Public Archaeology and Heritage Value(S)

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Public Archaeology and Heritage Value(S) Learning from Urban Environments in Central Brazil
Godoy, Renata De Phd
Place of Publication:
[Gainesville, Fla.]
University of Florida
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1 online resource (303 p.)

Thesis/Dissertation Information

Doctorate ( Ph.D.)
Degree Grantor:
University of Florida
Degree Disciplines:
Committee Chair:
Oyuela-Caycedo, Augusto
Committee Co-Chair:
Brandt, Steven A
Committee Members:
Heckenberger, Michael J
Thapa, Brijesh
Graduation Date:


Subjects / Keywords:
Archaeological sites ( jstor )
Archaeology ( jstor )
Brazilian culture ( jstor )
Cities ( jstor )
Cultural preservation ( jstor )
Land use ( jstor )
Newspapers ( jstor )
Quarries ( jstor )
Recreation ( jstor )
Tourism ( jstor )
Anthropology -- Dissertations, Academic -- UF
anthropology -- archaeology -- brasilia -- heritage -- interviews -- media -- tourism -- urban
City of Gainesville ( local )
bibliography ( marcgt )
theses ( marcgt )
government publication (state, provincial, terriorial, dependent) ( marcgt )
born-digital ( sobekcm )
Electronic Thesis or Dissertation
Anthropology thesis, Ph.D.


Understanding the public value of archaeological heritage in heterogeneous settings is the general goal of this research. Since 1993 important archaeological sites have been registered inside ARIE JK, an environmentally protected area in the hub of a highly urbanized area in Brazil, referred in this work as the Park. In different occasions archaeologists have identified Paleoindian and historical archaeological sites within the Park, and at least three of these occurrences were determined to be quarry-based lithic sites, also significant for uncovering the early human presence in South America. The Park is surrounded by three satellite-cities: Taguatinga, Ceilandia, and Samambaia, in what is today likely the most prominent urban region in the Brazilian Federal District after Brasilia itself. Approximately one million people inhabit the vicinity, and all three cities were developed in different occasions during the last 50 years. In these settings varied responses towards the local archaeological heritage safeguarding have come up over the years from diverse institutions and stakeholders, with singular discourses towards ownership and civil rights. Nonetheless, why would people care about heritage when it is not directly a representation of their own past? Why do recent migrant communities care about ancient quarry sites? ( en )
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In the series University of Florida Digital Collections.
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Includes vita.
Includes bibliographical references.
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Description based on online resource; title from PDF title page.
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This bibliographic record is available under the Creative Commons CC0 public domain dedication. The University of Florida Libraries, as creator of this bibliographic record, has waived all rights to it worldwide under copyright law, including all related and neighboring rights, to the extent allowed by law.
Thesis (Ph.D.)--University of Florida, 2012.
Adviser: Oyuela-Caycedo, Augusto.
Co-adviser: Brandt, Steven A.
Statement of Responsibility:
by Renata De Phd Godoy.

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Copyright Godoy, Renata De Phd. Permission granted to the University of Florida to digitize, archive and distribute this item for non-profit research and educational purposes. Any reuse of this item in excess of fair use or other copyright exemptions requires permission of the copyright holder.
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LD1780 2012 ( lcc )


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2 2012 Renata de Godoy


3 To all B rasilienses ( from birth or by choice )


4 ACKNOWLEDGMENTS First I thank the person who stood by me during my entire research physic ally, emotionally and also as a colleag ue, my dear love Diogo Costa. I thank my family, always so supportive, specially my parent s Gil and Maria Tereza, my sister Patricia, and my dear aunt Stela. support over the years, old frien ds who have always been by my side and newer friends I met in Gainesville and in Brazil after returning in 2009 some as classmates, others as workmates my sincere appreciation to all of you I am also grateful for the special attention, and for the prof essional opportunities professor Joseli Macedo has given me. like to thank the professors on my committee, each with so much expertise and wisdom to offer, without them I would have never finish ed this research. I thank specially my committee chair Aug usto Oyuela Caycedo for his kind words of incentive countless advice and support Thanks to Brijesh Thapa for priceless guidance and to Steven Brandt for sharing his thoughts since the very early stages of this research Truly s pecial thanks to Michael He ckenberger for mentoring during most of this journey for his support and friendship As for punctual but nevertheless extremely helpful assistance my s pecial appreciation again to Diogo Costa due to his help formatting and many other tangible and intangib le help throughout the PhD program and to my friend Giovanni Assis Silva for helping me with the maps. I appreciated deeply Alessandra Velloso for kindly let me to stay in her place during part of my fieldwork in Braslia, even though we had never met bef ore. Many thanks to the seven college students that volunteer ed to help with data collection and analysis (in order of participation) : Keyte Lira B rbara Teixeira and


5 Luana Gomes ; Joo Car los Sousa and Guilherme Mesquita (Archaeology major /PUC GO) ; Lusa Prudente ( H istory major/UnB) ; and Fbio T e les (Archaeology major/UFS) My acknowledgements to the individuals that agreed to participate on this research as respondents, providing me with uncountable and precious information that helped building this work, each will be always in my heart. I am especially grateful to Emlio Fogaa for lending me his entire file of paperwork and data about his research at my case study area, and for kiddingly authorizing the publication of his drawings and photographs. And s pecial thanks to: Paulo Henrique Souza (a.k.a. Paulim), Maria Abadia Barberato Maria Lcia F. Pardi and Davi Silva Fagundes for additional help throughout this journey. Many thanks for the Center for Latin America Studies of University of Florida for sub sidizing my first fieldwork trip in April and May of 2008 through the Tinker Field Research Fund. And finally my great appreciation for the sponsorship of Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento Cientfico e Tecnolgico/Ministrio da Cincia e Tecnologia (CNP q/MCT), a Brazilian federal agency that has made possible for me and for many others the full completion of PhD st udies worldwide.


6 TABLE OF CONTENTS page ACKNOWLEDGMENTS ................................ ................................ ................................ .. 4 LIST OF TABLES ................................ ................................ ................................ ............ 9 LIST OF FIGURES ................................ ................................ ................................ ........ 10 LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS ................................ ................................ ........................... 15 ABS TRACT ................................ ................................ ................................ ................... 17 CHAPTER 1 INTRODUCTION ................................ ................................ ................................ .... 19 1.1 Heritage Value Perspective Archaeological Heritage and its Intangible Meaning(s) ................................ ................................ ................................ ........... 21 1.2 Research Question and Hypothesis ................................ ................................ .. 23 1.3 Significance of the Research ................................ ................................ ............ 24 1.3.1 Public Archaeology ................................ ................................ .................. 27 1.3.2 Ownership Descendents versus Outsiders ................................ ........... 30 1.4 The Case Study ................................ ................................ ................................ 31 1.4.1 Braslia a Federal Capital built from sketch ................................ .......... 32 1.4.2 The satellites cities and ARIE JK ................................ ............................. 35 Taguat inga ................................ ................................ ..................... 35 Ceilndia ................................ ................................ ........................ 37 Samambaia ................................ ................................ .................... 38 1.4.3 The archaeologica l sites of ARIE JK ................................ ....................... 39 1.5 Description of Chapters ................................ ................................ .................... 40 2 ARCHAEOLOGY IN THE CITY: METHODOLOGY AND PUBLIC SPACE COGNITIONS ................................ ................................ ................................ ......... 50 2.1 Understanding the City ................................ ................................ ..................... 52 2.1.1 Anthropology of the city, anthropology in the city ................................ .... 55 2.1.2 Public spaces concepts ................................ ................................ ........ 60 2.2 Methodology for Qualitative Research Data Collection and Analysis ............. 62 2.2.1 Individual in terviewing understanding varied perspectives .................... 64 Respondents profile ................................ ................................ ....... 65 ................................ ................................ ...... 68 2.2.2 Written newspapers material ................................ ................................ ... 76 2.2.3 People and settings walking surveys and observations ........................ 79 2.3 ARIE JK and its Contrasts: Data Analysis ................................ ......................... 81 2.3.1 Interviews ................................ ................................ ................................ 85 2.3.2 Newspapers ................................ ................................ ............................ 87


7 2.3.3 Walking survey ................................ ................................ ........................ 89 2.3.4 Conclusions on data analysis ................................ ................................ .. 95 3 ARCHAEOLOGY AND INSTI TUTIONAL VALUES ................................ ............... 113 3.1 Cultural Management Heritage in Brazil Overview ................................ ....... 114 3.1.1 IPHAN institutional setting and archaeological management .............. 116 3.1.2 Brazilian Archaeology current scenario ................................ .............. 122 ................................ ..... 131 ................................ .... 134 ................................ ............................. 134 3.3.2 Data analysis ................................ ................................ ......................... 140 Interviews ................................ ................................ ..................... 142 Newspapers ................................ ................................ ................. 150 3. 3.2.3 Walking survey ................................ ................................ ............. 152 3.3.3 Media and Archaeology a not so harmless relationship ..................... 154 Interviews ................................ ................................ ..................... 154 Newspapers ................................ ................................ ................. 158 3.3.4 Conclusions on data analysis ................................ ................................ 159 4 ARCHAEOLOGICAL TOURISM IN BRAZ IL: AN IDEOLOGICAL ENTERPRISE 168 4.1 Tourism at Heritage Sites the Challenge of Sustainability ........................... 170 4.2 Archaeotourism a Viable Id ea? ................................ ................................ ..... 175 4.3 Heritage Tourism in Brazil ................................ ................................ ............... 185 4.3.1 World Heritage in Brazil ................................ ................................ ......... 187 4.3.2 Current perspectives for archaeological tourism ................................ ... 189 4.4 Tourism as the Instrumental Value for Archaeology at ARIE JK ..................... 192 4. 4.1 ARIE JK as a tourism destination ................................ .......................... 195 4.4.2 Data analysis ................................ ................................ ......................... 199 Walking survey ................................ ................................ ............. 200 Interviews ................................ ................................ ..................... 206 4.4.3 Conclusions on data analysis ................................ ................................ 211 5 THE INTRINSIC ARCHAEOLOGICAL VALUE AT ARIEK JK EX ................................ ................................ ................. 225 5.1 Archaeological Quarry Sites Scientific Significance and Perspectives ......... 226 5.2 Archaeology in the Brazilian Federal District ................................ .................. 231 5.2.1 Archaeological sites at ARIE JK: context of discovery and descriptions 233 5.2.2 The matter of scientific significance ................................ ....................... 240 5.3 Data Analysis ................................ ................................ ................................ .. 242 5.3.1 Interviews ................................ ................................ .............................. 243 5.3.2 Newspapers ................................ ................................ .......................... 247 5.3.3 Conclusions on data analysis ................................ ................................ 250


8 6 ARCHAEOLOGICAL HERITAGE AND THE NON DESCENDENT PUBLIC REALM: FINAL THOU GHTS ................................ ................................ ................ 260 6.1 The Role of Cultural Heritage Values in Shaping Public Opinion at ARIE JK 260 6.2 The Afterwards of this Public Archaeolo gy Investigation ................................ 266 APPENDIX A INTERVIEW CONSENT FORM ................................ ................................ ............ 270 B PROFILING ................................ ................................ ................................ .......... 272 C FIELDWORK PICTURES ................................ ................................ ..................... 282 LIST OF REFERENCES ................................ ................................ ............................. 284 BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH ................................ ................................ .......................... 303


9 LIST OF TABLES Table page 1 1 Research questions and expected results for each chapter ............................... 44 2 1 Div ision of respondents into Groups and Subgroups ................................ .......... 97 2 2 Data results related to the public cognition of the Park ................................ ....... 98 3 1 Data results rel the Park and its archaeological heritage ................................ ........................... 162 4 1 Park an d its archaeological heritage ................................ ................................ 213 5 1 Data results related to public acknowledgement and expectations about the ................................ ................................ .......... 253


1 0 LIST OF FIGU RES Figure page 1 1 Location of the country elected for investigation. A) Brazil in the Americas; B) Location of the Federal District, the city of Rio de Janeiro ................................ .. 45 1 2 L ocation of the case study site in the Brazilian Federal District. A) T he three cities and the Pilot Plan; B) ARIE JK among the three municipal limits .............. 45 1 3 Location of the all potential archaeological sites inside and nearby the Park, (DF PA 11, DF PA 15 and Pedra Velha) ................................ ............................ 46 1 4 Panoramic view of ARIE JK with the city of Taguatinga in the bac k (Ceilndia, 04/26/08) ................................ ................................ .......................... 46 1 5 General view of the DF PA 11 archaeological site (Ceilndia, 04/26/08) ........... 47 1 6 General view of the DF PA 15 archaeological site (Ceilndia, 04/13/08) ........... 47 1 7 Detail of an urban expansion next to site DF PA 11 ( Condomnio Pr do Sol Ceilndia, 04/12/08) ................................ ................................ ........................... 48 1 8 Panoramic view of the planned capital, showing the Monumental Axis, and the Congress buildings in the back (Plano Piloto, 05/03/08) .............................. 48 1 9 Melchior River next to sites DF PA 15 and Pedra Velha (Ceilndia, 04/13/08) .. 49 2 1 All locations registered as geographic coordinates during fieldwork in 2008 ...... 99 2 2 D irt road inside the park in poor condition (Ceilndia, 04/12/08) ........................ 99 2 3 Fence demarking rural properties, the city of Samambaia in the back (Ceilndia, 04/13/08) ................................ ................................ ........................ 100 2 4 Cows grassing in a location close to Trs Meninas Park and to DF PA 11 archaeological site (Samambaia, 04/27/08) ................................ ...................... 100 2 5 Position of facilities, roads, housin g areas, recreation and ecological parks, infra structural developments, and specific places in ARIE JK ......................... 101 2 6 Subway rail and train photographed from the park (Taguatinga, 11/14/08) ...... 101 2 7 Estrada Parque Taguatinga /DF 085, east bound viewing the city of Taguatinga in the back (Ceilndia, 04/12/08) ................................ ................... 102 2 8 Road DF 459 constru ction (Samambaia, 04/13/08) ................................ ......... 102 2 9 Stadium Serejo (Taguatinga, 04/12/08) ................................ .......................... 103


11 2 10 Educational institution named Escola e Faculdade C rist de Taguatinga (11/14/08) ................................ ................................ ................................ ......... 103 2 11 Electric power sub station, CEB Subestao Ceilndia Sul (Ceilndia, 04/12/08) ................................ ................................ ................................ .......... 104 2 12 Powe r lines inside the park, the city of Taguatinga in the back (Ceilndia, 04/13/08) ................................ ................................ ................................ .......... 104 2 13 Housing squatter settlement neighboring Trs Meninas Park (Samambaia, 04/27/08) ................................ ................................ ................................ .......... 105 2 14 Random usage registered. A) Man passing by (Ceilndia, 11/14/08) B) Man enjoying the view by himself ( Morro da Guariroba Ceilndia, 05/02/08) .......... 105 2 15 Garbage and debris (in purple marks) and places of illegal dirt removal (in green marks), archaeological sites in red ................................ ......................... 106 2 16 Contrast of sign saying it is unlawful to dispose garbage or deb ris, and the rubbish behind it (Ceilndia, 11/12/08) ................................ ............................. 106 2 17 Examples of garbage registered at the Park ................................ ..................... 107 2 18 Condom wrap found at Morro da Guariroba (Ceilndia, 11/14/08) ................... 107 2 19 Illegal dirt/sand removal close to a dirt road (Ceilndia, 05/02/08) ................... 108 2 20 Crate r created by dirt removal with debris associated (Ceilndia, 11/14/08) .... 108 2 21 Sand extraction inside a rural property (Rural Taguatinga, 04/13/08) .............. 109 2 22 Two small worship houses side by side in Ceilndia (04/12/2008) ................... 109 2 23 Guariroba (Samambaia); and di fferent despacho locations ................................ ............... 110 2 24 (Ceil ............................... 110 2 25 ; B) .............. 111 2 26 T hree different despachos A) With animal bones (poultry); B) With food; C) Despacho left the night before; D) Despacho with fermented alcohol bottle ..... 112 3 1 Sig ns advising for penalties for environmental damages to ARIE JK and APA do P lanalto Central around the Park ................................ ................................ 163


12 3 2 Police Academy building, where GDF headquarters would be transferred to (Taguati nga, 11/14/08) ................................ ................................ ..................... 163 3 3 Road DF 459 construction (Ceilndia, 04/12/08) ................................ .............. 164 3 4 Sign marking location of the new UnB campus very close t o the new road DF 459 and to the DF PA 15 archaeological site (Ceilndia, 11/12/08) ........... 164 3 5 legal, recently legalized and illegal land use ................................ .... 165 3 6 Taguatinga River watershed and APA do Planalto Central areas compared to current ARIE JK limits ................................ ................................ ....................... 165 3 7 Stio Geranium facilities. A) Front sign ; B) One of its agricultural facilities; C) Organic fertilizer; D) Environmental education class ................................ ........ 166 3 8 General view of industrial sector ADE (Ceilndia, 04/12/08) ............................ 166 3 9 Lack of urban infra structure, Condomnio Pr do Sol (Ceilndia, 04/12/08) ... 167 4 1 Location of the smaller parks and other leisure places ................................ ..... 214 4 2 Panoramic views at the three sites. A) Site DF PA 11; B) Site DF PA 11 ; C) Panoramic view ; D) Site DF PA 15 quartzite outcrops ................................ ..... 214 4 3 Sewage pipes crossing DF PA 11 archaeological site that would be used as adapted trails (Ceilndia, 04/26/08) ................................ ................................ .. 215 4 4 Preserved Cerrado landscape inside Trs Meninas Park (Samambaia, 04/27/08) ................................ ................................ ................................ .......... 215 4 5 Random areas inside the large park identified as used for leisure. A) Trail to the river; B) Small spring; C) Small pond; D) The Melchior River ..................... 216 4 6 Examples of recreational activities nearby and at the Park. A) Domestic soccer field; B) Man jogging ................................ ................................ ............. 216 4 7 Examples of trash. A) Alcohol and charcoal leftovers; B) Beer can; C) Showe r curtain; D) Fishnet found at a pond inside Parque Trs Meninas ........ 217 4 8 Examples of paths and dirt roads. ................................ ................................ .... 218 4 9 Entrance of Parque do Cortado (Taguatinga, 04/14/08) ................................ ... 218 4 10 Trail inside Parque do Cortado and a sign reinforce the importance of its preservation (Taguatinga, 04/14/08) ................................ ................................ 219 4 11 Waterfall inside Parque do Cortado (Taguatinga, 04/14/08) ............................. 219


13 4 12 Example of garbage found around the river inside Parque do Cortado (Taguatinga, 04/14/08) ................................ ................................ ..................... 220 4 13 Facilities of Saburo Onoyama Park. A) Children in playground; B) Sport court; C) One of the pools; D) Barbecue built pits (Taguatinga, 04/26/08) ....... 220 4 14 General aspect of the trails inside Saburo Onoyama Park (Taguatinga, 04/26/08) ................................ ................................ ................................ .......... 221 4 15 Entrance of Parque Boca da Mata (Samambaia, 11/15/08) ............................. 221 4 16 Entrance of Parque Trs Meninas Park (Samambaia, 04/12/08) ..................... 222 4 17 Recreational areas polluted inside Trs Meninas Park. A) A small waterfall; B) The biggest fishing pond ................................ ................................ .............. 222 4 18 The three doll houses that inspired the name of the place (Trs Meninas Park, Samambaia, 04/14/08) ................................ ................................ ............ 223 4 19 Conditions of neglect of Trs Meninas Park ................................ .................... 223 4 20 Parque Ecolgico de Uso Mltiplo Gatum (Samambaia, 11/11/08) ................ 224 4 21 View of the Park from the road (on the city limits of C eilndia and Taguatinga, 11/25/08) ................................ ................................ ...................... 224 5 1 Location of all sites registered on archaeological surveys ............................... 254 5 2 Picture and hand drawing of the projectile point excavated at site DF PA 11 in 1997 (picture and drawings by Emlio Fogaa) ................................ ............. 254 5 3 Panoramic view of Sewage and Water treatment tanks (Ceilndia, 14/13/08) 255 5 4 Panoramic view of site DF PA 11 and the above ground sewage pipeline, Condomnio Pr do Sol houses in the back (Ceilndia, 04/27/08) ................... 255 5 5 Panoramic views of DF 459 under construction. ................................ .............. 256 5 6 Two angles of the farm entrance porch remains characterized as the historical site Prtico ................................ ................................ ........................ 256 5 7 Panoramic view of future UnB campus location (Ceilndia, 11/25/08) ............. 257 5 8 Prehistoric site Bela Vista A) Panormic view. B) Quartzite outcrops ( Morro da Guariroba Ceilndia, 11/25/08) ................................ ................................ ... 257 5 9 Site Bela Vista examples of vandalism on quartzite outcrops. A) A Chr istian prayer. B) The Superman symbol ................................ ................................ ..... 257


14 5 10 Panoramic view of quartzite outcrops in the other side of the river (Samambaia, 11/25/08) ................................ ................................ .................... 258 5 11 PA 11. A) Superior face. B) Inferior face (pictures by Emlio Fogaa) .......................... 258 5 12 Examples of unifacial lithic artifact s excavated in 1997 from site DF PA 11 (drawings by Emlio Fogaa) ................................ ................................ ............ 259 6 1 Location of all sites currently registered inside the Park in contrast to infra structure developments, the housing quar ter and the smaller park limits ......... 269 C 1 ........ 282 C 2 Myself using the GPS to map housing area (Ceilndia, 04/13/08) ................... 282 C 3 Group of three volunteer students assisting with field notes (Ceilndia, 04/13/08) ................................ ................................ ................................ .......... 283 C 4 I and two volunteer students while visiting Saburo Onoyama Park (Taguatinga, 04/26/08) ................................ ................................ ..................... 283


15 LIST OF ABBREVIATION S APA rea de Proteo Permantente (ecological areas permanently designated with special protection and land use restrictions) ARIE rea de Relevante Interesse Ecolgico (Area of singular attention for conservation ) CAESB Companhia de Saneamento Ambiental do Distrito Federal (Company of environmental sanitation of the Federal District) CNPq Conselho Nac ional de Desenvolvimento Cientfico e Tecnolgico CONAMA Conselho Nacional de Meio Ambiente ( Environmental National Council ) DER/DF Departamento de Estradas e Rodagens do Distrito Federal (Department of traffic and ro ads administration of the Federal District) DF Distrito Federal (Brazilian Federal District) EIA Rima Estudo de Impacto Ambiental and Relatrio de impacto ambiental (Environmental Impact Study and Report) EMBRATUR Empresa Brasileira de Turismo (Brazilian T ourism Bureau) GDF Governo do Distrito Federal (Government of the Federal District) IBAMA Instituto Brasileiro do Meio Ambiente (Brazilian Institute for the Environment) IBRAM Instituto do Meio Ambiente e dos Recursos Hdricos do Distrito Federal/ Braslia Ambiental (State institute for environment and water resources of the Federal District) IGPA /PUC GO Instituto Goiano de Pr Histria e Antropologia, Pontifcia history and Anthropology Institute, linked to Pontif ical Catholic University of Gois) IPHAN Instituto do Patrimnio Histrico e Artstico Nacional ( Brazilian National Agency for Historical and Artistic Heritage) JK Juscelino Kubitschek de Oliveira (President of Brazil from 1956 to1961) MPF Ministrio Pbli co Federal ( )


16 NOVACAP Companhia Urbanizadora da Nova Capital do Brasil (Urban planning agency created to construct and manage the new capitol of Brazil) PDOT Plano Diretor de Ordenamento Territorial do Distrito Federal (Master pla n for town and country planning of the Federal District) PDL Plano Diretor Local (Local Master Plan) SAB Sociedade de Arqueologia Brasileira (Society for Brazilian Archaeology) SE DUMA Secretaria de Estado de Desenvolvimento Urbano e Meio Ambiente do Distri to Federal (State secretary for urban and environmental development of the Federal District) SEMARH Secretaria de Estado de Meio Ambiente e Recursos Hdricos (State secretary of environment and water resources) T AC Termo de Ajustamento de Conduta (Conduct Adjustment or Agreement) TERRACAP Companhia Imobiliria de Braslia or Agncia de Desenvolvimento do Distrito Federal (Real Estate Company of Brasilia or Development Agency of the Federal District) UnB Universidade de Braslia (University of Braslia)


17 Abs tract of Dissertation Presented to the Graduate School of the University of Florida in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy PUBLIC ARCHAEOLOGY AND HERITAGE VALUE(S): LEARNING FROM URBAN ENVIRONMENT S IN CENTRAL BRAZIL By Renata de Godoy May 2012 Chair: Augusto Oyuela Caycedo Cochair: Steven A. Brandt Major: Anthropology Understanding the public value of archaeological heritage in heterogeneous settings is the general goal of this research Since 1993 important archaeological sites have been registered in side ARIE JK, an environmentally protected area in the hub of a highly urbanized area in Brazil, referred in this work as the Park In different occasions arc haeologists have identified Paleoindian and historical a rchaeological sites within the P ark, and at least t hree of these occurrences were determined to be quarry based lithic sites, also significant for un covering the early human presence in South America. The Park is surrounded by three satell ite cities : Taguatinga Ceilndia and Samambaia in what is today likely the most prominent urban region in the Brazilian Federal District after Braslia itself. Approximately one million people inhabit the vicinity, and all three cities were developed in different occasions during the last 50 years. In these settings varied responses towards the local archaeological heritage safeguarding have come up over the years from diverse institutions and stakeholders, with singular discourses towards ownership and civil rights. Nonetheless, w hy would


18 people care about heritage when it is not directly a representation of their own past? W hy do recent migrant communities care about ancient quarry sites? To reach an understanding I use d a qualitative methodological fra mework within an interdisciplinary approach that includes urbanism cultural heritage management, and heritage tourism, tested on data collected during walking surveys throughout designated areas in and on the outskirts of the Park; archival and online res earch on documents, technical reports, and newspaper articles followed by text analysis; and semistructured open ended interviews, followed also by text analysis The h ypothesis was that non descendent public care most about archaeological heritage because it can be strategically used due to its i nstitutional a nd i nstrumental values. However, the conclusions point out that the scientific relevance of the local sites due to probable antiquity is the main appeal for public attention, followed by an expected r esponse from local institutions, increasing the local archaeological heritage public significance due to a combination of both intrinsic and extrinsic heritage values.


19 CHAPTER 1 I NTRODUCTION Archaeology is unique among sciences regarding public participa tion and interest (Allen 2002) and it has fascinated people around the globe for long time (Fagan 1984; McManamon 1991) es are resulted from idealized clichs, metaphors and stereotypes that are more important than actual truths (Holtorf 2006a:167) And the reasons for archaeologists to care abou t public opinion are numerous. It has been widely accepted among American archaeologists that a public aware of this subject is less likely to loot or vandalize sites, and more likely to give greater support for archaeological research in general (McManamon 1991; MacManamon and Hatton 2000) Currently the urgency of giving a voice to marginal groups is an unquestionable task in archaeological research, and it has been the goal of Public Archaeology to link general audiences and scientific research. Discussions about ethics and heritage have gained strength inside the discipline, and expressions such as community based archaeology, heritage values, tourism, repatriation, and public outreach have becom e past about legal and human rights, national and local identities, and public participation in archaeological interpretation, have gravitated around the globe in archae ological literature, but the majority related to descendant communities and archaeological preservation. Strongly influenced by the need to acknowledge the importance of the context to achieve a critical understanding of the present (Tilley 1998) this r esearch inten ded to


20 investigate motivations diverse people have to care about archaeologica l heritage, considering especially the non descendant public. In order to achieve this goal I used the Public Value Approach (Hewison and Holden 2004) which is explained following A case study that encompasses great archaeological significance and urba n development was chosen to answer this question: a Brazilian metropolis, comprising three twentieth Century satellites cities Ceilndia, Samambaia, and Taguatinga all loca ted in the Federal District closer to the planned capital known as Pilot Plan ( F igu res 1 1 and 1 2) In the heart of these cities there is an environmentally protected area named ARIE JK, also refer red throughout the research as the P ark, in which potential archaeological sites have been registered during surveys. A mong those there are t hree sites that have been excavated and delimited (sites DF PA 11, DF PA 15 and Pedra Velha ) o n researches that provided unquestionable data about their type and their scientific significance and for that reason they were chosen as the center of this res earch ( F igure 1 3 ). In this unique setting of recent and highly urbanized areas, in different occasions over the last two decades local dwellers have demonstrated concern with Paleoindian archaeological sites protection. After all, why do people care about a heritage at first so foreign to their own? Why would mig rant communities care about pre historic archaeological sites? In order to answer th ese question s an interdisciplinary approach that includes urban anthropology and urbanism cultural heritage manag ement, and heritage tourism has been chosen. Data collection and analysis followed a threefold strategy: first open ended interviews to assess what local stakeholders think what they acknowledge, and how they identify to the case study; second archival a nd online


21 research specially seeking for newspaper articles, unpublished reports, and legal docu ments related to the case study in order to understand local institutional context as well as how archaeology has been display ed in Braslia ; and last walking s urveys at the Park and its surrounding s focusing in locations close to the sites, seeking to identify diverse land uses and sporadic activities directly related to the archaeological landscape, or else the lack of association between current Park users an d the local past remains. 1.1 Heritage Value P erspective Archaeological Heritage and its Intangible M eaning(s) The core of this study is Archaeological Heritage as a concept. Discussing and actually defining what heritage is can be a dilemma, especially considering that (Baram and Rowan 2004: 5) Even to mains of the past are n ot exclusively archaeological. For people outside the field, including indigenous people and tourists, material cultural remains are primarily symbolic and should be defined simply as archaeologists sho uld have no right to define or to control them (Holston 1989; Howard 2003; Skeates 2004) B road approaches regard heritage as basically everything you want; one just needs to recognize it as signific ant to be preserved for the future, which means to add some sort of value to it. The most common definition is the one broadly used by professional bodies, national governments and cultural agencies, as archaeological heritage representing the material cul ture of past societies. This definition means that


22 someone else is already nominated to decide which is or is not significant as a patrimony, considered by some a static and non democratic decision. Archaeological heritage should be critically analyzed as representing a process evaluated and re used in the (Skeates 2004: 10) produce group pride or identity, or to subjugate or exclude someone else, then someone is (Howar d 2003: 5 6) And of course, in this process, one cannot escape from economic uses, political and symbolic representations sometimes manipulated and sometimes genuinel y owned by living groups. Nevertheless, what really makes a building, a landscape, or ma terial culture as (Clark 2006: 3) Cost benefit analysis is not an option for one to really measure greater benefits from preserving heritages (Jowell 2006: 17) And although it is definitely challenging to determine collective public value on cultural heritage there are attempts being made worldwide regarding this issue. A significant solution is presented by the UK Heritage Lottery Fund, an agency that has to incorporate public opinion and to justify visibly why and how of their sponsorships. As a way of understanding the wider benefits of their projects, Demos ( Hewison and Holden 2004) was hired to think about public value as an organized framework, proposing as a result the Public Value Approach. As a rhetoric outline this new approach seeks to actually measure public meanings of the three values generated by h eritage: Intrinsic, Institu tional and Instrumental values. Intrinsic values represent why and to whom heritage is important or the intellectually, emotionally and spiritually of heritage. Institutional


23 values represent the major way s heritage is presented to the public, how this value is manipulated is extremely important to understand the circumstances local communities acknowledge archaeological heritage. Most importantly, institutional values represent the ethos and behavior of he ritage organizations. Instrumental values are the effects of heritage to achieve economic, social, or environmental purposes. Instrumental values imply how heritage can assume environmental, social and economic purposes, and ultimately this value will have major impact in how archaeological remains are managed and how they will be used in the future by local groups. According to Demos these three categories have equal importance while measuring the public value of heritage, as forming the angles of an equil ateral triangle, on contrast to the pyramid symbol used before, or the top bottom approach in which policymakers and professionals dialogue with each other while the public opinion is left behind. In this conceptual framework all three values combine to cr eate a structure value creates a context in which these different measures can reinforce rather t han contradict each other (Hewison and Holden 2006: 15) 1.2 Research Question and H ypothesis Measuring cultural heritage values is a difficul t task. Identifying intrinsic values of archaeological heritage is the most common approach to assess public importance because it is natural for heritage sites to have personal, ethnic, historical, scientific, or aesthetic significance. On the other hand, institutional and instrumental values, or the extrinsic values generated by cultural heritag e, have been taken for granted. The goal of this investigation is to recognize motivations in order to understand why the public might find to care about cultural heritage. The main research question:


24 w hy would people care about heritage when it is not directly a representation of their own past? The Hypothesis is that extrinsic heritage values influence non descendant groups more to care about archaeological remain s than intrinsic values. In other words, my hypothesis is that non descendent public care about archaeological heritage mostly because it can be strategically used due to its institutional and instrumental values, and not because of its intrinsic value 1. 3 Significance of the R esearch One of t he purpose s of this research is to understand the different meanings general audiences construct about archaeological heritage, and how they deal with this matter in their daily lives. Numerous times the public does n ot have straightforward cultural attachments to explain why they care or why they disregard cultural heritage. While many keep looking for past, inevitably archaeological heritag e gains and losses significance to the gr eat public for various r easons. Archaeological heritage has been treated by several governments worldwide as a communal good that should be preserved for future generations. The customary way for establishing significance to archaeological heritage is related to its scientific va lue, and/or ethnic and historical relevance. However, what happens after the field work is done? Many times the archaeological remains turn out to be a forever ordeal that local communities and governments have to deal with, and not unusually these people are left with entire collections not knowing how to actually care for them and how they benefit the local population. The discussion proposed here is that if one continues to manage archaeological heritage just considering its intrinsic values as beneficia l to general public, preservation strategies might not be as successful since naturally cultural heritage influences other kind of purposes, such as political agendas and


25 economic exp loitation. And to continue to avoid these matters might create more probl ems than benefits for the local public. In addition, the understanding of the various public meanings and values of archaeological heritage is still challenging in archaeological practice, in particular concerning non descendant communities. The literature lacks case studies that deal with migration and immigration settings. If one is dealing with urbanized areas this concern is even more relevant, since the urban environment is characte rized mostly by heterogeneity. In those settings is necessary to invest igate the connections that all urban dwellers have with archaeological sites, since they share space, urb an codes, land uses, and taxes. On the other hand accessing heritage values as a source to understand public opinions about archaeology has recently ga ined strength, and currently it has received special attention from professional organizations. The Society for American with how the past is valued in, and by, contemporary (SAA 2009) This initiative was influenced by the discussions held during the 2008 Sixth Annual World Archaeology Congress in Dublin, Ireland. O ver the last decade in Brazil social responsibility has been linked to active professional and academic discussions Since 2003 F ederal l icensing for archaeological research requires outreach strategies an issue that in the past was taken for granted by managers and by archaeologists Since 2006, the Revista de Arqueologia Pblica ( Public Archaeology Journal ) from the University of Campinas/UNICAMP started its first issue specifically oriented to attract academic debate on the subject. Not to mention the socially oriented theme propos ed


26 by the Arqueologia e Compromisso Social: Construindo Arqueologias Mult a rchaeology and social responsibility: building up multi cultural and multi vocal arc haeologies (SAB 2009) All of these initiatives mirror a change of mentality inside the discipline, acknowledgi ng that t he practice of a rchaeology in the twenty first C entury must change if it is to exist in the contemporary multicultural world (Hodder 1991) Understanding how values and meanings have played im portant roles in shaping social practices at all (Tilley 1998:325) position this science as socio political action that recognizes the public as active leaders of their own pasts, and add relevance to our function in the modern world. It is not a matter of who owns the past ; it should be mostly about how the past is held in the present. Work with rather than against popular conceptions of general audiences and care for perceptions rather th an authenticities are other challenges we need to know precisely what it is that almost everybody else seems to find so irresistible (Holtorf 2006b:171 ) It seems there is actually a lack of anthropological understanding of the public engaged with archaeological issues, although this is often cited topic. Urban and r ural areas around the globe easily fit in the setting investigated here as a case study, where archaeological site s need to be managed and decision making opinions from diverse stakeholders should be accounted for Researching actual


27 meanings and different values non descendent communities might attribute to archaeological heritage will enhan ce understanding of the overall public response toward s preservation of past remains. The matter discussed in this research is directly linked to how and why people are taking possession of the heritage, in order to achieve a better understanding as to how heritage is being constantly used and redefined in the current world. 1.3.1 Public Archaeology Combining the words public and archaeology is definitely a hot topic lately, but Public Archaeology is not a new idea. First proposed in the early 1970, it was at that time associated with Cultural Resource Management/CRM practices in contrast to academic research. Since then theoretical influences from Marxism, Critical Archaeology and Post Processual claims, as well as the development of stronger ethical codes, have made the field more open to actually search for minorities opinions and to address civil rights (Merriman 2004) Although the so called post modern theories are heavily criticized for poor systematic methodology, their social role is well defined (Hodder 1991) As a produ ct of this thought, public archaeology is not additional (Heckenberger 2008: 252) This field i s concerned with all different kinds of publics and their own interests (Merrim an 2004) and in this research public means the average citizens independently of their scholarity and social status, as well as ethnic or historic linkage to the heritage. Many believe that Public Archaeology actually represents applied a nthropology in a way of making the discipline meaningful, democratic and socially relevant (Lucas 2004; McDavid 2004; Shackel 2004)


28 interests, but also to interact with various stakeholders, as well to open the dialogue to (Shackel 2004: 14) Public archaeology seeks to appreciate many perceptions about this specific cultural heritage, it is a matter of acknowledging meanings and consciously assessing motivations in order to make this information available and useful for all the actors involved in the context of archaeological heritage. The bottom line is that everyo ne, more or less, establishes a connection with archaeology once it is part of their lives. Learning the meanings of these associations can only be benefic ial archaeological practice (Ku hn 2002) To do public archaeology is to engage with communities, to understand their attachments to the past and their needs to the present. indeed an ambivalent concept (Delanty 2010) Generally c ommunity means an entity formed by individuals that have something in common; in this case they share the same territory. The term community used many times in this work simply means non contractual social bond shared by a group of people that lives in the same ur ban or rural space, and who abides to the same regulations, encompassing more particularity than universality. There is a consensus in acknowledging the importance of public support, at least for purposes of preservation and funding (McManamon 1991; Tilley 1998; Pokotylo and Gup py 1999; Lucas 2004) If archaeologists fail to address politicians, government and public land managers these publics will not have the tools to make informed decisions, heritage might be more easily manipulated to fit agendas and the legal support we ne ed


29 to deal with the public good represented by heritage might be useless, or become obsolete to current reality (McManamon 1991) Public support is also necessary for archaeologists to convey significance of this (Lucas 2004) Considering the expected social benefits generated by archaeological res earch, the necessity for c aring about the public should not be a question. After all, what is the reason to do archaeology if not to reach its public benefits, supported by various anthropological ethics codes that clearly recognize the past belonging to ev eryone (Little 2002) Archaeologists should be much more engaged with the people who benefit from it, and with those misusing our own messages, consciously or not (Pyburn 2003) (Russell 2006: 26) as well as assuming accountability for the ways we present the past to the public (Patten 1997) Pledges of social responsibility of archaeology are also numerous. Archaeology is the one of the sciences that can give voice to misrepresented or underrepresented groups, but it is the only one that can actually re cuperate the past to those who lived (Smith 2006: 134) The role of archaeological heritage in the formation of ethnic and national identities is undeniable (Trigger 1984; Dietler 1994; Oyuela Caycedo 1994; Daz Andreu 1996; Kohl 1998; Joyce 2003) Some would even ascribe world peace to socially oriented accounts of the past (Sm ith 2006) This statement is not unlikely if we stop to think about how archaeological heritage has been


30 actively used as targets in modern conflicts (Golden 2004) as well as to manipulated and subjugate colonized nations and colonized peoples (Trigger 1984) Or simply taken for granted by states where there are no attractive archaeological heritages (Oyuela Caycedo 1994) which is the case in Brazil. 1.3.2 Ownership Descendents versus O utsiders Public is virtually each person involved in a scenario where archaeological heritage plays a role. Usually the immediate understanding of public relates to local communities, but there are other groups and other interests involved in this mix. Merriman (2004: 2) defines the concepts of what is public in two fashions: public as representative of state and institutional pow er; and public as general audience, or non and religious interests and affiliations, many of which ar For urban settings, the importan ce of caring for the tax payers is undeniable. Certainly this is a simple way to pressure archaeologists to address the average different disciplines have been ques (Thompson 2002: 61) and the awareness of diversity of agendas involved in public decisions makes thi s matter that much harder to address. It might be easier to category is a good start for explaining who the public is and who should be addressed by public archaeology. The vast majority of North American case studies published (Potter 19 94;


31 McDavid 2004; Mullins 2004; Reeves 2004; Brooks 2007) ; followed by multi cultural communities (Derry 2003; Lucas 2004; Moyer 2004; Wall et al. 2004) ; and Native American sites (Hantman 2004; Warner and Baldwin 2004) For these audiences, cultural heritage has a close link to their identities, memories, and traditions. Explicit links to the past support discourses of ownership, legitimizing and empowering gro ups as controllers of the past. Neverthel ess, different kinds of individuals even those with no obvious cultural affiliation to the cultural heritage indeed play the role as stakeholders, and are equally heri tage managers might sound strange at first. These actors are important components of the so called stakeholder group, and since no knowledge production is completely unbiased, including in archaeology (Tilley 1998; Holtorf 2006b; Holtorf 2006a) they are also in the list of individuals that will translate conscious or unconscious agendas and motivations to their final products (Patten 1997) 1.4 The Case S tudy From 1993 to 2009 a total of eight potential archaeological sites have been registered in ARIE Parque JK or conveni ently referred here as the Park which is an environmentally protected area in the hub of the most populated region of the Brazilian Federal District (F igure 1 4) It comprises 2,306 hectares within a river valley (NCA 2006) ; located 13 miles away from the planned federal capital known as Plano Piloto, in Braslia In different occasions archaeolog ists have identified potential areas of prehistoric and historic archaeological sites within the area, and at least t hree of these occurrences were determined to be quarry based lithic sites and two of them possibly presen t significant antiquity (Barbosa and Costa 2005) thus remarkably signifi cant for


32 understanding the early human occupation in South America. While other sites have been registered there, those identified as quarry based ( DF PA 11 and DF PA 15 are Paleoindian, and Pedra Velha is historic) have undeniable scientific significance, and there fore they are the core of this case study. As the other possible sites located in and surrounding the Park they do not present significant above ground features and are impossible to be ide ntified by non archaeologists (F igures 1 5 and 1 6 ). As a lready pointed out, t he archaeological sites are surrounded by t hree urbanized areas, satellite cities Taguatinga Ceilndia and Samambaia in what is today likely the most prominent urban region in the Federal District after Braslia itself These cities have presented significant territorial expansion toward ARIE JK (F igure 1 7), especially due to lack of housing for an increasingly growing population. Today a pproximatel y one million people inhabit this vicinity, and all three cities were developed in di fferent occasions during the last 50 years as housing solutions to receive low income population that could not afford to live in the planned capital. Since the beginning of the massive construction of Braslia in 1956, many migrants left the Northeast reg ion of the country to escape a great drought on during that period looking for jobs at the construction sites (Holston 1989) After the official transference although many were very reluctant, federal employees also moved to Bras lia from the previous capita l Rio de Janeiro ( F ig ure 1 1) Until this day thousands of people have migrated to the Federal District attracted by the high wages, in search for a better life around Braslia 1.4.1 Braslia a Federal Capita l built from s ketch Braslia is a planned city, born from sketch. The motives to create the new capital are numerous. It represented a solution for old problems, and the beginning of new politic and economic perspectives. Actually the proposal of constructing a new capital is


33 from colonial times, officially quoted in the constitution of 1891. But it was in 1955 that the capital began to look li odernist design motivated then President Juscelino Kubitschek to finally put this idea in practice. To transfer the capital meant to exterminate poli tical problems, such as corruption in Rio de Janeiro, but mostly it represented a boost to economical development (Ficher 2005: 230) Braslia also repres ented a symbol for the world to see Brazil as a modern and industrial growing country. From 1956 until its dedication in April 21 st 1960, President Kubitschek achieved what for many was an unrealistic dream, to build a whole city from sketch. The creation of a new federal capital 600 miles into the hinterlands was also an attempt to decentralize the political power from the east coast which happened only few years before the 1964 military coup, a dictatorship that lasted twenty years and that definitely be nefited from this isolation. Although its architectural pieces (designed by Oscar Niemeyer) are more popularly both heavily influenced by Le Corbusier. In fact, Braslia is an urb an re presentation that followed the M odern ist city model proposed in the M anifestos of the Congrs Internationaux CIAM 1 and is considered by many as the epitome of M odernism. losest thing we have to a high M (Scott 1998: 118) (Holston 1989: 1) Lcio Costa created this complex city alon g two main axes: the Monumental Axis, where the government buildings are located, and the Highway Axis or Road Axis, 1 1960s, CIAM remained the most important forum for the international (Hols ton 1984: 3)


34 (Murtinho 1966: 7) These intersecting axes resemble an airplane; the residential sections along the Road Axis, known as med South Wing and North Wing. Braslia is also a World Heritage (UNESCO 2008b) being the first 20 th century cit y to achieve such recognition. UNESCO establishes six criteria in which a site, a monument, or a group of buildings, can be recognized as cultural heritage part of the Wor ld Heritage List due to exceptional character and outstanding univer sal values. In the ca se of Bras lia, the criteria for inclusion were: (i) to represent a masterpiece of human creative genius; and (iv) to be an outstanding example of a type of building, architectural or technological ensemble or landscape which illustrates (a) signifi cant stage(s) in human history (Figure 1 8) In paper B raslia was created to be a masterpiece of Modernism but what might be its most relevant quality was enhancing N ationalism, and shaping identity at a continental nation that presents so many cultural diffe rences that some times can only be one through language It was also intended to be a met aphor of the Brazilian motto hope and great opportunities. Ironically, it also produced unfavorable results whe n its urbanized area sprawled over a large part of the Federal District in the form of new settlements known as satellite cities. This multiplying effect continued for almost 50 years and today these appendices to the modern capital are recognized as A dmin istrative Regions.


