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Making Place and Identity in the Interstices

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Title:
Making Place and Identity in the Interstices Ribeirinho Landscapes in the Terra do Meio ( & #34;Land of the Middle & #34;), Para, Brazil
Creator:
Zarin, Hilary
Place of Publication:
[Gainesville, Fla.]
Florida
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University of Florida
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Language:
english
Physical Description:
1 online resource (353 p.)

Thesis/Dissertation Information

Degree:
Doctorate ( Ph.D.)
Degree Grantor:
University of Florida
Degree Disciplines:
Anthropology
Committee Chair:
Gillespie, Susan D.
Committee Members:
Stepp, John R.
Heckenberger, Michael J.
Stein, Taylor V.
Schwartzman, Stephan
Graduation Date:
12/17/2010

Subjects

Subjects / Keywords:
Cultural ecology ( jstor )
Ecology ( jstor )
Fish ( jstor )
Forests ( jstor )
Geographical perception ( jstor )
Landscapes ( jstor )
Nuts ( jstor )
Peasant class ( jstor )
Protected areas ( jstor )
Rubber ( jstor )
Anthropology -- Dissertations, Academic -- UF
amazon, brazil, caboclo, conservation, extractive, identity, landscape, ntfp, peasants, taskscape
Genre:
bibliography ( marcgt )
theses ( marcgt )
government publication (state, provincial, terriorial, dependent) ( marcgt )
born-digital ( sobekcm )
Electronic Thesis or Dissertation
Anthropology thesis, Ph.D.

Notes

Abstract:
The cultures of non-indigenous Amazonian peasants, generically identified as caboclos, are typically regarded as materialist and adaptationist constructs within cultural and political ecology. These literatures emphasize processes, whether historical, adaptive, or economic, over practices, the lived experience of place. Within these parameters, Amazonian peasants are frequently identified through the extractive services they provide to meet external demands for forest products, such as rubber and Brazil nuts. I depart from these perspectives by exploring two related theses on Amazonian peasants and place. The first is that everyday extractive activities are integral to place-making and identity formation. The second is that the past, including historical practice and memory, permeates the present-day landscape and continues to inform a sense of place. The ribeirinhos (riverine people) of the Iriri River in the Terra do Meio ('Land of the Middle') region of the state of Para, Brazil, are an ideal peasant population for these inquiries because their presence in the region, the historic migration of their forbearers from Brazil's drought-stricken northeast, their economic activities, and the implementation of a newly created federal Extractive Reserve on most of the land they occupy all derive from policy interventions by the Brazilian State. I bring phenomenologically informed concepts of dwelling, temporality, and taskscape into dialogue with political and cultural ecology literatures. I thus highlight an experiential perspective of these people and their places, the multi-scalar phenomena that form a part of that relationship, and the identities and sense of place that emerge from it. I find that the ribeirinhos' extractive activities are simultaneously economic and affective tasks that (1) have led to a strong sense of place; (2) have created place, through movement, matter and materiality, and inscribing; (3) highlight the forces and contingencies of time and history experienced by the ribeirinhos in unanticipated and unappreciated ways; and (4) continue to play a role in the emergence of identity. This study thus recognizes the significance of the global-local dialectic and the need to examine Amazonian peasants in a relationist perspective, through the interactions of top-down forces and institutions and the experiences of emplaced Amazonian peoples. ( en )
General Note:
In the series University of Florida Digital Collections.
General Note:
Includes vita.
Bibliography:
Includes bibliographical references.
Source of Description:
Description based on online resource; title from PDF title page.
Source of Description:
This bibliographic record is available under the Creative Commons CC0 public domain dedication. The University of Florida Libraries, as creator of this bibliographic record, has waived all rights to it worldwide under copyright law, including all related and neighboring rights, to the extent allowed by law.
Thesis:
Thesis (Ph.D.)--University of Florida, 2010.
Local:
Adviser: Gillespie, Susan D.
Statement of Responsibility:
by Hilary Zarin.

Record Information

Source Institution:
UFRGP
Rights Management:
Copyright Zarin, Hilary. Permission granted to the University of Florida to digitize, archive and distribute this item for non-profit research and educational purposes. Any reuse of this item in excess of fair use or other copyright exemptions requires permission of the copyright holder.
Classification:
LD1780 2010 ( lcc )

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1 MAKING PLACE AND IDENTITY IN THE INTERSTICES: RIBEIRINHO LAND SCAPES IN THE TERRA DO MEIO PAR, BRAZIL By HILARY L ZARIN A DISSERTATION PRESENTED TO THE GRADUATE SCHOOL OF THE UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA 2010

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2 2010 Hilary L Zarin

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3 To the ribeirinhos of the Iriri River

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4 ACKNOWLEDGMENTS This project was possible because of the support and guidance provided by many individuals and programs. My chair, Dr. Susan Gillespie, has been an exceptional mentor, teacher, and scholar. Her vast knowledge of anthropology, social theory science, and th e history of ideas, and her excitement and enthusiasm for my project were invaluable to the development of this work and my perserverence throughout the writeup I am very grateful for her consistent guidance and constructive feedback. I have also benefit ted from the expertise and teaching of Dr. Michael Heckenberger whose knowledge of Amazonia and historical anthropology helped me to develop this project from its still inchoate stages at the beginning of my studies through its final stages of writeup. Dr Rick Stepp has been witness to and supportive of this project since my first day at UF Dr. Taylor Stein helped me to operationalize the difficult for his assis tance, good humor, and patience as I poure d through my quantitative data and interpretation I am also grateful to Dr. Stephan Schwartzman of the Environmental Defense Fund, who recognized the niche I was able to fill because of my experience with protected areas and traditional peoples. He provided me with this rare opportunity to work in the remote and understudied Terra do Meio region at the forefront of a major public policy i ntervention Oustide of my committee, I thank Dr. Charles Wood for the time he spent with me on my household questionnaire, code book, and data analyses. Finally, I thank Dr. H. Russell Bernard for his invaluable courses and the many hours we spent talking about anthropology, policy, research design, and the application of anthropology to careers outside of the academy.

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5 At UF, the Working Forests in the Tropics Program provided financial support and interdisciplinary training during the first three years of my PhD studies. I am particularly grateful to Dr. Robert Buschbacher for his support, guidance, and genuine interest in my studies and career. The Department of Anthropology provided me with important teaching opportunities that not only helped me financi ally, but also enabled me to develop useful experience and professorial skills I am further grateful to the department for the John M. Goggin Memorial Scholarship. The David L. Boren fellowship program funded my field researc h and provided useful career a nd networking opportunities. I am deeply indebted to my Brazilian partner organizations, colleagues, and the various Brazilian entities from which this project benefitted. This pro ject was developed in formal par t n ership with two inn ovative organizations in Brazil: T he Fundao Viver, Produzir e Preservar (Foundation to Live Produce, and Preserve FVPP) in Altamira, and the Instituto de Pesquisa Ambiental da Amaznia (Institute for Envir onmental Research in the Amazon IPAM ) in Belm The early field stages of this project also benefitted from the administrative support of the Comisso Pastoral da Terra (Pastoral Land Commission CPT ). I would particularly like to thank Santos de Souza from the FVPP and Ane Alenc ar from IP AM and UF for their professional support throughout this project, and Tarcsio Feitosa da Silva for his early logistical support and for introducing me to many key individuals in the region Marcelo Salazar from the Instituto Socioambiental (Soci oenvironmental Institute ISA) provided valuable information and updates about the region as I engaged in my writing. I also thank Vivian Ziedemann at UF, and a fellow researche r in the Terra do Meio, for the valuable conversations and information sharing we were able to provide to each other at

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6 various points during the research process. My fieldwork would not have been possible without the support of IBAMA in Altamira, and particularly Roberto Scarpari. In the Iriri, I am grateful for the support and fri endship of Dona Rosa, Seu Z, and Ludmila, my Friends and family at UF and beyond cheered me on throughout my dissertation. I am very grateful to my dear friends Meghan McGinty and Kala Straus who have support ed me in every aspect of m y life for many years. At UF, I have benefitted from my friendships wi th Allison Hopkins, Jeff Luzar, Christie Klimas, Vivian Zeidemann, Angelina Howell, Ane Alencar, S arah Cervone, and Joost Morsink Allison Hopkins and Suzanne Grieb were very helpful to me as part of a dissertation support group that we formed during our respective write ups. My sister Megan has always looked out for my best interests. Her empathy has no bounds; even as she would not have made the same decisions, she listens rather than lectures. I am also grateful to my father John Most importantly, I thank Dan and Carlos, my greatest blessings. Dan has seen this project through from its inception. I am gra teful for his patience support, and love and for participating in countless conversations on social theory and anthropology Carlos provided many hours of fun and distraction, including many hugs when they were much needed. Even as a young child, he was excited about the work I do in Brazil. His enthusiasm and pride in my work a re an inspirat ion for me to be the best I can be. Finally, a discussion of acknowledgments cannot overlook our canine companions: Fofinha, Oliver, and Pumpkin, who sat on my lap and feet for most of this manuscript, and the late Kiwicha, who lived through its inception.

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7 TABLE OF CONTENTS page ACKNOWLEDGMENTS ................................ ................................ ................................ .. 4 LIST OF TABLES ................................ ................................ ................................ .......... 10 LIST OF FIGURES ................................ ................................ ................................ ........ 11 ABSTRACT ................................ ................................ ................................ ................... 13 CHAPTER 1 INTRODUCTION ................................ ................................ ................................ .... 15 Research Question and Theses ................................ ................................ ............. 19 The Case Study ................................ ................................ ................................ ...... 20 A Role for Phenomenology ................................ ................................ ..................... 24 Overview of the Study ................................ ................................ ............................. 28 2 THEORY A ND METHODOLOGY ................................ ................................ ........... 34 Introduction ................................ ................................ ................................ ............. 34 Cultural Ecology ................................ ................................ ................................ ...... 40 Political Ecology: A Response to the Limitations of Cultural Ecology ..................... 50 Phenomenology and Practice Theories ................................ ................................ .. 66 Introduction ................................ ................................ ................................ ....... 66 Being, Dwelling, and Practice ................................ ................................ ........... 68 Time and the landscape (temporality) ................................ ........................ 75 Attachment to place ................................ ................................ ................... 79 Taskscape ................................ ................................ ................................ .. 82 Conclusion: phenomenological philosophy ................................ ................ 83 Methodology ................................ ................................ ................................ ........... 85 Metatheories ................................ ................................ ................................ ..... 86 Inquiry Paradigms ................................ ................................ ............................ 90 Methods ................................ ................................ ................................ ............ 93 Conclusion ................................ ................................ ................................ .............. 96 3 RUBBER SOLDIERS ................................ ................................ ............................ 100 Introduction ................................ ................................ ................................ ........... 100 The Wartime Rubber Boom ................................ ................................ .................. 104 From Nordestino to Soldado ................................ ................................ ................. 112 The Practice of Rubber Tapping and the Making of Place in the Amazon ............ 117 ................................ ................................ ................................ 133 Conclusion ................................ ................................ ................................ ............ 136

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8 4 THE RIBEIRINHOS OF THE TERRA DO MEIO IN THE PERIOD OF ................................ ................................ ............................... 143 Introduction ................................ ................................ ................................ ........... 143 The Terra do Meio as Amazonian Frontier ................................ ........................... 151 Boundaries ................................ ................................ ................................ ............ 159 The Boundaries of the Terra do Meio Mosaic ................................ ................. 161 .......................... 163 Migration and Emplacement ................................ ................................ ................. 171 Quantifying Place Attachment with Factor Analysis ................................ .............. 176 Study D esign ................................ ................................ ................................ .. 176 Data Analysis ................................ ................................ ................................ 179 Results ................................ ................................ ................................ ........... 181 Means and percentages ................................ ................................ .......... 182 Reliability ................................ ................................ ................................ .. 182 Discussion ................................ ................................ ................................ ...... 183 Conclusion ................................ ................................ ................................ ............ 184 5 THE RIBEIRINHO TASKSCAPE ................................ ................................ .......... 194 Introduction ................................ ................................ ................................ ........... 194 Revisiting Definit ions ................................ ................................ ...................... 195 The Taskscape as Model ................................ ................................ ............... 198 ................................ ..................... 201 ................................ ................................ ........ 201 Moveme nt in life and in death: The riverine landscape as a palimpsest of multiple taskscapes ................................ ................................ .......... 204 The Forest ( A Mata ) ................................ ................................ .............................. 210 From Trail Tenure to Tree Tenure: The Forest as Shifting Property Limit ...... 211 Brazil Nuts ................................ ................................ ................................ ...... 213 Temporality and the Harvest ................................ ................................ .......... 217 The River ( O Rio) ................................ ................................ ................................ .. 221 Passage and Boundary ................................ ................................ .................. 223 Fishing ................................ ................................ ................................ ............ 224 Subsistence fishing ................................ ................................ .................. 225 Fishing for market ................................ ................................ .................... 227 Hunting on the River ................................ ................................ ....................... 231 The Home ( A Casa e Quintal ) ................................ ................................ ............... 233 The Geography of the Home ................................ ................................ .......... 234 Outsid e: The Yard and Kitchen Garden ................................ ......................... 234 Inside: The House ................................ ................................ .......................... 240 Conclusion ................................ ................................ ................................ ............ 243 6 RIBEIRINHO TOPOPHI LIA ................................ ................................ .................. 260 Identity ................................ ................................ ................................ .................. 263 Etic Identities ................................ ................................ ................................ .. 263

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9 Emic Identities ................................ ................................ ................................ 266 Temporality in t he Interstices: The Slippage between Etic and Emic Identities ................................ ................................ ................................ ...... 272 Sense of Place ................................ ................................ ................................ ...... 273 Conclusion ................................ ................................ ................................ ............ 282 7 CONCLUSION ................................ ................................ ................................ ...... 285 Review of Previous Chapters ................................ ................................ ................ 290 Principal Findings ................................ ................................ ................................ 295 Implications of the Study ................................ ................................ ....................... 298 APPENDIX A HOUSEHOLD QUESTIONNAIRE ................................ ................................ ........ 304 B ATTACHMENT TO PLACE QUESTIONNAIRE ................................ .................... 325 LIST OF REFERENCES ................................ ................................ ............................. 328 BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH ................................ ................................ .......................... 352

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10 LIST OF TABLES Table page 4 1 Protected areas in the Terra do Meio mosaic. ................................ .................. 188 4 2 Length of residence (N=66) ................................ ................................ .............. 190 4 3 Factor loadings, by domain (N=68). ................................ ................................ 191 4 4 Means and percentages, by domain. ................................ ................................ 192

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11 LIST OF FIGURES Figure page 3 1 Map of Brazil, with northeast high li ghted in blue ................................ ............... 139 3 2 Recruitment posters to encourage rec ............ 140 3 3 Diagram of rubber trails, ca. 1900. ................................ ................................ ... 14 1 3 4 The final product using the borracha prensada (pressed rubber) technique .... 142 4 1 Map of the Xingu Protected Areas Corri dor, with the Terra do Meio mosaic, extractive r eserves, and highways indicated ................................ .................... 187 4 2 Geo referenced map of ribeirinho households (in green), collected during fieldwork in 2007 inside and outside of the Iriri Extractive Reserve, with adjacent pro tected areas identified by name ................................ .................... 189 4 3 Population pyramid of the I riri Extractive Reserve (N=191) .............................. 190 5 1 An illustration of the ribeirinho taskscape drawn by families of the Iriri River .. 247 5 2 The Brazil nut harvest ................................ ................................ ....................... 248 5 3 A depiction of tree tenure in a Brazilian extractive reserve. .............................. 249 5 4 A house on the Iriri elevated on a platform, to allow the river to flood underneath during the rainy season ................................ ................................ 249 5 5 Fish caught ................................ ..................... 250 5 6 Leaving on a fishing expedition (fishing for m arket) ................................ .......... 250 5 7 Hunting peccaries from the river ................................ ................................ ....... 251 5 8 A view of a kitchen from the yard ................................ ................................ ..... 252 5 9 A view of two ribeirinho homes. ................................ ................................ ........ 253 5 10 Drying lin es with salted fish in the yard ................................ ............................. 254 5 11 A former rubber soldier explains, and then shows, the way to tap rubber using a rub ber tree cultivated in the yard ................................ .......................... 255 5 12 Rubber receipts kept in the house and retrieved in the conte xt of interviews about the past ................................ ................................ ................................ ... 256 5 13 The role of t he pier in ribeirinho practices ................................ ......................... 257

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12 5 14 Processing and preparing farinha. ................................ ................................ .... 258 5 15 Finishing a pau a pique wall ................................ ................................ ............ 259 5 16 Sitting on Brazil nut sacks stored inside the hou se during a household interview. ................................ ................................ ................................ .......... 259

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13 Abstract of Dissertation Presented to the Graduate School of the University of Florida in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy MAKING PLACE AND IDENTITY IN THE INTERSTICES: RIBEIRINHO LAND SCAPES IN THE TERRA DO MEIO By Hilary L. Zarin December 2010 Chair: Susan Gillespie Major: Anthropology The cultures of non indigenous Amazonian peasants generically identified as caboclos are typically regarded as materialist and adaptationist constructs within cultural and political ecology. historical, adaptive, or economic, over practices the lived experience of place Within these parameters, Amazonian peasants are frequently identified through the extractive services they provide to meet external demands for forest products, such as rubber and Brazil nuts. I depart from these pe rspectives by exploring two related theses on Amazonian peasants and place The first is that everyday extractive activities are integral to place making and identity formation. The second is that the past, including historical practice and memory, permeat es the present day landscape and continues to The ribeirinhos (riverine people) of the Iriri River in the Terra do Meio an ideal peasant population for these inquiri es because their presence in the region the historic migration of their forbearers stricken northeast, their economic activities, and the implementation of a newly created federal Extractive Reserve on most of the land they

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14 occupy al l derive from policy interventions by the Brazilian State I bring phenomenologically informed concepts of dwelling, temporality, and taskscape into dialogue with political and cultural ecology literatures. I thus highlight an experiential perspective of t hese people and their places, the multi scalar phenomena that form a part of that relationship and the identities and sense of place that emerge from it. affective tasks t hat (1) have led to a strong sense of place; (2) have created place, through movement, matter and materiality, and inscribing; (3) highlight the forces and contingencies of time and history experienced by the ribeirinhos in unanticipated and unappreciated ways; and (4) continue to play a role in the emergence of identity. This study thus recognizes the significance of the global local dialectic and the need to examine Amazonian peasants in a relationist perspective, through the interactions of top down forc es and institutions and the experiences of emplaced Amazonian peoples.

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15 CHAPTER 1 INTRODUCTION The modern state achieve s social progress through the delineation and engineering of its territories, thereby reducing both social and ecological complexity (Scott 1998) to make such places coherent, visible, and amenable to control (Foucault 1979; Thomas 1993) D elineated places of interest to the State are treate d as fixed, stable, and devoid of detail (Gupta and Ferguson 1997 ; Scott 1998). The degree of abstraction of such places increases with distance and separation from the m ( Casey 1996; de Certeau 1984 ). This modernist approach is one of a landscape (or the separate from humans (e.g., Daniels and Cosgrove 1988:1), a perspective that originates in the post Renaissance Western distinction between subject and object. Applying this modernist approach to place is particularly detrimental to d islocated, non native, or mobile people who are unrepresented (or underrepresented) by their own governments, and are thus either unaccounted for or inadequately addressed in policies that affect them. They are regarded as not in the city, but also not in the country; not indigenous, yet also not colonists; not part of either 1 This project challenges the assumption that people perceived as in flux, in the rficial relationship with place, Because the neither adhere to nor persist in delineated places that characterize modern State p olicies, they are categorized as placeless, or as 1 This tendency has been exacerbated by the shift noted by some scholars to a perceived condition of ) in the world, which emerged from globalization. Hypermodernism asserts that we exist in a seemingly constant state of in that have emerged from increased and increasingly rapid transit and movement (Aug 1995:34).

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16 (Aug 1995). The most obvious examples of such people include migrants, political refugees, and diasporic peoples. Yet less obvious are those who have been living in place but are u naccounted, and thus space Amazonian peasants often The modernist convention calls into question at least four, interrelated aspects of peasants and place that I examine in this dissertation: (1) their relationship to the land; (2) their history; (3) their sense of place; and (4) their identity. First, there is an assumption that peasants are driven a lmost exclusively by capital accumulation : through their economic and social systems, they exploit resources and move on They thus appear to exist only in relation to a larger world order (Redfield 195 6 ; c.f. Wolf 1982 ). A corollary assumption is that cap ital is used to propel them out of the countryside into the c ity where they aspire to live, a process that appears to signify the cursory and superficial relationship they have with the places they inhabit and the social and material resources therein (e.g ., Browder 1992) Second, peasant history is generally denied, trivialized, or misinterpreted. It is subjugated to that of the modern world system, even as they form part of that system (Wolf 198 2 ). When it is acknowledged, it delegitimizes them because of their historic movement. In the Amazon, in particular, peasants are often denigrated because they are reminders of the fail ure of State sponsored integration efforts (Adams et al. 2009). Their ow n history is thereby denied or used against them. Third, peasants are seen as somehow inherently out of place. Their relative mobility, relationship with the landscape, and history seem at odds with a sense of

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17 place. Ironically, their mobility is a result of larger processes (e.g., regiona l, State, and global processes) and the ir responses to such processes (de Certeau 1984; Wolf 1982). E ven as their movement is a byproduct of and response to larger processes, peasants are perceived as lacking commitment t o place: b ecause no place legally belong s to them, they are assumed to belong to no place. spa tially in times of flux, and to essentialize them for administrative purposes (Scott and Nugent 1993 ), characteristics th societies with part Kroeber 1948:284). modernity and a product of it. However, there are a variety of reasons why marginalized peasants and oth better understood. The most obvious is that peasants far outnumber indig enous peoples The ramifications of not understanding their relationship to place outweigh the challenge of accomm odating them in broader political frameworks. Second, as many studies demonstrate, peasants are not passive actors or victims of State interventions. They engage in power struggles, even if from subaltern, marginal positions or through mundane activities ( de Certeau 1984). 2 T here is much to be learned a bout the role of place in the struggles of peasants presumed to be Third, p easants are, in many ways, the most politically vulnerable when it comes to the subject of place 2 Indeed, peasant migration has been analyzed as a form of resistance against modern State policies and projects (Hyden 1980).

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18 because of the immediac y of their livelihood strategies. In many cases, peasants and the are the landless poor, living a mostly subsistence lifestyle that is dependent upon daily engagement with land and natural resources and regional markets Finally pea sant contributions to regional and national economies are well documented (Redfield 1956; Wolf 1 982 ; for Amazonian populations, see Browder and Godfrey 1997 and Bunker 1985 ) yet they frequently lack due rights within their societies, including to land, education, and health care The Brazil ian state, in particular has undertaken several modernist projects within its national territory Perhaps the most dramatic example is the d evelopment schemes i mpleme nted i n the Amazon. Regarded as a hindrance to national progress (Goodland and Irwin 1975 ; Hecht and Cockbu rn 1989 ), the Amazon was the subject of a variety of interventions in the latter part of the 20 th century intended to explore, exploit, and transform the forested landscape into productive lands, integrate it with the rest of the nation, and maximize its economic potential (Hall 1989; Moran 1981; Schmink and Wood 1992). These interventions would not have been possible without the assistance of a recrui ted labor force from the northeast of Brazil. I n response to these highly publicized interventions, n ordestinos (northea sterners) arrived to the Amazon i n droves and during different economic periods for work, after which they were largely abandoned in the forest. Two distinct periods of State interventions in the Amazon exemplify this trend: (1) the rubber boom of 1850 1920 and a rubber resurgence ( i.e ., a 1940 1944, and (2) economic development during the 1960s and 1970s. A third and cur rent attempts to address the negative consequences of

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19 modernist interventions while falling prey to some modern ist assumptions along the way. 1984) or used for making political decisions upon these places have been implemented from the vantage s of distanc that are characteristic of modernism ( Foucault 1979 ; Helliwell 1996; Scott 1998; Thomas 199 3 ). Research Question and Theses This project examines the relationship between a peasant population and place. Amazonian peasants are most often categorized according to some combination of their livelihood activities, the economic drivers that led them to the Amazon, and the categorizations and ask, What are the ways in which one peasant population has formed attachments to place and a place based identity in the Amazon? Two specific theses are explored. The first is that e veryday activities in the material landscape are integral to place making and identity formation. The second is that t he past, including historical practice and memory, permeates the present day landscape. In this study I treat landscape as a network of related places and practices gathered (sensu Heidegger 1977) in relation to each other (Casey 1996; Ingold 1993, sense o f use, occupation, and ownership developed over time, from which affective feelings toward place, such as belonging, affection, and comfort, may develop (see also de Certeau 1984:117). 3 Studies show that the landscape is inscribed by many 3 from de Certeau (1984:117), who uses the terms space and place in reverse, but otherwise conveys the same meaning.

