day New London, Conn., April 24, 1970, New York Times January 11, 1970, ProQuest Historical Newspapers, accessed October 28, 2011; Carter, The Florida Experience 53 55.

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268 Askew inc luded a sense of urgency in his address to the Florida Legislature, noting that residents have been consistently ahead of elected officials in efforts to protect the environment. He now beat or alarmist to say that continued failure to control growth and development in this state will lead to economic as we heeded his advice, approving land and water management bills that attempted to put controls on state growth, mandating regional reviews of large projects, creation of water management districts, and the issuance o bonds in November 1972. 55 In Askew, Florida women also found an ally in their continuing work to beautify t he state by reducing pollution of the landscape in anti litter campaigns. As Hays notes, the post war era rise in packaging, Hays writes, made refuse disposal a grow which, as Chapter 4 highlights, had long c rusad ed against litter and roadside trash as part of the City Beautiful movement, remained committed to the issue as the century aged. One of the leaders was Hilda Fox, who helped organ ized the Roadside Council of Pennsylvania in 1939 55 Askew Governor of Florida to the Izaak Walton League of America West Palm Beach, Florida May 1, 1971 van Askew Speeches, Box 1, January 1971 February 1972, File: May July 1971, Smathers UF MSS February 1972, File: May July 197 1, Smathers UF MSS 1972, 13 14, Box 1, January 1971 February 1972, File: January February 1972, Smathers UF MSS ; Carter, The Florida Experience 55, 130 133.

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269 campaign, which was enhanced by a drawing of a bug that had been used by the FFGC for a year. Sensing the rising public tide, companies that public, marketing program that urged Americans to put their trash in appropriate receptacles instead of along roadsides. In 1953, the KAB organized and within a few years produced public service annou ncements to convince people to change their habits. The program had a huge boost in 1965 when Lady Bird Johnson, the wife of President Lyndon Johnson, joined in the effort and helped promote the Highway Beautification Act that same year. The Johnsons, who had motored between Texas and Washington, D.C., on many occasions, were dismayed by the junkyards and billboards that lined with landscaping and wildflowers. In t his effort she was joined by many groups, particularly garden clubs that embraced her message, and by her husband, who made it a legislative priority. The 1965 act, which attempted to regulate billboards and control visibility of junkyards, was considered by many to be a failure because of its compromises with the billboard industry. But Johnson considered it a victory for her beautification cause, and many women hailed her success. 56 Although they were often overshadowed by bi gender environmental groups du ring this creating anti litter committees to conduct publicity campaign s about the issue. May Mann 56 The National Gardener 35.7 8 (July August 1964): 58; Crosby Fifty Years of Service 56; Hays, Beauty, Health, and Permanence 80 accessed November 1, 2011 accessed November 2, 2011 gcfphistorypastp.html accessed November 1, 2011.

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270 Jennings and another FFWC member served on the Florida State Chamber of Commerce Beautification Committee in 1955, promoting a program that placed trashcans along highway department of transportation to combat litter a probl em that cost the state $1 million annually to address. Secretary of Transportation Edward A. Mueller recognized that state garden clubs Glenn Glitter, a flashy bug up) the effort and he was used for classroom education lessons. In a 1973 article in the Camellia, produc ed for Pensacola area garden club members, Mary B. Williams made it clear that there was much work to be done to stop the visual blight caused by roadside trash. On a recent drive, she spotted beer cans, drink cans, whisky bottles, empty cartons, abandoned cars, and various abandoned five or six pounds per person per day amounts to enough blight [to cover] 1,700 square miles of land with a layer one which caused traffic accidents of litter as wasted resources and recycle it er control is suited to do it seen the same ills. In a 1971 speech to a Keep Florida Beautiful group in Tallahassee, the governor said cleanup efforts were essential to attract tourism and tras h dumping no longer

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271 [I] League of Women Voters. Wo men found varied outlets for their activism: traditional groups that long sought to protect natural resources, newer groups that were inspired by tradition but using new science to press for ecological reforms, and new bi gender groups founded by women suc h as Douglas and Carr that incorporated both sexes in their efforts 57 No other group personified the struggle against pollution in Florida better than ManaSota 88, which was led for three decades by the tenacious Gloria Cann Rains, of Palmetto. Formed in 1 966 as part of a two year health study by federal and state health services, Florida State University, the University of Florida, and the Manatee and Sarasota county commissions, ManaSota 88 was one of fourteen projects around the country designed to asses s problems associated with growth and address them before they overwhelmed local resources. From the study in 1968 evolved the same named nonprofit whose goal was to preserve the health of the environment and welfare of local people with a deadline for su ccess of 1988. When members, who came from a variety of backgrounds, decided that they had not accomplished their goal, they continued the organization, which still exists today. At the helm for the first thirty years was Rains, who came to Florida for a s unny, waterfront retirement and instead found a passionate calling that would consume the rest of her life. 58 57 Florida Clubwoman 4 12 ( January February 1956 ): 12; DeFuniak Springs Herald Breeze March 16, 1972, n.a., 2 ; Mary B. Willi Camellia 24.8 ( April 1973 ): 5, Bound Volume: Camellia 23 25, 1971 74, Special Collections and West Florida Archives, John C. Pace Library, University of West Florida, Pensacola, Florida; Askew Speech to Keep Florida Beautiful Luncheon, Tallahassee, Florida, July 14, 1971, 3,8, 11. Box 1, January 1971 February 1972, File: May July 1971, Smathers UF MSS. 58 St. Petersburg Times, June 9, 1966, B4; accessed November 2, 2011 ; Gloria Rains, interview with author, December 17, 1990, Palmetto, Fla.

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272 Rains and her husband, John, who retired from the U.S. Air Force, moved to a waterfront home on the southern end of Tampa Bay in 1969. For several including boating, which gave desserts you have to do som you have to have and I think most people do a commitment to sort of justify, to put environmental issues when an offshore oil off loading platform was proposed near Port Manatee, seven miles from their home. It would be a multi year conflict that involved a referendum and administrative hearings before a lack of profitability ended the proposal. John Rains u sed his talents as a leader in the Manatee County chapter of the Izaak Walton League; Gloria Rains got involved with ManaSota 88, becoming its chairman in 1977 and leading efforts that reached into a number of pollution related topics in the region. Even t hough she was unpaid, Rains put in twelve hour days, writing lengthy monthly newsletters, loading file cabinets with reports and data, educating herself on some very technical issues, and recruiting others to the cause. By 1988 the group obtained Outstandi ng Florida Water designations to protect Sarasota, Lemon and Terra Ceia b ays; helped part of the Myakka River be designated as a Wild and Scenic River; worked to preserve wetlands; and forced the relocation of an offshore site for dumping contaminated sedi ments. Most often the group found itself in disputes often of a David versus Goliath nature, with the powerful phosphate industry and with electric utilities, arguing that their ongoing or proposed practices would pollute area air, water, and land. ManaSo ta 88 faced off against the U.S. Environmental Protection Agency (EPA) and the Florida Department of Environmental Regulation (DER) to press for tougher enforcement of existing laws and rules, often threatening

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273 to file lawsuits. The group often made good o n those threats in court, appealed to federal and state agencies, lobbied government bodies, and appeared in news media to get their science backed positions heard. And while many members, male and female, participated in the fact gathering and protesting, Rains was the recognized leader of the group. 59 In a 1988 fundraising letter to ManaSota 88 members, which numbered an estimated 2,500 environment is even greater tha naSota 88 efforts prove that a relative few people with limited resources, up against powerful and well large environmental groups or politicians, who she thought were too willi ng to amend their go in to compromise. You go in to fight for what you know is right because you know that the legislators or the department heads or whoever is goi with the strongest position that you have with the best evidence you have and you stick to it, you environmental issues, often chara by her opponents. That characterization might have been a compliment for a male activist ; in people will never know what a difference this woman made to their quality of life here through 59 Rains, interview with author; Gloria Rains, ManaSota 88 Letter March 28, 1988, 1 Bradenton Herald September 19, 2000, ManaSota Sarasota Herald Tribune September 19, 2000, A10, n.a.

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274 her efforts these past 30 years against the phosphate industry, wat er and air polluters and 60 With Gloria Rains and the dawn of the late twentieth century, Florida women had a new model for environmental a ctivism. No longer were women reliant solely on their club connections and spouses to get legislation approved for important issues. Gone was the sometimes solicitous soft voice that many had employed in the past to keep from offending the male power stru passionate and very real concerns about the health of their communities and families, women stepped into the forefront of clashe s involving pollution of air, water, and land. They es chewed the long held (and masculine ) voice of commerce that said pollution was simply the price of a strong economy and, in doing so, prodded government bodies and agencies to take action. Although many activists continued their advocacy in female specific clubs, a growing number now found their voice in mixed gender groups formed to address specific problems. They worked shoulder to shoulder with their male counterparts, using their talents in many ways, from writing to rallying the public to organizing sy mposiums to researching topics. And, like Carr and Rains, they were often taking the reins of organizations and guiding them into the future. In the final decades of the century, as Chapter 8 will address, women increasingly became important leaders in Flo resources. After all, the men had made a real mess of it. Now it was up to women to make a difference. 60 Sarasota Herald Tribune September 19, 2000, A10.

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275 CHAPTER 7 ENVIRONMENTAL JUSTIC E As the environmental movement matured in the latter part of the twentieth century, many ac tivists discovered a relation ship between racism, impoverishment, and ecological degradation. Not only was the land scape battered and bruised many described it as raped by male dominated industrialization and development, but so were the people who lived in and near damaged areas, typically those suffering from poverty or discrimination, who did not have knowledge of t he environmental hazards or the ability to escape from them. Once again, Florida women would find a calling in dealing with these issues that came to be known as environmental justice. It was no coincidence, writes historian Andrew Hurley, that the age of ecology was also an age of environmental inequality. The less fortunate, typically African American s and poor whites, found themselves at a severe disadvantage, consistently bearing the brunt of industrial pollution in virtually all its forms: dirty a ir, foul water, and toxic solid wastes. It was far cheaper and politically expedient to locate chemical dumps and polluting industries in poor, minority dominated communities that might welcome (or at least not object to) any project in the hopes of jobs and income while remaining unaware of the long term health issues posed by it. This was true across the United States and through Florida where such injustices extended to native people blacks, and Hispanics whose lives were affected by the quality of t he natural world in which they lived and worked. Although most historians point to the 1970s and 1980s as the period in which such concerns arose, Florida women, without using the terminology of the movement, had been involved in the spirit of the issue th roughout the century, beginning with their work to gain adequate land for Seminole Indians in south Florida. As was examined previously Florida women also worked to improve underserved black neighborhoods in the

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276 Miami area and to stop air pollution across the state. Later, their efforts extended from demanding the cleanup of a toxic waste site in an African American section of Pensacola to insisting on an end to industrial pollution of the Fenholloway River in rural Taylor County to raising concerns about the health of migrant workers who suffered unduly from the effects of pesticides and chemicals used in agricultural production. These efforts cemented the change in Florida women s attitudes about the environment supplanting aesthetic con cerns with more p ersonal issues of human health and quality of life. 1 The American environmental movement was late in recognizing the social issues that often accompanied destruction of the natural world. The environmental justice movement, writes Edwardo Lao Rhodes, was little more than a few committed community organizations and individuals acting alone, with little national recognition in the 1970s and 1980s. Rapidly growing mainstream environmental organizations did not include such topics in their agendas, perhaps be cause th o se groups tended to focus on things, rather than people. Humans were grouped into a homogenous mass, Rhodes writes, with the assumption that all benefit equally an attitude akin to failing to see the trees. Mainstream groups also tended to b e white, male dominated groups with few ties to people of different economic classes and colors. That insulated and isolated them from on the ground human issues arising from environmental crises and made their organizations slow to recognize this growing concern. Samuel Hays and Adam Rome argue ( as was discussed in Chapter 6 ) that the environmental movement was propelled by a post war suburban generation worr y about quality of life However, that left out minorities and low income groups who did not share the same prosperity or lifestyle, resulting in accusations that environmentalists were privileged, elitist and arrogant. Such charges came from 1 Andrew Hurley, Environmental Inequalities: Class, Race, and Industrial Pollution in Gary, Indiana, 1945 1980 (Chapel Hill: The University of North Carolina Press, 1995), xiii xiv.

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277 labor and minority groups, many of which were engaged in the battle for civil rights and to end poverty. 2 Despi te these charges of upper class bias, writes Hurley, contradictory evidence existed. Some environmental issues, such as air pollution in Florida, did draw the interest and support of minorities and blue collar workers, and labor unions strongly backed fe deral laws for safe drinking water and control of toxic substances. Sometimes they worked in concert with mainstream groups, as when the Sierra Club joined with the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP) in 1972 to stop a highwa y project. The two groups had different objectives the Sierra Club wanted to stop pollution and the NAACP wanted to stop demolition of low income housing but they confronted a common enemy. Clearly, the ecology crusade did not rest on a monolithic social base, Hurley writes, adding that the social dynamics that underpinned environmental controversies were quite fluid during the postwar years, changing over time and generating unpredictable alliances. Grassroots groups of great diversity arose to confron t a number of issues, often with women and minorities leading the charge that focused on saving their communities. 3 From such grassroots struggles women transformed the democratic process and created social movements such as environmental justice. Cesar Ch elala, an international medical consultant and author, agrees that women are key to environmental activism and improvements that as employees, homemakers, and 2 Ibid., 9 11; Edwardo Lao Rhodes, Environmental Justice in America: A New Paradigm (Bloomington: Indiana University Pr ess, 2003), 30 31, 43; Ted Steinberg, Down to Earth: Nature s Role in American History ( New York: Oxford University Press, 2002), 250 Environmental History 2.3 (July 1997) : 303 305. 3 Hurley, Environmental Inequalities 11 12; Steinberg, Down to Earth 253 254.

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278 affect pregnancies and cause birth defects. A world survey by the United Nations reflected this awaren 4 women worked to that end in the early twentieth century, trying to improve the wellbeing of the Initially, female activists were concerned with setting aside land for Indian reservations at th e same time that parks farms, and developments were being carved out of the newly drained wilderness. As the century progressed, the Seminole and Miccosukee people were confronted with the degradation of the landscape and the disappearance of wildlife upo n which they had long relied for survival. Florida s aboriginal inhabitants disappeared in the early eighteenth century, the victims of disease, slavery, and warfare. They were replaced by Indians who migrated from Alabama and Georgia and eventually devel oped their own cultural identities as Seminoles and Miccosukees Initially, the Seminoles lived in the prime agricultural areas of north Florida, establishing plantation like settlements. However, white farmers along the Georgia and Alabama borders clashed with the Seminoles, whom they accused of stealing cattle and even worse, of harboring refugee black slaves. By the early nineteenth century, attacks by militias and Seminoles crossed the borders, drawing the attention of U.S. authorities and eventually s purring three wars between 1817 and 1858. The conflicts, write historians John K. Mahon and Brent R. Weisman, were years of great trauma and upheaval for the Seminole people. The Seminole population dropped from about 5,000 to an estimated 200 to 300 peo ple by the end of the wars. Many Seminoles left 4 The B oston Globe May 12, 2001, accessed March 20, 2011 http://www.commondrea 01.htm

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279 the state for a reservation in Oklahoma but those who remained who never surrendered to federal authorities were left living in radically different circumstances in the marginal lands of the Big Cypress Sw amp and the Everglades. As Michael Grunwald notes, few of the Americans who had chased them there had a problem with that they understood that it was a watery, insect filled expanse largely considered a wasteland. 5 That attitude, however, began to change in the early twentieth century as speculators, government leaders, and business interests began the long drive toward draining the Everglades to create an agricultural paradise, as discussed in Chapters 3 and 5 Caught in the middle of these schemes and e ventually the development of Everglades National Park were the Seminole people. Ivy Cromartie Stranahan, of Ft. Lauderdale, was one of the leaders in the efforts to help Florida s Seminoles, spending much of her adult life using her old girl conn ections to improve their living circumstances. Stranahan, a schoolteacher, had grown up on the Florida frontier and married a man who ran a trading post on the New River. They did regular business with Seminoles, who paddled to the trading post, bringing a nimal pelts, vegetables, fruit, alligator eggs (newly hatched alligators were in demand by female tourists who wore them on their clothes a practice Stranahan, an Audubon enthusiast and anti plume activist abhorred), and coontie a starch that was a staple of Seminole diets. The Seminoles received cash for their goods and then used the money to buy a variety of items, including guns, traps, tools, food, and cooking utensils. Often they brought their entire families and set up camp near the trading post. Str anahan later recalled that my young married life might have been a little lonely had it not been for the Indians coming to my husband s trading post. She invited the children into her home, where they explored rooms and tried on her clothes, sparking Str anahan to take action to 5 Grunwald, The Swamp 30 31, 53; John K. Mahon and Brent R. Weisman, Florida s Seminole and Miccosukee Peoples, in The New History of Florida Gannon ed ., 183 201

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280 relieve their needs. All this time I looked upon them with great pity and regret because they were so unfriendly to our government, rejected our education and scorned Christianity. She recalled that she was driven by an urge to devise some plan by which I could acquaint them with our civilization without offending t he i r parents. With a missionary s fervor but calm practicality, Stranahan began teaching the children in informal outdoor settings, using posters and pictures of Chri stian figures. When the trading post closed in 1911, she drove to Seminole camps to offer her lessons something she would continue for more than twenty five years. The childless Stranahan, also a champion for female suffrage and founder of the Women s Inde pendent Civic Club in Ft. Lauderdale, soon became involved in championing Seminole welfare. At the FFWC, Stranahan rallied support for Indian education and lobbied for creation of a permanent reservation for the tribe. She served many years as chair of the FFWC s Seminole Indian committee, striving to obtain rights and property for the Indians while at the same time trying to civilize them and spread Christianity among their ranks. 6 Stranahan worked for decades to improve the lot of the Seminole people, e ngaging federal to provide additional support. She also kept close ties with tribe members, trying to gain their confidence in government programs and education. Several scholarships for education at government schools and colleges were offered through FFWC, the Florida DAR, and other groups to Seminole youths to further their self sufficiency. knows that we are not trying to m ake a white man of him and that we want him to be proud of 6 Harry A. Kersey, Jr., The Stranahans of Fort Lauderdale: A Pioneer Family of New River (Gainesville: University Press of Florida, 2003), 76 77, 82, 115 116, 130 133; E. Lynne Wright, More Than Petticoats: Remarkable Florida Women (Guilford, C onn. : The Globe Pequot Press, 2001), 78 79; Ivy Stranahan, untitled auto biography, Box 28, Folder 149: Stranahan, Ivy: autobiographies, 11 12 Stranahan Manuscript Collection 71 1, Ft. Lauderdale Historical Society, Inc., Ft. Lauderdale, F la

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281 civiliza her sisters in arms were invoking their moral superiority in helping the native children, but only as long as it moved in a direction for which they approved. Clea rly they were advocating Christianity above native religious practices and saw white controlled but segregated educational institutions as the route that should be taken. This was their definition of civilization, and while it certainly had the capacity to destroy native cultural practices, the women wholeheartedly 7 Another important Seminole advocate was M innie Moore Willson of Kissimmee a writer and activist, who, like Stranahan was an a rdent Audubon supporter, but whose strident manner often gained her enemies even among the women s club ranks as described in Chapter 3 Moore Willson wanted to give the Seminoles cultural uplift, writes Jack E. Davis, but she also thought Indian cult ure superior to Western in one regard. A steady opponent of drainage and commercial hunting, she maintained that Indians lived more wisely with the natural world, with Seminoles standing as the only true custodians of the Everglades. Moore Willson and h er husband James Willson, who were childless, made it their life mission to help the Seminoles, their adopted children. And although Moore Willson was an invalid much of her life and suffered from migraine headaches, she was a force with which to be reckon ed for anyone who opposed her views. In the eighth ( 1928 ) edition of her book, The Seminoles of Florida Moore Willson described the Seminoles, with a population estimated at 600, as a beggared and spectral type of a once powerful race. She said they had been forced into the most desolat e lands of that Americans, in the push toward Manifest Destiny were now taking our 7 Friends of the Seminoles in Florida, Box 3, Folder 13 : Seminole Indians: Fri ends of the Seminoles Correspondence, reports, etc. 1933 1953 ; Stranahan, untitled autobiography, 16; Stranahan Manuscript Collection 71 1, Ft. Lauderdale Historical So ciety, Inc., Ft. Lauderdale, Fla.