35 1.4.2 The satellites c ities and ARIE JK In addition to the expected migration of government employees, central Brazil also received thousands of people searching for a better life around the new capital attracted by the high wages. Most migrants were from the northeastern region of the country, laborers with some construction experience (Shoumatoff 1980) These workers, also known as candangos were supposed to live in authorized construction camps temporarily (Epstein 1973) By th e time the committee approved L project they also sug g ested the creation of satellite cities twenty years after the dedication, and by 1961 three more were recognized (Silveira 1999: 149) Scott (1998: 129) also point s out that b y 1980, 75 percent of the population of Braslia lived in settlements that had never been anticipated, while the planned city had reached less than half of its projected population of 557,000 It is obvious today that Taguatinga, Ceilndia, an d Samambaia together repr esent a distinct urban center on the Federal District, regarding population number, urban growth, and economic function. Considered as an impressive conurbation s agglomeration now borders on autonomy and could become the me tropolitan economic (Kohlsdorf, Kohlsdorf and Holanda 2009: 55) was motivated by social housing issues; each of them was built to receive illegal dwellers. To expose characteristics of Taguatinga Ceilndia, and Samambaia actually explain the very starting point of sat ellite towns in central Brazil. Taguatinga Taguatinga is the first officially recognized satellite city of the Brazilian Federal District, and it is now known as the best dev eloped of them all regarding services and


36 infrastructure (Souza, Ma chado and Jaccoud 1996) The name Taguatinga came from a blend of Tupi Guarani words Tau and Tinga which mean white mud, common geological feature of the area. Located 25 kilometers from the capital, it was a rapid solution to avoid complete chaos regar ding migrant housing. In June 1958, according to Holston (1989: 260 61) in the space of few days, between four and five thousand Northeastern drought victims descended on the Free City in search of work. Novacap ordered its security force s (GEB) to put up barricades on the highway to turn them back. But rather than return as if they had anywhere to go these desperate migrants launched a land seizure, setting up an encampment of improvised lodgings on th e other side of the barricade. At first, the settlement was called Vila Sarah Kubitschek after the First Lady. This (Epstein 1973: 63) (Holston 1989: 263) Soon after the name was changed to Santa Cruz de Taguati nga for no apparent reason, and eventually it was abbreviated to Taguatinga Social movements definitely had had a strong effect establishment. Nevertheless there were other circumstances th at also helped this process. Vila Sarah Kubitschek beginning; their migration was very much a reflection of a severe drought in the region in 1958. This site was located very close to Cidade Livre both on the edges of the federal highway that connects An polis to Braslia, or southeast B razil to the Federal District. The federal government was target of relentless criticism and the opposition sought reasons to reinforce statements against the new capita


37 transference. The dreadful social co nditions of Vila Sarah Kubitschek were enough t o question government actions. So, in order to avoid further negative reactions, President Juscelino Kubitschek quickly approved the creation of the first satellite city, attempting to shut down any social iss ues that could reflect against his controversial initiative to transfer the capital (Souza, Machado and Jaccoud 1996) inhabitants according to the census published in 2000 (SEDUH 2001) Today 17% of the population of the Federal District lives there (Paviani 2010a) This town is even considered to be the economic capital of the Federal District due to its strong trade (Holanda 2002) According to Silveira (1999) this city has established a new territorial role; it organizes and attracts functions and services. Ceilndia Like Taguatinga, Ceilndia was also created due to the emergency of low income acronym CEI 2 a government campaign seeking the end of illegal settlements in the area. The goal was to transfer approximately 82 thousands squatters (QuintoJr. and Iwakami 2010) who lived in almost 15 thousands huts from 9 different locations. 3 In nine mo nths the government agency responsible for land use administration transferred all families. In 1971, already 17.619 lots were demarcated, of 10x25 meters each, in an area of 20 squared kilometers (Resende 2010) The idea of building this city was conducted 2 Campanha de Erradicao das Invases 3 IAPI squatter Vila Tenrio Vila Esperana Vila Bernardo Sayo Vila Colombo Querosene and Urubu hills, Curral das guas and Placa das Mercedes


38 by the federal district first lady at that time, Vera Prates da Silveira. A rchitect and urban planner Ney Gabriel de Souza is responsible for it s design, characterized by two axes crossed in angle of 90 degrees, forming the illustration of a barrel (Romero 2005) About 70 percent of the population in Ceilndia is Northeastern descendent. One can notice their cultural influences in the urban daily life; for instance there are 13 open markets ( feira livre ) d istributed all over the city. Another example is Casa do Cantador a modern building projected by Oscar Niemeyer and dedicated in 1986, where there is a national annual festival, as well regional and local cultural activ ities. Today Ceilndia is (SEDUH 2001) Samambaia Originally part of the rural Taguatinga area, Samambaia was yet again created to receive residents of severa l illegal settlements (Paviani 2010b) First planned in 1977 4 as part of governmental structural plan for territorial distribution, only in 1989 it was recognized as an Administ rative Region (Skartazini 1997) Away 32 kilometer s from the benefit 330 thousand people (Paviani 2010b) Its name is due to the Samambaia stream situated in its site. According to Gouva (1996: 235) Samambaia was the earliest and largest housing district created by this plan, which also reinforced the Federal District growing pattern to this area, directed away from the Pil ot Plan. Samambaia received hundreds of thousands residents, and likewise the other satel lite cities it did not have job offers, or basic sanitation and infrastructure to receive in habitants. In a political maneuver, just before the 1989 4 As part of PEOT Plano Expanso e O rganizao Territorial do DF


39 elections, then Gov ernor Joaquim Roriz arranged the replacement of 120 thousand people that lived in improvised illegal quarters. From the beginning it seems that the chosen area for building a new city was not well thought ; the population struggle with enormous erosions due to land inclination and soil vulnerability (Gouva 1996) Samambaia today is the Federa 164.319 (SEDUH 2001) Taguatinga represents the very origin of satellite city in central Brazil, Ceilndia as n example of a new town that is still struggling to reinforce its purpose besides being a housing solution are three instances that represent well the context of appearance of the urban areas surrounding the planned city Cidade (1999:225) states that whil e satellite cities in general still present a strong economic dependency in relation to Brasilia; these three cities managed to decentralize their functions, and since 1996 they are treated together as a sin gle new regional urban center. 1.4.3 The a r chaeol ogical s ites of ARIE JK It was during the early 1990s that the first archaeological survey at the Park took place; when archaeologist Eurico Tefilo Mille r conducted a survey in which ARIE JK was also part of. According to his report the cities of Ceilndi a or Samambaia had never been object of archeological research before his work (Miller 1993) In this valley right in the middle of these urbanized areas, five sites of hunters and gathers were registered, specifically around the Melchior River (F igure 1 9 ) Some years later, in 1997, a second research was conducted by the archeologists Emlio Fog aa and Lcia Juliani, sponsored by the federal agency for heritage management and preservation IPHA N Their main objective was to evaluate the


40 scientific potential of the sites located by Miller in 1993 The material culture related to these occurrences is an impressive collection of plan convex lithic artifacts known in tuguese), most likely related to the first known Paleoi ndians in South America (Fogaa and Juliani 1997) In 2004, 200 7 and 2009 t hree new development projects caused direct environmental impacts in ARIE JK, which in Brazil demands for archaeology mitigation projects. So far it is prove d that three sites inside the Park are quarry based, and present great potenti al for archaeological research. The case study chosen to develop this research is unique because it gathers a great variability: the difficult relationship between modern communi ties and early archaeological sites sharing the same space in high density area. The heterogeneous site represented by the urbanized environment, and its uniqueness as part of a 20th Century metropolis in a developing country may reveal a multiplicity of u nintended subjects many times apparently not related to archaeological heritage, such as tourism, politics, diverse interests and land use patterns 1.5 Description of C hapters This dissertation was organized according to the theoretical framework proposed by categorizing each chapter with discussions, data analysis and conclusions related to each topic (Table 1 1) The Hypothesis considered that in heterogeneous settings the extrinsic values would be the focus point for motivating local public to care abo ut archaeological heritage, represented by institutional and instrumental characters, while the intrinsic character of local sites was thought to be less important for incentive public response After the methodological construction presented in Chapte r 2 and the general public understanding of this Park Chapter 3 scrutinizes the Institutional Values, Chapter


41 4 the Instrumental V alues, and Chapter 5 closed the d iscussion by investigating the Intrinsic V alues. Chapter 6 presents final thoughts about the con clusions. Following a brief description of each section is presented. Chapter 2 entitled Archaeology in the city: methodology and public space cognitions concepts concerning the object of this study: urban and rural communities an d the archa eological heritage in the city. Following methods for data collection and analysis are discussed portraying the procedures and descriptions for each kind of data: interviews, newspaper articles and other related documents and the walking survey s that sometimes were also followed by observations in the field Conclusions on data related to the public perceptions of the Park collected on interviews and assessed on local newspapers, contrasted with information about current uses registered during t he surveys inside and on the outskirts of ARIE JK are analyzed The goal of this scrutiny was to understand public cognition about the Park, and to identify if there is any physical links current Park users and/or local dwellers establish with the archaeol ogical sites always focusing on the three sites classified as quarry based (DF PA 11, DF PA 15 and Pedra Velha ). institutional realm concerning cultural heritage preservation by explai ning how the institutional system was built for archaeological heritage protection and research in Brazil It concerns the legal scenario and institutions behind it, as well as the professional se tting for archaeology In this chapter data related to the c omplex institutional settings of the Park are exposed, followed by data analysis that focused on the opinions and major concerns expressed by the respondents and by the newspaper


42 reports regarding the major institutions that deal with environmental and cul tural preservation in the Federal District. The goal was to understand how the institutional scenario heritage. A special discussion regarding how local archaeology has been portra it by the media is also part of this discussion dedicated to discuss the concepts and applicability of Heritage Tourism specifically focused on archaeological heritage, ho w it has been applied to sites and collections elsewhere and the new strategies for developing sustainable and non destructive tourism. A new concept has emerged, the Archaeotourism, and understanding its potentials is crucial for learning about its uses a nd its users as well. A fter a brief recreational potential The analysis considered documents and projects, visitation of places dedicated for leisure as well as the sites objec t of this research on walking surveys, and contrasted the physical setting and prospects with respondents opinions about archaeological tourism, their aspirations about the Park as a visitation place, as well as on how ARIE JK has been portrait by the medi a in regards to its character as an environmentally protected area that could be used for recreational and tourism Afterwards discussions on tourism and its potentia l as a social tool, being the major Instrumental V alue for t he local heritage is presented Chapter 5 Archaeology at ARIE JK multiple perspectives at first scrutinizes the intrinsic qualities of the local sites by debating the archaeological significance of quarry based sites Later a contextualization of the archaeological


43 researches that took place inside the Park is exposed as well as the justifications and the results of these works. The data analysis for this matter focused on the cognition the public presented about the local sites, and about archaeology in general, followed by scrutiny on how the media qualitatively has portrayed information about archaeology in the DF area. descendant public presents a brief discussion on general results, and on events that took place after the fieldwork.


44 Table 1 1. Research questions and expected results for each chapter Institutional level Chapter 3 Instrumental level Chapter 4 Intrinsic level Chapters 2 and 5 About ARIE JK How is the Park protected and managed as a space with restricted land uses? Have people used the Park for recreation? Who? How? When? Where? What is the general public opinion about the Park? (Chapter 2) About local archaeological heritage Has the extra federal official protection due to th e presence of archaeological sites influenced the legal decision makings for this Park? What are the public opinions and expectations for tourism at the local sites? What is the general public opinion about the archaeological sites? (Chapter 5) Main goa ls Assess how archaeology has been accredited by local institutions. Find out if or how the archaeological sites have been adapted for profit oriented or social enhancement usages. Assess the motivations for the public to build personal attachments to th e local ancient heritage. Expected results Identify if the existence of archaeological sites has impacted local legal changes; Identify institutional interests and expectations; Understand how the institutions have influenced public opinions. Classify actual tourism potential for the Park and for the sites; Recognize general expectations related to recreational usage at the Park; Identify general expectations related to other social purposes the local sites might create. Identify how experts and gener al public acknowledge the local archaeological heritage; Assess if official recognition of archaeological sites has changed for the Park; Understand if the archaeological heritage is added as an element for enhancing


45 A B Figure 1 1 Location of the country elected for investigation. A) Brazil in the Americas; B) L ocation of the Federal District, the city of Rio de Janeiro, and the Northeastern region in Brazil A B Figure 1 2 Images showing the location of the case study site in the Brazilian Federal District. A) L ocation of the three cities and the Pilot Plan, today known as the Administrative Region of Bras lia ; B) ARIE JK among the three municipal limits


46 Figure 1 3 Location of the all potential archaeological s ites inside and nearby the Park, and the three sites focus of this research (DF PA 11, DF PA 15 and Pedra Velha ) Figure 1 4 Panoramic view of ARIE JK with the city of Taguatinga in the back (Ceilndia, 04/ 26 /08)


47 Figure 1 5 General view of the DF PA 1 1 archaeological site (Ceilndia, 04/ 26 /08) Figure 1 6 General view of the DF PA 15 archaeological site (Ceilndia, 04/13/08)


48 Figure 1 7 Detail of an urban expansion next to site DF PA 11 ( Condomnio Pr do Sol Ceilndia, 04/1 2 /08) Figure 1 8 Panoramic view of the planned capital, showing the Monumental Axis, and the Congress building s in the back (Plano Piloto 05/03 /08)


49 Figure 1 9 Melchior River next to sites DF PA 15 and Pedra Velha (Ceilndia, 04/1 3 /08)


50 CHAPTER 2 ARCHAEOLOGY IN THE C ITY: METHODOLOGY AND PUBLIC SPACE COG NITIONS This chapter concerns definitions and discussions about the setting of the case study: the urban envir onment and its components. A sec ond part describes the methodological fr amework chosen for the research, as well as the context of data collection. U nderstanding the context and how the public perceives the space in which the archaeological sites are located functioned as an introduction to the public heritage value analysis. In this chapter the analysis con ark everyday activities and their personal relation to it as users, citizens, experts, or as outsiders, to what the press chose to publicize about it, and at last to the ordinary and unexpect ed land uses tha t usually are taken for granted. The study of the archaeology in urban environments has always been a challenge and generally considered overly complex and expensive. Archaeologists are also target for pressure due to high visibility and di sturbance they might create to the every day routine in city life and minimizing these impacts usually demand s diverse strategies that include multidisciplinary efforts and especial methods (Salwen 1982) Nevertheless, in many situations mitigation studie s are the only way to justify archaeological excavations in urban environments, reaching information that probably would never be available otherwise (Wylie 1995) Besides all the difficulties, to access material culture in cities has a great potential for reaching ric h and diverse data and cannot be overlooked. Cities are indeed real depositories of human experiences with great potential to contacting different social groups and to understanding collective memories (Tocchetto and Thiesen 2007)


51 Although currently it is difficult to be neutral about it, studying the various implications of the city life should be a hot topic for anthropological investigations. In quite a few different areas it is possible to find thousands of publications seeking to define, understand, criticize, or just to explain th e urban environment. And it is not difficult to realize that controversy is one of its major topics. Not looking to comprehend social disparities or segregation, or to criticize the unplanned effects of the planned city, the goal by investigating the relat ionships individuals that live in the Brazilian Federal District have established with the Park tried to understand how it influenced their motives to care about archaeological heritage s. conflicts elsewhere and that can also serve as a guide to understand similar issues involving preservation of cultural heritage in urban settings worldwide. According to the United Nations population growth data in 2000 2.9 billion people live in urban areas, comprising 47% of the wor ld population. In 2007 the number of urban dwellers is already larger than rural dwellers worldwide for the first time in history, and by the year 2030 4.9 billion are expected to live in urban areas, or 60% of the global population (UN 2000) It is definitely about time to pay more attention to urban impacts and changes around the world. To understand reactions of diverse communities in various urban environments, a number of factors should be looked after given that their high potential to influence media play major roles on changing and/or constructing public opinions. Usually when studyin g urban populations the use quantitative data is the obvious solution. However, for this research the purpose for interviewing diverse persons, as sessing how the press


52 publicized information and analyzing land use around archaeological sites was to find mo tivations and perceptions rather than distribution. The qualitative methodological approach is described following, after a conceptual discussion on urbanism that is crucial to understanding the chosen case study. 2.1 Understanding the City Urbanism is the study of cities, apparently a simple concept that ordinarily is related to physical attributes of the urban environment, being it to plan or to understand them. To broaden this definition one might state that this study should also include urban economic, political, social and cultural environments, and the imprint of all these forces on the built environment. In social sciences it is a term used to denote the distinctive characteristics of the urban social life. For urban planners it is also the practice of creating human communities for living, working, and playing. But to comprehend the urbanism as a concept, it is necessary to understand what a city is. The c ity has many definitions. Until today it is commonsensical to use density, size, and structure t o establish what is an urban and what a rural environment is. As a physical environment the urban is recognizable by basic elements such as the combination of spaces and blocks; or streets and squares; or even the opposition of public and private spaces. T he Roman form is considered ideal, characteristic of the Western model. Today one finds many names that right away demonstrate the size of an urban area: village, town, city, metropolis, and megalopolis. And if one looks at it as a functional and social sp ace, the city is also recognizable as having widest facilities and more human interacti ons than any other environment. The city is an unclear and disagreed concept even for urban planners. Regarding individual urban experiences the classic study in urbanis m was written by Kevin Lynch


53 in 1960, The Image of the City, which considered mainly the influence of physical elements in cognitive learning (paths, edges, districts, nodes, and landmarks). The idea is to recognize images of the city by individual mental maps, in a way of differentiating physical attributes for different residents (Lynch 1985) For social scientists, attempts to define city have come later, and until the 1950s it was usual to find urban definitions related to outdated ideas such as levels of evolution, civilization, class hierarchy, and literacy. Among many ways for defining what a city is, the heterogeneity attribute is still one of the most unanimous characteristics of the urban environment. A city is the space where individuals are gathered to share living, regardless of ethnic, religious, politic al, or economical differences. In geography studies related to segregation for example, the city is seeing as a place that always concentrates different groups (Racine 2002: 68) Another pattern always associated with the urban experience is civilization, many times used as a sort suffering the tumultuousness of moderni zation in any historical period (2003: 21) Together with civilization, evolution is the other label used to describe urban life, especially when one explains the city in chronological mode, assuming that the most recent as the b est. Definitely the most famous publication of this matter is Lewis The City in History: its origins, its transformations, and its prospects 1961. His extensive book relates the very origin of human social life as the beginning of the Urban, goi ng through the development of technologies, agriculture, the first forms of


54 ritual and common laws, Egypt, Rome, Medieval time, baroque, mercantilism, industrialism, suburbs, and megalopolis, to explain all the stages or the city over times (Mumford 1998) It seems that the accepted process for humankind is to transform the environment into urban, as it is to evolve from primitive to civilized, or to migrate to cities, that it is only a matt er of progress. The demarcation of rural versus urban is usually related to opposite categories such as: primitive versus civilized; communal versus individual; literate versus illiterate; tranquility versus fear. Usually the term complex is a must for o ne while describing what a city is. Maybe this explains another stereotype rel ated to cities: the complexity. Cities are plainly dissipative complex systems with emergent properties and com plex systems embedded within both the complex system of global economic and cultural relations, and the complex systems w hich compose the natural world. (Byrne 2001: 11) Leeds (1977: 330) provides a more straight forward definition by stating that the c politico economic structures and t he a definition, another issue for urban studies regards types and categories since a city is such a varied entity. Gideon Sjoberg proposed in 1960 a typology to distinguish between pre industrial cities and industrial cities: the pre industrial city presents technology relying on the power of humans and animals rather than on machines (Sjoberg 1980) Southall (1983) proposed a scheme separating the types of cities ranging from simpler to complex social interactions: pristine cities; cities based on the ancient mode of production; cities in the context of the feudal mode of production; cities in the context of the capitalism mode of production; merchants, nob les, literati and direct produ cers; the post industrial city.


55 As for post modern thought, the necessity of contextualizing the study object instead of creating classification among cities is a must. It is crucial to invent categories of city places, to di stinguish urban units inside the urban environment, or subdivisions that might be physical, arbitrary or artificial. These places are numerous, and some has received more attention than others. Without a doubt one category that deserves special attention d ue to the complexity of its definition and use is the called urban public space. 2.1.1 Anthropology of the city, anthropology in the city According to Low (1999: 1) the city has been under theorized by anthropology, because this line of inquiry has not had a major theoretical impact. Also anthropologists have been hesitant to participate i n, if not totally absent from, urban policy debates. On the other hand this picture seems to be changing rapidly vis vis the extensive amount of varied urban case studies one can find in the current literature. It should be expected that over the next y ears urban studies might even increase in number, quality, and in variety, even more that t hey already have since the 1980 s. It is only expected that anthropologists begin to switch their researches to urban sites, since the vast majority of the world po pu lation today lives in cities. In addition to the remarkable opportunities the anthropologist can find while investigating cities environments, to understand the urban life is not an addition to classic investigation themes; all the traditional anthropologi cal case studies can be found in urban environments 1 (Canclini 2005: 11) However, the urb an environment 1 indgenas, campesinos, parentesco. Todos esos objetos de estudio tradicionales estn presentes em la vida urbana. (...) Los contextos urbanos pasan a ser decisivos em tanto em el mundo actual la mitad de


56 itself carries many challenges. It may be a very delicate matter to engage in illegal activity research such as drug use or delinquency. Neutrality is also big deal in urban anthropology, directly related to ethical responsibilities (Leacock 1987) Before talking about urban anthropology, it is necessary to expose the very origins of this matter in social studies: urban sociology and the School of Chicago. It was born during the 1920s and 1930s with the development of an urban ecological perspective and the research into the urban environment by combining theory and ethnographic fieldwork in Chicago. In this perspective the city is made up of adjacent ecological niches occupied by human groups in a series of concentric rings surrounding the central core. This approach was interested in understanding adaptations and accommodations of urban populations to these new environments. The most important research of this school was conducted by Louis Wirth, a leading figure in C hicago School Sociology. His interests included city life, minority group behavior (especially the immigrant Jews in America) and mass media and he is recognized as one of the leading urban sociologists. Wirth's major contribution to social theory of urban space was a classic essay Urbanism as a Way of Life published in the American Journal of Sociology in 1938 (Zenner 1980) The model developed by Louis Wirth had its roots in the rapid growth of industrial cities in Europe and in North America. Chicago is a perfect example of this transition, from village in the 19 th century to metropolis with over three mil lion people in only 100 years. His model consisted in defining the city by its size, its population density, and heterogeneity, and for sure this is the theoretical view that still today dominates urban studies. According to him the city is a bad place to be, and urbanism is a form of social


57 organization that is harmful to culture, because it creates breakdown of primary groups such as family and community, and it reinforces individualism and anarchy. On the other hand, Wirth also stressed the positive effe cts of city life, such as associating civilization and modernization with the growth of great cities. He stated that metropolitan civilization is without question the best civilization that human beings have ever devised; and that the city everywhere has b een the center of freedom and toleration, the home of progress, of invention, of science, of rationality, and moreover that the history of civilization can be written in terms of the history of cities (Wirth 1980) The study of the city is most of all interdisciplinary. What make the anthropologists unique among sociologists, economists, urban planners, geographers, among o thers, is the direct contact one must achieve, the direct interaction with smaller groups of peoples that request living side by side with individuals that are so close to what the researcher is used to (Canclini 2005: 23) In summary urban anthropology is concerned with the origin, development and growth of cities as well as with the understan ding of urban life and culture. Since the 1950s research from the Institute of Community Studies represented a major influence in urban research. Their studies are related to policy and planning research on the slum clearance and replacement of housing in London (England) and in Lagos (Nigeria). This perspective understands the city as series of urban important theoretical transition occurred in the 1980s with the introduct ion of the study (Low 1999: 3) For this perspective the city s hould be studied by examining the social effects of industrial capitalism and deconstructing


58 the confusion of urbanism with inequality and alienation. Those who wanted to understand the impacts of urban environments in human life focused on investigating m igration processes. Social change of rural to urban communities was definitely the major topic after the effects of industrialization around the globe. Then one saw the increasing interest of scholars regarding network analysis to understand social organiz ation of city residents. Over the 1970s and the 1980s urban investigations emphasized strongly on urban poverty, as well the interconnections and interdependencies of family and household relationships among the urban poor. Studies of the design of new tow ns to investigate conflict over planning goals were other topics concerned by anthropologists. Examples of this trend are researches about Braslia conducted by Epstein (1973) and later by Holston (1989) Later a variation of this perspective appears as anthropologists investigated studies of urban renewal and community rebuilding after natural disasters, as well as conflicts among government, planners, and local communities regarding land tenure rights; studies of planning and architecture as instruments of social control; studies of favelas shantytowns, and tungurios and the informal economy in Latin America; Japanese studies that focus on work organization; Chinese studies that emphasize urban hierarchies (Low 1999) For sure today one of the most controversial topics in urban studies is the classification of suburb and the explanation of the suburbanization development. consequence of the original city. For urban planners, this outskirt space may represent a solution for urban problems since it be to isolate people regardless o f reason. Or else


59 it might be classified as a reflex of abnormal growing development, something that was not meant to happen. Byrne (2001: 113) the gentrification and the impact of urban renewal on the spatial location of working class people in the UK, and ethnic minorities, especially Afro This phenomenon also happens elsewhere, with different names and shapes, but deep inside representin g the same need of segregation. Undoubtedly there are countless ways to understand urban com munities, one of them is to reflect on places of well defined social function, or the sense of identity a place might create among its users. According to Low (1999: 21) research trends in urban anthropology are currently post structural studies of race, class, and gender in the urban context; political economic studies of transnational d studies of the symbolic and social production of urban space a Gilberto Velho (2003) a renowned Brazilian anthropologist, uses the expression 2 for ethnographers to describe urban anthropology. At first anthropologists were focusing their studies in network analysis, in squatter settlements, but Velho propo sed to investigate Copacabana his own neighborhood in the city of Rio de Janeiro. It is the anthropologist studying his own environment, as an insider, which creates a very complex and indeed interesting new subjectivity perspective. Another hot topic in urban studies is commoditization. Real estate investment is a current and growing business force that gains even more strength in cities, and anthropological investigations have demonstrated resistance strategies created by local communities against this p owerful market place. Russell Sharman (2006: 201) recently 2 O desafio da proximidade


60 published a book about New York East Harlem residents, in which he investigated peoples and the changing dynamics of each immigrant community cr eated after they settled there. Yet another different approac h is presented by Zeitlin (1994: 216) regarding local establishments and neighborhood institutions with because they translate memories, and what puts this investigation in a different position is the types of spaces this author references: leisure and entertainment spaces, such as Coney Island in New York. These researches show that urban anthropologists have shifted focus lately, what began as a necessity to understand migratory processes and poverty, now is mu ch mo re diverse and democratic. 2.1.2 Public spaces concepts Definitions of public space can be very broad, and they also differ in time and place. The most straightforward way of understanding a public space is by contrast to what is private space. This ide a is not only overly simplistic and vague, but also questionable. Broader notions of the public space relate on its abstractedness quality, including in this category non traditional places such as cyber space and political ange of social locations offered by the street, the park, the media, the Internet, the shopping mall, the United Nations, national governments, (Low and Smith 2006: 3) Other approaches assume a sort of to celebrate cultural diversity, to engage with natural processes and to conserve alone


61 (Thompson 2002: 70) which inc ludes at least two very common units in citi es worldwide: parks and plazas. Plaza, found in many different urban environments around the world is another controversial concept because it is commonly related to the model brought to the Americas by European colonizers. Regardless its structure, morphology, or size, the plaza is the major open public space of an urban environment, it is a space where one finds social interaction among different genders, ages, political and economical status individuals. In the ory it is a space of heterogeneous relations. According to Low (2000: 32) the plaza provides a physical, social, and metaphorical space for public debate, cultural expression, and artistic interaction. Parks are open spaces for all kinds of activities, usu ally related to leisure and contemplation. More than just a pre delimited leisure area, parks are public spaces, in case of cities urban parks are spaces shared by users of all races and social classes (Low, Taplin and Scheld 2005 ) Some authors have questioned the public character of these spaces in contemporary cities worldwide. The current controlled character of public spaces represents a shift in paradigm. Public spaces, as well as public life, should incorporate the full spe ctrum of the urban scenery, including the skyway, and represent basic collective values that have been lost to economic stratification and social segregation (Brill 1989) Approaches on the politics of public spaces ascribe this issue to liberal and neoliberal principles due to the negative influences of private interests in the shape of today cities, in addition to the excessive controlling nature of the State, aiming less and less the collective good and harming to the real function of the public space (Low and Smith 2006)


62 For Thompson (2002: 61) urban open spaces or public spaces of urban landscape with its own specific set of functions [that] should be conceived of as they establish a direct relationship between the space and the people who live and work In a less pessimistic approach, scholars and planners could see the so called decline of public space and public life simply as a new form of physical appropriation, in accordance to current realities, needs, or interests (Carr et al. 1992: 6) For these authors there is a new typology of public spaces since the second half of the twentieth an increasingly stratif understanding the rapid and increasing investment in commercial spaces as harmful and collectively excluding, urban planners could see this new pattern as new opportunities for choice to local comm unities, without necessarily abiding to a socially shallow design. Besides, if the public spaces representative of the European lifestyles ruled city design in the New World for such a long time, it is about time to adapt not only to the increasing effects of privatization and social segregation, but also to the actual needs of city dwellers, despite of criticisms or moral judgments. 2.2 Method ology for Qualitative Research Data Collection and A nalysis Understanding what a variety of stakeholders think ab out a cultural heritage so foreign to their everyday lives is definitely a challenge. The proposed methodological approach intended to dig deep into the real reasons why the public might find to care about cultural heritage. Using quantitative methods woul d not be as efficient in exploring peculiar and diverse answers, because here the objective was to seek stimulus and


63 meanings in context rather than distribution. Therefore, data collected focused in qualitative methods on three distinct sources of informa tion about the everyday life of The methodology used mirror the Rapid Ethnographic Assessment Procedures (REAP), a very efficient data collection method for ethnographic research at urban parks that consists on the combination of interviewing, participant observations and eyewitness documentation (Low, Taplin and Scheld 2005) However, due to the great size of the Park, due to its conflictuous public space character (discussed further on this chapter), and due to the random usage of this area (issue further discussed on Chapter 4), it was not possible to fully apply this methodology inside the Park itself. During walking surveys understanding how social exch anges and daily uses of the material setting actually transforms the public space into a meaningful reality was key to recognize human activities as a whole at ARIE JK and its surrounding spaces. These processes leave material evidences in the urban space, conveying information that can be analyzed in order to understand human behavior. They translate physically, historically and conceptually social relations and social practice in space, showing as the social production of space (Low 2000:127) otal of 29 individuals were interviewed in two 2008 field trips which resulted in almost two dozen hours conversational record The chosen respondents were divided i n two groups, and later in four subgroups according to their place of residence and to their linkage to institutions related to the case study. A selection of 18 journal reports published betw een the years of 2004 and 2008 from the


64 two major Federal Distri newspapers were analyzed as well as unpublished field and laboratory reports, academic publications and regulations directly linked to the case stud y As for the physical evaluation over 900 pictures and film recordings on 85 UTM locations inside an d surrounding the P ark were registered during surveys that took place in different days and times on April, May and November of 2008 (F igure 2 1) Analysis of the combined data represented by up to date land use map s (as of 2008 when the fieldwork was don e) text analysis for written data as well as for the recorde d interviews is distributed on each of the following chapters. 2.2.1 Individual i nterviewing u nderstanding varied p erspectives One of the strategies used for data collection was to interact dir ectly with individuals through semistructured open ended interviews. Also known as person centered interviews, this method is ideal to assess different points of view. According to Bernard and Hollan (1998) there is no manual or more reliable technique for person centered interviews, and indeed each interview was uniqu e even though following the same basic structure. Semistructured method contributed to broaden the range of theme s included, which varied according to each interviewee. Open ended also widen the opportunity for encouraging the individual to speak up beyond just answering a question, which provided additional and enhanc ed data since specific choices of subject or even lack of reaction added information to the actual responses. A RIE JK and then to investigate their opinions regarding archaeological heritage. The questions made during the interviews concerned mostly with their personal experiences or herself, it explores what he or she makes of the procedur (Bernard and Hollan 1998:


65 336) For specific subjects, the experts and other individuals who had information about punctual but important events were also valued as informants, and those instances are explained along this work. Inquiry explored resp subjects: their personal link to the Federal District (excluding one subgroup of specia lists that do not live in the DF ); the large park ARIE JK; and archaeological heritage in general but focu sing on th e heritage from the DF and when possible on the P followed a previously designed interview guide which according to Bernard (2002: 205) is a written list of questions and topics that need to be Other questions and remarks were made to incentive conversation around issues major questions. As for the quantity of individuals interviewed, according t o Guest Bunce and Johnson (2006) six is the actual number of interviews that usually reach data saturation for nonprababilistic sample sizes. With that in mind each subgroup of respondents followed the number six as the one to reach, and the final result is among 29 indi viduals divided in four subgroups, each one is formed respectively by seven (A1), eight (A2), eight (B1) and six (B2) individuals. Respondents profile As the goal of the interviews was to assess and contrast varied opinions the respondents were cho sen following two broad classes of stakeholders: residents (Group A) and outsiders (Group B). The ones classified as residents had to fall into one of the categories: to live inside the park; to live surrounding ARIE JK or walking distance from


66 it; or to l ive in one of the neighboring cities (Taguatinga, Ceilndia or Samambaia). The outsiders are individuals related to the study case for any reason 3 which included people related to local institutions that deal with cultural heritage and environmental prese rvation (including government administration and NGOs) and professionals or students working with local tourism and for the local press, as these institutions are classified as those capable of changing public opinion (issue discussed on Chapter 1 ) All 29 respondents are referred throughout the dissertation in codes related to their subgroups to ensure anonymity and the groups and subgroups divisions are demonstrated in Table 2 1 Group A was exclusively formed by a set of 15 local dwellers that do not ne cessarily have institutional linkage to the case study subjects; none of them works directly with cultural heritage preservation but some are active members of environmental and governmental institutions. F rom those five live inside the park (A1 2, A1 3, A 1 4, A1 5, and A2 1), four live in walking distance from it (A1 1, A1 7, A2 4 and A2 6), and six live in one of the three neighboring cities (A2 2, A2 5 and A2 8 in Taguatinga and A1 6, A2 3, A2 7 in Samambaia). Later they were subdivided into two subgroup s: A1 formed by seven individuals that were not linked to any institution related to the park, to environmental preservation or to archaeology ; and A2 formed by eight respondents that had connections with related institutions, such as local environmental N GOs (A2 1 and A2 5) college education system ( A2 3 and A2 4 were tourism major college students ), media and tourism business (A2 8) and public administration ( A2 2 3 Individuals who have used, visited, studied, managed, publicized, or used worked with; or those who h ave cared for the archaeological heritage of the Brazilian Federal District not exclusively from ARIE JK.


67 and A2 6 are IBRAM/park employees and A2 7 works for Samambaia administration as an archite ct). Group B gathered 14 professionals, also late r subdivided into two subgroups. Subgroup B1 correspond s to eight professionals that live in the Federal District but not in any of the three neighboring cities, and is formed by : a journalist (B1 1) two to urism professionals (B1 2 and B1 3) two employees hired by local development agencies ( B1 7 is an archaeologist at Eletronorte and B1 4 is an engineer at CAESB ) one employee of the local environme nt preservation secretary (B1 5) and two employees of the federal agency fo r cultural heritage management (B1 6 and B1 8) Subgroup B2 is formed by six professionals that do not live in the Federal District comprising five archaeologists responsible for previous archaeological fieldwork inside the case study area (B2 1, B2 2, B2 3, B2 4 and B2 5) and a pedagogy professional (B2 6) A mong 29 people of both groups t he majority interviewed was male (62%), between 40 and 50 years old ( 37%), with college degree (68%) Individuals under 18 years old were not considered, and none of the respondents w as illiterate. Each consideration during analysis of responses. Group A individuals already had the neighboring distance relationship to t he park, characterized according to their place of residence as: live inside the park; live in walking distance to it; or live in one of the three neighboring cities. However some of those also work in or with the park itself and when this was the case the y fell into another category named work, because it is expected their link to the park is somewhat different to those who simply live close to it. In total five individuals were identified as such: subject A2 1 who also lives inside the area;


68 subject A2 6 who lives walking distance and subjects A1 6, A2 3, A2 4 who live in one of the neighboring cities The work with or in category was the only way of defining linkage with the park for individuals of Group B, since all of them already lack the proximity re lationship evaluating responses. In this case both groups have individuals classified as having no relationship; archaeologists or individuals that have worked with archaeology; and individuals who advocate for archaeological heritage preservation in general and or for the preservation for the sites located inside the park dynamics Each interview has its own story, but all followed the same structure, provid ing different results as to length and content, which was actually the goal of the data collection. All respondents received a copy and signed the Interview Consent Form ( Appendix A ) and each interview took place within the period authorized by University of Florida Institutional Review Board (UFIRB approval protocol #2008 U 0080), which from February of 2008 to January of 2009 The majority of the interviews happened in calm controlled environments chose by each respondent, and in private. The most varie d interview location occurred with individuals from Subgroup A1 since most of th ose happened on the spot, the only exceptions were interviews A1 6 and A1 7 because of previous planning regarding location and time set. In general t he most common environment work place (58%), followed by public spaces inside ARIE JK (24%) and respon home (18%).


69 The criteria for reaching each person varied according to convenience, availability to participate and relationship to the case study. The m ajority of the respondents were contacted before the field trip via internet (41% corresponding of 12 persons), selected by indication or simply for being linked to ARIE JK or to archaeology in the Federal District. This strategy was especially effective fo r Group B individuals and for some exceptions of Group A who were publically advocating for environmental or archaeological preservation at the region (A1 7, A2 1, B1 3, B1 4, B1 6, B1 7 and each one of B2). The ones contacted during the fieldwork (9 indiv iduals) were indicated by previous respondents for various reasons, and in most cases they agree d promptly to participate (A2 3, A2 4, A2 5, A2 7, A2 8, B1 1, B1 2, B1 5, and B1 8). F or those approached by chance (8 individuals), in all cases the interview took place inside or on the surrounding of ARIE JK and immediately after approach (A1 1, A1 2, A1 3, A1 4, A1 5, A1 6, A2 2, and A2 6). As for recording procedures, on 90% of the interviews pictures were taken by the end of each event The plan was to use voice recording in every interview for cataloging and assistance on data analysis but some exceptions occurred. Four interviews were not completely recorded each for a different reason (A2 2, B1 4, B1 5 and B1 6). B1 5 interview was not recorded because t his res pondent did not authorize it, respondent B1 6 requested parts of the conversation not be recorded because of the content they considered confidential With A2 2 and B1 4 a malfunction of the voice recording device occurred in both instances These p unctual issues did not hurt data collection or analysis since all interviews followed the very same structure and w ere also registered by hand notes during the field.


70 Length of interviews varied, o n average lasted 50 minutes and the absolute extent of rec orded data is 21hours, 38minutes and 16 seconds. The shortest interview is from subgroup B2 and lasted 12 minutes; the longest is from subgroup B1 and lasted over 3 hours. If considered the estimated length of unrecorded interviews the sum period of interv iews coincided for subgroups A1 and B2 (4 hours) as well for subgroups B2 and B1 (7 hours). The average length 4 for each subgroup interview is: A1 41 minutes, A2 54 minutes, B1 58 minutes and B2 45 minutes The interviews comprised t wo main component s: th the P ark ARIE JK; and finally the respondents understanding and opinion about local archaeological heritage. For the Brazilian Federal District inhabitants (subgroups A1, A2 and B1) the interview usually started with other ki nd of inquiry, created to enhance personal understanding and to assist on the actual inquiry, which consisted on questions about personal linkage to ARIE JK and/or to the Brazilian FD. These were the guidelines for each inquiry, starting with personal ques tions (for subgroups A1, A2 and B1), questions about the park and only after th ese subject s achieved saturation the latest questioning was proposed. The reason for not stimulating questions about heritage from the get go was a strategy especially important that intended to experience firsthand to what extent the respondents really value or recognize A about cultural heritage from the beginning enhanced the potential to receive a less bi ased opinion supported by their genuine individual experience. In general question ing 4 Considering the length of unrecorded interviews as well.