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20 indigenous popula tions, and that their traditions are evoked in the present through memory, practice, and discourse (Heckenberger 2005; Hirsch 1995; L vi Strauss 1963; Mor phy 1995; Santos Granero 1998). I explore the ways in which an Amazonian peasant population has an ana logously referential relationship with the riverine landscape. The Case Study To address my research question and explore my two theses I use a case study of ribeirinhos (riverine people ) in the eastern Amazonian state of Par, Brazil In 2006, a series o f protected areas were delineated on places where the ribeirinhos had been dwelling for nearly a century. The creation of these new protected areas has posed (outsider) perspectives of place, including permissible natural resource use, access to government services, and boundaries between protected areas. The r ibeirinhos form part of what would be considered the caboclo (1993 :23 historical Amazonian peasantry which has emerged amdist [sic] the abandoned colonial apparatus of empire and state Caboclos are regarded as a unique Amazonian group in Brazil (Chernela and Pinho 2004; Nugent 1993; Wagley 19 76 ) that emerged following the rubber boom (Weinstein 1983), as northeasterners intermarried with indigenous tapuio ; Schmink and Wood 1992:xxiv). Caboclos are considered both an elusive and u biquitous category in the Amazon. vis the rest of

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21 the Brazilian society (Nugent 1993). Cabocl o is a derogatory term ( Harris 2009; Wagley 19 76 ) and the population is often viewed unfavorably. Yet they are also a pervasi ve population (Moran 1974 a 1981; Parker 1985 b ) and are known to play with the negative connotations of their identity in tactical ways (see de Certeau 1984; Nugent 1993). Although the ribeirinhos are characterized as caboclos in the scholarly literature, I refer to them as they currently self identif y as ribeirinho s -a term that is not sufficiently problematized in the scholarly literatures but that I explore throughout the dissertation. My informants are mostly the descendents of northeasterners who were recruited to tap rubber in the Amazon during W WII 4 as part of an agreement between Brazil and the United States. After the war, the recruits were la rgely abandoned in the forest. As Brazil passed through a period of intense development in the 1960s and 1970s including the building of the Transamazon Highway to the north, the ribeirinhos of the Iriri remained in the forest in relative anonymity, with the exception of middlemen with whom they swapped domestic products from the city for forest goods, and some contact from the Catholic Church, which was a ctive in nearby indigenous lands (Tarcsio Feitosa pers. comm 8/2006). It was not until the early part of this century that they reemerged as a a regional social movement seeking to slow frontier expan sion by safeguarding the dense tropical rain forests just south of it -including those places where the ribeirinhos live Within a few years, t he movement was able to achieve this goal through the support of over 150 regional, national, and international p artners with similar objectives of conservation and sustainable development in the Amazon. As a result of these efforts, a protected areas 4

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22 mosaic, called the Terra do Meio completed in 2007, was the final se gment of land needed to complete the 26 million hectare Xingu Protected Areas Corridor (XPAC), which is comprised of other prot ected areas such as i ndigenous lands and national parks. The ribeirinhos of this case study reside in the Iriri Extractive Reser ve, created in 2006 as part of this process. The Iriri Extractive Reserve is one of three extractive reserves in the contiguous land known as the Terra do Meio. Per federal law, the ribeirinhos are not owners of the land, but are granted a land and resourc e use concession for a period of 30 years. The formal objective of the extractive reserve is to conserve the land and resources of the area while promoting sustainable livelihoods through subsistence activities, such as hunting, fishing, and agriculture, a nd economic activities, such as collecting Brazil nut s. The visibility metaphor is useful to employ in the Terra do Meio because the civil society. The region is densely forested When I arrived, there were no government services in the region, including education and regular medical care 5 There was, and still is, no infrastructure, no roads that can take one into the Iriri and no electricity The primary means o f transportation is by boat from Altamira. 6 5 Currently, the social movement is working with the municipal government to provide permanent health posts. An agreement was recently signed by the municipa l Secretary of Health to dispatch three medical visits per year and to evacuate critical cases by air on an as needed basis. Schools have since been constructed, albeit by the ribeirinhos, and while success has varied with materials and teachers sent by th e municipal government these developments indicate progress is being made. See Chapter 7 for a complete update on these developments to which I have not been a direct witness. 6 There is an unreliable shuttle service provided by drivers of personal vehicle s in exchange for money. the Iriri River, north of where the protected areas are located. Roads from Maribel connect to the Transamazon highway, where there is access to Altamira if the road is passable. Maribel is a popular stopping point for many commercial fishermen and middlemen to drink cold beer and soft drinks and to do

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23 When I went to the reserve, I accompanied the ribeirinhos who happened to be in Altamira for medical or other reasons related to the creation of the reserve. Our transportation tended to be a dugout canoe with a small outboard motor called a rabeta that generates a few horsepower (hp), which enabled us to arrive in about five to eight days, depending on the location of the home and the season While in transit, we slept homes, or h ung our hammocks on islands or the banks of the river. We ate piranha that we caught from the boat or the banks of the river, along with manioc flour, and w e drank the water directly from the river. Other times, I accompanied gold miners, traders and middl emen, and fishermen into the region. These larger boats were equipped with some sleeping spaces in which to hang a hammock and a roof; the food was mostly processed and brought from the city Although the se boats and accompanying motors are larger, the jou rney usually took the same amount of time because of the various stops required to do business and to socialize Other means of transportation include a community boat that was funded by the international philanthropic community and provided to the ribeiri nhos as part of the effort to create the protected areas In spite of their remote location and the hardships that accompany such isolation the ribeirinhos are quite cheerful and have a tremendous sense of humor As an isolated people, they also leverage their networks for survival, news, and comaraderie. Like many Amazonians, they enjoy joking with one another, telling their stories, and sharing the latest gossip. The y ar e creative, resourceful, and hard working Days are business. The ribeirinhos infrequent this store and the car service, because it is unreliable, uncomfortable, expensive, and typically caters to townspeople doing business in the interior rather than to forest people like the ribeirinhos.

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24 spent in a combination of activities, including working in the fields, making farinha, fishing, tending to the home, and caring for children. Nights are spent telling stories and visiting neighbors. Their survival depends upon their ability to provide a mostly s ubsistence oriented lifestyle for themselves and their families, in connection with other families in the region and regional middlemen, fishermen, and miners. Most recently, this network expanded to include a regional social movement and an international environmental community. The ribeirinhos of the Iriri were an ideal populat ion with which to conduct a study of place and peasants in the context of State processes presence in the region their migration and even their trades and assoc iated identities (e.g., political interventions E ven as they have arrived in the Amazon as a result of broader social, economic, and political processes, I argue that t hey have developed their own over time A Role for Phenomenology Much of the existing scholarship on Amazonian peasants, including in anthropology, characterizes them as a non native population that is a byproduct of broader economic, political, and environmental processes. Historically, the Brazilian State has treated them as displaced and unproductive. Departing from these xperience of place o ver time. To do so, I introduce a phenomenological perspective into my project that examines experiences and engagement with place as part of the riverine landscape. Philosopher Martin Heidegger (1977) refers to this fu ndamental understanding of the inseparability

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25 in the While phenomenology as it was originally employed by Heidegger (1977) is useful for this study, I rely on the ways ideas have been expanded upon and adapted in recent anthropology. These studies reveal that ordinary practices in place may be acts of remembrance (Morphy 1995; Santos Granero 1998), sources of identity (Gray 2003; Ingold 2000), and expressions of belonging (Bender 2002) I build from the existing literatures by examining those extractive activities that provide for the ribeirinho household and are central to dwelling in the Amazon. To do so I incorporate the concept of taskscape provided by Ingold (1993) as a conceptual refinement of landscape that highlight s dwelling over time through tasks Ingold (1993) refers to temporality a phenomenological term that is a constant feature of dwelling that allows for multiple moments in time to be experienced in the present. I nd of self. I came to this approach iteratively, through my own experiences with the ribeirinhos of the Iriri in my role as researcher trying t o understand the role of people and place in relation to broader processes I had studied cultural and political ecology extensively to understand Amazonian caboclo societies. I held general assumptions about the study population as non native extractivists who engaged in economic activities to sustain the household, and who had a history of activism and participati on

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26 of the Brazilian state of Acre in the 1980s, which led to the creation of the extractive reserve concept. When I began my project the protected areas of the Terr a do Meio, inc luding the extractive reserves, were being declared by the government. The reactions in the city were distinctly divided. On the one hand, there was significant hostility and even violence from speculators and other extralegal interest groups who had been profiting from the expanse of forest in its undeclared, terra devoluta status. On the other hand, environmentalists and other social movement stakeholders rejoiced and then settled in for the hard work of planning, budgeting, and fundraising. Yet the so called these monumental changes in policies that directly impacted their place an d livelih ood activities They shared a somewhat different perspective of themselves and where they lived than that which was explored through the literatures in which I had been trained. They had limited knowledge of the social movement, and, ironically, were not c lear Rather, all of them, regardless of location, repeated statements that to past era but they did so in relation to : the current, material landscape. They wanted to show me their past,

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27 a lot of time looking at rubber trees, documents, tools, and even more time listening to stories of the rubber boom. I came away from the first field season recognizing that their experience of place was different than that which i s depicted in standard Amazonian literatures on peasant and caboclo populations. I suspected that their practic es were not just economic practices, but decided I would have to find innovative ways to demonstrate it. Mostly, I recognized that I would have to explore alternative theories than those in which I had societies. When I returned to the United States, I immersed myself in the social science literatures that adopt a phenomenological perspective to people and place. From this review, I realized that not only would I need to incorporate new literatures into my project, but that I would also need to think critically about my own ontological assumptions. Specifically, I needed an alternative inquiry paradigm that regarded people as part of place rather than separate from it, and an epistemology that allowed fo static entities. This meant that I would be combining theories and methodologies in unique and innovative ways. My fieldwork thus occurred during two extended stays of four m onths each during the summer (dry) season in 2006 and 2007. My time was divided between the port city to my fieldsite Altamira, on the Xingu River, which could be considered the headquarters of the social movement and the Iriri Extractive Reserve. In addit ion, e xploratory research was conducted in Altamira in August of 2005; follow up occurred during February of 2008. The total time spent in Brazil was thus ten months, divided

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28 between the Iriri Extractive Reserve (four months), Altamira (four months), and a dditional, exploratory and follow up visits to Altamira and the city of Belm, capital of the State of Par (two months). Overview of the Study This project is comprised of seven chapters. This chapter (Chapter 1, Introduction ) has described and defined th e research problem. Chapter 2, Theory and Methodology addresses the scholarly literatures of relevance to this study and reviews the particular metatheoretical approach and inquiry paradigm to which my elected theories belong. I review the discourses and typologies of caboclo societies provided by cultural ecology and political ecology literatures. These literatures are relevant to the problem on peasants and place that I will address, yet fall short of addressing my research problem. Cultural ecology tend s to regard caboclo culture as an adaptation in isolation from broader economic and political processes; political ecology tends to characterize the Amazonian peasantry as an outcome of such processes I suggest that a more robust understanding of ribeirin attained by examining phenomenologically informed practice theories. These theories, I suggest, provide a valuable perspective of ribeirinho experiences of place over time, through their activities in the material landscape. As I also suggest in Chapter 2, the metatheoretical paradigms from which the dominant approaches to peasants belong are insufficient for this study. In order to examine the relationship between practice and place, as this study aims to accomplish, theories drawn from a different paradigm, methodological relationism, are necessary. I conclude Chapter 2 with a discussion of the relationist paradigm and i ts corresponding

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29 ontologies and epistemologies. I also describe the various methods and data analyses used in subsequent chapters. In Chapter 3, Rubber Soldiers I contribute a phenomenologically informed perspective to more carefully examine the historica l context of the rubber boom from which the majority of my study population descends. I approach this task through the lens of place, regarding their journey from the northeast to the Amazon as one from displacement to emplacement. I frame the narrative of this historical chapter as one in which two geographic regions the northeast of Brazil and the Amazon -and two place based identities nordestino (northeasterner) and seringueiro (rubber tapper) -were propelled into visibility. As described in Chapter 2, t he dominant literatures that describe the rubber boom attribute nordestino decisions to leave their places of origin to economic and environmental factors. However, a relationist approach recognizes that agents and structures are coimplicated in practices (Giddens 1984). The discrepancy between the dominant literatures on the rubber boom and the personal experiences recounted by former rubber soldiers constitute an historical paradox that I explore in the chapter. Although the rubber tappers are regarded as a product of this historic era, o ver time the practices of rubber tapping became secondhand, commonplace, and mundane (de Certeau 1984); they became embodied (Bourdieu 1977). I incorporate the voices of elders of the Iriri River, who are former rubber soldiers, to explore these contradictions between nostalgia for, and displacement from, the northeast, and adoption of a new place and place based identity through rubber tapping in the Amazon. I include a v ariety of historical data gathered from secondary sources, interviews with former rubber tappers,

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30 and observations from the field By combining the voices of former rubber soldiers to the dominant explanations for their arrival to the Amazon, I provide age ncy to a history explained through the lens of economic and environmental theories. I also link the theory and policy centered approach from Chapter 2 to the lived and contingent approaches that are developed in subsequent chapters, illustrating the relati onship between micro and macro scale analyses. Chapter 4, introduces the ribeirinhos and their landscape as I encountered them during my decades following the rubber boom. During this period, the ribeirinhos were once again propelled into visibility as part of a St ate intervention. This intervention took the form of a protected areas mosaic called the Terra do Meio However, its swift implementation had characterized the region for years, but had recently escalated to new levels. I use the frontier concept as developed by political ecologists to explore and describe the frontier of the Terra do Meio as a literal and metaphorical place in the landscape, in which different social g roups have competing ideas of boundaries, territories, and within it. The Terra do Meio mosaic granted the ribeirinhos legal rights to lands on which they had been dwelling for a century. However, the new role of the government upon ribeirinho lands led to new challenges over conflicting ideas of place. This is best illustrated through the demarcation of the extractive reserve boundaries, which do not

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31 fully reflect emplaced, ribeirinho use and occupation of the land and resources therein. This chapter thus documents the meeting point at which emic and etic perspectives and experiences are forced together in the context of political interventions, and the challenges that ensue from competing visions about place. In the second part of the chapter, I aim to portray the ribeirinhos, their recent movement through the landscape, and their household economies during this period in order to contextualize the case study before the high ly specific analyses of their tasks, identity, and sense of place that follow in Chapter s 5 and 6. I introduce a household questionnaire implemented with each family during my 2006 field season, used to derive descriptive statistics (using SPSS) on the pop ulation and migration. This questionnaire was adapted from research conducted with rubber tappers in Acre, and proved an interesting instrument with which to identify the differences between the Acre and Terra do Meio extractive reserve experiences. I also provide ethnographic field observations, interview data, and maps. One of the maps is a georeferenced map of boundaries. Finally, I include the results of a factor analysis, a statistical technique facilitated by SPSS tha t I used to identify and measure the dimensions of place attachment. In Chapter 5, The Ribeirinho Taskscape oncept of the taskscape and apply it as a model to the case study. I argue that similar to what anthropologists have noted among indigenous societies, the riverine landscape was created over time. Yet rather than created from myths and rituals, the riverin e landscape emerges from the mundane, economic activities that sustain the ribeirinho household. I

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32 identify and trace three recurrent operations movement, matter and materi ality, and acts of inscribing that I identified when the ribeirinhos are engaging in extractive relationships between places, to understand place as dynamic and emergent, and to appreciate the role of temporality in the taskscape. The ribeirinhos are constantly referencing other times when engaged in current tasks. The ribeirinho taskscape is thus a network of interrelated places, tasks, and times level, detailed recordi ngs of the steps requi red to carry out everyday tasks. These include the role of necessary tools, technologies, and knowledge for the transformation of matter into economic products, and the intersubective relationship of people, matter, and place through tasks (sensu Miller 2005 and Munn 1986). Whenever possible, I collected the data during the extractive activity or in the place where the activity occurred in the past The level of detail provided in this chapter informs understandings of the ways in which identity and sense of place emerge from the taskscape, the subject of Chapter 6. In Chapter 6, Ribeirinho Topophilia I explore identity and attachment to place as e mergent from the taskscape I identify the ways in which the mundane tasks that create plac es and link them into a network such as walking trails, paddling a canoe, making farinha, and tending to the home are simultaneously acts of remembrance (Morphy 1995 ; Santos Granero 1998), sources of identity (Gray 2003; Ingold 2000), and expressions of belonging (Bender 2002). In other words, they are place based tasks

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33 Just as the taskscape is process, Amazonian identities are in process. Amazonian peasant identities and senses of place have both emerged and changed in relation to and therefore, in relation to the various economic and political periods during which the ri beirinhos have been intermittently visible. In spite of tremendous adversity, the ribeirinhos poignantly define and describe themselves as part of the places in which they dwell a topophilia defined by Bachelard (1969:xxxi) as rts of space that may be grasped, that may be defended exploring ribeirinho topophilia in relation to the recurrent topic of nostalgia for the rubber boom and the defunct task of rubber tapping, salient throughout the dissertation; their attachment to place and relative demographic stability, identified in Chapter 4 ; and their hopes for the future, including for future generations. In contrast with the previous chapter on the t askscape, in which data were mostly non discursive and collected during tasks or in the place s where tasks occur the data in this chapter are mostly discursive, based on interviews and descriptions of place and self in the present. In Chapter 7, Conclusi on I summarize my chapters, highlight key findings, and identify possible implications for policy and areas for future research that are relevant the policy relevant recommenda tions on Amazonian peasants and place, with particular attention to the Iriri Extractive Reserve in the Terra do Meio. Finally, I speak to the broader literatures with which I initiated the project cultural and political ecology and suggest ways in which p henomenology can be complementary to them.

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34 CHAPTER 2 THEORY AND METHODOLOGY Introduction Most scholarship on Amazonian floodplain or upland forests categorizes, classifies, and otherwise attempts to define the rural Amazonian peasantry. In the social sciences, cultural ecology and political ecology represent the dominant literatures on Amazonian peasants. These literatures, which are interrelated, provide particular discourses and typologies of rural Amazonian peasants. These typologies have bee n periodically and strategically reworked and incorporated into broader movements and The majority of ribeirinhos with whom I work are the descendents of northeasterners recruited to the Amazon from thei r places of origin during the rubber boom, and arrived to participate in a difficult system of debt peonage in dangerous and exhausting working conditions in the forest. They were cleverly recruited, as part of a well organized campaign, as soldados da bor racha (rubber soldiers) for their role harvesting natural rubber for World War II efforts. 1 After the war, they were largely abandoned in the forest by the rubber barons and the government program responsible for their recruitment. Over time they became part of the broad Brazilian social category of caboclo 76 ). Most recently, in the context of a global conservation and sustainable development movement focused on the Amazon, these dis courses and typologies were adopted by social movements and into policies to promote peasant livelihoods and land rights. Indeed, the extractive reserve policy is one that was conceptually developed in 1 The rubber boom will be explored in depth in Chapter 3.

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35 the western Amazon in the 1980s through the rubber tap national and international human rights and environmental activists, researchers, and policymakers (Allegretti 1999; Almeida 2002; Schwartzman 1989; Keck 1995). This social movement, and the particular ways in which it was align ed with global environmental agendas at the time, gave rise to particular cultural identity constructs based on resource extraction and environmentalism that were used to create policy change for rural Amazonian peasants (Keck 1995). These cultural constr ucts that originated in this context persist today, and have been universally applied and developed across the Brazilian Amazon. Specifically, literature. When defin ed, they are regarded as part of the strategy for the creation of human righ ts to land and livelihoods. The ability to articulate a particular identity is a which identities are strategically shaped and formed to conform to broader moveme nts and policies. In this chapter, I explore the ways these ideas emerged in the scholarship and were incorporated into policy by reviewing the dominant social science scholarly lit eratures of Amazonian peasants cultural ecology and political ecology and t he historical contexts through which they emerged. Existing scholarship on peasants and the Amazon is dominated by cultural ecology approaches, which emphasize adaptation to the environment and reproduction of the hous ehold economy (e.g., Moran 1974a;

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36 1981 ; Murrieta and Dufour 2004; Murrieta et al. 1999; Padoch 1989; Parker 1985 a ; Ross 197 8 ). Political ecology emerged from cultural ecology as a popular framework to contextualize Amazonian peasants in broader political, economic, an d social processes (Bunker 1985; Chibnik 1991; Pace 199 7 ; Schmink and Wood 1992). Within each literature, I explore the ways the literatures and events have reified, shaped, and transformed peasant identity concepts in response to broader movements and ideologies. However, as I wi ll also show in this chapter, both literatures lend particular strengths to this study of ribeirinhos and place. As mentioned in Chapter 1, the ribeirinhos with whom I work woul and history. These periods which I refer to as the rubber boom, development, and conservation identify the ribeirinhos vis vis their livelihood strategies, the material landscape, and the po litical context of a given time period Indeed, the ribeirinhos were and nostalgia. 2 ribeirinhos in the landscape through their attention to the material landscape and the role of history and process in their lives. However, during my fieldwork, I found that the sustainable development discourse rent vocabulary of the ribeirinhos of the Iriri River. Rather, these constructs have been assigned to them in the process of 2 and atrocities associated with the debt peonage system. In the Iriri, however, the rubber boom is a period that is regarded with nostalgia. I discuss this contradiction in Chapter 3.

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37 the push for the Terra do Meio protected areas mosaic, including extractive reserves, which grant non indigenous peasants concessio n to land and resources. 3 I also came to find that the Iriri Extractive Reserve created on their lands did not conform to their experien ce and understanding of place -where place began and ended according to their historical experience and movement through the landscape. These realizations prompted me to find other literatures and approaches on peasant identity than those which were conventional in Amazonia, to adequately understand identity and place making among the ribeirinhos of the Iriri River. The in congruence I encountered between the scholarly representation of Amazonian peasants and the ribeirinhos of this case study made sense in the context of relevant social theory on space and pl ace. According to Lefebvre (1991 ), space is o have authority, and State intervention in the organizing and ( sensu de Certeau 1984:121 ) produced by the government and represented in authoritative and dominant media, such as political boundaries. These representations of political boundaries, and often do so in the interstices of boundaries that shift over time in response to various political, social, and economic periods. Indeed, in my case study, the ribeirinhos of the I riri River form part of what is considered by outsiders to be the Terra do Meio the Land of the Middle -named for its interstitial location between 3 Extractive reserves are discussed in detail in Chapter 4.

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38 natural and man made features of the Brazilian Amazonian landscape. This exemplifies the ways in which the r population, both literally and figuratively. To understand and address popular misperceptions of Amazonian peasant populations, as the most recent scholarship seeks to do (e.g. Adams et al. 2006, 2009 ; Harris 2009; Nugent 2009), we must understand them not only in relation to the State and historical periods, but also in place, through their practices and their perceptions of their world through an exploration of how they have dwelled in place over time. I thus incorporate practice theories influenced by phenomenological philosophies to complement existing literatures on Amazonian peasants. In the philosopher Martin lding, Dwelling, T :326 ), he states dwell because we have built, but we build and have built because we dwell. Ingold social movements that contributed to their creation were constructed with the inte ntion easants form an intrinsic part of the Amazonian landscape, t hey are most often viewed as a mere product of process by the dominant theoretical approaches that have classified and categorized them In contrast, I emphasize the ways peasants have actively created place and identity as they dwelled, in conjunction with (and response to) broader processes in the Amazon over time. lysis of the discrepancy in the

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39 diaspora and phenomenology literatures ] into closer rapport, suggesting that the larger political and social terrain of diaspora involves intimate and personal engagement, just as the intimate and personal engagements with place and well worn territory opens : 77) Following Bender, I wish to bring the cultural and political ecology literatures that exist on Amazonian peasant societies into closer rapport with phenomenology and practice theories. I take this approach to account for local experience of place and tim e, thereby emplacing Amazonian peasants, and ribeirinho populations in particular, not only historically and linearly vis vis the Brazilian State but also physically and temporally in the landscape. The concept of temporality (sensu Ingold 1993) acknowl edges that multiple moments in time, and the affective and material dimensions of different time periods, may be present in a place. The chapter proceeds as follows. In the first section, I review the cultural ecology and political ecology literatures. Wi thin this review, I provide historical background on the relevant periods that have driven the exi sting scholarship of the Amazon, particularly 1970s onward development and conservation. I explore the practical implications of perceptions of caboclo popula tions in the scholarship and policy over time. After offering some assessment of the strengths and weaknesses of these dominant literatures in the Amazon, I then review relevant phenomenolog y and practice theories that, when applied to caboclo societies in the Amazon, help overcome the shortcomings I seek to address in existing literatures for the purposes of my study. These latter approaches specifically address the ways people experience place through their activities in the material landscape (Bourdieu 1977; de Certeau 1984; Gray

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40 2003; Ingold 1996, 2000; Miller 2005), the role of time in the creation of place (Bender place (e.g., Bachelard 1969; Basso 1996; Tuan 1976, 19 77; Williams et al. 1992) what mentioned above (Heidegger 1977 ; Ingold 1995) that combines phenome nology and practice theories, and which I use as a model for my case study of the ribeirinhos of the Iriri. I also review relevant research on place attachment utilized by natural resourc e managers and planners that has be en influential in my study for its success in bridging the divide between theoretical abstraction and policy oriented research. I conclude the chapter with a discussion of the research paradigm adopted in this study; namely, criti cal realism, a post positivist ontol ogy (Guba 1990:23 ). Thi s section includes a description of the various methods and data analyses I elected in this study that will be further explained in the following chapters. Cultural Ecology Cultural ecology was establ ished by Julian Steward in 1955. Steward developed cult ural ecology to examine the ways in which in which distinct cultures adapt to specific environmental conditions, with emphasis on technology use and subsistence strategies. With attention to the relationship between the environment and labor, Steward argue d complexity. Steward (1955:21) asserted that culture types can be grouped according to adaptive process through which a historically derived culture is modified in a among the important

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41 on the adaptations; (2) all adaptations are short lived and are constantly adjusting to changing environments; and (3) changes in culture can elaborate existing culture or result in entire 21). According to Steward, culture change could occur in a variety of ways depending upon the subsistence systems afforded by the surrounding environment. Steward referred to this concept as in a break with unilineal theories of the 19 th century lambasted earlier for ethnocentrism (see Boas 1920). materialism, a related line of inquiry developed by Marvin Harris (Kotta k 1999; McGee and Warms 2004:237). Like cultural ecology, cultural materialists were interested in modes of producti on and reproduction. However, cultural materialism was proposed as a unique research strategy and a scien ce of culture (Harris 2001 ) grounded in scientific strategies an epistemology which seeks to restrict fields of inquir y to events, entities, and relationships that are knowable by means of explicit, logico empirical, inductive by inde :27). Cultural materialists assert that positivist, objective explanations can be found at the root of all cultural phenomena, and disregard all ideological explanations for taboos, rituals, and customs as irrational (Harris 1966).