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282 time at finishing the extermination of the original Indian. The book, which profiles different members of the trib e, features photographs and drawings of Seminole homes and people, and includes examples of native language, offers Moore Willson s plea for their aid and hope for their future : Let us th en deal kindly with the tribes we have dispossessed, whose removal to the swamps has made room for our own enlargement. In the person of these descendants of a now disinherited race, who with shy, frightened faces still hide in the wilderness, we may yet a tone in part for the tragedies of the past by making Florida a free, safe and Christian home for this patient and long persecuted remnant of a once powerful Indian nation. 8 Moore Willson recognized that drainage schemes in the Everglades could very well p ush the S eminoles out of their lands and reasoned, there is at this time plenty of land for both interests. She said it was the federal government s duty to make sure enough land was set aside for Seminoles and then spent the next few decades trying to e nsure that happened. It was a battle against male dominated bureaucracy and politics in an era when women, without voting powers, had to unite with members of their own sex to gain traction; to argue among themselves was a risk. In 1915 and 1916, during he r verbal and postal skirmishes with May Mann Jennings and FFWC about Royal Palm State Park, Moore Willson argued that creating a Seminole reservation was more important than gaining acreage and funding for a state park. Moore Willson briefly had tasted vic tory in 1913 when the state legislature allotted 235,000 acres for a reservation, only to have it vetoed by the governor. In 1917, the state approved 100,000 in the lower Everglades for the Seminoles, with Moore Willson participating in the effort. In a pa mphlet she wrote that year, Moore Willson argued that the same justice and freedom that the United States was fighting for overseas in World War I should be extended to the Seminoles adly in defense of their 8 Davis, An Everglades Providence 377; Minnie Moore Willson, The Seminoles of Florida 8 th e d. (Kingsport, T enn. : Kingsport Press, 1928), 53 55, 181.

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283 FFWC and Audubon, who sent a letter of congratulations, praised her fervent work on behalf of 9 The Seminoles now had a large reservation, but, as Davis notes, it was plagued by controversy from the beginning because it was woefu lly unsuitable for farming and grazing agricultural practices that had once been the tribe s lifeblood. Moore Willson recognized this, but regarded the acquisition of any land as a victory for Seminole welfare and the state of establishing additional hol dings. When it became evident that Everglades National Park was about to be created, Moore Willson started a new crusade, arguing that an additional 100,000 acre reservation should b e created on higher land adjacent to the park and that Seminoles should h ave full access to the park. But she ended up butting heads with national park proponents, including FFWC, wh ich wanted to exchange the existing reservation for a new one next to the park Moore Willson died in 1937, a decade before the park was dedicated after Florida transferred the necessary land to the federal government. At the same time, Davis notes, the state created a new reservation and three were sited by the federal government, encompassing less but more suitable land than that in the lower Eve refused to extend Indian rights to hunt and fish within the park, following a precedent set in other national parks. The Seminoles were not forced onto the new reservations, but most eventually moved to them. The state and federal g overnments had made provisions for the Seminoles, but, without the constant 9 Moore Willson, The Seminoles of Florida 128 130; Minnie Moore Willson, Snap Shots From the Everglades of Florida: Jungle Life of the Seminoles, pamphlet published by the Tampa Tribune Publishing Company, 1917, 5, 16 Florida Historical Society, Cocoa, Fla.: Elizabeth Aultman Cantrell letter to Ann Bradley, July 9, 1948, Box 9, File: Notes on J.M. and Minnie Moore Willson, Minnie Moore Willson Papers, Speci al Collections, University of Miami Libraries, Coral Gables, Fla.; Mary Barr Munroe letter to Minnie Moore Willson, May 11, 1917, Box 1, File: Correspondence 1917 Minnie Moore Willson Papers, Special Collections, University of Miami Libraries, Coral Gable s, Fla.

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284 prodding of Stranahan, Moore Willson, and the FFWC, the Seminoles might have found themselves in even less desirable circumstances. 10 Another Florida woman who dedicated much of her life to working on behalf of the Seminoles was Harriet Mary Bedell, an Episcopal deaconess and missionary who led by action and example rather than by fervent religiosity. Bedell was a missionary in Oklahoma and Alaska before she was asked by a bishop to recruit missionaries in Florida. In 1933, she visited the Seminole Indian Village tourist spot in Miami, which inspired her to see the real thing. After witnessing the conditions of the Seminole people, she opened the Glade Cross Mission in southwest Flori da s Collier County. From there Bedell, who was given the name worked to help sell native crafts to support the Seminole and Miccosukee people and to preserve their culture Using her contacts around the United Stat es traveled to help sell dolls, baskets, clothing, and carvings, with all the profits returned to the native people; she even traveled to Washington D.C. to prevent Japanese imitations from being sold in America. Bedell taught sewing classes, made sick calls, helped young men find work, and conducted religious services. In recognition of her advocacy supporting Seminole sustainability in their homelands Bedell gave the invocation at th e dedication of Everglades National Park, joining President Harry S. Truman and other dignitaries after the ceremony for lunch at the Rod and Gun Club, a rural lodge for wealthy sportsmen. She died in January 1969 at age 93; forty years later she was offic ially sainted by t he Episcopal Church and is remembered with a feast day every January 8. Here was a woman summoned to Florida for religious work by a male bishop and, in doing so, 10 Davis, An Everglades Providence 378 379; Douglas, The Everglades : River of Grass 372. For an examination of the role of government removal of native people from national parks elsewhere, see Mark David Spence, Dispossessing the Wilderness: Indi an Removal and the Making of the National Parks (New York: Oxford University Press, 1999).

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285 found a calling that involved helping find financial stability for an impo verished and overlooked people who were relatively powerless in the face of male dominated government, park advocacy, and agriculture. 11 While Moore Willson, Stranahan, and Bedell concentrated in large part on the spiritual welfare of the Seminoles and Micc osukees, author Marjory Stoneman Douglas took a different approach. In her remarkable book The Everglades: River of Grass Douglas became the first Jack E. D ong history in Florida, their relationship to nature, and their independent spirit, which would come to play in 12 The rights of t he Seminole and Miccosukee people would continue to play a role in the Everglades through the remainder of the century and into the next. Part of the controversy that swirled around the proposed jetport, as discussed in Chapter 6 was that it was located o n the site Seminoles. This fact was pointed out time and again by jetport opponents, including December Duke and her fellow students, in trying to expose the enor 11 the accessed N ovember 15, 2011 confirmed for/ accessed November 15, 2011 bedell.html accessed November 15, 2011 01 08/undercover_historian/008.html ; Wright, More Than Petticoats 50 53. 12 Davis, An Everglades Providence 360 361; Douglas, The Eve rglades: River of Grass 373.

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286 environment. The tribe, which initially supported the jetport because of the promise of jobs, eventually opposed the project in favor of saving the landscape, which was withering from drainage efforts and had been t he refuge for their people from genocide and assimilation. Tamiami Trail nea r the jetport site and witnessed the decline of the ecosystem upon which they New York Times sed to ndian interests were inextricably tangled in the fate of the Everglades what happened with water quality and levels and, therefore the health of the ecosystem, directly affected their lives. 13 Nowhere was this more apparent than in the Miccosukee opposition to a 1993 settlement between the state of Florida and the federal government involving pollution levels particularly of phosphorus in the Everglades water system. The tribe, which lived in the southern part of the national park and had hunting rights in o ne of the conservation areas, writes Grunwald, did former U.S. attorney who had filed suit in 1988 on behalf of the park to improve the water situation. As a resu land as a toilet, also upped the stakes when they set acceptable phosphorus st andards far below 13 Grunwald, The Swamp 257, 287 289; Davis, An Everglades Providence 469 470, 588 589; Homer The Berkshire Eagle (Pittsfield, Ma ss.), August 12, 1969, A1.

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287 that agreed to by the state and then supported a proposed constitutional amendment that would impose a tax on sugar to pay for Everglades cleanup programs. The ballot proposal failed, but the Miccosukees had taken their place firmly and a ggressively in the lead of Everglades initiatives. By the turn of the new century, the Miccosukees faced a new threat from mercury contamination of the fish they caught and ate in their homeland. The toxic metal, released into the air from natural and indu strial sources, including power plants and incinerators, was detected at investigations. It was a clearly a case of environmental justice the lives and liv elihoods of the Miccosukee people depended on the health of this vast watery ecosystem. 14 Other groups of American Indians also have dealt with toxic pollution caused, ironically, by uranium mining on their own lands. From 1944 to 1986, mining corporations, responding to the demands of the post war nuclear age, removed at least four million tons of uranium ore from property owned by the Navajo Nation in the American Southwest. Many of the miners were Navajo men who needed jobs in a time when employment was s carce and were subjected to poor working conditions that exposed them to radioactivity. The uranium extraction, writes historian Ted Steinberg, caused serious problems with both water and soil contamination that raised cancer rates and health concerns. I n 1979, a dam at a New Mexico uranium mine burst, sending radioactive wastes into the Rio Puerco River where radiation levels remain high. The mining activity during the past century also left the Navajo Nation with 520 abandoned mines, four inactive mill ing sites, a former dump, contaminated groundwater, and buildings with elevated radiation levels. idows began demanding a federal response culminating in the 1990 Radiation Exposure Compensation Act 14 Grunwald, The Swamp The Book of the Everglades Susan Cerulean ed. (Minneapolis: Milkweed Editions, 2002), 97 100.

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288 ( RECA) which gave financial compensation to mine workers. Although the Navajo Nation banned uranium mining in 2005, it continues to do battle with the federal government, which has approved licenses for uranium extraction on Navajo property. In South Dakot a, a native grassroots group calling itself Women of All Red Nations (WARN) raised alarms in 1977 about health problems, including birth defects, cancer, and sterilization, caused by high radiation levels from uranium tailings washed into a nearby river. H istorian Carolyn Merchant writes that WARN members, worried about high rates of birth defects, cancer deaths, and sterilization among women on Indian reservations, raised their voices and evoked their superiority by piritual leaders in their communities and as supporters of all Native peoples. Once again women raised the alarms about environmental justice. 15 Women were central players and leaders in the fight over the toxic pollution of Love Canal, one of the preemine nt American environmental conflicts of the 1970s that pitted blue collar residents against local, state, and federal governments. As their concerns grew about public health, particularly the sickness of their children, Love Canal residents discovered that their housing development and local school in Niagara Falls, New York, was built atop a chemical dump. rchant, leaving it to women to bring the issue to the public. Once again, men dealing with a crisis rooted in male dominated technology largely left it to women to clean up a very dangerous mess. Housewives with no pri or political or environmental experien 15 Steinberg, Down To Earth Environment News Service April 19, 2008, accessed November 10, 2011 http://www.ens 04 19 02.asp Survival, accessed November 10, 2011 survival quarterly/united states/uranium mining navajo indian land; Merchant, Earthcare http://ww sdancy.html ; Merchant, Earthcare 155.

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289 Lois Gibbs, who had a sick child, helped mobilize the Love Canal Homeowners Association (LCHA) to exert political power and get answers. As historian Temma Kaplan notes, most of the women who we compelled into civic action that disrupted their lives and forever changed the way Americans view the environment and their government. After digging for and demanding facts, organization members learned that decades earlier an old canal had been used as a repository for 21,8000 tons of more than two hundred types of toxic wastes in cluding polychlorinated biphenyl (PCB) and dioxin that were linked to serious human health problems. The dump was covered and forgotten until the residues seeped into the local water supply, poisoning residents. As a result of homeowner activism, the area in 1978 was declared the first federal disaster area not caused by a natural disaster and the state of New York eventually agreed to buy homes so residents could relocate 16 Although the standard historical narrative credits Gibbs and other suburban white women with leading the protests, the reality was far more complex. As historian Elizabeth D. Blum demonstrates in Love Canal Revisited: Race, Class, and Gender in Environmental Activism people of different sex, class, and race joined in the protests, ofte n with different points of view. attributed to the status quo business community. Lo class women, Blum notes, 16 Merchant, Earthcare 157 158; Kaplan, Crazy for Democracy 15 18.

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290 the conversation; certainly it reflects the society of the era. Marjorie Harris Carr used gendered terminology to gain media coverage or to mask her scientific prowess during the Cross Florida Barge Canal debates all calculated to benefit her cause; Progressive Era women did the same to claim public space for their beautification and park initiatives. Whether it was conservative, safe, or daring, more often than not it accomplished their class white movement while discarding other feminist arguments they perceived to be anti family. They also class men, stressing economic 17 Love Canal had a lastin g impact writes Steinberg, women around the issue of environmental justice, leading to the organization of many other women s groups concerned with health and the environment. Rather than asking, as mainstream groups do, how to achieve a leg islative vict ory, Gibbs and other groups sought what is morally correct, often eschewing litigation in favor of public protests. As a r esult, Steinberg notes, many women were branded as overemotional women; one Maine woman who told her doctor she was w orried that her well water was contaminated found her fears downplayed and she was prescribed a tranquilizer. 18 Such labels, according to Marci R. Culley and Holly L. Angelique, also include the typical gendered division of labor in social movements that place men as leaders in groups while women 17 Elizabeth D. Blum, Love Canal Revisited: Race, Class, and Gender in Environmental Activism (Lawrence: University Press of Kan sas, 2008), 5 6, 31 33, 61. 18 Steinberg, Down to Earth 253 256; Breton, Women Pioneers for the Environment 116 125.

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291 write, women are national and international leaders in anti nuclear and anti toxic movements. In their 2003 study of twenty challenged and redefined the political power structure at a time when possibilities for progressive and communities, a role that stems from the traditional fem ale roles of mother and housewife. 19 Manor federal housing project, a majority of residents were African American, with women heading most of the families that rent ed homes there. Despite their best attempts, Blum notes, Americans i n the area felt marginalized from the political elite and the LCHA (indeed, the word outside groups such as the NAACP and the Ecumenical Task Force (ETF) for help. Their complaints were an early signal of the environmental racism allegations that would arrive in the next decade as minority citizens across the country confronted man made disasters in their own backyards. 20 Race was a central factor in circumstances tha t led to a major hazardous waste site in Mount Dioxin a vast pile of dirt contaminated with a 19 Term Three Mile Gender and Society 17 3 (June 2003): 445 4 47. 20 Blum, Love Canal Revisited 63 65, 70, 84 85.

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292 pestilential mix of arsenic, creosote, solvents, and the potent dioxin TCDD. Mount Dioxin, 255,000 cubic yards of contaminated soil that arose near downtown, is unquestionably a case not just of environmental injustice but also of environmental racism in Florida. And it was women who rose up to challenge its existence, taking on the bureaucracy and Big Brother like behavior of the EPA in an effort to resolve chronic health issues in the neighborhood. 21 In the Jim Crow era of Florida in the 1950s and 1960s, African American citizens living in P ensacola had few areas where they could buy their own homes. One of the sites was bordered by railroad tracks, the Agrico Chemical Company, a chemical fertilizer plant, and the Escambia Wood Trading Co. (ETC) where wooden utility poles, railroad ties, and foundation pilings were treated with creosote or PCP. This was the friendly, tree lined childhood neighborhood of Margaret Williams, whose father worked at Agrico and whose home often was coated with residue pumped into the air by the two plants. Her fami ly kept the windows closed to keep out fumes; while walking to school she often covered her eyes and nose to shield herself from the pollution. Steve Lerner, research director at Commonweal, a non profit environmental health group, writes that d uring rainy periods s tormwater runoff from ETC, located on an elevated site, sometimes would pool in neighborhood yards, prompting company employees to pump out the creosote and put sand in contaminated areas. Wastes went into an unlined landfill, an unlined containm ent pond, and unlabeled drums. As a result, residents suffered the fumes from the evaporation and those using shallow wells had to pump water for several minutes to clear an oil substance from their tap water, with no knowledge of any contamination. Eve ntually the Agrico and ETC sites were declared federal S uperfund hazardous waste sites; the land around Williams home was discovered to be contaminated with dioxin, arsenic, polyaromatic 21 St. Petersburg Times September 9, 2007, accessed November 18, 2011 s_a_ dirty_p.shtml

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293 hydrocarbons, and dieldrin, the latter a banned pesticide. By the mid 1980s, the problem was apparent, the EPA was called in to inspect it, and ETC was abandoned through bankruptcy in 1991, leaving government and taxpayers to foot the bill for any cleanup work. 22 That same year, the EPA discovered elevated PCP in ETC soi l up to fourteen feet deep, something Le rn er says was akin to prying the lid off Pandora s box. Some 54,000 cubic feet of soil and sludge was piled up sixty feet high on the site ( thus the moniker Mt. Dioxin) and a contractor estimated it might go as de ep as forty feet with more than 100,000 cubic yards a number that increased by 1993 to 255,000 cubic yards. By 1994, ETC was listed as one of the 1,300 heavily polluted waste sites in the EPA Superfund listing. In 1992, Williams, a retired schoolteacher, b ecame alarmed at the EPA cleanup when airborne dust from the excavation sparked a series of health issues among residents, including skin and eye irritations, nosebleeds, headaches, nausea, and breathing difficulties all symptoms associated with dioxin. It propelled her into activism, she said: As with most people, environmental issues had never crossed my mind. Frances Dunham recalls that residents began seeking answers from the EPA, which was mishandling the site contaminants and minimizing the health threats from the plant and their actions and proposing to site an incinerator to burn the waste. Dunham, who was active with Planet Well, a now defunct environmental non profit whose purpose was to help grassroots groups, said she was surprised to find s uch a critical situation virtually in our backyard, but it was just the sort of cause we had formed to tackle. ETC neighbors began to meet with Dunham and from that arose Citizens Against Toxic Exposure (CATE), a non profit group whose purpose 22 accessed April 20, 2011 http:// ; accessed April 20, 2011 voicesfromthegrassroots.htm#margaret%20williams 2, n.p., n.d., in possession of author.

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294 was to con solidate citizenry in order to improve their political power. Williams became the CATE president and led the organization for many years. Initially Williams, described as a very dignified and determined presence by Dunham, thought it would be easy to obt ain the help of local elected officials to stop the EPA work. I was surprised and amazed that we got no help at that time, she later recalled, was doing the best it could. Instead, they were m aking the situation worse. We thought they were coming in to help us, Williams said. This recklessness would not have occurred in non minority or wealthy neighborhoods. 23 Unable to stop or change the EPA cleanup, CATE following the lead of the Love Can al homemakers, began to press the federal government to relocat e the residents The EPA agreed to move sixty six households but a t CATE s prodding increased that number by thirty five for a total cost of $7.5 million. Initially, the government had consi dered moving 257 households, including an apartment complex, but at the insistence of CATE, backed by more than 100 grassroots organizations, the EPA eventually agreed in 1996 to move 358 African American families. To achieve this, Williams and CATE membe rs used a number of strategies. Working with other activists and groups they sought and received media attention. A month away from the 1996 presidential election on October 1, 1996, the Pensacola problem was featured in a full page ad vertisement in USA Today s Florida edition with photographs of children opposite a quote from President Bill Clinton: No child should ever have to live near a hazardous waste site. The advertisement was created and underwritten by Lois Gibbs s Stop Dioxin Exposure campa ign and listed 101 sponsors. It was public relations genius, melding concerns of CATE and 23 W E: The Environmental Magazine (January F ebruary 1997): 1 2, accessed March 30, 2011 ; Frances Dunham, email to author, November 18, 2011.