71 varied depending on beforehand knowledge about each respondent, depending on compliance. The official question occurred to facilitate bonding and conversation, including questions such as: what are some of the things you l ike or dislike about ARIE JK?; what kind of activities do you do there?; is it close to your house?; how do you get there?; u sually how long do you stay there?; d o you see it as a leisure space?; d o yo u see it at a vacant space?; i n your opinion, what would be the best use for A RIE JK?; w ould you use it more often if it had bet ter access and equipments?; w ould you enjoy it better if it was safer?; d o you recommend othe rs to visit ARIE JK? If so why? As for the inquiry about archaeology, the main questi possible to pose right away in many of the interviews because some respondents did not understand what an archaeological site is, or because they were not aware of the local sites. Whenever necessary auxiliary questioning was proposed to incentive required It was expected that sometimes clarification would b e needed, so when necessary a short and very simple definition was provided, always seeking not to following: what do you think an archaeological site is?; a re you aware of any archaeological site at the Federal District?; h ow did you find out about it?; w hat do you know about the ar chaeological sites at ARIE JK?; h ow did you find out about these


72 archaeological sites?; what do you think about them?; h ave you visited them or a ny other archaeological site, or a museum with archaeologi cal collections? Why? When?; t o what extent do you think archaeological heritage benefits t he local communities? Why?; t o what extent do you think local communities should be involved in the managem ent of archaeological heritage? Why? How? All additional questions were part of the interview guide. As the development of tourism was part of the hypothesis, for the residents and the experts who live in the Federal District (Group A and Subgroup B1), whe n possible questioning on personal preferences for leisure, as to preferred places and activities, intended to explore to what extent these individuals would be up to using the Park for recreation. This intended to explore deeper their expectations and opi nions on developing tourism at the sites, issue further described in Chapter 4. As explained before, f or individuals on subgroups A1, A2 and B1 another type of inquiry was proposed, always depending on their apparent willingness to share personal informati on The ones from subgroup B2 do not live in the Federal District so their personal background would not facilitate interpretation of their opinions about the park d irected to their opinions about the park as outsiders and to their archaeological and outreach knowledge as experts. Questions about identity and personal link to the Federal District intended to ments, to assess where they are from and how they value these places, and if cultural and/or environmental and cultural heritage play a role on that relationship. Questioning about this subject varied


73 as following: where do you live?; h ow long have you liv e d there?; d o you like living there? Why?; w ould yo u live somewhere else? Why?; where is your family from?; h ow do you identify yourself?; d o you identify yourself as a brasiliense or candango ?; can you explain h ow attached are you to where you live (emoti onally, politically, family ties, community ties)? Assessing self proclaimed personal and cultural identity and how they relate themselves to Braslia was a powerful tool to assist analysis, as a way to get a better knowledge of each individual and to und erstand better their opinions As each person disclosed their opinions and/or responded to questions, throughout records examination data was detached and organized into the following t opics for later analysis: the P ark itself (ARIE JK); archaeology; medi a; institutional and legal systems; tourism; identity and personal information; religious activities inside the park; and non related subjects, also considered a separated category for later The to pic religious activity was chosen due to the pres ence of ceremonial areas close to the archaeological sites. The interviews were not transcribed since pauses, common expressions, and other sorts of linguistics phenomena were not to interpret as part of re sponse content therefore they would not be used for investigation And the responses were not translated but rather interpreted for their meanings, as suggested by Hodder and Hutson the transformation from spoken Portuguese to English text ed (2003: 161) W hen necessary the contents were transcribed as is to the analysis subject table s (one example of a fully transcribed interview and that respondent profiling is found on Appendix B ). The identification of themes and creation of analytic categories


74 made the data interpretation less biased, as well the possibility of using direct quotes makes the analytical process more straight forward and comprehensible. The goal during analysis was to comparing and later among groups. The recog nition of actual activities that take place inside the park that are not officially signed as land use was the most important criterion for evaluation during walking survey, and therefore the spontaneous mentioning of them or the lack of comments on them w ere also an important evaluation procedure as to identify public understanding, current land uses and their connection to the sites themselves. In many instances responses felt into more than one of these categories, and in those cases the same answer was considered for as many subjects as necessary. Each topic analyzed considered all responses, including absent responses. Individual responses were confronted among the subgroups and later among groups to reach conclusion about each topic For each interv iew there is a comment on the spot, in regards to atmosphere, and towards the questions and comments made during the conversation. After data content review each inte rview has also received an after comment, as to what kind of issue presented more importance to that person, repetition and reinforcement of specific subjects, and failure in asking or having responses, details that might have jeopardized the interview, an d so on. These comments were later part of a respondent profile table that assisted during the analysis for each topic chosen for scrutiny.


75 As exposed before comprehending each respondent origin and how they relate to Braslia was a criteria to assist on i nterpreting their answers. Besides all subgroup B2 respondents, A2 1, B1 3, B1 6 and B1 7 did not provide a direct answer or simply were not questioned about identity because the direction took during their interview made it uncomfortable to enter in this matter. Therefore 19 is the total number of respondents for the questions related to local identity, origins and/or migration. In all three subgroups there are individuals who were born somewhere else and migrated to the FD (11 individuals), as well as ind ividuals who were born there (8 individuals ). Out of these 11individuals five migrated during childhood and six as adults. The 11 migrants were from every region in Brazil. 5 Subgroup A1 have individuals from the states of Rio de Janeiro, So Paulo, Cear, Gois and Tocantins (located in regions North, Northeast and Southeast); subgroup A2 from Minas Gerais and Gois (regions Midwest and Southeast); and subgroup B1 from Rio Grande do Sul, Santa Catarina, Paran and Minas Gerais (regions South and Southeast). This diversity mirrors employees and politicians but also by people that came from all parts of the country for different reasons and on different occasions since its c onstruction in the late 1950s. Those who were born in the Federal District mostly agree with self identification as brasiliense 6 with one exception (A2 8) who identified himself as ceilanden s e ( or from 5 Brazil is divided into 5 regions: North and Northeast are considered the least developed in terms of income distribution and infra structure; Midwest, which is where the Federal District is located; Southeast and South regions, considered the most economically developed. 6 Brasiliense is how the people born in the Federal District is known. C andango is a nomination used name carries some negative underline meaning for locals some people avoid or do not appreciate being referred as such.


76 Ceilndia). One respondent explained that there is no such thing as a different nomination for place of birth for any individual born in the Federal District because maternity hospitals are all located in the Pilot Plan area. All 19 respondents admitted to have strong bonds with Braslia, and none would li ke to move somewhere else. This parameter gave me a better understanding as to s appreciation of Bras lia as a whole, and how all of them one way or another developed individual and strong place making tie s to newly created urban spaces. Therefore r espondents from Group A and subgroup B1 were considered always insiders, and had their opinion scrutin ized as such for every subject. 2.2.2 Written newspapers m aterial As for the written newspaper report data, the two most significant local journals were c hosen for this analysis: Correio Braziliense and Jornal de Braslia They represent different venues the great public in the Federal District have access to printed daily news. A total of 18 reports were analyzed, 12 from Correio Braziliense and 6 from Jor nal de Braslia all published between 2004 and 2008 and located by the key words ARIE JK and/or rqueologia (archaeology). Correio Braziliense is the biggest newspaper in circulation on the Federal District, also considered one of the most important n ewspapers in Brazil. It is actually the very first printed newspaper of the federal capital, n amed after the Post Braziliense Warehouse Literature a newspaper published in London in 1808 by Hiplito Jos da Costa. I n April 21 st of 1961 a well known press magnate in Brazil called Assis Chateaubriant accepted a personal invitation of President Kubitschek and founded t he first newspaper of Braslia in the very same day of the federal capital dedication Jornal de Braslia was for long time the second newsp ape r in number of circulation on the


77 Federal District. Founded in 1972 this newspaper lost its positio n to a tabloid created in 2006 called Aqui DF 7 Considering its profile and the data collection period this newspaper is indeed the second most important lo cally, and for that matter it is the only possible exemplar capable to be contrasted to Correio Braziliense. The period searched is four years, from 2004 8 when the case study began to be investigated, to 2008, representing the end of this dissertation fie ld work. The key words interview research design. The data was collected in each of the newspapers archives as hard copy, and s ome were also collected online. The years 2004 and 2005 mark the period in which the most extensive archaeological fieldwork was done in the entire Federal District, mobilizing two government administrations, local and federal, in an area known to host the biggest population of the Federal District which is the very case study site of this research 9 Choosing 2004 as a start until the end of data collection in 2008 provides a reasonable range of time, considering the great probability of change in an urbanized area over 4 years that provided a broad overvi ew of the local dynamics, without overwhelming the qualitative analysis. On top of that, there were other archaeological fieldworks conducted during the same period, among those two that took place inside the case study park in 2007, enhancing the possibil ity of reports about the park, about archaeology and specific ally about the ar chaeological sites of ARIE JK. 7 Person al communication with local journalist Alfredo Bessow in November of 2011 about the most important local newspapers in the Brazilian Federal District. 8 By January of 2004 this case study began to be investigated while I was part of a research team that c onducted a major archaeological mitigation project and ended up excavating four sites inside the park. 9 Prior to 2004 the other archaeological work inside ARIE JK that might have incentive press publication took place in 1997, and if chosen such a far bac k starting year for data collection would not improve results due to the outdated information and difficulty to reach records.


78 Correio Braziliense presented the biggest sample of reports (12) 10 out of 18 reports analyzed, and it also showcased archaeology more times. Out of all 12 Correio Braziliense reports 11 analyzed only one did not mention archaeology, the one published on 12/17/2005 about the new legal limits 5 parks inside ARIE have since then. Another interesting remark is that most of t he archaeology reports from Co rreio Braziliense were all signed by a single reporter, which deserved special attention (issue further discussed on Chapter 5) On the other hand, only half of the Jornal de Braslia reports analyzed mentioned archaeology, but all of them had to deal with ARIE JK and its current issues. The eight reports analyzed from Jornal de Braslia have the main subject related to issues in ARIE JK, mostly on wrong land use and illegal housing use. Out of this sample only three reports mention ed archaeological heritag e, and only one of those is indeed about archaeology The process for analysis was the same adopted for the audio data; content of every report was assigned to ea ch of the chosen subjects. Afterwards the divided data was compared to responses on that matter, and with the mapping usage registered for that specific subject. S ince the written material did not provide the same range of subjects as those provided by interview responses, the lack of reporting for each topic is also considered. Other local written media has been examined but their sample is not sufficient for data analysis. For instance Jornal do Brasil another significant daily newspaper of the 10 Correio Braziliense reports an alyzed were published on 07/22, 08/02, 08/15, 09/14, and 10/31 of 2004; on 03/05, 03/20, 09/24, a nd 10/17 of 2005; and on 04/06, 05/08 and 08/24 of 2008. 11 Jornal de Braslia analyzed were published on 02/29 and 08/15 of 2004; on 08/14 of 2007; and on 0 1/14, 01/20, and 01/27 of 2008.


79 Federal District, published a report on July 23 rd 2004 and among all reports analyzed it w as the only one that actually put ARIE JK archaeological finds and fieldwork in the spotlight by assigning it to a front page headline. Other journal reports from different sources were interested in augmenting controversial issues that concerned areas enc losing the park, such as the landfill construction or illegal settlements, but did not mention the park itself, and therefore could not be part of the sample. Those were used as information sources and as necess ary are quoted along this work. 2.2.3 People and s ettings walking surveys and o bservations Visitations to specific locations in and around ARIE JK created data also used to contrast and confront with information provided during the interviews and the ones reported by written newspapers as already explained. Locations with rather foreign activities to be found in an environmentally protected space were always registered through geographical location and photograph, and assisted on understanding current activities and their linkage (or lack of linkag e) t o local archaeological sites. It can also be identified as the walking survey technique, used to find evidences of everyday uses in situ not identifiable by the official land use or zoning maps. All visitations occurred during the months of April, May and November of 2008 in order to document every sort of activity spotted inside or surrounding the site, from the smallest piece of trash to a religious ceremony. As a result geographical and visual mapping supported by the extensive amount of pictures tak en were used to explain in details human activities and other particularities spotted in and in the outskirts of the Park, presented in each of the following chapters. The visitations occurred in different days of the week and during different daylight ho urs to assess variety of usage patterns during the months of April, May and


80 November of 2008 A car was used for transportation to the site, and in some occasions accompanied by volunteer research assistant s (for pictures of fieldwork see Appendix C ) Vis itations focused on areas known for public use such as the five smaller parks in and on the outskirts of ARIE JK and mostly nearby the three archaeological sites. The re is no visibility for material attributes or landscape of the archaeological sites and for that matter none of the activities registered had direct association to the sites themselves but some indirect us ages are noticed later on this c hapter O bservations involved an intricate procedure due to current usage characteristics inside ARIE JK. Security con ditions were a major disruption, most areas inside the case study site offers high risk for crime and harassment because of their visual isolation conditions and their closeness to urban areas, and due to the range of illicit activities that t ake place inside it, such as irregular housing and illegal garbage disposal, therefore accessing some places was not an option. The accessibility was also an issue because the infrastructure composed by dirt roads is not mapped; especially those located cl ose to irregular housing and many of them had bad conditions ( F igure 2 2 ) The access by foot happened in few occasions when accompanied by more than one volunteer, 12 even though local dwellers have always advised against it for safety reasons. For the a reas visited length of stay was also an issue, because the presence of strangers and a parked car were at risk for attracting wrongdoing, including inside and on the vicinities of some local parks. Fortunately, beside s possible hindrance of participant obs ervation goals, nothing else happened during fieldwork beside a leg injury on one of the volunteer student s 12 All research assistants volu nteered for the job, five were A rchaeo logy major college students from PUC GO, a History major student from UnB assisted on archival research.


81 I n addition to smaller ities and occasional passing by three sorts of use were satisfactorily observed: rural activities registered in different farms especially those at S tio Ger nium in Samambaia; different religi ous manifestations; and drug using T he last two took place in a single location in the city of Ceilndia know n as Morro da Guariroba Other types of use such as ritual offe rings, constructions, garbage disposal and illegal natural resource removal were photographed and mapped as spotted A meeting inside one of the smaller parks was also observed in November of 2008, detailed in Chapter 3 and further evaluated in Chapter 4 2.3 ARIE JK and its Contrasts: Data A nalysi s the P ark ARIE JK has been formally presented as holding significant ecological function, and also has been acknowledged for its original rural function (the rural proper ties still maintain their addresses as part of the Rural Taguatinga quarter). However, rhetorically these cl assifications alone do not define ARI E JK holistic character. For that matter and based on prior understanding this research has always characterize d ARIE JK as a large park, which by definition is an diverse, complex, and delightfully engaging outdoor spaces for a broad range of people (Corner 2007: 11) The urban character of the case study site has always been considered to be more prominent, including during the const ruction of research design, data collection and analysis. Nevertheless it is indeed a complex space among densely occupied urban areas and the other characteris tics are not taken for granted. ARIE P arque JK, or simply ARIE JK, is an environmentally protect ed area c reated on 1996 I t has 2,306 hectares and is part of the Descoberto River watershed,


82 comprising the rivers Cortado Taguatinga Melchior Valo Gatum and numerous river streams and springs (NCA 2006) This park is currently l ocated among the highest populated regi on in the FD. Together the three satellite cities around it host over 30% of the population of the Brazilian Federal District Taguatinga from the late 1950s, Ceilndia from the 1970s and Samambaia from the late 1980s nearly suffocated its surroundings w ith urban infra structure and development, transforming its original agricultural character into a mixed used state that suffers from all of the developments inherent of major cities, including squatter garbage and sewage disposals and many sorts of unusu al activities Even thought it was only institutionalized in 1996, this space has history linked to the construction of the new capit a l, as one of the areas chosen by then President JK for rural development in order to create means for local food supply (Dato 2006) Although there was a lack of planning to develop the rural sect ion in the Federal District (Epstein 1973: 86) Japanese and Japanese Brazilians farmers invited during the late 1950s were the first rural dwellers there (Freitas 2007) Probably the very first family officially settled in that emp eror Hirohito to help with rural development in a land known to be poor for planting (Pedra 2010) The Onoyamas and other nippo Br azilian rural producers 13 are still living in ARIE JK but most of them gave up due to the proximity of urban development and the consequen t lost of area to city growth. One of the respondents (A2 1) acquired a 14 hectares rural property from a nippo Brazili an family in 1985, because their original farm area had been considerably 13 Unfortunately it was not possible to interview local Japanese community. Two attempts were made during fieldwork and although they allow entrance to their property they were not willing to be interviewed.


83 reduced when the GDF decided to create Samambaia and they did not want to live near to an urban area. Four years later she could see the urban development approaching her unit. Since then she states that there is a strong pressure toward conurbation, and that the real state value of that area has increased so much tha there the land would not for local rura l dwellers it is no longer possible to maintain a family only out of agricultural activities. She transformed her property into an eco friendly rural business, selling organic produce, promoting events and environmental preservation courses ( further descri bed on Chapter 3 ). Besides all the odds the rural landscape is still very noticeable ( F igures 2 3 and 2 4). Respondent A2 7 who is an architect and urban planner and claims to be the very first inhabitant of Samambaia (he was the first dweller to receive d a plot and moved there on August 2 nd 1985), while employee of Samambaia city hall administration and as an expert stated that around 1995 urban development started to pressure the park limits. Indeed that was the period in which all three cities expanded their limits. Samambaia recently created attracting a great number of families receiving plots as an acquired right; Taguatinga planning for expansion (archaeologist Eurico Miller was hired g the early 1990s, including the area later proclaimed as ARIE JK); while P Sul sector, an enormous housing development in Ceilndia very close to the park, remained in full growth until this day (followed by its neighboring sector recently legalized insid e the P ark limit Condomnio Pr do Sol ).


84 As the P ark is surrounded by three densely populated cities, urban infra structure has grown in and around it over the years. Following several types of development are described, and their locations are demonstrate d on figure 2 5. The connective traffic tissue is the first aspect to consider. The roads that enclose the park are Estrada Parque Taguatinga /EPTG (or DF 085) Northbound, connecting Ceilndia and Taguatinga ; and 2 Avenida Norte in Samambaia (Southbound) EPTG also crosses the park in Taguatinga, and the subway rail is located along it up to the municipal division with Ceilndia ( F igures 2 6 and 2 7). The subway rail crosses the park on a second location in the route Braslia Samambaia, which means there ar e two different rails crossing th e park and the river eastbound. There are other roads also crossing the P ark The most significant in terms of daily traffic is Via de Ligao Samambaia Taguatinga The second road with potential to carry the most traffic i s DF 459 connecting Ceilndia and Samambaia, still under construction in 2008 ( F igure 2 8 ). The others cross smaller portions and carry less traffic, one is located south of Cortado Park and the other is DF 460 situa ted north of Boca da Mata Park. Around t he P ark in Taguatinga one finds built facilities that potentially attract considerable amount of public, such as the soccer stadium Elmo Serejo, also known as Serejo ( F igure 2 9 ), regional bus station and two subway stations a college campus ( F igure 2 10 ) and the local Police Academy. Also in the outskirts of the campus, and the power sub station and expected power lines this time crossing the


85 park ( F igu re s 2 11 and 2 12). There is also an area planned to receive a new campus of University of Braslia/UnB, in a location close t o DF PA 15 archaeological site. In Taguatinga, in Ceilndia and in Samambaia one can find housing developments i nside and/or very close to the P ark limits (F igure 2 13). And there have been other sorts of developments in place, such as the sewage and water pipeline (crossing the park east west) and plant; a recycling plant in Ceilndia; and a brand new urban landfill still under disc ussion to b e located outside of the park. 2.3. 1 Interviews Park, the content of the information provided by each respondent at first has been confronted between subgroups and group s, and later the content variation has been contrasted among respondents classified according to their link to ARIE JK. Therefore the analysis on this subject also considered comparing responses from those classified as insiders, or those living in one of the three neighboring cities (individuals from Group A); the experts who live in Braslia but not in one of those cities (subgroup B1); and the outsiders mostly composed by the archaeology professionals (subgroup B2). While current land uses of ARIE JK are predictable, not all of them were expected. People provided convergent points of view as for their general perceptions of this park, as to a significant but poorly maintained space. Mostly the respondents agree with the ecological importance of the park. On the other hand the majority of respondents cited common (in order of number of citations): pollution, illegal housing, deforestation and illegal usage or natural resources hostility (related to robbery or rape), followed by drug using, and even corps and robbed cars dispos al.


86 Those living closer to it displayed more affection and used adjectives to describe r people that live closer to it is much more aware of violence and lack of state care, and expressed sorrow due to the unsafe conditions of its public spaces, on the opposite of those living inside it, who directed their concern more to new housing and inf ra structural developments. In the subgroup of local dwellers that have institutional linkages to the Park ( A2 ) seven out of eight individuals 14 were mostly concerned with environmental preservation and aware of the area issues. This group is more aware of ARIE as a whole, even though some still focused their attention more on specific public spaces In general a stronger environmental discourse is present, they are more aware of the short term effects of deforestation, urbanization, pollution a nd the lack o f law enforcement. In the subgroup of experts who live in Bras lia ( B1 ) four individuals have never been to ARIE JK: three respondents have no attachment whatsoever with ARIE JK but would like to visit it; and one deals with it for work although have never been there in person. Responses in general are vaguer about personal opinions. Excluding the three respondents with no attachment, all of them mentioned urban development as a big concern, and all of them agree with its preservation but complained somewh at about its protection. Two respondents that have had the most professional contact with it mentioned local inhabitants as a problem for conservation, and one of them was clear about being against human occupation inside the park. In the subgroup of archa eology professionals ( B2 ) all respondents have not been to the area before working on it. When I asked about their first impressions responses 14 In this subgroup there is one exception, a single respondent (A2 8) was unaware of ARIE JK itself and its issues; he lives Taguatinga but was born in Ceilndia, even though he never lived close to i t.


87 varied because most of them were more concerned in explaining the place in regard to the job they developed there and clearly established no personal attachment to it. Although they all clearly agreed on the park environmental significance, the subjects that mostly appear on their perceptions about it were related to urban expansion and its consequence s. With two ex ceptions, the insiders ( respondents from Group A ) presented a personal relationship with ARIE JK. With one exception all expressed concerns with its protection, and pointed out wrongdoing. Surprisingly one inhabitant was absolutel y unaware, which is a sign the P ark is not understood as a public space, or maybe due to among the experts ( Group B ) respondents is the lack of personal attachment with the area, with exception of co uple respondents from subgroup B1. The respondents from pointing out some peculiar situations, in contrast with subgroup B1 that expressed a more distant and technical outlook, even though in general they were more knowledgeable about the park itself. 2.3.2 Newspaper s Media reports on the P ark also called attention to its ecological significance and wrongdoing, but the two sources had different outlooks on those subjects. Correio Braziliense does not criticize directly environmental degradation inside the park and even provided wrong information on it, while Jornal de Braslia assumes a strong opposition to this matter and informed more about its ecological significance. As part o f the institutional analysis on Chapter 3 each publication political and economical pers pectives are discussed further.


88 Correio Braziliense published four reports about the construction of the new sewage collection and treatment system, and three of them n ever mentioned the park ARIE JK (selected by the key word arqueologia and not ARIE JK) Mostly reports refer to the area relating it to the Melchior River and to the benefited cities around it. In one of them the reporter even misspelled the acronym ARIE f or Jornal de Braslia is more concerned with environmental preservation and generally condemns human acts inside protected areas. It likes to display criminal investigations as a way to call attention to this issue. All reports but the one (talking about the new road DF 459 connecting the cities and the subway system) showcase criminal cases, as if this newspaper only understands the environmental function of ARIE and ignores other pur poses. Special attention given to a strong discourse against housing dwellings inside the park by Jornal de Braslia published on three different reports in January of 2008 (but rather similar in content). Other interesting information was published by th is journal on 02/29/2004: a short note on a list of illegal acts then current park administration caught red handed, specifically about over 12 individuals fined and a truck loaded of construction debris apprehended All suspects were booked and paid bail of R$2,000 (approximately almost one thousand dollars) However, the number of newspaper p ublications exclusively on the P ark is too low in the period of 4 years, especially because on this period a considerable number of development and mitigation project s were on. On top of that the reports are usually motivated by other issues, such as development, being them in favor of or against them. Out of five Correio Braziliense reports that showcased the park only one was


89 exclusively about it and not motivated b y other issues (published on 12/17/2005 about the new limits of its recreation and ecological parks). All Jornal de Braslia reports showcased the park, and out of six none were exclusively motivated on ecological character of the park but rather on report ing illegal activity and need of better law enforcement. 2.3.3 Walking survey While visiting the park in several occasions, many were usage types observed. Although its leisure character at the recreational areas (subject further discussed on Chapter 4), n ot many people were found using the area for recreation, which reinforces the discourses on the lack of maintenance and violence respondents provided during the interviews; and the illegal acts publicized by Jornal de Braslia During fieldwork recording i t was possible to see that besides leisure some pe ople used the area as shortcut, others for contemplation ( F igure 2 1 4 ), but the human activity that could only be seeing through material remains was the one that carried the highest meaning as to how peopl e in fact use the park ARIE JK. And yet not all of them were reported by the public, or by the media. The irregular sewage dumping had been a public problem for this park, and the construction of a sewage and water collector and treatment system might not be enough to solve it because domestic waste dumping is still increasing due to the enhanced number of regular condominiums and irregular settlements in and around the park area. Together with irregular sewage, illegal garbage and debris disposal and crimi nal sand and dirt removal are also enhancing the environmental degradation of the park, Since this area has been used for rural purposes since late 1950s the effects of these activities, such as deforestation or road constructions, are not discussed. And t he


90 issues of regular and irregular housing and other occupati ons are discussed on Chapter 3. Although violence and illegal natural resources exploration were never caught red handed, at least 1 5 different location of irregular disposal of plain garbage, de bris and other sorts of hazardous waste had been spotted in all three cities (F igure 2 1 5 ) debris aterials it is supposed to educate th e public not to dispose there (F igure 2 1 6 ). Usually the rubbish is found close to dirt road accesses, to residential or othe r sorts of occupied locations; b ut elsewhere it is also possible to find it, sometimes in qu an tity and close to the river or next to leisure areas (F igure 2 17 ), and trash is also easily spotted in locations known to receive random visitors, indicating other sorts of isolated activities ( F igure 2 18 ). Another serious issue found inside the park w as related to areas explored for removal of sand and dirt activities that inevitably create huge landscape transformation and need extensive planning to avoid environmental degradation. They were usually located close to dirt roads in good conditions (F igur e 2 19 ), and already associated w ith debris and waste disposal (F igures 2 2 0 ). At least one was located inside a rural property, with no public access, a situation that can be ongoing and creating a much worse picture than the one regist ered during fieldwo rk in 2008 (F igure 2 2 1 ). These acts to being used for sand removal. But a significant practice has been spotted during walking surveys and never cited by the media, and poorly mentioned on int erviews: the religious activities. During the


91 very first day of fieldwork a distinctive character was identified on many bu ildings surrounding the park: religious houses. Together with residences, services and commercial places, it was remarkable the amoun t of small Christian churches that are located neighboring the park (F igure 2 2 2 ). On top of that three distinct locations were catalogued as Christian religious sites and many afro Brazilian religion related ceremonial remains (referred here as despachos ) have been located in areas in and around the park (F igure 2 2 3 ). Places for Christian worshiping notably not catholic and not linked to specific religions have been located in two different areas inside and surround the park in Ceilndia, areas known as P as Morro da Guariroba And in a neighboring area in Samamb aia a location called also carries the same phys ical characteristics as the two described above: places with walking areas in which people walk in circles around a kind of pile of prayers and wishes, these three also ar e in open air surrounded by green areas (Figure 2 24) On November 25 th 2008 I obser service at Morro da Guariroba in Ceilndia, a sunny morning, from 8:30AM to the its conclusion on 12:30 PM, the same day the main minister was interviewed (respondent A1 1), by making field notes, taking pictures and eventually foot age for image and sound catalog. Until the primary minister arrived after 10AM no other minister agreed to talk or to authorize recording, which he promptly authorized afterwards. According to respondent A1 1this ceremony happens every Tuesday morning from 9:30AM to 12:30P M since 1985, and has gathered as much one thousand people on a single day, and has no specific faith


92 orientation and do not discriminate other religions and participants from other locations. The ceremonial activity at the other location this one, stil l according to respondent A1 1. Two ministers conducted the service before the principal pastor arrived (respondent A1 1). The cult is simple and has no special ornamental arrangements, the pastors pr eached and read the Bible, played instruments and sang, since the beginning of the ceremony assisted by microphones under a small tent, while the public participated sometimes sitting in improvised areas around the main circle, and some or walking in circl es People arrived slowly, and many left pictures and letters on the center of the praying place, a sort of ceremonial pile of wishes and prayers ( F igure 2 25 ). Some participants I talked to admitted being there for the first time and that it was hard to f ind the place. After 10AM many more individuals arrived, and by the end of the ceremony around 20 people participated, mostly women but also children and men. Morro da Guariroba was visited during fieldwork several days and times, on April 26 th May 2 nd a nd November 12 th 14 th 15 th and 25 th of 2008 The goal was to identify different uses since it is an accessible area close to the archaeological sites, with great view s of the P ark and of the three cities that notably has been used for over two decades. I n 2009 this place was registered as a prehistoric lithic site named Bela Vista issue further explained in Chapter 5. Besides Christian ceremonies other activities were registered at this location and on locations close by: alcohol consumption and sexual a cts (registered thought trash found); drug using; and the remains of afro Brazilian ritualistic activities referred here as despacho and described next.


93 On November 12 th I registered some drug using activity, and talked with the two young men conducting it (no formal interview of visual record was done). They alleged um lugar mstico rs go there to smoke other illegal substances (referred as described reason for using Morro da Guariroba is somewhat related. The other religious activity registered inside the park mostly around Morro da Guariroba is associated with the African Brazilian religions Umbanda and Candombl and is popularly known as macumba despacho or trabalho It is a ritualistic activity in which people leave specific sets of gifts to Afric an Brazilian religious entities in order to achieve something desired, and it is understood as a magic activity that can be directed to good or bad intents. These gifts varies, from flowers and perfumes, food and alcohol and even animal sacrifice and blood rituals, and they are usually done secretly during the night in locations known as encrusilhadas which are places close to isolated cross roads that can be located in highly occupied urban areas to more recluse locations. These ceremonies were introduced by the African slaves in Brazil; as their religions were prohibited in Portuguese plantations as a way of destroying their communication, the perpetuation of these practices acted as tool to keep traditions alive (Marinis 1996) During fieldwork these ritualistic remains we re registered inside the park on several occasions (in April and in November of 2008), mostly on the roads that connect Morro da Guariroba to the archaeological site s DF PA 15 and Pedra Velha and one was spotted at a different location in the beginning of the fieldwork on April 13 th


94 Because many were already deteriorated and it is not possible to count the exact number of those remains registered, at least 15 different despachos were catalog, and some chosen to show diversity and condit ions of them during fieldwork (F igure 2 26 ). One of the young males using marihuana I talked with when asked gave his opinion about them, one that reinforces the negative stereotype outsiders have of these cults. He said it is usual to find these remains there and when this happens he usually kicks or runs over them on purpose. If the goal of the fieldwork was to find despachos certainly many others would be located. The ones registered were always spotted by chance, on locations boarding the park in Ceilndia. Although not located during fieldwork, there is at least one house of worship, also known as Terreiro inside the park area, which reinforces the reason for so many ritual vestiges found in Ceilndia. This place is called T erreiro do Pai Jorge located close to a publ ic school in Condomnio Pr do Sol one of the settlements recently legalized in Ceilndia (subject of discussion on Chapter 3). In 2008 during an extensive inventory IPHAN (Mader 2010b) has cataloged 26 houses of worship of this kind in use in the F ederal District and neighboring cities, usually located in distant rural areas. Like the testimony described before, these places are yet misunderstood by many. Popularly the houses of worship and their ceremonies are not well accepted socially because gen eral public see them as related to harm doing, prejudice that might change in time due to recent state recognition 15 On the opposite side of the evidences related to wrongdoing none of the newspaper reports researched acknowledges this characteristic, and very few 15 IPHAN has officially recognized some of these places nationwide as part of the Brazilian Intangible Cultural Heritage over the last decade.


95 respondents were aware or had opinion about the religious activities ongoing inside ARIE JK. With exception of respondent A1 1 (since he is the principal minister and classified as local dwel lers ( Group A ) spontaneously commented about that. Two respondents from the subgroup of experts living in Bras lia ( B1 ) when asked but had never heard of the other locations, and another one demonstrated to be completely s ur prised with this information. Three archaeologists had some information about religious activities; one of them knew about the despachos but was unaware of the Christian ceremonies (B2 3) Respondent B2 while he was and he also provided information about religious usage of caves inside the p ark in Samambai a, but he was not sure about it. Respondent B2 2 was not aware of an y activity described before, but he provided information about a different one that he observed in a located very close to the site DF PA 11. On the backyard of the household where he stayed on during his fieldwork in 1997, which was located inside the par k, where today is the recently legalized settlement called Condomnio Pr do Sol the woman living there conducted sessions of baptism and a great amount of people gathered during this activity. He could not explain further about the ritual itself, bu t he found it somewhat awkward. 2.3.4 Conclusions on data analysi s It became obvious that the religious usage of ARIE JK is not acknowledged by the individuals interviewed or by the media ; as if these activities are somehow pri vate in public space None of the newspaper report analyzed accounted for this usage, and the


96 people interviewed had little to nothing to say about religious practices inside the Park. However they seem to carry something in common with the archaeological sites, because they are the uses l ocated closer to all three sites focus of this research ( DF PA 11, DF PA 15 and Pedra Velha ) and yet the ones that create the least amount of land use disturbances among the ones d escribed along this chapter. The Outsiders (S ubgroup B2), as expected, demo nstrated no emotional connection to the park, and also displayed a negative connotation as to what was their opinion about it. Word s such as smelly, polluted, and violent were present in virtually every speech, although all of them recognized its environme ntal potential. As for the I nsiders, their opinions varied. Th e experts l iving further from it (S ubgroup B1) have mixed opinions as some have never been there On contrast the Residents (Group A) have more objective comments. The ones living in or in walk ing distance to the park were more concerned with unwanted new neighbors attracted by all the ongoing development, but on the other hand were not completely against development. Those living in one of the neighboring cities displayed deep concern with viol ence and criminal actions. One characteristic proven on many instances during the interviews is that the local dwellers did not acknowledge the sites, their location, or their features, therefore related usage is impossible. The only type of use different than rural at one of the sites are the religious activities at Morro da Guariroba in Ceilndia, now registered as a lithic site under the name Bela Vista (situation further explained on Chapter 5) However, these current uses share space unconsciously with archa eological landscapes, which can not be linked as related usage.


97 Understanding how these va rious actors connected to this P ark was eye ope ning Its character as a large park, or assemblage of small urban parks, was missing in every respondent answering as well as on the media reports. The rural character and the perceived character as vacant space were much more P ark as part of the urban environment. In summary in practice the local public does not understand ARIE JK as a large park, therefore is no t aware of their civil rights as merely beneficiaries of this area. The institutional aspects are stronger than its urban character as a public space on the p eople ions (Table 2 2) Table 2 1. Division of respondents into Groups and Subgroups Residents (Group A) A1 seven individuals classified as urban and rural dwellers living in the Park or on its outskirts ( in Taguatinga, Ceilndia, or Samambaia ) ; A2 eight individuals classified as urban and rural dwellers liv ing in the Park or on its outskirts ( in Taguatinga, Ceilndia, or Samambaia ) associated to education, urban and park management, environmental NGOs, tourism and/or media local institutions, all somehow related to ARIE JK Outsiders (Group B) B1 eight in dividuals classified as experts in related fields (archaeology, tourism, environmental and heritage management, development, and media) who live in the Federal District but not in any of the three neighboring cities; B2 six archaeology professional s who do not live in the Federal District


98 Table 2 2. Data results related to the public cognition of the Park Interviews reports Walking survey Conclusions Among the ones living closer to the Park (Subgroups A1 and A2): more personal connect ion from those living in and closer to the Park; while those with institutional linkages displayed great concern with safety and wrongdoing. Correio Braziliense : the Park is not publicized due to its environmental qualities, but mostly due to development projects taken place there, and how they will benefit local communities. Great amount of garbage disposed, and punctual illegal sand extraction areas, combined with drug using observation and other activities spotted through trash vestiges confirmed respon dents concerns In general the Park is discussed as an idea, but those more familiar with it frequently displayed negative opinions in regards to uses, and users. Among Groups (Residents versus Outsiders): the cognition differs greatly among those living in and closer to the Park, to the ones working with it or concerned with its preservation. Jornal de Braslia : The environmentally quality of the Park is only publicized to justify other arguments, such as the danger of illegal settlements. Discovery of re ligious usages not reported in maps or by the media, and not acknowledged by the majority of respondents uncovered a new function for a private space that survives concealed from the public eye General cognition indicated a lack of obvious function to the Park, as a result it is more publicized or talked about as a vacant space, even though its legal status is acknowledged


99 Figure 2 1 All locations registered as geographi c coordinates during fieldwork in 2008 Figure 2 2 Dirt road inside the pa rk in poor condition ( Ceilndia 04/ 12 /08)

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100 Figure 2 3 F ence demarking rural properties, the city of Samambaia in the back (Ceilndia, 04/13/ 08) Figure 2 4 C ows grassing in a location close to Trs Meninas Park and to DF PA 11 archaeological site ( Samambaia 04/ 27/ 08)

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101 Figure 2 5 Position of facilities, roads, housing areas, recreation and ecological parks, infra structural developments, and specific places in ARIE JK, in contrast to the three a rchaeological sites excavated inside the P ark Figure 2 6 Subway rail and train photographed from the park (Taguatinga, 11/14/ 08)

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102 Figure 2 7 Estrada Parque Taguatinga /DF 085, east bound viewing the city of Taguatinga in the back (Ceilndia, 04/12/ 08) Figure 2 8 Road DF 459 construction (Samambaia, 04/13/ 08)

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103 Figure 2 9 Stadium Serejo (Taguatinga, 04/12/ 08) Figure 2 10. Educational institution named Escola e Faculdade Crist de Taguatinga (11/14/08)

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104 Figure 2 11. Electric power sub station, CEB Subestao Ceilndia Sul (Ceilndia, 04/12/08) Figure 2 12 Power lines inside the park, the city of Taguatinga in the back (Ceilndia, 04/13/ 08)

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105 Figure 2 13 Housing squatter settlement neighboring Trs Meninas Park (Samambaia, 04/27/ 08) A B Figure 2 14 Random us age registered through the presence of people close to the archaeological sites. A) Man passing by (Ceilndia, 11/14/08) B) M an enjoying the view by himself ( Morro da Guariroba Ceilndia, 05/02/08)

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106 Figure 2 15 Garbage and debris (in purple marks) and places of illegal dirt removal (in green marks), archaeological sites in red Figure 2 1 6 Contrast of sign saying it is unlawful to dispose garbage or debris, and the rubbish behind it, area close t o DF PA 15 archaeological site (Ceilndia, 11/12/08)

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107 A B C D Figure 2 1 7 Examples of g arbage registered at the Park. A) Debris and random garbage (Ceilndia, 04/12/08) ; B) Garbage disposed close to DF PA 15 and Pedra Velha archaeological site s (Ceilndia, 11/14/08) ; C) Assemblage of plas tic bottles and other garbage materials very close to the Melchior R iver (Ceilndia, 04/26/08) ; D) Rainwater garbage at the Cortado River (Taguatinga, 04/14/08) Figure 2 18 Condom wrap found at Morro da Guariroba ( Ceilndia 11 /14/08)

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108 Figure 2 19 Illegal dirt/sand removal close to a dirt road (Ceilndia, 05/02/ 08) Figure 2 2 0 Crater created by dirt removal with debris associated (Ceilndia, 11/14/ 08)

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109 Figure 2 2 1 Sand extraction inside a rural property (Rural Taguatinga, 04/13/ 08) Figure 2 2 2 Two s mall worship house s side by side in Ceilndia ( 04/12/2008)

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110 Figure 2 2 3. In red l ocation s ( Guariroba ) do P Sul e (Samambaia); and different despacho locations ( orange triangles) ; archaeologica l sites in green A B Figure 2 2 4 Religious site s in and on the outskirts of the Park. A) ( Ceil ndia, 04/13/08) ; B) Samambaia, 11/11/08)

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111 A B C D Figure 2 25 Religious site Morro da G uariroba Ceilndia A) Panoramic view (11/14/08) ; B) A1 1 on the left under the tent (11/25/08) ; C) ; D) Pictures left by participants in the ceremonial pile a

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112 A B C D Figure 2 26 Examples of three different d e spacho s in location b etween the archaeological sites A) W ith animal bones ( poultry ) in an isolated spot west of Morro da Guariroba (Ceilndia, 04/13/08) ; B) W ith food in a location where other five were located, each presented different remains (Ceilndia, 05/02/08) ; C) Despacho left the night before with alcohol bottles and fresh fruits inside plastic bags (Ceilndia, 11/15/08) ; D) Despacho with fermented alco hol bottle with Pomba Gira 11/14/08)

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113 CHAPTER 3 ARCHAEOLOGY AND INST I TUTIONAL VALUES In this chapter discussions surrounding the institutional values generated by the cultural heritage are discussed, which rep resent s the ethos and behavior of heritage organizations linked to the case study area in Braslia/Brazil. Understanding how much goal. The analysis centered on opinions about institutional and legal aspects of the case study they found necessary to comment contrasted with subjects that guided the media discourses about this Park. M anagement issues are also focused on this analysis, as the institutional setting s surrounding the case study are expressively complex, involving public powers (federal, districtal and the three regional ad ministrations ) non governmental organizations, public and private development agencies and research institutes, added by recent reg ularized housing that do not fall into the actual zoning acceptance Worldwide the 20 th century represented a change in paradigm in regards to heritage conservation; all the resolutions created by U NESCO are evidence for this global change in mindset about how the past is officially value d This shift means that it is no longer available for professionals or academics an unbiased social or political position while working with, thinking about, or deciding upon the life or death of cultural heritage. Most of these judgments are taken within an institution setting, which many times (if not all times) inf luences deeply the end results. A brief historical overview of cultural legislation in Brazil, since its genesis in the beginning of the 20 th century until the se days, focusing on archaeological heritage laws is presented following.