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42 In the 1960s and 1970s, Anderson 2004) emerged within cultural ecology. Rather than emphasize culture and unit of analysis (Rappaport 1967, 1 968, 1990), linking it with emerging systems ecology during the time (Vayda and Rappaport 1968). Proponents of new ecology sought a and religion, formed instrumenta l functions, such as regulating the balance of resources among human populations while limiting degradation to t he environment (see Harris 1966; Piddocke 1969; Rappaport 1967). Roy Rappaport (1968:237 8), in particular, those being studied. Furthermore, the new ecology of Rappaport did not focus on how societies evolve according to envir onmental or other material constraints, but rather on the ways in which the two interact. This was done by incorporating biological and ecological principles that were prevalent during that time, particu larly systems theories, into the approach. For exampl e, ritual and religion were considered regulatory populations and nonliving substances bound together in material exchanges in a paport 1967:18). However, the new ecology was heavily critiqued for its reductionist approach to 9:6). According to critic Robert Murphy (1970:165), the

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43 his opinion, reduced culture to biological phenomena (Biersack 1999:6). With an overemphasis on f unctionalism in the human (cultural) sphere, the new ecology was inattentive to the fledged poetics of nature focused upon By the 1990s, anthropol earlier 1999, Sutton and Anderson 2004) and materialist explanations attributed to culture, a incorporated some of the lessons learned from Rappapo based model while attempting to leave behind the reduc tionism associated with the rejection of culture (Biersack 1999). According to Biersack (1999), this approach incorporates what was lacking in prior ecologies: symbolic, historical, and political ecologies. It also contributed to the development of politic al ecology as a separate framework (discussed below). and culture rather than divide them, activities and conceptualizations of human beings, a life world, not merely in the phenomenological sense but in the stronger m aterial sense, with respect to a world out there that has been appropriated, acted upon, crafted, transformed, a world generated in and through human Lebenswelt

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44 rs to an indivisible material/ symbolic/ political/ social/ historical reality in which the nature world continues to privilege materialism and determinism above other approac hes. While she attempts to incorporate phenomenological ideas into her interpretation of lebenswelt she inaccurately depicts phenomenology as secondary to materialism and indeed somehow antimaterialist, while undermining ag ency and individual experience. Cultural ecology constitutes a prominent body of literature in the Amazon. Indig enous societies comprise only five percent of the (Henley 1996:231) and a mere one percent of the specifically Brazilian Amazonian population (Schwart zman and Zimmerman 2005). Amazonian peasants, by contrast, constitute the majority of the population (Redford and Padoch 1992:131). Despite these basic demographic facts, peasants have tended to be ignored or misrepresented in the scholarl y literature (Ada ms et al. 2009; Harris 1998; Nugent 1993, 2004) and remain the poorest, most marginalized, and least represented population in the Amazon (Nugent 1993). In reference to these discrepancies, Nugent (199 3 2004, 2009) Harris (1998, 2000), and an entire volum e recently devoted to Amazonian peasantry (Adams et al. 2009) trace to inattention paid to the role of history in the formation of peasant identity 4 and to dominant theoretical trends in the scholarship on the Amazon. In part icular, two current bodies of literature developed in anthropology illustrate the primacy granted to indigenous societies over peasant societies: (1) structuralist 4 This is a trend that appears in the literature on peasants in general ( Kroeber 1948; Redfield 1956 ; Wolf 1982 )

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45 accounts of the symbolic and cognitive relationship Amazonian Amerindians have with their en vironment, and (2) recent cultural ecology 5 studies of Amazonian societies that examine indigenous resource management strategies with implications for conservation 6 analysis of nati ve societies. In general, it attends to indigenous cosmographies, kinship, myths, and socialized nature (e.g., Descola 1996; Maybury Lewis 1967; L vi Strauss 1992; Turner 1993; Viveiros de Castro 1992). The latter focuses on indigenous management practices, with implications for conservation. In particular, it emphasizes the value of traditional ecological knowledge for forest conservation and sustainable fore st management (e.g., Bale 1989; Denevan and Padoch 1988; Posey 198 3 2001; Redford and Pa doch 1992 ). Cultural ecology of indigenous societies emerged in pro development agenda of previous decades. 7 It also emerged to overcome environmentally deterministic app roaches that correlated Amazonian environmental conditions with low indigenous population density (e.g., Meggers 1977, 1996; Sales Barbosa 1992). For that reason, cultural ecology appeals to a broad base of scholars and practitioners, while traditional ant hropological scholarship on indigenous society, utilizing structuralism and other methods to analyze culture, tends to be emphasized almost exclusively in academic social science. 5 Most recently, c ultural ecology is used as an umbrella term that includes his torical ecology, political ecology, and other approaches (Biersack 1999; Sutton and Anderson 2004) 6 It has roots i n cognitive anthropology. 7 oriented policies and their consequences are explored in the context of the political ecology literature, also reviewed in this chapter

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46 Since its emergence, cultural ecology was applied to Amazonian indigenous so cieties. Cultural ecologists suggested that indigenous societies possessed a simple social organization appropriate to small, mobile groups because of environmental constraints such as poor soil quality for swidden agriculture and dispersed and scarce prot ein sources (Meggers and Evans 1957; Steward 1949). Many of these interpretations are still def ended (e.g., Meggers 1996 ; Sales Barbosa 1992). In general, however, these theories have proven untenable in different parts of the basin, where archaeological e vidence indicates that some Amazonian societies were large, complex and sedentary (see Bale 1989; Denevan 1992; Heckenberger 2005; Heckenberger et al. 2003 ; Heckenberger, Petersen, and Neves 1999; Roosevelt 2000), and that mobility and low population den sity did not necessarily result from environmental and technological inadequacies, but from the ravages of colonialism (Carneiro 19 70 ; Denevan 19 92 ; Lathrap 1970). Cultural ecologists were the first to explicitly address Amazonian peasant societies beginn ing in the 1950s (e.g., Meggers 1950, 1954; Moran 1974 a 1981; Murrieta and Dufour 2004; Padoch 1989; Parker 1985a, 1985b; Ross 197 8 ). Yet rather than study traditional ecological knowledge or the ways in which such societies sustainably manage the forest approaches generally reserved for st udies of indigenous societies cultural ecologists working on peasant societies emphasized adaptation to the Amazon ecosystem. Some cultural ecology work emphasizes social evolution, including the interplay between cabocl o diet, biological traits, and environmental conditions (e.g. Meggers 1950). Ribeirinho, when mentioned at all, is used as a sub category of caboclo ( Wagley 1976 ) to describe the inhabitant of a specific ecological

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47 zone (Nugent 1993 ). 8 According to Brond zio (2009:185), the Spanish equivalent riberio is a category while geographical that involves different social classes, while caboclos are essentially lower class Subsequent work traces the emergence of caboclo society to historic and economic forces. Schmink (1985:143) explains how relations of exchange during the environmental conditions, Moran (1974 a 1981) acknowledges the role of structural constraints when he acknowledges the caboclo c ulture as the mechanism by which humans adapt to change However, the basic premises of adaptation theories persist in the literatures and research on caboclo societie s including resource scarcity, optimal foraging theory, and yie ld to effort ratios (Gavin 2007; Perry, Barlow, and Peres 2009; Smith 2005 ). Charles Wagley, perhaps the most notable scholar of caboclo societies, was materialism 9 even as he considered himself a Boasian Amazon Town (19 76 ), was also the first to describe the complex ways in which caboclos emerged in the Amazon. According to Wagley ( 1976 :32) caboclos are a mixture of cultures, including the New World. twentieth century, when anthropo logists were committed to evolutionary and materialist 8 R ibeirinho identity and its basis in the materiality of t he riverine landscape is a subject of this study In Chapters 5 and 6 I examine the role of practices in ribeirinho conceptions of identity and place 9 Both Harris and Wagley were affiliated with the University of Florida until the end of their careers.

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48 explanations for culture over historical ones. Nonetheless, the environmentally and biologically deterministic premises of cultural ecology are clear in his work. He states, mazon Valley is today a backward and under developed area must be sought in Amazon culture and society, and in the relationship of this region with the centers of economic and political power and with the sources of cultural diffusion ( 1976 :17). Culture is responsible for Amazonian underdevelopment, yet such underdevelopment is also constrained by the biophysical characteristics of the 10 is a poor community without any special industry or natura l gifts and without any special ( Wagley 1976 :22). Wagley ( 1976 : 295) concludes the book with the following statem ent hen a culture, through lack of technological equipment and for reasons of social organization, fails to provide for the material needs of man beyond a mere survival level, that society and culture must be judged inferior 1976 :289) continued to emphasize environmental and social conditions as an explanation for adaptation, and the presumed connection between race and culture (Wagley 1976). Moran (1974 a 198 1 ), Parker (1985 a, 1985b ), and Ross (1978) followed lead and advanced understandings of caboclo societies within a historical trajectory. However, they emphasize ecological constraints and regional economic conditions, both of which are materialist explanations for peasant u nderdevelopment in the Amazon. In 10

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49 ways in which Amazonian caboclos have adapted to the tropics through a combination of ecological and historical economic factors. Ross pays particular attentio n to the settlement patterns of caboclos (isolated, nuclear families), their productive systems (subsistence and occasional exchange with regional extractive economies), and the constraints and opportunities presented by the ecological setting (the floodpl ain or the upland forest regions). This is generally supported in the broader literature on peasant economy, where adaptation is linked to the ability of the peasant to sustain and reproduce the household economy ( e.g., Chayanov 1966). Of all the scholars social organization emerge d in response to the ecology of the tropics and technology. In the tradition of cultural eco logy, Moran correlates caboclo development with environmental conditions, specifically focused on the difference in soil types between the rich soils of the floodplain (vrzea) and the poorer soils of the upland forest (terra firme). In spite of its emphas Amazon (1974a:144). As a result, he

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50 Parker (1985 a :xxxiii) regards the emergence of caboclo culture as an adaptive however, is one that clearly emerges from not only processes and regional, extractive economies. Parker (1985b) refers to this process as oclo, as transformed Amerind, was the logical outcome of the relentless economic manipulation of the ecology and culture of the region, and this adaptation was the only alternative to extinction or isolation amidst the deep reaches of b :39 40). For Parker, the response of caboclos to the unstable economies of the region is thus regarded as one of resilience and innovation. Political Ecology: A Response to the Limitations of Cultural Ecology ed to small settings, making it difficult to use in analyses of change over extended periods of time and across scales. This latter point is well represented in Amazonian cultural ecology, which tends to focus on aphic and ecological settings. It is also represented in the structuralist inspired work s of anthropologists such as Descola (1996) and Viveiros de Castro (1996) who, in their seminal research among Amazonian Amerindians, have identified but not sufficient ly explored the relationship between economic and demographic aspects of a society, on the one hand, and symbolic and social change, on the other (Heckenberger 2005:17). In addition, cultural ecology has been critiqued for being excessively functionalist, culturally reductionist, ignoring power relations, and occurring in the absence of broader economic and political dynamics (Peet and Watts 1996 Theory of Culture Change was revised to include two final chapters on the rol e of state formation and demographic and economic shifts in local subsistence practices. Eric

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51 this revision. Contemporary political ecology is generally regarded as the pairing of political economy with c ultural ecology (Paulson, Gezon and Watts 2003 ; Zimmerer 2004, 2006) Political ecology emerged from cultural ecology and other positivist social science approaches that could not adequately explain the political and economic background. Political ecology helped foreground political and economic processes and multi scale interactions over the more limited scope of environmental determinism and social evolution emphasized in cultural ecology. Because it is a framework that is u tilized by many disciplines, political ecology is variously defined. Definitions of political ecology illuminate, to varying degrees, the interaction of political economy, the environment, social relations, and agency. According to Blaikie and Brookfield ( of ecology and a broadly defined political economy. Together this encompasses the constantly shifting dialectic between society and land based resources, and also within classes and groups within society i publication, Watts (2000:257) add relations between nature and societ y through a careful analysis of access and control

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52 ) political ecology examines the ways in which social life shapes and is shaped by the environment. These applications of political ecology more directly address human engagement as part of the environment rather than separated from it. Political ecology is recognized as a useful theoretical framework to address complex human environment interactions on multiple scales in the abstract. Fewer scholars have identified the ways it may be directly applied. However, Robb ins (2004), Simmons (2004) Wood and Porr o (2002 ), and Zimmerer (2000 2006 ) provide concrete evidence of the utility of political ecology, moving it from a theoretical perspective into the state of global politi cal ecology are designed to show political ecology as a body of knowledge, this book is designed also to show political ecology as something people do Schmink (1994:257) shifting social, economic and political circumstances, or ma trix, that frame their behavior which shows attention to local responses within the broader framewor k. The applied by Simmons (2004) and Wood and Porro (2002 ) who offer comprehen sive diagrams of the framework These diagrams illustrate the ways political ecology can be used to chart the complex relationships between social, political, and ecological phenomena at a variety of scales. In addition, Robbins (2004) adds that political ecology is a method though which to examine complex ecological and social interactions across scales.

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53 Interestingly, the line between academic discourse and political agendas of academics can become blurred in political ecology Zimmerer (2000 : 3 56) states that both to sound environmental management (including nature conservation) and to the empowerment of disadvantaged social with a political agenda focused on conservation. In a general overview of political ecology, the following three of which make it difficult to distinguish a theoretical framework from politi cs: (1) environmental conflict, (2) conservation and control, and (3) environmental identity and social movement. Although political ecology is presented as a theoretical framework and growing body of literature in the academy, it is often used to further contemporary agendas, particularly environmental ones, in developing nations. Political ecology represents a prominent body of lite rature in Amazonian scholarship, where it gained popularity for its relevance in understanding the complex interaction of po litical, social, and economic factors that resulted in radical social and environmental transformations. While it emphasizes history in ways cultural ecology of the Amazon did not, this history tends to focus on post WWII development policies for the Amazo n, mainly in the form of roads, colonization projects, and subsidies for big centers in the 1950s, and subsequently impacted the Amazon during the 1960s and 1970s. By the driven ideologies were challenged by a global interest in sustainable development and environmental activism in the Amazon. A series of key developments emerged from social movements and strategic alliances in

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54 the Western Amazon in the 1980s, giving rise inter alia to the extractive r eserve model of relevance to this study ( see Chapter 4 ). From the 1980s to present, political understand their int eractions across multiple scales. Next, I briefly out line the egion and the way it articulated with national and international policies and ideologies. I subsequently examine the key works in political ecology relevant t o this history and the ways in which they helped define Amazo to the nearly unoccupied plateau of Braslia in 1960, for the exclusive purp ose of Kubitschek in 1956, engineered the arid landscape of the Brazilian cerrado (savanna) to support the expected population surge, house the administrative centers of government, and, importantly, to create water supply where there was none. Kubitschek honored his development complete. The architecture is deliberately modernist and futuristic: an aerial view of the city reveals that it was designed in the image of an airplane. The administrative offices form the body of the plane, while residential and shopping areas extend out the wings. A Amazon and its inhabitants represented the biggest challenge and obstacle to devel opment ( Goodland 1975 ; Hecht and Cockburn 1989 ). To overcome these challenges, the Brazilian civil 103) through three strategies: (1) improve

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55 (2) endorse national integration, and (3) implement widespread colonization programs ( Hall 1989). In 1953, the Superintendency for the Valorization of the Amazon (SPVEA) was significant accomplishment was the construction of the 2000 kilometer Belm Braslia Highway (BR 010) linking the Amazon to the capital city. In 1964, the country fell under military rule, and modernization became tightly linked with a national security agenda that Woo d 1992:69). The military plan for Brazil referre implemented from 19 68 1974 (Schmink and Wood 1992) and sought to attract foreign investment and stabilize regional economies. In 1966, this plan took effect in the Amazon t breaks to attract large scale investments (Almeida 1992; Hall 1989; Moran 1981; Schmink and Wood 1992). The SPVEA was replaced by the Superintendency for the Development of the A mazon (SUDAM) to attract capital investment to the Amazon through generous fiscal incentives, including extended tax breaks for ranchers, miners, and timber producers in the Amazon (Hecht 1985). cade of scale settlement and highway development projects with the intention of modernizing the Amazon which comprises 54% of the national territory, and achieving its economic integration it with the rest of the country by means of development ( Moran, Brondzio, and VanWey 2005;

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56 Schmink and Wood 1992). Most significant was the massive, 5000 kilometer Transamazon Highway, which begins in the east of the country in the states of Maranho and Par, bisects the Amazon basin, and connects to the westernmost state of Acre on the border with Bolivia. In 1970, President Mdici unveiled a plan, implemented between 1971 to 1974, to open public lands of the Amazon to migrants after a visit Moran, Brondzio, and VanWey 2005; PIN 1971; Schmink and Wood 1992). Called the Plano de Integrao Nacional (National Integration Plan PIN), the plan proposed colonization projects in the Amazon to create a middle class comprised of 100,000 families on both sides of the land to a la northeasterners who were recruited as t he labor source and resident population for its corresponding coloniz ation and settlement programs. The plan was developed by way of contrast to the existing subsistence and extractive economies that seemed antithetical to development (Schmink and Wood 199 2:71). and environmental consequences. Small scale farming opportunities afforded by the colonization projects appeared an innovative policy approach to developing the interi or while promoting rural livelihood systems. However, agricultural production amongst small scale farmers was the biggest challenge and failure of the colonization project (Wood and Schmink 1978). Obtaining credit was difficult, and the costs of production and transportation outweighed the prices received for produce.

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57 During this period, the forest based peasant populations suffered the consequences of development policies. In the Western Amazon, subsidies that existed for rubber shifted to ranching and lo gging, and were accompanied by a development ideology promoting road construction, logging and ranching, and speculation, thereby increasing the value of land (Schmink and Wood 1992). Rubber patrons abandoned their estates during this period, selling their land through questionable titles to migrant ranchers coming from the south of Brazil, without consideration for the rubber tapper families residing on the estates. Without any clear land rights, the rubber tappers became an invisible, forest dwelling popu lation in Brazil. In order for the new landholders to obtain land titles as fast as possible, they evicted the rubber tappers from their settlements through the use of violence, force, and forest clearance, removing the traditional livelihood base upon whi ch the rubber tappers depended (Almeida 2002; Keck 1995). The forest based populations that preceded the development and colonization projects were pushed further into the interior as their lands were colonized and developed. The highways provided access for illegal land grabbers, opportunists, and other informal entrepreneurs to stake claims to Amazonian land. Speculation and land grabbing driven by the opening of roads in the forest occurred in the absence of environmental and social regulations, leading to unprecedented deforestation in the Amazon (Hall 2000) and violent conflict (Fearnside 2006). In 1974 in the western Amazonian state of Acre, rubber tappers, with the support of the Catholic Church, began to organize, unionize, and resist expulsion fro m their lands. They engaged in forceful empates (standoffs) against the ranchers who had

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58 appropriated their lands, clearing the forest to convert it to pasture (Allegretti 1999; Keck 1995; Schwartzman 198 9). The empates represented the primary resistance t actic against expulsion from the rubber estates they had inhabited for generations (Allegretti 1994). The empate consisted of a large group of rubber tappers banding together and cordoning off the trees being felled by ranchers and their hired labor on the rubber ; my translation spontaneous tactic against forest clearance, by which the rubber tappers collectively organize, with their families, and prevent tree f elling planned by the While the rubber tappers did not inflict physical harm upon the ranchers, in some cases they used The empates were organized and led by Wilson Pinheiro, Presid ent of the Rural at his union office in 1980, and subsequently by Francisco (Chico) Mendes, President of Pinheiro and Mendes were raised among illiterate, poor rural families that had relied upon rubber and Brazil nuts for generations. In 1981, Mendes described the relationship the rubber tappers had with their land as follows: You have to see the rubber ta ppers! they have a love for the rubber tree, the Brazil nut tree, since that is what they and their families survived from for the last century For them, to stop deforestation is to defend the rubber tree and the Brazil nut tree. They als o consider that the only source of wealth of the state, in spite of all the destruction, is still rubber and Brazil nuts When they go out to stop deforestation, really they are defending the life of the rubber tree and the Brazil nut tree, which for them is everything (Allegretti 1999; http://www.edf.org/article.cfm? ContentID=1551 ). By 1985, the empates were doing very little to encourage political change (Almeida 2002) and the rubber tap

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59 approach. Indeed, the movement was based more on liberation theology and sindicalismo rather than any key national or international agenda. Chico Mendes, already recognized as a trade union leader, worked with the rubber tappers and strategic alliances in international arenas to demand adequate land r eform for the rubber tappers. These alliances were facilitated by Brazilian and fore ign anthropologists, re searchers, and activist brokers, including the Brazilian anthropologist Environment, and Stephan Schwartzman, an American anthropologist with the nongov ernmental organization Environmental Defense Fund. Schwartzman introduced Mendes to the international environmental movement and identified the potential for a partnership between environmental causes and After the creation of 1985, facilitated by Allegretti, the extractive reserve model was created and proposed. throu gh the use of the same brokers. Schwartzman and the Environmental Defense Fund and representatives from the National Wildlife Federation and the Natural Resources Defense Council gained strategic support of members of the U.S. Congress to bring attention which settled approximately 45,000 small scale migrant farmers in the state of Rondnia, on the basis of environmental infractions (Schmink and Wood 1992:114; Schwartzman 198 9). This led to a heightened awareness of multilateral bank interventions in Brazil, including the careful monitoring of the paving of the BR 364

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60 (Rondnia Acre) highway, disbursements of which were temporarily halted as a result (Schmink and Wood 1992). Public denouncemen t of the environmental infractions caused by multilateral lending institutions and the overseas launched Mendes into international arenas as a guardian and defender of the rain forest. Mendes was brought to Washington D.C. to speak with members of Congress, the World Bank, and the Interamerican Development Bank (IDB), leading to the formal endorsement of the extractive reserve proposal by the World Bank and the IDB (Keck 1995). In July 1987, Mendes receive d the United Nations Environment forward, it also contributed to his demise, as he was quickly recognized as a barrier to the informal frontier politics that had been at play in the Brazilian Amazon for decades. Like Pinheiro, Mendes was killed in December of 1988 by ranchers at the back door of his home in Xapuri. unprecedented international outcry. While many leaders had been assassinated before reputation as environmentall y irresponsible (Keck 1995), strengthened environmental and social organizations across scales, and iconized Chico Mendes as an environmental martyr solidified. After Mendes' death, the first four extracti ve reserves in Brazil were created in 1990, the first two of which were established in Acre. One, the eight million hectare Chico Mendes

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61 Extractive Reserve bore his name (Schwartzman 198 9). Since this period, and in part because of this period, Brazil has emerged as a leader for government initiatives that strive to balance social equity, conservation, and development in Amazonian forests (Mittermeier et al. 2005). As this overview of Amazonian events and scholarship demonstrates, political ecology became an extremely useful framework through which to examine the impact of development and colonization policies and projects on the environment and its peoples, including peasants, as well as the ways in which the debate was reframed from 1970s development to the current context of conservation and soci al justice (e.g., Anderson, May, and Balick 1991; Browder and God frey 1997; Bunker 1984 ; Hall 1989; Hecht 1989; Schmink and Wood 1984, 1992; Wood and Porro 2002). Political ecology also development oriented policies. These multi scalar struggles over natural resources gave Amazon. Schmink and Wood (1992) and Little (2001) use political ecology to show the ways different social actors define, delineate, and contest land in a development and post development Amazonian frontier. Schmink (1994), Schmink and Wood (1992), and Wo od and Porro (2002 ) are most attentive to the shorter term; specifically, the devel opment policies outlined above, and particularly from the 1970s forward. Little (2001) devotes c onsiderable attention to the role of time and scale in the formation of frontiers. He resurrects the concept of cosmography, introduced by Boas (1887), to

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62 and recreated territorial struggles among different social groups and structural forces. Although political ecology add resses the limitations of cultural ecology, it is not without critics. In general, political ecology has a knack for critique. Many political ecology works read as a critique of social environmental problems, without lending suggestions for resolution. For example, political ecology helps elucidate the context in which environmental degradation occurs, but presents no concrete alternative on ways to move forward (Bryant and Bailey 1997). Furthermore, political ecology overemphasizes the political and econo mic drivers that create a cycle of environmental degradation and social pressures on the environment. As identified by political ecologists, this cycle maintains people, particularly the poor and marginalized, with few alternatives for natural resource use that could provide a more sustainable and productive future (Stott and Sullivan 2000). agency, objectifies rural people as either passive participants in State schemes b y which they are constrained, or as inherently unnatural colonists upon an otherwise perpetuate economic backwardness. Stott and Sullivan (2000:4), for example, use political e which cause environmental degradation in the absen ce of alternative possibilities. perspective is a clear reference to the determinism inherent in cultural ecology.