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295 others across the nation and within two days EPA agreed to the relocations, one of the first African American communit ies moved under the Superfund program. 24 Dunham who was white, lived more than twenty miles from the Superfund site but was active members. She joined the group in 1992 and help ed by penning articles, newsletters, and reports; testifying at hearings; creating T shirts, banners, brochures, presentations; and doing anything else that put the topic in front of the public s eyes and the government s attention. I n an article for an area publication, she writes that the environmental movement once seemed the domai n of the white middle class, whil e civil rights was the arena for African American s. T hose two groups merged as all Americans realize d that everyone was vulnerable to environmental hazards. The grassroots environmental justice movement is, however, gaining strength and adherents who feel this cause has real potential as a unifying issue, she writes. To the extent that all Americans, including more comfortable and well connected whites, finally become aware that they are not (that they have never been) safe from toxics in anyone s back y ard and learn to work toward protection for everyone, there will be real change toward toxics use reduction. W hile some men were involved in CATE, the majority were women, including those active with affiliated groups. I m not sure why, Dunham states, but this has been the case with nearly every environmental group I know. Women, perhaps because of their child bearing and caring, may have a special inclination to protection, according to Dunham. Also, women, being generally excluded from the old boy s clubs, may be less apt to conform to the pressures of business interests when it means abandoning their values (environmental & otherwise). People of color are frequently victimized by environmental and occupational abuse in a way that is hard to ignore Although Williams died in August 2011, 24

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296 CATE endured under the guidance of her daughter Francine Ishmael. The group continue d to monitor the ongoing site cleanup, offer health seminars, and work with the Escambia County Health Department to provide healt h screenings and tracking for so me 6,000 former area residents. There was good cause for the continued monitoring as many residents who lived near what Lerner describes as a toxic stew of carcinogenic chemicals continue d to cope with a variety of health and reproductive problems. And they were not the only ones. 25 The reality was that African Americans and Hispanics were more likely than whites to live near Florida Superfund sites. In their 1998 analysis of the state, sociologists Paul Stretesky and Micha el J. Hogan found that these racial factors held, despite consideration of housing values, income, urbanization, and percentage of manufacturing employment, supporting earlier studies that show race and ethnicity are the most salient factors in predicting the location of hazardous waste sites. And, they add, evidence show ed this form of injustice may be increasing. Florida census information show ed that the percentage of blacks and Hispanics living near Superfund sites increased from 1970 to 1990, makin g race and ethnicity strong predictors of such sites. Stretesky and Hogan conclude that environmental injustice is more than just the direct placement of hazards into minority communities, and that other social processes are at play in these issues. 26 T he role of racism in environmental justice could not be denied. It was evident in many parts of the country, perhaps most prominently in Warren C ounty, North Carolina, a predominantly African American community of low income residents in the northeastern p art of 25 Environmental Racism: Human Sacrifice & the Ugly Rituals of the Bottom Line The Harbinger n.d., 4, in possession of aut hor; Dunham, email to author, accessed November 19, 2011 5 08_CATE_newsletter.pdf 26 Paul Stretesky and Michael J. Hogan, Environmental Justice: An Analysis of Superfund Sites in Florida Social Problems 4 5. 2 (May 1998) : 284.

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297 the state. The EPA had approved a toxic waste dump there for the state to dispose of tons of soil contaminated by the illegal roadside dumping of PCB. In 1982, c ounty residents, including white landowners, rose up to oppos e the dump, fear ing it woul d contaminate their water supplies hurt the local economy and damage the health of local residents The main leader of the group was Dollie Bullock Burwell, the daughter of poor black sharecroppers, who had followed media hen trucks arrived to unload contaminated soil, Burwell and other protestors, including women and children, blocked them with their bodies, engaging in the time proven tactics of the Civil Rights movement. Almost 500 people eventually were arrested during the six week protest, including Burwell and several national civil rights leaders. Although they did not stop the dump, Warre n County residents changed the nature of the debate, charging that they were victims of environmental racism and that the landfill was located in their county because of the po or, minority population there. Many historians point to the Warren County event s as the birth of the environmental justice movement, wedding civil rights with the environmental movement. The topic seemed to explode overnight, writes Eileen Maura McGurty, creating the perception that environmental justice has shaped an original cha llenge to the contemporary environmental discussion. result, civil rights leaders began to incorporate environmental aspects into their agendas, giving them legitimacy and stren gth. Warren County also served as an example for protesting whites of how to incorporate civil rights claims into an environmental cause and it raised the consciousness of black Americans to the health risks of hazardous wastes in their neighborhoods. Many had not been engaged in the environmental movement until they were fa ced with the reality of health issues. It was a reality that many other African American communities

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298 confronted in coming years. A 1983 federal study of EPA Region IV, which includes the southeastern United States, showed that three of the four largest lan dfills were in predominantly black communities. Factoring income levels in to the study, race still was the largest factor in locating commercial hazardous waste sites. Four years later, the United Church of Christ s Commission for Racial Justice conducted a national study that concluded that race was the dominating factor for where sites were located. 27 Robert Bullard, a leading scholar and author in the field of environmental justice, confirms these studies, finding that half of the 9 million people living within two miles of hazardous waste facilities in the United States are minorities. Bullard notes that living in close proximity to these sites create d health risks for residents that include d elevated rates of asthma, cancer, diabetes, and kidney failure. Just because you re poor, just because you live physically on the wrong side of the track doesn t mean that you should be dumped on. It is no coincidence that many polluting industries and projects are located in low income areas, especially in the im poverished post war South that courted industry to diversify its agriculture dependent economy. The South, in general, was attractive to the worst types of industries. Florida was associated with the says Florida historian Gary Mormino. Florida may have be en better off not For many communities, the allure of jobs and tax revenue was the dominating factor in welcoming companies without any consideration of the long term environmental effects that might be imposed on the loca l landscape and population. 28 27 Kaplan, Crazy for Democracy 47 61; Steinberg, Down to Earth Our Backyard: A Ques t for Environmental Justice, Gerald R. Visgilio and Diana M. Whitelaw eds. (Lanham, Md.: Rowman & Littlefield 2003), 6 8. 28 accessed November 20, 2011 07 17/us /pysk.bullard_1_waste facilities environmental justice toxic wastes and race?_s=PM:US ; Gloria G. Horning, Social Network and Environmental Justice, A Case

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299 That was the case in Taylor County in 1947, when government officials welcomed the prospect of a large pulp and paper mill. The sacrifice for this business was the well being of the slow moving, tannic Fenholloway River, once t he site of water bottling and recreation ventures for locals and tourists. It was post war Florida in a county that was losing population: in 1940 there were 11,565 residents, a number that dropped to 10,416 ten years later. Officials in Perry, the county seat, joined with the Procter and Gamble Company (P&G) in asking the state legislature for a unique act: designating the Fenholloway for industrial usage, meaning that any pollutant or chemical sewage could be discharged into it. It was easy for the legisl ature, which met an hour away in Tallahassee, to give unanimous consent, since this meant jobs and industry in a rural, low income area dominated by pine forestry that could supply the plant (the cypress of the area had been logged out). And this was an al l male decision since no women served in the Florida House or Senate in 1947, the year of the designation. Indeed, only two women had served in the House by that year, and no women were elected to the Senate until 1962. By 1966, Buckeye Cellulose employed 840 residents with an annual payroll of $6 million; the company paid another $3 million annually to buy timber from local landowners. The economic impact was significant. 29 is a classic example of That is, if a state or community will allow an organization to build an environmentally unfriendly plant or dump, and pollute the air, water and land as it pleases, the organization will provide jobs. was an environmental disaster in the Study in Perry, Florida ( PhD diss Florida State University, 2005), 42, accessed August 8, 2011 h ttp:// available/etd 03302005 181859/unrestricted/Horning.pdf 29 Florida: Population of Counties by Decennial Census: 1900 to 1990, U.S. Census Bureau, accessed February 20, 2012 .txt; Is Fenholloway River Too Big A Price, St. Petersburg Times Dec. 20, 1966, 3B, accessed February 20, 2012 ; Allen Morris, Women In The Florida Legislature ( Tallahassee: Florida House of Representati ves, 1995 ), 127, 133.

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300 making, initiated through a collaboration of male dominated industry and government. A precedent had been set six years earlier, when the Florida legislature declared Nassau County an e and industrial discharges into its waterways. It was a defi plant, known as the Buckeye Cellulose Corporation, was running, producing cellulose and paper products and emitting a distinctive odor many have likened to rotting cabb age or eggs; to local business leaders it was the sweet smell of success. The business has been, according to Horning, Initially, no one questioned the value of the plant, even when its need for water sucked the upper river dry. The mill, which employed a variety of chemicals in its processing, used up to 85 distinct chem ical odor twenty six miles down to the Gulf of Mexico. By 1992, writes public om the passion and persistence of a hometown woman who refused to see a compromised river as anything other than a tragedy. 30 cattle and grew timber, much like other ar ea residents. Her grandfather, Martin Towles, was among the few who opposed the Buckeye plant in 1947, warning that it would ruin local water 30 Horning, Social Network and Environmental Justice, Evaluation Initiative: Collaborative Problem Adaptive Governance and Water Conflict: New Instituti ons for Collaborative Planning John T. Scholz and Bruce Stiftel eds. (Washington, D.C.: Resources for the Future, 2005), 40; Carter, The Florida Experience 46.

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301 supplies. In 1954, she and her father and grandfather witnessed a massive fish kill on the Fenholloway caused by t agriculture related degrees, had been working in Alabama selling farm chemicals, some poisonous, when sh e returned home in 1981 to care for her aging grandmother. After being told Ezell started investigating. To her shock she discovered that the Fenholloway River and many area wells were contaminated with dioxin, a dangerous carcinogen that was the main ingredient in Agent Orange, which killed hundreds of thousands of Vietnamese people during the Vietnam War. Dioxin, which closed Love Canal and has been implicated in three made chemical that has ever been studied processes to make cellulose products such a s disposable diapers and sanitary napkins products, ironically, geared toward a female market. Here was a company stripping the land of timber and then processing it with chemicals that left polluted air and water in order to create products that one day w ould end up in landfills, another abusive use of the land. 31 Once Ezell smelled the chemicals in the tap water, she and the rest of the family switched to bottled water. Ezell started gathering data and asking questions, often feeling like she was the only person who understood the hazardous compounds released by the plant into the river and dangers of the Fenholloway. She continued to work for chemical compan ies, trying to develop methods to apply pesticides carefully and with minimum human contact, but eventually made the 31 Joy Towles Ezell, interview with author, September 5, 2011, Perry, Fla.; Joy Towles Ezell, t elephone 45.

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302 elped create the Pesticide Action Network, a national group that presses for alternatives to chemicals. She switched to working in agricultural marketing and started work in earnest on the river. 32 In 1989, Ezell and thirty other people formed Help Our Poll uted Environment (HOPE) residents who might want to join in a class action suit against the mill concerning water quality. Two days later, the Tallahassee Democra t began a scathing series about the condition of the river just the kind of media attention Ezell had been trying to inspire. For the next two weeks, Ezell received hundreds of telephone calls from local folks who shared her concerns, including mill employ ees, parents, fishermen, and many people who had been told by the local health department that their well water was contaminated and undrinkable. The class action suit did not succeed for technical reasons, but HOPE had been born, and Ezell had found an un expected new role as an environmental activist and leader of a group of 500 loosely affiliated members, a considerable number but still less than the 1,200 people that the plant employed at the height of its production a number that dropped to 650 by 2002. she was the right person for the job: she was local born from a heritage family, she knew people in the community, and she was educated about chemicals. Every time she drove him across the Fenholloway on the way to s 33 32 Ibid. 33 The Florida Times Union (Jacksonville, Fla.), June 5, 2002, accessed November 17, 2011 online/stories/060502/met_9586330.html

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303 By then, concerns about the river were gaining momentum. In 1990, the federal Environmental Protection Agency (EPA) warned residents not to eat fish from the river, and state health officials warned them not to drink water from their wells. In spring 1991, HOPE members attended a meeting of the state Environmental Regulatory Commission, offering two fish dinners to an ERC commissioner and a P&G executive one fish from the nearby pristine Steinhatchee River, the other from the Fenholloway. When they refused to identify the source of each fish, the meal was declined. However, the ERC did vote to set lower standards for dioxin in Florida rivers. 34 Through the years, Ezell received her share of hate mail and threatening telephone calls, to which she would respond that she was armed and ready for the callers to visit. A local newspaper terrorized is the P&G public relations representative. Some HOPE members also were targeted, including two female P&G employees who owned a fish camp that was vandalized; one of the women was ra ped and her throat was slashed sexualized violence that may have been meant to interest in the incidents; eventually the camp was burned and the women left the area. The F enholloway also began to appear on the national media map, featured in many outlets, including National Geographic and Sixty Minutes With continuing pressure and data that indicated health problems among local residents and in marine life, mill managers a greed to supply bottled water to local residents and to drill 600 new wells. In a major victory, the state in 1998 redesignated the Fenholloway from a Class V industrial river to a Class III, requiring more stringent guidelines to make it officially fishab le and swimmable. But then the state gave the mill, which changed hands 34 50.

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304 in the early 1990s and now is known as Buckeye Technologies, a variance that allowed it to continue business as usual until it could find a solution. In one cleanup scheme, the mill of fered to build a pipe to deliver its outflow directly into the Gulf of Mexico; the river certainly would be cleaner, but the Gulf already has a seventeen square mile ecological dead zone at the mouth of the river, and its important estuaries certainly woul d be affected. In 2001, the EPA declared that long 35 In the early twenty first century, the third decade of her campaign, Ezell charged along, armed with facts, humor, and patience. Using much of the same gendered terminology employed by Marjorie Harris Carr, Ezell emphasized being a woman and a mother, always telling local residents that her work was for them and for the health of the entire community. The key to the Fenholloway battle, she says, has been the grassroots involvement of women. Most men look at and whe n that is threatened, women can become an unstoppable force, unconcerned with economics or other arguments that have allowed the river to be polluted for so long. There were exceptions to the gender divide. The divide, nevertheless, was clear enough for Ez ell to offer a used motherhood to her advantage in preparation for a confrontation in 1992 with P&G Chief Executive Officer ask for help cleaning up the Fenholloway. She had been unable to get a meeting with Artzt, so 35 58; St. Petersburg Times February 9, 2001, accessed November 17, 2011 at_mill_too_hi.sht ml ;

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305 she took her appeal to his wife, hoping for a feminine connection. At the home, a teenage girl a one explained flyer, promising to fax it to her husband. Ezell never got a meeting with Artzt but did get to speak several times at the meeting the next day an unusual amount of time and she wonders 36 Women Ezell has met in similar conflicts around the country, including L Gibbs, she sa id shared a keen interest in health, particularly when it involved their families and children, and presenting an environmental message in those terms can bring feminine energy to an issue that men might avoid because of their all fierce about protecting their children and so they are going to stand up and do the right thing. No matter how scary it might be or how intimidated they might feel in their community, women eventually get the gumpt comments reflect the domination of the grassroots movement by women, who made up 80 to 85 percent of local activists in the 1980s and 1990s. Merchant sees this movement for environmen tal equity as experience and local contestation. Women experience the results of toxic dumping on their own bodies [sites of reproduction of the species], in their own homes [s ites of the reproduction of daily life], and in their communities and schools [sites of 36 determined at accessed February 24, 2012.

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306 grassroots struggles empower them to change society and themselves. 37 Although their activism wa s many decades apart, Ezell shared much in common with Jennings, and Katherine Bell Tippetts. Like Dommerich and Tippetts, who founded Audubon Society chapters, and Jenn Ezell was aware that a large group of citizens wielded far more political power than an angry individual. A large group could boast about its membership when soliciting legislative act ion and seeking publicity for its causes. Media coverage was another area that these women understood. The earlier women gave interviews and wrote articles for newspapers and magazines to gain public support for their issues. Ezell understood this but empl oyed a far greater range of media, including radio and television, which had proven invaluable to the Civil Rights and anti war movements of the 1960s and 1970s. Ezell spent much of her energy on getting modern media coverage that took the plight of the Fe nholloway River to a far broader audience, often across the United States. Science had also made a difference in the intervening years. Dommerich, Tippetts, and Jennings witnessed the ills of natural resource overuse and destruction and used a variety of arguments ranging from economics to aesthetics to make their cases. Since their era, however, scientific knowledge and technology led to the invention and use of postwar industrial and agricultural chemicals, which resulted in far more insidious environmen tal ills caused by environment was desecrated. In all these matters, women wer e taking on ills resulting from male 37 Ezell interview, September 5, 2011; Mer chant, Earthcare 160 161.

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307 dominated industry and government. Like their nineteenth century counterparts, they were other Taylor County men opposed the designation of the Fenholloway River as an industrial gotta think that if there had been women there (in the legislature) they might have fought against it 38 In a St. Petersburg Times opinion column in September 2007, Roberts note s that Taylor County is a classic case of environmental racism and classism. Taylor County is simultaneously one of Florida s poorest counties and one of its most beautiful, Robe rts writes. It s also in peril from rapacious development, industrial degradation and sheer greed. Buckeye along with chamber of commerce leaders and county commissioners seem to have decided that Taylor citizens will accept any old daft scheme, no mat ter how destructive, as long as there s money in it. However, she state s, local residents have risen up to stop destructive ventures, including a bombing range, a resort megalopolis on a pristine part of the coastline marshes and a pr oposed coal fired plant that would have coughed out mercury and other metals. 39 While local residents in Pensacola and Taylor County learned to raise their voices to istorically were among the most oppressed and most overlooked victims of environmental injustice. Their backbreaking lives of poverty were documented repeatedly, with lesser attention given to the health problems they incur red from contact with toxic chemi cals used in agricultural fertilizers and pesticides. Female activists spoke up on behalf of this almost invisible group of residents 38 Ezell interview, February 23, 2012. 39

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308 reminiscent in many ways of early efforts to help the state s native people. The se women opposed conditions imposed by mal e dominated agriculture and industry among workers whose low wages and lack of benefits only added to the wealth of their employers. Using a multitude of strategies the y raised the public s consciousness about the issues facing farmworkers and demanded an d continue to demand funding and governance that addresses some of society s most needy members. Many Americans first learned about Florida farm life through the book s of Lois Lenski, who frequently visited the state for her health and enriched her litera ry career in the process. Through meticulous research and stories taken from friends in the Lakeland area, Lenski wove children s books about the tough life and character of Cracker culture farmers, with many references to degradation of the natural worl d. Critics, according to Kathleen Hardee Arsenault, characterized Lenski s plots as too grimly realistic for American children however she won many readers as well as acclaim In 1945 she won the Newbery Medal for children s literature for Strawberry Girl the story of a girl and her family trying to make a living growing citrus and strawberries in Central Florida. A year later, Lenski finished Judy s Journey which describes a girl and her family who migrate between picking jobs in Florida and Delawa re. Although targeted at children, the book details the difficult work in the muck farms south of Lake Okeechobee the unsanitary living co nditions of migrant workers, and health related issues, including skin conditions from the muck, a work related accid ent, sunstroke, and rheumatism. Lenski knew this well from her research in Belle Glade, which during the 1940s contained 52,000 acres of truck farms harvested by an estimated 60,000 seasonal laborers. As Arsenault notes, although the local economy thrived on the profits made possible by the migrant workers, public services were offered sparingly if at all. Lenski used these details to frame her story,

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309 although she does offer a happy ending: Judy and her family finally are able to buy a home and settle int o the community. Lenski may not have been an activist on the front lines of migrant problems ; however her books, writes Arsenault instructive even today and opened many eyes to the harsh realities of farmworker life. 40 As educational as a book might be, there is little that can compare with an actual view into the lives of farmworkers. This was accomplished in 1960 with the broadcast of Harvest of Shame a CBS documentary that detailed the difficult lives of agricultural workers who had put the food on many Thanksgiving tables a day earlier. Renowned j ournalist Edward R. Murrow called the 2 to 3 million migrant laborers the forgotten people; the under educated; the under fed. The documentary showed workers who traveled from the bean and sugarcane fi elds of Florida s muck lands to the apple orchard s of New York. A worker could only afford dilapidated housing on an annual income of $900, and barely had enough funds to buy food Murrow intoned: They are the migrants, workers in the sweat shops of the s oil the harvest of shame. In 2010, CBS revisited the documentary and the issue, reporting that many factors have changed: migrants ha d changed from poor whites and blacks to poor Hispanics with most coming from Mexico; annual income wa s $10,000 to $12,50 0, which wa s an improvement even in 1960 dollars; and workers ha d no health, overtime or sick pay benefits. A dvocates had secured agreements with some companies to improve wages and working conditions. The changing demographic of Florida s farmworkers, wh ose numbers ha d reached as high as 435,373 including family members, also changed many of their concerns which include d legal status, immigration, and language. Harvest of Shame preceded Rachel Carson s Silent Spring by two 40 Florida Making Waves Davis and Fredericks on eds ., 128 137, 141.