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114 3.1 Cultural M anagement H eritage in Brazil O verview Until recently part of the economic periphery of the western world, and kept roughly apart of global conflicts, the Brazil of th e 21 st century is no longer just a continental country known for its corruption and poverty. As a growing global economy preparing to host major international sport events over the next years such as the Olympics and the Soccer World Cup, nowadays the amou nt of development in this country is considerable Current federal administration continues investing on a nationwide acceleration growth program proposed by former President Lula (2002 2010 ), known as PAC 1 Constructions of river dams, roads, railways, el ectric power lines, urban infra structure, and all kinds of development projects are in all time high, demanding an extensive amount of law enforced environmental mitigation strategies, which fortunately many times includes the a rchaeological heritage as w ell. Although culture is still a minor part of its federal budget, significant changes were made in Brazilian federal regulations in regards to protecting and publicizing its cultural heritages, including intangible and tangible remains. When one thinks ab out Brazilian heritage preservation the first institution that comes to mind is IPHAN Some might also think about legal problems, the impossibility to modify your own property, loose of property rights, all negative aspects that especially developers insi st on associating with heritage preservation not only in Brazil, but all over the world. What should also come to mind, however, is nationalism. A s in most countries of the world, Brazilian cultural heritage has been a tool put in place to help defining lo cal and national identities. I n Brazil the cultural paradigm to 1 Programa de Acelerao do Crescimento

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115 reinvent national identity was officially represented by Modern Art in a national event Semana de Arte Moderna de 22 intellectuals gathered to e xpress what they thought to be the real Brazil, shown in arts and literature a new symbol of identity of this country, attempting to deny all foreign influences and celebrate what they believed to be a genuine Brazilian culture. During the 1930 s the same g roup of intellectuals headed by the writer and leading intellectual Mario de Andrade finally shaped the federa l institution that would be responsible for enforcing and giving the headlines for cultural heritage preservation in Brazil until this day (Laraia 2006: 7) At first t he intention was mainly to stop the destruction caused by lack of maintenance in colonial buildings, by recog nizing them as national heritage, and also by making these buildings visible to the rest of the population. During this decade major advances were created in attempt to protect the cultural heritage. The Brazilian Constitution of 1934 contemplated for the first time historic sites in the juridical plan. Since this constitution, for instance, the indigenous peoples have right among property and natural resources o f their lands (Santilli 1986) In 1936, Mario de Andrade even prepared a draft bill seeking protection to cultural assets (Funari 2005) A year later the official law of protection for the cultural remains was regulated on November 30, 1937 (Fonseca 1997) the same year of the creation of the National Agency of the Historical and A rtistic Heritage, first called Secretary (SPHAN), and later changed to Institute (IPHAN) (Silva 1996; Funari 2005) This institution is currently still the major agency that deals with tangible and intangible cultural heritage inside Brazil ian territory

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116 3 .1.1 IPHAN institutional setting and archaeological management IPHAN is within the Ministry of Culture and until this day is the federal agency responsible for enforcing illegal traffic of cultural resources manage ment monitor ing law enforcement and p ermissions to every action related to tangible and intangible archaeological, historical and artistic vestiges in national territory Although the political and economical reality has changed, after almost eighty years preservation of the architectural her itage from the Brazilian colonial period still is the major target of this agency, including investments on human resources and sponsorship. Regarding of any historical building the legal protection process starts with official request, goes t hrough meticu lous inventory for the resource to be recognized in the final stage as a national monument ( bem tombado ), and to be included in a list called Livro do Tombo a legal proceeding also known as Decree law n 25. The proposal to include intangible cultural her itage on the cultural heritage list exists since the IPHAN foundation in 1937. However it was only in 2000 that the Decree n 3.551 became a reality, and the recognition and registration of immaterial patrimony has increased considerably since then (Cunha 2004) The birth of a law only for archaeology was not a fast process. According to Silva (1996) the very first attempt to create a legal proposal to protect archaeological heritage happened in 1920, even before the creation of IPHAN, a initiative of a group of intellectuals from the Society for Brazilian Arts which intended to expropriate properties located in the same area of archaeological sites. However, this proposal was against private property rights, protected by the Constitution of 1891, therefore it was denied. In 1930 there was another attempt to create legal protection to the National historic and artistic heritage, which was once again unsuccessful. After the institutionalization of

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117 Brazilian cultural heritage in 1937 until 1961 major efforts had to be made in order to improve material culture preservation. In 1951 a decree intending the research of shell mound sites was produced in the state of Paran and in 1952 seven individuals formed a committee to discuss the elaboration of a federal legislation to protect archaeology in Brazil Almost a decade later the wreck of cultural remains was the definitive justification to create the actual law for archaeology in Brazil, a motivation similar to the one for preservation of colonial buildings. In case of archaeology the destruction of shell mound si tes known in Brazil as Sambaqui 2 mostly due to economic exploration of cal mineral resources, made the creation of a strong legal mechanism to stop the destruction almost inevitable. Know as the Sambaqui Law, and created in July 26 th 1961, the federal Law n 3.924 is still the major legal tool in Brazil to protect archaeological heritage (Silva 2007) 3 After the 1960s other tools are put in place to supplement legal protection, including mechanisms suggested by the Constitution of 1988 that truly reinforced the official safeguard of archaeological sites. The 1988 Constitution declares that archeological or prehistoric monuments in the national ter ritory and all of their elements are under the safeguard and protection of the federal public p ower, in agreement with what was established by the federal L aw n 3.924 from 1961. In sum the Federal Lei do Sam baqui (Atas 1997: 203) 2 Sambaqui is a word from Tupi, a native language spoken by indigenous groups that inhabited the Brazilian coast before the European domination five centuries ago. 3 Some consider that the Decree law n 25 from 1937 can be considered the first legal tool this country had to protect its archaeological heritage, because it pro tects the entire cultural heritage of Brazil, which includes the ones that have archaeological value Caldarelli, S. B. and M. d. C. M. M. d. Santos 2000. 'Arqueologia de contrato no Brasil', Revista USP 44: 52 73.

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118 These legal instruments for protection of archaeology used in Brazil are largely based on the recommendations proposed by the Letter of Lausanne which first and foremost advices tha t the protection of the past human remains constitutes every human being's moral obligation, as well as a collective public responsibility (Souza 2006) That responsibility should be translated in the adoption of an appropriate legislation and in the warranty of enough resources t o finance, in effective way, the programs of conservation of the archeological patrimony (Curry 2000: 305) Infra structure development itself is still in place in Brazil. Althoug h the construction of one of the largest hydroelectric damns in the world such Itaipu took place over forty years ago, it took a while to be regulated in terms of cultural and environmental preservation. It was only on January 23 rd 1986, that this reality started to change in Brazil, with the creation of CONAMA Resolution n 0 01, a very important legal apparatus that forever changed the very practice of archaeology in Brazil. It establishes the basic criteria and the general guidelines for the implementat ion of environmental impact evaluations, which foresees that for the licensing of damn projects and other sorts of large civil enterprises have to pursue an environmental impact study followed by the presentation of respective rep ort, called EIA/RIMA, incl uding in its 6th Article historical sites and archeological monuments. In other words, material and immaterial vestiges presenting cultural value or those that integrate the group of the cultural goods as they are relevant to guarantee the healthy human q uality of life and/or the maintenance of the life in all its forms, also characterized as environmental resour ces (Reisewitz 2004: 99) However, despite contemplating the defense o f the archeological heritage, the CONAMA Resolution only demands environmental studies for projects

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119 with area above 100 hectares which excludes many developments with potential to destruct sites, especially if considered for those on urban areas. In 2002 another important l egal amended was created, known as Portaria n 230 which obligates all contract archaeology projects to include public education strategies in their programs (Piolli and Dias 2003) However, this instrument is considered very ambiguous because it does not s pecify which kind of educational activity, or who is the target, or even how many people it should benefit among other issues It has been strongly criticized since its very beginning. 4 On the other hand at least it opened this matter for debate, and for better or worse demands outreach activities for environmental impact developments. Before its creation the massive majority of the contract archaeology projects were not providing any kind of information to the general audien ce whatsoever. Until recently t he legal protection of archaeological heritage was exclusively a responsibility of the Fed eral government through IPHAN. About a decade ago few states and municipalities decided to include pr eservation of archaeological heritage in their own regulations. A O Estatut o das Cidades ), a Federal Law created in 2001 that guarantees all cities have to abide by a minimum of regulations to assurance communal use, security, and environmental balance whic h includes its cultural and archaeological heritage (Rodrigues 2006) Municipalities are now responsible for providing solutions to achieve social, economical, and environmental sustainability. In regard to cultural heritage, the 4 For exaustive debate I advise reading Pennin, A. 2010. 'Academia, contrato e patrimnio: vises distintas da mesma disciplina', Museu de Arqueologia e Etnologia, Programa de Ps graduao em Arqueologia 156. So Paulo: University of So Paulo/USP.

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120 should be included as special zones of social interest, and any modification should be followed by environmental impact assessments at least (Cunha 2004) Regarding regulations on municipal levels, proposals on archaeological charts have been created countrywide, as an attempt to increa se legal protection for urban areas and prevent instead of mitigate impact, although most of them have never been considered in practice by local city halls. Other more successful examples consider monitoring for urban developments in cities such as Porto Alegre/RS Curitiba/PR, Joinville/SC and Florianpolis/SC in the south region or Rio de Janeiro/RJ, So Paulo/SP and Santos/SP in southeast region Other (Tocchetto and Thiesen 2007) In Brazil archaeological remains are a state good and only IPHAN has the power to decide who can study it, and where it should be curate. In addition only teams related to educational institutions in the level of college or universities may receive permission to perform archaeological research, and the institution must have the safeguard responsibility of the material culture. It is important to explain a particularity o f this context. Meneses (2007: 38) explain s well the traditional patriarchal whole of the public policy. This is one reason that justifies how the power is still so concentrated on the federal level. By contra sting the cultural legal systems in Brazil and in the US present many similarities. Although much older since in the US the creation of this very same sort of federal legislation began in 19 th century, it was only along the 20 th century that some regulatio ns became laws (King 2004) The National Historic Preservation Act (NHPA)

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121 with its important amended Section 106, that requires Federal agencies to take into account the effects of their activities on historic properties, and to afford the Advisory Council on Historic Preservation a reasonable opportunity to observe the effects that could destroy or modify the historical property These guidelines are very similar to the The National Environmental Poli cy Act (NEPA) can be compared to the CONAMA Resolution in Brazil. Regarding all the economical and timing differences, bo th legal processes are similar. Among Brazil and the US the significant differences are related to private property and indigenous righ ts. The private properties status is very unique for the United States, in comparison to most of the western world. In Brazil any building or property can be listed as national heritage, does not matter if the owner is against it. Any archaeological site i s a federal heritage, even before its formal registration, because everything underground is a state property in Brazil. As for native communities with few exceptions, indigenous peoples in Latin America still seek recognition of rights long ignored (Garca. 2003) Initiatives to address this issue have begun in Mexico, Peru, Argentina and Brazil, but there are still many problems to overcome. C hile is one exception mostly due to a cooperation agreement (Cabeza 2003: 128) Recent achievements to enhance the rights indigenous populations have over their past are found in the United States federal laws. The notorious Native American Graves protection and Repatriation Act/NAGPRA (1990), together with the American Indian Religious Freedom Act (1988)

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122 (W arner and Baldwin 2004: 137) These are important achievements to Native excesses from both parties, they display an increasing recognition of indi genous rights by modern states. 3.1.2 Brazilian Archaeology c urrent s cenario Archaeology is developing science all around the globe, and not differently in Brazil. It has experienced stages of development very similar to the ones acknowledged in most western countries: curiosity, amateurism, looting. Now in the 21 st century Brazilian archaeologists are in all time high urgency for mitigating the great amount of infra structure development over the last 20 years. However, to be an archaeologist in Brazil does not mean that much on paper, since this is not a legally re cognized profession so far. And yet the demand for skilled field archaeologists overwhelms the current professional training structure, as well as the law enforcement system and the storage capacity of safe guard collections and museums. As in most of the world, archaeology in Brazil is still a very new discipline, struggling with society acknowledgment, but for this country another issue i s to worry: lack of expertise. As up to today, there are less than 500 members registered at the Society for Brazilian Archaeology/SA B, and many are still reluctant to abide. 5 This society was funded in 1980, and by the time it had 48 members, who established bi 5 For the first time ever SAB required membership for presenters at the 2011 Conference. Although there were many new memberships, about 300 previous members stopped payments and they were cut off from the list, which has now 450 active members. Source: p Symanski, L. C. P. 2011. 'Personal communication about the current situation on SAB's membership '.

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123 Regiment. Its Statute and Ethi cs Code have been altered during the 2007 Conference, and its Regiment is in process of renovation due to recent changes on the human resources reality (both in number and in profile of archaeologists), as well as due to rapid social and economical develop ment experienced in this country (SAB 2010) After the changes on environmental enforcement regulations during the 1980s, the practice of archaeology in Brazil has changed considerably and up to now the environmental impact a ssessment industry is by far the most welcoming market for archaeologists Caldarelli and Santos (2000) argue that the vast majority of Brazilian archaeologists, even the ones hired by museums and other institutions, did or have done what is called contract archaeology. (Schmitz 1994: 23) but these professionals are still struggling to regulate their own practice. In April 5 th 2011 regulation guidelines to define levels of practice based on curriculum, which would exclude many professionals with no proper training currently engaging in contract archaeology, as well as limit the activities newly college graduate archaeologists could perform (MPF 2011) This proposal was viciously refused especially by undergraduate students, because it would go against the legitimism of the degrees they are seeking, and the very validity of the new under graduate programs in practice all over th e country over the last decade. On contrast, the number of individuals presenting themselves as professionals or archaeology students online grows in fast speed. Internet can be a dangerous tool to understand profes sional profile, but the data from a reliable social network named

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124 Arqueologia Digital or Digi tal Archaeology, is remarkable. Created in 2008, today this network has over 3,000 members, from 16 different countries (Brazil, Argentine, Uruguay, Chile, Peru, Bolivia, Colombia, Cuba, Puerto Rico, Mexico, USA, UK, Italy, France, Spain, and Portugal), and gathers about 2,500 Brazilians (followed by 237 Portuguese associates, the second ranked country in number of members). The number of affiliates self identifie d as interested in amateur activity is considerably low (2%), and those in the professional (58%) or academic (27%) categories are the absolute majority. 6 To understand this scenario a brief history of the institutional practice of arc haeology in Brazil wi ll follow. Several authors make a clear distinction from practice of archaeology in Brazil up to the 1950s, because before that there were individuals working with archaeology, but most of them were known to be trained in other disciplines, or else not up to date with the techniques developed at that time (Melatti 1984; Prous 1992; Barreto 1998) which one can describe as an early stage of archaeology in Brazil, nonetheless le ss important. The earliest records of some of archaeological activity was during the 19 th century, due to interest shown by the Portuguese royal family while living in Brazil since 1808 while Napoleon Bonaparte threatened their rule in Portugal. As describ ed by Silva (1996) the oldest official document regarding protection of archaeological remains was written by king Dom Joao V, stating that no monuments or buildings presenting Phoenicians, Greeks, or Arabic styles could be destroyed by anyone, in any condition. After this e pisode emperors Dom Pedro I and his son Dom Pedro II, the second a Portuguese 6 Personal communication in September of 2011 with Diogo M. Costa, Brazilian archaeologist and creator about its membership profile.

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12 5 monarch born in Brazil, who demonstrated special interested for antiquities (Barreto 2000) Used as th 1889, the building that hosts the Museu Nacional 7 since 1892 exposes Ancient artifacts from different parts of the world collected during the 19 th century, Most of these artifacts D. Pedro I bought from an Italian merchant during an action at Praa XI downtown Rio de Janeiro, in 1826. Later his son Dom Pedro II and daughter in law Tereza Cristina Maria added Greek, Roman, and Egyptian pieces to this collection (MuseuNacional 2011a) To this day its Egyptian collection is the biggest in Latin America (MuseuNacional 2011b) at that time. In fact Andre Prous (1992: 7) affirms that D. Pedro II anthropology was the great force on the creation of this institution. He also brought to its collection African pre historical material originated from some of the o ldest excavations in the world. By the R epublican P eriod (1889/1930) other institutions gained straight, especially the Museu Paulista (a rival of Museu Nacional based on the neigh boring state So Paulo), and Museu Paraense based in northern Brazil at Belm/PA, in which Emilio Goeldi was already reorganizing the collection, to this day the most important for Brazilian Amazonian archaeology. The institutionalization of the archaeolog ical research happened in Brazil with the creation of these three museums, all of them influenced by Evolutionism, Positivism, and Naturalism thought from the end of the 19 th century 7 National Museum, one of the most prestigious museums and research institutions of Brazil, linked to the Federal Univer sity of Rio de Janeiro it is the oldest scientific institution of Brazil, and the biggest museum of natural history in Latin America.

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126 (Barreto 2000) Museu Nacional /RJ, Museu Paraense /PA, and Museu Paulista /SP combined carried the whole of support scientific research in what is considered by Prous (1992) the beginning of Brazilian a rchaeology, from 1870 to 1910. Another important historical event to understand the early stages of archaeology in Brazil was performed by Danish botanist Peter W. Lund, considered an amateur paleontologist who collected extinct fauna and human fossils between 1834 and 1844 at a region known as Lagoa Santa in Minas Gerais state. At that time Lund found a human skel eton too old to be true, and his Christian background also added to his doubts, causing his silent about this discovery (Prous 1992) Over a century later, in emain in South America to date. During the 20 th century archaeology as institutionalized systematic research endeavor st arted to happen in Brazil with the help of foreign scholars, particularly French and North Americans. The first foreign mission occurred during the 1950s, headed by French scholars. During the 1960s this country received probably the most influential of th e international missions, hea ded by North American scholars. Two foreign groups provoked the recent increase in archaeological studies: the Europeans, especially the French, that gave continuity to the studies of shell mounds, Pleistocene humans, and rock art, important themes in the past decades; and the north Americans that gave continuity to the study of Amazonas and turned to the Archaic and horticultural populations of the Planalto, of little interest in the last decades. (Schmitz 1994: 23) On one side French scholar s interested in pre colonial sites such as Muse de introducing the most refined methods of decapagem and reconstruction of occupational floors and providing the first radio carbon dating in Brazil; and on the other hand the North American influence from Wesley R. Hurt Jr. (University of South Dakota), who

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127 among other contributions assisted with the creation of new research centers in the South ( Museu Paranaense and Museu de Antropol ogia /UFSC), and later Betty Meggers and Clifford Evans (Columbia University) who finally introduced guidelines on site surveying, in attempt to define stylistic horizons by dating and analyzing materials from hes presented issues. The single site French approach for a large and archaeologically unknown country as Brazil was too narrow; and the broader regional approach introduced by the North Americans was too ambiguous 8 (Melatti 1984; Prous 1992; Barreto 1998) However, the most important contribution French and Americans left was definitely the tra ining of local archaeologists. Annette Laming Emperaire stayed in Brazil for years promoting field schools and seminars that deeply impacted archaeologists, especially the ones from Universities of So Paulo and Minas Gerais. Evans and Meggers administrated a long term co operative research project from 1965 to 1971 called PRONAPA 9 and p ersonally ad vised each of its 12 directors. T heir methods are still in use by some local archaeologists attempting to investigate regional areas (Melatti 1984; Prous 1992; Bar reto 1998) Prous (1992: 14) even affir ms that almost every noted archaeologist performing research at the most prestigious research center s in Brazil since 1966 follows Laming Megge to study ceramic materials. 8 Specific theoretical methodological critiques are n ot the intent of this overview 9 PRONAPA is an acronym for Projeto Na cional de Prospeco Arqueolgica, a project which main goal was to obtain quantitative data from different archaeological complexes in Brazil in a short time (1965 71), focused on ceramic sites. It was promoted by two national and one international instit utions (IPHAN, CNPq an d the Smithsonian Institution).

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128 For the Brazilian institutional system, the legacy left by these international missions was also the growth and creation of new research centers linked to private and mostly to federal universities, such as the Instituto Anchietano de Pesquisas /Unisinos and Centro de Ensino e Pesquisas Arqueolgicas /UFPR in the South, the Instituto Goiano de Pr Histria e Antropologia /PUC GO and the Museu Antropolgico /UFG both in state of Gois Midwest region. On late 1990s there were at least 20 institutions conducting regular archaeology research ac ross the country (Barreto 1998) Today it became virtually impossible to count the actual number of private companies dedicated to contract archaeology, but the two pioneers and still top ranked o n size and business expertise based on So Paulo ( Documento Patrimnio Cultural and Scientia Consultoria Cientfica As for research centers and/or courses linked to universities, at least 54 can be traced: 19 in the South region (6 Federal, 3 State, and 1 0 private universities); 13 in the Southeast (6 Federal, 3 State, and 4 private universities); 5 in the Midwest (3 Federal and 1 State, and 1 private universities); 13 in the Northeast (9 Federal and 4 State universities); and 4 in the North region (3 Fede ral and 1 State universities), according to Costa (2011) Regarding archaeological law enforcement, the challenges are still on. A lthough IPHAN hired more technicians, the number of actual archaeologists is very still low for the size of the country, even worst due to the amount of work created by major infrastructure developments that Brazil has received over the last decades. Up to the year of 2005, when IPHAN had a public selection process, there were only seven archaeologists hired by this agency In 2008 IPHAN offered more t emporary jobs for

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129 archaeologists, which improved the scenario but did not completely solve the issue (Pardi and Silva 2008) As for professional training, it seems Bra zilian archaeology can dream about a better future. During the early 1990s, one of the pioneers and still working Dr. Pedro Ignacio Schmitz, a priest responsible for carrying on major investigations and creating important research centers countrywide, beli (Schmitz 1994: 22) By this time there were only four institutions offering graduate level degrees (UFPE in the northeast, USP and UFRJ in the southeast, and PUC RS in the s outh region). Almost twenty years ago, on this issue Schmitz concluded that t he scientific community is preoccupied now with the reproduction of its social body. This is because in 1989 there were not more than two dozen doc toral students and three dozen m aster s degree candidates for practically two dozen institutions of investigation. (Schmitz 1994: 29 30) It is long recognized that Brazil is in need for well trained archaeologists, and the lack of those formed in centers of excellence. Few scholars have been invited to lecture are some that go to France, very few study in the United States (Schmitz 1994: 23) By the late 1990s Barreto (1998: 582) stated has now begun through the training of students overseas (mainly in the USA) and in the alternatives created outsi de mainstream academic programs in Brazi but she also stated that local archaeologists were not too eager to move abroad for education On the issue of professional training a dramatic change has been in place over the last years, at least in the matter of quantity. From late 1980s until 1996 there was a single college program in Rio de Janeiro, at a private university called Estcio de S In

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130 2003 the first undergraduate program in a public university 10 was created at the Univer si ty of So Francisco Valley/ UNIVASF, northeast region, headed by Dr. Nide Guidon, on a new campus located next to Parque da Serra da Capivara /PI. One year later a private institution started another undergraduate program, the Catholic University of Gois/PUC GO in the Midwest region. Up to this day, at least other 6 f ederal universities are offering Archaeology in their college level programs, and at least three new master and one doctoral level 11 courses are offered also by public institutions, which proves that the demand for expert archaeologists in Brazil is high, a nd although it is still not officially recognized as a profession, the necessit y for training is acknowledged. Another major change in perspective regards foreign training. The Ministry of Science and Technology, through its agency CNPq, opened a special p rogram to enhance number and quality of PhDs in archaeology 12 and other two fields in need of high level trained researchers (Combustion and Design). The calls for archaeology were active from 2001 to 2004, and offered four year full scholarships for PhD st udents to study abroad, signifying institutions in the US, in the UK and in France. Another change experienced in Brazilian archaeology is the increase in number of students attending 10 In Brazil the public university system, mostly sponsored by federal budget, is known to be the best institutions that finance scientific research. Besides the federal institutions, states also sponsor universities, and the best example is the University of So Paulo, top ranked in Latin America. The students are accepted through very competitive national exams known as vestibular and recently some are opting to use a similar system to the S AT ittance. For those institutions all the education is sponsored by the Sate, inclu ding graduate programs. 11 The number of new archaeology programs increased exponentially over the last nine years also because of an expansion sponsored by the former federal administration. The number of college and graduate programs increased for every field. 12 Programa de Ao Induzida para a Formao de Doutores no Exterior /CNPq. There were ten scholarships available and only five were actually taken, mostly due to lack of candidates.

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131 graduate courses in Europe, mostly in Portugal. Only time will show if a ll these efforts actually improved the quality of archaeology practiced in Brazil, and if the new alternatives for education indeed produce respectable theoretical methodological discussions in a continental country in need of urgent mitigations for the ra pid destruction of it still unknown vast an d rich archaeological heritage. 3.2 Bras eritage As a city planned to be the new marvel of Modern art, Braslia was born to be a cultural heritage, unlike other places. O nly 26 years after its dedication Braslia was designated a World Heritage Site. It is considered by UNESCO a landmark in the history of urban planning, being the only 20 th century city in the wor ld to achieve such recognition. For Braslia, two criteria w ere cited for its inclusion: criterion (i) outstanding example of a type of building, architectural or technological ensemble or landscape which illustrates (a) signifi ( UNESCO 2008b ). It is certainly a place celebrated for Modern architecture and town planning, but somewhat forgotten about its own past. A quick search on museums and cultural centers in Braslia reinforce this characteristi c. The Braslia Convention and Visitors Bureau web site provides for free downloading a museum guide (BCVB 2008) showcasing 58 places, 4 2 are named museums, but none specify displaying pre history or archaeological collections. Out of these 42 possibly three have some archaeological artifacts on their displays, two of those located on other cities of the Federal District (Planaltina and Br azlndia), and only one in Braslia, which is exclusively for ethnic collectio ns ( Museu dos Povos Indgenas ).

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132 Differently from the national historical scenario described before, in central Brazil the earliest archaeological investigations only began in the early 1970s (Bertran 2000) The first long term and systematic archaeological research at this region took place between 1971 and 1974 in the state of Gois (Oliveira and A.Viana 2000) wh ere the Federal District is located. Although it hosts the federal capital, the Brazilian Federal District to this day does not have a research center in archaeology, n or college or graduate level courses exclusively for archaeology. The major institutions studying arch aeology today are located at neighboring state s, such as Gois and Minas Gerais. Fortunately the lacking of academic institutions, however, has not been a complete obstacle for environmental mitigation in Braslia It is possible to find onli ne brand new contract archaeology private companies working on developments at Braslia, such as AL Consultoria ( http://al ), and Fronteiras Arqu eologia ( ), to name a few. A t this moment on the Federal District there are 26 archeological sites officially registered on IPHAN databas e (out of 18,995 for the entire country). However, on a close investigation, at least five of those were mistakenly registered, such as two shell mound sites and one isolated flaked stone artifact occurrence; and on five forms it was not possible to identi fy category. Out of the 16 remained, six are classified as pre colonial, and 10 as historical sites, and at least one of those is a 20 th century site, the location of the first official residence for the president known as Catetinho (SGPA

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133 2011) 13 Even though its small territory, this number should increase with the time, since the area is still archaeologically un known. According to respond ent B1 8, an archaeology technic ian for IPHAN by the time of his interview, most collection s dug up from the entire DF are safeguarded by institutions from other states some from the neighboring state Gois (IGPA and Museu Antro polgico/UFG), and he cited an institution in the southern region of Brasil as well (Federal University of Santa Maria/RS UFSM). Some collection s are also safeguarded at the local IPHAN, including those dug up during the 1997 project this Institute spons ored, but they do not have display areas. In 2011 two new events combined took place there (May 4 6), which is a clear proof of rapid change on the scenario described above: t he first meeting of A rchaeology 14 and the t Section 15 During these meetings a council called Grupo Arqueologia Braslia was presented as a new association of local archaeologists and related professionals concerned with the local archaeological heritage protection, with the development of this fie ld locally and seeking to contribute (SAB 2011) This association has been under construction over the last two years, and is composed by various individuals 16 and institutions, including: the Federal Public 13 Unfortunately, in general this database is not accurate in presenting the current situation of registered sites, due to delay in providing data both from archaeologists who should feed the system in a more regular fashion, and from IPHAN that takes a long time to make available online registration data. 14 Encontro de Arqueologia de Braslia. 15 Reunio da Regional Centro Oeste da Sociedade de Arqueologia Brasileira entitled: Panorama da Arqueologia no Centro Oeste: linhas de pesquisa e interfa ces sociais 16 Gustavo Chauvet, Wilson Vieira Junior, Luiza Alonso, Marta Imperial, Andrea Considera, Luiz Rios Aquanautas, Deusdedith A. R. Junior, Luan J. P. R Leite were presenters at the Conference.

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134 Archive, University of Braslia/UnB, Catholic University of Braslia/UCB, Ministry of Culture among other, and by the archa eologists Daniele Lima Luso Adriana Finamor, Eurico T. Miller and Maria Lcia F. Pardi 3.3 Institutional Heritage Value A rchaeology The setting of archaeological sites in an environmentally protected area involves public and private institut ions that many times are in conflict of interests, as generally expected for similar circumstances anywhere in the world. Specifically for this case study, public institutions from federal, state and municipal levels are also in conflict. Along this analys is the relationship among federal institution that provide licensing for environmental (IBAMA) and cultural heritage (IPHAN) impacted spaces, agencies that manage and also provide licensing in the state level (IBRAM), developing companies linked to state g overnment (CAESB and DER DF) and local city halls land use apparatus are major actors in the institutional venue that is discussed following. On top of public institutions, a private research institute from the neighboring state who currently holds safegua rding for most archaeological collections excavated in Braslia (IGPA) adds to the complex scenario discussed, criticized, and sometimes praised by the stakeholders interviewed, as well showcased on the ne wspaper report sample analyzed. 3.3.1 The Park in stitutional settings Given that the case study is sited among three growing cities, the dynamics of their urban spaces are undoubtedly major influences for shaping public opinions in regards to land uses, hence current heritage values. While walking in an d around the Park one can easily see the legal problems generated by a public and environmentally

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135 protected land around urbanized spaces, through various signs advising of penalties for irregular usage and ecological degradation ( Figure 3 1 ). By the time o f the field research in 2008 discussions on updating the Master Plan for Territorial Planning of the Federal District (PDOT) and consequently the local master plans were in the spotlight, so opinions about land use rule changes were common during the inter views, especially because it was directly linked to the case study as it could legally affect zoning designations in and/or in the immediate surroundings of the Park. Other proposals were in the spotlight at that period. The most significant was the transf erence of the district government (GDF) from Palcio dos Buritis in Plano Piloto to the location where the Police Academy is located at the immediate surroundings of the Park in Taguatinga, a proposal also known as Centro Metropolitano de Taguatinga that n ever got off the ground ( Figure 3 2 ). Strong positioning about other projects located in and around ARIE JK emerged on collected data, such as the construction of DF 459, 17 a road that will connect Samambaia and Ceilndia crossing the park ( Figure 3 3 ); the and the new University of Bras lia (UnB) campus (Figure 3 4). The all present housing pressure is also a major issue talked about, especially cited was Condomnio Pr do Sol located very close to site DF PA 11 (Figure 3 5). As a created space to host the federal capital, the Brazilian Federal District has some peculiar characteristics in comparison the other Brazil ian states The satellite 17 The road under construction named DF 459 has over five kilometers of extension passing through ARIE JK and required the construction of two bridges over the Melchior River. The goal is to reduce the travel period between the two cities and also to allow public transportation users int egration with the met ro system.

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136 spatial and legal territorial organization, they are not defined as municipalities but as Administrative Regions. Its singular designation of public and private property has been implemented so the state planning agency (NOVACAP and later TERRACAP) contro ls all the land meaning there were no private property owners by the time of the capital dedication and this situation is still blurry currently. According to Scott (1998: 120) it was created to be a city for civil servants, many aspects of life that might otherwise have been left to the private sphere were minutely organized, from domestic and residential matters to health services, education, child care, recreation, com mercial out lets, and so forth. The valley comp rising rivers Taguatinga, Cortado, Gatum and Melchior has been officially recognized as ARIE and named after the former President who invented Brasilia JK in 1996 by Law n 1.002. Its official limit s were only defined years later in 2002, with total area of 2.306,43 ha (NCA 2006) Respondent A2 1 was the one who knew about the stories behind the creation of ARIE JK. 18 She said that one of the first projects proposed by the recently created Legislative Chamber 19 was the conception of a gigantic recreational park of 800 hectare s in the location where ARIE JK is, but all local dwellers should be removed. Aware of it local rural producers got together to fight this proposal by creating a Bill supported by most of the current councilmen and secretly 18 A estria da ARIE cabeluda! Antigamente Governador era indicado, depois criaram a Cmara Legislativa. Um dos primeiros projetos da Cmara foi de criao desse Parque, com nome de JK pelo peso do nome. Um parque monstruoso de 800 hectares, mas quem iria administrar isso? Desapropriar tirassem todo mundo iam fazer a farra do Modernismo. Os chacareiros se mobilizaram e fizeram um projeto para cria r a lei de proteo dessa rea, numa data que eu no lembro direito. Foi aprovada por unanimidade de madrugada. Todos os deputados estavam cientes que tinham que proteger essa rea, e s seriam a favor se chamasse ARIE JK, porque ARIE no pode ser parque. Esse deputados continuam comendo pelas beiradas com invases e desapropriaes, e a rea continua vulnervel 19 The first Legislative Chamber of DF mandate was in 1991. This Chamber is known as Cmara Legislativa do Distrito Federal (CLDF), aka Cmara Dis trital

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137 approved during the night. The o nly solution they found at that moment was to legally designate it as ARIE, because then it could never be adapted and transformed to a simple park. Until this day the politicians behind this maneuver are benefiting from it, by directly or indirectly ince ntivizing the local irregular real estate market according to respondent A2 1 The competences for enforcement and licensing of this space are confusing and changing more than the usual even for Brazilian patterns, probably due to the increasin g necessity for housing in Bras lia, and mostly due to the high economic r eal estate value of this area. The Park has 96% of its area overlaying the rea de Proteo Ambiental (APA) do Planalto Central and is located within the Taguatinga River watershed ( Figure 3 6 ). The APA do Planalto Central comprises 40% to 60% of the entire Federal District area and was also created in 2002 in order to restrict land uses located in the west p ortion of its territory (NCA 2006) However, in 2009 a decree established that the competence to approve land uses licensing changed from Federal (IBAMA) to state power (IBRAM), and in 30 days a simplified licensing ( licenc iamento simplificado ) can be executed independently of federal approval, including for new housing developments (Mader 2010a) The current situation of rural dwellers inside the park is problematic. Although they live in the Park area since late 1950s, their right over the property is through temporary contract with TERRACAP, which enables them to use portions of the land to produce goods. Respondent A2 1, a local rural producer who manages a property named Stio Geranium explained that she signed a transfer of property right contract for 5 years in

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138 the mid 1980s. Later they renewed her contract for 15 years, but as of 2008 her contract was expired She stated that 90% of rural lands of the entire district are in the same situation, their formal contract for concession a nd usage is outdated and unlawful. 20 Nowadays she admits it is hard to survive off the land in a site so precious for its market value, and that it is common to see local rural dwellers illegally parcel ing their original plot. Her property can be considered unique among the other s inside this park not only because they are productive but also because they participate active ly in local environmental preservation. Stio Geranium is a regional reference of ecological agriculture and sta r ted a pioneer movement pro sustainable and organic agriculture. They also manage an environmental NGO named Mo na Terra that promotes environmentally oriented outreach courses and receive people from all parts of the world interested in learning their techniques ( Figure 3 7 ). A s for the urban dwellers and urban expansion the future seems promising. Soon after its creation in late 1990s, the reformulated PDOT in 1997 already considered the Park within a proposed zone for urban enhancement ( zona urbana de dinamizao ) and establis hes each Administrative Region to define local zoning, even though th is territorial plan reinforced the need to maintain current environmental and rural areas (NCA 2006) After that each city created areas of special usage in the immediate surroundings of the Park, such as the Centro Regional supposed to host the new GDF headquarters in Taguatinga, or the Centro Metropolitano in Ceilndia ( Figure 3 5 ). 20 By 2011 complying to a promise made during the electoral campaign the current Governor Agnelo Queiroz started the regularization of rural public lands, which will benefit over 3 thousand producers. The plan is to created long term contracts for 3 0 years, and give the property right owner the option to buy the la nd after the contract is done. Source: AgnciaBraslia 2011. 'Regularizao de terras rurais Governador Agnelo Queiroz entrega ttulos de concesso de uso para produtores', Braslia: GDF.

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139 Ceilndia, the most populated of the three cities surrounding the Park, is the one mostly criticized for promoting urban dev elopment in its outskirts (Dato 2006) One example is ADE, acronym for re a de Desenvolvimento Econmico Centro Oeste a space for urban development to host industrial activities ( Figure 3 8 ). It is also in Ceilndia where the most controversial newly legalized housing development inside this park is located, the Condomnio Pr do Sol (Figure 3 9 ). Highly criticized by local media, these spaces have been part of new phenomena called periphery of periphery live in the even poorer and with no infra structure margin areas (Mader 2008) Still under administration of Governor Jos Roberto Arruda, 21 in mid 2007 the Condomnio Pr do Sol was officially legitimated, being it the first of his administration to be legalized. The state administration secure d the right of free plots to dweller s in order to inhibit land swind lers opportunities (Fon seca and Caraballo 2007) a pract ice very common for the entire D istrict. As of 2011 there were around 12 thousand people living in this quarter, and over 60% of the housing is still considered irregular because the constructions are located within the p ark limit (Mader 2011) This housing problem and the popular demand for inclusion of surrounding preserv ed areas have pressured for a new limit definition for ARIE JK, issue probably in discussion since the original d Environmental Development (SEDUMA) and the Environmental and Water Resources I nstitute (IBRAM) proposed a new demarcation in 2010 through Public Hearing 21 Due to being accused of corruption the Federal District Governor Jos Roberto Arruda was arrested in February of 2010, and later had his mandate revoked. He proposed the transference of GDF to Taguatinga. He was elected in 2006 in the first round and should be in the administrat ion until the en d of 2010.

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140 (Seduma and IBRAM 2010) By considering federal environmental and cultural heritage laws, local master pl guidelines proposed by the Cities Statute, which is a Federal Law from 2001 combined dvocates for regularization of illegal housing areas, a new delimitation for ARIE JK is in discussion. They proposed inclusion of areas with potential for environmental protection, and exclusion of areas already in use by housing, such as the housing quart ers Pr do Sol Primavera and Vida Nova According to both federal laws cited above these spaces are now characterized as Areas for Special Social Interest and are up to regularization in order to receive state benefits, such as sewage and paving ( Figure 3 10 ). By far the most influential and controversial institutional setting related to the embargo of the water and sewage enterprise in 2003. This event gathered Federal po wers through IPHAN and MPF, and state level through development company CAESB, which together complied with an agreement supposed to mitigate for the impacts caused by the construction of this enterprise without proper impact studies (IPHAN 2004) 3.3.2 Data analysis archaeological heritage the data consisted of interviews content, writer newspaper reports, and other related documents Although it is also part of the institutional phenomena that affects the value of cultural heritage, the subject Media was analyzed an d presented in detail separately. It was also part of the analyzed data an observation carried out on

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141 November 11 th Movimento Amigos dos Parques Ecolgicos based association of citizens who care about local parks protection and management. And observations carried out in April of 2008 on different occasions inside one of the rural properties of the Park called Stio Geranium in Samambaia. Two documents in particular have been detailed scrutinized The P Management Plan (NCA 2006) which also provided significant information about this P ark. The second document is the Conduct Adjustment Agreement or TAC (IPHAN 2004) signed MPF) due to a federal em bargo that demanded mitigation for possible damaging caused by the water and sewage pipeline construction in areas already known to host archaeological sites inside the Park without previous impact studies issue discussed further on the interview analysis The document published in 2006 Zoneamento Ambiental e Plano de Manejo da rea de Relevante Interesse Ecolgico Parque Juscelino Kubitschek ARIE Parque JK Management Plan has pushed for public discussions on ma nagement issues inside this Park, as stated previously. This document has been cited by individuals of subgroups linked to case study institutions and who live in Brasilia (A2 and B1) as an important tool of protection for the Park (respondents A2 2, A2 4, A2 5, A2 6, B1 4, B1 5, B1 6, B1 7). On top of promoting means to improve ecological protection and management this document also has reinforced the necessity to promote local archaeological

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142 preservation. ARIE JK Management Plan was produced by NCA, a loc al engineering and architecture company and DER DF, the Federal District department of roads, as part of the mitigation procedures demanded by IBRAM in order to permit the construction of DF 459, a road connecting the cities of Ceilndia and Samambaia. Th ese studies went through 2003 to 2006 and presented a zoning with varied land uses inside the park as final product, as well as several guidelines to be followed in the near future, most of them related to land use and adequate discrimination for managemen t responsibilities. This document also clearly acknowledged and reinforced the protection of archaeological sites, presenting site registration forms and the Law 3.924 as appendixes, and included as one of its guidelines the construction of an archaeologic al museum and related infra structure for visitation (NCA 2006) Interviews Throughout the interview analysis on Institutions the content of the information provided by each respondent at first has been confronted between subgroups and groups, and later the content variation has been contrasted among respondents classified according to their link to any institution connected to the park or to archaeology, including governmental and non governmental organizations. Therefore the analysis on this subject also considered comparing responses from those classified as individuals with no formal linkage to related institutions, or those that would be 1, A1 2, A1 3, A1 6, A2 8, B1 1, B1 2, 22 and B1 3); i ndividual linked to a development company (B1 4); a city hall urban planner (A2 7); individuals linked to environmental preservation 22 Although this respondent is currently part of the organization named Grupo Arqueologia Braslia by the time of his interview he had no formal attach ments to related institutions.