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63 In an insightful paper on the frontier concept in the Brazilian Amazon, Cleary (1993) identifies classical political economy theory, which is central to political ecology, at the crux of this problem. Theories of capitalist production, by which capital is ac cumulated and technology improved over time, do not easily apply in the Amazon (Bunker 1984:1019). Rather, regional economies based on informal debt for labor swaps have remained the norm since the colonial era (Bunker 1984, 1985). While these purely econo mic assessments of the particularities of the Amazonian regional economy on producti on as the outcome of development. In the process of achieving a centralized, nationalist economic agenda, Amazonian peasants are characterized as passive recipients. Cleary (1993:338) states Brazilian economy and how Amazonia is articulated to it, one loses any sense of the Amazonian economy as a sphere of human agency, let alone social organization. It becomes a sub system of a sub system of a system Amazon demonstrates, these are fundamentally social processes that have had unintended consequences. The post development Amazon is heterogeneous, both socially and economically. Another critique of political ecology, and indee d among political ecologists, is that it pays signific antly less attention to the role of the environment than its title would suggest (Vayda and Walters 1999; Zimmerer and Bassett 2003; see Blaikie and Brookfield 1987 for a notable exception). Rather than view the environment as a dynamic part of the framewo rk, it tends to be described through phrases like

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64 unfold. Above, I indicated tha (2001) work is a notable exception to some of the most political ecology. His conception of territor ies is permeable and shifting. Unlike most political ecologi sts, Little seeks to incorporate the affective and symbolic aspects of territory making into his analyses. However, his emphasis on the regional over the local makes it difficult to incorporate subjectivity into his analyses. Furthermore, Little argues aga inst a separation of nature and culture and does not regard the biophysical Amazonian wa tersheds, inherent in this is approach is a clear distinction between the biophysical and cultural aspects of society. By focusing on their interaction, Little (1999:2) begins from the perspective that the two are mutually exclusive. Furthermore, his atten ecology. In sum, c ultural ecology and political ecology have highlighted important aspects of hist ory, political economy, and use of the material landscape for this study of place. the material world, while political ecology situated them in broader historica l and political processes and the social and environmental impacts of such processes. Both literatures

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65 emphasize the ways in which peasants are resilient in the face of economic hardship over various historical periods in the Brazilian Amazon With a few n otable exceptions, discussed above, these literatures generally do not explicitly examine agency or local identity. Rather, these two bodies of literature contextualize peasants as a result of some combination of ecological and economic factors. Cultural e cology tends to of agency and history, while political ecology tends to privilege macroeconomic and political processes over local practices. As a result, peasants are a mere product of Moran 1974 a 1981). Cultural and political ecology emphasize the constraints, material and structural, in the formation of peasant identity and socie ty. In doing so, they present peasants, their practices, and their cultural identity as separated from the environment. These practices the lived experience of place. Indeed although Steward was the first anthropologist to theorize the relationship between humans and their environment as a cultural phenomenon, his cultural ecology radically separated humans from the environment because of their use of technology, which diffe rentiated them from other species (Sutton and Anderson 2004:21). Attempts at redress have fallen back on the materialist premises that undermined Rappaport attempted to address this oversight by treating humans as part of the

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66 reduced human complexity to systems dynamics, at the expense of culture. Finally, the similarly amiss in its attention to place, prioritizing process with place (environment) as background. In the Amazon in particular, political ecology is the most salient literature of present, but co uld be more attentive to local experience as distinct from the localized impacts of larger scale processes Phenomenology and Practice Theories Introduction The social, economic, and political processes that have been the focus of recent efforts in the Am azon have overlooked the ways ribeirinhos identify themselves and negotiate identities and territorial boundaries imposed by the State and social move ments As a result of this oversight the relationship between Amazonian peasants, the environment, and the broader policies that (mis)represent them remain misunderstood. These limitations result from the dominant theories: their inherent scale of analysis, embedded ontologies, and resultan t epistemologies (and see the final section of this chapter). At base, cultural and political ecology draw from a paradigm of metholodological holism (e.g. Ritzer and Gindoff 1994) which assumes that macroscalar forces or processes are the source of expla nation of microscale phenomena. These theories adopt a positivist ontology and dualist epistemology (explained below). They are derived from the assumption that social entities are identifiable f rom their essential qualities that are recognizable through o bservation and measurement. In order to examine the relationship between practices, identity and sense of place, as this study aims to accomplish, theories drawn from a different paradigm, methodological relationism, are necessary.

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67 In this section, I addre ss the key issues of place, practice, and identity using anthropological theories and methods drawn from phenomenological philosophies and practice theory. The next part of this chapter briefly reviews 1977 ; Ingold 1993, 2000 ) and practice ( as developed by Bourdieu 1977 ) influenced by phenomenology, that are central to this study of Amazonian peasants and place. These theories gained popularity in the 1980s and 1990s (e.g., Gell 1998; Jackson 1996; Munn 1986; Ortner 1984; Strathern 1988). I argue that these theories complement the existing literatures on cultural and political ecology reviewed above. Y et the more recent development and application of these theories to contemporary anthropological inquiry are directly relevant to this study. Within this larger body of theor ies phenomenology and practice I h ighlight concepts and models that are used in the remainder of the study. Specifically, I explore the concepts of practice, place, and identity and that have been applied in fieldwork (Gray 2003; Richardson 2003), the role of time (temporality) in the creation of place (Bender place (Bachelard 1969; Basso 1996; Tuan 1976, 1977; Williams et al. 1992; also taskscape ( Ingold 1993) as process; it is the material expression of practice in place what Ingold ( 1993:162) refers to as a I n this study, I operationalize the taskscape and apply it as a model to understand the relationship of people, practice, and place (see Chapter 5) Finally, I assess how the analysis of place can be tackled from different ontological and epistemological a pproaches I conclude this chapter by identifying my elected

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68 epistemology, post positivism, which is critical to understanding the corresponding met hods that I employed in my research design and data analyses. Being, Dwell ing, and Practice B asic ideas developed in major works by philosopher Martin Heidegger ( 1977 ) and anthropologist Pierre Bourdieu (1977 ) are particularly relevant for this project because ory of practice, respectively. In this subsection, I briefly review these theories to focus on recent ways in which these concepts have been developed and applied in anthropology that can serve as models for this study of ribeirinhos and place. Modern p hen modern science rooted in objectivism and materialism (Casey 1996:13). For (phenomena) encountered consciousl y and intentionally in daily life (in the lebenswelt ; Husserl 19 70 ). Materiality is central to phenomenology, but uniquely distinct from the ways it is approached by cultural ecologists, cultural materialists, and political ecologists. Heidegg d asein which is usually in the within it and t he relationship of the subject to surroundings. The latter infers that an Heidegger developed his philosophy of being in the world from what he perceived to be an important distinc tion between being, building, and dwelling Conventional wisdom would have it that we must build before we can dwell. However, for Heidegger, to be is to dwell ; are on ).

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69 Heidegger reminds readers that in German, bauen ( ) lite according to Heidegge r (1977:321), are to settle, work the land, and create a home. Heidegger presents the following in favor of this perspective: (1) Building is really dwelling (2) Dwelling is the manner in which mortals are on the earth. (3) Building as dwelling unfolds into the building that cultivates growing things and the building that erects buildings (Heidegger 1977:326). Therefore, Heidegger asserts that before we build from the material environment, humans first dwell within it. Heidegger developed his philosophy in recognition that humans are immersed in and experiencing the world, which includes other beings and objects all of which form part of dwelling. y (1996:18 ) e except by being in that place, and to be (Heidegger 1977:330) an assemblage of parts, such as those required to buil d a structure 1977:336). With the dwelling perspective primary, the material world. Bourdieu (1977) extends the Heideggarian concept of dwelling into an anthropological theory of practi ce in anthropology 11 In his seminal work, Outline of a 11 Practice theorist Michel de Certeau (1984) is also influential in this study, but as his work applies primarily to Western, urban settings, I have elected to focus on Bourdieu as most useful in this section However, I reference specific ideas and concepts of de Certeau throughout the dissertation.

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70 Theory of Practice (1977), Bourdieu argues for a new understanding of structure that adopts neither an objectivist position in which structure exists prior to human agency ( e.g., L vi Strauss 196 3 ; Par sons 1951) nor a subjectivist one, based on existentialism and unconstrained individual free will (e.g., combines Marxist materialism with phenomenology (Miller 2005) to understand s tructure through what people do: their practices. surroundings 12 1977:83). The material world thus provides cues as to how one should thi nk and act, which are unconsciously learned from birth and embodied through practice over a lifetime. Through this process, the material world of objects thus conditions actions. and objects is revealed (Bourdieu 1977:90; see also Connerton 1989:82). Furthermore, the m aterial world becomes part of a body hexis, in which the posture, gesture, and 94). To demonstrate his point, Bourdieu (1977) uses the Algerian Kabyle house as a metaphor for social and symbolic relations of the universe, in which the physical and spatial relations inside the house enforce and reproduce gender and other socio symbolic relationships in Berber socie ty. As embodied, the practices do not materialize 12 Bourdieu (1977:83) refers to mater

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71 through objective conditions, and are thus not mechanical; they are a product of history. 1977:214]) are thus the unconscious and unselfconscious embodiment of structure, which play a key role in the social organization and reproduction of society. The material components of the Kabyle house serve as a reference for informing and enforcing Berb er spatial and social relations, such as cultural knowledge and behaviors between men, women, and children in the home. Materiality thus socializes, reinforces, and reproduces Berber society, what Miller (2005 Bourdieu (1973) considered the outside world to be the inversion of the house. According to his analysis, places other than the house were understood in terms of the more familiar ho use. By contrast, among the ribeirinhos of the Iriri, places beyond the house are central to the engraining and habituating of memory and identity. I thus expand the more house centric approach of Bourdieu (1973) and other phenomenologists who emphasize th e house (e.g., Bachelard 1969; Heidegger 1977), to analyze other places that are central to ribeirinho sense of place and identity. Bourdieu also overemphasizes the unconscious embodiment of structures. For work does not provide an explanation for conscious, discursive expressions of knowledge. It also does not allow for social change. The work of sociologist Anthony Giddens (1984) allows for both discursive and non discursive, practical knowledge in his the

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72 individuals. Rather, agents and structures are coimplicated in practices; therefore, social systems exist as reproduced social prac tices (Giddens 1984:25). Unlike Bourdieu engagement in social activities (discursive consciousness) and knowledgeable engagement with intentions and strategies (practical conscious emphasis on discursive and practical knowledge provides additional theoretical insight into this study, because practical and discursive knowledge form part of ribeirinho sense l anthropologist Keith Basso (1996) among the Apache indicates that place related discourse is especially readily available window onto the structure and significance of othe For as native concepts and beliefs find external purchase on specific features of the local topography, the entire landscape acquires a crisp new dimension that seems to ens (1984) and Basso attention to the practical, discursive, and conscious practices in which people engage. Since the 1990s, British anthropologist Tim Ingold (1992, 1995, 2 000) has been in the xperience, by privileging the understandings that people derive from their lived, everyday involvement from the environment an approach that has its foundations in Cart esian mind body

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73 dualisms that are common in modern science (1977), Ingold asserts that the habitus does not materialize in practice, bu t rather ), a distinction that is also apparent in the difference in in the of a theory of practice were influential in my study of the ribeirinhos of the Iriri. The immediate relevance of these works to place is that humans the material settin g play an integral part of who they are and how they not only think about place, but more directly experience place. Humans and the material world are co dwelling, includ ing engaging in practices over time, place emerges and is embodied. As my research demonstrates, ribeirinho livelihood practices reveal much about the themes of practice, identity, and sense of place that are central to their society, but that remain under examined in the dominant literatures of Amazonian peasants. However, although phenomenologically informed perspectives are well developed theoretically, Ingold (2000:171) indicates that they are difficult to apply in research Two ethnographic projects hav e influenced my own efforts in this direction. The first uses in the Costa Rica (Richardson 2003). The second examines place making among shepherds in the Scottish borderland s (Gray 2003).

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74 in the world in the setting of the plaza and market in Cartago, Costa Rica to demonstrate the ctions. Richardson (2003:75), the market and the plaza are two distinct worlds that a cquire their meaning in relation to each other; specifically, through the ways people act and dwell. he Scottish Borders describes the practice of hill shepherding. The primary place in the hills is the hirsel, which refers both to the sheep and the hills they graze (Gray 2003:231). Gray draws from practice theory as it is developed by de Certeau (1984) t o examine place making. 13 In de appropriates space into meaningful places (de Certeau 1984:97; Gr ay 2003:226 227). In the context of the borderlands, going around the hill is abiding concern for the welfare of sheep as sources of farm income and personal 13 De Certeau (1984:117) distinguishes between space and place in the opposit e manner than most

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75 king or biking around the hirsel contributes to active place making that is at once material and meaningful, sensory and experiential. Place is created according to the topography and the movement of the sheep (2003:231). Through the sheep, the shepherds d well. Gray identifies four aspects of dwelling that are important for this study. The first 233) inherent in dwelling. As people engage in practices and incorporate the material world into their activities, there is no separation between them and the world. The second concerns the referential function of dwelling. The creation of place through practice for example, the use of objects, or the creation of footpaths through repeated acts of walking in place makes refe rence to other that references all manner of experience, and is thus distinct f ( Scott 1998 ; see Chapter 1). Fourth, when people use objects in their practices they Heidegger. Bui the hirsel (Gray 2003:234). It is through the sheep, and the referential function of objects and loca hirsel) is formed. Time and the landscape (temporality) The dwelling perspective and the referential functions of the material landscape have an inherent temporal component practices t ake place in and through time, and refer to the past and future in the present

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76 in anthropology, studies of time and its relationship to place are reserved for native societies, including those of the Amazon (see Descola 1996; Heckenberger 2005; Hill and Wright 1988; L vi Strauss 1992; Maybury Lewis 1967; Santos Granero 1998; Turner 1988; Viveiros de Castro 1998). But place for the ribeirin hos of the Iriri is also ( see Chapter s 5 and 6 ) Active engagement in the material world (e.g., the use of t ools and footpaths ; Gray 2003 ) may serve as a reference to other time periods, demonstrating that places gather spatially and temporally. As defined in Chapter 1, landscape is a network of related places, gathered (sensu Heidegger 1977: 330 ) from the refere nces that link them to one another (see also Casey [1996] and Ingold [1993, 2000]). Dwelling in the landscape and the referential function of the ma terial world as a person dwells give rise to a unique sense of time that Ingold (1993) connects with the exp eriential concept of temporality record of and testimony to the lives and works of past generations who have dwelt within it, and in so doing, have left there somethi 1993:152). Hirsch (1995) provides insight into the recursive aspect of dwelling through an analysis of the landscape and the processual relationship between foreground and background Foreground may be considered

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77 Hirsch (1995), the practices and experiences from which landscape emerges involve the recursive engagement by actors of these two aspe cts of social life: foreground and background, proximate and distant, real and imagined. It is in this way that landscape is process (see also Bender 2002). Morphy (1995) contributes additional insights to the recursive aspect of dwelling. In his study of the Australian Aboriginal Dreaming, Morphy recognizes that ancestral events and the changes aboriginal society end ured as a result of colonialism are encoded in the material environment of the landscape. In his case study, t hese events are experienced by the Yolngu Aboriginals in the present, who orient themselves by means of interpreting the surrounding landscape. Morphy (1995:186) states that as he [Narritjin] would be continually trying to place himself in the landscape, interpreting signs in the land that could link it with the mythological past, which to him remained very much part of its landscape all ows for the social reproduction of Aboriginal society (Morphy 1995:185 7). In this case, t Similar to Morphy (1995), S antos the Peruvian Amazon analyzes the ways in which memory, events, and rituals inscribed to its inhabitants Like the Yolngu landscape, the Yanesha landscape has undergone

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78 changes in a more recent history of territorial colonization and modern development. Thus, both ancestral and contemporary events are inscribed onto the landscape as acts of consecration and desecration (Santos Granero 1998:131). In b oth cases, the landscape transmits the story of the Yanesha and their territorial occupation of the landscape to present generations. T he ways in which these studies emphasize process and time among indigenous and aboriginal peoples is distinct from the dominant literatures of peasants. As I noted above, t he recursive component of time and place tends to be reserved for indigenous societies. By contrast, in cultural and political ecology history is linear and proc ess is relegated to the overarching themes of economy, policy, and history Peasants are often treated as part of the problem in the transformation of indigenous l andscapes. This echoes the work of Bender (2001 :76) the su ch as the displaced ribeirinhos, of pla ce However, subjective and objective understandings of place are not wholly incompatible. P art of recursivity is acknowledging and incorporating changes that come from outside and act ively change and shape local place. A ttention to recursivity and process lends depth and precision to local understandings of place and identity. Treating landscape as process (Bender 2002; Hirsch 1995; Morphy 1995) enhances traditional approaches by addin g the critical dimension of time to space, referred to as in place in the Western tradition, and holds value for this st udy of Amazonian peasants

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79 Hirsch (1995), Morphy (1995), and Santos Granero (1998) provide useful application of the concept of temporality to indigenous societies that I extend in the ensuing chapters to this case study of Amazonian peasants Attachment to place The work described above by Gray (2003:233) is exemplary of the ways practice, in this case shepherding, (i.e., an economic necessity) the shepherds acquire a sense of place that supersedes and subsumes it s economic potential. T place is prevalent among the ribeirinhos of the Iriri as I will show in succeeding chapters Appreciation of attachment to place begins with the recognition that the material and emotive aspects of livelihood practices (and therefore, of dwelling) are inseparable. According to Gray (2003:225) social resources that surround people enable them to dwell. M undane practices, including walking fro m one place to another (de Certeau 1984; see also Ingold 2000), tending to sheep (Gray 2003) or buying food in a Costa Rica market (Richardson 2003) are key to dwelling because t hey are simultaneously acts of remembrance (Morphy 1995; Santos Granero 1998) sources of identity (Gray 2003; Ingold 2000), and expressions of belonging (Bender 2002). As recursive practices with material and affective dimensions, they produce which is indicative of dwelling. Basso (1996:54 55 men and women become sharply aware of the complex attachments that link them to

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80 As Heidegg er (1977:326) indicates, building follows dwelling. The aforementioned work of Basso (1996), Gray (2003), Morphy (1995) and Santos Granero (1998) illustrate that discursive and non discursive knowledge and practices are indicative of building. Basso (1996: the hirsel as a site (place) created by the sheep and the practice of shepherding. The physical and natural attributes of the landscape, as described by Morphy (1995) and Santos Granero (1998), are also buildings. In other words, buildings are not only physical infrastructure of a dwelling; physical features of the landscape to which people become a ttached represent buildings in their ability to invoke a sense of place and belonging, to protect, and to provide for those who dwell therein. Attachment to place is variously defined and explored. The philosopher Gaston Bachelard (1969:xxxi) coined the term topophilia ( love of place human value of the sorts of space that may be grasped, that may be defended against adverse forces, the ) refers to the concept of place e companion of heart and mind, often subdued, yet potentially overwhelming, that is known as sense of place geographer Yi Fu Tuan (1976, 1977) also use d treatises on the subject o Tuan 1977:158). The concept was adopted and further developed by a variety of disciplines such as psychology, architecture, urban planning, geography, and gerontology ( Altman and Low

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81 1992) the scholars of which ( Tuan 1977:3). A comprehensive definition of attachment to place that I have selected is one formulated by environment al psychologist James Ponzetti ( 2003 ) who defines it as the based practices. Of partic ular relevance to this study is the way in which the concept has been analytically applied by natural resource managers in North American protected and recreational areas ( Davenport and Anderson 2005; Kruger and Jakes 2003; Vaske and Kobrin 2001; Williams et al. 1992 ; Williams and Vaske 2003). Specifically, this body of research examines the functional and symbolic attachments visitors have to wilderness and recreation areas including those senses of place evoked through past experiences in a particular la ndscape, and those that may not be attributed to observable features in the landscape This work emerged in response to increasing demand by United States government agencies which recognized that land use planning and management could be improved by unde based behaviors motivated by affective attachments t o place Kruger and Jakes (2003: 820) describe this emergent trend : e seeking ways to incorporate this [affective, experiential and material] knowledge of place into re source planning and management, and social scientists have called for tools and conceptual frameworks that allow managers to access, assess, inventory and monitor sociocultural meanings of places in order to incorporate socially relevant meanings into soci spiritual, symbolic, and historical, and are generally not included in quantitative

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82 economic, and knowledge based measures of success in natural resource and recreation areas. In these studies, the material and economic aspects of place, as well as the spiritual, symbolic, and historical meanings described above, were defined according to originated with environmenta l psychologists, who deduced that human environment interactions lead to a cognitive development model that includes memories, ideas, feelings, and attitudes (Proshansky et al. 1983). They define place identity as an emotional attachment that includes iden tity and belonging, and tends to develop over time In contrast, Williams and Vaske (2003:831) define place dependence as a functional attachment, whereby the place of interest provides particular characteristics that help the user attain goals or engage i n desired activities. In Chapter 4 I present the results of a factor analysis based on a questionnaire adapted from these studies, in which place identity and place dependence emerged as salient dimensions of the ke these studies, my analyses follow from attachments (e.g., place dependence) from affective attachments (e.g., place identity) to place. Taskscape I n this study, I also re as a refinement o technical and social act

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83 r practices (Ingold 2000:195). As Ingold (1993:162) states, the taskscape is to landscape as embodiment is to the body. The taskscape thus represents the dwelling perspective; specifically the the household economy through the extraction o f natural resources and engagement in the basic activities of everyday life (sensu de Certeau 1984). In Chapter 5 I operationalize the concept of taskscape and a pply it as a model in the study to identify and extractive activities enable them to dwell and form a sense of self and place in the Amazon Like the Yanesha (Santos Granero 1998) and the Yolngu (Morphy 1995), the ribeirinho landscape was created over time. Yet rather than consecrated by myths and rituals and desecrated by colonization ( e.g., in Santos 1998:131) their practices are rooted in economic activities that sustain the household. Unlike the literatures on place and dwelling among indig do not generally reference elaborate myths and rituals. In fact, t hey are mostly a result of policy interventions over the last century that were imposed upon them. Even so, these practices have led them to devel op a physical, material, and symbolic sense of place and a place based identity. Conclusion: phenomenological philosophy A dwelling perspective that includes a temporal component is one in which the practical activities in which people engage over time shape place through the recursive, gathering of memories, activities, and memories of past activities. The as

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84 well as economic resources, emerges from engagement and to which attachments are formed. Places and a place dwell. However, with few exceptions, these ideas have been developed by anthropologists among indige nous societies. I find that they also hold significance for the peasant society that constitutes my case study (see Chapter s 5 and 6) Yet as this theoretical overview also suggests, the analytical concept of has usually been measured among Western societies. between materiali st and symbolic aspects of place. However, as Ingold (1993:158, 2000:195) states, One of the greatest mistakes of recent anthropology what Reynolds has been to insist upon a separation between the domains of t echnical and social activity, a separation that has blinded us to the fact that one of the outstanding features of human technical practices lies in their embeddedness in the current of sociality. The ways in which attachment to place studies have been designed and analyzed represent a useful conceptual and methodological bridge between disparate ontological no know ing or sensing a place except by being in that place, and to be in a place is to be in a position to perceive it. Knowledge of place is not, then, subsequent to perception but is ingredient in perception itself. To live is to live locally, and to know is f irst of all to

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85 environmental resources studies (e.g., Williams et al. 1992) is promising for future, edge, dimensions of place r as well as the temporal, a re represented in the theoretical literatures developed in this chapter. Having identified the theoretical perspectives I have chosen to employ in this study, in the next section, I discuss their ontological and epistemological components, as well as the appropriate methods, that accompany this project. I also identify the challenges of developing a research project informed by phenomenology and practice theories alongside what I have identified as the strengths of cultural and political ecology. I then pr esent a comprehensive approach to methods to accomplish this task. This approach is necessary eclectic, diverse, and triangulated. Qualitative and quantitative data, brought to bear in subsequent chapters, support my thesis on the emergence of ribeirinho i dentity and place, with implications for regional planning and policymaking in the Terra do Meio and perhaps for peasants more generally. Methodology At the beginning of the chapter, I described how I intended to build on the strengths of cultural and pol itical ecology literatures that exist on Amazonian peasant phenomenology and practice theories. inspiration for such a task. T his task comes with unique challenges, however. Thes e two bodies of theory cultural and po litical ecology on the one hand and phenomenology and practice theories

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86 on the other belong to incommensu rate metatheories and paradigms and conform to different onto logies and epistemologies. While these two bodies of theory cannot be integrated, they may be uniquely applied to understand different aspects of my research problem. I begin this final part of the chapter by introducing three metatheories in the social s ciences: methodological holism, methodological individualism, and methodological relationism (Ritzer and Gindoff 1994), the last of which I rely upon in this project I also identify the ways in which these metatheoretical perspectives may guide the resear cher into particular inquiry paradigms and their corresponding ontologies, epistemologies, and methods. In particular, I discuss positivism as the dominant inquiry paradigm relied upon in science (writ large) that has been adopted by many social scientists and specifically cultural ecologists; and postpositivism, which I utilize because it builds from the strengths of positivism and addresses its critical shortcomings. The chapter concludes with a description of specific methods that I utilize in the disse rtation that fall within a postpositivist paradigm Metatheories The existing literatures on Amazonian peasants that I have highlighted in this chapter reflect a high order of theory in the sciences a metatheory, or theory of theories that derives knowle dge from the essential, present oriented qualities of the object of study. Ritzer and Gindoff (1994) distinguish three metatheories that have developed in sociology since its founding: methodological holism, methodological individualism, and methodological relationism (see Gillespie 2001 for a brief review of these metatheories within anthropology).