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310 years, but the effect of fer tilizers and pesticides on agricultural worker health still remained a concern in the twenty first century 41 In the Central Florida agricultural community of Apopka, farmworkers ha d to contend with all these issues while also living in one of the most poll uted environments in the state. The irony was that, o nce upon a time, the city of Apopka and its environs seemed to be a natural Eden. Nearby Lake Apopka, once the second largest lake in the state was a recreational haven, drawing fishing enthusiasts from across the country to its bass rich waters. Bird watchers came to its marshy shores to see the abundance of migratory species that made it their winter home or way station e n route to different climes. Local f armers grew citrus, ornamental plants, and veg etable row crops, aided by the region s rich soil. But unknown or unacknowledged by many people, Lake Apopka, like many of Florida s waterways, also served as the waste depository for area industry and residents; in 1920 the city of Winter Garden started d umping raw sewage into it, and citrus processing plants sent their wastewater directly into it. During World War II as Americans worried about a food shortage, the Army Corps of Engineers built a levee along the lake s north shore, turning 20,000 acres of filtering marsh into what then would have been considered to be far more productive farmlands. The rich muck soil produced three crops a year, with the help of pesticides and fertilizers a system that continued for the next fifty years, with runoff carryi ng phosphorus and chemicals into the lake. These practices began in the post war era when faith in technology soared and there was little concern about the effect of these chemicals on the environment. And why should there be? The crops were flourishing in what had 41 accessed November 22, 2011 Services, Inc., accessed November 22, 2 011

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311 previously been deemed a wasteland. The ecology of the lake was not widely understood, and the language of business spoke the loudest. 42 In 1980, Tower Chemical spilled a toxic chemical into the lake, killing 90 percent of its alligators. By the e nd of the century anyone could see that the lake was dying as algae blooms became the norm and the water turned a murky green, resembling pea soup. Since sunlight could not penetrate to the lake s bottom, aquatic plants died and native fish lost their hab itats. Non native plants took over and fish kills were common. And many alligators, a species that has roamed the earth for millions of years, died or began to suffer from reproductive problems: some males had high levels of estrogen and underdeveloped pen ises. The lake was an environmental nightmare. As historian Nano Riley note d in 2005 Now Lake Apopka stands as lifeless testimony to what can happen to a pristine body of water when humans tamper with nature. 43 What scientists eventually discovered was t hat the lake had become a cesspool of poisons caused by chemicals spills and pollution from farm run off The state bought out the farms to end the chemical contamination and began earnest efforts to clean up the lake; by 2000 the state paid more than $200 million for ninety percent of the farms. The muck lands were re flooded in 1998 to restore natural habitat for wildlife and after a few weeks more than 41,000 birds were seen feeding at one time, a sign many heralded as a sign of success. But several mon ths later an ecological tragedy occurred when an estimated 676 birds, mostly wading and migratory species, died on the lake s shore from overdoses of a variety of lethal agricultural chemicals, includ ing dieldrin and DDT, both banned for twenty years. The compounds had bioaccumulated in the lake s fish, eventually poisoning the hungry birds. By the time the investigation was over, 42 Paradise Lost? Davis and Arsenault eds ., 280 283. 43 Ibid., 283 285.

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312 scientists bel ieved that up to 1,000 birds may have died, many after flying away from the lake. Outrage arose among bird lovers, environmentalists, news media, and taxpayers who had believed the pollution had been cleaned up prior to the flooding and further cleanup of the farmlands was required. At the same time, the St. Johns River Water Management District conducted other rest oration projects at the lake, including an elaborate marsh flow way that circulates lake water in a kidney like system to remove phosphorus; harvesting of gizzard shad, a non sporting fish that carries a large amount of phosphorus in its body; and restorat ion of aquatic vegetation and removal of invasive non native species such as hydrilla. With so much attention to the lake s fish, birds, and water quality and a budget in the millions of dollars it wa s worrisome to many people that so little attention and funding went to the human element of the picture. 44 Many of t hese problems confronted Ann Kendrick and Cathy Gorman upon their 1971 arrival in the Apopka area. Answering a call by the bishop of the Catholic Diocese of Orlando, the two young nuns in their tw enties, members of the Sisters of Notre Dame de Namur, came to the area after working with union activist Cesar Chavez f or farmworker rights in California Chavez was a leading national figure in the farmworker rights movement from the 1960s until his deat h in 1993. As a child he worked with his parents and four siblings picking fields as California migrant workers. At age twelve, he witnessed early union organizing efforts involving his father and uncle, something he pursued after serving in the military d uring World War II. years working to unionize workers has been well documented. However, historians have often overlooked the female activists that helped further the cause. They included Helen Chavez, 44 Ibid., 285 accessed November 20, 2011 http://f

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313 married to Cesar, who was very involved in union business, and Dolores Huerta, a farm worker activist who cofounded the organization with Chavez, headed its political arm in the 1970s, and coordinated an East Coast 1968 1969 table grape boycott that gave the union public recognition. Huerta, spurred by her desire to alleviate farmworker poverty, was a skilled organizer who ran gh Chavez received most of the credit for the unionizing work, women were integral actors in unionizing efforts around the country. 45 Despite all they had witnessed in California, the young nuns were shocked at the conditions they found amo ng the poor and t hen largely African American laborers in the Central Florida community of Apopka. populations. The workers, who came to include many Haitians and Hispanics were often illiterate lived in sh acks and had no transportation. They lacked medical care or attention for the many illnesses and conditions likely caused by their exposure to agricultural chemicals. Soon two other nuns joined Kendrick and Gorman developing a ministry to reach out to th e less fortunate and address their issues. The four Apopka Sisters of Notre Dame de Namur (two of the original four left and were subsequently replaced), focused on improving the health of the farmworkers in the community who toil ed at area citrus groves, nurseries, and farms. When t hey went into the vegetable fields to work with the laborers They later opened the Office for Farmworker Ministry in 45 National Catholic Reporter May 7, 1993, accessed February 21, 2012, ; Jone http://womenshistory.about .com/od/worklaborunions/a/dolores_huerta.htm ; Mary Helen Ponce, Los Angeles Times March 14, 1999, accessed February 2 1, 2012, 17162 ; Terry O. The Florida Catholic n.d., accessed February 21, 2012, ? fuseaction=view_article&partnerid=29&article_i d=533

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314 Apopka from which they created eight s eparate non profit organizations offer ing health care, tutoring, naturalization and immigration advice, education, housing assistance, and family and legal services. Community leaders led six groups : the nuns believe d local people ha d to learn for themselv es to get what they need. In a lot of ways they ve been the conscience for the community, said Bishop Thomas Wenski of Orlando. They ve inspired us to look at poor people in a new light and respond with generosity. Not paternalistically, but in a way th at empowers them and allows them to find their own dignity. For their work, the sisters, who number ed three by 2011 Gorman died in 2010 were recognized repeatedly with awards, ceremonies, and even honorary doctorate degr ees But their focus remain ed on th e people they serve d We re swimming upstream, Sister Ann Kendrick told a local newspaper. People who care about social justice, about the environment, about the human environment and making this world a more hu 46 The Apop ka nuns were carrying on the example set by Bedell and her work with the Seminole and Miccosukee people. All were women with strong religious convictions who dedicated their lives to helping the poor. They had seen problems in other areas of the country an d brought their experiences, energies, and determination to Florida to help the most they helped the people find self sustaining ways to manage their lives. And, it must be noted, they were summoned to Florida by male church hierarchy and ended up helping clean up human and environmental ills caused by male dominated industry. 46 Chicago Tribune July 26, 2006, accessed November 19, 2011 07 26/features/0607260055_1_sisters of notre da me parenting classes reaps ; George DM Maz, Central Floridians Of Year: Apopka Nuns, Orlando Sentinel January 6, 2008 accessed November 20, 2011 01 06/news/nuns06_1_sisters meeting rooms floridians.

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315 Florida (FWAF). Incorporated in 1986, it grew by 2011 to include more than 8,000 member families, with five offices in central and south Florida. Many men participated in and led the group, but, when it came to Lake Apopka, Jeannie Economos, who grew up in the ne arby metropolis of Orlando, was the go to person for the organization. Economos spent many years environmental health coordinator of the FWAF Lake Apopka project She notes that the state spent more than $100 million to buy farmlands in 1998 to restore Lake Apopka, but only $200,000 to help retrain workers, many of whom had no other job skills and a large number of lingering health problem s Thousands of people wh o made a living planting, picking, and packing vegetables came into contact some for several decades with the same chemicals once sprayed on crops that have since killed and damaged wildlife and bedeviled cleanup effo rts. Economos says l ittle attention was paid to farmworker health, adding that F W AF, which operate d five offices around Florida on a n annual budget of less than $1 million, could not address it: We do not have the resources to conduct any kind of specific study to determine the number of cases and how that compares to national standards. 47 Florida has a long history of farmworker labor in agriculture. As historian Cindy By the mid from along the Atlantic coast. As a consequence of this and the Great Depression that left many pe 47 History o f FWAF accessed November 22, 2011 about us/our history ; Jeannie Economos, interview with author, November 29, 2011, Apopka, Fla.

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316 of black southerners to migrate year other crops in the summer. By 1940, an estimated 40,000 to 60,000 migrant workers came to the state annually, working the vegetable crops that sprouted from Everglades muck. It was backbreaking work carried out by poor male and female laborers, who were e xploited regularly by growers and crew leaders to keep wages low and workers dependent on the system. Migrating farmworkers were governments had little interest in the responsibility of the federal government. Unfortunately for the farmworkers, when the bargaining power. By 1973, UFW represented 40,000 jobs ten percent of seasonal farm work in California. In Florida, the UFW in 1999 got a contract for mushroom workers in Quincy, making them the only unionized farmworkers in the state. However, because Florida was a right to work state, writes Riley, unionizing was difficult and, when established, unions because of the rising number of undocumented farmworkers from Mexico who were unwilling to protest against their employers. By the end of the twentieth century, Florida had an estimated 200,000 to 350,000 farmworkers an uncertain number compounded by the number of undocumented laborers. 48 48 Cindy Hahamovitch, The Fruits of Their Labor: Atlantic Coast Farmworkers and t he Making of Migrant Poverty, 1870 1945 (Chapel Hill: The University of North Carolina Press, 1997), 114 129, 138 139, 203; Stephen H Sosnick, Hired Hands: Seasonal Farm Workers in the United States (Santa Barbara Cal. : McNally & Loftin, 1978), 326; Carl ene Thissen and Fritz Roka, Non Governmental Organizations ; Nano Riley, first Century (Gainesville: University Press of Florida 2002), 13, 52, 66.

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317 Willson in the early part of the century. Moore Willson worried that native people and their needs were overshadowed by Everglades drainage and park plans, j ust as Economos saw Lake Apopka restoration ignoring nearby farmworkers. Neither woman had the political or financial power to resolve the problems. Instead, they relied on organizations to publicize issues and gain clout for the reparations they believed were owed to the oppressed people with whom they worked. However, Economos and FWAF were confronting an issue that Moore Willson could not have imagined the damage that post war technology in the form of fertilizers and pesticides caused to the environment and the health of those who labored in the fields. It was an issue being raised by UFW in California at the same time. 49 The F WAF surveyed 148 former farmworkers about the issue in 2006 and found that 92 percent had been exposed to pesticides at work, with 79 percent believing that the chemicals were key to their health problems, which included arthritis, rheumatism, diabetes, allergies, and breathing and skin problems. Some 13 percent reported chil dren with birth defects; 26 percent had children with learn ing disabilities; and 11 percent had a family member with lupus. Former farmworker Margie Lee Pitter, who suffered four miscarriages and never bore any children, said she had no idea that her work in the fields might have been the cause of her infertility and realized later that aerial pesticide spraying made her sick: When I started working in the 1960s, the boss just told us to go over to the side of but we all felt the mist headaches, blurry vision and felt sick, but nobody told us it might be the chemicals. 50 49 Jones, Millions reaped what Cesar Chavez sowed 50 Ro n Habin and Geraldean Matthew, Lake Apopka Farmworkers Environmental Health Project report of The Farmworker Association of Florida, May 2006 3

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318 A 2011 study by the National Institute of Environmental Health Sciences linked pesticide exposure to autoimmune diseases such as lupus and rheumatoid arthritis, confirming the fears of many former Lake Apopka farmworkers that go unrecognized by government leaders. As local reporter Christopher Balogh notes, No one disputes that it s in the air and water. But provin g that it s in the people is a whole other matter. Economos acknowledges that it is a complex and controversial issue: The farmworkers were exposed to many different pesticides, which vastly complicates the issue. It is not as black and white as cigar et The problems of the Apopka farmworkers we re not unique a number of studies across the nation showed that chronic exposure to agricultural chemicals c ould produce damaging health effects These issues were compounded by the fa ct that many workers migrate d to work with different crops, did not speak English, and were illegal aliens, making them less likely to seek help for their illnesses. workers of danger s from the pesticides they handled. Despite this, farmworkers frequently were injured in accidental poisonings, some of which resulted in court cases and financial rewards to injured workers. 51 51 History of FWAF Riley, Lake Apopka, 286 289; Riley, Florida s Farmworkers in the Twenty first Century 126 129; Christopher Balogh, Apopka farmworkers say pesticides caused illnesses, Orlando Weekly June 2, 2001 accessed November 18, 2011 http://o news/apopka farmworkers say pesticide exposure caused illnesses 1.1155817 ; Economos, interview. For more detailed information about the effect of chemicals on the Lake Apopka workers as well as the health issues of farmworkers across Flor ida and the United States, see Ron Habin and Geraldean Matthew Lake Apopka Farmworkers Environmental Health Project ; Freya Kamel, et al. Neurobehavioral Performance and Work Experience in Florida Farmworkers, Environmental Health Perspectives 111 14 ( N ovember 2003 ): 1765 1772; Thomas A. Arcury, Sara A. Quandt, and Gregory B. Russell, Pesticide Safety among Farmworkers: Perceived Risk and Perceived Control as Factors Reflecting Environmental Justice, supplement, Environmental Health Perspectives 110, n o. S 2 ( April 2002 ): S 233 S 240; Robert Gordon, Poisons in the Fields: The United Farm Workers, Pesticides, and Environmental Politics, Pacific Historical Review 68 1 ( February 1999 ): 51 77 Agricultural 23, 2012,

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319 Fifty one years after Harvest of Shame The invisibility was in part a deliberate calculation by agricultural interests that benefitted from a labor force with no rights to organize and no federal labor safety oversight. Economos found it ironic that consumers only wor ried about agricultural chemicals in terms of their own health, with little or no regard for the health effects of the same chemicals on the people who harvested the food. Why the disconnect? Economos believed it was a complex issue, due in part to racism, particularly the fact that most of the early Lake Apopka farmworkers were African American. Racism always made it culturally easier to ignore minorities, she says, firmly placing the Lake ousness that allows us to force to harvest our crops we think we need it in this country and so we have used that as a 52 Friends of the Earth, an environmental group, worked with the FWAF, Farmworkers Self Help, Florida Consumer Action Network, and the Legal Environmental Assistance Foundation to issue layer) of methyl bromide, a fumigant used in tomato and strawberry production. Riley writes that the U.S. Environmental Protection Agency (EPA) issued a directive to stop use of the chemical producers were reluctant to acknowledge a link between c hemicals and human health, Economos says, because that 52 Economos, interview.

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320 of financial liability being ass essed against both groups. In the late twentieth century lawsuits against various companies and government entities, including the EPA, were filed on behalf of farmworkers who believed their health was damaged by chemicals; many were settled and a number w ere pending. 53 In this male dominated agricultural world, as with others depicted in this chapter, women once again were at the center of activism. The core group of farmworkers that worked with Economos was female. Men tended to shy away from these issues possibly out of a masculine need to deny any health problems or simply because they feared for their jobs and safety, she their nurturing and protective instincts for family members. It was a sentiment shared by Ezell in the Buckeye campaign. She regularly used health arguments to engage female participation in river cleanup efforts. 54 Justice is what Florida women adva ntaged for the past century. Their deep concern s and considerable energies were invested in helping native people be sustainable; in finding clean water and saving a river; in saving a neighborhood from hazardous waste; and in assisting farmworkers with he alth, housing, and e ducation. These issues were compounded by unthinkable environmental ills that accrued and accumulated with the state s development all functions of a male dominated economy and government that for Through masculine eyes, d raining the Everglades meant development, with little regard to the Seminole and Miccosukee people who had taken refuge there. A filthy, dioxin contaminated 53 Ibid.; Riley, first Century 130 133. 54 Economos, interview.

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321 river was the nec essary price to be paid for creating jobs in a rural community. Chemicals seeping into residential yards from a wood treatment plant were just a hazard of the job, as was the poverty, decrepit housing and chemical contamination visited upon farmworkers and their families. booming from 2.7 million people in 1950 to 12.9 million in 1990. 55 Many Florida w omen, however, saw it in a different way coming to believe that such envi ronmental excesses and exceptions were unconscionable. The damage affected and sickene d families and children, adding human and environmental costs on the cost of Florida s progress. Rising up in anger and with the solidarity of many others from club wom en to nuns to other activists women once again were called into action by others and by their own passion to clean up a masculine environmental mess. They took up the mantle for the dispossessed some finding great succe s s ot hers a lifelong mission that b y the early decades of the twenty first century had no end in sight 55

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322 CHAPTER 8 WOMEN LEADERS It was the end of the twentieth century but the beginning of a bright new world for in creating a female dominion. Like many others of their sex, these women rode the tide of rising female rights and opportunities into the workforce and now could integrate a love of and concern for their natural surroundings with their professions. In un precedented numbers, women established and led organizations, served on political boards, and ran state and national environmental bureaucracies. At the same time, many were elected to local and state offices, carrying with them voter mandates to do someth of control growth. In a very real sense, these women were claiming or reclaiming the world as their own. If, as theorists have posited, the natural world was coded as feminine, by the last decades of the twentieth century it had been subordinated and dominated by masculine controlled interests. A t subordinates women, African Americans, and Native Americans those people deemed closest 1 But women and ethnic minorities rebelled in the 1960s and 1970s to fight this masculine ethos. Environmental women, challenging development and business interests, emerged in greater numbers to demand title not only to the political arena but also to the physical world, using their talents and increasing authority to protect and restore the damaged some 1 Christopher Rieger, Clear Cutting Eden: Ecology and the Pastoral in Southern Literature (Tuscaloosa: The University of Alabama Press, 2009), 59. For an alternative view th at argues that humans in North America in pre European periods were environmentally destructive, see the work of David W. Steadman highlighted in Science Daily August 3, 2005, accessed June 15, 2012, http://www.sci Orlando Sentinel September 18, 1997, accessed June 15, 2012, http://articles.sun 09 18/ li festyle/ 9709160581_1_extinction species humans

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323 environment. If the Earth was mother or sister, these women were bound and determined to save her and in doing so to make the world better for all its occupants. And they would use a number of means to do just that. This dissertation has already discussed the movement of women into pub lic spaces and the many roles they assumed to raise their credibility and participation. By organizing in sex specific organizations and clubs, women found camaraderie and strength from which to influence the masculine world of business and government, whi ch they believed had overlooked or even sacrificed the environment in favor of growth and profits. Once they achieved suffrage, however, women did not become a united political force, so any conservation and environmental initiatives they supported remaine d subject to the political winds of the time. The outbreaks of two world wars consumed all state and national thought on the subject until the 1950s and 1960s, when the suburbanization of America, and, to my point, particularly of Florida, along with great er scientific knowledge and a growing awareness of threats from technology and pollution, forced a Silent Spring also raised public skepticism of government and i ndustry and led to increasing concerns about the relationship between human wellbeing and a healthy environment. To environmentally minded women in Florida and across the country, the two were inseparable. So as women demanded equality in pay, working cond itions, and representation in government, many also added environmental concerns to the public agenda. It was never an easy path, but into many areas, securing unp recedented clout and command. One area in which women found greater acceptance was in elected office. Building on the foundations left by Ruth Bryan Owen, Mary Grizzle, and Dorothy Sample, an increasing number