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143 such as active participant in parks protection (A1 7), participants of MAPE (A1 4, A1 5, A2 3 and A2 4), active members of related NGOs (A2 1 and A2 5), park employees (A2 2 and A2 6), and environmental heritage manager (B1 5); and finally individuals linked to archaeological heritage such as archaeology professionals (B1 7 and all individuals from subgroup B2), and cultural heri tage managers (B1 6 and B1 8). Among all land use conflicts there are also those entities linked to environmental preservation, such as the NGO described before and many others part of the everyday scenario of this Park. During the interviews by far th e most popular subject is land use conflict, stated by all respondent but three (A1 1, A1 6, and B 1 2) from the subgroups of Bras lia inhabitants (A1, A2 and B1), followed by environmental degradation and management issues. Subjects related to archaeology appear in every subgroup, but comments on specific sites were more common for those living closer to the Park (Group A), while institutional matters such as laws, enforcement, licensing, research and safeguarding although appeared in every subgroup were m o re detailed by individuals of G roup B, classified as expert s in many fields. The archaeology professionals (B1 6, B1 7, B1 8 and all from subgroup B2) cleared focused more in institutional subje cts than the other respondents. Respondents classified represe ntative s of the local community without institutional linkage ( subgroup A1) presented great discourse variation when the issue is the P ark and not its archaeological heritage. Only two respondents stated nothing on local institutions related to the case st udy, neither on laws related, and both are unaware of the park as a legally protected space as well as about the local archaeology (A1 1 and A1 6). The majority is aware of the archaeological sites and the legal implications they

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144 carry (A1 2, A1 3, A1 4, A 1 5 and A1 7). The main issues vocalized by respondents spontaneously and attentively are related to land use, either pro or against them. On the other hand two respondents (A1 4 and A1 5) currently living in the immediate surroundings of the Park did not comment on the legal issue regarding their own dwelling, but are particularly conscious of how works the environmental licensing. For the subgroup of local inhabitants linked to related institution (A2) the main issues stated were land use and environmenta l preservation. With the exception of one respondent (A2 8) who did not comment on any institutional issues related to the case study, all respondents complained more or less on the lack of maintenance of the local parks, as well as on the confusing admini strative system for the care of them. As for archaeology, the majority is aware of the sites but only three commented on institutional aspects, such as the prohibition (A2 2) or the difficulties for visiting the sites (A2 4), lack of information on the loc al archaeological heritage and lack of local universities doing archaeological research (A2 5). As for their heritage management through IPHAN, distinctive opinions emerged, as some clearly stated frustration and criticism (A2 2 and A2 5), and others actua lly praised IPHAN actions toward providing information on the sites (A2 4) or acting in favor of their protection (A2 1). Among the experts some respondents were absent in providing information on institutional powers, such as B1 2 and surprisingly one of the archaeologists (B2 3). While the respondents who live in DF stated other institutional issues related to the Park, mostly linked to land use regulations and environmental preservation, the outsiders focused only on the archaeological institutional ven ue. Even those associated as archaeology professionals acknowledged other subjects on subgroup B1, while the

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145 subgroup B2 exclusively composed of archaeology professionals had 100% of their discourse related to institutional situations that facilitated or j eopardized their performances in the field. from the discussing any issue related to archaeology (A1 1, A1 6, and B1 3). The remaining cited issues related, which actually enha nces the institutional value of archaeology among lay public. Three respondents are aware of archaeological heritage procedures and local sites (A1 2, A1 3 and A2 8), and two criticized the lack of archaeology information on school didactic books (B1 1 an d B1 3). Among the ones expected to display more or less information on institutional aspects of archaeology, responses exclusively linked to their profession or to personal interest were noted as the main influence on chosen topics, such as the respondent who is an urban planner and only mention ed land use (A2 7). Among the ten individuals linked to environmental preservation only one displayed 6). For those included as active ecological protector (A1 7), MAPE participants (A1 4, A1 5, A2 3 and A2 4), and active members of environmental NGOs (A2 1 and A2 5), it became clear that more or less all of them care for the local archaeological heritage preservation, but this awareness is due to other intentio ns, nonetheless still legitimate. MAPE participants all seemed genuinely concerned but their motivations are somewhat feed by personal agendas. archaeological sites incre ase greatly its legal opportunities, being it for the simple sake of preserve the environment (A1 7), to enhance the legal protection of local watershed

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146 and river sources (A1 5) or to increase the chances of maintenance of current land uses (A2 1). Park em ployees focused more on explaining and on criticizing the difficulties of their work environment as the parks maintenance in general suffer with lack of care and financial support. One of them had a more personal discourse while regretting the onmental degradation as a whole and the difficulty to access the archaeological sites (A2 2), while the other (A2 6) had a wider understanding on the management system but did not care about the local archaeology. The remaining 10 respondents, including th e environmental manager (B1 5) and the archaeology professionals provided specific opinions on management, licensing, research and market. Among federal and state managers there is clearly a lack of dialogue, confirmed by both parties. The environmental ma nager (B1 5) displayed a technical knowledge about the park, and he acknowledges even detailed legal aspects related to its archaeological sites, being in favor of their protection and actually stating the sites facilitated the acceptance and elaboration o f the Management Plan. But he admitted the relationship among institutions is difficult, and implied IPHAN does nothing to facilitate this process. Among the two individuals classified as cultural heritage managers there was one of the first archaeologist hired by IPHAN with over 30 years of experience (B1 6) and one recently hired archaeology technician (B1 8). They provided different points of view to explain the same issue, which is the lack of political and institutional support for archaeological prot ection in the Brazilian Federal District. Respondent B1 8, however, stated more directed and bold arguments, and named institutions that do not respect legislation or the very function of IPHAN as a cultural heritage preservation

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147 agency. B1 6, on the other hand, has a much deeper understanding on the institutional system and expectedly provided a more personal judgment. Among the seven individuals classified as archaeology professionals two respondents did not provide information on specific institutional a ctions for ARIE JK, one simply had no comments on this matter (B2 3) and the other focused on institutional levels related to her experience as an educator (B2 6). The archaeologist who lives in Braslia (B1 7) complained about the contract archaeology sys tem in general, and he provided a more personal opinion on the estate market pressure on ARIE JK, regretting the current situation and the rapid human occupation of the areas in and surrounding the park. Other respondent complained on the urgent nature of contract archaeology in general, not specifically about the Park (B2 5). On the other hand this second individual explained that not having a mitigation action behind the archaeological field research actually created other institutional problems with loca l authorities and with the local community, because apparently there was no justification for that field research and people became suspicious of their intent (B2 5 while explaining issues they had in 1997 when she was hired by IPHAN to evaluate site DF PA 11 scientific potential). On IPHAN some archaeologists actually praised their actions, such as while commenting on their current enforcement compared to enforcement in the past being virtually absent (B1 7); on their initiative to understand better the lo cal archaeological scenario (B2 (B2 4). Two archaeologists discussed about the stronger and more present political nature on decision making strategies by the local IPHAN agency du e to their location

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148 (B2 1 and B2 2), as explanations for some situations that occurred while they conducted research at the Park. Opinions about this embargo appeared along some interviews (A2 1, B1 4, B1 6, B1 8, B2 1, B2 4, B2 5), but the information a bout it is not convergent as some understand it as politically motivated (for instance respondent B1 8) and others as a legitimate public request ( for instance respondent B1 6). Respondent A2 1 was part of the group who reported the construction to the MPF and she told details of the event, clearly motivated by other goals. She stated that at first CAESB started a good dialogue with the rural dwellers on financial compensation for the sewage pipeline impacts in their properties, but after they agreed with the archaeological sites inside the park impacted by the sewage construction that were not subjected to mitigation procedures, and that they should formally report CAESB in order to stop the sewage construction. A2 agreement they should at least pay attention to the archaeological sites and build a local communities affected by the enterprise. The local rural dwellers association car Until the day of her interview CAESB has not financially compensated the dwellers, according to her. Although TAC was not cited not by many respondents (B1 4, B1 5, B1 6, B1 8, B2 1, B2 4), all of them more of less involved with this agreement as enforcers,

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149 compliances or simply as experts on legal matters related to the Park, this document also influenced the guidelines of the Management Plan, and probably indirectly enhanced pu blic opinion towards the creation of a local museum. The company in punishment ended up complying with all its terms due to their urgency in concluding the construction, but most the demands were not followed through. CAESB paid for proper archaeological mitigation research, including survey, excavation and monitoring. And a 11 minute DVD movie was also produced as part of the educational strategies for publicizing about the local archaeological heritage. But the construction of a local Museum or the publi cation of a book to be distribute d locally is still pending. The ones personally involved in compliance or with the research at this instance had personal opinion about its efficacy. Respondent B2 1 who coordinated the CAESB sponsored archaeological resear ch stated that it jeopardized the field research normal pace, logistics and deadlines due to bureaucratic obligations and excessive IPHAN pressuring and demands. He stated that on the other hand CAESB was very helpful and created all means possible to faci litate fieldwork, due to IPHAN enormous demands on them. For the two cultural heritage managers opinions are strongly opposite. The one who personally participated on its formulation (B1 6) explained that today in Brazil there is a general misunderstanding of the cultural laws, so the easy solution is to elaborate a TAC. But there was a heavy political dispute in place during its elaboration and it made more difficult the fact that the local IPHAN agency (15 SR) head chief had no knowledge on archaeology, and on archaeological legislation. But respondent B1 8 stated that he thought it was neither objective nor specific enough on who should be responsible for implementing the actions. He thinks it should not required financial

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150 compensation, or use the deadlin es of contract archaeology, that it should focus mostly on educational program in an academic approach. Foremost this document can be considered a positive action from IPHAN, since it contributed to a better knowledge of the local archaeology reality and obligated the company to provide sufficient means for proper survey and excavation of four sites, including those considered more significant (issue further discussed on Chapter 5). However, considering the reality of the DF with no formal archaeology inst itutions and absolute lack of tradition for outreach or display of pre colonial material remains some of its deman ds can be considered excessive. Newspapers As for newspaper data analyzed only one out of the 12 Correio Braziliense reports did not p resent the key word arqueologia and half (5) were about or mentioned the archaeological sites at ARIE JK. Presenting a different scenario Jornal de Braslia sample had three reports (out of six) located by key word arqueologia and all were archaeological sites. The subjects that guided both samples were mostly linked to environmental licensing, excluding some examples from Correio Braziliense exclusively about loot ing and law enforcement issues. Out of 11 reports from Correio Braziliense tha t had the key word arqueologia along the text half (5) were about or mentioned the archaeological sites at ARIE JK, and all of them specifically mentioned environmental impact mitigation procedures. Four of those reports were published in 2004 and specific ally explained the fieldwork done to mitigate environmental impacts caused by CAESB Project (07/22, 08/02 and 08/15), and one mentioned TAC but focused more about the sewage enterprise (09/14). In 2005 another report mentioned the sites while exposing envi ronmental mitigation results but its major focus was on praising the benefits of this enterprise for local inhabitants (09/24). Three

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151 out of the other seven remaining reports about archaeology from Correio Braziliense cited archaeological mitigation for ot her local enterprises and the other on the mi tigation procedures in general. As for the Jornal de Braslia sample of three reports about archaeology t wo of them were about mitigation procedures due to CAESB sewage enterprise (08/15/2004), and due to constr uctio n of road DF 459 (08/17/2009). The third one mentioned a threat to local sites protection due to illegal parceling of the Park by land swindlers (01/20/2008). The other three reports were all related to local land use issues, one about law enforcement praising then district secretary responsible for parks administration COMPARQUES (02/29/2004), and two notes published in 2008 specifically condemning the actions of land swindlers inside and in the immediate surroundings of the Park (01/14 and 01/27). C orreio Braziliense and Jornal de Braslia both reported on the lack of local research and safeguarding institutions, but again Correio Braziliense displays much stronger criticism and also mentioned this issue more more direct in criticizing IPHAN for lack of care and Law enforcement and in some instances even blame their licensing process as an obstacle. For both newspapers the major institutional character of archaeology is enforcement of environmental impact regul ations, since the majority of reports on the mitigation requirements (8 out of 11 reports from Correio Braziliense and all reports from Jornal de Braslia). On the othe r hand Correio Braziliense had nothing published about local environmental preservation or land uses legal problems, only one report

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152 about the smaller parks new official limits. This newspaper acknowledges the case study archaeological institutional matter s as associated with ARIE JK, but it does not relate illegal and controversial land uses, or environmental degradation such as river pollution and water reso urces maintenance to the Park. While Jornal de Braslia uses the environmental significance of the Park to enhance the destructive power of illegal increase the pejorative judgment on the acts and to increase urgency on the need for enforcement. Hidden agendas of both venues have to do with their positioning and publication of such matters 23 It is ironic that the newspaper which clearly presented a bias to GDF administration ( Correio Braziliense ) by publicizing the many benefits and outstanding technology of the n ew sewage system constructed crossing the park is also the one with the most criticism towards other institutional levels, while reporting on the other states and the lack of a museum. Walking survey As part of the fieldwork the observation of a meeting promoted by a local Movimento Amigos dos Parques Ecolgicos ayed public upsetting with land use problems and some institutional issues involving archaeology. In November 11 th 2008 I observed one of their weekly meetings that take place at Trs Meninas Park in Samambaia. It lasted about an hour and there were about 10 people present by the end 23 Respondent B1 1 explained the affiliations of both new spapers as an expert journalist working in Brasilia for over 20 years, when questioned on his opinion on why these venues displayed such distinctive institutional related messages. Correio Braziliense has strong connection to current government ad owner had personal interest related to

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153 of it. The main issue is environmental preservation and the problems of all the smaller some individuals with some interest on the local park pr esent. Among the subjects discussed during the meeting there were complaints on rural and urban land uses, discussions on how to continue a project for construction of a cultural facility inside Trs Tenda Cultural ( although construct ions are currently illegal inside the Park ) but mostly complaints on limited usage inside this park. During this meeting I observed the positive reaction toward a popular subject that has also been spontaneously proposed during several interviews: an arch aeological museum. The data compared among the meeting observed, media reports and the public opinions gathered through interviews prove that there is a great popular demand for a museum, and mostly for the return of the collections. The lack of a local mu seum is also a popular subject in virtually all newspaper reports analyzed that mentioned archaeology. 11 respondents (A2 4, A2 5, B1 1, B1 2, B1 4, B1 5, B1 6, B1 8, B2 1, B2 2, B2 4) from three of the four subgroups and with different backgrounds have ad vocated in favor of creation of a local museum to display and host the archaeological collections. One of the participants of the meeting and later respondent (A2 4) is the author of a proposal shaped as her final course project (with major in Sustainable Ecology and Tourism) of an archaeological museum to be implemented in one of the facilities of Trs Meninas Park in Samambaia, which should display and safeguard the col lections excavated so far and boost local archaeological research. Although she guarant eed that both IBRAM and IPHAN have been very receptive to her project there were some

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154 disturbing acknowledgments throughout her interview. There is no clear solution as to maintenance and management of this museum. She sells her project as the first one of o primeiro museu arqueolgico do Centro Oeste which is not accurate since there are other established institutions in this region, for instance the one currently holding the collections safeguarding. And I co uld clearly perceive during the meeting and during her interview that some individuals actually believe the sites are located within Parque Trs Meninas limits. No other respondent officially responsible for licensing (B1 6, B1 8), safeguarding (B2 4) or i mplementing (B1 4) such an institution is aware of this proposal. The public will is genuine but the institutional support is unfortunately questionable, and so far the construction or adaptation of a museum is yet to be achieved, subject discussed shortly 3.3.3 Media and Archaeology a not so harmless relationship Archaeology is a subject of interest in all kinds of media. Indiana Jones, one of the most well known Hollywood characters ever is a big example of how this subject has the power to attract maj or attention to all kinds of public all over the world. Unfortunately most times this attention is far from authentic. A formally trained archaeologist digging a real site most likely would not translate into what the audiences want to discover by coming o ut to the theaters and paying to learn what happens next. Media, being it for the big or small screens, written or spoken, need the element of excitement and fantasy that rarely transcribes into scientific research. Hardly ever novelty is enough to catch the attention of the public through media. Interviews As happened to other subjects, during the interview analysis on Media the content of the information provided by each respondent at first has been confronted between

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155 subgroups and groups, and la ter the content variation has been contrasted among respondents classified according to their link to media or to archaeology. Therefore the analysis on this subject also considered comparing responses from those classified as (all individuals from subgroup A1, A2 1 A2 2, A2 3, A2 4, A2 5, A2 6, A2 7, B1 2, B1 4 and B1 5), media professionals (A1 8, B1 1 and B1 3), and archaeology professionals (B1 6, B1 7, B1 8 and all individuals from subgroup B2). Questions about the interactio n among media and ARIE JK and local archaeology have been posed as possible, but responses often reflected a misunderstanding on the on TV (A1 7, A2 3, and A2 5), or on inte rnet (A1 4 and A1 5), others on written media (A2 1, A2 2, A2 4, B1 4, B1 5) some were not specific on which kind of media (A2 2 and A2 6) and others had no response whatsoever to the subject (A1 1, A1 6, A2 7, B1 2 ). The responses from the archaeologist s and the heritage managers provided more understanding on how they perceive media attention to the subject. Surprisingly only one of the respondents classified as media professional (B1 1) provided critical opinion on issues such as mistaken information a bout archaeology and frequency. Overall the information provided by on archaeology portrait by the local media was vague. Accounts on online information were always spontaneous. Those living closer and with no institutional attachments (s ubgroup A1 ) provided fewer details on this issue than those linked to institutions who live in one of the three surrounding cities ( subgroup A2 ) but on both subgroups it was not possible to detect a unanimous opinion on how often this issue if presented by media. Those living in Braslia and linked to related institutions (subgroup B1) provided more critical but rather

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156 contrasting opinions on this matter, such as respondent B1 4 who believes that nowadays the press is giving more attention to archaeolog y and environmental preservation, versus respondent B1 5 who complained on the lack of mass media interest on enviro nmental issues in general Probably due to a recent broadcasting two respondents provided information on a negative connotation archaeology had been presented on local news (A2 3 and A2 5), and another respondent could provide detailed information on another TV report denouncing poor maintenance condition of one of the smaller parks inside the area (A1 7 ) Interesting information provided spo ntaneously by two respondents gave me a better picture on how archaeological heritage has been received by local community in Ceilndia. Respondent A1 5 commented on a website that publicizes about Ceilndia fossils ( ) And respondent A2 6 told me about Cinecei a film group from Ceilndia that contacted her as a Trs Meninas park employee due to their interest in registering and even repatriating the material, but not much more information about that. Those classified as media and archaeology pr ofessionals clearly portrayed both sides of a fight that seems to be ongoing and never ending among science and media. On one hand media professionals complaining on the lack of interest of the academia to made their results public and understandable for t he general audiences. On the other hand archaeologists upset with mistaken data and lack of care by the journalists. But two accounts were not expected. One provided by the journalist (B1 1) complaining on how mass media does not care for history and scien tific matter with due respect. An d the other came from an archaeologist advocating for more media exposure as a way to promote public support for archaeology (B1 6). However this was a popular issue

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157 among neither archaeologists n or media professionals. Or even to the so called general public, otherwise when these individuals were questioned they would not misunderstand the inquiry, and probably would be able to provide more personal opinion on it. The journalist (B1 1) was very straightforward to point out causes of probl ems among the problematic relationship of science versus media in general, and surprisingly blamed and assumed blame on the lack of care and interest of the media for this matter. The other media related professional (B1 3) works for a media company and he blamed both media and archaeologists for the lack of report on this matter. Among the three professionals linked to archaeology two gave straight answers about one newspaper that showed interest during the sewage construction (B1 8 about Co rreio Braziliense ), and the other on one journalist that always seek him as an expert (B1 7). The archaeologist who is also acting as a state heritage manager had a more personal and methodological discourse on this matter, and displayed more care for this issue (B1 6). It became clear that the media interest towards archaeological projects is not a memorable issue for researchers, given that only two respondents from subgroup B2 gave specific data on events that happened while working at ARIE JK. Maybe thi s is also due to their position as experts and outsiders, therefore not at all used to the local media venues or involved with local politics. However it is not a coincidence that both respondents who provided detailed information on thi s subject remembere d it due to annoyance s created by media reports during their work. One situation that was not as problematic was reported by respondent B2 2 who simply recalled great media attention to the point of being interviewed afterhours at his hotel during the exc avation field work The other statement, however, also jeopardized the archaeological research

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158 at that time because the media reported erroneous information that ended up in an institutional disagreement (B2 1). This respondent also complained on the mista ken scientific information displayed often by local media, and demonstrated some disappointment with how media displays archaeology in general. Newspaper s For some reason most of the reports on archaeology from Correio Braziliense are signed by a s ingle journalist and incorrect information is often reported. For example in August 8 th of 2004 this reporter signed a two page colored article on a Sunday paper, reporting looting, abandonment and lack of Law enforcement in which not a single archaeologi st was interviewed, provided mistaken and amateur opinions about migration and human behavior, and portrayed an actual looter as contributing to archaeological preservation of cave sites in a nearby city named Formosa/GO. In August 24 th 2008 this reporter published another two page article, this time after interviewing archaeologists, but right at the beginning he stated that human occupation i n Central Brazil is at least 43. 000 years old, and surely none of the archaeologists interviewed for that article w ould make such a statement. Of course most of these mistakes are apparently harmless, but other s have the potential to jeopardize the actual field research, especially because most of the newspaper reports are published or broadcasted while the team is sti ll in the field. The reports on both newspapers analyzed for this case study also carried a negative discourse on cu ltural heritage being against or in the way of development With regret this was not the only problem identified on the data sample. Wrong i nformation, one article advocating for amateur research, and incorrectly reporting of institutional responsibilities unfortunately also play a dangerous role. This is not a speech against

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159 media, nor does it intend to ignore the academic need to find better channels of communication. It is supposed to be a two way street, and even having experience firsthand a bad situation with a reporter in the past, the goal here is to seek balance. 3.3.4 Conclusions on data analysis It is unfortunate that for many stakeh olders this process generates twofold criticisms with such negative implications in the public realm. Heritage and environmental conservationists versus advocates for urban and regional development are constant targets for manipulation, sometimes in defens e of preservation but mostly 24 are sadly usual in newspapers and have enormous potential to distress b oth parties. One editorial report from (Kuhn 2002: 205) Press coverage and public opinion can influence mitigation strategies and policy decision making One instance that directly influenced me on this research was an incident caused by one incorrect account displayed by the media, and the power of this institution to harm or to boost archaeological research. This story was spontaneously told by respondent B2 1 during his interview, as a sour situation he had to face as project manager. A Correio Brazi liens e reporting published on August 2 nd 2004 during the fieldwork sponsored by CAESB due to the MPF/IPHAN embargo showed various methods used during the excavations. One of them, displayed in the center of the page 24 Actual headlines from newspapers analyzed.

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160 also in a drawing, was reported as perfo rmed by the archaeologists, and therefore by IGPA/PUC GO, the same institution hired for the mitigation project. However, it was the Geology Department from University of Braslia the one conducting the GPR survey, hired as consultants. This reporting had a major exposure locally, and due to this mistake an irreparable upsetting caused the geologists not finish the survey. The Geology department chair personally complained about this situation, and refused to get IPHAN received a lot of criticism, which is understandable given that it carries a large responsibility with short resources. The engineer (B1 4) stated that it should be their obligation to advise developers on the presence of archaeological heritage in constr uction sites, and that at least a sign or a fence should be in place to help that communication. The journalist (B1 1) feels that IPHAN is absent from important decisions and is more concern ed with minor issues related to architectural conservation. One of the archaeologists also criticized IPHAN for not providing the necessary human and financial resources to care properly f or the archaeological heritage. The institutional involvement is very short lived, and the media has the power to influence public opi nion but because of the low profile character of the sites it has not created such distres s in the long term (Table 3 1). However, what seems to be the real problem in this discussion is the very absence of a single research institute in the Brazilian Fede ral District. By listening to all parties the most relevant explanation takes that into account. Respondent B1 6 explained that the biggest obstacle as a heritage manager is the absolute lack of public ac knowledgement by local institutions which reflects on public opinion and on public

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161 support She said that after decades working for IPHAN it was only after she was transferred to Braslia that she really understood this agency. And she regretfully stated that there is no space or visibility for archaeology inside this institution, even compared to the recently recognized intangible heritage. 25 As for the institutional value generated by the archaeological heritage of ARIE JK, the extensive amount of data collected specifically about this subject is the unden iable proof that at least for a setting of non descendant public it does carry a lot of importance and definitely shape public opinion about this issue, even if the opinion is negative. The data collected on interviews, newspapers and documents although sc attered and overwhelming in other subjects directly and indirectly refer red and employ ed the cultural heritage as boost for environmental preservation, and to help on legal recognition and land use definitions. 25 O brasileiro festeiro, no se identifica com passado h umilde e indgena

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162 Table 3 1. Data results related to institu the Park and its archaeological heritage Interviews reports Walking survey Conclusions Among G roups : broad appreciation for legal protection but unanimous pledge for local displaying of archaeolo gical collections. Correio Braziliense : mostly displaying information that helped advertising government benefits. But stresses constantly the lack of local archaeology centers without care for the reasons, and created an institutional issue that jeopardiz ed the archaeological fieldwork. Very easy to witness signs advising for irregular usage and punishments, but actual zoning and regular land uses are confusing and many times contradictory. Local city administrations, federal management agencies, NGOs have always displayed some archaeological heritage, but usually those feel short. There is an obvious claim for collections ownership, mostly related to the creation of a local museum to safeguard them in the Federal District. Among ex perts and lay persons : institutionally oriented discourses, usually blaming the federal cultural heritage agency for management or enforcement problems. Jornal de Braslia : the spotlight is on illegal housing settlements, but the land uses contrary to the regulations abide by other institutions are never displayed as a problem. In paper and in the field there are many discrepancies, such as urban, rural, and very confusing, and allowed urban growth in the buffer zones of an envir onmentally protected area that are clearly not suitable. It is problematic the way the media has displayed archaeological research locally, and this constant negative or biased view is impacting public opinion.

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163 A B Figure 3 1 Signs advising for pe nalties for environmental damages to ARIE JK and APA do Planalto Central around the Park. A) S ign next to Condomnio Pr do Sol in Ceilndia ( 04/12/08) ; B) Sign reinforcing legal penalties next to another sign publicizing the location of the association an d housing of local garbage collectors in Samambaia (11/11/ 08 ) Figure 3 2 Police Academy building, where GDF headquarters would be transferred to (Taguatinga, 11/14/ 08)

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164 Figure 3 3 Road DF 459 construction (Ceilndia, 04/12/ 08) Figure 3 4 Sign marking location of the new UnB campus very close to the new road DF 459 and to the DF PA 15 archaeological site ( Ceilndia, 11/12/ 08)

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165 Figure 3 5 legal, recently legalized and illegal land use Figure 3 6 Taguatinga River w ate rshed and APA do Planalto Central areas compared to current ARIE JK limits

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166 A B C D Figure 3 7 Stio Geranium facilities. A) F ront sign, in dicating they sell organic; B) One of its agricultural facilities; C) Organic fertilizer; D) Environmental educ ation class NGO Mo na Terra offered to local community (Samambaia or Rural Taguatinga, 04/25/ 08) Figure 3 8 General view of industrial sector ADE (Ceilndia, 04/12/ 08)

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167 Figure 3 9. Lack of urban infra structure, Condomnio Pr do Sol (Ceilndia, 04/12/08) Figure 3 10 Change of limits proposal for ARIE JK

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168 CHAPTER 4 ARCHAEOLOGICAL TOURI SM IN BRAZIL: AN IDE OLOGICAL ENTERPRISE I nstrumental values are also anticipated as influencing on decision makings about archaeological heritage in Bras li a, and tourism is proposed as a source for econo mical and social enhancements. The goal on this chapter is to investigate if the possibility to implement cultural tourism local archaeological pres ervation. In order to achieve that a com parison among outlook and aspirations with the media reports about this matter was contrasted with the presented in det ails later in this chapter. Archaeology as a common view is an adventurous and mysterious activity, as exciting as a science fiction movie. General audiences u sually picture archaeolo gists exploring dinosaurs or looking for startling hidden civilizations and their incredible (and lost ) treasures, including the bad guys and the thankful nat ives that are present in blockbuster Hollywood stories. However, although there is this spread idea of excitement, archaeology is nothing but a field of social sciences and its practice can be boring, slow and fu ll of not so interesting discoveries. On a very opposite approach, Tourism is business oriented sector, as an activity that requires extensive planning and marketing. After all, can the goals of tourism and archaeology really merge? As a source for financi al boost, Tourism is unquestionably a major Instrumental Value. According to Slick (2002: 219) industry in this millennium should become the number one in the world. Developing archaeological tourism has been very popular for famous monumental sites worldwide which recently has become a major topic concerning lo ng term preservation of cultural remains. Today it is common to find articles indicating tourism as a solution or as a

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169 problem regarding archaeological heritage management in specialized literature, sometimes meaning an answer for sustainable development, at times indicating the damage overcrowding and uneducated tourists cause. In Brazil tourism has been a popular theme for archaeologists over the last arqueologia turismo ls several venues, such as books edited by renowned scholars (Funari and Pinsky 2001) (Scatamacchia 2005) as well as numerous online articles (Alfonso 2009; Machado, Lopes and Gheno 2009) academic thesis (Onuma 2007; Miranda 2010) just to n ame a few, not considering several web pages, which certainly shows how this question has caught the attention among scholars and general audiences in this country. This find is especially remarkable for a cou ntry know to have few monumental archaeological sites to appeal to tourists attention for visitation, and which has yet to include pre history or a rchaeology on school programs. Despite all the attention given to this matter, Archaeology and Tourism in Bra zil is a partnership still to come. Although many recognize the strong necessity to bring both together, in general the archaeological community is yet not integrated into the tourism lay an important role in this process, which should involve looking at the resource from a local, (Pinter 2005: 9) In fact tourists have long being invisible for anthropologists in general, even though the obvious and perpetually current contact between host communities and visitors,

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170 which causes a different sort of social interaction definitely w orth to be investigated 4.1 Tourism at H eritage Sites the Challenge of S ustainability Ethically speaking, to explore any sort of archaeological heritage as an explicit cost e ffective good can only be placed in a growing segment in the tourism industry known as Cultural Tourism, characterized by cultural assets as the foundation for attracting or motivation individuals to visit a destination. This segment includes a variety of assets, from performing arts to traditional festivals, to sites and monuments, special character of places that include both tangible and intangible cultural heritage attractions (McKercher and Cross 2002) Some authors define heritage a showcasing what is unique and special about a place in a way is agreeable to its (Caldwell 1996: 126) characterization excessively broad and vague. Others interpretation and represen (Smith 2003: 37) Some com plain it is perspective of culture in the high (Robinson 1999: 4) re (Aas, Ladkin and Fletcher 2005: 32) Defining Heritage Tourism seems at first straightforward, as a kind of tourism activity in spaces catego rized as h eritage sites. A s many definitions, it has numerous variations. Swarbrooke (19 94: 222) where heritage is the core product that is offered and heritage is the main motivation

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171 (2003: 248) define heritage tourism as Another segment of touri sm that can be linked to archaeology, Ecotourism is concerned with the balance between nature and living communities, considered to have low impact and to be directly associated with sustainable development (Gutierrez et al. 2005) Discussion about heritage tourism concept can vary, but the principles associated with it are very much the same as those advocated by sustainability tourism and ecotourism, and some might see the last as an umbrella concept that includes the cult ural heritage product as well. Identifying types of heritage tourists is also a controversial task. Smith (2003: 35) classifies as heritage tourists individuals educated and intellectually motivated, (1996) heritage tourists are concerned with an authentic high quality cultural experience, willing to travel great distances for that. Robinson (1999: 4) states that avelers rather than mass tourists Mckercher and du Cros (2002) agree that demographic and behavioral information gathered to assess the types of visitors in a cultural destination can be unreliable, mostly because many did not consider the main purpose for that visit. Yet, they identified five types of cultural tourists, as follows: 1. purposeful, showing the highest importance of cultural tourism in the decision to visit a destination; 2. serendipitous; 3.

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172 sightseeing, also giving high importance to cultural sites for deciding trip location ; 4. casual; 5. incidental. Types 1 and 2 seek deepest experience, and type 5 gives low importance for the heritage site, see king the shallowest experience. Poria, Butler and Airey (2003) believe that visitors at heritage can be categorized by a variety of stimulus, from those individuals visiting a setting just because, to those looking for amusement, to those who wish to learn. Perce ptions and behaviors are not always related to authenticity and reality, therefore acknowledging the subjective nature that bond tourists and the heritage site is actually the core of heritage tourism. This approach differs from what is usually found in th tourism stems from the relationship between the supply and the demand. It is not so (Poria, Butler and Airey 2003: 249) The ability tourism has to bring together diverse ethnic groups that are not they are producing, demonstrates the great potential for cultural conflicts in heritage attractions (Boniface and Fowler 1993; Boniface 1999) Finding ways to mitigate this conflict is challenging, which cou ld be achieved by development of Community based tourism To integrate local communities as stakeholders of their cultural heritage might the best, if not the only solution to the various issues involving h eritage management and tourism. Community based to urism can be achieved supported by a variety of methodological frameworks. For instance, Stakeholder Theory has been used to understand collaboration in local tourism policy making, and to assist integrated

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173 planning or management of diverse groups (Easterling 2005) Stakeholder Collaboration is a framework that combines heritage management and stakeholder involvement during the tourism development process, considered a cost effective solution because of its potential to minimi ze social conflicts in the long term. This initiative is being introduced mostly to developing countries, using the economic benefits of tourism as a local resource, combining social and economic forces in search for more balanced and sustainable long last (Aas, Ladkin and Fletcher 2005: 29) According to Jamal and Getz (1995: 187) another effective strategy to minimize based mechanism for resolving planning issues and coordinating tourism development at the correctness discourse, many times more a philosophical ideal than a practical tool. These authors making among autonom ous, (Jamal and Getz 1995: 188) and despite its hard to reach goals, it is considered a good strategy for tourism practice. Aas et al. (2005) view collaboration as an equitable approach, not only because it incorporates insights and expectations of various stakeholders, but also because it uses local knowledge to propose solution that are well inf ormed, more appropriate, giving the opportunity to express concerns and add information to those most affected by the tourism activity. Fragmented nature of tourism needs cooperation and collaboration efforts combined during the planning process, if it is to achieve the goal of sustainable community based tourism (Aas, Ladkin and Fletcher 2005)

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174 As for setbacks, collaboration theory is not a guarantee that by involving all of the interested pa (Aas, Ladkin and Fletcher 2005) Stakeholder collaboration can play a decisive role regarding the development of the interdependence between cultural heritage and tourism, but in practice successfully achieving this goal may be as difficult as it gets. Reid, Mair and George (2004) state that due to a lack of emoti onal commitment and leadership skills, many times tourism plans do not achieve long term success. Tosun (2006: 493) also points out that partic additional cost to tourism planning, incorrect identification of stakeholders, lack of capacity of actors to participate, unrealistic expectations, tourism development organize d by elites that has economic power and excluding average citizens, apathy, and the destructive nature of tourism (Arajo and Bramwell 1999; Reid, Mair and George 2004; Aas, Ladkin and Fletcher 2005) If there is not an actual dialogue between stakeholders and planners this strategy is just a one way consultation process, in which opinion s are collected instead of involving the public in the planning process (Arajo and Bramwell 1999) In addition, to incorporate various interests in t he planning process is always a challenge, especially (Aas, Ladkin and Fletcher 2005) For the case study developed here to und erstand the non descendant public values is crucial for future success, since they are also part of the community and will be influenced by the tourism activity. Their legitimacy is unquestionable, and if they feel

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175 excluded from the decision making process the potential for failure is imminent. Some authors agree that more research needs to be done to discover better models to meaningfully involving the larger community in tourism planning (Selin 1999; Reid, Mair and George 2004; Tosu n 2006) In Brazil, a pioneer project was investigated in the state of Alagoas. Although there is a current trend encouraging public participation in shaping public policies, community participation was described as problematic in this country Government and policy making are still very centralized, and the military dictatorship legacy is still strong. Not surprisingly, this study showed that most of the stakeholders frequently attending planning meetings were representatives of the public sector. Other co nstraints observed by them were: individuals largely concerned with economic benefits instead of long term impacts; stakeholders purposefully ignoring meeting despite being invited, and the (Arajo and Bramwell 1999) 4.2 Archaeotourism a Viable I dea? responsibilities to the public, which are closely related to ethics and values, to economy, politics and ideology Archeological tourism plays a major role in this debate. Despite its negative and even destructive natures, consciously planned heritage tourism can provide not only financial support cultural preservation, but also help improving public awareness Visitors are largely motivated by interests in archaeology and cultural heritage. In tourists turned their attentions to archaeology long before archaeologists sought to Lovata (2011: 195) The leisure value of archaeological monuments is long known, even the ones that are less publicized are

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176 walkers, hikers or pony trekkers, subjects for photographers and artists, and as themes (Darvill 1995: 45) Little and McManamon (2005: 12) present impressive numbers to support findings that the public is interested in archaeology: in comparison to the 2003 an nual visitation at the Washington Monument (529,985), at least 100,000 more people traveled that year to visit Montezuma Castle National Park, in the Verde Valley of Arizona. Archaeological Tourism is one of the segments of Cultural T ourism, defined by McK ercer and du Cross (2002: 6) activities, including historical tourism, ethnic tourism, arts tourism, museum tourism, and others. They all share common s ets of resources, management issues, and desired Some authors use the expression Archaeotourism to describe this interaction, what simply coins a segment of heritage tourism when the central attractions are archaeological remains (Manzato 2005; Bawaya 2006) Archaeological Tourism is considered a hopeful tactic as well as perhaps dangerous activity at the same time. Tourism might play a role that cultural heritage managers need in order to make the past available and attractive fo r general audiences. It also may create means for sustainable approach regarding archaeological heritage management. However, tourism means marketing as well, and one of the biggest problems concerning heritage is to make it a commodity, to give economical value to it. In regards to the tourism in anthropological research, Barreto (2003: 20) states that even though the number of scholars and publications has increa sed, it is still a marginal topic of research, mainly focused on ethnic impacts, acculturation processes

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177 and the issues with authenticity. In archaeology shift has happened recently. Archaeologists are willing to understand tourism sites as a new area of i nvestigation New historical archaeology studies are now focusing on tourism professionals, making them the new excluded voice in the archaeologica l record (Camp 2011; Graff 2011) worried and willing to understand related behavior and consumption through studying tr aditional tourism sites, an area of investigation framed as the Archaeology of Tourism 2011) As far as archaeological tourism, t oday it is the norm to find re ferences indicating tourism as a solution or as a problem regarding archaeological management in specialized journals and books, sometimes meaning salvation for sustainable development, now and then indicating the damage overcrowding and uneducated tourist s have cause d after years of unregulated visitations. However several professionals are still afraid of this strategy because of the nature of the archaeology itself: it is a non renewable cultural resource and f ragile cultural resource, which usually can n ot support unprepared crowds. In addition, the oversimplification of the archaeological explanations are a nor m in media accounts, which many times translate to what visitors get as information and many scholars find difficult to improve this prejudiced k nowledge to the general public, especially to audiences not ethnically related to the heritage On the other hand, f uture projections s eem promising due to the increasing number of new publications, discussions and research concerning this relationship. Th e Society of American Archaeology, in its magazine The SAA Archaeological Record

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178 dedicated an entire issue to discuss Heritage Tourism in May 2005. The International Congress in Archaeological Tourism has held four meetings by 2009, a conference organi ze d in partnership with Icomos and UNITWIN/UNESCO 1 among other institutions. There is a significant growth in related publications, an overwhelming amount of research points out a great deal of effort and concern on this mattes among both archaeolo gists and tourism professionals. Manzato even advocates that the archa e otourism currently is the segment presenting the biggest growth in the tourism travel industry (2005; Manzato 2006; Manzato 2 007) Like every strategy, using tourism as a tool to enhance preservation of any archaeological site possibly will cause it benefits or impacts, and many times good and bad results at the same time. Perhaps the successful and the problematic attempts hav e something in common. The sites that receive higher levels of visitation, which seems to be the biggest problem for archaeological preservation, are the ones we know as monumental, with massive or remarkable structures UNESCO World Heritage List contai ns some of the most notorious Avebury, the Partheno n from all over the world (Pomeroy 2005: 301) It is almost inevitable that WHS become prestigious tourism destinations. Visitor management issues are particularly difficult because of the quality expected by visitors at WHS, (Shack ley 2006: 85) 1 University Twinning and Networking Programme.

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179 A major criticism to the idea of world heritage is due to the value added by the designation, many times used by national states on behalf of their need for prestige, ritage conservation (Howard 2003: 179) Operational management issues are also problematic. UNESCO provides international standards but lacks enforcement power, transferring to local governm Stakeholders and community participation has always been very problematic in heritage sites (Millar 2006) almost impossible mission in a WHS. Melanie Pomeroy (2005: 301) has done research in two of the most celebrated monume ntal sites in the world: Avebury and Stonehenge in England. According to her together they attract just over a million visitors annually. In her study she concludes that sit Accordingly one of the main solutions to mitigate the negative impacts of tourists in sites is to control the visitation. For some sites this strategy is absolutely impossible to achieve, but for those which visitation is yet a plan, it is an important aspect to be considered in the planning. But what about the non monumental sites, with buried material culture? T he majority of the sites are literally underground, they are consi dered non monumental sites. They constitute the vast majority of the archaeological heritage on the planet, and although they seem not to have tourism potential, they for sure have a considerable informational value and they are also remains of mankind on Earth. Even these sites

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180 can be planned for tourism end, but they usually are not the local main attraction, and receive a co ntrolled amount of visitation. It is necessary to be a professional to understand its remains, and visitation may be frustrat ing wh en the visitors can not see anything but the cultural landscape, which needs a specialized guide to explain how it was transformed by men and women in the past. Of course this problem has a relatively easy solution, which is display the archaeological mater ial in museums. Easy to think, complicated to apply, especially in developing countries. Create and maintain a museum is expensive, and demands also a long term project. In addition the display may not attract as many visitors. Another issue regarding mana ging an archaeological site for visitation is its access. Many sites are located in isolated locations and have bad or no roads to connect them to cities. One example is a site called Caracol in Belize. It is the biggest site of this country, one of the m ost significant Maya settlements in Central America. Despite all its historical and scientific significance it will hardly become a major tourism attraction because of its remoteness and the condition of the road to arrive there (Bawaya 2006: 163) A large infra structure investment is necessary, which possibly could boost its visitation. In the other hand the archae ologists responsible for its conservation are afraid that it perhaps grows to be too successful and its delicate structures may collapse due to massive visitation. Even today, according to Bawaya (2006) despite the few tourists Caracol gets, they have already cause damage to the structures a nd trespassed restricted areas. Authenticity, commoditization and manipulation of the past are common and unfortunately much deeper issues linked to tourism in archaeology. Manipulating and

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181 creating authentic past (s) is very popular when a site or a collection is displayed for general audiences. Johnson (2011: 301) advocates that touristi c locations often are the locus of interests, and are controlled by bodies, that are not always publicly accountable or open to a democratic evaluation and participation Sadly, traditional communities are the most prejudiced. One example of how this relationship can harm descendant groups is how Mexican archaeology has been misused, where i ndigenous peoples are constantly exclud ed from the use of their past. In Mexico f oreign to economic benefits of this $6.4 billion dollar per year industry are small for local Maya (Ardren 2004: 104) Yet, archaeological monuments are used as symbol appropriating the cultural symbols of indigenous groups that have often had contentious or conflictiv Another mode of manipulation is choosing to recreate specific periods of the past by reinventions and reconstructions of r emnants and events which can assume twofold circumstances for anthropologist and archaeologists alike. Reconstruction is debatable as a fake reality, given that they represent have since ceased to exist. Ruinat ion may be an acceptable characteristic of the authentic archaeological site; however, historic sites are usually more valued for tourist purposes if there are identifiable structures that are fine, furnished, and even populated with re enactors. (Pope, Sievert and Sievert 2011: 209) However invention should not always be treated as an evil destructive issue for her itage preservation, but more as a result of public needs. According to Lovata (2011: 195) tourists have had such strong affections for pa st cultures that people have

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182 repeatedly recreated, reconstructed and even faked archaeology sites and if an archaeology site entirely built for tourism offer, as the case of t he cliff dwellings at Manitou Springs, Colorado it can be beneficial for tourist and professionals alike, because they offer a hands on experience for visitors, which most times is not the case on authentic places eenth and twentieth century processes that promoted an ideal of prehistoric culture, encouraged heritage tourism as economic development, and connected Southwestern archaeology to a specifically American sense of identity. Their continuing prominence is p redicated on offering (Lovata 2011: 145). As for other positive outcomes, a well planned archaeological tourism might represent much more advantages than negative impact s for a site if sust ainable development and collaboration strategies are considered from the get go McKercher and du Cross (2002: 12) have some divergent goa ls, they also share much in common. Both can benefit from not only match, but also complementary, consequently future guess is that they should become more and more relat ed to each other. Today any anthropological ethic code however advocates that everyone has the right to access the past, it does not matter the expectation of the public, even when one seek for the fantastic or alternative discoveries. It is an important t ask to educate the public about their heritage, and for sure making the archaeological remains reachable by visitation is a way of achieving this purpose. Pinter (2005: 10) argues that

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183 visitors about that specific heritage, it also provides a foun dation to enhance protection and preservation of the site, which are the two main goals of any archaeological management project. Using a more positive approach to this matter, Pope, Sievert and Sievert (2011) understand the partnership of archaeology and tourism has the potential to inspire multi vocal interpretations albeit authenticity issues In 2004 they conducted arch aeological project at the Spring Mill Sate Park, at Mitchell, Indiana. The archaeological research proved that the site is earlier and has a much richer story than the one presented to the public since the 1930s marketed as the Spring Mill Pioneer Village By displaying new information about diverse archaeology at the park will contribute a broader and inclusive interpretation that engages a wider public and professional community in dialogues about heritage, p reservation, a (Pope, Sievert and Sievert 2011: 219) Currently we cannot escape from the commoditization concep t relating to heritage, especially for tourism heritage is a product to be consumed. Smith (2003: 11) argues (1995) presents a very actual discussion about this issue, showing that heritage as a commodity does represent a lost in its cultural value, but it actually means thinking of it as a product which needs to be presentable to the consumer, more likely to be related as museum or site visitor. Making archaeology salable means finding what is appealing for the consumer, and besides the general concern it does not necessarily means h arm.