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87 Theories in which macro phenomena the whole of structures or institutions are regarded as constraining or enabling individuals belong to the category of metho dological holism (Ritzer and Gindoff 1994:12). In methodologic al holism, microphenomena exist but macrophenomena, such as infrastucture, economy, environment, or ecology, are regarded as the source of explanation. In the tradition of methodological holism individuals are granted little agency; rather, they are regarded structures (Gillespie 2001:73) in which they are embedded. In contrast to methodological holism methodologi cal individualism is a metatheory explanations of all social phenomena must be rendered in terms of individuals and their actio ) Methodological individualists, also at the expense of structures or other macro phenomena in the life of the agent. In other words, individualists attend to the subject, yet overlook the broader social context in which the subject is embedded. Metatheories are organized around existing theo ries. The theories of cultural ecology and political ecology, for example, belong to the metatheory of methodological holism because practitioners of these theories locate explanation in a priori systems or structures. According to this perspective (and in the context of modern policy that also tends to employ this approach) engineered, planned, settled, and organized according to the objectives o f the State ( Scott 1998). Phenomenological theory, by contrast, is often categorized as a methodological individualist theory because it highlights 2001 for a review of these

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88 phenome nological theories and a rebuttal to this perspective of phenomenology as individualist or subjectivist ) Methodological holism and methodological individualism reify the macro/micro dichotomy that I seek to overcome in this study of peasants and place. H olist and individualist approaches are equally reductionist, because they treat p henomena macro or micro as discrete and separate from one another. Holist and individualist approaches by themselves are insufficient for this study. As discussed in Chapter 1 and above, the ribeirinhos dwell in the interstices of political natural, and social boundaries that shift over time in response to micro and macro scalar processes. The limitations of existing theories of Amazonian peasants, particularly those that bel ong to cultural ecology, were not directly addressed until the 1990s with the work of Nugent (1993; see also 1997, 2004, 2009), w ho indicated that the category caboclo e.g., Moran 1974a ; Steward 1955; Wagley 1976) that is t (Rappaport 1968) or structures. Rather, Nugent (1993) and the work of more recent scholars argued that Amazonian peasant identities are likely multiple, fluid, and ambiguous, and the result of historical processes ( Adams et al. 2009 ; Harris 2009). Amazonian peasants arrived on the tail of a theoretical shift in anthropology during the 1980s and 1990s away from holist and individualist approaches. Beginning in the 1980s, anthropologists began to critically examine the science of anthropology. At that time, Ortner (1984) anticipated a move toward an inherently relationist approach that 84:127) over subject/object and individualist/holist approaches. Anthropologists such as Gell (1998),

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89 Munn (1986), Ortner (1984), and Strathern (1988) pioneered this approach in their own work, propelling anthropology into the 21 st century at a time when f actions and divisions between holist and individualist approaches threatened the discipline (see Ortner 1984 for an overview of anthropological theory, including these divisions, since the 1960s). This perspective is one that is applicable to my research, and may be referred to as methodological relationism (Ritzer and Gindoff 1994), 14 a metatheoretical perspective that accounts for the complex, shifting relationships and linkages between micro and macro scalar phenomenaor sometimes characterized as and s tructure and agency (e.g., Giddens 1984). Practice theories, especially those influenced by phenomenology, belong to this particular metatheory. Ritzer and Gindoff (1994:14) define methodological relationism as follows: Methodological relationism contends, first, that explanations of the social world must involve the relationships among individuals and society. Second, relationists do not deny the existence of either individuals or wholes. Third, individualistic and holistic concepts may be useful for gaining an understanding of social phenomena, but relational concepts must be employed if our goal is explanation. In the Iriri, methodological relationism enables me to understand the various ways in which the ribeirinhos identify themselves in relati on to the world in which they dwell. It so in relation to subjective experience. In other words, methodological relationism enables me to understand the emergence of r ibeirinho place and place based identity in relation to larger order processes, not distinct from them. 14 Methodological relationism is one of several characterizations that emerged to overcome the limitations of holist a nd individualist (i.e. subjectivist) accounts. Other names for this characterization include

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90 Inquiry Paradigms Differences between various theoretical approaches also emerge from their embedde d ontologies and epistemologies and corresponding methods. Individual theories may be classified according to unique inquiry paradigms that possess specific inquiry paradigms provides a useful overvi ew of the differences between ontologies, epistemologies, and methods. 15 Speaking of i nquiry paradigms, Guba (1990:18 ) distinguishes between ontological, epistemological, and methodological questions th at are useful to include here: Ontological: What is th Epistemological: What is the nature of the relationship between the knower (the inquirer) and the known (or knowable)? Methodological: How should the inquirer go about finding out knowledge? Western science is traditionally regarded as adhering to the inquiry paradigm of positivism 16 and its corresponding set of ontological, epistemological assumptions that have been raised, addressed, and replicated, generally using empirical methods, by resea rchers. Positivism is regarded as the traditional and dominant paradigm of scientific inquiry (Guba 1990; Bhaskar and Lawson 1998). Guba (1990:20) provides the following breakdown of the ontology, epistemology, and methods associated with the positivist pa radigm: 15 s a higher order of analysis. 16 Positivism is often used interchangeably with empiricism. It is the term most often used to represent empirical resea rch, particularly that which employs the scientific method, within the social sciences (Bernard 2002; H arris 2001:11).

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91 Ontology: Realist mechanisms. Knowledge of these entities, laws, and mechanisms is conventionally summarized in the form of time and context free generalizations. Some of these latter generalizations take the form of cause effect laws. Epistemology: Dualist/objectivist it is both possible and essential for the inquirer to adopt a distant, noninteractive posture. Values and other biasing and confounding factors are thereby automa tically excluded from influencing the outcomes. Methodology: Experimental/manipulative questions and/or hypotheses are stated in advance in propositional for and subjected to empirical tests (falsification) under carefully controlled conditions. For positi vis ts, ontology originates in the mind (cognition). 17 Epistemologically, research is conducted in a neutral, disengaged position with research subjects; doing otherwise would confound the study with biases. Positi vist methods are experimental, controlled, and generally test hypotheses or answer specific research questions. Data are subjected to rigorous tests of validity and reliability (Guba 1990:20). The cultural ecology of Rappaport ( 1967, 1968, 1990 ), for examp le, is renowned for positivist, methodological rigor; Rapp ap work included detailed and controlled measurements of energy input and output of his research subjects. As Helliwell (1996:129) states, the shortcomings of a positivist approach in social s cience derive from the ontological primacy granted to cognition and structure, which moment and may be directly observed and measured. For example, the political an d cultural categories, a clear reference to the realist ontology in positivism. Positivism is 17 Cartesian dualisms become apparent in these paradigms. In a similar vein, phenomenology is often associated with relativism.

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92 inherently less attentive to emergent phenomena 18 that are always in a st ate of becoming and therefore cannot be completely understood through their essential qualities. In other words, positivism inadequately addresses critical aspects of society that are not directly observable because they are in flux in relation to macro sc ale phenomena (e.g., policy) and micro scale phenomena (e.g., subjective, experiential, and sensory). Anthropology is an historical science (Aberle1987; Kroeber 1963); it but storical component to my analyse present oriented paradigm that deals with observable phenomena as they are right now. The theories I have elected belong to a postpositivist paradigm. Postpositivism emerged from positivism as an alternative to the shortcomings of positivism (Guba 1990; see also Bhaskar 2008 ; Collier 1998; Gosden 199 4 ). The ontological, epistemologi cal, and methodological premises of positivism and postpositivism, a s developed by Guba (1990:20 23 ), are below: Ontology: Critical realist reality exists but can never be fully apprehended. It is driven by natural laws that can be only incompletely understood. Epistemology: Modified objectivist objectivity remains a regulatory ideal, but it can only be approximated, with special emphasis placed on external guardians such as the critical tradition and the critical community. Methodology: Modified expe rimental/manipulative emphasize critical multiplism. Redress imbalances by doing inquiry in more natural settings, using more qualitative methods, depending more on grounded theory, and reintroducing discovery into the inquiry process. In contrast with pos itivists, postpositivists adopt a critical realist ontology, also acknowledged as a philosophical movement that began with the writings of Roy 18 Emergen t phenomena are discussed by Bhaskar (1993, 1998) in the context of Hegelian dialecticism.

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93 Bhaskar ( 2008 ) in response to the shortcomings of Cartesian realism (Collier 1998:688; see also Guba 1990). In contrast with the realist ontology in positivism, critical realism asserts that objective reality can never be completely understood (Bhaskar and Lawson 1998:ix; Guba 1990:20). Epistemologically, postpositivists embrace interaction with research subjects, regarding that interaction as an integral part of the inquiry process. Furthermore, they eschew the positivist ideal of context free reality, asserting instead that while reality exists, it can only be approximated through the research inquiry process (Gub a 1990:21). Methods and data sources are often multiple and value is placed on triangulation. Postpositivists thoughtfully encounter the topic of (im)balance as part of an eclectic research design, including the balance between rigor and relevance, precisi on and richness, elegance and applicability, and discovery and verification (Guba 1990:21 23). Methods In the traditions of postpositivis m and methodological relationism, I have elected a set of qualitative and quantitative techniques a range of practice s used to collect data which were designed and informed by phenomenology and practice theory. As a result, the data provide a range of results as a means of validating and c 1990:22) ribeirinho place, identity, and sense of place. The most structured and derived technique I employed was a factor analysis on an described in Chapter 4 and found in Appendix B The questionnaire, adapted from the aforementioned work by Williams et al. (1992), incorporated ribeirinho statements of place and identity collected during interviews and recorded narratives. Rather than test the ribeirinhos on statements of place in We stern

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94 studies of place attachment, I also tested them on their repeated statements of place, practice, and identity collected in interviews during my first field season. This took six months to achieve but I was pleased with the final result because it was informed by the specific theories and models presented in this chapter. Furthermore, the approach is one that I favored because it allows for inductive rather than deductive manipulation of qualitative and quantitative data (Benfer 19 72 ; Rummel 1970:3), g iving the researcher control over interpretation of the dimensions. My methodology is therefore well aligned with postpositivism. In addition, I utilized a thorough household questionnaire that was adapted from research conducted in extractive reserves in Acre, which contained structured and semi structured sections (see Appendix A) The purpose of this questionnaire was to gather data on household consumption, practices, and participation in broader policies and processes. The results from this questionna ire were analyzed using d escriptive statistical analyses and are primarily explored in Chapter 4 To understand ribeirinho conception of place, I traveled with the ribeirinhos to informal trips to places where they socialized, ran an errand, or conducted business (e.g., trading goods or gifting manioc flour or game meat to neighbors and relat ives). Often, the purposes of these informal trips were conflated. My intention was to ribeirinhos ( sensu Heidegger 1977; see also Gray 2003), constituting ribeirinho place.

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95 Representations of place took the form of emic 2002:430) maps that depict landscape as a network of related places (see Albert and Tourneau 2007 for an example). This method, sometimes referred to as Chapin and Threlkeld 2001), has become an effective political tool on behalf of indigenous people in recent years due to enhanced technology (Chapin and Threlkeld 2001; Heckenberger 2004, 2009; see also the digital cartography of the Instituto Socioambien tal in Brazil [ http://www.socioambiental.org/map/index.shtm ] and of the Instituto del Bin Comn in Peru [ http://www.ibcperu.org/mapas/ ]). Formal mapping was conducted using a handheld GPS unit 19 and participatory mapping and in situ interviews constituted informal mapping exercises. The result was a series of a GIS in which g eopolitical points of interest and deforestation were already inputted. Others were maps sketched in focus groups, during which participants were asked to sketch the land that pertains to their households, including rubber trails and Brazil nut groves. A f life of its own, with people coming and going for a period of a few weeks and making a contribution to what became a graphic, multilocal and multivocal illustration of place The maps I elected for this study are presented in Chapter s 4 and 5. Other participatory exercises included the creation of a timeline of events and seasonal calendars of activities. Finally, I conducted several hundred hours of participant observation and sem i structured interviews over the course of my fieldwork. Discourse forms an important part 19 The handheld device did not work well under forest cover, and I did not have an antenna to capture a signal in the forest. Points were therefore collected primarily along the river.

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96 of this study of place. As Giddens (1984) demonstrates, agents possess discursive and non discursive practical knowledge. In addition, Basso (1996) indicates that an thropologists are especially privy to notions of an ethnogeography or sense of place when it reaches the level of discursiveness; this is an anthropological adaptation d iscursive knowledge of place, I conducted interviews about life histories and the rubber boom; places of interest; knowledge of the social movement or the broader civil society groups that represent traditional peoples in Brazil; their relationship to the forest and the river; and, particularly at the beginning of my work, about identity: being a ribeirinho, an discursive data are presented throughout the dissertation and interm ingle the conjunction with observations of material interactions (i.e., practices) during the interview process. Conclusion This chapter has identified the strengths of the exi sting literatures on Amazonian peasants, provided a critique of their shortcomings for this particular study of place and highlighted notable exceptions in the literatures for this study of place Cultural ecologists have acknowledged the significance of caboclo societies; however, in cultural ecology work, space tends to be treated in terms of ecological systems, to which culture is the primary means of adaptation. With some exceptions political ecolo gy does not adequately em place peasants in the landsca pe because of the primacy given to macroscalar phenomena. Furthermore, p olitical ecology discourse has been appropriated by state and social moveme nts, blurring the lines between local agency,

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97 of development and conservati on form an integral part of this body of academic lit erature. As this literature review has shown, recent policies often appear in dialogue with the literatures, demonstrating the fluidity between th e academy and political agendas and the power of strategic academic and political alliances with local people to effect policy change. The extractive reserve model is one example of the ways strategic alliances accommodate both nature and culture through the enforcement of ident ities and the creation of land use categories that incorporate but restrict human use and occupation of nature. While effective, t he consequences of relying exclusively upon economic, environmental, or political arguments for a study of peasants and place are numerous. The strategic posturing of human environment agendas was made possible by the creation of environmentally friendly extractivist identities. These identities furthered a provocative, innovative, and timely agenda that sought to balance the cr itical, dual agendas of human rights and environmental conservation. The expectations generated at the outset for peasant liveliho od improvement and conservation compatible resource uses are however, oft en untenable over the long term. They reinforce the idea of peasants as passive subjects of particular historic and economic processes with a largely pejorative regional identity as caboclos not preclude meaningful engagement with the en vironment and the formation of a strong sense of place. Rather than assign identities to speak to broader social and political movements, in relation to broader forces illuminates local identities and practices that have much to

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98 offer to effective policy and natural resource management. To address these shortcomings in the literature and the repercussions of strategic posturing on Amazonian peasants, I have offered specific theories and models that pertain to a methodological relationist approach and a postpositivist research paradigm that, as Bender (2001) suggests, bring the existing cultural and political ecology literatures into closer rapport with phenomenology and practice theo ries. At the highest level of theoretical abstraction, methodological relationism and its corresponding ontologies and epistemologies enable me to use divergent theoretical perspectives in particular, phenomenological ly informed practice theories as a way to understand, holistically, different aspects of my research problem. My methods reflect this undertaking. A relationist approach provides relief from the reductionist economic and rational choice explanations for human behavior that are often applied to Amazonian peasants. It also provide s an alternative to symbolic, myth and ritual based explanations typically reserved for indigenous societies. In my research design, this approach helped overcome the subject/object and macro/micro dichotomies upheld in dominant scientific perspectives. P henomenologically informed practice theories illuminate the referential scalar phenomena that form a part of that relationship, and the sense of self and of plac e that emerge from it As the following chapters illustrate, place (i.e., the environment for the ribeirinhos is not only the natural and built surroundings of the forest, the homes, or the river; nor is it defined by policy. Rather, place is best under stood through ribeirinho practices as they dwell

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99 In the following chapter ( Chapter 3) I reexamine the wartime rubber boom period as an historical context from which my informants emerged. As I have demonstrated in this chapter, the dominant literatures on Amazonian peasants tend to preclude their experiences of movement and meaningful engagement with the materiality of place. I thus explore the wartime rubber boom period in Brazil through the lens of place, tracing cement in the northeast to the beginnings of emplacement in the Amazon. In doing so, I connect these migrants as agents of this history to the broader theore tical and political literatures reviewed in this chapter.

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100 CHAPTER 3 RUBBER SOLDIERS Introduction Chapter 2 described the literatures and periods in which Amazonian identities and land designations were created for the purpose of developing national and international agendas related to development and conservatio n. I suggested that c ultural ecology tends to relegate depriving them of agency and history, while political ecology tends to privilege macroeconomic and political processes over local practice s. As a result, Amazonian peasants such as those with whom I conducted this study, are treated as a product of Moran 1974 a 1981). I indicated that history is critica are a product of history because agents and structures are coimplicated in practices (Giddens 1984). Over time, these practices become secondhand, commonplace, and mundane (de Certeau 1984); they become embodied (Bourdie u 1977). In this chapter, I contribute these latter, phenomenologically informed perspectives on practices, structure, and agency to more carefully examine the historical context of the rubber boom from which my study population emerged. I approach this t ask through the lens of place, regarding their arrival in the Amazon as a journey from displacement to emplacement. During this period, two distinct social and geographic regions and place based identities were catapulted suddenly and intensely into intern ational visibility: the northeast of Brazil and the Amazon. In framing the narrative of this history, I aim to link the theory and policy centered (intellectual, top down) approach in the previous chapter ( Chapter 2) to a people centered (lived, contingen t, bottom up)

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101 approach in subsequent chapters, exemplifying the connection between global and local scales of analysis. Specifically, in this chapter, I highlight the journey from nordestino (northeasterner) or sertanejo (backlander; from the northeast) ro oted in the semi arid serto (backlands) to seringueiro (rubber tapper) or soldado da borracha (rubber soldier) placed in the humid tropics. This journey marks the beginning of an ideological and material shift in both identity and place. While the decisio n to make this journey was motivated by macroeconomic, political, and environmental factors ( e.g., Dean 1987; Schmink 1985; Weinstein 1983) scholars of place have long noted that human decisions concerning place are complex, and include symbolic, affective, and ideological factors (e.g., Bachelard 1969; Ingold 2000; Reynolds 1993; Stein and Lee 1995; Tu an 1976, 1977; Williams et al. 199 2 ; Williams and Vaske 2003). In Chapter 2, I suggested that distinguishing between material and symbolic aspects of place and practice overlooks the complex ways in which they are interrelated. In this chapter, I address t hese decisions to leave the northeast, and the beginnings of emplacement, including the development of a sense of place and identity, that transpired after they were establis hed history, I identify the contradictions and assumptions in the mainstream literature about the rubber boom, and provide agency (or micro history) to a history typi cally described through the lens of macroeconomic and political factors and environmental conditions. 1910) and wartime (1940 1945)

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102 rubber boom periods, including the social, economic, and ecological factors highlighted in the scholarly literature. These factors are credited as the leading explanations for how Brazil became the major supplier of natural rubber ( Hevea brasi liensis ) at two distinct moments in time. This section reviews economic and environmental factors that led Brazil to gain and then lose this position in the global economy. From Nordestino to Soldado northeast of the country prior to the rubber boom that brought about the dis placement from their places of origin, and that led to their geographic and ideological em placement in the Amazon. The scholarly lite ratures on bust attribute the successful recruitment to structural impetuses, including economic hardship and environmental conditions in the northeast of Brazil. They also identify economic opportunity in the Amazon, provided by the rising price of rubber in the international market, as a driving force for migration. While voluntary relocation, I found that these explanations overlook local experiences of displacement and emplacement, which I highlight in this section. I also identify the campaign These included effective gendered and cultural rhetoric and print media that equate d the practice of rubber tapping with national defense and as a rubber soldier a matter of patriotic duty. contributed to the early development of a sense of place in the Amazon. The wartime

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103 rubber period is one that is internationally recognized for its abusive and dangerous working conditions and debt peonage syst em (da Cunha 1967:23; Dean 1987:41). Indeed, the literature on rubber tappers describes a lifestyle that is akin to slavery. The former rubber tappers from my field site, however, speak very favorably of this period, and also of the rubber barons. I explor e this contradiction, linking it with the phenomenological literatures on building and dwelling (Heidegger 1977; Ingold 1993, 2000; and see Chapter 2). While economic, political, and environmental conditions and government strategies during the recruitment period initiated a sense of place among rubber tappers in the Amazon, I argue that over time, it was solidified by their practices, including rubber tapping. the effects of t he devalued price of rubber in the international market on the rubber soldiers in the forest. The rubber soldiers were abandoned by the structural forces and government programs responsible for their arrival. Ironically, these programs ensured the rubber t skills and practices that enabled continued survival in the forest. Among those who chose to remain, and their children and grandchildren, are today the ribeirinhos of the Iriri who were my informants for this project. This chapter tells the story of the rubber soldiers within a largely chronological organization. Throughout, I incorporate the voices and opinions of the rubber tappers from my field site and secondary sources from me dia, fiction, and scholarly literature in Brazil, to supplement the standard scholarly literatures of North America and Europe. By doing so, I intend to highlight the complex forms of early place making that occur in

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104 the midst of macro level constraints an d conditions. Three principal, cross cutting themes are addressed throughout the chapter: (1) displacement and nostalgia for place; (2) practices, including the often difficult and awkward adoption of new livelihood practices in a new place; and (3) the fo rmation of place based identity. These themes encompass their places of origin, and their subsequent adoption of a new place and place based identity through new livelihood pract ices. The Wartime Rubber Boom The arrival of rubber tappers in the Amazon from 1850 to the 1910s, and again during WWII, formed part of a transnational migration of several hundred thousand individuals, mostly young single men from the northeast of Brazil These individuals arrived primarily from the state of Cear, but others came from Maranho, Paraba, Pernambuco, Rio Grande do Norte, and Bahia (Benchimol 1999:135 6) ( Figure 3 1 ). Demand for rubber surged in the United States and Europe in the 19 th century during what is referred to as the classic rubber boom period (1890 1910). In 1839, Charles Goodyear perfected the vulcanization process (Weinstein 1983:8), which made rubber resistant to both heat and cold and useful in the manufacturing of a broa d range of products. Demand for rubber surged again in the 1890s during the bicycle craze (Weinstein 1983:143). Both the classic and WWII rubber boom periods were punctuated by catastrophic droughts and economic crises in the northeast of the country. Dro ught is considered a primary driver of northeastern out migration including to the Amazon during the classic and wartime rubber boom periods ( Benchimol 1999:136 ; Sietz et al. 2006:134; Weinstein 1983:84). During the classic period, approximately 300,000 n ortheasterners

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105 migrated to the Amazon (Benchimol 1999:136). 1 During the wartime period, the U.S. and Brazilian governments attempted to recruit an additional 100,000 northeasterners (Dean 1987:93). However, poor planning led that number to be reduced appro ximately by half (Villa 2000:164) before recruitment was underway, and deaths en route to the Amazon ultimately led to only 34,000 recruits arriving in the Amazon (Dean 1987:96; Martinello 2004:228) The recruits travelled principally by extremely difficul t navigation by river and road without any infrastructure, supplies, or places to dock. Lacking medical attention, many died during this journey. In 1910, the more successful and resilient rubber plantations in Brit ish colonial Malaya 2 Southeast Asian plantation rubber was not exposed to the Amazonian leaf blight (Dean 1987) and was more efficiently harvested because of high density monocultures with easy access, compared to low density, wild rubber populations with in highly diverse native forests in remote regions. A swift decline in wild rubber production in the Amazonian interior followed the emergence of plantation rubber, and by 1913 no new investment in wild rubber occurred in the Brazilian Amazon (Dean 1987). Rubber tapping nonetheless continued in Brazil between the decades of the 1920s and 1930s, although not at the same scale as before. This changed dramatically in the 1940s with the onset of World War II. In February of 1942, the Japanese occupation of Sou theast Asia effectively disconnected the Allies from 92 percent of natural rubber 1 There is lengthy dispute in the literature over the accurate number of recruits during the classic boom period. Estimates range from 300,000 to over 500,000. See the work of Santos (1980), Furtado (1982) and Benchimo l (1999) for more information. I rely on the figure of 300,000 used by the Brazilian sociologist Benchimol (199 9:136). 2 Present day Malaysia.