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324 of women used environmental platforms, often s temming from their grassroots work, to be elected to state and local offices. But it was not an easy path, and many met with male resistance along the way. In a 1987 recollection, Helen Gordon Davis, of Tampa, who served in both chambers of the state legis lature from 1974 to 1992 and sponsored a number of bills that addressed the rights of women and minorities, attributed the election of women to the legislature in the 1970s as an outgrowth of the feminist movement as well as a reaction to abuse and misuse of power by male politicians, particularly in the Watergate Era that saw the disgrace and all their ills. Those women who were elected at that time were older, mostly in their forties, more issue oriented coming from their studies with the League of Women Voters and the PTAs and for the most part their purpose was to make the world a better place for their children and the gadflies that opened new avenues of consideration for the social issues of the day the farm workers, child abuse, mental so although less overt. Allen Morris, historian of the state House of Representatives, described how Sen. Pat Collier Frank of Tampa, a woman, spoke in 19 80 before the Senate Committee on

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325 the status of men, Frank replied that 2 commissioner in 1983, a campaign worker made her a special, bright pink b utton. It proclaimed: demanded by Wagner, who found her way to elected office by advocating for gr eater political ethics and environmental issues. Wagner made no bones about it. At a political rally prior to her and offered herself as a candidate with no strin reporter Michael Burke, adding that Wagner, who conducted an extensive door to door effort, exquisite coast estuaries, and wetlands while getting elected for it. Well informed confrontation mixed with strong organization and plain speaking delivered the vote for Wagner, who touted her service as vice president of the local Audubon Society and as past president of the League of Women Voters of the Pensacola Bay Area (LWVPBA) in her campaign. Even though Pensacola was a very environmental problems to support her candidacy 3 2 Morris, Women In The Florida Legislature 97 98, 125 20, 2012, 3 Morris, Women In The Florida Leg islature 126; Muriel Wright Wagner interview with author June 28, 2011 in Pensacola, Fla. Pensacola News Journal

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326 Like Wagner, Helen Digges Spivey gained elected office on an environmental and ethics platform. It was a minor political miracle when she was elected in 1994 to the state House of Representatives, becoming the only Democrat elected to a traditionally Re publican seat in the U.S. Spivey, then living in Crystal River, did it without big money or yard signs, opting instead to chat with anyone who was interested in her views. Her own party warned her not to run for the office because she was female and too ol d immediately filed to run for election, which she won based on her environmental record as an advocate for manatees and for protecting the river; she also refused to take large campaign contributions. When her op ponent accepted big funds from Everglades sugar interests, Spivey 4 Wagner, Spivey, Frank, and Davis were riding the tide of feminism, civil rights, and environmentalism that swept through the United States i n the 1960s and 1970s. Society and government were forced to respond to increasing demands for action in these movements, Rights Act, the culmination of many years of grassroots organizing and protests by females of all ages and races. In many ways the effort that resulted in the federal act reflected the abolitionist movement of the nineteenth century, in which white women fought for the freedom of slaves, hoping i n part that it would lead to their own equality. That crusade was a century past, but the longed for equality had not been realized for African Americans or females. Title VII of the 1964 act, however, included a prohibition against employment discriminati on based on race, August 19, 1983, C1 Muriel Wagner Papers, University Archives and West Florida Histo ry Center, University of West Florida, Pensacola (hereafter UWF Wagner Papers). 4 Helen Digges Spivey interview with author, December 8, 2010, Yankeetown, Fla

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327 ment, born in the civil rights struggle, assumptions and myths about female nature against their own experience and discovered that something was drastically wro ng. And they dared because within these movements they had the nation had been stuck into subservient roles within the civil rights movement as secretaries, housek eepers, etc. but most had seen a widening tunnel of opportunity and were heading for the light at the end of it. 5 Like their civil rights sisters across the country, Florida women were important organizers in the movement; unlike them, many, white and blac k, held leadership roles. Ruth Willis Perry was a white, middle class Miami resident who became incensed by the 1951 bombings that killed Harry T. and Harriett Moore at their home in Mims, Florida. The Moores were involved in the National Association for t he Advancement of Colored People (NAACP). As historian Judith life, reputation, career, and even a jail sentence to defy the racist agenda of the Florida legislatu Committee Matilda "Bobbi" Graff and Shirley M. Zoloth, both white Jewish Americans were active in Miami civil rights as well, with Graff working with the Miami Civil R ights Congress until 1951, and Zoloth with the Miami chapter of the Congress of Racial Equality (CORE). African American women, including Mary McLeod Bethune, Blanche Armwood, and Eartha 5 Sara M. Evans, Born for Liberty: A History of Women in America ( New York: Free Press Paperbac ks, 1997 ) 276 ; Sara M. Evans, Movement & the New Left ( New York: Vintage, 1980 ) 212 213; Louise Michele Newman, White es (New York: Oxford University Press, 199), 3 6.

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328 White, came from club women backgrounds and were members of the Natio nal Association of range strategies to improve education, voting rights, and economics, and to end lynching. Bethune, of Daytona Beach, earned the respect of many whites 6 movement, challenging the status quo that tried to pu t females in subscribed domestic roles. In 1966, a group of women, including feminist author and activist Betty Friedan, created the and equality. As its name impli es, the group had lost patience with national and state commissions and processes that seemed to slow or stagnate any real change. These women participation in the mainst ream of American society now, assuming all the privileges and republica lack of organizational skills, which slowed its growth into a national movement. Still, it was a signal that times were changing for women, whose lives no longer resembled those of their de of feminism some of it radical 6 Making Waves Davis and Frederickson eds., 229, 232 African Making Waves Davis and Frederickson eds., 269 270, 287; Melanie R. Shell Weiss Exceptional Women: Jewish Americans and Postwar Civil Rights in Miami a ccessed May 1, 2012, http://www.h

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329 motherhood and femininity, often without success, but it did engender debate. Evans notes that the central organizing tool of the movem 7 In many ways, women repeated successful strategies from the past. Seven decades earlier, they had bonded together in clubs, social ci rcles, and garden groups to find common interests. From there they engaged in activism, finding support and bonds among members of the same sex and honing their political skills to address issues created by the male dominated society within which they exis ted. By the last decades of the twentieth century, women once again looked to each other for support and built on the steps toward equality taken by their female predecessors. One of the biggest battles was that over the Equal Rights Amendment (ERA), first proposed in 1923 and heartily supported by Miami author and environmentalist Marjory Stoneman Douglas, which mandated equal rights for both sexes. It failed but was revived forty nine years later after, appease a constituency that potentially represented more than half of the voting public, making it approved the ERA in Mar ch 1972, and it was approved by twenty However, the ERA never acquired the necessary thirty states to be enacted, and it expired in 1982; Douglas remained a staunch supporter, and on the national stage, but Florida was one of the states that rejected the amendment. It was a disappointing result for feminists, but a signal 7 Evans, Born for Liberty 276 278, 287 289.

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330 that the male dominated Congress, as well as other elected bodies, was becoming more responsive to female constituents and their concerns. 8 At the same time that feminism was on the rise, the environmental movement surged forward with unprecedented gains. Two months after signing the 1964 Civil Rights Act into law, Pres. Lyndon B. Johnson put his signature to the Wilderness Act, hailed as a milestone in environment al protection. For the first time, millions of acres of land were set aside in the United States to undergo natural processes, with humans only allowed in as visitors. Driven largely by citizen groups, the Act represented a remarkable evolution in thinking about and protecting natural resources. Less than twenty years earlier, another American president, Harry S. Truman, conservation of our energy resources can be accomplished by continued construction of dams, hydroelectric plants and transmission lines; by greater use of natural gas, by research for more efficient methods of extraction of coal and oil, and by exploratio feminist movement, the latter of which peaked with legislative victories in 1972, the same time period in which the environmental movement achieved some of its greatest victories. T he inaugural Earth Day on April 22, 1970, rallied 20 million Americans concerned about pollution, loss of natural resources, and damage from industrialization. It also heralded the 1970s, umber of laws and 9 8 Ibid., 290 291; Davis, An Everglades Providence 554 555. 9 Ibid., 290; Kline, First Along the River 90 92 ; Hays, Beauty, Health, and Permanence 118 119; ation, December 6, 1947, 10 11, May Mann Jennings Papers, Box 22, Misc. Everglades National Park/Royal Palm State Park, File: Everglades National Park Dedication Pamphlet, Smathers UF MSS.

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331 While Americans debated the role of women, they also focused on the environment and changing their views of it. From the dawn of the conservation movement, Florida women had proved to be powerful organizers, then leaders in the environmental world, creating a domain that enhanced the public acceptance of members of their own sex against the backdrop of as in the early century, Mary Carolyn Ellis and historian Joanne V. Hawks offer a detail ed examination of the nine women who served in the legislature, eight had been president of state or local League of Women Voter s (LWV) groups; another eleven were LWV members. Many others were members of different business, professional, and same they write. bs has often been a factor in wome After the 1970s, they note, the LW V provided a training ground for women who believed that the best way to effect change was by getting elec study groups of the League of Women Voters were particularly good jumping off places for 10 Like many women before her, Wagner gained much of her en vironmental consciousness and training from other females and the League. Wagner moved to the Pensacola area in 1967, after her husband accepted a college administration job there. Her activism was ignited when a 10 1928 Florida Historical Quarterly 541.

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332 local woman, Judy Coe, asked Wagner to help look into a proposal that would build a pass through the nearby Navarre Beach coastal community. The project would have cut through a visited local environmental groups such as Audubon and the Sierra says, federal judge ruled that commissioners should be elected by district, Wagner quickly filed to run for office, noting that her husband heard about it after the fact. This was not a woman who needed or even waited for male approval this was a strong individual who acted on her own instincts when the timing was right, the epitome of the feminist movement. Wagner did not win commissioner in 1983, where she often was the lone environmental vote. 11 Other activist Florida women were influenced by their involvement with the League. the League of Women Voters of Orange County (LWVOC) an organization whose national umbrella group long had focused on water resources. Having grown up in a rural, lakefront setting, Pignone never imagined the growth that would come to Central Florida during the 1970s in the wake of Walt Disney World and o ther theme park development. Her involvement in the 11 Wagner interview

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333 everything from tax pol icy to textbook selections. When different notable speakers came to speak at LWVOC functions, Pignone, who lived near the airport, often would be their driver. One was Bob Graham, a young legislator from Miami who had been a leading proponent of the s 1972 water laws. Pignone offered to help Graham if he ever ran for governor and he did just that, winning election in 1978, with support from Pignone and her husband and friends. When he was looking for an appointee for the St. Johns River Water Manageme nt District the right person for the job; she said she was chosen without any agenda from Graham. 12 dmitted male members beginning in 1974 but remained mostly female, was a powerful political force in Florida, and smart politicians of both genders sought its support for their political agendas. The nonpartisan group did not endorse candidates, but they d id take on big issues, including the environment, and served as a training center and eventually a springboard for women who wanted to become informed and involved in a variety of issues. As early as 1971, Governor Askew, in an address to the League of Women Voters of Florida (LWVF) that stood for good government in Florida. In a very real sense, you have been lobbyists for the people in the halls o f government both in Tallahassee and in your local communities. And you the 12 Frances Sharp Pignone interview with author, June 14, 2011 Winter Park, F la

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334 environmental issues, including wetland protection laws, dechannelization of the Kissimmee River, regulations of hazardous waste producing industries, and restoration of the Everglades. In many ways it reflected concerns raised by the national organization in 1986 when it regrouped its environmental efforts to focus on three common themes: resource management, pollution control, and public participation. Measures the nati onal league supported during this period included federal air pollution controls, comprehensive land use laws, coastal management planning, energy conservation, wetlands protection, and open space preservation. So although Graham may not have given Pignone any specific directions for her service on the water management board, he could be fairly sure of her actions, given that LWVF positions were strongly in line with his own. 13 The LWV also was masterful at recruiting people to its causes. During her student days at the New College of the University of South Florida (later renamed New College of Florida) in Sarasota, Julie Morris met four local League members who asked her for help analyzing proposals that would convert a cattle ranch into a large residential development. Morris, whose groups. Morris spent the next few decades of her life working on environmental issues, serving as an appointee to several state environmental boards. 14 13 Reu March 31, 1971, Box 1, File: March April 1971, Reubin O'Donovan Askew Speeches, LWVC Smathers ; December 1 977, Reubin O'Donovan Askew Speeches, LWVC Smathers Collection, LWVC Smathers 14 Julie Morris interview wit h author October 30, 2010 Sarasota, F la. ; Julie Morris email to author November 8, 2010.

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335 Appointed boards were an important way for many women to enter into the environmental power structure of the state. In the early part of the century, May Mann Jennings, Maud Neff Whitman, and Grace Wilbur Trout served on bi gender boards that addressed forestry, parks, and planning, respectively, giving a female sensibili ty to these efforts. Many decades later, Florida women served on governmental bodies that addressed concerns that ranged from wildlife to water resources. During the 1980s and into the next decade, as different environmental panels were formed around the s tate, Morris was appointed to a variety of groups, including those considering coastal management and state wildlife; she served as chair of the Florida Game and Freshwater Fish Commission in 1995 the first environmentalist in a group largely formed of avi d hunters and fishers and four years later served as chair of the Florida Fish and Wildlife Conservation Commission, a merger of the first group with marine fisheries management. She often was the only woman and the only environmentalist on these panels, a lonely role. She says facts, working with staff, and using her ability to respect others and find resolutions. 15 Pignone and Patricia Harden were gubernatorial ap pointees to the SJRWMD board, important water conservation regional agencies. As discussed in Chapter 6 the governance of Askew from 1971 to 1979 heralded an era of impr oved water protections for the state. Riding the national tide of pro environmental sentiment and legislation, the state passed the Florida Water Resources Act of 1972. As a result, the Florida Department of Natural Resources (DNR) was responsible for crea ting a statewide plan that would analyze water resources and then institute measures to protect their quality and quantity. The legislature created five water management 15 Morris interview.

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336 districts to serve as regional bodies focused on regulating major state watersheds, pa rticularly water basins, such as the Suwannee River, the St. Johns River, and the Everglades. It was a novel After four years of haggling, legislators finally s et water district lines, and voters in 1976 approved a constitutional amendment granting the districts ad valorem tax powers. Now the districts, with appointed governing boards, were established and had funding for their projects. They were operational on January 1, 1977. 16 The water management boards were filled with political appointees that included few female members although any representation in state agencies was an improvement at this point from earlier in the century. It was evidence that times were changing, that politicians (and voters) were recognizing the power and significance of the female voice and finding a place for it at the table, even if it often was in the minority, making change harder to effect. Nevertheless, these new opportunities cr eated openings in the all government, offering respect and a forum for environmental issues that mattered to women. At SJRWMD, only one woman served with fourteen men in the 1970s; a decade later two women served w ith fifteen men; in the 1990s there were six women board members with ten men. There may have been fewer of them, but women proved to be capable, important contributors to s that were unthinkable in earlier decades. 17 Pignone was one of two women appointed to the SJRWMD in late 1979; she served her term until 1987, chairing the group from 1981 to 1983. Harden, of Sanford, served on the board 16 Nelson, Land into Water Water into Land 228 230 17 gboard/ archive.

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337 from 1991 to 1999, chairing it fro m 1993 to 1995. Like Morris, Pignone and Harden were in the minority on their boards, but they were quick learners who steeped themselves in facts to deal One and restore the natural landscape, sustaining and protecting water resources. Pignone was a quick learner and a natural leader who had to make some tough choices dur ing her tenure as chair. She studied statistics and facts, and consulted with staff to gather information and make decisions. The problem was that many projects involving riverine restoration were new, with no models to follow. To make land purchases, the district had to raise taxes, never a popular action but one ta acquisition goals. She also stressed removing politics from t he process, basing everything on the way, and Pignone developed who isn't afraid to take a strong stand to protect our precious resources. Former Orlando Sentinel columnist Mike Thomas very smart, a relentless digger and a strong public advocate. She understands th e process. She doesn't work behind the scenes. She asks her questions for all to hear. She demands accountability. Pignone went on to serve on the Orange County Planning and Zoning Board, the Orange County Commission, and the East Central Florida Regional Planning Council, 18 18 Pignone Orlando Sentinel

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338 Harden, a degreed biologist, used lengthy environmental activism as well as her scientific knowledge in her SJRWMD service. Having worked in environmental scie nces for Walt Disney World, Harden understood state permitting processes, water quality issues, mitigation, and governmental lobbying. She also was active in trying to protect the spring fed Wekiva River that flows through heavily suburbanized Orange, Lake Osceola, and Seminole counties on its way to the St. Johns River. She brought to the SJRWMD a philosophy that worked for male and female By the 1980s, growth m anagement was a major issue in Florida politics, arising from infrastructure, schools, housing, and commercial construction. A state that counted 528,542 resident s in 1900 had boomed to 6.8 million by 1970. That number grew to 9.7 million in 1980 and would rise to 12.9 million in 1990. Development pressed into more and more natural areas where land was cheaper and easily accessed by the automobile, made ubiquitous by rising American wealth. Voters increasingly pressed their leaders for solutions, resulting in the 1972 State Comprehensive Planning Act. This legislative act, an attempt to encourage long range planning across the panhandle and peninsula, created a Divi sion of State Planning to guide the initiative. However, local governments ignored its guidelines. A decade later, the legislature, with the strong endorsement of Governor Bob Graham, adopted the Local Government Comprehensive Planning and Land Development Act of 1985 which mandated that all local governments adopt long term plans and submit them for state review. Leaders hoped that placing controls on local governments would stem suburban sprawl, but without the cooperation of local October 15, 1990 accessed January 2 2012 10 15/news/ 9010130269_1_pignone district 4 mrs; Mike Th opt Fran Orlando Sentinel June 18, 2009 accessed January 2, 2011 news_columnist_mikethomas/2009/06/expressway authority cant coopt fran pignone.html.

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3 39 governments and state funding to enable concurrency of infrastructure, the legislation failed to manage rampant growth. 19 The problems of growth management drew a number of women into environmental action in Florida. As a county commissioner, Wagner helped Escambia County adopt a comprehensive growth plan, an issue that had been central to the LWVPBA and one mandated by state newspaper thought I was Pensacola News Journal Wagner linked the issue to quality of life and problems such as flooding and traffic gridlock. It is difficult to convince elected officials that those are the After losing a reelection bid after one term Wagner engaged in ot her environmental work, serving on the state Environmental Regulation Commission, the county board of adjustment, the Audubon Society, and the LWVPB, where she continued to monitor the Escambia comprehensive plan. She received awards from the Florida Audub on Society, the Florida Wildlife Federation, and from the Pro Earth Times the latter of for sound environmental 20 19 January 6, 2011 http: // 3 Growth nuary 11, 2012 ; Blake, Land into Water Water into Land, 198 199. 20 Wagner, interview ; Muriel Wagner email to author involvement vital for growth manag Pensacola News Journal December 24, 1988, 8A, UWF Wagner Papers Orlando Sentinel September 4,

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340 While Wagner was the lone environmental vote in Escambia County, far across the state in on an environ mentally and politically split county commission. Yet, during twenty years of elected office, she achieved a number of environmental protections that made the county a model of growth management. Growing up in a rural homestead outside Miami surrounded by pines, palmettos, and cow pasture, Hurchalla and her three siblings were schooled in the outdoors by her newspaper reporter parents. After college and marriage, Hurchalla moved to coastal Jupiter in the mid 1960s, when her husband got a job with an aerospa ce firm. Although she describes became interested in a number of environmental issues, in particular a plan to build waterfront lots on 600 acres of the coast i n Stuart. She started a movement to have the beach bought by the state instead and enlisted the cooperation of the local Audubon Society. She pulled strings, contacted news media, and found friends to support the cause, pursuing public purchase of the land The land was developed but not at the concentration first proposed and in response to it, other Martin County environmentalists, including the Martin County Conservation Alliance, pushed through a four story height limit and a fifteen unit per acre densi ty cap on county construction in 1972. After chairing a county water board, in 1974 Hurchalla ran for county commissioner, touting growth management regulations; a Republican opponent advertised that property noting that anyone running for office m ust claim environmental interests and support of the 1991, accessed January 11, 2012 09 04/news/9109040800_1_ di ck batchelor lawton chiles mitchell berger; Pro Earth Times, Inc ., Gulf Breeze, Fla., n. a., November 1983, UWF Wagner Papers

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341 first woman elected to the county commission, gaining a reputation as a no nonsense straight talking representat ive who fought for Everglades restoration, preserving water resources, curbing urban sprawl, and saving wetlands. 21 placed. Nowhere was growth and its attendant problems more apparent in t he latter part of the Postcards, advertising, and media made this the most enduring American vision of the state and the image of what new residents wanted to possess. Although no spot on the peninsula was more than sixty miles from the coast, the ultimate Florida dream was for waterfront living; coastal counties added 10 million new residents between 1950 and 2000. As a result of beachfront and waterfront development, citizens began losing access to their favorite recreational sites, watching as pollution eroded and endangered hard to lure were destroying them. Saving or preserving beaches, however, was not as easy a task as creating 21 interview with author, April 8, 2011 Miami Fla. ; Eve Samples, March 12, 2011, accessed April 6, 2011, Samples Maggy Hurchalla is depressed but it wont last.