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184 H ollowell (2006: 145) ance and integrate what might succeed when economic alternatives are created in local decision making for archaeological site protection. Successful cases of the interact ion between archaeological management and heritage tourism can be found regarding non monumental sites, proving that previous planning and dialogue between stakeholders may indeed be the solution for this feared partnership. Tourism has been a tool to incr economic development in some Native American groups, such as the White Mountain Apache Tribe from eastern Arizona (Welch, Hoering and Raymond Endfield 2005) ; has helped to discovered and reconstruct the lost Native American past at Sunwatch Indian Village at Dayton, Ohio (Kennedy and Sawyer 2005) Fortunately t here are several cases of the valuable interaction of tourism in archa eological sites knowledge and moreover critical thinking of the past we find in the US, at the colonial city of Annapolis, Maryland. With the creation of a public interpretative program named one could visit several sites inside this city and not only to understand the archaeological process, but also to have the information tools to make a c ritical link between the present and the past. Initiatives such as this project proves that nowadays to visit the site, how visitors would get there, what they would a lready know, and what (Potter 1994: 175 76) Being a small historic town, tourism in

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185 inhabitants (Potter 1994: 188 89) So protecting the heritage is a real business in this town. However, like in many places, the relationship between locals and outsiders is delicate, and the heritage tourism is man aged there in order to attract the not d isturb the city before leaving. Tourism might play a role that archaeologists need in order to make the past available and attractive for general audiences. For that matter tourism seem s to be a brilliant strategy, since it offers the possibility to do so for lots of people, with different educational backgrounds, gender, age, and ethnicities. To use the right strategies means attempting to integrate cultural activities clos ely related to economic and cultural processes for the local population, and most important ly, to encourage peoples to recognize their own rig hts. 4.3 Heritage T ourism in Brazil There is no doubt that Brazil has a huge ambition for tourism. It will host t wo major sport events in the next years, the World Cup in 2014 and the Olympics in Rio de Janeiro, in 2016. In the land of optimism and big hopes for the future, nothing will stop this country. Not even its own issues with violence and poverty. And it is n o secret the lack of infrastructure still in place to receive such an overwhelming amount of foreign visitors. In the eyes of the world it is still advertised as the land of the future, as the enterprise of its capital construction from scratch over 50 yea rs ago. Brazil is a prosperous destination for all kinds of tourism. Today, it portrays a large market for international tourism in shorelines and natural destinations. Carnival in Rio de Janeiro is definitely a top event to gather peoples from around the globe. Unlike our neighbors in Latin America, in Brazil there are no ancient pyramids. Still, we have an

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186 astonishing cultural diversity that makes this country unique in the Americas. The fifth largest country in the world, the largest country of Latin Ame rica, Brazil is internationally recognized as the land of Samba and rain forests. It has 26 states and the Fe deral District (where the capita l Brasilia is located), divided in 5 regions where more than 180 million people live. Unfortunately, this country is one of the most social unequally on Earth despite recent economic growth. The Brazilian Ministry of Tourism was created in 2003 during President Lula's government, and since then has promoted considerable growth in revenue and job offer for this segmen t, especially due to the creation of new public policies and the increase of government investments (Farias et al. 2008) Results so far sh ow a promising future, over in 2006, up 29% over 2005 (Brasil and MTur 2006: 5) The government goals for the last four years included developing high quality products, promoting social i nclusion and fostering competitiveness nationally and internationally, focusing in decentralized management thr oughout public and private partnerships through the country. As a promising note for heritage tourism, o ne of the specific goals of the Ministry is to "increase and diversify tourist consumption options for the national and international markets, encouraging longer stays and hig her per capita tourist spending (Brasil and MTur 2006: 16) Even though the country presents great potential fo r this sector, Andrade et al (2008) understand that tourism is still a poorly known economic activity in this country. In Brazil or elsewhere, public and private sectors a long with host communities need to start developing tourism as a business oriented venture in order to be successful, both as a profitable industry and also as a vector to promote heritage conservation a special

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187 concern for this research Despite its qual ities, Brazil still has to develop an important market for both domestic and international visitors: the rich potential to develop cultural destinations as tourism sites. It is not a question of development alone, most importantly it is about which heritag e is chosen for the marketplace. There are numerous heritage sites developed for tourism, built monuments representing European settlements are unanimously the ones to visit. Colonial architectural heritage is cherished in this country has had special att ention since the first initiatives of federal policies for heritage preservation in the early 20 th century. This preference is reinforced by the monuments enlisted as World Heritage Sites in Brazil, automatically publicized worldwid e as main tourism destin ations. 4.3.1 World Heritage in Brazil Since 1972, the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural came into force in 1976, when twenty countries decided to abide (Leask 2006) The aims of this initiative were at large to encourage identification, protect ion and diffusion of natural and cultural sites considered (Leask 2006: 6) as these exceptional (UNESCO 2008a) To be designated World Heritage Site, cultural, natural, or mixed sites must be evaluated against a set of ten criteria. Specifically for cultural sites, UNESCO establishes six criteria in which a site, a monument, or a group of buildings, can be included in the World Heritage List. Each site must meet at least one selection criterion.

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188 To ente r the List means worldwide recognition, as approval stamp of value. However, after decades of recognition, a varied set of problems also emerged. Managing a WHS can be a very complicated. If the site is recognized as having universal value, it should also be managed regarding various interests, and not only those usually considered for a regular heritage site, subjected to local social and economical instabilities and mind set changes. It is not only a cultural representation of the host country, but should be cared as something the rest of the world is proud of, and its upcoming generations have the right to enjoy in the future. Other issues that proved to be problematic after nominations are over usage or contested use (Stonehenge in the UK is a good examp le for it), and negative social and environmental impacts of tourists are especial concerns for managing a ny WHS especially for the ones located on developing countries with poor infrastructure and/or traditional communities not prepared to deal with the commoditization of their culture. Brazil has been a member of UNESCO since 1946 and signed the World Heritage Convention on 1977 Considering the extension of the country, and its cultural and natural resources potential, the number of Brazilian World Her itage Sites is modest: 11 cultural sites and 7 natural sites (UNESCO 2011) The majority of the cultural sites are remains from colonial urban occupation such as Salvador/BA and Ouro Preto/MG. Only three out of 11 do not follow this pattern Two of those are archaeological areas: the collection of prehistorical archaeological sites in Serra da Capivara National Park, Northeast; and the Jesuit mission ruin of So Miguel das Misses in the South Region Bras lia is an exception on the List as a whole, since it is recognized for Modern a rchite cture and urban planning, being the only 20 th century city to be a WHS. Its

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189 inclusion also forced Brazilian government to create a mechanism to protect the Pilot Plan as state heritage before the enlisting on 1987, and later on in 1990 as a federal heritage, since before that only remains of the colonial period were to be considered as such by IPHAN. To be a WHS the site has to be legally protected by the local government, and this initiative influenced a di scussion on heritage values and concepts in Brazil (Silva 2003) Contrary to what seems to rule other countries, WHS in Brazil are generally valued as important places. This meaning is carried first and foremost through institutions, although generally the re is still poor quality and quantity of public outreach programs for cultural heritage. On the other hand, Brazilian media and the government propaganda encompasses; pu blicizing it to individuals that would have no other means to learn about WHS, WHL, and even UNESCO as a vector to enhance th e meanings of a preserved past. Although the obvious the manipulative nature assumed by these discourses, on a positive note this l esteem by celebrating preservation of cultural heritage, memories and identities. However, as other developing countries, Brazil finds difficulties to follow UNESCO guidelines, especially regarding enforcement, and thi s country experiences enormous challenges to protect its heritages properly. 4.3.2 Curre nt p erspectives for archaeological tourism S pecific literature about Cultural T ourism in Brazil is usually concerned generally with historic sites and architecture, col onial cities (Portuguez 2004; Almeida 2007; Paes and Oliveira 2010) or museums (Tamanini and Peixer 2007) mostly using case studies

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190 in the Southeastern region of Brazil to demonstrat e their point, but still often criticizing the sub utilization of tourism potential (Pires 2002) However, in regards to archeological heritage, most authors leave it between the lines when defining cultural heritage by using terms such as vestiges and material culture (Rodrigues 2007: 24) or openly characterize archaeological sit es without any special consideration to it (Costa 2009) Even on archaeotourism pieces the presence of pre historical sites as case studies are rare, as discussed before for international studies. The prevalence is for the more monumental sites for tourism consumption, such as the ones p resenting ruins, buildings, historic towns. For instance, in the state of So Paulo Southeastern Brazil, there are 20 sites with tourism potential, all of them are colonial sites, and 50% are located at the shore. There is no pre historical site in this s tate offering visitations, and most of them are poorly developed for visitation (M anzato 2005) The pre historical cases are exclusively rock art sites, and always proposing extensive pla nning to ensure safe visitation and preservation as well as proper outreach initiatives (Manzato 2007; Pereira and Leite 2011) One example is described by Scabello (2010) She analyzed the tourism conditions and the visitor profiles at Parque Nacional das Sete Cidades a national park created in 1961 in which there are 43 r egistered cave paintings archaeological sites in the state of Piau. She observed that the tourists receive fringe information about the sites during visitations, such as the paintings being done by Vikings or Phoenicians popular fantastic archaeology myt hs in Brazil. She also states that there are no studies

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191 regarding the negative impacts of visitations, and there is no capacity limits either, resulting in lack of qual ity archaeotourism at the park. Alfonso (2009) describes a different approach on archaeotourism, developed by a private c ontract archaeology company named Zanettini Arqueologia on small towns at western Alagoas state, hired by the local IPHAN agency to develop a diagnosis seeking to bring economical development through tourism for this area. This project considers concept for cultural landscapes, and considered that developing sustainable tourism would be also beneficial for the preservation of the sites, since the presence of visitors incentivized the local community to be int erested and to care about them. Moreira (2010) proposes sustainable tourism to help protect and to boost local economy at a small town in the state of Par, a rich area for archaeological sites in th e Brazilian Amazon forest, North region. Even in this context, the site chosen to be planned for tourism is not pre historical, but a sugar mill occupation from the 17 th century. The author interviewed members of the local community, state authorities and scholars and all of them were pro tourism, because it could benefit them socially and economically. Probably a s a n evidence of the lack of education about archaeology in Brazil, it is also easy to identify mistaken information publicized on tourism literat ure. One example is a book wrote to educate tourism guides (SENAC 2002) that only relates pre historical archaeol ogical sites as natural places. And sadly the very few cases related by this publication expose much worse information: it shows Pedra do Ing one of the most well known archaeological sites in Brazil, as a geological formation and paleontological e 104); and it illustrates Serra da

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192 Capivara which is a WHS due to its hundreds of archaeological sites containing the largest rock art collection in the world in number of paintings as a natural site with trac es of archaeology (page 107). Not surprising ly t he truth is no formal archaeotourism is being developed in Brazil, and only recently the government has considered it as a possible market to be developed (Alfonso 2009) Assuming a more optimistic approach in terms of management Pardi (2007) considers a success the perspectives of archaeotourism at the Piau state, Northeastern Brazil, where the Parque Nacional Serra da Cap ivara is located, mostly because distinguished archaeologist Dr. Nide Guidon is in charge of the visitation and tourism marketing and planning strategies at this park, and also because this state is proposing a local plan to regulate capability, use and a ccess to archaeological sites, which she considers a well done policy but still not in place. She argues that initiatives not idealized and coordinated directly by archaeologists are less successful and tend to aim much more profit than the preservation of the material cultural remains. Most authors agree that tourism is a helpful strategy to ensure heritage preservation if it is properly planned and always includes outreach initiatives (Manzato 2006; Onuma 2007; Miranda 2010; Moreira 2010) Scabello (2010) also understands the archaeotourism can be beneficial because it is an instrument that can help to boost information a nd e motional bonds with the public. 4.4 Tourism as the Instrumental V alue for A rchaeology at ARIE JK Braslia is indeed a unique destination in the world. It is the only 20 th Century city enlisted as a WHS, and according to a non profit private foundation named Braslia e Regio Convention & Visitors Bureau it is also the largest urban area among WHS in

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193 the world, with 112 Km (BRC&VB 2008 ) This organization, through a web site, offers a free touristic guide for download, showing the many opportunities the city has to offer for visitors. They advertise that the city invites for walks since the distances are short (which is definitely not the case), it has the third busiest airport in the country and expressive hotel facilities. To invite different kinds of visitors they list the following attractions: a focus on unique modernist buildings, urban landmarks and related sightseeing attraction s; arts and culture, which refers to intangible heritage and arts in general; various religious churches and places; leisure and entertainment referring to malls, bars, restaurants, nightclubs, zoo and parks; water sports at the artificial lake built toget her with the city in the 1960s called Parano ; ecological and rural tourism mostly related to a savannah like environment named Cerrado ; gastronomy and shopping, the last one related to open fairs and craft fairs Campos (2005) argues that even though Bras lia is a city born with touristic potential, and even though it is a WHS, cultural tourism is poorly developed so far. She argues that the cultural heritage is misunderstood in Braslia, and proposes outreach as a solution to make it possible to use fully the poten tial this city has to offer for heritage on average for 2 or 3 days, the potential to increase their stay is great due to the many underdeveloped cultural opportuniti es this city has to offer It is expected that over the years DF satellite cities have established their own identity and independence from the Plano Piloto 2 (Silveira 1999: 150) But according to 2 Ao longo dos anos, cada cidade satlite foi estabelecendo uma identidade prpria e um significado no contexto do territrio do Dist rito Federal. A dependncia em relao ao Plano Piloto era intrnseca; porm, a necessidade urbana de vrias atividades econmicas, que no podiam ser contempladas no

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194 for recreation. The Brazilian federal Di strict also presents a huge discrepancy in relation to its 800 recreation and public places. The problem has been noticed in Ceilndia Romero (2005: 134) who stated that while 34,3% of recreation places are located in the Pilot Plan, which m eans one for each 736 individuals, Ceilndia has 60 recreation spaces, 7,5% that have to be disputed among 5,700 individuals. On top of that, Ceilndia has no movie theaters, parks or gymnasiums. Rhetorically the three cities have their own recreational pl aces, and by 2005 their websites publicized many of them including the archaeological site DF PA 11, a fee fishing ( Pesque pague Fortaleza ) and a ranch ( Fazenda Recreio Dinizlndia ) inside ARIE JK as a tourism locations in Ceilndia, and Samambaia publici zed about many facilities no longer in place inside the Trs Meninas Park (Barbosa and Costa 2005) Today each city only officially publicizes few sightseeing options, and none of them are located inside the Park. website shows a park called Taguaparque ; a plaza named Praa Central ; a historic landmark known as ; 3 ; and two cultural leisure options, a center that hosts plays and films called Centro Cultural SESI and a city sponsored theater group called Teatro da Praa (GDF 2009c) website showcases a soccer stadium known as Abadio ; a historic structure known as ; 4 Casa do Cantador which is the in DF outside of Plano Piloto specifically created to host northeasterner regional poetry permetro do Plano Piloto, levou as a trilharem caminhos e a criarem novas dinmicas prp rias complementares funo da capital, desenhando novas perspectivas 3 Currently demolished and originally bu ilt to serve as the water tank. 4 A water tank noted for its unique architecture and also because it is located in the cornerstone of this city

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195 readings and musical c oncerts ; 5 a project for a carnival arena and cultural center called Ceilambdromo ; a cultural center called C eilndia Norte ; a plaza ( Praa do Cidado ) ; and two farmer markets one known as Feira Central which is a place very dear for local Nordestinos (people that migrated from Northeastern states to Braslia ) 6 and another market called Feira do Produtor (GDF 2009a) places: a catholic church shaped like a vessel named Par quia e Santurio de Santa Luzia ; a local soccer arena called Estdio Regional de Samambaia ; and Estao Terminal do Metr which is actually the local metro station (GDF 2009b) 4.4.1 ARIE JK as a tourism destination I nside and on its immediate surroundings there are five ecological and recreational areas, or as referred in this work smaller parks (Figure 4 1). Cortado and Saburo Onoyama Parks both have recreational purposes and are located in Taguatinga. Boca da Mata is an ecological park located in the border with Taguatinga, but in Samambaia municipal limits. In Samambaia there are other two park s, Trs Meninas Park created as recreational and Gatum conceived only for ecological protection. And in Ceilndia, although there are no parks, there is one in project named Parque Metropolitano created as a mitigation and conservation strategy due to th e construction of road DF 459 (NCA 2006) Only three of them had visitation and leisure facilities by 2008 Even though most parks creation dated as far back as 1991, it was only by December of 2005 that the six smaller parks of ARIE JK had their limits officially recognize d by GDF, including Parque Metropolitano that is still on paper (Ferri 2005) 5 Cordel Literature and music style s such as Repente or Embolada 6 According to their website Ceilndia holds the second largest Northeastener migrant population in Brazil after So Paulo/SP.

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196 By 2006 s Management P lan states that currently multiple cannot be treated as other parks in Brazil because of their urban characteristics and/or because of their destination proposal as leisure, recreation and enjoyment and closer contact with the natural environment (NCA 2006) and administration seem to be out of character for Brazilian patterns, considering that two new parks are added to the list between 2004 and 2006, for instance. Respondent A2 2, who worked at Saburo Onoyama Park administration by the time of her interview, explained that the parks administration is decentralized, but the same manager cared for Saburo Onoyama, Cortado, Boca da Mata and Trs Meninas Parks. The one he visits less is Boca da Mata Park according to her, and his job is to evaluate destruction, fi res, and new land grabbers within park spontaneously by respondents during the data collection However the a rchaeol ogical sites and archaeological collections tourism potential is questionable. The sites do not present significant above ground structures that could be attractive for visitors, meaning that their cultural remains have no visibility (Figure 4 2), and the material culture is mostly comprised by lithic inst ruments with not much aesthetic appeal, which is a serious obstacle e ven though their undeniable scientific significance (issue f urther discussed on Chapter 5). However there are stakeholders claiming to develop archaeological tourism, as well as official demands from TAC for a local archaeological museum On top of public expectations by 2005 the archaeology research team conducting mitigations due to the water and sewage

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197 enterprise embargo projected an Archaeological Park, as an alternative option to atte nd th e TAC requirement for a museum. The proposal of creating an Archaeological Park intended to enhance protection for the both quarry based sites and to the historical site associated to DF PA 15 called Pedra Velha by establishing recreational function t o spaces nearby currently va cant and vulnerable. It would not have any built facilities since legislation prohibit them inside the Park, but integrated leisure options such as soccer fields and an adapted river beach area, as well as designed trails (Figure 4 3) and visual signposts with information so the public could visit and learn about the sites without impacting the landscape (Barbosa and Costa 2005) This idea was never really considered by the responsible company CAESB, and among other demands IPHAN specifically requested a museum to be co nstructed inside the Park, which due to legal, management and financi al problems is still pending. opposite scenario is expected. The Park comprises numerous river sources and riparian areas, and preserved flora and fauna characteristic of a savanna like biome called Cerrado attention from NGOs and international funding agencies for development of sus tainable economic alternatives, including ecotourism (Klink and Machado 2005) Although its extensive degraded areas due to urban and rural development and pollution, it is possible to spot several potential places inside the Park that can be adapted for ecotourism activities, and also visually outstanding landscaping (Figure 4 4).

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198 Respondents B1 2 and B1 3 who are personally involved in development of touri sm in Braslia provided me an overview of local tourism from public and private settings. R espondent B1 2, who works for the local state tourism company Brasiliatur explained that this agency was currently developing a major tourism project for the entire DF, not associated with the World Cup he reinforced. They divided the district in four regions according to potential for tourism and this proposal should be in place by 2010. The region in which the park is located was categorized as mainly for rural tour ism and its products, such as arts craft, organic agriculture and agro business. They are interested in developing rural tourism but he explained that their approach is to involve local producers and communities not only exploring local resources. As for t he profile of tourists in Braslia he said that 80% of the local public do not acknowledge the local potential for rural tourism, but out of them 65% would like to visit a experience these attractions, corresponding to more than one million peopl e. Respond ent B1 3 develops archaeological circuits for a private company in a nearby city named Formosa/GO, where there are prehistoric cave sites with paints located in rural properties in which ecotourism is also explored Formosa varies, some go exclusively for the falls, others for fishing, but some go only to see the archaeological sites according to him. He feels there is no respect for tourism because it is considered a smaller enterprise, especially for cultural tourism that encompas ses outreach programs. In 2008 he was developing a project of this kind had Caminhos do Brasil Through an agreement with Brasiliatur minute fi lms (48 videos in total) as a way to promote tourism, culture and history all

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199 together. However non e and provided somewhat different perspectives on their potential (issue discussed furth er in thi s chapter). 4.4.2 Data a nalysis In order to evaluate the instrumental value generated by this heritage, physical vestiges of recreational usage inside the Park were contrasted to public opinions on this subject collected on interviews and analyzed through newspaper reports selected by arqueologia to the Park, in this case its ecological tourism potential since it is an environmentally protected area; and on the local archaeol ogical tou rism potential. In regards of the written newspaper data i t became clear after scrutiny that tourism and leisure are not related subjects to ARIE JK or to archaeology for the local media. None of the Jornal de Braslia analyzed reports referred to any sort of touristic or leisure activity related to the Park or to archaeology. Less than half (5 out of the 12) from Correio Braziliense refe rred to tourism and/or leisure, in which all but one on archaeological tourism for places elsewhere. Th e single one on to urism at the P ark did not mention archaeo logy, but its potential for eco tourism and leisure by explaining about each park located there and their new legal limits, officially dedicated on December 12 th 2005 (published on 12/ 17 /2005 and also cited along th is chapter as Ferri 2005 ). Although its criticism on the degraded conditions of these parks this report praised the GDF initiative by comparing their 1,7 hectares of combined areas as four times bigger than Parque da Cidade which is a well know n park loca ted at Plano Piloto.

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200 Walking survey The walking survey considered visiting all the smaller parks; registration of isolated spots known for being used for leisure inside the Park such as river springs or ponds, and the river itself (Figure 4 5); 7 an d also observing any sort of usage related to leisure (Figure 4 6). Although some activities and places were not registered, specifically sporadic dog walking and fee fishing businesses, they have been spotted in previous visits. Many times areas identifi ed as recreational had trash as vestiges and no users around (figure 4 7). Accesses to areas inside ARIE JK are poor in general; the dirt roads in place vary in conditions and maintenance, as do the trails, deeper into the river valley both become worse fo r driving or walking ( F igure 4 8). Very few isolated activities could be found during the survey outside the smaller parks indicating that random leisure and recreational usage is of low density, and probably performed only by local resid ents. Cortado Par k or the Parque Lago do Cortado has 45 hectares according to Ferri (2005) and is located in the northern region of Taguatinga (Figure 4 9). T he name is due to the Cortado River, in which its sources are also located. It was first recognized as an ARIE in 1989 in order to protect this river sources, local fauna and flora from the highly urbanized environment surround it. By 1993 the park receiv ed a great law enforcement operation and activities causing ecological damage have been fined and removed (Figure 4 10). Up to 1997 the area still functioned as an ARIE, but the district decided to change its status in order to promote better public unders tanding and usage, 7 Of course that in a polluted river the usage is reduced, b ut nevertheless still potential, due to lack of other options and or pure acknowledgment. After the construction of the sewage pipeline and plant the condition of the water improved but is still inappropriate for fishing or swimming

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201 though implementation of leisure infra structure and recovery of degraded areas. Since the local communities started to use it for recreational purposes the GDF officially changed its legal status to ecological park in mission is to incentive sports and physical activities, as well as cultural, educational and artistic programs (NCA 2006) Visitation at this park occurred on April 14th 2008 and was accompanied by respondent A1 7, who publically advocates for its preservation and lives in walking distance to it. It was possible to see that t he potential for recreational usage is great due to beautiful natural scenery, many ponds, waterfalls (Figure 4 11), and the Cortado River itself. Unfortunately during the walking survey a significant a mount of trash, debris and rainwater garbage has been registered inside this park and very close to the river and to its sources (Figure 4 12). There are other environmental damages as well especially during the raining season related to river sedimentatio n and erosion (NCA 2006) Other problems are caused by nearby ho using and rural properties, which some believe to be the most dangerous for ec ological protection of ARIE JK (Dato 2006) Saburo Onoyama Park or Parque Ecolgico Saburo Onoyama is also located in Tagua tinga but in the southern area. It was created in 1996 to protect Taguatinga River sources, local fauna and flora, and also to promote recovery for already degraded spots inside the park due to inadequate land use. The creation of this park intended to enhance its preservation through promotion of environmental outreach, leisure and cult ural activities directed to ecological preservation In total 26 river sources are located inside this park, an eucalyptus area, and a Taguatinga River riparian wood area The park area was part of the property of one of the Japanese families that first set tle in that

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202 location invited by President JK in the late 1950s, the Onoyamas. Afterwards this family decided to donate the land to implement the park (NCA 2006) Information about its size (NCA 2006) but the newspaper a document about local preservation areas say 93 hectares (Ferri 2005; Giustina and Barreto 2008) According to the Management Plan (NCA 2006) this park is well known by the local community, and receives around 3 thousand and up to 7 thousand people on a weekend when the pools are working. It also offers five sport arenas, three volleyball and one peteca courts, one sand soccer field, and barbeque areas (Figure 4 13). Up to 5 thousand local school students per week also use the spo rts facilities for extra curricular classes during weekdays. However the local administration employee interviewed the same day of the walking survey (respondent A2 2) stated visitation numbers to be much lower, around 250 people on weekends, and 150 duri ng a weekday, information reinforced by the observation during the survey that could not spot many users that day, which was a Saturday but the pools were closed. and also th e one with the most number of recreational facilities. Respondent A2 2 explained that it was revitalized by mid 2006 but since then maintenance work has stopped. By that time they built bridges, trails and sidewalks (Figure 4 14). Overall the conditions of park facilities seemed well maintained and this park is by far the one with the most users by the time of the survey. The biggest threats to this park maintenance are the illegal occupations still in its surroundings causing enhancement of river

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203 pollution and irregular garbage disposal. O ne of these areas was known as invaso Saburo Onoyama ", a slum settlement in which over 500 shacks have been registered by 1999, and they were all removed by mid 2000 (NCA 2006) The Boca da Mata Park or Parque Boca da Mata has 196 hectare s and is characterized as an ecological park, or an area specially designated for environmental preservation It is located in Samambaia and boarder the limits of Taguatinga, next to a quarter known as Setor de Postos e Motis (motel and gas station sector ) and the Coca Cola Factory This park is not inside ARIE JK limits but as explained in Chapter 3 there are proposals to include it. When its dedication in 1991 it had over 250 hectars, and the main purpose on is si milar to the others to protect Taguatin ga River sources, as well as promote recovery of fauna and flora already degraded There was also a concern in promoting research and outreach programs, and in favoring for recreational and ecological uses. Although the Management Plan (NCA 2006) states that there are walki ng tracks in nice green areas, it also says that there is no formal security, no fences and no infra structure to receive visitors, confirmed in the field since it is not open for visitation (Figure 4 15 ). Before this park there was a favela in this locati on that was removed in 1984 Many spaces inside this park present deforestation, the riparian areas are significantly altered and many foreign species can be found around this park. There are still illegal settlers in this park, and another proble m stated by the Management Plan is the surroundings of this park receiving garbage from nearby workshops, information also confirmed during interviews (respondents A2 3 and A2 5). Nearby it the city of Samambaia master plan defined a zoning area for economic and u rban development

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204 named Complexo Boca da Mata do Subcentro Leste Therefore city and districtal ordinances are conflictuous as far as the environmental significance and functioning of this area (NCA 2006) The Trs Meninas Park or Parque Trs Meninas is located in Samambaia (Figure 4 16), it has 72 hectares according to newspapers and other local research paper (Ferri 2005; Giustina and Barreto 2008) Plan (NCA 2006) .It was created in 1993 for recreational and cultural purposes, and it also was meant to receive a prog ram of environmental outreach and to replant native species by recovering degraded areas. As the other parks it has suffer with nearby occupations and it is visible the pollution at its river sources, waterfalls and fishponds (Figure 4 17). The area of the park used to be a small rural property with the same name owned by a federal employee his wife and their three druthers who moved there in 1958 (according to respondent A2 7) expropriated in 1988 (Giustina and Barreto 2008) or in 1992 (NCA 2006) building s are still preserved (Figure 4 18). This p ark is an important landmark for Samambaia because by the creation of this city GDF used this space to distribute plots among the families previously selected as beneficiaries. Respondents A2 3, A2 4, A2 5, A2 6 and A2 7, inhabitants of Samambaia interview institutions presented a personal attachment with this space and regretted the most its current neglect. Respondent A2 7 for instance, who works as a planner for Samambaia city hall, complained that after the administ ration of Trs Meninas Park changed from city to district level it dramatically maintenance. It used to

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205 library, a small historic museum, sport courts, a pool, a cultural cente r and a daycare facility all still in place by 2004 when I visited it for the first time. By 2008 t his park was visited several times during field work, on 12th 14th and 27th of April, and on 11th, 13th and 26th of November. Four interviews with individ uals classified as those who live close by happen inside it (Group A respondents A1 4 and A1 5; and A2 4 and A2 6) as well as the observation of the MAPE meeting acronym Movimento Amigos dos Parques Ecolgicos based association of cit izens who care about local parks protection and management. This park is the one proposed to host an archaeological museum and there is a general misunderstanding that site DF PA The conditions of the original buildings are critical (Figure 4 19) and they no longer house any public facility. Currently the administration and the only recreational areas of this pa rk are located at its entrance. During the MAPE meeting they discussed a proposal currently in the spotlight, celebrations, receptions, local artists Tenda Cultural would be the first facility of this kind in Samambaia. But mostly during the meeting there w ere complaints about vandalism and lack of maintenance, and one participant even stated that it is better to avoi d public use because of safe ty issues. Most people during this meeting complained on the lac k of public acknowledgement about this park, because it is part of the history of Samambaia and they proposed creating an entity to care about this park since in their opinions it is clearly not part of the government

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206 agenda. Overall the participants agre ed that this park is a pride and a landmark for the local community. The Gatum Park or Parque Ecolgico de Uso Mltiplo Gatum has 148 hectares (Ferri 2005) and is located at northern Samambaia, part of which is inside ARIE JK. It was created in 2001 in order to preserve Gatum River sources and its natural landscape, but it has no sort of visitation infra structure. Samambaia local master plan ensures public hearing participation for future implementation project s for this park as well as the maintenance of rural properties inside it (NCA 2006) The location of this park was visited on November 11 th, 2008 on a rainy day with two respondents (A1 4 and A1 5), since by myself I c ould not locate it. There are no signs, or anything demarcating its location as a park on top of that the presence of mango trees, which are foreign to the region and do not necessarily indicate a preserved area ( Figure 4 20). Respondent A2 5, who is an a ctive environmentalist considers its degradation condition as very serious due to illegal usage of water resources, pesticides pollution, and areas under power lines currently in use as housing and leisure spots (fee fishing area). These occupations are no t mapped by the Management Plan, nor have been regist ered during the walking survey. Interview s Throughout the interview analysis on Tourism the content of the information provided by each respondent at first has been confronted between subgroups a nd groups, and later the content variation has been contrasted among respondents classified according to their link to tourism or to archaeology. Therefore the analysis on this subject also considered comparing responses from those classified as lay person s (all individuals from subgroup A1,

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207 A2 1 A2 2, A2 5, A 2 6, A2 7, B1 1, B1 4 and B1 5); tourism students or professionals (A 2 3, A2 4, A2 8, B1 2 and B1 3); and archaeology professionals (B1 6, B1 7, B1 8 and all individuals from subgroup B2). Even though the goal was to understand how or if the public perceive tourism as a each individual perceives leisure and/or recreation was a plus. Questions about how they enjoy their free time seem foreign to the subject, and indeed as a probe strategy the questioning on this theme was somewhat isolated during the interviews, usually as a continuum on the personal questioning to have a better knowledge about each person interviewed. The objective was to capture if or how respondents relate archaeology as a tourism opportunity, and to understand if any of them could be classified as heritage tourists. O nly individuals classifie about leisure (Group development of cultural tourism at the park (specifically archaeological tourism), or if tial for ecotourism. Both questioning, tourism and leisure were not possible for each respondent due to timing or interviewer/respondent bond. Some respondents assumed an expert role and made it difficult to introduce this theme. On the subgroup of individ uals living close to the Park with no institutional bonds (subgroup A1) t he older respondents had a different opinion on leisure, hardly mentioning parks as their favorite option. A1 7, the younger respondent and also the one more involved with environment al preservation is more aware of the outdoor leisure options, although he listed bars and nightclubs at first as his preferred options Within

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208 this subgroup respondents A1 1 was not questioned about tourism or preferred leisure options, and respondents A1 4 and A1 5 were too involved in discussing matters of Trs Meninas Park, 8 which made it diffi cult to ask about other places. Among the eight individuals living close by linked to institutions (subgroup A2) there were also three tourism related respondents (A2 3, A2 4 and A2 8). Respondents A2 2, A2 5 and A2 7 were not questioned about personal leisure. Overall it is agreed that among the three cities Taguatinga is the one with most leisure options, otherwise people h ave to travel to Plano Piloto. However ou tdoor activities or parks were not the first option cited by most respondents as their personal choice. As for leisure options, younger respondents understood leisure as bars and nightclubs, and even though some of them are somewhat involved with ecologica l preservation their first answer was never related to outdoor activities; t heir second option are private clubs, and then park s Older respondents cited exercising, or nothing at all. A particular distinctive reaction came from respondent A2 1 displaying more socially and politically oriented discourse while complaining on the lac k of opportunities for leisure. 9 Excluding some personal preferences, among both subgroups there were no discrepancies on the discourses on local leisure options and tourism. P ar ks were not spontaneously cited as a first preference, not even by those involved with their preservation, or by those working at them or developing research about them The leisure and recreational places are mostly located in Taguatinga, the most develop ed among the three cities, or at Plano Piloto which can be difficult to access because of 8 Their interview happ ened inside this park right after MAPE meeting. 9 Respondent A2 Por que s rico tem direito? Pra l tem Lago Sul e aqui a gente no tem nada?!

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209 distance and poor public transportation All respondents who had information on the smaller parks criticized their poor maintenance As for tourism, one respondent w ho is an active environmentalist (A2 5) stated it is poorl y developed for the entire DF. Ge nerall y they all agree that locally it demands planning, and/or there is no potential for it in any of the cities. The only ones that mentioned archaeological touris m are those aware of the local sites, and specially one respondent who developed a museum proposal for Samambaia (A2 4), and the respondent that made the official MPF complaint and is personally involved with a rural tourism local association called Ruralt ur (A2 1). As most respondents live in Samambaia the general opinion is that Parque Trs Meninas is the major attraction of this town, and that it can be a great tourism option if facilities, buildings and maintenance are improved, as well as a museum is integrated. For the subgroup of experts classified as insiders (subgroup B1) overall it was harder to insert questions on personal leisure preferences because most of them assumed i nformant role or one that provides data as an expert on that matter. As f or the potential for developing tourism at the park a single respondent posed a threat due to the property market pressure, but all agreed with the potential due to its ecological and aesthetic attributes. The personal leisure preferences were very similar and shopping mall was again a popular choice. But since they live off of the park region, the ones questioned about commuting to enjoy attractions there were vague, and one said openly she would not (B1 4). In regards on opinions about local tourism, thos e classified as lay persons(B1 1, B1 4 and B1 5) have expressed no particular interest for archaeological tourism, and one was against it (B1 5), but he has had a prior

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210 acquaintance with the park and knows personally the sites being also one of the respond ents more vocal about the need to preserve its environmental resources However, when asked about their opinions on a local facility to safeguard and display the archaeological vestiges everyone agreed that it would be a great enhancement and that they wou ld like to visit it eventually Considering this subgroup gathered two tourism professionals and three individuals involved with archaeological research or management, opinions on archaeological tourism were not equal. The tourism experts (B1 2 and B1 3) p rovided similar points of view on necess ity of planning. On the other hand respondent B1 2 had a much more cautious approach when stating potential for sites with no visible features probably because he was talking about future projects of the local publi c tourism agency Brasiliatur The ones involved in archaeology had different positions as well: o ne was openly against it (B1 7); the second one was cautious as visitations at the sites could cause a negative reaction from the public due to their lack of v isible features (B1 and the last one provided a optimistic response as to archaeological tourism potential, and explicitly defended the construction of visitation and displaying facilities surround the sites (B1 6). For the subgroup of archaeology prof essionals classified as outsiders (B2) most respondents agreed on the archaeological tourism of the sites but as an outreach strategy and with great restrictions, and that the local archaeological heritage has tourism potential if used for education and no t due to their physical or landscape characteristics. O ut of the five archaeologists o ne (B2 4) did not comment on this matter, and another one (B2 3) stated the sites have any tourism potential Th e

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211 remaining t ree reinforced the need of revitalization of the local natural resources to promote any visitation strategy (especially due to river pollution according to B2 5), and one of them was very concern with security problems (B2 1), even though all three agreed that the number of users seeing at the Park b y the time of their research (1997 and 2004/05) was small or even absent. Two of these archaeologists (B2 1 and B2 2) proposed strategies they understand as adequate for dev eloping tourism at these sites with strong outreach approach and con struction of re plicas, and B2 2 also proposed preparing a digging for displaying on a shed, as has been done elsewhere in Europe. The educator (B2 6) promptly agreed on eco tourism potential for the park, and said the existence of the sites alone carry potentia l for deve loping tourism there, as the other she also reinforced the need of planning. 4.4.3 C onclusions on data analysis There is a nostalgic discourse about the smaller parks, and how their administration has deteriorated over the years. But besides the parks, non e of the respondents understand the area as a leisure site, even though most of them points out the beautiful landscape As observed in Chapter 2, the general cognition of the Park is of a vacant space, one that lack definition on function. This perception is not surprising if the image one sees passing by is of an empty abandoned plot bordering the urban area and with no visibility for the valley underneath it (Figure 4 21 ). The questions about leisure did not intend to explore this pattern among Brasilien ses which would be considered an arrogant and amateur assumption. My goal was to simply understand if those individuals would use the Park if it had proper accesses, adequate recreational facilities, advertisement and security to invite users, or if it st ill had a pristine landscape. In fact outdoor is not a popular choice among them,

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212 maybe it is not a popular choice among Brasilienses in general, which could be due to several reasons. The fact that random and low density u sage is the pattern inside the P a rk, and that the smaller parks are not that popular reinforces that hypothesis. But what was significant from the answers was that not even those advocating for its environmental protection relate it as a preferred personal leisure option, which could be c oncluded as a lack of the instrumental value of this Park related to tourism as a whole. The media hardly ever relate tourism and leisure to the Park, but extensively publicizes about housing and infra structure developments, illegal settlement and land sw indlers. Among the experts and lay persons in general the ecological quality of ARIE JK is acknowledged, and all respondents that developed more their opinions on tourism (excluding the B1 5 and B1 7 openly against it) agreed that it requires extensive pla nning, much more if directed to archaeological sites. One of the respondents (A2 1) strongly advocated for developing tourism at the Park, but she is member at a local rural tourism organization and promotes it tourism at her ranch ( S tio Gernium describ ed on Chapter 3). Rural tourism is also the institutional planning for this region according to respondent B1 2, and it could be the most reasonable strategy to encourage sightseeing at the archaeological sites with minimum visitation impacts, by consideri ng them the secondary attraction, assisted and managed by the local communities. But the lack of material culture visibility, public acknowledgement, and institutional support are major obstacles, and tourism at those sites migh t never be a reality after a ll However the subject never contested by any respondent, and even advocated by the majority is the creation of a local archaeological museum. The museum idea is on the air for a while, probably since the sites registration in the early 1990s. In 1997 whe n

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213 IPHAN sponsored the archaeological research at site DF PA 11, one of the archaeologists conducting the field work (respondent B2 2) believed a local politician was interested in using the collection to create a museum in Taguatinga. However, once the sci entific significance of the site was proved and a long term costly research project was the better solution proposed by the research team, the mus eum project suddenly vanished. There are public claims to a museum, but the question now is if this could be c onsidered instrumental as part of tourism marketing, or institutionally based to achieve other goals (Table 4 1) Table 4 1. Data results related to Park and its archaeological heritage Interviews Newspa reports Walking survey Conclusions Among Groups: opposite opinions recreational potential, in general expectations are not high. Correio Braziliense : single report about smaller parks but never linked archaeological sites as visitati on opportunities. Although its environmental degradation the Park has potential for outdoor leisure. The local archaeological heritage has no obvious potential for tourism, but there are stakeholders claiming for the creation of a museum. Among experts and lay persons: no expectations, some are against it, but in general there is a great concern with need for extensive planning. Jornal de Braslia : no report relating recreational potential. The archaeological sites have no potential for sight seeing, nor their collections are visually interesting as exclusive display. Some believe the sites have tourism potential if they are prepared for visitation and linked to other leisure attractions, which is not supported by the media or by the instituti ons responsible for implementing or managing these activities.