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106 production During WWII, rubber was a critically needed material used to supply military vehicles and wartime aircraft with tires, and it was the primary material used to mak e surgical gloves (Dean 1987). In the United States, insufficient rubber supply also posed a threat to the national economy as rubber was needed for tires for approximately 100,000 American automobiles and countless bicycles. o access the Asian rubber supply thus posed an economic and, for wartime efforts, logistical and operative crisis that required immediate redress. In response, the U.S. government immediately looked to tropical regions of Africa and Latin America fo r suppl ementary sources of latex. Brazil was regarded as the most attractive supplier because of its estimated 200 million wild rubber trees available for harvest and its existing trained rubber tapping population, which was presumed to continue to reside in rub ber producing regions (Dean 1987; Martinello 2004). On March 3, 1942, Brazil and the United S tates entered into an agreement for rubber production and export Under the se Washington Accords Brazil agreed to undertake a massive rubber producing operatio n exclusively for the United States during a period of five years, shipping the surplus only after they satisfied their own demand. In turn, the United States would provide materials and money for recruitment and infrastructure (Dean 1987). An internationa l organization called the Rubber Development Corporation (RDC), financed with capital from U.S. industries, was established as the primary benefactor of the Washington Accords (Martinello 2004). The RDC provided Brazil with the financing needed for infrast ructure, recruitment, transportation, and supplies needed to expand the trade (Dean 1987:93).

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107 Prior to recruitment, some investigation was conducted into the existing labor supply to determine whether there were sufficient existing laborers who possessed rubber tapping skills to assist in the wartime effort. This experienced population, estimated at 34,000 people (Martinello 2004:209), could have represented an asset during the wartime recruitment period because of their hi story as rubber tappers. Nonetheless, representatives from Brazil, Europe, and the U.S. were unenthusiastic about the existing rubber tappers as a labor source for the wartime boom (Garfield 2006; Nugent 1993) because they were symbolic of the previous fai lure of rubber which was inconsistent with the patriotic ideology of the wartime period. These former rubber tappers had undergone significant cultural transformation as they intermarried with the tapuio ; Schmink and Wood 1992:xxiv ) creating a unique caboclo identity. As discussed in Chapter 2, caboclos have been recognized in the Brazilian Amazon since the European use of African and indigenous slave labor after the conquest (Meggers 1950; Parker 1985 b ). The population experienced a surge in the post rubber boom periods as a result of the influx of northeasterners to the Amazon who remained in the forest after the collapse of the rubber economy (Benchimol 1999; Wagley 1976; We instein 1983). Without resources or support, those seringueiros who did not perish or attempt to return to northeastern Brazil remained abandoned in the forest after the classic period ended (Benchimol 1999; Garfield 2006; Weinstein 1980). The social dynam ics in the Amazon underwent a major shift because these caboclos gained autonomy from the rubber barons after the devaluation of rubber (Weinstein 1983). Although a few rubber barons continued to exert some power over various

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108 rubber tapping regions, their influence weakened in the face of a diversified extractive economy (Weinstein 1983). Seringueiro livelihood practices expanded from rubber tapping to include swidden agriculture, hunting, fishing, and the extraction of some forest products, including some rubber. Rather than recognize their abilities as capable forest dwellers and an asset for the wartime effort, Brazilian, European, and U.S. representatives from the government and rubber industry saw these transformed caboclos as a threat to the civilized campaign of the wartime recruitment and rubber production. This is evident from the following description by representatives of the British rubber industry (Woodroffe and Smith 1916:134 5) during the decline of rubber in the early twentieth century, which characterizes these former rubber tappers, who had become caboclos, as undependable laborers and backwoods, uncivilized people: [They] are also recruited from the flotsam of such places as Manaus and Par (Belm), where criminals, who are already practice d seringueiros, are wont to congregate at certain seasons in order to indulge in their natural ugent 1993:24). In 1940, President Getlio Vargas lauded the northeastern pioneers who had arrived in the Amazon during the classic boom period, but denigrated the caboclos they had become in the interim (Garfield 2006:282). Representatives from the U.S. consul in Belm, capital of the state of Par, had a similarly unfavorable, albeit less caustic, tapped rubber in the past and gave it up for farming, fishing, or just plain (Garfield 2006:283).

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109 As these accounts suggest, the caboclos were perceived as lazy because they national economy after the classic boom period It is more likely that their autonomy from the rubber barons and the emergence of their caboclo identity represented a threat to the viability of the wartime campaign. After all, these caboclos had already experienced coercion, low wages, and difficult working condit ions, and had persisted economic independence since the classic boom period. Regardless, the rubber tappers who had remained in the Amazon after the classic rubber bo om period were considered Washington Accords and generated by the wartime rubber crisis (Garfield 2006; Nugent 1993). To fill the urgent demand for laborers specified in th e Washington Accords, a Special Service to Mobilize Workers to the Amazon ( Servio Especial de Mobilizao d os Trabalhadores p a ra Amaznia SEMTA ) was approved by President Vargas on December 22, 1942. Based i n the city of Fortaleza in the state of Cear, recruiters from SEMTA filtered through the no rtheast of Brazil enlisting primarily young single men 3 to fill the labor demand needed in the Amazon (Garfield 2006). sponsored recruitment effo rt was swift and sophisticated, although there is some variation between the secondary sources (e.g., Benchimol 19 65 ; Martinello 2004; Oliveira 2004; Teixeira de Mello 1956) and my informants about the 3 Garfield (2006:284) reports that under SEMTA, 70% of the recruited men would be single, and 30% would be married but unaccompanied by their wives and children.

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110 recruitment process. Some of the ribeirinhos of the Irir i report that their recruitment was directly negotiated with rubber barons, and the process was less formal than the accounts in the secondary literature. A resident of the Iriri described his recruitment as follows: I met Anfrsio 4 by word of mouth. Peopl e were commenting that he had been going around, looking for people from the northeast to bring to the Iriri. I was in [a municipality] when he arrived to recruit. I was born there because my parents were recruited [du ring the classic boom period]. He aske him I come from northeasterners and I knew how to do what he was looking came. In an acclaimed documentary released in 20 04 by the Brazilian government called Borracha para a Vitria ( Oliveira 2004) former rubber soldiers describe how recruits would pick up young men from the street, giving them no chance street. Some sources describe disingenuous strategies used by the recruiters, including obligating them to choose between either working as a rubber tapper or enlisti ng in the military for combat against the Italians or Germans. One rubber soldier who currently ). This die in battle, not realizing that they were risking their lives going to the Amazon. In Cear, where recruitment was heaviest, northeasterners were sent to a tra ining camp in Fortaleza where they underwent weeks of extensive physical training and 4 Anfrsio Nunes, a famous rubber baron in the Terra do Meio r egion, and specifically the Iriri River, during the classic and wartime rubber boom. For more information, see Nunes (2003), Weinstein (1983:24), and below.

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111 medical examinations. The camp was designed to accustom the future rubber soldier to the demands of life in the forest, including the work schedule and physical labor. Re cruits were thus awakened before dawn and began rigorous physical activity for several hours, punctuated by a brief and light breakfast. In the medical exams, physique for ru bber tapping (Oliveira 2004). If physical exams were passed, the recruits were given vaccinations and a kit of supplies needed for the jungle, including a hammock, plate, knife, backpack, and the standard uniform: blue pants, white cotton shirt, straw hat, and rubber shoes. Keeping with the nationalist and patriotic focus, the rubber soldiers were trained to Your product will be useful all over the world n cadence became a routine public display during this period in the training centers of the northeast, such as Fortaleza, as well as the port cities to which the rubber soldiers were subsequently deployed, such as Manaus in the state of Amazonas and Belm in the state of Par (Martinello 2004; Olivei ra 2004 ). The rubber tappers were thus given a national basis for identity and pride as rubber soldiers, which stood in sharp contrast to the backlander identity ( sert anej o ) that they possessed in the northeaste rn serto. The documentary Borracha para a Vitria shows footage of northeasterners in SEMTA training camps in Fortaleza. Before departing in their uniforms with a pack of supplies on their backs, the rubber soldiers, standing at attention in orderly rows, listened to instructions from President Vargas and other political leaders broadcast from a megaphone mounted on a tall pole in the center of the camp. In this announcement, the newly selected rubber

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112 soldiers were saluted for their bravery, congratulated for their patriotism, and encouraged to reunite with their families when the war ended, just as the military soldiers would. Nervous yet full of anticipation, the rubber soldiers were transported to the Amazon for work. The rubber recruitment campaign was a massive undertaking and received international attention, including from the German military, which dispatched submarines from the Atlantic Ocean up the Amazon River to survey the transport of rubber soldiers on troopships to Amazonian headwaters (New Y ork Times 5/15/1991 ; Oliveira 2004 ). Upon arriving in the Amazon region, however, the recruitment plans seem to have fallen apart. Of the estimated 100,000 rubber soldiers recruited during this period, only 34,000 completed the four month journey to their intended places of work in the Amazon region. Many died en route to the Amazon while others escaped during the voyage (New York Times 5/15/1991). From Nordestino to Soldado Economic and environmental factors are the primary reasons cited in the literature for a facile recruitment process from the northeast to the Amazon. These explanations for relocation are important to consider given that this region has long been affected by severe drought and poverty. However, closer examination reveals that the decis ions to leave were not only econom ic and environmental; they were more complex (Garfield 2006; Oliveira 2004; Teixeira de Melo 1956). for the rush of nordestinos to the Amazon in the late 19th and early 20th centuries. factors.

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113 drought destroyed the ranching and agricultural livelihood bases of the nordestinos (Schmink and Wood 1992:44), leaving them with few economic options. Rubber was an political economic theory and do not generally emphasize local experience; however, they acknowledge the significance of local liv elihoods. Applying these literatures to the case of northeastern migration to the Amazon begs the question of what happens to the mutual constitution of people and place (Casey 1996) in the dwelling perspective (Ingold 2000) when existence becomes impossib were made impossible by drought. Without livelihood practices, their very lives were at risk. They abandoned place as the price of survival. In the documentary Borracha para a Vitria (Oliveira 2004), o ne recru it from Cear explained that in 1942, before his recruitment, he planted his entire field with cotton He worked arduously for months but lost most of the crop due to drought. At the end of the season he harvested a meager six kilograms of the product rep resenting a complete economic loss. At that moment he proclaimed, in his northeastern town, offering him the op portunity to travel to the Amazon to make money ( Oliveira 2004). Indeed, Benchimol ( 1965, 1999) repeatedly refers to the northeasterners as a my translation), the migration of Brazilian northe migration by starvation ; they were simply brought to the Amazon by a strong appetite for rubber, greed, fortune and adventure, or all of the above. Benchimol (1999:137; my translation)

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114 refers to the northeastern migrant populat explanation clearly references the economic motivation for migration, the navet of the northeasterner chasing after riches, and an Amazon that is somehow otherwise devoid B northeasterners to a space lacking a dequate Brazilian presence, a sentiment that was also embraced in the post WWII period of development in the country ( and see Chapter 2). As these passages suggest, drought has become the default explanation to e their places of origin for the Amazon. Without any further understanding of the lives the northeasterners led before the recruitment or their experiences of displacement and relocation, the reader is left with the impression that the northeasterners were responding according to rational choice theory, greed, and navet. They appear to be motivated by the logic of escaping the environmental and economic constraints of the northeast for the opportunities in the Amazon, without regard to sense of place or i dentity that might be lost. These explanations, which consider the person as analytically isolable from the environment, can be supplemented by an experiential perspective and an analysis that situates the zil more generally. This involves attention to the displacement of the rubber soldiers from their northeastern places of origin and the complex processes of their emplacement in the Amazon.

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115 The recruitment campaign employed strategies informed by economic and political rationale (de Certeau 1984:xix ; see also Chapter 2 ) Following the Washington Accords, the nordestinos were offered employment in the Amazon with paid relocation medical care, uniforms, and supplies an irresistible opportunity, particularly for young men who had yet to start a family and were told they would be returned to their homes after their period of service. The wartime employment was described as temporary and lucrative and the recruits were guaranteed that their needs would be tende d to. The recruitment campaign was built on northeastern cultural and gendered rhetoric and symbolism, instilling in the recruits a sense of responsibility to the family and patriotic duty to the country. Deliberate parallels between military soldiers and rubber soldiers support of the Allies during World War II. The Brazilian government claimed to be s in even the most remote parts of the serto Recruitment propaganda in the form of print media, radio, and film were widely distributed throughout the northeast, with particular effort aimed at the rural poor. One example is the print media designed by t he Swiss artist Jean recruitment posters and flyers captured idealized images of the nordestino and linked them with military slogans, doing so in the style of other socialist advertisem ents of the war period (Figure 3 2). According to Garfield (2006:287), the propaganda employed breadwinner and protector, the intrepid frontiersman whose independence ensu red financial success and social prestige, and the worker whose newfound wartime

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116 resonates with what the ribeirinhos described as their qualifications during the recruitmen t period. When I asked the eldest retired rubber tapp ers about the label of defending the nation and their famili es by fighting with Indians, and an exceptional ability to naviga te the perilous forest However, fewer sources may be found that explore the northeastern experience and sense of place during this period. One account, written shortly after the wartime rubber boom period, captures the ways in which the nordestino s may h ave experienced place through livelihood practices, beginning in early childhood: Before emigrating to the Amazon, the northeasterner practiced agriculture or ranching. Since he was a boy he is accustomed to accompanying his parents to the fields to first sounds as a baby are confused with the moan of the cattle, the cry of the sheep, and the whinny of the colts (Teixeira de Mello 1956:23). As this quotation indicates, the materiality of the northe astern landscape is not separated from the person. Place is practiced through agriculture and the relation of people to their farmland and livestock. The rubber campaign strategically harnessed nordestino identity and masculinity embedded in the place of t he serto, combined it with patriotism and national security, and characterized their p eriod of service as with ensured return to their families northeast. This combination proved to be extremely effective in the wartime rubber campaign. In the next section, I shift from general history to a specific focus on the particular ways in which the rubber tappers in the Terra do Meio region negotiated the transition from nordestino in the serto to soldado da borracha in the Amazon. I show that the tra nsition to a new material context involves negotiating feelings of nostalgia for a way

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117 of life left behind and adopting livelihood practices distinct from those used in their northeastern places of origin. Fundamentally, I describe the beginnings of emplac ement in the Amazon experienced by the rubber tappers. The Practice of Rubber Tapping and the Making of Place in the Amazon A terrible battle it was, for which there is no comparison in the history of our nation nor perhaps in other nations, for unarmed s oldiers were forced to confront invisible enemies that attacked them everywhere, rendering them useless, and mortally wounding them in many cases (Teixeira de Mello 1956:90). I n his overview of the rubber boom, Dean (1987:41) describes the living condition s of the rubber tapper as Euclides da Cunha, an esteemed Brazilian journalist who covered the rubber boom period, the rubber tappers were subjected to slave like conditions that amounted to o da Cunha 1967:23 ). Yet recruitment campaigns continued to flourish and there was never a shortage of voluntary enlisting among the northeasterners, even when new recruits were sought to rep lace those who had perished or quit the trade and left the Amazon (Dean 1987: 40). This final point concerning the ongoing replacement of rubber recruits despite known problems, remains largely unaddressed in the literature. Why did rubber tapping remain a practice for which the northeasterners arrived in droves, even as the working conditions were abhorred? Moreover, if rubber tapping were truly as difficult and the business as criminal as depicted in the literature, why do many of the ribeirinhos today l ong for this period with saudade (nostalgia) and wish it were still a viable practice? In this section, I address these questions through an analysis of the relationship between the rubber tappers and rubber barons and an examination of the daily practices that, over time, constituted a way of life for the rubber tappers, resulting in their emplacement

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118 in the Amazon. I incorporate the voices of elders of the Iriri River, who are former rubber soldiers, to explore these contradictions between nostalgia for, and displacement from, the northeast, and the adoption of a new place and place based identity through rubber tapping in the Amazon. The discrepancy between the reports of working conditions and the personal experiences recounted by former rubber soldiers constitute an historical paradox. During the classic and wartime boom periods in the region now known as the Terra do Meio, the rubber business flourished with or without proper administration and management by the rubber barons. A saying existed among the barons of the region, administered seringal; the second best, a poorly managed seringal; the third, a seringal with no management a great deal of purchasing power as brokers between the regional rubber companies and the rubber tappers. Indeed, it was primarily the barons who controlled the price and flow of market goods and necessities inflated prices (Weinstein 1983) The baron meticulously recorded all transactions for each rubber tapper These necessary exchanges were performed at small wood or bamboo and thatch kiosks ( ) i n a central location between the rubber estates The prices of the market goods for which the rubber was exchanged were elevated by the baron and th e purchasing power of the finished rubber product was extremely low compared with the price it obtained in the city Thus, t he rubber tapper rarely made a profit or accumulated sufficient credit to relieve him of his debt A comparison of the network of exchange, from rubber tapper to

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119 export, is analyzed in the context of the classic boom period by Weinstein (1983) and the wartime period by Dean (1987). Although the RDC attempted to streamline the exchange process during the wartime period, this proved impossible because of bottlenecks created at the regional level in the urba n storage and trading centers in Belm and Manaus. 5 Furthermore, rubber tapping was dangerous. tapping rubber One Brazilian account explains that is a worker buried along every k ilometer of every rubber trail in the Amazon, his grave 4 ; my translation). During the classic boom period, Dean (1987:40) reports that m ortality rates were extremely high and death was the principal caus e of labor shortages. Infectious diseases were rampant and claimed the lives of many rubber tappers. The same appears to be true with the wartime rubber boom. With statistics obtained from local hospitals in Manaus and Belm in 1946, Teixeira de Melo (1956 :103 4) found that of 2,160 rubber soldiers who worked near urban centers and managed to get to hospital, 80% were in the advanced stages of malaria. Anemia was also widely detected, as were parasites (Teixeira de Melo 1956:103 105). 5 The RDC initially sought to circumvent the existing exchange network by buying rubber at higher p rices, closer to the source (Dean 1987:94). This existing network of exchange was one that was bottlenecked in the Amazon at the trading house, where the middleman who sold to the exporter would hoard rubber at times of low prices in the expectation of pri ce increases (Dean 1987:94). The RDC thought they could bypass the exchange network by paying rubber tappers more money, but this strategy failed because they did not realize that the rubber barons were not just buying the rubber from the tappers, but exch anging rubber for supplies. As a result, the rubber barons increased the price of supplies for the rubber tappers. The RDC did not have sufficient boats and personnel to fulfill their proposed role as suppliers, and eventually withdrew in that capacity (De an 1987:94). The system of exchange reverted back to what it was during the classic boom period and these regional bottlenecks and inefficiencies persisted

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120 Furthermore, as I des cribe below, the work was also physically demanding and dangerous in other ways. Rubber tappers covered great distances with weight on their backs. They ate very little during the day and were malnourished. My informants also spoke of people who died from venomous snake bites, jaguar attacks, and surprise ambushes from neighboring Kayap Indians who fought the rubber tappers in defense of their territory, upon which the rubber tappers were encroaching. Nonetheless, a desirable aspect of being a rubber tapp er was the autonomous and independent working conditions. A monopoly was held by the barons over the relations of exchange but not of production (Weinstein 1983:21). Despite the shared regimen over several m onths of training and transport, once the rubber tapp ers arrived in the forest they were largely autonomous. Work was done independently over large distances in dense forest with no means of communication. The primary point of interaction between baron and tapper was at the moment of exchange, but not du ring the work day. Furthermore, rubber tapping was a seasonal activity practiced during half of the year (Dean 1987); during the other months, the rubber tappers felled Brazil nuts, fished, and engaged in subsistence agriculture (see Chapter 5). In spite o f the debt peonage system, it is clear that the rubber tappers enjoyed some autonomy. During my interview with former rubber tapper Edilson an elder of the Iriri River, the contradiction between the positive and negative aspects of the rubber boom was exp ressed as follows: Things [the barons bought it from us] for

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121 Thus, as the secondary sources suggest, tapping rubber was difficult, dangerous, particular system of debt peonage practiced during the rubber booms. By contrast, however, the rubber tappers remember the period fondly as one in which tapping rubber that is not represented in the secondary literatures. As I stated at the beginning of this section, these discrepancies indicate a paradox in Brazilian Amazonian history. In deed, in spite of the dangerous and difficult working conditions and debt peonage system the ribeirinhos with whom I spoke unanimously agree that their quality of life duri ng this period was the best that they remember in history. Nailson said, done. If we had it again -if [the price] would go up again To understand th is nostalgic attitude requires understanding the earliest practices of the rubber recruits and social relations in the Amazon region, and the ways these contributed to early place attachment. May or June th rough December, when the rains we re less likely to interfere with the collection of rubber 6 The rubber trees naturally grow dispersed throughout the forest, with an average of only two to three tappable trees found in any hectare (Dean 1987:10) R ubber trails were cut connecting these trees, which was an arduous task. The ribeirinhos describe how they each cleared two to three rubber estradas English) per household, which contained anywhere from 100 to 2 50 trees each. The 6 Some former rubber tappers of the Iriri River explained to me that they tapped from May to Sept ember

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122 trails w ere ovular rings that generally began from a main trail on which a smokehouse ( defumador ) was constructed out of wooden beams and a thatch roof to enable the rubber tapper to smoke the collected latex into its finished product a t the end of the workday Figure 3 3 is period found in Weinstein (1983:17), which is very similar to the layout of trails during the wartime period. A typical day for a rubber tapper invol ved waking up well before sunrise and working until the afternoon. The rubber tapper gather ed his headlamp, machete, tin cups ( tijelas ) for collection of the latex, and a special knife for making incisions in the tree. C offee was prepared in advance by his wife and taken by him to the trails ; sometimes a bit of farinha or meat would be packed as well as the trails were sometimes found at some distance from the home and the work was constant until completion, usually leaving the rubber tapper no time to ret urn to the home to eat The rubber tapper worked in three stages throughout the day. The first stage involved walking one trails and making incisions in the trees along that trail. This stage occurred in the early morning when the temperatures are coole flow was heaviest (Dean 1987: 37 ; Wagley 1976: 85). The incisions made in the tree depended upon the technique employed. The most frequently reported technique is called bandeira (flag), whereby incisions are made along the trunk at a downward (diagonal) angle. The first cut was made high on the trunk, with subsequent cuts below and parallel to the one before it 7 The tin cup was placed at the base of the cut and inserted into the bark approximately two inches deep, where it remained f or several 7

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123 hours to collect the leite along the trail in this fashion for approximately three hours until finishing his round. During the second stage, the rubber tapper returned to the tre es to collect the full tin cups. He emptied the latex into a container and brought it to a holding area for processing The third stage, processing the latex, involved different techniques that changed over time. In the Terra do Meio region, the ribeirinho s distinguish three rubber processing techniques, each with a slightly different end product, which were employed according to international demands. In chronological order, they are (1) s ernamb a collection of rubber by products; (2) defumado (smoked); and (3) prens ada (pressed). Sernamb is a lower quality product of coagulated rubber strained and washed in water, and then pounded into the desired shape. Defumado is the most cited technique in the literature and was practiced extensively by the ribeirinhos. During this process the liquid latex i s converted i nto its desired end product, rubber, by smoking it slowly over a fire in a closed thatch structure called a defumador (smokehouse). During the wartime period, a wooden paddle was used, over which small quantities of latex were poured. The paddle was continuously rotated by the rubber tapper over the fire. As the rubber coagulated, more l atex was poured upon the paddle and t he process continued like this until the final product an approximately 50 kilogram ball of rubber was achieved. The final technique, p rensada was the last utilized in the region 8 In this process, the latex is collected and brought back to the processing area. Once it is strained and rid of brush, twigs, and dirt from the collection process, it is combined with either a chemical coagulant (acetic acid), or a traditional coagulant ( the latex from a strangler fig 8 The prensada technique is being tested in a pilot prog ram by ISA and partners in the neighboring Anfrsio R iver, with expansion expected in 2010 in the Iriri