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342 a city park, and often meant conflict with prevailing economic interests that saw major profits in shoreline development. Once again, a Florida wom an was willing to do just that. 22 Doris Leeper fell in love with the southern Volusia County coast during a 1958 summer fishing trip and bought a wooden two story home located on a barrier island in the small community of Eldora. In 1960, she moved from Atl anta to the waterfront site, an inspirational setting that Leeper, an accomplished artist and sculptor, spent the next seventeen years fighting to save. She could do so because she was a successful career woman in a field that provided self sufficiency and encouraged unfettered thinking. Unconstrained by the societal strictures encountered by early club women, Leeper was willing to openly take on the male establishment to save a place she revered and believed was threatened by human use. Leeper had long bee n concerned that island visitors were tearing up fragile dunes with their cars to gain access to the beach. Here she fought against tradition cars had been driving, even racing, on Volusia County beaches since the beginning of the century. When Leeper aske d for dune protections and legal enforcement, she butted heads with fishermen and the local male sheriff. In an unpublished My outspokenness stirred quite a bit of controversy o claimed their only access was through the dunes. Although she began receiving hate calls, Leeper persevered, campaigning for a ban on cars on the her early medical education, that helped guide the effort that in 1975 saw the establishment of the twenty four mile seashore. However, Leeper quickly learned that a federal designation was not the end of the battle; a lack of enforcement of no driving rules soon led to an escalation in her war with the sheriff, and she 22 December 22, 2011 http: //; Mormino, Land of Sunshine State of Dreams 301 02, 326, 354.

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343 sparred with federal park officials about road projects on the property. Congressman Lou Frey recalled that Leeper convinced him of 23 as one of the jewels nimal species the second most of the 380 properties owned by the National Park Service. However, despite extensive media crediting congressmen, county commission ers, and local chambers of commerce. Clay Henderson, a Central Florida environmental attorney who worked with Leeper and describes her community and political establishment saw her as an uncompromising zealot while a growing next two dec ades Leeper fought for protection of the seashore and other areas. She formed the Friends of Spruce Creek to lobby for state purchase and preservation of a fragile 2,500 acre Volusia County tract that was posthumously renamed in her honor. At the same time Leeper helped found the Atlantic Center for the Arts in New Smyrna Beach, was named Florida Ambassador for the Arts, and was included in the Florida Artists Hall of Fame. When she died in 2000, Leeper was remembered as talented, persuasive, and visionary attracted smart, well 23 James Murphy and Doris Leeper, DRAFT NARRATIVE unpublished manuscript in possession of author, n.d., 3 4 13, 35, 45 50, 60 65, 72, 76, 95 96 ; University of Florida, 2009), 27 30, 68 69

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344 knew it was impossible to say no 24 coast. Barile never intended to become an environmenta l activist like Leeper, her original life plan was to go to medical school. But that was a difficult major for a woman in the sexist late 1950s, so Barile changed her major to biology at the University of Florida, where she took some of the earliest classe in Palm Bay near the lagoon. It was a role that would have been familiar to pre vious generations of Florida women, except that Barile had too much education, curiosity, and opportunity f Technology (FIT). 25 One day she heard Dr. Howard Odum, the famed University of Florida ecosystems ecologist, speak. Barile told him about a project that troubled her a proposed lock and dam planned by the General Development Corporation (GDC) on nearby Tu rkey Creek. GDC claimed that building the dam and diverting freshwater from the St. Johns River watershed into the IRL would improve fishing in the lagoon. Barile, with her scientific training, did not think it made sense and neither did Odum. They devised a plan by which Barile would study the 24 Canaveral http: // dex.htm http: //; Roger Orlando Sentinel April 12, 2000, accessed December 23, 2011 http: //articles.orland 04 12/news/0004120103_1_smyrna beach new smyrna leeper 000120 .html 25 Diane Barile interview with author, March 30, 2010, Melbourne, Fla.

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345 Unlike many women before her in the sciences, Barile had found a responsive, encouraging male mentor to guide her through a new approach to the natural world. And it paid off. After much boondoggle proposed by GDC on vast landholdings to build an elaborate canal system. GDC could claim that a canal on a lot hours to reach navigable ocean waters. Instead of more fish, there would be damage to the IRL estuary, along with a sprawling housing development and potential damage to the wat er supply. GDC, which may have discounted Barile initially because she was young and female, was not from her job with the city. Instead, GDC found itself facing opposition from various agencies and was forced to modify its plans, giving some of the land to the local Audubon society for a that everybody is put here for a purpose and that that park was my purpose. And once I got that 26 Just as biological studies had informed Marjorie Harris Carr, who opposed the barg e canal, mile long IRL and made her keenly aware of the impact of development on and drainage into it. In 1985, while teaching at FIT, she became executive director of the non profit Marine Resources C ouncil, created by a group of concerned scientists, environmentalists, fishermen, and leaders in government and business. One of the Significance, a federal act that provided millions of dollars in funding for research and protection 26 Orlando Sentinel November 25, 1990, accessed December 21, 2011, http: // 11 25/news/901 1241154_1_barile indian river lagoon turkey creek.

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346 dumping and runoff pollution, and local residents and political leaders learned to love the IRL, the IRL were great: by 1989 studies showed a 30 percent loss in sea grass beds and an 80 percent loss of mangrove swamps that act as filters for the are a. Ironically, one of the areas threatened by first wildlife refuge. Perhaps channeling Frances Latham, who taught scientists about the pelicans and their roosting areas, Barile warned about the importance of the refuge and the potential damage incurred by developments such as golf courses, polo grounds, and resorts that were proposed over the years. Although she preferred to be thought of as a scientist, she was awa re that she would be pegged forever as an environmental activist. Her work went beyond the academic, beyond writing a paper and putting it on a shelf, because she could not sit by when 27 As did many other women of her generation, including Leeper, Carr, and Douglas, Barile located her activism within a bi gender group that focused on a specific region and problem. Many other women in this time period did the same, often as founders of the groups. Harden was a charter member of Friends of the Wekiva River (FOWR), incorporated as a nonprofit in 1982 to seek protections for the fifteen mile long river. The group, composed partly of local Audubon members, was organized four years earlier out o f concern about the river, the dumping ground for wastewater effluent from the city of Altamonte Springs. FOWR became a force with which to helped gather facts A Prototype 27 Ibid Los Angeles Times September 3, 1989 accessed December 22, 2011 http: //artic 09 03/news/mn 2122 1 pelicanisland.

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347 Realistic Innovative Community of Today that took wastewater once discharged into the river system and instead recycled it for irrigation use. FOWR also flexed its muscles by getting t he Wekiva River designated as an Outstanding Florida Water (OFW) in 1983, gaining protection for land in the river basin, and pressing for planning and buffer rules in the area to protect the river. Harden, FOWR past president and board member, helped gath er data for the nineteen pound petition that led to the OFW designation, using her skills as an organizer as well as her technical knowledge to get other professionals involved. She helped assemble scientific support for the 1988 Wekiva River Protection Ac watershed area. Facts, professionalism, teamwork, and pragmatism she says, gave FOWR whenever we spoke growth. But we are for growth that protects the long term quality of life. That there are ways to y depend 28 A number of other organizations were women driven. Dagny Johnson helped found the Upper Keys Citizens Association in the 1970s to monitor growth in the northern Florida Keys, particularly in Key Largo. Th e group supported preservation of land and wildlife and opposed a massive project called Port Bougainville that was halted after news media exposed a scandal at the site. Instead, the property was preserved in 1982 as the Dagny Johnson Key Largo Hammock Bo tanical State Park in recognition of her work to stop the project and protect land that was home to a variety of endangered species, including the American crocodile, the Schaus swallowtail butterfly, and the Key Largo woodrat. Farther south in the Keys, D eeVon Quirolo 28 Patricia Harden interview with author November 11, 2010, Gainesville, F la .; Jim Robison and Bill Belleville, Along the Wekiva River (Charleston, S.C.: Arcadia Publishing, 2009), 113.

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348 helped found the grassroots Reef Relief organization in 1987 to support research and educate the with her husband Craig in establishing the group which focused on reef damage caused by grounded boats, overfishing, and phosphate pollution. 29 Mary Barley came to love the Florida Keys and the adjacent Everglades during holidays there with her husband George. After massive algae blooms hit Florida Bay in the 1980s and 1990s, leaving the watery expanse behind their vacation home looking like pea soup, the wealthy couple began to learn about the causes, coming to the realization that the health of their watery backyard reflected that of the entire Evergla des ecosystem. It could not be resolved in a piecemeal fashion it needed comprehensive solutions that reached all the way from the Kissimmee River system in the north through Lake Okeechobee to the national park. George decided to devote all his energy to the Everglades, turning over the daily operations of the 1995 airplane crash. After gathering with a group of friends and Everglades proponents, Barley took up her h political campaigns aimed at cleaning up the system. It was a tribute to her husband, but also the culmination of her talent and skills. She approached her full time cause using facts, hard earned 30 Barley became equally comfortable describing the biodiversity of the Everglades, the political ups and downs of her work, and he r distaste for the sugar industry, which she believed 29 Susan M. Nugent Women Conserving the Florida Keys (Portsmouth, N.H.: Peter E. Randall, 2008) 1 11, 126 131. 30 Mary Barley interview with author, April 7, 2011 Islamorada, F la.

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349 at the Everglades and its restoration relied heavily on state and federal political maneuvering, so she stayed involved, supporting the related Everglades Trust that placed lobbyists in Tallahassee and Washington, D.C. She also found comfort in knowing tha t, for every dollar that Everglades are in the right and they are in the wrong. And so to convince somebody you have to spend a lot of money to take right to wrong Barley, using her business expertise, also made use of projections showing the jobs and right no but, like many women before her, once she engaged in an issue, she used dogged determination to oppose business, lobbyists, and governments all male bastions. 31 Like Ba rley, Spivey became an activist after witnessing environmental degradation in her backyard. In 1970 she and her husband retired to a home that fronted a creek leading into spring fed Crystal River, a major winter refuge for endangered manatees. She tracked and reported manatee sightings, but soon her attention was drawn to many issues, including those related to the health of the river, particularly herbicides sprayed to control plant species and nutrient 31 Barley The Christian Science Monitor November 5, 2008, accessed April 6, 2011, Culture/2008 /1105/mary barley crusades behind the scenes for the everglades.

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350 to stop them. She talked to experts, learned to evaluate technical documents, and collected information about these is sues, using them to raise public awareness and force governmental action. In doing so, Spivey was following a strategy of gathering facts, analyzing data, and being prepared something Douglas regularly advised concerned citizens to practice. While serving two terms in the 1980s on the Crystal River City Council, Spivey fought to stop the city sewer plant from dumping treated nutrient rich effluent into her canal, from which it entered the river and caused heavy algae growth. She literally kept the issue vis ible by placing a large jar filled with river algae on the desk of her council seat for every meeting. Later the city began spraying a tagline with which she disagrees: was defeated in 1996 in her reelection bid for the legislature, Spivey rechanneled her activism to advocate for animal abuse prevention and against riverfront development; in 2010 she helped get the fragile Three Sisters Spring property included in the Crystal River National Wildlife Refuge, resulting in a number of awards and citations. In May 2011, U.S. Rep. Debbie Wasserman Schultz (D Fla.), who served with Spivey in the legislature, announced that Spivey had received 32 Using facts, growing scientific knowledge, people ski lls, tenacity, and refusing to take these descriptors were well as their predecessors in the move ment. The difference in the late century was that women 32 Spivey, interview; Davis, An Everglades Providence Congressional Record May 20, 2011, E849.

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351 had obtained greater rights and had learned how to wield this power in their ever growing dominion. Spivey, Wagner, and Hurchalla used elected office to put environmental issues into public forums. An d others, like Barley, Johnson, and Harden, had experienced the influence that local interest groups could exact and knew how to use it to further their causes. One issue that drew a number of women supporters in Florida was that of endangered species. In 1973, amid a whirlwind of environmental legislation, Congress enacted the federal Endangered Species Act (ESA) in an effort to protect plants and animals on the brink of and mandated that government agencies protect such biota and their habitats. It was the culmination of many decades of urging by wildlife officials worried that more American species might go the way of the Carolina parakeet (extinct in 1918) and the Cari bbean monk seal (last seen in 1952), both former Florida denizens. ESA, according to historian Benjamin Kline, allowed species to be andated nature over income. 33 exploited species was well over 500. Myriad pressures from habitat loss and degradation, overcollecting, and invasive non native species imperiled a number of species in the richly biodiverse peninsula. Manatees and sea turtles were high on the list. They were, maintains environmental author moving marine mammals found in springs, rivers, and coastal waterways. In later years she 33 Kline, First Along the River 105.

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352 worked cl osely with Judith Delaney Vallee, who was compelled to action in 1983 after seeing ee contacted mayor, asking that the river section be declared a manatee sanctuary, mandating lower boat speeds. She was persistent, contacting anyone who might help. At a city marine council meeting, one male member told her that she did not need an ordinance that the next time Vallee saw a moving boat, she should throw a toma and determined. She began volunteering with the Broward County Audubon Society and, in 1985, she went to work in Maitland as administrator for the Save the Manatee Committee, an organization set up under the umbrella of the Florida Audubon Society (FAS). Vallee, who had a degree in art history, never had run an association, but quickly learned on the job, answering g adoptions, and aiding lobbying efforts in Tallahassee. One day Audubon lobbyist Charles Lee suggested that Vallee seek legislative approval for sales of a special license plate for manatees to plate became a hit; although, in a move she would later rue, Vallee agreed to direct all proceeds not to her organization but to manatee research and education programs. From 1990 to 2007, license plates netted $34 million for manatees. Since then a numbe r of other troubled Florida species were been highlighted on license plates to gain revenues, including sports fish and the very endangered Florida panther. 34 34 Judith Vallee, interview with author, April 13, 2010, Maitland, Fla.; Craig Pittman, Manatee Insanity: Inside the War Species (Gainesville: University Press of Florida, 2010), 95 98.

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353 The Save the Manatee Club split from FAS in 1993, and Vallee became executive director of the non were remarkable in 1982, 75 percent of Americans did not know what a manatee was; by 1990 the club had more than 23,000 members from countries around the world, a number tha t grew to 40,000 by 2010. It made the manatee an icon for endangered species and gained the special attention and affection of everyone from governors to Jimmy Buffett, a popular musician who helped found organization and came up with the superb marketing ublic persona and in developing a strong grassroots base. Her philosophy was not to appeal to an elite environmental audience, but to the uninformed you know, not by any religious entity or anything s very lucky because I found something that absolutely just gripped me to the very core of my being 35 While Spivey and Vallee worked to save manatees, others devoted their energies to the protect ion of sea turtles that dwell throughout the Caribbean and Gulf of Mexico; many species relied upon Florida beaches for nesting habitat. By the early 1960s, writes historian Frederick r at the University of 35 Judith De Orlando Sentinel December 16, 1990, accessed December 28, 2011 http: // 0 12 16/features/9012170479_1_manatee mercury capri altamonte The News Journal November 22, 1990, accessed December 28, 2011 file:///Users/lpoole/Documents/PhD/Dissertation/Va lleeArti cle2.webarchive; Vallee interview

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354 turtle nesting areas in the Caribb ean, while recognizing that much research was necessary to identify and support them. Carr helped her husband in his turtle studies, which ultimately numbers throughout the century were difficult to determine with some species declining and others rising. Loggerhead turtles, which customarily lay thousands of nests on es and from being caught in fishing lines and nets. Other problems ensued when turtle hatchlings, reliant on moonlight to reach the ocean, died when they errantly traveled toward lights in beachfront developments and along roads or into the paths of cars t hat drove on several beaches. Shirley Reynolds and Rita Alexander, both of New Smyrna Beach, took up the cause by marking turtle nests for protection and monitoring hatchings. They camped on the beach to keep cars from driving over nests and lobbied the co unty for turtle protection. But by 1995 they decided their best route was through the courts and filed suit against Volusia County, claiming that nighttime beach driving and lights from shoreline developments hurt the ESA protected creatures. Many resident favor, forcing the county to enact protection measures. 36 going habits, Reynolds and Alexander were either heroes or villains 36 Davis, The Man Who Saved Sea Turtles 173 174, 260, 265 266; Orlando Sentinel January 9, 2000, accessed December 28, 2011 http://articles.orlandosentinel com/2000 01 09/news/000 1050380_1_volusia county sea turtles Orlando Sentinel May 9, 1996, accessed December 28, 2011 http: // 05 09/news/9605081471_1_volusia county sea turtles bea ch driving %20Log/WL18/turtles.htm

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355 The women were accused of trying to end all beach driving, the best access most people had to the shore. It was, after all, one of the tourist selling points of Daytona Beach, which ha d once economy a common business response to environmental issues. But these women believed turtles deserved higher consideration. An appellate court ruled in favor of the women, forcing the county to enact stringent lighting regulations. By using the ESA, the women found a legal route to force governmental action, leaving sea turtles in that section of Florida, as well as other coastal creatures, safer from hum an encroachment. Reynolds told a local newspaper that turtle 37 Reynolds and Alexander had learned, as di d Carr, that lawsuits could be a path to environmental change. Women had found another path to forcing a change in business as usual, another step in the evolution of the environmental movement that included the creation of single focus groups like Save th e Manatee and participation in bi gender groups. Lawsuits also benefited women in other ways. As historian Margaret Rossiter documents, in the last three decades of the century, many women scientists and government workers used the legal system to seek equ al employment treatment and opportunities, opening new paths for their gender. 38 till 37 A Fight For The Seas. 38 Margaret W. Rossiter, Women Scientists in America: Forging a New World Since 1972 (Baltim ore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 2012), 161 162, accessed June 15, 2012, orging+a+New+World+SInce+1972&source=bl&ots=i3vqmKUXZe&sig=IQMhPNhQdrAxPVGsjpMJB oghjCo&hl=en &sa=X&ei=aIrbT LXI4bc9AT5q n4Cg&ved=0CF8Q6AEwAw#v=onepage&q=margaret%20rossiter%20Forging% 20a%20New%20World%20SInce%201972&f=false

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356 advocated for environmental causes and led education efforts to promote such causes. One communities, flexed its environmental muscles in several Florida comm unities during this period, taking on the male establishment in order to improve the world for their children. Florida women had been doing this for decades. In 1970, the Junior League of Miami (JLM) developed the Miami River Restoration Project to help im Committee, recalled that when the Junior League presented the concept to different co mmunity surveyed the river, climbed embankments, worked around debris (and local homeless people), and compiled information about property owners, zoning, river conditions, and ordinances course in pollution control at Miami Dade Juni about the river and m onitored government agencies, winning an award for inspiring made mess, but by claiming it as their own they became leaders in river efforts, giving the organization a new face in the community. 39 39 2011 envi r o nmentalhistory.php#Anchor Environmental 44867 ; Carter, The Florida Experience, 178.