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214 Figure 4 1 Location of the smaller parks and other leisure places A B C D Figure 4 2 Panoramic views at the t hree quarry based archaeological sites. A) Site DF PA 11; B) Site DF PA 11 with the river in the back; C) Panoramic view of s ite s DF PA 15 and Pedra Velha with sewage pipes to be installed in the back; D) Site DF PA 15 quartzite outcrops (Ceilndia, 04/26/2008)

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215 Figure 4 3 Sewage pipes crossing DF PA 11 archaeological s ite that would be used as adapted trails (Ceilndia, 04/ 26 /08) Figure 4 4. Preserved Cerrado landscape inside Trs Meninas Park (Samambaia, 04/27/08)

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216 A B C D Figure 4 5 Random areas inside the large park identified as used for leisure. A) Tr ail to the river; B) Small spring; C) Small pond; D) The Melchior River (Ceilndia, 04/2 6 /08) A B Figure 4 6 Examples of recreational activities nearby and at the Park. A) Domestic soccer field (Samambaia, 04/12 /08) ; B ) Man jogging on the location o f the future road connecting Ceilndia and Samambaia (Ceilndia, 04/26/08)

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217 A B C D Figure 4 7 Examples of trash classified as vestiges of leisure usage inside the park. A) A lcohol and charcoal leftovers at Morro da Guariroba ( Ceilndia 05/02 /08) ; B) B eer can found close to DF PA 15 archaeological site (Ceilndia, 04/13/08); C) S hower curtain disposed as a picnic towel at Parque do Cortado (Taguatinga, 04/14/08); D) F ishnet found at a pond inside Parque Trs Meninas (Samambaia, 04/27/08)

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218 A B C D Figure 4 8 Examples of paths and dirt roads A) N ext to Morro da Guariroba ( Ceilndia 05/02 /08 ); B) N ext to a densely inhabited area inside the park (Ceilndia, 04/12/08); C) D irt roads used to access rural properties ( Ceilndia 04/13 /08) ; D) T ra il to the Melchior River ( Samambaia 04/27 /08) Figure 4 9. Entrance of Parque do Cortado (Taguatinga, 04/14/08)

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219 Figure 4 10 Trail inside Parque do Cortado and a sign reinforce the importance of its preservation ( Taguatinga 04/ 14 /08) Figure 4 11. Waterfall inside Parque do Cortado (Taguatinga, 04/14/08)

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220 Figure 4 12 Example of garbage found around the river inside Parque do Cortado ( Taguatinga 04/ 14 /08) A B C D Figure 4 13 Facilities of Saburo Onoyama Park. A) C hildren in pla yground; B) Sport court; C) One of the pools; D) Barbecue built pits ( Taguatinga, 04/26/08)

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221 Figure 4 14 General aspect of the trails inside Saburo Onoyama Park ( Taguatinga, 04/26/08) Figure 4 15. Entrance of Parque Boca da Mata (Samambaia, 11/1 5/08)

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222 Figure 4 16. Entrance of Parque Trs Meninas Park (Samambaia, 04/12/08) A B Figure 4 17 Recreational areas polluted inside Trs Meninas Park. A) A small waterfall; B) The biggest fishing pond showing signs of vandalism and pollution (Sam ambaia, 04/27 /08)

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223 Figure 4 18 The three doll houses that inspired the name of the place ( Trs Meninas Park, Samambaia, 04/14 /08) A B C D Figure 4 19 Conditions of neglect of Trs Meninas Park A ) Building where the library and the local a dministration Secretary of Culture used to be; B) One of the original buildings that caught on fire and was about to collapse; C) Facility close to the buildings and the pool; D) Inactive pool (Samambaia, 04/14 /08)

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224 Figure 4 20. Parque Ecolgico de Uso Mltiplo Gatum (Samambaia, 11/11/08) Figure 4 21 View of the Park from the road ( on the city limits of Ceilndia and Taguatinga 11/25 /08)

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225 CHAPTER 5 THE INTRINSIC ARCHAE OLOGICAL VALUE AT AR IEK JK S This first par t of this chapter focuses in the Intrinsic V alue of the sites located at the study case location, and to what extent this quality was important for shaping the local public opinion For that matter discussions on archaeological quarry research and on the archaeological context of this case study are presented. Later the data coll ected through interviews, walki ng survey, and newspaper reports related specifically to the public cognition of local sites is analyzed and concluded. A total of three potential pr ehistoric lithic sites, three quarry based sites (two prehistoric and one historic), and one historic site have been registered in and on the outskirts of ARIE JK up to now The ones which were excavated and have their scientific significance proven were t he main focus of this research: sites DF PA 11 (excavated in two different campaigns), DF PA 15 and Pedra Velha all located in Ceilndia and inside the Park. The existence of other sites registered on surveys, all of them similar to those acknowledged as quarry based enhances even more the importance of this area to understand early humans in Central Brazil. As presented in previous c hapters, the Park is suffering an overwhelming amount of development, and the estate value of those areas is pointed as the major challenge for its stability as an environmentally preserved space. The punctual but yet relevant public responses towards local archaeological preservation motivated this research to question why do the public care for a heritage that seems so distan t to their own, in a location known for lacking institutional research and considering the sites have no physical attributes to motivate touristic initiatives Yet all three forces represented by their institutional, instrumental, and intrinsic attributes combined created meanings to

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226 justify public reactions. The main result is how important each of the t hr ee values is in shaping public opinion pro or aga inst archaeological protection. 5.1 Archaeological Quarry Sites Scientific Significance and P erspectiv es Understanding human behavior has proven to be one of the most challenging goals of the archaeologist. Even more if one chooses to use stone artifacts as tools to interpret past activities. However, it is not a merely matter of choice to embark in such i (Holdaway and Stern 2004: 1) 1 The study of procur ement and manufacture of lithic materials is definitely one approach to put together a puzzle about pre historical behavior, as well as more recent practices, and this is essentially what a quarry site has the potential to offer. The assemblages in quarrie s carry fundamentals to traduce whole sequences of lithic production, as well as past land use, economy practices, mobility patterns, and raw material usage. A complete analysis of the quarry will allow the researcher to reconstruct the processes of extrac tion, selection, knapping, and on site activity of the average knapper, as well as documenting the reduction sequences, changes in technology and rates of production over time. The quarry remains the logical site to begin the study of a stone tool using cu lture. (Ericson 1984: 1) Although definitions tend to be controve rsial, to classify a quarry site is very much (Odell 2004: 2) What seems to be ambiguous is the 1 The reflection presented here is mostly related to pre historical quarries, but many of the definitio ns and discussions are a lso useful for historic quarry sites.

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227 understanding of the activities carried on a quarry. Banks (1990: 4) realizes that quarry sites were not exclusively used to extraction of raw material, where this term is loosely used, the site type referred to is, more often than not, a workshop associated with lithic resources Quarry sites can be divided into three categories based on zone of lithic production: quarry based, wh en lithic production is centered and restricted to the source; local, when production is extended to source and surroundings; and regional when production is dispersed throughout the entire region. And the stages of production can be divided in three categ ories: terminal, sequential (when the final product is finished near the site of consumption), and irregular (Ericson 1984) Nevertheless in practice not all investigations start at the quarry area. Whittaker (1994: 76) complains about the little interest quarry sites have inspired in archaeological research. He claims that even thou gh early reports of important quarry sites were Purdy (1984: 119 20) has a very interesting claim about why quarry sites have not been subjected to routine archaeological inquiry. First she says that to pursue investigation in quarries the archaeologist should be interested in technology, not only in finished products. Besides that, these sorts of sites often present some characteristics considered deficiencies inside the discipline, such as poor stat igraphy, lack of remains to conduct conventional dating and again, the small variety in typological stone remains. Dbitage (Ericson 1984: 2)

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228 Usually studying quarry sites demands great amount of fieldwork, whi ch sometimes is not enough to reach further conclusions. Although being time consuming an d difficult to work, quarry sites researched worldwide have proven to produce innovative and extensive information related to stone technology and human behavior. Some successful case studies are presented next. In the Colorado Desert region, southern California, research performed at two quarry worksho ps proved th populations by examining the distribution of stone mat erials from specific sources or quarry techniques to reconstruct extinct behaviors or patterns (Singer 1984: 35) In conclusion the author states that it is clear that stone tools became smaller as time passed, and that the final product was consumed away from the work shops. Using optimization theory, Findlow and Bolognese analyzed procurement of five different raw materials, suggesting that over time the tools became smaller and the raw through the use of raw materials that allowed more tools per unit of raw material and (Findlow and Bolognese 1984: 82) It was at the time of publication a pioneer methodology to understand quarry us e, considered also an important approach to understand decision making process and economies of lithics procurement and production strategies. In Mexico a highly preserved ancient quarry uncover ed a detailed record of an cient mining activity, demonstrating that obsidian mines were exploited and traded for thousands of years. This research confirmed the importance of intensive systematic

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229 existence of pre Aztec occupations at the m ines, and the nature of social and economic (Stocker and Cobean 1984: 93) In Central America the study of Mayan stone mines proved to be worthwhile the investment in long term systematic research. The study of the site of Colha proved it to be lo cus of intensive chert tool production for more than 1,000 years, in which more than 100 workshop sites proved the exportation of chert stone tools (Hester and Shafer 1984) Considered by Ericson a very important methodological advance in quarry site analysis is the jigsaw technique used by Leach (1984) making it possible for the archaeologist to differentiate the individual knapper at work. With the goal of understanding adze manufacture Leach presents a research based on reduction sequences at a blade making East Polynesians settlers quarry site in New Zealand. Her methodology required a three dimensional jigsaw quantitative analysis, through which she was able to understand details of manufac ture at the quarry, reconstr ucting the event of production. Quarry research at agricultural sites is also useful. One example was produced in exchange network. The goal was of non flint axes (Welinder and Griffin 1984: 175) Another research related to early agriculture settlement patterns in Europe and use of flint happened in Poland. The goal field, to study differences between shafts, mining (Lech 1984: 188) The auth or believe that

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230 in order to obtain raw material expeditions were organized even to distant areas, and that flint was a commodity of mainly social significance, proving a social system of interaction between early farming communities in Eastern Central Euro pe. Another area of investigation is ethnographic research, and contemporary stone tool production. For instance in south eastern Australia McBryde investigated the social contexts of production and distribution of Kulin greenstone quarries contrasting wit h ethnographic, linguistic and ethnohistorical data. She believes that Aboriginal exchange cannot be solely associated with adaptative mechanism for raw material acquisition. Mt William site is a major greenstone quarry recorded ethnographically in the lat e 19 th (McBryde 1984: 271) In Papua New Guinea highlands one finds study done by John Burton (1984) in which he identifies a recently used stone axe factory by contemporaneous axe makers peo ple named Tungei in which 25 former quarrymen were interviewed From the interviews Burton discovered about organization that there was not specific roles of differentiated periods for extraction, all men went together quarrying, gathered in expeditions a t intervals of 3 5 years. He also was able to identify symbolic correlation to quarry activity, considered a purity ritual at the same time a dangerous activity that should be separated from women, comparing this social system to the ones of the last stone using period in Europe. After reviewing this literature it became clear that besides the lithic technology process, studying quarries and workshop sites is crucial to understand exchange system, social organization and economy of prehistoric and contempor ary groups alike. Accessibility to raw material is an important variable to visualize the social complexity of

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231 ancient peoples, as much as it is today in our society considered a vital resource. The limits and intricacies for studying large quantities of d ebitage, or undatable materials, are far less relevant than the informational potential that these sites are able to provide. The analysis of the quarry and its workshops provides primary data for determining extraction technology, raw material selection p rocesses, knapping behavior, reduction technology, material products, production rates, changes in technology, and the dynamic stability of production, exc hange, and technology over time (Ericson 1984: 5) Even though archaeological quarries acclaimed scientific significance, what seems to be constant account in the lit (Ericson 1984: 2) Singer (1984: 35) argues that historic quarry workshop sites are viewed as an underexplored resource with great potential for yielding important data on technology and population demogra 5.2 Archaeology in the Brazilian Federal District The endeavor of building an entire capital f rom sketch in the late 1950s has also created some confusion regarding previous human occupations in that territory, expressed many times during the interviews, and even found in newspaper reports, as some thing unexpected and incredible Two respondents ra ised in Braslia (A2 5 and B1 3), who now work directly with education complained on the lack of local information contemplating dates previous to the transference in school curriculum, and that they had to find out for themselves about history before the cr eation of the Federal District. Located in the state of Gois, to learn about who lived there before Braslia means to understand better about colonization in mid western Brazil, directly linked to gold mining expeditions and Portuguese colonization of the uplands, and later urban settlements, beginning in the eighteenth Century. Before the European settlers started exploring the mines, many indigenous groups occupied this region, and left vestiges of

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232 agricultural sedentary life in thousands of villages And before them foraging bands explored natural resources for a living and occupied the very same territory where today many cities are still growing upon, expanding their limits and threatening to erase information still unknown archaeologically. In fac t this basic level of common sense information is on didactic publications, or at least on local history books. But it is not sufficiently developed and many times presenting information not accepted scientifically, probably because the very archaeological researches in Brazil are lacking regional conclusions, and are still very m uch isolated from other fields. As previously explained, there are no formal archaeology research institutes in the Federal District. However, research has been done in this region in which respected institutions and archaeologists from other states have worked at least since the 1970s Specifically i n the Federal District area the earliest research happened in 1979, in the satellite city Brasilinha conducted by the archaeologist D ilamar C. Martins from the Federal University of Gois/UFG in which a prehistoric site with abund ant lithic collection, dated 10. 600 years BP was the main focus During the 1980s other places in the DF surroundings are studied, demonstrating high archaeol ogical potential for this region. One example is the group of seven cave painting sites in Formosa/GO, registered by researchers Pedro I. Schmitz and Altair S. Barbosa. Other similar sites are known in locations close by, such as 90 sites at Chapada dos Ve adeiros/GO and at least two shelters dating 10. 000 years B P at Una/MG. In the early 1990s various locations in the Federal District were surveyed by archaeologist Eurico T. Miller, and around 16 sites have been registered around the Descoberto River water shed, including also two ceramic and five historic sites (Bertran 2000)

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233 Lately environmental impacts studies are the ones ruling the local archaeological investigations, situation common for the vast majority archaeological projects currently in pl ace all over Brazil. These researches are usually urgent, and hardly ever have the financial means or human resources necessary to implement the best efforts for collecting, analyzing and dating human remains. The publication o f results is also problematic 5.2.1 Archaeological sites at ARIE JK: context of discovery and descriptions At least five mitigation projects 2 have been conducted at ARIE JK. These fieldworks were mostly done due to development projects that demanded impact mitigation and consisted mo stly in surveying and sometimes excavation. W ith exception of the 1997 excavation project sponsored by IPHAN, i n all cases new archaeological sites have been registered during surveys. Following each research is described briefly. The first project conduct co ordinated by Eurico T. Miller who lives in Braslia and works for a power company called Eletronorte, and assisted by archaeologist Paulo Jobim de Campos Mello. This research intended to evalua te areas assigned for urban and rural expansions. According to Miller 3 in the early 1990s then DF Governor Joaquim Roriz started massive urban and rural expansion intensification strategies, and since he was the only archaeologist around the develop ment an d management companies always contact him to do impact studies. 2 Other fieldworks may have passed by the Park and its surroundings, since there are power lines around and crossing it. 3 Information from his interview.

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234 For that matter and covering a large survey area, the methods used were previous bio physical, ethnographic, and historical research followed by pedestrian survey with no ground intervention. In the field their goal was to examine statigraphic profiles at river banks, ravines and eroded areas. During four days of fieldwork they identified four pre ceramic sites inside ARIE JK, and one outside it, all characterized as lithic and open air (Figure 5 1 ). A historical site characterized as a nineteenth C entury farm was also registered und er the name DF PA 16 outside the Park and close to the Melchior river, probably located in Samambaia according to the report description (Miller 1993) During this survey the only site registered due to the presence of archaeological artifacts was DF PA 11 also known as Taguatinga site. The presence of a gullie on the site undercover a 20 centimeters arch aeological strata 90 centimeters under the surface with occurrence of flaked stone vestiges. The other sites were identified due to presence of similar statigraphic layer, which was categorized as presenting darker grayish organic soil and charcoal. In th at instance they already identified unifacial lithic instruments, described as plan convex scrappers, as well as flakes, hammers, cores, and plain raw material. And he associated the sites as Paleoindian related to Itaparica tradition, associated to Parana ba pha se, with dating between 6 to 11. 000 years BP (Miller 1993) This conclusion already pointed out to the need for further investigations and high scientific significance of all sites within the park. Miller believes the sites he registered at ARIE JK were resulted of small group campsites. He stated to have found many similar sites in sites as the most significant.

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235 The second research proje ct was sponsored by IPHAN in 1997, conducted by archaeologists Emlio Fogaa and Lcia Juliani exclusively to assess the archaeological potential of local sites registered by Miller years before At that time Emlio Fogaa, a professor at UFMG (Federal Uni versity of Minas Gerais) was invited due to his expertise in lithics research, and Lcia Juliani due to her expertise with urban sites at that time she worked as manager for the state cultural heritage secretary in So Paulo and as an archaeologist at a p rivate company named Scientia Consultoria Cientfica The goal was to evaluate the scientific significance of sites DF PA 11, DF PA 12 and DF PA 15, but the last two were not located due to inconsistencies in the coordinates 4 and descriptions from the prev ious report (Fogaa and Juliani 1997) According to their report, the site DF PA 11 was located inside Parque Trs Meninas and their project was part of a local initiative to revitalize this park and the Melchior river Programa Parques para o Povo enviro nmental preservation secretary. What IPHAN and the local secretary wanted as a result was an archaeological excavation project to be applied in the near future, and possibly to create a museum for safeguarding and displaying the archaeological collection s They opened units in the fluvial terrace area close to the gullie that made possible uncovering the statigraphyc profile registered years earlier by Miller. The potential of the site was rapidly proved In one of the test units they registered a workshop associated to a hyaline quartz projectile point ( Figure 5 2 ), and the very presence of this tool proven to enhance instantaneously the scientific as well as the public value of this site. 4 The Park has a change in the datum re ference that occurs between sites DF PA 11 and DF PA 15.

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236 This structure contributed for concluding the site presented great p reservation and carried undeniable relevance for investigating early hum an occupation in South America. Besides the single tool in hyaline quartz, t hree kinds of raw material were indentified: silex, sandstone, and quartzite for less specialized and sharpe r edges tools. The stone materials they excavated at that time were characterized as well finished and improvised tools, and consisted in cores, unifacial plan convex tools, sandstone retouch flakes, bifacial tools, the projectile point and its related deb ris, and dbitage flakes. By this time the archaeologists already identified intentional flint knapping on local quartzite outcrops, suggesting a quarry location nearby the camp area. The occurrence of this projectile point associated to unifacial tools m eant the human presence at this site possibly occurred during the Late Pleistocene and Early Holocene periods, with probable dating between 12.000 to 6. 000 years BP (Fogaa and Juliani 1997) Radiocarbon dating samples were collected at that time, but were never submitted Afterwards, F ogaa (1997) presented the excavation project for site DF PA 11 in which a long term research had been planned due to the high significance of the site, involving other expert archaeologists and academically oriented prioritizing natur al excavation levels. According to Fogaa 5 the excavation budget was around US$25 0. to the entire IPHAN budget for that year, and stated that usually the ir budget prioritizes 5 Information from his interview.

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237 archi tectural preservation. IPHAN never personally contacted him after that, and he received a denial letter months later with no further explanations. In early 2004 a systematic surv ey and later excavation project to mitigate damages caused by the implementati on of a sewage and water pipeline and plant took place (Figure 5 3 ). This project resulted from the MPF/IPHAN embargo discu ssed on Chapter 3. Sponsored by CAESB, the project was coordinated by Mariza Barbosa, a professor at IGPA/PUC GO, and Diogo M. Costa, at that time a hired archaeologist for Fundao Aroeira which is a foundation that manages external jobs performed by this university (Barbosa and Costa 2005) During the survey, which consisted in pedestrian walking and systematic shovel pits test along transects following the 14 kilometers p ipeline, 6 the researchers located another site also related to the same quartzite outcrops but classified as a historical quarry site, named Pedra Velha (Figure 5 1 ). Built structures associated with a construction and a prop wall were also part of this si te, associated with archaeological materials underground dated from the late nineteenth and early twenth Centuries. According to Costa, 7 who is an expert in historical archaeology, this site is important because of its function as a recent quarry used for extraction of construction materials used in local buildings. Above all, its most significant feature is being physically associated with si te DF PA 15, meaning that in thousand s years humans have used those rocky outcrops as raw material source for differ ent goals and using different 6 The sewage/water plant was already in place at that time. 7 Information from his interview.

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238 techniques which can lead to many different questions and provide unique information about natural resources usage through time For the already known prehistorical sites the main focus was on mitigating impacts caused by the pipeline, and unfortunatelly the quartzite outcrops would suffer the most with its implementation, compromising prehistorical sites DF PA 11 quarry area (not the same location dug in 1997), and DF PA 15, at this time still unknown as a quarry based site. After extensive diggings assisted by GPR mapping and a mini shovel that excavated over 2 meters deep, the location registerd by Miller in 1993 as DF PA 12 has been dismissed as a site due to lack of archaeological evidences (Barbosa and Costa 2005) At the historical site 13 stone pieces have be en collected, including flakes and one finished lithic tool, and four extraction areas have been registered and studied. The excavation at the two prehistoric quarry sites collected over 21 thousand stone fragments and finished tools, including flakes, cor es and again the unifacial plan convex lesmas associated and the sites presented poor statigraphy, characteristics of quarry sites discussed previously in this Chapter. All material c ulture excavated in 2004 presented quartzite as raw material but two pieces from site DF PA 15 (one quartz and one silex ). Again the impressive numbers are from site DF PA 11 in which over 20. 000 pieces were collected, most being unipolar flakes (19. 778), but also over 100 cores and 170 finished stone tools (Barbosa and Costa 2005) Besides the TAC demands this project also resulted in an agreement between researchers and the developer to change the sewage pipeline project in order to

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239 preserve the quartzite outcrops at site DF PA 11. Althought it still impacted the landscape, 8 the enginners agreed on altering the proposed underground to above ground pipeline in specific areas demarked by the archaeologists (Figure 5 4 ). In 2007 another mitigation project took place due to construction of road DF 4 59 (Figure 5 5 ) this time coordinated by archaeologists Paulo Jobim Mello and Emlio Fogaa, at that time both professors at IGPA/PUC GO (Mello and Fogaa 2007) The y excavated the area close to the quartzite outcrops in site DF PA 15, recovering similar material as those collected in 2004. 9 During this research another historical site has been registered under the name Prtico ( Fig ure 5 1 ). This site is described as the entrance of an old farm constructed with quartzite and cement (Figure 5 6 ). They conducted excavations but no archaeological materials were found underground ; glass and dishware fragments collected on the surface are dated as late 1970s. According to the historical report signed by archaeologist Margareth de L Souza this structure should be preserved because it is a vestige from the first rural settlement in the area from the mid to late twentieth Century, although she agreed that it has no archaeological significance. The last mitigation project took place in 2009 as part of the environmental impact studies at the area that would host the Centro Metropolitano de Taguatinga coordinated by Mrcio A. Telles and Jlio Csar A. de Castro, archaeologists from the private company Griphus Consultoria Ltda (Telles and Castro 2010) This development is characterized as a multi functional space to host GDF administrative center, as well as 8 At first archaeologists tried to convince the company to change the p ipeline route and avoid site DF PA 11 completely, which would increase the price and delay even more the implementation of the enterprise. 9 Only partial reports were available by the time I contacted both archaeologists therefore there are no further conc lusions for this project.

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240 leisure, commercial and residential areas, proposed to be located in the immediate surroundings of the P ark between Ceilndia and Taguatinga ( Figure 5 1 ). This would correspond to the locations classified in the local master plans (NCA 2006) as Centro Esportivo (Taguatinga), which includes the regional Taguati nga bus station and the Stadium; and Centro Regional (Ceilndia), i ncluding the new UnB campus (Figure 5 7 ) 10 After walking survey and systematic shovel test pits the location referred throughout this work as Morro da Guariroba in Ceilndia is now registered as a prehistoric site named Bela Vista (Telles and Castro 2010) This site is similar to the other quarry based sites registered be fore, identified by surface flakes and intentional knapping at the quartzite outcrops (Figure 5 8 ) The team registered the site dimensions as 300x300 m eters and severely impacted However they stated the site location would not suffer impacts through impl ementation of this project therefore did not have to be excavated. The religious activities were not mentioned in their report, but they pointed out the vandalism at the outcrops as a problem for the site conservation ( Figure 5 9 ). 5.2.2 The matter of scie ntific significance With at least three quarry based sites confirmed and other three similar potential sites registered nearby, combined with the massive pres ence of the same kind of outcrops all over the Park area ( Figure 5 1 0 ) this location can be con s idered a hotspot for lithic te c h nology research. The collection excavated from site DF PA 11 in 1997 alone is an example of its rich potential for stone analysis, especially if considering early humans flintknapping techniques. According to Fogaa (2002) the lithic industry from 10 This project also mentions the carnival arena and cultural center proposal called Ceilambdromo referred on Chapter 4.

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241 the Brazilian Central Plateau focused in dbitage over shaping. All sites excavated presented impressiv e collection s of plan convex instruments known in Brazil as lesmas (Figure 5 1 1 ). Those are mainly identified as unifacial stone tools that functioned for scrapping, cutting, sharpening or drilling with inferior face completely flat and presenting elaborate confection of superior face resulting in a symmetric shape ( Figure 5 1 2 ). However, the extent of research done so far is far from ideal considering the immense potential these occurrences still have to offer, as rare and still preserved quarry based sites. Another particularity of these sites is that i n Central Brazil most sites presenting the same lithic industry are located in rock shelters and very few open air sites are known archaeologically, being one of those site DF PA 11 (Fogaa 2002) and now also site DF PA 15. As expected for quarry sites datable materials are rare, but at site DF PA 11 the archaeological layer closer to the river terrace is associated with organic remains, so radiocarbon dating is possible at least for this site. Meanwhile, relative dating indica tes these sites to be very old. Researchers that have contributed to registering and understan ding the local prehistoric lithic sites hav e classified them as Itaparica t radition Paranaba phase Itaparica t radition consists on hunther gather lithic sites located in Brazilian Midwest and Northeast regions represented by all lithic indu stries that presented unifacial stone tools and no projectile points as a dating toll (Fogaa 1995) The Paranaba phase is characterized as presenting antiquity between 11.000 to 9. 000 BP and plan convex stone t lesmas (Prous 1992) The

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242 presence of the projectile point in site DF PA 11 means the human presence can be even older, as stated by Fogaa and Juliani (Fogaa and Juliani 1997) Traditionally it is a ccepted that the oldest presence of humans in mid western Brazil occurred in the early Holocene, identified as Itaparica tradition, meaning the groups that occupied this region between 11 to 8 thousand years BP However, recent researches done in Brazil wi th consiste nt radiocarbon dates prove that the earliest human vestiges known in central Brazil are from the transition Pleistocene /Holocene, wi th early radiocarbon date at 12. 000 BP (Kipnis 1998) Talking about sites with such early dating in South American has the potential to cause great controversy, as well as to attract great media attention. Early human occupation in the Americas is a highly debatable matter. As Schmitz (1994 : 33) stated, archaeologists publiciz ing human remains dated from 13.000 to 200. 000 years BP, all of them challenged (Prous and Fogaa 1999) Although it is already accepted that the human presence in South American in the Pleistocene is real (Gruhn 2004) the significant antiquity these sites might present increases their significance even more, to lay p eople and to sc ientists alike. 5.3 Data A nalysis This chapter analysis is focused in scientific data about local sites, therefore already described previously. The interview and newspap er contents consider ed only the perceptions people and media displayed about the sites. All principal archaeologists that conducted research at the Park have been interviewed (respondents A1 7, A2 1, A2 2, A2 3, A2 4 and A2 5). The only exception is the te am that surveyed the area after

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243 this fieldwork was done. The walking survey main goal was to identify current usage on and/or related to sites DF PA 11, DF PA 15 and Pedra Velha So far the sites are still sharing space with rural properties, and as far as related usage this issue was already concluded as absent in Chapter 2 5.3.1 Interviews Throughout the interview analysis on Archaeology the content of the information provided by each respondent at first has been confronted between subgroups and groups, and later the content variation has been contrasted among respondents classified according to their link to archaeology. However, the focus for this analysis is the cognition non professionals have about the local sites. Therefore the analysis on this subj ect considered primarily comprehending the local archaeological sites perception of those classified as lay persons with no connection to archaeology (A1 1, A1 6, A2 6, A2 7, B1 1, and B1 2), and of laypersons that during their interview have advocated for archaeological preservation in some extent (A1 2, A1 3, A1 4, A1 5, A1 7, A2 1, A2 2, A2 3, A2 4, A2 5, A2 8, B1 3, B1 4, and B1 5). The goal was to understand if these individuals have a real sense of the archaeological intrinsic value of the sites, and if this value fundamentally influenced on their behavior towards ca ring about their preservation. The individuals classified as Residents or those living in one of the three neighboring cities (Group A) presented similar acknowledgement and care for archa eological preservation, but the ones linked to related institutions (subgroup A2) to the actual sites. One similar characteristic among them is that rural dwellers acknow ledge only probably referring to DF PA 11, and urban dwellers

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244 understand the sites and a single entity, but in any of these subgroup respondents demonstrated to have a clear understanding about th e sites as for the type, size or material culture associated. The individuals classified as experts in related fields who live in Braslia but not in one of the three neighboring cities (subgroup B1) presented huge variation in content about archaeology: some who were expected to be more knowledgeable ab out the local heritage made strange remarks, while others omitted on discussing the subject further. The nine archaeology professionals (B1 6, B1 7, B1 8 and all individuals from subgroup B2) expressed no variation about the local sites intrinsic value, al l of them agreed on the high relevance of the prehistoric sites, especially site DF PA 11. Two archaeologists have commented on the scientific significance for the historic sites, B2 1 about the quarry site Pedra Velha as a source for understanding resourc e usage thought time; and B2 3 stressed the fact that site Prtico may be the first rural occupation in that area. Besides these two isolated remarks, there is no discrepancy on their opinions, which is sometimes due to the type of the sites (quarry based) but mostly due to their probable antiquity. The content of their interviews helped building understanding about the circumstances of their fieldworks, condition of the sites at that time, and expertise evaluations, acting as informants and not as respond ents on this matter. Among the 20 respondents classified as lay persons the majority has expressed some worry in preserving local sites (14), while six had no comments or did not care about local archaeology. Considering that not all of them were prepared to talk about

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245 this subject due to the probing strategy (not presenting myself as an archaeologist 11 or asking related questions in the beginning of the interviews), this number alone indicates that there is a general concern with sites protection and/or wit h displaying lo cal archaeological collections. During the interviews with the 20 individuals classified as lay persons it was only possible to employ probing for eight; nonetheless there were still variations among them given the fact that half expressed i nterest and half did not care about local sites, and 10 versus two respondents aware of my goal expressed interest. Among the 14 who demonstrated some interest four did not know my real goal (A1 2, A1 3, A2 2, and B1 5), and 10 were aware before or during t he interview (A1 4, A1 5, A1 7, A2 1, A2 3, A2 4, A2 5, A2 8, B1 3, and B1 4); while among the six respondents who expressed no interest four were not aware (A1 1, A1 6, A2 7, B1 1), and two were aware (A2 6, B1 2) of my main goal. The six respondents who did not expressed especial care for the local sites were not against their preservation, nor displayed any negativity towards the subject. The subgroup of individuals with no institutional linkage (A1) presented only two that did not express interest in si te preservation (A1 1 and A1 6), being those unaware of my main g oal and both respondents did not know what an archaeological site is. On the local dwellers with institutional linkage, two respondents were identified as not caring, one expressively admitted it does not make a difference for her to acknowledge the si tes (A2 6), and the other did not show interest in extending the conversation about the local 11 I presented myself as an anthropology Ph D student, but in Brazil rarely both fields are related for gener al public. When the respondent questioned me further I said my goal was to inquiry about their opinions on the Park, and when necessar y I disclosed my main interest.

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246 sites. For the two respondents in the expert subgroup that demonstrated no especial interest it was cl ear that the type of the sites is not interesting enough to change their minds on significance, one because they are not visually interesting (B1 2), and the ot her because personally he did not have any reason to care about them, nor believes in human antiq uity and scientific methods (B1 1). As for the the 14 respondents advocating for archaeological preservation the motivations varied. The common sense is always related to the sites antiquity not to the type of the site or the type of vestige. Those local dwellers not linked with institutions ( S ubgroup A1) relate sites preservation to maintenance of the Park land uses (A1 2, A1 3), but some also understand they are important tools for building local history (A1 4) and on their potential to uncover informati on on early humans (A1 5 and A1 7). In this subgroup two respondents expressed especial care about sites preservation (A1 5 and A1 7), and both have a full understanding on what an archaeological site is and on their intrinsic value before their interview. Respondent A1 5 even tried to visit their locations, unsuccessfully. The local d wellers linked to institutions (S ubgroup A2) and the experts who live in Braslia (S ubgroup B1) who advocate for archaeology protection displayed opinions sometimes clearly as sociated to their institutional goals, sometimes related to their personal being. One example of this oppositions is when the heritage is spontaneously linked to identity. Two respondents connect heritage with identity building, one because he recognizes h imself as an indigenous descent (A2 8), and the other always linking to local history and to cultural identity building (A2 5). Another example is found in responses from the environmental manager (B1 5), who stated as much technical

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247 information about loca l sites as the heritage managers, and as much emotional linkage to their protection as did the archaeology professionals, understanding them as part of the natural environment he daily struggles to enforce and protect as a professional and as a citizen. 5. 3.2 Newspaper s The written newspaper sample analyzed presented 14 articles that mentioned or that were exclusively about archaeology (11 from Correio Braziliense ; 03 from Jornal de Braslia ), and half of them (7) due to the CAESB sewage and water enterpris e mitigation research in 2004/05. Out of all 12 Correio Braziliense reports analyzed only one did not mention archaeology, the one published on 12/17/2005 about the new legal limits 5 smaller parks inside ARIE JK. On the other hand, three out of six Jornal de Braslia reports mentioned archaeology but only one was indeed about archaeolog y. Minor mistakes related to fieldwork information such as dates, correct description of researchers, or staff numbers can only be spotted by those involved in the research, and are not really accountable for creating misunderstandings among readers. Institutional matters such as mistaken information and complaints on the lack of local research and display venues were already stressed in Chapter 3. The objective now is to ana lyze the quality of the content information related to the archaeological heritage and scientific data presented by writer newspapers. The information displayed by the press usually is combined with adjectives to describe in a less technical and more appea ling fashion the local sites, issue identified especially on Correio Braziliense tesouro riqueza fssils in many respondents testimonies also. Since the local sites are Paleoi ndian, other

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248 adjectives that can be considered critic al are popular among this newspaper sample, primitivo homem das cavernas and rudimentar (rudimentary). Correio Braziliense had six articles on other archaeological heritage at and nearby DF, which indicates this newspaper pays more attention to this matter. The fact that five out of 11 Correio Braziliense related articles are signed by a single reporter (Renato Alves) may be the answer for this patt ern. However this journal has presented more double meaning expressions incorrect definitions and wrong information, and sometimes reinforces the common sense on the amateur character of archaeology in Brazil by displaying opinions of historians and advocates (many times looters). Personally I can say that even though Correio Braziliense displayed information that is not ideal, one has to be in the field to really spot their mistakes, and overall the content did not present critical information to the point of jeopardizing opinions about the local sites. The same cannot be said for the local archaeological researches issue discussed on Chapter 3. The only Jornal de Braslia report about archaeology, published on 08/15/2004, presented decent informative quality, no use of double meaning adjectives. They also explain very briefly about the scientific research, and provided a s hort guide explaining a little bit about pre history in central Brazil, well written for the lay publi c. The other two reports mentioning archaeology were about the road construction but the part they explain about the local sites is accurate, even though it is a minor part of the report (08/14/2007); and about the problem of land swindling in DF and brief ly commented about the archaeological sites of ARIE JK to express how much potential are in danger

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249 due to illegal land use of the area, and that MPF is worried with irrever sible destruction (01/20/2008). Jornal de Braslia reports mentioning or about archa eology are less in quantity, but the quality of the information is better, and no double meaning expressions were found in this newspaper. The data reported actually mirrors information archaeologists would provide for the press, even thought the dating is still blurry. There is a general confusion Jornal de Braslia emphasized 6. 000 years old, while Correio Braziliense has no consistency and reported 7 to 7.500 (04/06/08), 8.000 (03/05/05); 9.000 (09/24/05); or 10. 0 00 (08/15/0 other sites Correio Braziliense even considered dates not acceptable scientifically s uch as 43.000 (08/24/08) and 100. 000 years old (03/05/05). Sometimes the problem is not with the media, but with the very informa tion publicized by archaeologists. The information about a 43. 000 years BP site is published in a notorious local history book (Bertran 2000) And the one related to 100. 000 years BP is publicized by the most popular archaeologist in Brazil due to h er media exposure, Nide Guidon. A note published on 03/05/05 about an itinera ry exposition in Bras lia is a great example of how data that is not yet accepted scientifically become a fact through media, and gain a lot of exposure mostly because of the con troversy. This exhibition about pre history displaying archaeological and paleontological artifacts from Serra da Capivara/ PI publiciz ed for the public that human occupation in the Americas is as old as 100 thousand years sponsored by a respected research institution and notarized by a famous archaeologist

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250 5.3.3 Conclusions on data analysis There are many threats to these sites protection, even in an area that in theory should have restricted land uses. The housing pressure is inevitable, and unfortunatel y the future of this Park is uncertain. The recognition of a large urban quarter too close to site DF PA 11 (Figure 5 5) the construction of a large road connecting two cities passing side by sites DF PA 15 and Pedra Velha and the large projects proposed in locations surrounding of the Park (Figure 5 1) already point out for the inevitable expansion of urban limits into the river valley, which indeed is a very common pattern in Brazil and in other densified urban area in the world. On the other hand, if c onsidered in a different perspective, the very developments that have sponsored archaeological research are also responsible for their preservation since they funded archaeological research that otherwise would not happen in DF, given the high costs and th e lack o f local research institutions. The respondents aware of archaeological sites inside the Park are also aware the sites are old and prehistoric, but not necessarily what type and what kind of artifacts are in the ir collection s The same conclusion ca n be reached after analyzing written newspaper reports, even though dating is confusing, the sites antiquity is always the main subject However, regarding their material culture, the newspapers are more precise in describing them a s lithic artifacts, even though they still refer generically to archaeological remains as related to human bones at first, later all reports that commented on the actual collections successfully described them as they are. On the othe r hand respondents usually do not acknowledge t his characteristic, even the ones strongly advocating for the return an d display of these collections.

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251 Th e minority of respon dents did not express directly to care about the local sites, two because they do not know what an archaeological site is two becaus e of the sites non monumental character and two d id not express reason. However, none of them is against their protection, because more or less they also acknowledge their significance. Al t h ough most respondents did not express directly, many believe diggi ng and displ ay ing is the natural response to heritage preservation. Only two respondents emphasized the need to excavate the sites, one of them expressed big concern with their preservation and only understand excavation as a way to avoid destruction (A2 5 ) and the other simply understand it is something necessary (A2 4). It is between the lines the collections should be located in Braslia, because it belongs to the local communities and therefore cannot be somewhere else Specifically in relation to the f lint knapping quarry areas, the two lithic experts interviewed (B2 2 a nd B2 3) more or less confirmed the lack of interest for this type of site among archaeologists. Respondent B2 3 clearly stated that as an arc haeologist he would not care to excavate the shallow areas around the outcrops, but classified the deeper strata with organic material for radiocarbon dating as much more signifi cant. And respondent B2 2 did not comment on the outcrops potential, but stressed the fact that the deep organic remains ass ociated with the stone instruments carry enormous potential. It is not surprising to find these opinions, and the context of archaeology in methodological limitations imp osed by a shattered, overlapping, sometimes shallow, no diagnostic (Ericson 1984: 2) perfectly explain and justify their preferences.

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252 The main conclusion for this data analysis is that probable antiquity is proven to be the most significant fea ture of local sites, and not their especial and rare type that could reach additional inferences for behavioral, economical or social distinctiveness. Due to the sites outstanding antiquity, and due to the fact that archaeology was still unknown for the Br azilian Federal District, IPHAN and local city administrations demonstrated interest in learning more about their features, and in creating spaces for display and safeguard the collections, as owner s. The antiquity also incentives the experts to investigat e these sites closely, not exactly due to their character as quarry based. Being part of the intrinsic value generated by this heritage, and as proven through data important for general public and for institutions, in fact the intrinsic val ue play a major role in explaining why they care about this heritage, contrary to first hypothesis. This reinforces ARIE JK archaeo logical heritage as possessing great intrinsic value for the public, for the media, and for the experts, even though many of them have no ide a of what is the material culture associated, or who were the Pal eoindians and how they lived (Table 5 1).

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253 Table 5 1. Data results related to public acknowledgement and expectations about the Park archaeological heritage Interviews reports Walking survey Conclusions Among Groups: general concern with physical preservation and local displaying of archaeological collections, but more as an idea than as a tangible reality. Correio Braziliense : publishes more about archaeology in general but also displays constantly critical adjectives that might enhance misunderstandings of archaeology as a scientific endeavor. No obvious usage linkage among sites activities. The general lack of acknowledgment of physical landscapes and mat erial culture from the local archaeological heritage does not interfere in the of personal, historic, or cultural value to local sites. Among experts and lay persons: mainly all answers display a great significance of the sites due t o antiquity. Jornal de Braslia : less in quantity but better quality of information displayed about the local heritage. Unconscious use of archaeological site for religious ceremonies, cannot be accounted as related. The probable great antiquity of the loc al sites was without a doubt their most celebrated feature for experts, local dwellers and for the media as well.