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124 tree called gameleira ). The thickened liquid is then poured into rectangular containers separated from the coagulating latex. The coagu lated latex is then left to harden into tablets weighing up to 50 kilograms ( Figure 3 4). Regardless of the technique used, the final product, rubber, was stored f or collection by the baron in exchange for household goods or credit. After recruitment and upon arrival in the backwater regions where they would work, the new recruits, called brabos were taught by the mansos how to subsist and tap rubber in the fores the forest and river make it difficult now to im agine them as awkward initiates; however, as recruits, the nordestinos possessed little or no knowledge about the Amazon and had no contacts beyond the recruiters and each other. They required instruction in basic subsistence skills and survival in the region, including how to tap a rubber tree, paddle a canoe, hunt with a Winchester gun, and fish (Nunes 1993). They were trained not only as rubber tap pers, but also in other basic practices and skills appropriate for survival in the Amazon region. The following passage captures a comical element of their early days in the region: With water up to their waists, and even with help, getting [the recruits] into their canoes was a huge feat. No less than 10 failed attempts occurred before they were able to finally sit in the canoe, all the while grasping the It was an initiation, a recruits paddled in circles, completely out of control and threatening to get swept into the current of the river, causing [the brabo to enter into a panic]. Finally, by the second or third day, all of this passed and he was able to paddle, stand up in the canoe to navigate and throw a net, and tip and

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1 25 upright the canoe in the middle of the river without assistance from anyone and witho ut losing his supplies (Nunes 1993:196; my translation). As part of the recruitment and training program, the rubber tappers were initially trained in basic skills of navigating the river. Excellent navigation skills were required to survive in the region, and many rubber tappers had to cross the river daily to reach different rubber trails. In other words, as a result of government sponsored programs and the strategies they entailed (sensu de Certeau 1984), such as the gendered and cultural rhetoric and pr int media employed during the recruitment campaign, the rubber tappers learned not only to tap rubber, but also to live as riverine people. T and activities connecting them (Hei degger 1977; and see Chapter 2) in the Amazon. The practice of rubber tapping was clearly a central part of building, but other livelihood activities and the mundane practices that made it possible were also important, such as canoeing on the river and cutting trails to facilitate access to the rub ber trees (see Chapter 5). I n spite of their awkward beginnings navigating the Amazon, the rubber tappers who arrived in the vicinity of the Irir i River quickly learned the trade of rubber tapping Brazil nut collection, and fishing to supplement the household income and diet Furthermore, for the rubber tappers the landscape began to become embodied. The kinesthetic skills, such as how to sit in and paddle a canoe, are part of a learned body hexis (following Bourdieu 1977) in which postures, gestures, and movements of the body with and through the material world are patterned and reflect broader social meanings and values (Bourdieu 1977:87). In th is case, they reflect an emergent way of

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126 Adjusting to life in the Amazon was difficult on a variety of levels. Mundane practices that are now embodie d among the ribeirinhos in entirely non discursive and unselfconscious ways were extremely difficult for the nordestinos upon arrival. Emplacement in the Amazon was a corporeal experience; navigating the materiality of the Amazon without the body hexis of an Amazonian person was disorienting. When one woman accompanied her family to the Amazon so that her father could tap rubber, she reported that her senses were overwhelmed with the abundance of noise coming from insects and animals that could not be seen in the dense forest. She exclaimed in ( Oliveira 2004 ). Another rubber soldier explained how in the northeast, one can stand anywhere and see open, clear blue sky along the horizon, whereas in the Amazon it is rare to see any sunlight hit the forest floor due to the dense canopy (Oliveira 2004). My informants shared that it was not uncommon to use headlamps while tapping rubber at which the sunlight finally filters down to the forest floor to grant sufficient visibility for cutting the intricate lines necessary to extract the latex. During my fieldwork, the elderly ribeirinhos and their children consistently commented on the pr esence of water in the forest in contrast to the arid northeast, and how they had to adjust to living with the presence of water all around them. In contrast to the droughts of the northeast, the Amazon rain forest was literally wet because of humidity, co ndensation, rains, and the fluvial landscape. Water also affected their movement and dictated their practices. Most of their livelihood practices, including tapping rubber, were seasonal; they were (and continue to be) performed in accordance

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127 9 Furthermore, their movement through the landscape was (and continues to be) heavily dependent upon the river as the major via of transportation, communicat ion, and exchange (see Chapter s 4 6 ). With some exceptions, rubber tapping was a n activity dominated by men. The men of the Iriri explained that their earliest memories are of tapping rubber with their fathers or another male family member. Adult men trained their sons or other male dependents from a very young age. While this was reg arded as an economic handicap, since the young children were slower, clumsier, and lacked sufficient knowledge of the forest and the trade, the payoff occurred over the long run when the children became skilled laborers. Many explained that they began to a ccompany their fathers into the forest at the age of five or six to tap rubber. One resident stated, rubber as a small boy, when I was only this big approximately three feet high with his hand By the time the boys were eight, they were contributing substantially Women generally did not report that they tapped rubber. A few women reported that as young girls, their fathers taught them to tap rub ber alongside their brothers. As they grew older, however, they stayed closer to home with their mothers. One woman to follow him into the forest at dawn. He did not know I was following him, and by the time we got out there, he had no 9

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128 reported that they accompanied their husbands on occas ion into the forest, but after having children they generally remained at home. However, women did not identify any less than men with the significance of the referen Liliane sustained with the milk [from the rubber tree], which he sold to buy what we needed [to Ed ma father often opted to train the eldest to tap rubber and collect other forest products to support the family. Rosalinda is an example of this. Our situation was more difficult than others. My dad only had daughters five of them. Generally, girls stayed home with their mothers [while their fathers tapped rubber in the forest], but in my house the eldes t daughters we were nice girls, respected, well mannered and [sought after for marriage] even though [we Rosalinda hunted, harvested Brazil nut, and tapped rubber from the age of 13 to 38. S he ceased working in these physically demanding and dangerous extractive activities because of an injury. When I inquired about female heads of household during the rubber boom, people said that they were rare but existed. Concrete examples were difficult to find, but people generally mentioned that they remember a widowed woman or a single mother who sustained the household through rubber and other laborious activities for periods of time before remarrying. Eventually I met one woman who tapped rubber for years with her father and later with her sister; however, these women

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129 lived outside of the reserve and so I did not have the opportunity to formally interview them. Rubber tapping constituted the primary activity employed by the rubber tappers during the wartime period. Subsistence agriculture and the harvesting of Brazil nuts in the off with the rubber baron. Benchimol (1999:138) lists rice, beans, maize, and sugar cane as valua However, my informants reported that they maintained very little in the way of practices along the Iriri and Anfrsio rivers, Nunes (1993:192; my translation) writes, to rubber tap ping and Brazil nut harvesting not wasted on lesser duties [such as agriculture]. [Those commodities were shipped in]. Apart from game meat and fish, what rubber tappers most accurately reflects what my informants shared with me. Most of the ribeirinhos report having individually worked for most of the rubber barons rivers. of the Iriri, Novo, Anfrsio, and Curu rivers were Anfrsio Nunes after whom the Anf rsio River and extractive reserve are named, and an Nunes son of Anfrsio and Amlia, a Xipaia Indian from the region whom Anfrsio married. Originally from Cear, Anfrsio arrived in the region during the classic boom period as a coo k, became a rubber tapper, and eventually bought out his debts to his baron and became a baron himself (Weinstein 1983:24). He was able to do

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130 so by avoiding accepting goods on credit, growing his own food, and buying his supplies directly from Altamira. He evidently became so successful that he reportedly brought 200 families from the northeast to the Amazon to tap rubber. 10 Anfrsio and Frizan have th e greatest legacy in the region but were not the only barons working there. Other frequently named barons ar e Ant nio Meirelles, Calixto Porto, and Seu Lauro; and Sebastin Milico and Loreno de Oliveira, brothers who reportedly transported 3,000 tons of latex per year during the war. When compared to estimates of the production and export of Brazilian rubber du ring the wartime boom (Martinello 2004:150 152), this figure represents anywhere from 10 to 13 percent of the rubber produced in Brazil and 13 to 30 percent of the total amount of Brazilian rubber exported, depending upon the year. Rather than remembered as abusive, the barons are described affectionately by all of the ribeirinhos with whom I spoke tappers. According to Weinstein the [ barons ] generally made a point of developing personal and somewhat pa ternalistic relations h ips with their clients which helped ensure a greater degree of loyalty, as well as a certain amount of fear In the Iriri, t he barons provided the rubber tappers with supplies, such as domestic goods and construction materials for th eir homes, equipment for doing their trade, and food. Yet their relationship did not only consist of debt for labor swap. They provided other key services such as protection, health care, transportation, and communicat ion with other rubber tappers and the city. Ingold (1993) and Reynolds (1993) indicate that the social and technical domains of dwelling cannot be separated. Social relationships, including 10 Most of my informants of the Iriri River report being from the wartime period, but several made referenced the classic period as the time when their family first arrived in the region.

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131 those between and among rubber tappers and barons, and between those who tap rubber and those who remain at home, are part of the practice of rubber tapping and the development of a sense of place. Even the individuals who remained in the home while the rubber tapper worked the trails played integral roles in the family business by protecting the rubber pro duct, keeping the home safe from Indian attacks, and maintaining the household. These individuals were generally women, children, and elders. Almost all of the ribeirinhos who tapped rubber or whose parents worked in rubber collection report being robbed o n at least one occasion by Indians 11 somet imes through force or violence during which friends or family died or were seriously injured. These raids were likely conducted to ds; however, they were also opportunistic attacks upon homes to obtain food and supplies. each other for security reasons to help protect against the attacks. T he barons also provided protection for their laborers by maintaining a watchful eye on the river and providing valuable communication up and down the river to wa rn others of recent incidents. Additional support could come in the form of a barraqueiro a senio r citizen who no longer worked in the strenuous trade of tapping rubber and harvesting Brazi l nuts In exchange for food and shelter, this individual would help in the domestic sphere while also providing additional protection in the home for the wife and children while t he rubber tapper worked in distant rubber groves. 11 The ribeirinhos cited the Kayap Indians as the responsible group for such raids.

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132 While all respondents reported positive sentiments about the rubber barons, some were keenly aware that less fortunate rubber tappers had a more challenging relationship with the barons. The se rubber tappers were less productive due to health, age, family size, or a wavering commitment to the trade. Giovana who was born and raised along the Anfrsio River but who currently resides along the Iriri River, if the rubber tapper had products to sell. If he this situation. It was unusual for a her father to care for this informant and her three sisters. The household was therefore supported by an elderly, single male parent who had no other men in the household who could help with the most lucrative and physically demanding tasks of harvesting rubber and Brazil nuts. By contrast, t he most industri ous and entrepreneurial rubber tappers in the region had an advantageous arran gement compared with their less productive neighbors In these instances the rubber tapper usually had his own place of residence around which and rubber trails placed him and his family in a position that was not as subservient to the tappers enjoyed more autonomy. In these instances, the barons would come to their seringal to collect the r ubber in exchange for market goods. The self proclaimed eldest resident of the Iriri Extractive Reserve explained this arrangement as follows: I always worked for these men always from my home. They came to my Csar What kind of price are you giving me

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133 I am working my field, in the forest [then they Csar products [rubb er, B razil nuts] and take them down to the boat [in exchange for the market goods]. That is how my life was. If I am not there, my wife is there in my place. That is how it works. And regardless of which baron was there, [you can bet] that he was a good pe rson. This same individual described a situation in which his son, who was critically wounded while tapping rubber, was transported by plane to Altamira and then Belm, the capital city of the state, for treatment. All costs and logistics were a ssumed by t he rubber baron. Csar by Giovana about her father which shows that (1) while the general sentiment among the ribeirinhos who remember the rubber boom is positive, there are some exceptions; and (2) the soci al status of particular rubber tappers varied, with several tappers acknowledged as particularly entrepreneurial, motivated, and productive, while others were less so because of personal circumstances. Despite the recruitment campaign, ma ny of the same problems that plagued the classic boom period affected the wartime period. By the end of 1942 and beginning of M ais borracha para a vitria (more rubber for victory), which became a major campaign slogan. As part of National Rubber Month, the Brazilian government created financial incentives for rubber tappers who collected the m ost rubber possible (Martinello 2004:147). At the opening of the campaign, he delivered a speech that employed military rhetoric to foster a sense of pride and urgency among the rubber recruits who were tasked with uncovering all rubber sources available. He urged,

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134 Brazilians, the armed Alliances need more rubber. Extract all the rubber you can, in accordance with the plans that we have developed and are being implemented by all of the Brazilian municipalities, with the sincere collaboration of the prefect s. [I am certain] that this campaign will be victorious, and will provide us with more rubber for victory ( mais borracha para a Vitria ) (Martinello 2004:146; my translation). successful in recruitment, it was unsuccessful in economic and operative terms, leading fail report on Brazilian rubber to the rubber director, the umbrella organization for the RDC lack of experienced administration and disorganization in 22 years of Latin American Brazilian rubber during this period were, in many respects, the same that were responsible for the classic period bust. They may be understood as a combination of socio political, economic, and ecological factors that are interrelated. Prior to signing the Washington Accords, the expectation was that 100,000 tons of Brazilian rubber would be e xtracted and produced by 100,000 recruited tappers each year, a calculation that was considered conservative based on the estimated 667,000 potential tons/year available from the estimated 200 million trees throughout the Brazilian Amazon (Dean 1987:93). H owever, as mentioned in the prior section, the annual output was much smaller and the number of northeastern recruits rose to only an estimated 33,000 individuals. Furthermore, the short term demand and crisis overextended the abilities of Brazilian government agencies to successfully design and execute the rubber program and to address difficulties that arose along the way. Finally,

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135 as mentioned in the first section of this chapter, the Amazon is a challenging environment to have a successful, basin wide operation because of its remoteness, the distance between wild trees, and the distance to transport the product to ocean ports for export (Dean 1987; W einstein 1983). These challenges were exacerbated by the overwrought government agencies pressed for time and resources, which hastily implemented inferior and convoluted transportation routes through remote regions. Although efforts were taken to improve efficiency by cultivating plantation rubber (Dean 1987; Grandin 2 0 0 9 ), these trees were susceptible to the same leaf blight that overtook commercial operations established during and after the classic boom. The most profitable period for tapping rubber an d the legacy of the rubber boom, including the way of life that continues to be described by the ribeirinhos, ended shortly after the war. Unable to make a sufficient profit for transportation costs, the rubber barons left the region. The rubber tappers we re forced to make decisions about remaining in the forest, attempting to return to the northeast, or finding other sources of employment in nearby towns and capital cities. All three options were pursued and many did leave attempting to return to the nort heast or seeking employment in towns and cities. However, other rubber tappers remained. As indicated in Chapter 2, these WWII development period. Due in part to government training and their appropriate skills to continue in the forest, 12 and some continued tapping rubber and 12 The ribeirinhos report that a small demand for rubber persisted until the 1980s. In the interim period between rubber and the present, they also participated in an intense period of hunting for animal pelts ( caa de pele or caa de gato ) from the late 1960s to the mid 1970s. This market emerged in response to international demand for different furs and leathers used in clothing and decor, particularly jaguar. This

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136 selling it directly to middlemen 13 Indeed, much like the story of Anfrsio Nunes, who moved from rubber tapper to rubber baron, it was at this point that the most industrious rubber tappers who remained in the region retained sufficient capital were able to purchase a boat. Over time, these individuals became middlemen in the region, and many remain middlemen today. 14 The ribeirinhos of the Iriri River today are not a random sample of the original rubber soldiers. They are the remnants and descendants of a subset of the original recruits. They are those who stayed when others left, perhaps because they tended to be the most committed a nd most industrious. It is perhaps because of the ir choice s to stay that those who remain today and remember the rubber boom periods regard it with nostalgia. Together, and over time, they formed an emergent Amazonian identity as a river dwelling people ( r ibeirinhos ), discussed in Chapter 6. Conclusion As I have indicated in this chapter, the dominant perspective among scholars of the Amazonian rubber boom is one that attributes nordestino migration to environmental, political, and economic forces. The nord estinos are often characterized as nave laborers who, tempted by a more lucrative lifestyle and battered by a series of droughts, eagerly left their northeastern places of origin for the Amazon. Furthermore, the dominant perspective regarding caboclos is that they are passively buffeted about was prohibited when animals were nearly hunted to extinction, and certain species became protected in international law. 13 Schmink and Wood (1992:46) reported this after the classic rubber boom period. My informants reported it during the post WWII period. 14 For example, my informant Csar, mentioned in the preceding section above, became a key middleman in the region.

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137 by larger institutional and ecological forces. Caboclos are frequently denigrated driven failures in the Amazon, including rubber. As I have indicated in this chapter, however, the northeastern experience of dislocation and relocation was more complex than these literatures suggest. Many of the positive exp eriences of the rubber soldiers, relayed to me by my informants and through secondary sources, are of ten at odds with the negative accounts of the debt peonage system employed during the rubber boom in the scholarly literatures. Many rubber tappers appear to have had positive experiences during the wartime rubber boom. Furthermore, the government provided the recruits with initial become proficient in a variety of practices (and corresponding livelihood identities) in the Amazon. Ironically, these skills allowed the rubber tappers to dwell (sensu Heidegger 1977) in the Amazon after their abandonment. Finally, although the rubber return, the people of the Iriri River are descenden ts of the rubber soldiers because they chose to remain in place. It is perhaps because of their choice to remain that my informants continue to feel nostalgia for the rubber boom, which is addressed further in Chapter 6. These discrepancies suggest an his torical paradox. They also indicate that the scholarly accounts alone are inadequate to understand this history; that the rubber tappers had a rich experience of early place making in the region than is otherwise depicted; and that the intersections betwee n macro and micro, structure and agency

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138 and economic and social are inextricably linked and best understood as an integrated whole. I have attempted to reconcile these historical discrepancies in this chapter by retracing the journey from nordestino in th e serto to rubber tapper in the Amazon during the wartime rubber boom period. I addressed three principal, cross cutting emplacement: (1) displacement and nostalgia for pl ace; (2) practices, including the often difficult and awkward adoption of new livelihood practices in a new place; and (3) the formation of place based identity. In doing so, I incorporated an experiential perspective into the history of the rubber boom an d bust. This process involves the of a new landscape, and the beginning of a transformative shift in sense of place and identity.

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139 Figure 3 1 Map of Brazil, wi th northeast highlighted in blue. Source: www.carnalloween.com/images/mapa_br.gif

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140 A B C Figure 3 2 Northeasterners joyfully departing for the Amazon, encouraging other young males who remain at home to do the same. Poster designed by Chabloz. (B) Military soldiers and rubber soldiers occupy the same national territory, territorial SEMTA logo on the lower left of the image. http://diariodonordeste.globo.com/

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141 Figure 3 3 D iagram of rubber trails, ca. 1900. Source: Weinstein (1983:17). This image is a reproduction from an illustration printed in India Rubber World in 1902. shaped loops are the trails, and the numbers show how many in this illustration housed several workers, each of whom was responsible for one to two trails. In the Iriri, households were generally responsible for individual trails. Forest based huts were for smoking and storing rubber, and homes were generally located along the river.

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142 Figure 3 4 The final product using the borracha prensada (pressed rubber) technique. Photo: Mrcio Santos. Source: ISA 2009

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143 CHAPTER 4 THE RIBEIRINHOS OF T HE TERRA DO MEIO IN THE PERIOD OF Introduction history: the rubber boom, development, and conservation. Chapter 2 provided an overview of cultural and political ecology, and the wa ys in which these literatures inform and intersect with conservation and development policies concerning Amazonian peasants. These literatures offer particular insights for this study of ribeirinhos and place, including attention to materiality, livelihood practices, and identity. However, they also perpetuate misperceptions of Amazonian peasants as passive, albeit rational, the perspective, informed by phenomenology and practice t heories, more comprehensively emplaces the ribeirinhos historically, physically, and temporally in the landscape. In Chapter 3, I incorporated an experiential perspective into the history of the a journey from displacement to the beginnings of emplacement. This approach highlighted an historical paradox, in which standard accounts of the rubber boom depict the period as horrific for the rubber tappers while my informants feel nostalgia for it and wish it would return. This paradox that was reconciled through a holistic approach to structure and agency in Chapter 3, in which I reexamined the history of the rubber boom and incorporated the experience of displacement and the beginnin gs of emplacement in the

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144 the northeast and abandonment in the Amazon following t integral role in their development of a sense of place and identity in the Amazon. As Chapter s 2 and 3 indicate, identities shift in response to livelihood practices and State policies. Chapter 2 introduced the notion that extr activist identities have been historically assigned to Amazonian peasants by outsiders. In Chapter 6, I explore the slippage between imposed and emic identities. Even as the ribeirinhos had not yet adopted the extractivist identity during my fieldwork, the y did adopt the seringueiro identity, illustrating the ways in which identities, like places, are emergent. Chapter 3 documented their arrival as nordestinos to the region; their transformation, by training and by practice, into seringueiros; and their ult imate abandonment in the region by the same State entities responsible for their arrival. Those who remained in the forest are the ribeirinhos with whom I work, and their children and grandchildren. In this chapter, I introduce the ribeirinhos of the Irir i River in relation to the current period, conservation, according to my periodization in Chapter 2. In the early 2000s, the ribeirinhos were once again propelled into visibility as part of another State int ervention. This intervention t he strategic deline ation and ratification of adjacent lands as a grouping of protected areas known was accomplished through the swift implementation of public policies to mitigate frontier violence, increase government presence in the region, an d sustainably manage tropical forests. The Iriri Extractive Reserve constitutes one of the protected areas in the mosaic known as the Terra do Meio The creation of the Terra do Meio mosaic marked an end to the lawless frontier dynamics (Fearnside 2007a) t hat characterized the region in the post boom invisibility

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145 and development pe riod and that escalated during the 1980s and 1990s, during which ( CPT 2004, 2005; Greenpeace 2001 a, 2001b 2003; ISA 2003; Roch a et al. 2005; Sauer 2005; Schwartzman 2005 ; Schwartzman et al. 2010 ). The mosaic granted the ribeirinhos legal rights to lands on which they and others before them had been dwelling for a century. 1 However, the mosaic also poses new challenges for the ribeirinhos and for my study on ribeirinho place making In some areas, particularly around the borders, the reserve created negative lands. The swift implementation of protect ed areas by the government exemplified the contrast between the ways place is regarded and treated by the State on the one hand, and by those who dwell in the landscape on the other (sensu de Certeau 1984; Lefebvre 1991; the ribeirinhos do not easily 1984:121) created by the State upon the r iverine landscape. This chapter documents the meeting point at which emic and etic perspectives and experiences are forced together in the context of the political delineation of lands that are home to the ribeirinhos. In this chapter, I introduce the spec ific place and people of the Iriri River as I, the researcher, encountered them during this context of conservation. As discussed in Chapter 2, historical and political contexts explored in this study contribute to, but do not 1 Many of my informants report arriving as children of rubber soldiers in reference to the wartime period. Some are the descendents of nordestinos who arrived during the classic rubber boom period at the end of the 19 th century and beginning of the 20 th cen tury. The rubber economy thrived during the classic boom period in the region (ISA 2003).

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146 define, ribeirin ho sense of p lace and identity Rather, I argue that place is shaped by what the ribeirinhos do in the context of their livelihood activities (see Chapter 5). In this chapter, I describe the ribeirinhos in the current context of conservation with full epistemological d isclosure that as I conducted research in the region, I may have been sympathetic with certain perspectives and causes, and formed a part, albeit negligible, of these social dynamics. Furthermore, in the tradition of methodological relationism and critical multiplism (Guba 1990; Ritzer and Gindoff 1994; and see Chapter 2), I analyze and describe the rich dialectic between structure and agency that is not adequately represented by any singular body of literature introduced in the first part of Chapter 2. Rat her, I attempt to bring these literatures to bear on the development of particular topics in this chapter, even as the literatures belong to incommensurate metatheories and paradigms Two sections are developed in this chapter: (1) the Terra do Meio regio n as Amazonian frontier and (2) migration and emplacement In my discussion of the Terra emporary snapshot of the region Migration and Emplacement the study population, including demographic and migration data in conjunction with ethnographic field observati ons on ribeirinho m ovement into and out of the riverine landscape purpose of contextualizing and introducing the experience of the ribeirinhos who dwell along the Iriri River in contrast to preconceived notions of caboclo societies as out of the Chapter 2. Thus, this chapter

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147 bridge s the broader theoretical and historical reviews provided in the pre ceding chapters to the highly specific taskscape analysis that follows in Chapter 5, and the ways in which tasks contribute to the creation of an emic identity and sense of place, discussed in Chapter 6. To conclude this introductory section, I now provid e an anecdote that captures the complexity of the tr ansition period of the region from invisible, dynamic, violent, and contested, to visible, legible and hig hly regulated as I experienced it upon arrival in the region. In June of 2006, I possessed a resea rch visa for Brazil This visa was adequate for work in my proposed field site but inadequate for strictly protected areas such as national parks. 2 When I designed my research project research permits were not required in extractive reserves. They were o nly required in indigenous lands obtained through the National Indian Foundation ( Fundao Nacional do ndio FUNAI ) Furthermore, the proposed Iriri Extractive Reserve had not been created, nor was anyone expecting it to be created in the near future. I h ad arranged for transportation with a local family that ended up being my hosts: a man, woman, and their five year old the newly appointed Community Health Agent ( Agente de Sade Comunitrio ) a position that became available as a result of th e creation of protected areas further evidence of the increased visibility of the Iriri extractivists. Their boat was a small 2 It is very common to hear that foreign researchers, and particularly American researchers in the Amazon, have a very difficult time obtaining visas and conducting research. Brazilian researchers tend part of their patrimony through bioprospecting ( e.g., New York Times 5/7/2002) and rumors of Ame ricans taking o ver the Amazon (see Jacobs 2007). However, there is also something to be said for the concerns the government had over the Terra do Meio region in particular, as the government scrambled to gain authority over this lawless frontier in the wake of escalatin g violence and the sudden creation of protected areas. Belo Monte dam (Reuters 6/23/2010).