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357 teachers asked Douglas to support their child environmental education program taught in a park on the north end of Key Biscayne. The program basically ran out of the back of a hot dog stand for years, but it constantly faced funding threats. In 1976, Douglas had the 165 acres behind the building designated a national environmental study area by the state legislature. When Douglas, then 95, went to the school system nine years later to save the program yet again, she realized it needed long term community backing. Along with some friends, she created the nonprofit Biscayne Nature Center, and in 1986 she appeared before the JLM to plead for volunt eers and and the 300 member Miami group already had an environmental reputation. The JLM helped raise $4 million to build what became the Marjory Stoneman Dougla s Biscayne Nature Center, a bright, cheery building that included laboratory facilities and wildlife displays. 40 executive director of the center, which focused on educating the public, but primarily children, about the wonders of the adjacent Biscayne Bay. Although Long hailed from New Jersey, her Florida environmental work was a natural fit. When she and her husband bought an old home on the Miami River, Long became involved in historic preservation and planted 100 trees to help reforest her neighborhood. She also volunteered to read regularly for Douglas, who lost most of her eyesight in her later years. In those sessions, Long says, Douglas urged her to be environmentally a 40 Ibid.; Theodora Long interview with author January 18, 2011, Miami, F la

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358 important project. Building on Douglas Long told the children who visited the center ists. 41 The Junior League Of Sarasota (JLS) also jumped into environmental issues in the 1990s with an effort to ban pesticide use on athletic fields and playgrounds in the county an effort to protect children from cancer causing chemicals. The JLS joined f orces with the Manatee Sarasota Sierra Club and the Pesticide Education Center in San Francisco, California, to create a petition to the county. In 1989, the J LS also supported state legislation that required social group was moved to action when it came to protecting natural resources that affected family and comm unity health 42 The greatest indication of the feminine influence on Florida environmental efforts was the number of women in the 1980s and 1990s who held high level roles in state bureaucracies overseeing na tural resources and enforcement. Females from a variety of backgrounds, including science, law, and politics, became important leaders of these agencies, forging a new path for the status of women and for environmental protection in the state. Elsewhere in the country, however, it was a difficult time as conservative political influences in the 1980s, heralded by the presidency of Ronald Reagan, tried to dim feminist and ecological gains. In one of his first acts as president, Reagan removed solar panels th at were installed at the White House by his 41 Long interview. 42 Sarasota Herald Tribune March 11, 1997, 5B, accessed January 2, 2012, AIBAJ&pg=6692,650006; Ann House Sarasota Herald Tribune, Ju ly 10, 1989, 10A accessed January 2, 2012, =G70EAAAA IBAJ&pg=4725,6443235.

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359 It was a highly symbolic act indicating that conservative agendas were not friendly to environmental causes. Inste ad, Kline writes, Reagan and his supporters set out to repeal think h conservative climate as a surge in Republican pro business power brokers tried to dismantle a number of environmental regulations, including growth management laws that were viewed as 43 indeed, the Republican Party even withdrew its long standing support of the Equal Rights Amendment (ERA). Reagan changed to reverse all the gains that women had won. Many women continued to work outside the home and became increasingly visible in public ways. And the decade pro duced a number of Episcopal Church bishop, first woman nominated for the vice presidency, and the first female many ways, producing such strands 43 Kline, First Along the River Introduction a 3 4; John M. Growth Management in Florida: My Perspective on What Has and Hasn't 2012 http://www.1000friendsofflorida .org/reform/DCA_ Secretaries.asp ; Blake, Land into Water Water into Land, 198 199; Davis, An Everglades Providence 542.

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360 as ecofeminism, in which feminists emphasized the image of the Earth as feminine and engaged in activities such as opposing nuclear power plants, toxic waste, and acid rain the damaging results of male run industry and in stitutions As Chapter 7 demonstrated, many Florida women engaged in similar efforts. 44 that had morphed to deal with rising growth and ecological realities. In the earliest days of statehood, the Internal Improvement Board was the first agency to handle management of lands griculture, and railroad projects. In 1885, it was replaced with the Board of Trustees of the Internal Improvement Fund (IITF), composed of the governor and seven elected cabinet members. It was this board that encouraged Everglades drainage and Boca Ciega Bay dredge and fill in the hopes of converting to economic prosperity what it considered to be wastelands. Other agencies arose to deal with different conservation issues, and in 1969 the state created DNR to combine them; in 1975, the IITF was consolidat ed into DNR, making the latter responsible for oversight of all state natural resources. That same year, the state created the Department of Environmental Regulation (DER) to guide enforcement, compliance, and regulation of environmental laws. In 1993, the legislature merged both agencies, creating the Department of Environmental Protection (DEP) that at confused with one another, and many staff members worked in one, two, or all of the agencies 44 Evans, Born for Liberty 309, 313, 323, 331 332; Catherine E. Rymph, Republican Women: Feminism and Conservatism From Suffrage Throug h the Rise of the New Right (Chapel Hill: The University of North Carolina Press, 2006), 10

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361 during the decades they were growing in order to provide necessary controls on natural resources that were under threat from development. 45 wh o increasingly were able to negotiate their way and fashion science based careers around the sciences despite some vestigial sexual bias. Victoria Jean Nierenberg Tschinkel, who held a degree in zoology, landed a job in 1974 as a field inspector with IITF, which was expanding its wetlands permitting programs this time to protect these fragile areas rather than to give them future career path, and whether she was planning to have children questions that later would be banned because of their sexual discrimination implications. When Pamela Prim McVety interviewed that same year to be an IITF wetlands field inspector, she was told by her eventual boss, Joel Kuperberg enough to go in the field and stand up to construction workers and developers if I had to stop a degree in zoology, and protested in graduate school when, because of her sex, she was given demeaning assignments, such as washing test tubes. McVety complained to the IITF personnel head, who confronted Kuperberg; he then hired McVety and later bec ame one of her best friends 46 During the Askew and Graham administrations, there was a wave of hiring scientists in environmental bureaucracies, opening doors for females such as Tschinkel and McVety, who 45 Carter, The Florida Experience 63 Land into Water, Water into Land http: // C,SPECIFIC=1190,D ATABASE=GROUP 46 Victoria Jean Nierenberg Tschinkel interview with author, February 24, 2011, Tallahassee, F la.; Pamela P rim McVety interview with author, February 23, 2011, Tallahassee, Fla

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362 would go on to hold high leadership roles at DER. Agency leaders such as Kuperberg, Jay Landers, who headed DER, and Ken Woodburn, environmental advisor to both governors, says wanted professionals a aring Graham were governors (and role models, she says) who cared about the environment and pressed that agenda; and federal laws such as the Clean Air Act and the Enda ngered Species Act made it a stimulating place and time. 47 It was a new era, but women still had to negotiate their way within a largely male bureaucracy and state government. The young, hard working Tschinkel a number of people describe her rose rapidly in the bureaucratic ranks; at age 33 she time of new environmental laws and stricter enforcement of them. Along the way, Tschinkel dealt w her sense of humor, staying true to herself, and seeing obstacles as challenges to be overcome. At ause of her understanding of politics outside of and within the agency as well as her strong record of 47 McVety, interview; Pamela Prim McVety dissertation

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363 working with different players in the environmental community. If she was not well liked, respected and certainly very well DER 48 paternal. I think he liked working with us and he made interested in what we thought about an issue and we used him to convey information to the 49 re, Tschinkel became DER assistant secretary, the highest ranking environmental woman in the state government. In dealing with the heavily male political network she got along with and I was foreign to them and I think that was an advantage to us all. We had to come to some 50 When Landers moved to DNR to help that agency recover from a scandal, Tschinkel interviewed for the secretary position, but it went to Jake Varn, whom she succeeded in 1981. Tschinkel managed a $114 million budget and a staff of 1,136 people responsible for programs related to air and wate r quality and quantity, solid and hazardous wastes, wetlands protection, 48 Tschinkel, interview. 49 McVety email. 50 Tschinkel, interview.

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364 and coastal management as well as programs for flood control and sewage treatment plants. It was an enormous responsibility at a time when the state was seriously considering the futu re of its water resources. She helped draft a bill to raise a documentary stamp tax in 1981 to fund the purchase of environmentally sensitive lands as part of the Save Our Rivers program and then helped expand it in 1985. Under her leadership, a new ground water protection rule was established, one of the first and most advanced in the country. She was particularly proud of wetlands regulations and hazardous waste programs created during her tenure but emphasized that none of the legislation could have been accomplished without the cooperation of Graham and a willing legislature. Like many other women in this dissertation, Tschinkel says her strengths are in her ability to multi task and act as an integrator of information qualities she labels as feminine. Sh e avoided emotional arguments, instead concentrating on scientific data and technical arguments, made easier by her own science background. After she left DER, Tschinkel went into consulting work with Landers and was the first female state director of the Florida Chapter of The Nature Conservancy, and chair of 1000 Friends of Florida, a nonprofit organization that promoted managed growth. 51 McVety worked for thirty years in state environmental agencies before her retirement in 2003, participating in almost e very major issue that faced the state during that period. In 1977, McVety replaced Tschinkel as assistant to the DER secretary; Tschinkel had been promoted to DER assistant secretary, and the two often combined efforts. McVety addressed issues that ranged from restoring the Everglades to stopping phosphate mining in the Osceola National during that period with Vicki [Tschinkel] and the governor [Graham] that yo u could do those 51 Ibid.; Victoria Tschinkel Resume in possession of author.

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365 McVety used her science background to inform her work and often wished decision makers were as well informed: nk, and if somebody made me in in charge, I would make elected officials take a literacy test about the state of Florida so they knew the history, they knew the science, they knew the environment, they knew the culture and only then would I think they shou ld run for public office. Because you expect these people to be knowledgeable to make the best decisions possible for the public. But 52 with a strong f ocus on saving manatees and other species. During her tenure, DNR created a manatee protection plan for thirteen counties that required local governments to draw up blueprints for coastal development to lessen impacts on the marine mammals and enacted spee d zones and other measures actions that infuriated a number of waterfront developers and local politicians. McVety says she was removed from that post because her agency was too successful in a politically heated environment something she would encounter a gain in her role as DEP executive coordinator for ecosystem management from 1994 to 1999. As previously mentioned, business; as a result, environmental concerns about plant s and animals that might hinder development were becoming suspect in political circles. But McVety would not give up the facts and the science for political expediency. With ecosystem management at the newly formed DEP, McVety worked to create a new approa ch to land protection, developing a comprehensive, integrated methodology that involved the public, business, governments, and environmental interests. The program, developed from recommendations gathered from meetings around the state, encouraged local ci tizens to determine their long term goals to protect natural resources. It also promised to 52 Mc Vety, interview.

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366 streamline regulations and the permitting process something that appealed to many developers job) ended when Governor Jeb Bush, a Republican developer, took office in 1999. The political winds had changed. McVety finished her state career at the Division of Recreation and Parks and later worked for climate change initiatives. 53 Like McVety, Virgin but forged a different path to environmental leadership that in many ways represented the huge l Democrat against the same party incumbent (she later became a Republican) and won, largely through a door to door campaign that refused contributions larger than $100 Spivey would use a similar ploy a decade later. Some men slammed the door in her face and said they would never vote for a woman; nevertheless, she became the first woman elected to the state House of Representatives from the very conservative western Panhandle. In Tallahassee, there were a number of women in the same freshman House class, she says, and they met many veteran issues involving women and children. Wetherell, however, opted not to j women who wanted her to follow their lead, as well as from others who thought she should be at home taking care of her children. 54 In taking this course, Wetherell found acceptance among male House members, who were 53 McVety, interview; Pittman, Manatee Insanity 104 109. 54 Virginia Bass Wetherell interview with author February 23, 2011 Lamont, F la

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367 etherell served on the Natural Resources Committee, something that interested her because of her science background. Those to federal environmental mandates and t rying to be progressive on issues that included growth management, wetlands, and clean water. Wetherell also became involved in agriculture, trade, transportation, appropriations, and education committees, rising to deputy majority leader along the way. 55 Republican governor since Reconstruction. Wetherell, with her proven legislative ability and 988; three years later she environment Democrat, asked Wetherell to head DER and to work on his initiative to merge DNR and DER to create DEP, a process that required le gislative approval. Wetherell, the perceptive politician who could engage both political parties, helped get a unanimous vote in both chambers to create DEP. She headed the 4,300 employee DEP, with a budget of $1.6 billion, until 1998, an experience she sa agencies were very different. DNR was about science, conservation, loving the land, and background helped pass her legislative agenda in her first two years, but it also worked against her in the environmental community, where she was viewed more as a politician willing to 55 Wetherell, interview.

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368 compromise than a staunch environmentalist. As a result, she recognized that she might be regard 56 Although Wetherell had butted heads over manatee regulations with McVety, at DEP they worked together on DEP reorganization and on ecosystem management. Their partnership, a meld of scien ce (McVety) to understand the problems and politics (Wetherell) to get legislative approval and funding, demonstrated a combination of skills that Wetherell says was needed by as most proud everything else we do because so many other laws that we passed or programs that we developed will be changed and modified or abandoned or wha 57 environmental bureaucracies. Using their talents and expertise, these women dema nded and rked closely with environmental the state leaders that was good at this Joel (Kuperberg), Ken (Woodburn) and MacKay probably had great mothers and all felt comfortable working with 56 Wetherell interview ; Virginia Bass Wetherell email to author January 25, 2012. 57 Ibid

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369 strong women. I never cared what sex someone was, nor did they. I think we all were more interested in int 58 When Wetherell took over DER, she followed Carol Martha Browner, who went on to become the most powerful environmental chief in the United States. Appointed by Pres. Bill Clinton, Browner was Administrator of the U.S. Environmental Protection Agency (EPA) from 1993 to 2001, the longest tenure of any person in that position. Browner had a wealth of experience in grassroots, environmental, and political fields gained in a variety of national and reauthorization of the Safe Drinking Water Act, strengthening air pollution controls, and cleaning up more than 600 hazardous waste sites many of the same issues she had dealt with as DER secretary from 1991 to 1993 as well as previously as a legislative staffer for the Florida House of Representatives and later for U.S. Senators Al Gore (D Tenn.) and Lawton Chiles (D Fla.). It was during her political rise that Brown er developed a strong philosophy about the was not perceived as pro environment, Browner was surprised by a standing ovation at an a word that she says was not even recognized by the spell check function on her computer. Polit 59 58 McVety email. 59 U.S. Environmental Protection Agency website, accessed A pril 4, 2011 aboutepa/history/admin/agency/browner.html

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370 As a woman and mother, roles she embraced in her private and public life, Browner recognized in her EPA wo also of fighting pollution and protecting the health of natural resources. She used maternal language that many women had used during the century to expand their spheres of influence a nd thought that in both instances there was a sense of justice. That these were common goods our air, our land, our water and that we had an opportunity and an obligation to really protect them children, pregnant women, and subsistence fishermen. Health and environmental issues, she believed, were the same protecting air quality protects children with asthma. When EPA was consider publicly and politically about the need for the EPA and stronger pollution standards. Opponents very compelling and and coming extremely prepared for any testimony worked to her advantage and won public often referred to by news media as

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371 protection of lands by the state, ongoing Everglades restoration efforts, wetlands protections, stren 60 resources. T hey were trailblazers, using their energies, training, and cold hard facts to forge a hard won dominion in a male dominated and often sexist morass of community, business, and government leaders that had abused the natural world in favor of economic intere sts. Browner, Tschinkel, McVety, and Wetherell were inheritors, the fruit of a conservation and environmental gardening circles, and local action groups. MacKay, wh o, as a former Florida governor, lieutenant governor, legislator, and member of Congress, worked with many of these r, whom he knew personally, and author thinking 61 This description accur ately describes the women in this study, with names such as Veola, Doris, Ivy, Minnie, Mary, Laura, Edna, Harriet, Polly, Alice, Margaret, Jeannie, and many others, whose names have escaped Florida historians for too long. They shared many traits, demonstr ated by their ability to gather facts, communicate them, and organize support for their 60 TIME, December 15, 2008, accessed April 4, 2011 http: //,8599,1866567,00.h tml. 61 Jr., interview with author, March 8, 2011, Ocklawaha, Fla

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372 many years) to achieve their goals. Although most have died, leaving lit tle if any explanation for their actions, much can be gleaned from those interviewed in this chapter. Most agreed that innate nurturers with deep concerns about the health and welfare of their families; men are the breadwinners concerned with economic prosperity, they say. As a result, men can discount environmental damage if it brings with it the promise of growth and wealth. Men worried about their jobs may not comp environment as a personal threat and will galvanize to prevent or repair ecological damage no matter what the economic cost. Men often want to head an organization and put their name on achievem ents; women typically are the grassroots corps, caring little for glory as long as their goals are accomplished. Men may need practical reasons to save the environment; many women can be satisfied with aesthetic and health arguments. Although the women in this chapter came from a variety of backgrounds, several had scientific training, while others were largely self taught. But all agreed that to counter criticism of their stances (whether sexist in origin or not) they had to be well versed in data, even o ver prepared, in order to make their points. Often they had to be creative in their approaches: Spivey with her jar of algae riddled river water; Vallee with her petition to save manatees; Reynolds and ety and Wetherell with their innovative but politically ill fated ecosystem management program. Some found men to be impediments to their work; others had male mentors who helped their careers and educational paths. A few nd unintimidating in their approach to avoid offending men in power; others, Hurchalla being the prime example, simply stood up and refused to change to accommodate men. Some, such as Barile, may have been discounted because they were young

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373 and attractive. Several had personal wealth that allowed them to be independent in their stands. movement. They traveled new territory for their gender, breaking barriers and opening doors for others to follow. Men had had their opportunity to run the state, and Florida was the worse for it. In the last decades of the century, women stepped fully into the political and public spotlight, demanding that government address topics that ran ged from dumping raw sewage into the ocean to dredging shallow estuaries to releasing carcinogens into rivers. And they got results. Freed from the strictures of same sex groups and all male governmental bodies, women were fully vested leaders in environme ntal groups and bureaucracies that addressed a myriad of issues from the local to the state to the national level. protesting bird plumed hats to running multi million doll ar bureaucracies that sought solutions for pollution, hazardous wastes, and climate change. They reflected not only the increased status of women but also greater scientific knowledge and the rise of the American environmental movement social causes that p aralleled each other and were shaped by larger forces in the and power while also placing environmental issues in the public spotlight. The current had changed in Florida for the environment and for women; as the twenty first century dawned, the sisters in other states in addressing nationwide issues such as water quali ty, beautification, air responses only achieved with a deep understanding of the

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374 bodies. In doing so, they led efforts to stop a barge canal, end raw sewage dumping, restore the Everglades, save manatees, clean up rivers, and help disadvantaged farmworkers. As the baton passed from club wom environmental movement in Florida their own, leaving an important legacy for future generations.

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375 LIST OF REFERENCES Florida Audubon Society, Maitland, Florida unnamed files. Byrd, Dr. Hiram. Unmarked Newspaper Clipping, n.d. In unnamed files of Florida Audubon Society, Maitland, Fla. FAS Minutes. Bird Lore (December 1900): 203. Bird Lore (December 1901): 220. Florida Audubon Society Minutes 1900 1910. Florida Audubon Society, Maitland, Fla. 21, 1935, n.a. Board Report s March 21, 1929 March 20, 1935. FFGC, bound volume. Board Reports, March 21, 1929 March 20, 1935. FFGC, bound volume. 1917 Reports. n.d., n.p., included in Report, Executive Board Meeting, January 10, 1934, General Federation of Garden Clubs. Board Reports, March 21, 1929 March 20, 1935. FFGC Inc., bound volume. g. March 14, 1932. Board Reports, March 21, 1929 March 20, 1935. FFGC, bound volume. Board Reports, March 21, 1929 March 20, 1935. FFGC, bound vol ume. Board Reports, March 21, 1929 March 20, 1935. FFGC, bound volume. Board Repor ts, March 21, 1929 March 20, 1935. FFGC, bound volume. March 21 22, 1935. Board Reports March 21, 1929 March 20, 1935. FFGC. lubs 1914 1916. Bound volume of minutes.