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254 A B C D Figure 5 1 Location of all sites registered on archaeological surveys in the Park. A) By Miller in 1993; B) By Barbosa and C osta in 2004; C) By Mello and Foga a in 2007; D) By Telles and Castro in 2009 Figure 5 2 Picture and hand drawing of the projectile point excav ated at site DF PA 11 in 1997 (p icture and drawing s by Emlio Fogaa)

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255 Figure 5 3 Panoramic view of Sewage and Water treatment tanks (Ceilndia, 1 4/ 13 /08) Figure 5 4 Panoramic view of site DF PA 11 and the above ground sewage pipeline, Condomnio Pr do Sol houses in the back (Ceilndia, 04/ 27 /08)

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256 A B Figure 5 5 Panoramic views of DF 459 unde r construction. A) In April viewing the city of Samambaia in the back (Ceilndia, 04/ 13 /08) ; B) In November at site DF PA 15 location (Ceilndia, 11/12/2008) A B Figure 5 6 Two angles of the farm entrance porch remains characterized as the historic al site Prtico A) Width of the structures. B) Research team during registration (Ceilndia, 04/26 /08)

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257 Figure 5 7 Panoramic view of future UnB campus location (Ceilndia, 11/25 /08) A B Figure 5 8 Prehistoric site Bela Vista A) Panoramic view. B) Quartzite outcrops ( Morro da Guariroba Ceilndia, 11/25/08) A B Figure 5 9 Site Bela Vista examples of vandalism on quartzite outcrops. A) A Christian prayer. B) The Superman symbol

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258 Figure 5 1 0 Panoramic view of quartzite outcrops in the o ther side of the river ( Samambaia 11/25 /08) A B Figure 5 1 1 lesma PA 11 A) Superior face. B) Inferior face (p ictures by Emlio Fogaa)

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259 Figure 5 1 2 Examples of unifacial lithic art ifacts excavated in 1997 fro m site DF PA 11 (d rawings by Emlio Fogaa)

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260 CHAPTER 6 ARCHAEOLOGICAL HERIT AGE AND THE NON DESCENDENT PUBLIC RE ALM: FINAL THOUGHTS It probably sounds strange for many to see a Public Archaeology research that does not discuss ou treach, nor tried to educate the public about archaeology. It is also unexpected to see an anthropological research abou t cultural heritage in a Latin American metropolitan urban area that did not focus on the social and political issues that isolate most people physic ally, socially, and politically; or argue d on how the vast majority of the dwellers are usually excluded as stakeholders and marginalized from decision makings. All of these matters are essential parts of the problem that surrounds the public and the archaeological heritage th at is supposed to benefit them. However, by assuming a bottom up approach while listening to their opinions from their own perspectives, I intended to understand motivations as to why do they care after all without interfe rences independently of their role as a stakeholder who actively fights for the best result, or as a person generally excluded from the discussion, or as an expert that attributes significance, enforce rules, or publicize the information that might not be as accurate, or the one who decides to promote tourism. The fundamental those satellite cities in the Brazilian Federal District is yet intangible; it is an abstract ide a that have taken different shapes to different actors, for different pur poses due to different reasons. 6.1 The R ole of Cultural Heritage Values in Shaping Public O pinion at ARIE JK It is interesting to notice that identification with natural settings (Kyle, Mowen and Tarrant 2004) or with cultural sites (Burnett 2001; Howard 2003; Holtorf 2006b; Synnestvedt 2006) are social constructions and do not have to rely on facts to take

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261 place. Simply by recognizing themselves as actors constituent of continual human presence, local communities can find affiliation with the hunter gatherers groups that used to share the same space they live in today, connectin g past, present and future merely by the continuous manipulation of the environment. What this research discuss is the importance of listening to every actor involved; the ones holding the stake, the ones identified as descendants, and the ones known as pa rt of the communities surrounding these settings, all of them should be included as rightful participants in the decision making processes. Of course those who do have a cultural linkage should always have their voices heard, and respected, but nonetheless best strategy to discuss long term benefits, and to understand what the heritage actually means to the public, even if they do not value or care for it, shoul d be th e center of the problem. The Hypothesis was that these actors cared about a past that does not directly link to their own due to the extrinsic values generated by the archaeological heritage. I believed that the institutional and instrumental characters of these sites and collections were the main motivation s for the local public responses over the years, since the first discovery in 1993 up to today. As said before, it is very complex endeavor to measure the importance of a heritage value, and the data pro ved how difficult it is in many instances to characterize what is institutional to what is instrumental because those values are so closely associated. Nonetheless, what proved to be the main focus for all the actors involved in which I include the media and the related institutions, is the scientific, historical, and emotional

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262 relevance of this heritage as a material evidence of early humans, independently of the appearance and conditions of their collections, or the sites themselves or their landscape. of of antiquity; therefore the intrinsic value is indeed the main reason for public reaction, and directly have be actually assumed the stakeholder position in regards to the loc al archaeological preservation. On the other hand, today archaeological heritage is not part of the everyday life in Bras lia, n ot for the media, and not for the dwellers. Even though the undeniable scientific relevance of the sites acknowledged by most of the respondents, this While analyzing the crite ria of spontaneous mentioning of the sites it is obvious that archaeology is not a strong character inside ARIE JK given that less than 30% of the respondents took the initiative to talk about it without any sort of previous remark on my part. No one from subgroup with no institutional linkages (A1) mentioned the sites before being questioned, including the one who was aware of my research goals. Excluding the seven archaeologists and the pedagogue due to obvious reason, out of the remaining 21 respondents 10 knew beforehand that my goal was to learn their opinions abou t local archaeological heritage and among them only five people mentioned the sites before questioning. This response is not exclusive for Braslia. The non monumental character istics of the archaeological heritage in Brazil, the history of this discipline in this country, and how cultural heritage has played the role of shaping national identity are parts of the

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263 explanations for this pattern in Brazil, issues briefly discussed i n Chapter 3. Barreto (1998: 579) archaeology in Brazil is seen neither as a touristic r esource nor as a means by which its heritage settings need to be contextualized and pu blic responses taken seriously. The case study chosen is unique: it gathered th e least visually attractive material culture, around a massive rural and urban population characterized as recent migrants from around the country. Nevertheless, it influenced public responses, and those have a strong relationship with cultural heritage va lues. The probable antiquity of the sites being identified as the major explanation for the public to care about it is not as straightforward if one decides to ask why antiquity plays such an important role in that community. During data collection, one of the archaeologists (B2 2) said that independently on the archaeological site itself, it means a landmark for local towns to develop a local history speech and claim for pro tection, which I always agreed. The instance that actually motivated me to pursue t his research is directly linked to extrinsic values: the hyaline quartz projectile point excavated in 1997 ( Figure 5 2 ), that ended up motivating immediate public response through looting. Right after the archaeologists acknowledged the presence of the pro jectile point they found a gigantic whole in the same location, dug by local dwellers. Both archaeologists understood that suspicions and believe s that the artifacts indeed have economical value. It is very popular idea that archaeologists are actually looking for personal profit while digging

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264 sites, almost an urban legend enforced by the media, by the lack of proper outreach but mostly by the actual worth artifacts h ave in the antiques black market. The presence of a suspiciously valuable stone tool that by itself attracts public the archaeologists found a big diamond there. Obviou sly this translucent and beautifully carved artifact fed the locals to look for that treasure, enhancing even more mistrustful of the ar Respondent B2 2 believes there was another person behind that action, and that it would b oost a political campaign promise to create a local museum in Taguatinga. Was this incident merely results of an immediate pursue for profit? W as it resulted from a n institutional will for visibility ? O r else was it due to the presence of a very low incom e population nearby? Many can be the answers, probably all those reasons combined explain what motivated them to loot the site. The fact is that it was a reaction directly linked to instrumental values that could have been more destructive if in that site profitable art ifacts could actually be found. In regards to the institutional powers identified as crucial for enhancing the public value of archaeology locally, two instances deserve special consideration here: the local administrations and the media. It is strange that a municipal park has its limits exceeding the city boundaries, defined by the Melchior River as noted for Parque Trs Meninas in Samambaia (Figure 6 1) In the 1990s the site DF PA 11 was already officially accounted as part of this park (Fogaa and Juliani 1997) even t hough its location is actually in the neighboring city Ceilndia. ARIE JK Management Plan also considers this site as part of ParqueTrs Meninas (NCA 2006) Even thought this matter was never obvious in the data analyzed, there have always been a dispute as to which

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265 city ho an archaeological site inside the Park as a tourism option (issue discussed on Chapt er 4). This dispute was probably never endured because of the absolute lack of visible features identifiable by lay persons, which is probably the biggest reason as to why these sites are still preserved. And that is the main explanation as to the minor re levance of tourism for this case study proposed in this work as the major instrumental value generat ed by archaeological heritage. Considering the fact that archaeological tourism in Brazil is still far from becoming a profitable market, in fact it did pl ay a minor role in creating public value. However, if the conditions were different and the sites presented singular features, the result should be the very opposite. As discussed on Chapter 3, the ways the media portray archaeology is a big d eal for shapi ng public opinion. The reporters, as part of the l ay persons category feed a pejorative character by using terms such as r ichness and treasure which are synonyms of wealth and easily interpreted as such by readers or viewers, reinforcing the mislead econ omical value many associate with archaeological vestiges. Primitive and cave man reinforce other negative stereotype s of ancient humans The use of th ese words to describe archaeological heritage is somewhat expected for this kind of text, and very commo n in all kinds of media. However, what proved to be the main problem is the poor communication archaeologists have with the general audiences, which is not simply fixed, and also part of a bigger issue that is not exclusive for archaeology but to all scien ces. The fact is that information media displays is many times the only chance a

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266 larger number of local dwellers have to learn about local archaeological heritage, and it should be a subject for further investigations before, during, and after archaeologic al fieldworks, independently of the type of setting. 6.2 The A fterwards of this Public Archaeology I nvestigation Throughout this research it became clear that the institutional responses about the ocuses attention only during archaeological diggings, the actions from development and management agencies are strong during mitigation projects, but no long term actions are in practice so far and life goes on at ARIE JK. The high estate value and the urb an sprawling will most likely be the ones noticed in couple years as to what happens next in that case study. The archaeological heritage has not been adapted to promote social or economical ncient sites are basically due to their significant importance as early So uth American human occupations. Up to the fieldwork done in 2008, all the questions proposed during the research design and presented in Table 1 1 seem to be answered by the above st atements, and this is what the collected data demonstrated after analysis. However, the local scenario changed on the last years, and the very research done for this dissertation might have cause d some reactions that were never expected, or intended, topic presented briefly as a final thought. One of the respondents interviewed in the end of the data collection in November of 2008 is a history teacher at a public school in Samambaia. He is also linked to several NGOs and civil organizations preoccupied with preserving the local water resources, and with implementing local Agenda 21 in several of the satellite cities

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267 surrounding Braslia. His name is Davi Silva Fagundes, and in respect to his request I decided to quote him now. Since 2008 he has maintained c ontact with me by e mail, letting me know by his own will that he has taken action pro the return of the archaeological collection s and the construction of a museum to safeguard them in Samambaia. He is also trying to promote more archaeological fieldwork at ARIE JK. It is a genuine demand, and it could turn out to be very beneficial for Samambaia to host a museum. But there are other issues involved, such as the actual location of the sites being in Ceilndia, the lack of proper management for a n archaeolo gical museum, and the lack of visual appeal for the displays. Further excavations will be significantly expensive, and it w ill not be easy to find a well trained archaeologist to do so. I am not against these initiatives, but I am afraid of the amount of frus tration they might create along the process, and that it turns out to show archaeology, and archaeologists a s difficult, and inaccessible. Another remarkable change happened in regards to the few archaeologists and archaeology advocates creating an organiz ation in Braslia, the Grupo Arqueologia Braslia, and the very archaeological conference that took place in Braslia in 2011 (discussed in Chapter 3). This is a proof that the scenario is rapidly changing in Brazil, and in Braslia, and that many of the i ssues discussed in this work as for the lack of research centers might be transformed sooner than later. The rapid increase in college programs and the high demand for archaeologists nationwide, and the boost in outreach initiatives due to mitigation proje cts might also motivate dra matic changes in this country, and the public value of archaeology might be transformed into a different meaning s.

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268 The public recognition of the archaeological heritage in Bras lia is a tool that some these actors clearly have in tended to use, even thought the particularities of the context make it difficult to accomplish. And I do believe the uses of heritage by the local communities can be positive for the public and for the preservation as well. What managers and scientist s mig ht be losing in this process is the opportunity to assess these possibilities beforehand, and effectively contribute to enhance these benefits while conducting their jobs. The behavior of institutions that deal directly with cultural heritage recognition a nd protection need to switch drastically in order to achieve this goal, and to establish a dialogue with stakeholders, to involve the local community in the decision making process needs to consider diverse opinions and expectations. These ideas are not ne w. What I intend to accomplish by presenting this study is to broaden the discussion. After a deeper understanding of a context that I naively believed to be very familiar to me, it was possible to see that the public reactions are not as inexplicable as t hey first appeared to be, but that they are extremely complex to understand when one is not open to listen to experience, and to pay attention to actions that many times are taken for granted, but that are definitely part of the picture

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269 Figure 6 1 Location of all sites currently registered inside the Park in contrast to infra structure developments the housing quarter and the smaller park limits

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270 APPENDIX A INTERVIEW CONSENT FO RM English version Dear Interviewed: I am a graduate student at the University of Florida. As part of my PhD research I am park ARE JK and their use of this space. This interview is open ended and semi structured, composed of tw o main questions with prevision of 20 minutes or less to each answer, and will be no longer than 40 minutes if you do not care to continue talking about the subject You will not have to answer any question you do not wish to answer. With your permission I would like to audiotape this interview. Only I will have access to the tape which I will personally transcribe, removing any identifiers during transcription. The tape will then be erased and your identity will be totally kept confidential for publishing. There are no anticipated risks. No compensation is offered for your participation. There is no direct benefit to you for participating in the study. You are free to withdraw your consent to participate and may discontinue your participation in the interv iew at any time without consequence. If you have any questions about this research protocol, please contact me at 352 562 4654 or; or my faculty supervisor, Dr. Michael Heckenberger, at 352 392 2253 or For questions about your rights as a research participant, contact the IRB Office at 352 392 0433 or; University of Florida, Gainesville, FL, 32611, USA. Renata de Godoy ------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------I have read the procedure described above. I voluntarily agree to participate in the interview, and I have received a copy of this description ____________________________ ___________ Signature of participant Date

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271 Portu guese version equal to the document signed in the field before each interview

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272 APPENDIX B EXAMPLE OF INTERVIEW TRANSCRIPTION AND RE Respondent : A1 6 Date of the interview : 04/29/ 08 Location: her work, at Stio Gernium in Rural Tagua tinga, or in Samambia municipal limit, inside the park. Length : 28minutes and 30sec onds of recorded interview. Transcription Interviewer : Qual seu nome? Respondent A1 6 : Interviewer : E de onde que voc A1 6 ? Respondent A 1 6 : Sou do Cear Interviewer : Voc veio de l para morar aqui? Respondent A1 6 : Morar aqui em Braslia, eu vim de l do Cear com dois anos Interviewer : Voc nem lembra ento? Respondent A1 6 : dois anos, tem quarenta e... t com cinqenta anos, (ris os ) tem quarenta e oito anos n em Braslia Interviewer : E a sua famlia veio? Respondent A1 6 : Eu vim com meus irmo minha me, meu pai, viemos todos juntos. Interviewer : E vocs vieram para morar a onde? Respondent A1 6 : Nos viemos para morar aqui em Br as lia, fomos morar no Gama n. P apai ganho u um lote e no s moramo no Gama um monto n. T eve u ns irmo meu que nasceu aqui n. T em dois irmo meu de quarenta e trs ou de quarenta e cinco por a, nasceu aqui em Braslia j, e os outro viero pequenininho que eu t com com cinqenta. Interviewer : Voc era a mais novinha? Respondent A1 6 : eu a mais novinha Interviewer : Voc l embra da mudana? Respondent A1 6 : No da mudana no lembro no, que eu era to pequenininha n? A eu fui crescendo aqui n, a vida toda aqui em Braslia, a meu pai ganho lot e, eu casei morano l no Gama. A depois eu ganhei um lote aqui p o r tempo de Braslia, no Samambaia que eu moro na 210, Samambaia Norte n. A vim pra c, morei um temp o no Gama, casei novinha, com uns 18 an os M e casei tenh o trs filho, tenh o um com 30 ano, outro com 26 outra com 25. Interviewer : Nossa! N o parece nao Respondent A1 6 : E tenho uma casada e ela me deu uma neta que tem 4 ano. T enh o uma neta com 4 ano e trs filhos Interviewer : E todos eles mora m aqui no Distrito F ederal? Respondent A1 6 : Todos. U ma mora comigo que a minha casa. E j tenho 2 casados, os 2 homens so casados e tenho s uma filha que mora comigo, eu ela e o pai dela Interviewer : E como vocs vier am? A sua famlia veio por causa da construo de Braslia?

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273 Respondent A1 6 : No, meu pai veio porque ele veio trabalhar mesmo em Braslia n M as ele tinha um problema de epilepsia e logo logo ele comeou a trabalhar e aposentaram ele ... ele tinha idade mais avanada n e a ficam o a. Interviewer : Ele trabalhava em qu ? Respondent A1 6 : Trabalhava em obra, e a nis ficamo morando aqui em Braslia. Somo 9 irmao, n is 5 mulher e 4 homem. Com muita luta todo mundo tem sua residncia prpria hoje, uns j formaram os filhos ou t ros no formaram porque a nossa situao financeira muito difcil n. E u mesmo s tenho dois que j ta se formando n. Interviewer : A mais t bom A1 6. Respondent A1 6 : T enho 2 filha n, e essa outra t doida pra fazer faculdade. F ez oito meses depois parou, p ara Administrao parou. Eu no consegui estudar fiz s o primeiro grau. S batalhando para ganhar dinheiro, trabalhando em restaurante, diarista e meu marido botou serralheria mexeu com neg cio de se rralheiro n. Ele bo tou seralheria em casa e fomos cria ndo os filhos n E tamo at hoje a e o que eu agradeo muito a Deus que tenh o minha casa prpria hoje sabe? Interviewer : uma bno n A1 6 Respondent A1 6 : E boa minha casa sou muito feliz de ter minha casa e meus filhos tambm nunca me dera m trabalho sempre ajudou sempre estudou sempre pro curou o melhor para eles sabe. N unca me deu preocupao e desgosto, graa s a Deus tive uns bons filhos t tendo at hoje. T em uma filha minha que trabalha na no .como o nome me Deus cu... Sidetran ela trabalha no Sidetran Interviewer : Neg cio de carro ? Respondent A1 6 : de transito. E la uma pessoa uma menina maravilhosa Sabe tudo que se pede para ela, ela faz para o bem da famlia sabe? E la no egosta el a t fazendo um curso a, diz ela q ue agora vai dar pa ra ela voltar pra faculdade porque j juntou um dinheirinho. E la disse que vai voltar p ra faculdade de novo. Ai eu tenho muito orgulho da minha filha, muito boa minha filha sabe ? S ou muito feliz dos meus filhos e a t aqui trabalhando v ai fazer 4 meses que eu t aqui trabalhando aqui Interviewer : A quatro meses? Respondent A1 6 : S quatro meses. E u tava encostada pelo beneficio que eu tinha quebrado meu p, a eu vim aqui fazer uns eventos E nisso eu conheci a Badia atravs de uma col ega que trabalha aqui a ela ficou atrada com minha cozinha muito e ela achou assim no A1 6 voc vai pra l ganhar seu dinheirinho a ela me contrato ficho minha Carteira e eu t aqui trabalhando de cozinheira Interviewer : Com C arteira bom n Francisca? Respondent A1 6 : C arteira registrada vai fazer 4 meses que eu t aqui. E u entrei aqui no dia 16 de ja neiro e j tamo no ms de maio. J vai para 4 meses que eu t aqui, fora que ela me conhecia por causa dos eventos que eu vinha trabalhar faz endo cursinho aqui no fim de semana ta a. Interviewer : E v oc gosta de trabalhar aqui? Respondent A1 6 : Gosto. E ssa paisagem aqui a coisa mais gostosa esse verde aqui d uma paz de esprito voc j viu ? Interviewer : A h Respondent A1 6 : E eu os pesso al que trabalha comigo os companheiros de trabalho so gente humilde gente bo a de corao aberto. S abe muito boas as pessoas que

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274 traba lha comigo aqui, um sempre ajuda o outro quando t precisando no ess e pessoal egosta. M uito bom os companheiros de trabalho aqui principalmente as mulheres n. E a Badia tambm eu no tenho o que falar dela no ela tem me ajudado muito, n. E u to aqui na batalha a hora que Deus ver que eu tenho outra coisa melhor eu posso sair mas eu vou ficando por aqui mesmo n. Interviewer : Sei, e quando... se eu te perguntar assim, se algum passar na rua e te A1 6 Respondent A1 6 : Eu falo que sou cozinheira. Por que foi uma profisso que eu me estabeleci cozinhando mesmo, se tem evento eu cozinh o se vai fazer uma coisa eu cozinho tudo tem cozin ha o tempo todo na cozinha n. Q uando eu tava trabalhando l na casa do outro patro meu l era cozinheira da manso, ento a minha profisso cozinha mesmo. Interviewer : ? E voc gosta? Respondent A1 6 : Gosto tudo que eu fao, tambm costuro muito fao a lmofada pra vender, fao coxa sa be, mas assim eu gosto mais de cozi nha porque na cozinha eu sei n? Interviewer : U hum Respondent A1 6 : Voc faz esse prato? F a o me d a receita que eu fao! E u confio n o meu talento de cozinha sabe. E u cheguei aqui ela falou A1 6 voc vai l pro restaurante Girassol copiar algumas receitas e ver l como que faz para voc fazer aqui. E l a gente no pode ficar s copiando a gente tem que ajudar tambm, o pouco que eu aprendi j fiz vrios pratos Interviewer : E quando te perguntam de que lugar voc voc fala que do Cear ? Respondent A1 6 : Eu sou c earense eu nasci no Crato Interviewer : Crato? Respondent A1 6 : Crato. E a eu vim para c bem pequenininha, minha fam lia quase toda cearense meus irmos, os mais velhos n, os outros nasceram aqui em Braslia mesmo, tem dois que nasceu aqui. Interviewer : E quando... os seus irmos que nasceram em Braslia eles falam que so C andangos? Respondent A1 6 : Falam, fala que nasceu aqui n Interviewer : E seus filhos? Respondent A1 6 : Meus filhos tudo daqui mesmo de Braslia os trs que eu tenho. O W eslei, o Luciano e o Cristiano Interviewer : E eles cresceram em Samambaia? Respondent A1 6 : No cresceram mesmo foi no G ama, no S amambaia s tem 5 anos que eu moro Interviewer : Sei Respondent A1 6 : Eu vivi a vida toda no Gama eu vim para c porque eu ganhei o lote Interviewer : E voc acha melhor aqui ou l? Respondent A1 6 : Aqui, p or que aqui minha c asa prpria, moro perto do metr moro perto de tudo aqui, do meu trabalho. Vou at p para casa quando eu quero. Interviewer : ? Respondent A1 6 : eu vou p e volto p tem dia Interviewer : Nossa mas no longe no?

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275 Respondent A1 6 : longe no, a gente acostuma. O co rpo da gente voc sabe como que n ? A costuma. Interviewer : E quanto tempo voc demora? Respondent A1 6 : Tem vez que eu saio d aqui cinco horas seis e pouco t chegando em casa. Interviewer : Respondent A1 6 : Eu vou aqui, tem vez que eu vou p, mas eu vou mais de van por que cansa muito. Interviewer : No longe Respondent A1 6 : Mas quando eu to aperreada eu vou p. E u vou mais umas amigas a, as amigas, tem uma menina que trabalha aqui, eu sempr e vou com ela minha viz inha. Q uando a gente vai e a van passa e no p ra e a a gente tem que ir p, que elas no p ra vem cheia e elas no pra. A gente acaba indo a p, sabia? Interviewer : Por causa do horrio n ? N ossa, mas um... que dificuldade n ?! Respondent A1 6 : b em difcil minha vida n. A gente tem que pensar assim tem gente pior que a gente e no consegue trabalhar. Interviewer : Verdade Respondent A1 6 : Num... Interviewer : Num tem onde morar. Respondent A1 6 : Num tem onde morar, num tem profisso, num tem segu rana do que faz n? Interviewer : Respondent A1 6 : Voc j percebeu que quando a gente faz uma coisa a gente fala : eu fiz t bem feito. E a pessoa gosta principalmente a comida da gente voc ta oc se sente seg uro do que t fazendo n? E nto eu no estudei muito no estudei muito pouco que eu no tive oportunidade de estudar. N is era muito irmo meu pai no tinha condio de pagar escola n is tinha que trabalhar pra ajudar em casa sabe ? Estudei pouco sabe mas o pouco que estudei t me servindo. E u leio es crevo, leio bem graas a Deus. Mas eu penso assim t bom tenho 50 anos j Interviewer : A h, mas voc nova! Respondent A1 6 : Eu queria voltar estudar num vai d ar para voltar estudar. Interviewer : D Res pondent A1 6 : Num sei se vai dar para eu volta r a estudar, mas eu tinha vontade voltar estudar, sabe, mas a a luta grande n? Interviewer : trabalhar, estudar... Respondent A1 6 : Mas ta bom n? T em gente que tem 50 anos a, parece que tem filhos com 10 13 e eu no j criei meus f ilhos tudo, j ta tudo de maior. M inha caula tem 25 anos, ento eu penso assim agora vou cuidar um pouco de mim n? Interviewer : E o que voc faz no final de semana? Respondent A1 6 : A h, bom ir para a igreja n. B uscar um p ouquinho de paz espiritual n? P orque a gente no pode viver neste mundo s querendo bens materiais, a paz espiritual muito boa para a gente, ento eu vou para igreja no final de semana, quando tiver jeito a noite mesmo eu vou para a igreja Interviewer : E qual a igreja?

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276 Respondent A1 6 : Eu gosto da evanglica, no sou batizada mas gosto da igreja evanglica. Interviewer : E qual... tem uma? Respondent A1 6 : Batista, Igreja Batista Filad l fia. Interviewer : E voc j conhecia essa chcara aqui? Responden t A1 6 : Essa coisa linda aqui da Badia?! E ssa chcara aqui, conhecia atravs de uma amiga q ue trabalhava aqui ela me trouxe para trabalhar em uns eventos. A ela foi gostando de mim, depois ela ligou p ra mim e disse 6 estamos precisando de uma cozinhei ra eu vim a ela me contratou. Interviewer : E l em S amambaia, l onde voc... tem aquele parqu e ali perto da sua casa aquele Parque Trs M eninas. Voc j foi l? Respondent A1 6 : Trs meninas? No, eu moro ali atrs daquele CAIC, tem dois CAIC num tem? Interviewer : Pois qua l que o seu CAIC ? Respondent A1 6 : Tem um CAIC grande n e um menor que fica perto do Supercem. Interviewer : Ah, sei. Respondent A1 6 : Ento esse que eu falei ... fica na 208 ento eu moro na 210 fica assim b em dividi do entre o comrcio para ir para o metr e o com rcio Interviewer : Ah, t ento quando voc falou eu achei que era um que tem l no final, que fica perto... por que essa rea aqui ela grande n? Ento quando voc t quase terminando l em S amambaia tem outro CAIC Respondent A1 6 : Tem dois CAIC. T em trs CAIC tem um parece na 410 tem esse l da 208 e tem esse l perto tambm que o lugar que eu compro perto do S upercem, voc j foi l? Interviewer : No. Respondent A1 6 : L mais pra cima tem um CAIC eu moro na 210 conjunto XX casa XX muito bom o conjunto que eu moro, vai l uma hora (risos) Interviewer : E quando... a crianada l tem lugar para brincar ? C omo que ? Respondent A1 6 : Parque? Se tem parque assim para criana? No l onde que eu moro no tem no Interviewer : No te m nem quadra, para futebol? Respondent A1 6 : Q uadra tambm no tem por que esse lugar tem pouco tem po que eles fizeram vai fazer 5 anos. M uito bom esse lugar l Interviewer : Voc chegou l quando tava comeando? Responden t A1 6 : No eu cheguei tava tudo no cho o guardad or me deu a chave do meu lote. D eu o cho p ra mim construir, a eu constru a minha casa sobrado, tem base para sobrado tudo, a casa boa grande lote todinho construdo, e minha casa eu ganhei por tempo de Bras lia. Meus irmos tudo ganho no S anta Maria e faltou eu ganhar onde eu vim ganhar no S amambaia norte e a eles me d eram por tempo de Braslia n? E u fiz inscrio muito tempo n e fui renovando at que me chamaram, quando eles me chamaram a entr e gu ei os documentos e recebi o lote Interviewer : Tempo de Braslia por que voc mora aqui h muito tempo? Respondent A1 6 : eu pagava aluguel e como eu morava aqui, eu provei que vim para Braslia com 2 anos de idade. Por que eles tavam dando o lote por t empo de Braslia eu tava pagando aluguel ento eu fui sorteada a eu sai do aluguel Deus me deu essa beno

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277 Interviewer : Voc escolheu S amambaia ou...? Respondent A1 6 : No por que o meu saiu aqui eu queria que tivesse sado no S anta Maria mas o meu s aiu aqui. Interviewer : Para ficar perto da famlia n? Respondent A1 6 : era bom n? M as Deus quis aqui, mas eu acho muito bom aqui, por que valo rizado, lote aqui perto do metr tem um valor bom mesmo, a nos domingos eu pego meus dois reais e passeio, o metr nos feriados e domingo um real voc sabia? Interviewer : Ah Nossa bom heim!? Respondent A1 6 : feriados e domingos e sbados um real Interviewer : E a quando voc vai passear de metr voc vai para onde? Respondent A1 6 : Eu vou ali no sh opping, no Taguatinga, pego na estao, deso ali na P raa do Relgio.A eu passeio pelo metr, vou pro shopping n. Interviewer : voc escolhe n? Respondent A1 6 : Eu escolho n, e gasto dois reais no fim de semana, por que eu tambm te nho carro n. Por q ue quando eu quero passear de metr eu vou que economiza mais, por que o salrio aqui no muito alto n. T em que economizar n ? Interviewer : E o metr tambm tranqilo n, voc vai volta a hora que voc que r, n ? Respondent A1 6 : E tambm o tr nsito d e mais vira uma canseira danada Interviewer : No quase bateram em mim ali no balo?! Respondent A1 6 : Pois eu prefiro andar de metr que eu gosto muito de andar de metr. N o sei por que queria que tivesse metr para c para mim ir de metr todos os dias (risos) Interviewer : vo fazer uma estao ali no Onoy ama n ? Respondent A1 6 : to fazendo uma estao na 105 sul Interviewer : Na S amambaia? Respondent A1 6 : No, no Plano. Interviewer : Ah, t Respondent A1 6 : Por que tinha na 114 115 sul e d e pois aquela das galerias ento depois vem a rodoviria voc sabe n? Interviewer : Sei Respondent A1 6 : Ai t fazendo na 105 sul n. A gora aqui eu no sei no, agora para Ceil ndia to abrindo dir eto, tambm tem uma estao em Ceil ndia voc sabe n? Interviewer : Pois n... Respondent A1 6 : Ceil nd ia tambm tem uma estao para Ceil ndia Interviewer : Voc vai passear em C eil ndia? Respondent A1 6 : No, em C eil ndia eu fui esses dias mas eu fui, mas eu no tenho muito contato com C eil ndia eu no c onheo n? Agora tamb m eu s sei primeiro era assim S amambaia e Praa do R elg io. Agora t assim Samambaia e C eilndia, agora Samambaia passa na Praa do R elgio num passa? Interviewer : Ah Respondent A1 6 : E depois S amambaia direto, a eu moro ali num tem aquele F urnas? Interviewer : Tem Respondent A1 6 : Furnas depois de Taguatinga Sul, F urnas, Samambaia sul, nessa S amambaia que a primeira estao eu deso ali, ali que fica perto da minha casa. Interviewer : Ali q ue a administrao tambm, da S amamba ia?

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278 Respondent A1 6 : Administrao da Samambaia ? No pro final, l pras quinhentas e poucas que administrao Interviewer : Uhu Respondent A1 6 : depois da CAESB e SESB vem a administrao. Interviewer : Nossa longe! Respondent A1 6 : longe, um pou co mais longe, mas no to longe da minha casa, para l voc pode ir p, porque no lugar que eu moro eu fao tudo p ali. E u moro bem dizer no centro, porque as pessoas que vem l debaixo elas pegam v an para vim pro centro pra aquele centro ali pra c omprar as coisas, sabe, nas lojas pro Ficentro, voc conhece o F icentro? Interviewer : No Respondent A1 6 : Pois tem F icentro de roupa de tecido de tudo assim de com rcio assim, e tem outra feira de vender fruta verdura sabe? Interviewer : Sei, uma de roupa e outra .... Respondent A1 6 : uma F icentro, tipo assim shoppizin ho que eles falam, e a outra mesmo f eira de vender tudo alface verdura...(risos) Interviewer : E os seus vizinhos so legais? Respondent A1 6 : Inclusive uma trabalha aqui, i rm do meu vizinho Ni s tem uma comunicao muit o legal, at por isso eu t aqui trabalhando com eles at o seu menino t ava ali arrumando umas coisas. Como o nome dele meu Deus? S eu Josa, a irm dele mora comigo, a esposa dele tambm trabalha aqui, u ma gente tudo boa aqui, trabalhadores que s, umas pessoas muito boa aqui, igual eu te falei umas pessoas muito boa trabalha aqui, e atravs deles que eu t aqui. Interviewer : E deixa eu te perguntar, voc j ouviu falar que tem aqui nessa rea verde um s tio arqueolgico? Respondent A1 6 : Al m desse aqui ? Por que esse aqui tambm Interviewer : Ah, e sse aqui um stio ecolgico. S tio arqueolgico aquele onde viveram as pessoas, os homens antigos, homem da pedra. Respondent A1 6 : (risos) Interviewer : Voc j ouviu falar? Respondent A1 6 : J ouvi falar, mas aqui em Braslia tem? Interviewer : Tem. Aqui onde voc t ..... Respondent A1 6 : No, quando a gente estuda a ge nte sabe que existe isso tudo n? M as eu no sei aqui em Braslia eu nunca ouvi falar isso no Interviewer : Voc nunca ouviu falar? Respondent A1 6 : No. Tambm eu t as sim, fora de estudo n, de televiso. C hego em casa cansada vou fazer as coisas, no vejo novela ento eu t bem desatualizada sobre a cidade. A go ra aqui mesmo, eu moro aqui n a Samambaia, e no sabia que tinha uma beleza aqui. Interviewer : Pois pertinho de casa. Respondent A1 6 : Pertinho de casa. A gente vai at p se quiser, eu no sabia que tinha isso aqui, dentro da cidad e tinha uma roa, porque aqui pranta e col he n, roa, sitio tudo, n? Interviewer : Pois e a gente t aqui ouvindo o barulho dos carros ali. Respondent A1 6 : Pois eu no sabia que tinha isso aqui, passava direto de nibus, de van e eu no sabia, no imaginava que isso a qui tinha essa beleza t oda aqui.

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279 Interviewer : E se te falar que tinha cachoeira aqui voc vinha passear? Respondent A1 6 : Adoro gua Interviewer : ?! Respondent A1 6 : diz que aqui t inha mas foi entupido com negcio de esgoto sei l. D iz que tinha uma cachoeira muito bo a, que caia em uma pedra, mas a acabaram com essa beleza natural. Interviewer : Pois tem umas ainda pequenininha ali pro lado de S amambaia Respondent A1 6 : Tem ? Interviewer : T em Respondent A1 6 : Ah, ser que esse que eu fui ma is a Badia? Interviewer : U m dia voc vai l Respondent A1 6 : Parque de no sei de que, que eles to arrumano Interviewer : um que tem umas casas antigas que era uma fazenda, t em trs casinhas de boneca?? A ssim umas casinhas pequenininhas que o don o da fazenda fazia para as filha s dele, foi l que voc foi? Respondent A1 6 : Acho que foi, eu fui l mais a Badia, tinha c hamado um tanto de gente aqui n. E la ia fazer uma reunio com eles e ela o F rancisca voc mora aqui na S amambaia e no sabia que tinha isso aqui Interviewer : Parque Ecolgico Trs Meninas. Respondent A1 6 : Parque ecolgico Interviewer : Pois ali pertinho do Trs M eninas tem umas cachoeirinhas, tem umas lagoas o pessoal pesca ... Respondent A1 6 : Olha! Interviewer : Voc no sabia? Respondent A1 6 : No. E u no tenho tempo de sair, s do trabalho para casa ento voc fica desatuali zada n? A cidade que voc mora, a nica coisa da cidade para c que eu pegava o metr e ia para o meu servio, voltava para casa vai missa aos domingos, sai com c olegas da igreja,e eu no te nho jeito de ficar procurando. P orque quando a pessoa tem estudo a estuda ela corre atrs, voc te m outra ocupao com a cabea n a voc s trabalha, trabalha sua cabea fica naquele neg cio, trabalho Interviewer : Ah, e fic a cansada n? Respondent A1 6 : Cansada e fica em casa e no final de semana voc quer dar uma geral na sua casa para no acumular muita coisa, a pronto voc fica desatualizada mesmo. S abia das coisa s da vida, tem que ler jornal n? Interviewer : (risos) Re spondent A1 6 : Tem que se atualizar Interviewer : Muitas vezes o jornal tambm no fala nada de bom n ? Respondent A1 6 : igual eu t conversando com voc aqui voc sabe que t a contecendo isso aqui. O nde voc mora? Interviewer : Goinia Respondent A1 6 : Goinia, mas voc t estudando. Quando voc t atrs daquilo n, eu vou para uma cozinha eu fico atrs de umas receitas para fazer (risos) mas voc t estudando t querendo uma formao n? C om o diz o o utro, e a no a idade que eu t j, fiz s o prim eiro grau a vida toda cuidando de casa de criana de fi o, e eu no fui buscar l fora n? E u no fu i estudar ento fica desatualizada mesmo. Eu t at

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280 fazendo um cursinho aqui pra ver se na minha c abea entra um monte de coisa n, porque t vazia demai s sabe? Interviewer : Ta, t nada T ocupando muito a na cozinha aprendendo receita nova, tudo isso e studo tambm! Respondent A1 6 : Mas assim, cozinha uma cincia sabe, cada dia voc faz uma coisa diferente, mas assim bom voc ter outra rea na su a cabea, tem ocupao de outras coisas. Viu eu falo para minha filh a que coisa melhor do mundo a gente estudar Interviewer : Uhu Respondent A1 6 : Estudar buscar, quanto mais voc souber melhor voc tem que saber de tudo e usar o que melhor. Intervie wer : Posso tirar uma foto de n s duas aqui? Respondent A1 6 : Nossa eu com esse cabelo aqui, posso tirar o culos ? Interviewer : Ser que tem algum para a gente pedir ? Respondent A1 6 : Ai, s se for o Manel.(grito) Manel!? Interviewer : Tem um jeito aqui que d pra fazer tambm s que eu preciso descobrir Respondent A1 6 : Pois menina eu no estudei muito mas eu converso muito sabe? S ou conversadeira sou desinibida, assim eu no tenho vergonha de me expressar base nem que eu me expresse errado. M as eu quero aprender sabe, tem gente que vergonhoso sabe eu no sou assim eu sou desinibida, a minha idade eu acho assim minha cabea muito de jovem todo mundo fala. Interviewer : M as mesmo voc fala da sua idade mas voc t nova ainda Respondent A1 6 : Graas a Deus E u me acho nova para minha idade pelo o que eu j passei na vida eu me acho nova, assim t bem muito bem n? Interviewer : T sim Respondent A1 6 : Graas a Deus t muito bem. T em gente que queria t at no meu lugar (risos), n !? Inter viewer : Mas eu vou estar aq ui amanh se no der para tirar. Respondent A1 6 : Mas eu quero tirar para guardar de lembrana, voc vai t sempre vindo aqui num vai? Interviewer : Eu vou ficar aqui hoje e amanh. Respondent A1 6 : hoje e amanh, t bo aman h tambm eu t aqui Interviewer : Feriado voc no trabalha no n ? Respondent A1 6 : Feriado no. E u vou trabalhar sbado tamb m, sbado eu vou trabalhar at 6:30PM. Interviewer : Por causa do curso? Respondent A1 6 : No por que vai ter evento a o cozi nheiro me chamou para cozinhar com ele. A ele falou que precisava de uma ajudante de cozinheira eu disse no tudo bem eu sou cozinheira e ele a h t, melhor que ajudante contratando a senhora para trabalhar comigo no sbado f oi aquele que tava aqui agorinha voc viu? Interviewer : Sei Respondent A1 6 : Aquele de blusa amarela forte ele cozinheiro. A quele homem cozinheiro mesmo do bom dois cozinheiro vai fazer uma festa Interviewer : A voc vai aprender mais coisa com ele e ele vai aprender mais coisa com voc n?

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281 Respondent A1 6 : verdade, pois a eu vou trabalhar no sbado at 6 horas Interviewer : M as a voc ganha o extra n? Respondent A1 6 : ele que vai pagar para mim. N o a Badia ele n. Pela Badia eu tava despenada at 10 horas da manh, a vou trabalhar com ele sbado Interviewer : Se no voc ia ficar de feriado? Respondent A1 6 : No eu ia ficar de folga, folga no por que t em vez que eu do almoo aqui at meio dia. Q uase todo sbado eu dou almoo aq ui, e u saio uma hora uma e pouco por que eu fao almoo, ela fala p ra mim sair daqui meio dia mas acaba eu saindo daqui duas horas da tarde Interviewer : At arrumar tudo n ? Respondent A1 6 : Deixar tudo arrumadinho n? M as cozinheiro assim mesmo sem pr e sobra mais para o cozinheiro. C hegou um voc vai l arruma salada, chegou mais um voc vai cozinha pra aumentar mais coisas, meio difcil s pra quem tem dedicao mesmo para quem gosta. Por que se no gosta no fica na cozinha cansativo voc f ica na cozinha o dia todo, e voc fica a pura gordura tem hora, se bem que aqui quase no usa gordura Interviewer : melhor n? Respondent A1 6 : Esses restaurantes voc sabe como que muito chique, mas t bom. Interviewer : Brigada A1 6, foi timo! Respondent profile Gender: female; Age group: 50 to 60 years old; Educational level: finished middle school ; Residence location: lives in Samambaia (not walking distance to the park); Connection to archaeology: none Overall comments on the spot: she was deeply touched when she realized I was indeed tapping her statements. She listened to her own interview right after it finished and while doing so she cried and laughed, as she listened to the story of her family. Being interviewed as her boss was (respo ndent A2 1) seemed to be a real boost for her self esteem, she felt valued. Overall comments: Lives closely but takes over an hour to walk from her house to her work place, therefore was not considered walking distance. Many of my questions were made to m ake her fee l valued and comfortable and so she did, which was really important for the success of this data collection, because she was ge nuine and spoke from her heart.

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282 APPENDIX C FIELDWORK PICTURES Figure C 1 workplace ( Samambaia 05/02 /08) Figure C 2 Myself usin g the GPS to map housing area (Ceilndia, 04/13/08)

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283 Figure C 3 Group of three volunteer students assisting with field notes (Ceilndia, 04/13/08) Figure C 4 I and two volunteer stude nts while visiting Saburo Onoyama Park (Taguatinga, 04/26/08)

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303 BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH Renata de Go doy was born and raised in cen tral Brazil, in the state capita l Goinia, Gois. She graduated at the Catholic Uni versity of Gois, Brazil, with Bachelor of Architecture and Urbanism degrees in 2001. At the same university in 2003 she received a Master of C ultural Heritage Manageme nt advised by Dr. Tania Andrade Lima (UFRJ/ Museu Nacional Plano de Gesto para o Patrimnio Arqueolgico da Cidade de Gois/GO Archaeological Heritage of City of Gois /GO ). From 2003 to 2005 she worked in environmental mitigation projects as a researcher for a private company in Brazil named Scientia Consultoria Cientfica and in a project as a public archaeologist for the Instituto Goiano de Pr Histria e An tropologia /Catholic University of Gois (IGPA/PUC GO), in the same area of study of this dissertation, from 2004 to 2005. In 2005 she moved to the United States and started as a graduate student at the Department of Anthropology at University of Florida, r eturning to Brazil in 2009 to fi nish her dissertation as a PhD c andidate after completing all required course work. From 2009 to 2011 she stayed in Brazil and worked again for Scientia Consultoria as a hired archaeologist on several projects, including arc haeological surveys and excavations, and laboratory analysis. While in Brazil she also participated as an instructor in two undergraduate programs in Patrimnio Arquitetnico Heritage) at Federal University of Sergipe/UFS as a volunteer professor; and in 2010 she helped conducting a field school at Federal University of Rond nia/UNIR under responsibility of Scientia Consultoria being in charge of the laboratory section of this course. She received her Ph.D. from th e University of Florida in the s pring of 2012 and is back in Brazil pursuing academic career.