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376 Daytona Beach Shores, Fla. Board Reports March 21, 1929 March 20, 1935. FFGC, bound volume. Clubs Twenty 10, 1953, Miami. Minutes 1951 1953 FFGC, bound volume. 22, 1949. St. Petersburg, Fla. Minutes 1947 1949, FFGC. Sixth Annual Conven Minutes 1951 1953 FFGC, bound volume. April 21 23, 1952. Minutes 1951 1953 FFGC, bound volume. 1928, 124. 31, Minutes 1935 1939. Inc. Executive Board Meeting Florida Federation of Minutes 1939 1945 FFGC. 24 25, 1938. Minutes 1935 1939 5, 1931. Orlando, Fla. Board R eports March 21, 1929 March 20, 1935. FFGC bound volume. Board Reports March 21, 1929 March 20, 1935. FFGC. 2, Minutes 1951 196 1 FFGC. 1937 Petersburg, Garden Club of St. Petersburg. Florida Historical Soci ety, Cocoa, Florida Clubs 1923 1924 Yearbook Minerva Jennings Papers 1908 1935, MssColl #2001 01, File: Moo re

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377 Ft. Lauderdale Historical Society, Ft. Lauderdale, Florida Seminoles Correspondence, reports, etc. 1933 1953. Jennings, May Mann. Letter to C. S. Graham, president, Florida Branch, Izaak Walton League. August 11, 1928. Stranahan Manuscript Collection, Box 31, Folder 172: Florida Federation Stranahan, Ivy. Untitled autobiography. Box 28, Folder 149: Stranahan, Ivy: autobiographies, 11 12, Stranahan Manuscript Collection 71 1. Ft. Lauderdale Historical Society. The Gard en Club of Jacksonville, Jacksonville, Florida ebsite. Accessed June 23, 2011. The History of the Garden Club of Jacksonville, Florida Jacksonville: The Garde n Club of Jacksonville, Florida, 1960. Accessed July 9, 20 11. corner/Home/garden club history. HistoryMiami Archives & Research Center, Miami, Florida Untitled 17 page paper that chronicles the group history. No author listed. Box 2, File 14: Coconut Grove Committee for Slum Clearance, Elizabeth Virrick Papers. Wainwright, Alice. Speech given upon receiving Thomas Barbour Medal, n.d. Alice Cutts Wainwright papers, Box 1, File: Brochures, Notes, Speech es, etc., 1950 1990. Maitland Historical Society, Maitland, Florida Bird Lore (December 1901): 220. Society files. Vanderpool, Whipple, and Dommerich Files. Maitland Historical Society,, Randall and Allied Families: Sherman Newton Bronson. Acce s sed February 3, 2006. 1140.

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378 The Massachusetts Historical Society ety. Accessed November 26, 2005. http:// www .masshis doc.cfm?fa=fab033. Orange County Regional History Center, Orlando, Florida The Rosalind Souvenir ed. February 1904, 1. In File: VF Associations & Clubs Garden Clubs archives, Box 1, Scrapbooks of the Club, 1928 1939. 1933. Orlando Garden Clubs archives, Box 1, Scrapbooks of the Clu b, 1928 1939. Rollins College, Olin Library, Archives and Special Collections, Winter Park, Florida Program for presentation of seat and collection, File 05C Fatio Garden Seat. Wilson, Gertrude (Millar D. 1956. St. Petersburg Audubon Society Archives, St. Petersburg Florida current status of St. Petersburg Audubon Society University of Florida, Smathers Libraries, Special and Area Studies Collections, Gainesville, Florida Februar y 1972, File: January February 1972. Askew Speech to Keep Florida Beautiful Luncheon, Tallahassee, Florida, July 14, 1971. Box 1, January 1971 February 1972, File: May July 1971.

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403 Paradise Lost? The Environmental History of Florida edited by Jack E. Davis and Raymond Arsenault, 150 152. Gainesville: University Press of Florida, 2005. The Environmental Destruction of South Florida: A Handbook for Citizens edited by Ross McCluney, 54 63 Coral Gables: University of Miami Press, 1971. The Environmental Destruc tion of South Florida: A Handbook for Citizens edited by Ross McCluney, 47 50. Coral Gables: University of Miami Press, 1971. McCluney, Ross, ed. The Environmental Destruction of South Florida: A Handbook for Citizens Coral Gables: University of Miami Pr ess, 1971. 1907) July 1904, 27. _____. Journal (1889 1907) January 1904, 15. _____. The La 1904) April 1907, 27. McGerr, Michael. A Fierce Discontent: The Rise and Fall of the Progressive Movement in America, 1870 1920 Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2003. s of the Environmental Environmental History 2.3 (July 1997): 303 305. History of American Ecology edited by Frank N. Egerton, 353 372. New York: Arno Press, 1977. McIver, Stuart B. Death in to Environmentalism Gainesville: University Press of Florida, 2003. McPhee, John. Encounters with the Archdruid New York: Farrar, Straus and Giroux, 1971. Paradise Lost? The Environmental History of Florida edited by Jack E. Davis and Raymond Arsenault, 113 137 Gainesville: University Press of Florida, 2005. Melosi, Martin V., ed. Pollution and Reform in American Cities, 1870 1930 Aust in and London: University of Texas Press, 1980.

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404 Merchant, Carolyn. American Environmental History: An Introduction New York: Columbia University Press, 2007. _____. The Columbia Guide to American Environmental History New York: Columbia University Press, 2002. _____. The Death of Nature: Women, Ecology and the Scientific Revolution New York: Harper & Row, 1980, 1983. _____. Earthcare: Women and the Environment New York: Routledge, 1996. _____ Divide In Environmental History 15.1 (January 2010): 3 30 _____ Environmental Review 8.1 (Spring 1984): 57 85. Merchant, Carolyn, ed. Major Problems in American Environmental H istory Lexington, Mass.: D.C. Heath, 1993. Meyer, Jesse Hamm. Leading the Way: A Century of Service. The Florida Federation of 1995 Inc., 1993. Miller, Char. Gifford Pinchot an d the Making of Modern Environmentalism Washington, D.C.: Island Press/Shearwater Books, 2001. E: The Environmental Magazine (January February 1997): 1 2. http :// Mitman, Gregg. Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1999. er 25, 20 11. http : // The New History of Florida edited by Michael Gannon, 418 447 Gain esville: The University Press of Florida, 1996. Moore Willson, Minnie. The Seminoles of Florida 8th edition. Kingsport, T enn : Kingsport Press, 1928. Mormino, Gary R. Land of Sunshine, State of Dreams: A Social History of Modern Florida. Gainesville: Unive rsity Press of Florida, 2005.

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405 Morris, Allen Covington. Women In The Florida Legislature. Florida House of Representatives, 1995. The Florida Bulletin (September 1923): 5. Major Problems in American Environmental History edited by Carolyn Merchant, 353 355. Lexington, Mass.: D.C. Heath, 1993. Muir, John. A Thousand Mile Walk to the Gulf Boston: Mariner, 1998. wo Plume The Tropic Magazine 1915, quoted in 11. http :// Murphy, James and Doris Leeper. DRAFT NARRATIVE unpublished manuscript in possession of author, n.d. Napikoski Linda 12. http :// Nash, Roderick. Wilderness and the American Mind 3rd ed. New Haven: Yale U niversity Press, 1982. Nash, Roderick Frazier, ed. American Environmentalism: Readings in Conservation History 3rd ed. New York: McGraw Hill, 1990. 12. http :// istory/purpos66.html. Paradise Lost? The Environmental History of Florida edited by Jack E. Davis and Raymond Arsenault, 92 112. Gainesville: Uni versity Press of Florida, 2005. Florida Historical Quarterly 88.4 (Spring 2010): 436 439. e Preservation of Royal Palm State annual conference, Tallahassee, Fla., February 27, 2009. Newman, Louise Michele. the United States New York: Oxford University Press, 1999.

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406 Noble, Mrs. Fred., ed. The History of the Garden Club of Jacksonville, Florida Jacksonville: The Garden Club of Jacksonville, 1960. Accessed July 9, 20 11. http s:// corner/Home/garden club history Noll, Steven and David Tegeder. Ditch of Dreams: The Cross Florida Barge Canal and the Gainesville: University Press of Florida, 2009. Norwood, Vera. Made From This Earth: Ameri can Women and Nature Chapel Hill: The University of North Carolina Press, 1993. Nugent, Susan M. Women Conserving the Florida Keys Portsmouth, NH: Peter E. Randall, 2008. 12. http :// /philos.html. Orr Jr., Oliver H. Saving American Birds: T. Gilbert Pearson and the Founding of the Audubon Movement. Gainesville: University Press of Florida, 1992. Parashar, Parmanand. Public Administration in the Developed World New Delhi: Sarup & Sons, 1997. Pauly, Philip J. Fruits and Plains: The Horticultural Transformation of America. Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 2007. Penna, Anthony N. (New York: M.E. Sharpe, 1991. Accessed October 1 8, 20 11. http :// HN8YsINe_EC&pg=PA265&lpg=PA265&dq=smoke+committee+of+Cleveland&source= bl&ots=9v4OTimLWR&sig=QFTu8B7 ESR_lianrEwrufPPJY&hl=en&ei= Wy2fTsmWBsT10gGRlJmMCQ&sa=X&oi=book_result&ct=result&resnum=6&ved=0C CwQ6AEwBQ#v=onep age&q=smoke%20committee%20of%20Cleveland&f=false Planning the Twentieth Century American City edited by Mary Corbin Sies and Christopher Si lver, 37 54 Baltimore: The Johns Hopkins University Press, 1996. Philippon, Daniel J. Conserving Words: How American Nature Writers Shaped the Environmental Movement Athens and London: University of Georgia Press, 2004. onservation I n American Environmentalism: Readings in Conservation History 3rd ed., edited by Roderick Frazier Nash, 73 79 New York: McGraw Hill Publishing Company, 1990. Pittman, Craig. angered Species Gainesville: University Press of Florida, 2010.

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407 Plater, Ormonde 11. http :// bedell.html. Ponting, Clive. A Green History of the World: The Env ironment and the Collapse of Great Civilizations. New York: Penguin, 1991. Florida Naturalist 73.2 (Summer 2000): 6 9. Tampa Bay History 22 (2008): 55 75. _____. Maitland Charleston, S.C.: Arcadia Publishing, 2009. Poucher, Judith In Making Waves: F emale Activists in Twentieth Century Florida edited by Jack E. Davis and Kari Frederickson 229 249 Gainesville: Un iversity Press of Florida, 2003. Price, Jennifer. Flight M aps: Adventures With Nature in Modern America. New York: Basic Books, 1999. Audubon, November December 2004. Accessed November 26, 2005. Proctor, Samuel. Napoleon Bonaparte Br Gainesville: University Press of Florida, 1950. The New History of Florida edited by Michael Gannon, 268. Gainesville: University Press of Florida, 1996. Pryor, Mrs. Ja The Florida Bulletin (March April 1925): 14. Boston, American Experience. DVD. Redford, Polly. Billion Dollar Sandbar: A Biography of M iami Beach New York: E. P. Dutton, 1970. The Environmental Destruction of South Florida: A Handbook for Citizens edited by William Ross McCluney, 106. Coral Gables: University of Miami Press, 1971. _____. February 1964, 96 101. Atlantic Monthly 219.6 (June 1967): 76.

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408 Revello Susan January 25, 20 11. http s:// viro nmentalhistory.php#Anchor Environmental 44867. Rhodes, Edwardo Lao. Environmental Justice in America: A New Paradigm. Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 2003. Rieger, Christopher. Clear Cutting Eden: Ecology and the Pastoral in Southern Literature Tuscaloosa: The University of Alabama Press, 2009. Riley, Glenda Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1999. Riley, Nano. first Century Gainesville: University Press of Flori da, 2002. Paradise Lost? The Environmental History of Florida edited by Jack E. Davis and Raymond Arsenault, 280 293. Gainesville: University Press of Florida, 2005. Rimby, Susan Mira Lloyd Dock, the State Federation of 17. 3 (Fall 2005), 9 34 Robison, Jim and Bill Belleville. Along the Wekiva River Charleston, S.C.: A rcadia Publishing, 2009. The New History of Florida edited by Michael Gannon, 298. Gainesville: University Press of Florida, 1996. The New History of Florida edited by Michael Gannon, 315 316. Gainesville: University Press of Florida, 1996. Sports Illustrated February 3, 1969. Accessed August 17, 20 11. http : //sportsill cle/ magazine/MAG1082047/index.htm Rome, Adam. The Bulldozer in the Countryside: Suburban Sprawl and the Rise of American Environmentalism. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2001. The Journal of American History 90.2 (2003): 525 554 Environmental History 11.3 (July 2006): 440 463. Accessed November 16, 2006. http://www.historycooperati journals/eh/11.3/rome.html

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409 TIME, December 15, 2008. Accessed April 4, 20 11. http :// ,8599,1866567,00.html. Rossiter, Margaret W. Women Scientists in America: Struggles and Strategies to 1940. Baltimore and New York: The Johns Hopkins University Press, 1982. _____. Women Scientists in America: Forging a New World Since 1972 Baltimore: Joh ns Hopkins University Press, 2012 Rothra, Elizabeth Ogren. Gainesville: University Press of Florida, 1995. Rowe, Anne E. The Idea of Florida in the American Literary Imagination Gainesvill e: University Press of Florida, 1992. Runte, Alfred. National Parks: The American Experience Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1979 Rymph, Catherine E. Republican Women: Feminism and Conservatism From Suffrage Through the Rise of the New Right Chape l Hill: The University of North Carolina Press (2006). Samples, Eve April 6, 20 11. http :// Samples Maggy Hurchalla is depressed but it wont last. Schiebinger, Londa. Has Feminism Changed Science? Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1999. _____. dern Science Boston: Beacon Press, 1993. Scholz, John T. and Bruce Stiftel, eds. Adaptive Governance and Water Conflict: New Institutions for Collaborative Planning Washington, D.C.: Resources for the Future, 2005. The Journal of Southern History 30.3 (August 1964): 298 318. ____. Urbana and Chicago: University of Illinois Press, 1993. ____. The Southern Lady: From Pedestal to Pol itics 1830 1930 Chicago and London: University of Chicago Press, 1970. October 10, 20 11. http ://

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410 Planning Problems of Town, City and Region: Papers and Discussions at the Eighteenth National Conference on City Planning held at St. Petersburg and Palm Beach, Fla. March 29 to April 1, 1926 Philadelphia: Wm. F. Fell, 1927. Accessed April 30, 20 09. http :// planningproblems 01natirich/planningproblems01natirich_d jvu.txt Shell Exceptional Women: Jewish Americans and Postwar Civil Rights in May 1, 20 12. http ://www.h rev.php?id=9032. The Florida Naturalist (April 1950), 62 63 Sies Mary Corbin and Christopher Silver eds. Planning the Twentieth Century American City Baltimore: The Johns Hopkins University Press, 1996. Simone, Daniel PhD diss., University of Florida, 2009. Simpson, Charles Torrey. Florida Wild Life: Observations on the Flora and Fauna of the State and the Influence of Climate and Environment on Their Development New York: MacMillan, 1932. Siry, Joseph V. Marshes of the Ocean Shore College Station: Texas A & M University Press, 1984. Sklar Kathryn Kish and Thomas Dublin eds. Women and Social Move ments in the United States, 1600 2000 Accessed March 18, 20 10. http :// Small, John Kunkel. Sanford, Fla.: Seminole Soil and Water Conservation District, 2004. Sosnick, Stephen H. Hired Hands : Seasonal Farm Workers in the United States Santa Barbara: McNally & Loftin, 1978. Spence, Mark David. Dispossessing the Wilderness: Indian Removal and the Making of the National Parks Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1999. Steinberg, Ted. Down to Earth New York: Oxford University Press, 2002. Paradise Lost? The Environmental History of Florida edited by Jack E. Davis and Raymond Arsenault, 326 332. Gainesville: University Press of Florida, 2005. _____. John Nolen FL THE FL 1926, unpublished manuscript, 2011.

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411 Stowe, Harriet Beecher. Palmetto Leaves Facsimile ed. Gaine sville: University Press of Florida, 1999. Stradling, David. Smokestacks and Progressives: Environmentalists, Engineers, and Air Quality in America, 1881 1951 Baltimore: The Johns Hopkins University Press, 1999. Envi ronmental Justice: An Analysis of Superfund Sites Social Problems 45.2 (May 1998): 268 287. Florida Historical Quarterly 36.1 (July 1957): 42 60. Tebeau, Charlton W. A History of Florida Coral Gables: University of Miami Press, 1971. Thissen, Carlene and Fritz Roka. Non Governmental Organizations Serving Farmworkers in 12. http :// The Natio nal Gardener 35.7 8 (July August 1964): 58. Reading the Environment edited by Melissa Walker, 41 44. New York: W.W. Norton, 1994. The Florida Clubwo man 7.2 (November 1927): 12. Tomes, Nancy. The Gospel of Germs: Men, Women, and the Microbe in American Life Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1998. The Camellia Pensacola Federation of Garden C lubs (June 1951): 10. The Florida Clubwoman 9.5 (September 1929): 10. Tschinkel, Victoria. Resume In possession of author. Kinnan Rawlings and the Florida Fla., May 24, 2008. 11. http :// .htm. Udall, Stewart L. The Quiet Crisis. With an introduction by John F. Kennedy. New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston, 1963. Forest Resources & Conservation a 25, 20 11. http ://

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412 11. http :// survival quarterly/ united states/uranium mining navajo indian land. Vance, Linda D. Gainesville: University of Florida Press, 1985. Bird Lore (September October 1901): 183. Vickers, Sally. Making Waves: Female Activists in Twentieth Century Florida edited by Jack E. Davis and Kari Frederickson, 23 55 Gainesville: University Press of Florida, 2003. Visgilio Gerald R. and Diana M. Whitela w eds. Our Backyard: A Quest for Environmental Justice Lanham, Md.: Rowman & Littlefield, 2003. Walker, Melissa, ed. Reading the Environment New York: W.W. Norton, 1994. Weatherford, Doris. Real Women of Tampa & Hillsborough County from Prehistory to th e Millennium Tampa: University of Tampa Press, 2004. Werndli, Phil. Altamonte Springs, Fla.: Florida Media, 2010. ccessed June 15, 20 12. http : // k/was darwin an ecologist. Westling, Louise H. The Green Breast of the New World: Landscape, Gender, and American Fiction Athens: The University of Georgia Press, 1996. Whipple, H. B. Bird Lore 2.3 (June 1900): 97. Pamphlet, Applied (1925 ton, D.C., 2, included in Jarvis, How Did Conservation Movement The Florida Bulletin 11.3 (December 1922): 6 7. Williams Margaret 11. http :// %20williams. Wilson, Edward O. The Future of Life. New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 2002. Wilson, William H. The City Beautiful Mov ement Baltimore: The Johns Hopkins University Press, 1989.

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413 Planning the Twentieth Century American City edited by Mary Corbin Sies and Christopher S ilver, 57 75. Baltimore: The Johns Hopkins University Press, 1996. Wood, Mary. Two Years of Its Organization Farmingdale, N.Y.: Dabor Social Science, 1978. Worster, Donald. Nature 2 nd ed. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1977, 1998. Wright, E. Lynne. More Than Petticoats: Remarkable Florida Women Guilford, Conn. : The Globe Pequot Press, 2001.

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414 BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH Leslie Kemp Poole is a fourth generation Floridian whose family has weathered many of from nineteenth century immigration from Scotland to growing oranges in Micanopy (and watching them die in the big freezes of 1894 95) to moving to urban ar eas as the state developed. Poole grew up in Tampa, watching the dredge and fill actions that hand how pumping of underground water fed lake. After graduating from the Un iversity of Florida in 1978 with a degree in journalism, Poole worked for three newspapers, ending her career at The Orlando Sentinel environmental problems and its lack of growth managem ent a series that won a national environmental writing prize. As a result of her reportage, Poole came to understand the and restore them. In 1991, Poole receiv ed her Master of Liberal Studies Degree from Rollins College in Winter Park, Florida. As an adjunct professor of environmental studies at Rollins College, Poole was inspired to seek her doctoral degree as a means to continue her joy of teaching and of rese arch. During the degree process she helped develop and was featured in a PBS documentary, which retraced a 1933 boat trip on the St. Johns River taken by noted author Marjorie Kinnan Rawlings. The 2008 documentary was aired throughout F lorida and across the United States. and Celia Proctor Prize award for a graduate student doing research in Florida/Southern history.

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415 papers given at a variety of academic conferences, including the Florida Historical Society, the Social Science History Association, and the American Society for Environmental History. She also published Maitland a 2009 photographic history of the city written in conjunction with the Maitland Historical Society. Poole graduated with a doctorate i n history in August 2012.