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148 outboard canoe without a roof and a low horsepower motor We expected it would take four to five days in the sweltering sun or pouring rain and likely both to arrive at their home. This boat trip consumed half of my allotted budget on fuel, oil, food, and equipment needed for our journey and my proposed, three m onth stay in the region On June 5, 2006, as we were stepping into the canoe and preparing for departure, an authority from the Brazilian Ministry of the Environment ( Instituto Brasileiro do Meio Ambiente IBAMA 3 ) ran to the banks of the river yelling my name. The Reserva Extrativista Iriri (Iriri Extractive Reserve) had just been created where I planned to travel, she said, and I was no longer permitted to conduct research because it was now a federal protected a rea. I was also informed that if I attempted to go ahead, the federal police would find me, arrest me, and evict me from the country with an unlikely chance of reentry. t he ribeirinhos, a historically displaced people who have experienced decades of invisibility and violence in this frontier region, with legal rights to land and basic services However, I was wary of the aggressive stance the government initially took on t he protected areas, and the rhetoric some representatives employed that implied governmental ownership and strict bureaucratic rule. My prior experiences in protected areas have shown that rigid approaches to human communities in recently created protected areas prove detrimental to the people and undermine the objectives of the protected area However, the creation of the reserve also meant my project was no longer legally permissible As a result, a large portion of my budget already spent in 3 In 2007, the Brazilian government created the Instituto Chico M endes de Conservao da Biodiversidade (ICMBio ) to oversee all federal conservation units, including extractive reserves.

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149 preparation for this trip was likely lost on the immobilized fuel, food, and supplies that would remain banked on the edge of the Xingu River, vulnerable to theft and ruin in the Amazonian elements. The family with whom I was traveling was surprised and confused by t he news, a nd was trying to understand the implications of the reserve for their return and that of their kin, to the region. I immediately began contacting my local and regional non governmental (NGO) partners and mentors, all of whom had experience doing research in extractive reserves, and indeed some of whom were key players in the design and eserve concept. None of them had anticipated the federal government enforcing additional permits for extractive reserves an d all were flabbergasted They began to make p hone calls to Brazil ian government authorities on my behalf. Meanwhile, my local partners, 4 whose organizations were members of the social movement in support of the creation of protected areas, told me they wo uld try to dar um jeito with IBAMA officials in Altamira. Dar um jeito is a common Brazilian Brazilian customs. It is often the most successful means of accomplishing ta sks in Brazil, and was indeed what enabled me to conduct research that summer. With the help of my mentors and in country partners, I was able to negotiate a temporary field visa on the grounds that the reserve had not yet been signed into federal decree by President Lula. As the head of IBAMA joked with me a year later in 4 My local partners were representatives from the Fundao Viver, Produzir e Preservar (Foundation to Live, Produce, and Preserve FV PP), the Comisso Pastoral da Terra (Pastoral Land Commission CPT), and the Instituto de Pesquisa Ambiental da Amaznia (Institute for Environmental Research in the Amazon IPAM)

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150 researcher for whom additional permits were required in extractive reserves. Thus began my field season in 2006. I was granted a temporary IBAMA permit for research, but only within the Iriri Extractive Reserve. Once in the field, my provisional permit posed challenges for my fieldwork on ribeirinho sense of place, place based practices, and id entity. Because the Iriri Extractive Reserve is surrounded on all sides by other protected areas, and the ribeirinhos move through these boundaries fluidly yet I was not permitted to do so, I was faced with the near daily challenge of trying to adequately account for place without being able to collect data or experience many of the realities that comprise place the ribeirinhos. I was not permitted to conduct research, including interviewing informants or even visiting them for lunch, on lands other than within the Iriri Extractive Reserve. Thus, if a ribe irinho was fishing in one place and then left to go to the other side of the river to rest on land I could not accompany him because those lands did not belong to the Iriri Extractive Reserve. I recall one occasion in which a woman with whom I was visiting wanted to take me to meet her parents and siblings on the Anfrsio River, just across the river from her home. Because that land was the Riozinho do Anfrsio Extractive Reserve, I had to decline. This was difficult to explain to the ribeirihos, almost all of whom did not understand that protected areas had been created by the S tate, and indeed that the Iriri Extractive Reserve in which they resided had just been created days ago. In this sense, the extractive reserve had become a negative space that limited my presence in the region. It constrained my movement and use of space, similar to the imposed for cultural reasons in Australia as explained by Munn (1996)

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151 although in my case negative space was idiosyncratic. The ribeirinhos remained largely unaware of the imposition of political boundaries in the r egion; they were simply navigating their landscape as they had been doing for nearly a century. A sking them to do differently was an interruption in the flow of the regular activities and could generate animosity between them and the State. Below, there ar e examples of the ways in which the extractive reserve does indeed become a negative space imposed by the government; in subsequent chapters, negative space i s culturally enforced. 5 I n this instance, however, I adhered as closely as possible to the politic al boundaries of the newly created Iriri Extractive Reserve. I used the waterways as interstitial, in between, neutral places in the same way that fisherfolk, middlemen ribeirinhos, and indigenous people do. The Terra do Meio as Amazonian Frontier A gener al definition of frontiers as currently conceived is provided by Little economic centers of power that experience accelerated rates of demographic, agricultural, or technologic generally and applied in the Amazon specifically, is a useful point of introduction to the region. The n in between place located in the interstices of natu ral and manmade features that have been utilized and modified by various stakeholders in response to economic booms and busts. It is a forested expanse of land comprising 8.3 million hectares ap proximately the size of Texas b etween the Xingu and Iriri rivers, the municipalities of Altamira and So Flix do Xingu, 5 In other ways, however, the reserve became a celebrated space that granted the ribeirinhos access to government resources. This is discussed further below.

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152 and surrounded by eight indigenous lands. It is also known as an expanse of forest nestled, albeit distantly, in the crook of two major highways: the Transamazon Highway (BR 230) on the n easternmost port to Peru and Bolivia on the west, and ultimately ending at Pacific ports Santarm highway (BR 163) on the w est, which descends from the Transama zon Highway at the city of Santarm nearly 2,000 km south to the city of Cuiab in the s tate of Mato Grosso (Figure 4 1). The Terra do Meio forms part of what was, until recently considered a lawless frontier ( CPT 2004, 2005; Fearnside 2001 a 2007a; Greenpeace 2001 a, 2001b 2003; ISA 2003; Rocha et al. 2005; Sauer 2005; Schwartzman 2005 ; Schwartzman et al. 2010 ) Before the creation of protected areas, the area known as the Terra do Meio was considered terra devoluta undeclared federal lands that for decades were informally governed by those interest groups with the most power. Ill conceived settlement projects and highway construction (see Chapter 2) provided land speculators traffickers, and illegal loggers, ranchers, and miners access to the interio r, including along the Iriri and Anfrsio rivers. In the absence of government, the region was (Schwartzman et al. 201 0 ) (Schmink and Wood 1992) frontier, and was characterized as an Amazonian in reference to the American frontier during the 19 th century (Branford and Glock 1985; Reuters 12/22/2005). At present, the Terra do Meio region is sur rounded on all sides by several developments indicative of the frontier, including a controversial, major hydroelectric

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153 dam project proposed in the 1980s called Belo Monte which was approved in 2010; the expansion of soybean based agro business in the sta te of Mato Grosso to the sout h of Par (Fearnside 2001 b ; Nepstad et al. 2002), and unprecedented deforestation related to illegal logging and ranching. The Xingu basin in which the Terra do Meio is located, is adjacent to the Fearnside 2007b ), an agricultural frontier of the southeastern Amazon 6 where over 80% of deforestation occurs (IBGE 2004; ISA 2006). As described above, the frontier concept is a modern one in which the frontier is delineated, physical space that emerged 7 However, Little (2001) and Schmink and Wood (1992) provide a more nuanced and multi scalar approach to the frontier concept in the Amazon, which is useful to understand the Terr a do Meio region. The creation of the prote cted areas in the Terra do Meio, and the ways people contest or comply with enforced boundaries and rules as research project. Amazonian frontiers are both a lit eral and a metap multiplicity of simultaneous and overlapping contested frontiers, both palpable and Amazonian political ecology, different social groups maintain di stinct perceptions of open and close repeatedly in response to territorial struggles among different social groups. This perspective contrasts with the static view of the frontier critiqued by Raffles 6 The arc of deforestation includes parts of the states of Par, Mato Grosso, Rondnia, and Acre ( F earnside 2007b). 7 See, for example, the emergence of the frontier concept in reference to th century United States history (e.g., Turner 1920).

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154 (2002:152) as spatially linear, socially discrete, and overly simplified (sensu Turner 1920). In the absence of clear land designation, governance, and acknowledgment of the ribeirinhos of the region, the Terra do Meio was under the control of drug traffickers, illegal loggers, and land grabbers ( grileiros ) who appropriated land through illicit and often violent means. Those who suffered the most immediate consequences of these invasions in the Terra do Meio were the ri beirinhos who considered those lands home (e.g. Schwartzman 2005 ; Schwartzman et al. 2010 ) The ribeirinhos who remained in legal rights to land, identity documents, o r government services basic rights guaranteed to all Brazilian citizens it was as though the ribeirinhos did not exist. One informant, who asked to remain anonymous, shared with me in 2005 that representatives from the regional secretariats of health and e ducation did not provide and invisibility, the protected areas proposal was gener ally welcomed by the ribeirinhos. Frontier violence is also experienced at the urban ru ral interface, where visibility is greatest: infrastructure, communication, and urban centers facilitate direct observation of people, their personal and professional b usiness, and their social exchanges. As I reviewed in Chapter 2, organized movements against lawlessness and injustice that are associated with Amazonian frontiers tend to originate at this interface, and, as was seen in the assassinations of Chico Mendes and Wilson Pinheiro in Acre in the 1980s, the

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155 knowledge. The cities that surround and represent gateways into the Terra do Meio, such as Altamira and So Flix do Xingu, were fron tier towns established during a period of intense development in the Brazilian Amazon in the 1970s, particularly highway development and settlement projects (Moran 1981; Schmink and Wood 1992 ; and see Chapter 2 ). In the years following this development, th e surrounding lands and natural resources therein were illegally occupied and appropriated by ranchers, loggers, and land speculators, and land conflicts ensued (Alencar et al 2004). Amazon social movements emerged and grew in response to the opening of t he frontier One movement in particular, the Movimento pelo Desenvolvimento da Transamaznica e Xingu (Movement for the Development of the Transamazon and Xingu MDTX), represents 115 non family farmers, and their national and internationa l NGO alliances (Campos and Nepstad 2006; Schwartzman social movement in the 1970s in support of fair policies concerning the construction of t he Transamazon highway and the distribution of lands for family farmers on both sides Chapter 2). Over time, the movement became a pro poor, pro environment movement, fo rmed partnerships with the Indians and riberinhos in the interior, and was an integral, civil society entity that pressured the government to create the Terra do Meio mosaic (Campos and Nepstad 2006; Schwartzman and Zimmerman 2005; Schwartzman et al. 2010 ) As part of this process, representatives from the MDTX visited with the

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156 ribeirinhos of the Iriri, Anfrsio, and Xingu rivers in the early 2000s. Over a perio d of several weeks on the river they surveyed the population, distributed medical supplies, and h elped the ribeirinhos obtain identity documents (Tarcsio Feitosa, pers comm., 8/12/2005). In 2005, one of my informants, Herculno Costa da Silva 8 from the neighboring and then proposed Middle Xingu Extractive Reserve, began receiving death threats fro m hired gunmen involved in illegal logging because of his work in favor of creating the Middle Xingu Extractive Reserve. In February 2005, 18 gunmen removed him from his home on the Xingu and 67 homes of other ribeirinhos were burned. In 2007, an American PhD student received a death threat for her work in the then proposed Middle Xingu Extractive Reserve 9 She suspended her work there, altered her research plan and did not return to the reserve, which represented one of her case studies. In the Terra do Meio region and its gateway cities, MDTX social movement leaders are recipients of frequent death threats because of their work in defense of these lands and the people living therein. The statistics related to land related homicides in Par broadly, and t he Terra do Meio region specifically, are astonishing. Par is a largely forested state that, at 3% of the national population, has a very low population density. In the last 40 years, however, 534 land related deaths occurred in the region (CPT 2004, 2005 ; Greenpeace 2001, 2003; Sauer 2005). Between 1996 and 2001 alone, 90 homicides were registered. Between 1994 and 2004, assassinations due to land related 8 This informant asked to be named. 9 This was an unsettling occurrence since we were the only two American students in the region at the time, of the same age group, height, and some similar physical features, and most people confused us. I was encouraged to consider leaving my field site by my American mentors after her death threat, but was assured by my Brazilian partners who have a long history of dealing with lawlessness in this frontier, including grileiros, that I would be safe if I was accompanied while in the city and kept indoors after dark.

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157 conflicts represent 40% of the national total. Most of these assassinations were against local leader s in defense of land and rural workers who defend their rights to land. They are often implemented by hired gunmen ( pistoleiros ) who are contracted by loggers, ranchers, or independent but powerful individuals who take advantage of the lack of land designa tion and government presence in the region (Alencar et al. 2004; Fearnside 2007a; Schwartzman 2005 ; Schwartzman et al. 2010 ) was shot by suspected hired gunmen. Dema who was the region's New York Times 10 / 12 / 01), opposed the construction of the Belo Monte dam (see above) For his activism, he was shot by two hired gunmen on August 25, 2001 in his bed i n Altamira in front of his wife was tortured and killed for his role with the Federao de Trabalhadores Agrcolos do Par ( Federation of Agricultural Workers of Par Fetagri PA), where he was work ing in defense of lands and smallholders. Yet it was the assassination of the American born nun Dorothy Stang on February 12, 2005 that garnered intense international scrutiny and was perhaps the most defining moment for the creation of the Terra do Meio protected areas mosaic. Stang was a missionary who had been working in the region since 1966 through the Comi s so Pastoral da Terra (Pastoral Land Commission CPT) a national organization linke d with the Catholic Church establishing sound farming and resource management practices for those

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158 disenfranchis ed by land grabbing and illegal logging. She is often compared with Chico Mendes, the rubber tapper from Acre who with the help of strategic alliances, created the Extractive Reserve concept Ironically, it was highly publicized assassination tha t propelled this region often equated with the completion of the Terra do Meio protected areas mosaic 10 Lula pr a reaction by land gra bbers and ranchers against the implementation of the federal government's program to regularize land and support environmental conservation in the region. He immediately sent 2,000 troops to the region n hectares of the proposed Terra do Meio mosaic were approved by IBAMA Finally, Lula organized a provisional federal government cabinet for the region, and placed 8.2 million hectares of forest on the west of the BR 163 as federal lands in interdiction. clearly demonstrate s the ways in which protected areas are more than a conservation strategy; they are used to replace the informal frontier dynamics with governance. The transition from lawless, terra s devolutas to protected area s was one that was facilitated by the MDTX, strategic alliances, and the to the government, the creation of protected areas launched the physical space of the Terra do Meio and its inhabitants into visibility. The multivocality and multilocality of competing interest groups the State, social movements, ribeirinhos, land speculators 10 T in 1988 As discussed, Mendes was shot outside of his home by hired gunmen for his work defending the rights of rubber tappers and developing the extractiv e reserve concept in Brazil. Shortly after his death, his dream became reality and the first extractive reserves were created.

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159 ( grileiros ), ranchers ( fazendeiros ), and indigenous people ( ndios ) shape what is c alled Competing interests clash within the frontier as territories are perceived as threatened, violated, or at risk. Next, I discuss the role of boundaries in the frontier region, with particular attention to the creation of protected areas in the ribeirinho landscape. Boundaries When the Iriri Extractive Reserve was created, the responses elicited by disparate stakeholders in reaction to the news depended upon their experience of the region. Their response s were linked to their percep not just in the literal sense of inhabiting and developing lands, as indicated in the development of the frontier concept in the United States (e.g., Turner 1920) but also in the figurative sense of authority over a region Simil ar to the concepts of Amazonian frontiers and ter ritories provided by Little ( 2001 ) and Schmink and Wood ( 1992), I consider boundaries to be the literal and symbolic delineation of territories in the Amazonian frontier. They are multilocal and often juxtap osed, representing the multiple, competing claims to land and resources. In this section, I explore the ways in which the creation of political borders throughout the Terra do Meio region makes it difficult to situate a study of place in place. I sought to understand place as the ribeirinhos understood it what I call the ribeirinho taskscape defined in Chapter 5 as a network of related places, tasks, and times (Casey 1996; Ingold 1993, 2000) and to accompany them in their everyday activities so as best to understand their sense of place. Yet the protected areas, most of which were recently created and enforced by the State upon this landscape, made this a challenging task

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160 The creation of protected areas and the follow through provided by several NGOs that f orm part of the social movement has brought the desperately needed assistance and respite from the violent conflict and invisibility endured for y ears Overall, the ribeirinhos have benefited from increased gov ernment presence. As a result of the social movement, t he ri beirinhos, previously invisible to the State, now have identity documents and are officially recognized as a result of the creation of the protected areas. This visibility also entitles them to th eir basic rights as citizens, including medical care and education, as outlined in the Brazilian Constitution of 1988 : Article 208 (I): With regard to education, the State guarantees basic, free, obligatory education for those between the ages of four (4) to seventeen (17) years Article 227. It is the responsibility of the family, society, and the State to ensure with utmost priority that all children have rights to li fe, health, food, and education culture, dignity, respect, and liberty, and to have these rights while living with their family and community. They should be protected from all forms of negligence, discrimination, violence, cruelty, and oppression ( Constituio de 1988 do Brasil ; my translation). The creation of the reserves mark ed a welcome respite from the violence, insecurity, and displacement the ribeirinhos faced at the hands of the grileiros With the prodding of the social movement, the required government services of education and health care are beginning to reach the reg ion in some fashion, including some primary education and routine medical expeditions. Both of these were implemented after my fieldwork had concluded, and so I am unable to provide firsthand account of these interventions and the positive or negative ways in which they might be affecting the ribeirinhos. Nonetheless, a brief update of education and health care is provided in Chapter 7. The creation of protected areas also pro vides a new dimension of place to this study: tion of a region that is understood, at times

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161 differentially, by the ribeirinhos. As one ribeirinho, Zeca accepted the [terms and proposal of] reserve, the reserve would have been created. If accepted them, the reserve environmental advocates hope the ribeirinhos will become stewards of the reserve, the government defines it, is not the same as the ribeirinho landscape. I now describe the boundaries of the Terra do Meio mosaic, including a definition of an extractive reserve. As part of this description I explore the ways in which the ribeirinhos move through these recently created territories, a t times clashing with them, as they conduct their daily lives within the ir landscape. The Boundaries of the Terra do Meio M osaic The ribeirinhos of the Iriri River are surrounded on all sides by a series of protected areas, most of which were created immed of the ribeirinhos with whom I work now reside in the Iriri Extractive Reserve. Other protected areas include three Terras Indgenas (TIs) occupied by Indians from the Tup linguistic branch another extractive reserve, and a strict protected area called an Estao Ecolgica (Ecological Station). The objective of an Ecological Station is to preserve nature and conduct scientific research with authorization (ICM Bio ; http://www.icmbio.gov.br/menu/instituicao ), but it prohibits settlement and occupation. Extractive reserves, on the other hand, provide long term use and occupation of federal lands. The reserve concept is an innovative public policy option designed in the 1980s by a rubber tappers movement allied with national and international human rights and environmental activists, researchers, and policymakers. According to Brazilian federal law,

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162 A Reserva Extrativista (Extractive Reserve) is an area designated for the use of traditional extractivist populations whose livelihoods rely primarily on practice subsistence agriculture and possess small, d omesticated animals both for household consumption The principal objective of an extractive reserve is to protect the ways of life and culture of these human populations, and ensure the sustainable use of natural resources in the reserve (ICMB io my tran slation ; http://www.icmbio.gov.br/menu/instituicao ). As a concept, extractive reserves were acclaimed as a promising option that balanced environmental conservation and economic development for landless traditional peoples ( Fearnside 1989; Nepstad and Schwartzman 1992) who would serve as environmental stewards The idea, modeled after the TI legislation in Brazil 11 was to provide traditional peoples with use rights to federal lands they occupied (Allegretti 1990; Schwartzman 1992). Whereas Brazilian Indians have permanent rights to land and autonomous decision ma king regarding natural resources in extractive reserve s landholders are granted 30 year land use concessions after which they may be re moved or the concession renewed Furthermore, land use is limited to specific environmentally sustainable activities that are overseen by the Chico Mendes Institute ( Instituto Chico Mendes de Conserva o da Biodiversidade ICMBio). ICMBio is the unit wit hin IBAMA that creates and administers inhabited protected areas. Thus, the extractive reserve concept is an innovative public policy that addresses the dual objectives of land reform and environmental conservation (Ehringhaus 2006; Fearnside 1989; Geisler and Silberling 1992). 11 Indgena is a federal land "inhabited by [Indians] permanently, those used for their productive activities, those indispensable to the preservation of the environmental resources necessary for their well being and those necessary for their physical and cultural reproduction, i n accordance to their habits, customs and traditions" ( Constitu i o de 1988 do Brasil ). Indigenous lands undergo a federal demarcation and designation process, overseen by the National Indian Foundation ( Fundao Nacional do ndio FUNAI).

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163 The Terra do Meio protected areas mosaic was the final area of land needed to complete the Xingu Protected Areas Corridor (XPAC), a forest corridor comprised of indigenous territories, extrac tive reserves, str ict protected areas and a national forest that is home to 11,000 people most of whom are members of 24 indigenous tribes and ribeirinho families. The XPAC covers a vast amount of territory, extending from dense and humid lowland forests in the central part of the state of Par, south to the forest savanna transition area in the state of Mato Grosso. At 26 million hectares, the XPAC covers half of the Xingu River Basin, and is considered the largest protected areas corridor in the world. As seen in Figure 4 1, several protected areas and indigenous lands are found in the Terra do Meio protected areas mosaic. The entire eastern border of the reserve is flanked by the Estao Ecolgica Terra do Meio (Terra do Meio Ecological Station), created on February 17, 2 005. At 3,373,111 hectares (ha) the Terra do Meio Ecological Station is a very large, strictly protected area in which as noted above, people are not allowed to reside. Three TIs are adjacent to the Iriri on the north (Cachoeira Seca do Iriri) and south (Xipaya and Kuruaya). The Riozinho do Anfrsio Extractive Reserve (736,340 ha) is west of the reserve. Table 4 1 provides information on each protected area (including indigenous lands) in the Terra do Meio. B oundary While the majority of my informants resided in the newly created Iriri Extractive Reserve, 24 households (36%) 20 in indigenous lands and four in the Ecological

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164 Station are outside of the reserve in close proximity to it. 12 These individuals feare d for their futures since they were now regarded as illegal occupants of the landscape they had considered home for generations. The extractive reserve had in this scenario become a powerful neg ative space: a space of deletions (Munn 1996:448) that const landscape Although the extractive reserve concept was developed in defense of traditional als who creation of the protected areas As a result of this oversight, ICMBio initiat ed a move over to the recently delineated Iriri Extractive Reserve. At the time of my last visit in 2008, the process had been implemented with mixed results. Figure 4 2 is a georeferenced map created with the help of one of my regional partners, which indicates the locatio n of all ribeirinho households and juxtaposes the households on the boundaries of the geopolitical landscape, including the protected areas. I reco rded the points during my fieldwork using a Global Positioning Satellite (GPS) unit at all households within the reserve. I located households outside of the reserve through interviews and a modified snowball sample. When across from the TIs, I asked if an yone in the home had kinship or other social ties with ribeirinhos living on the other 12 It is also estimated that several families live in the Serra do Pardo National Park (Schwartzman et al. 2010 ), but my informants did not indicate any links with these families, most likely because of distance and lack of kinship ties.

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165 side of the river, or far away from the home of the da Silvas the name of the family I If they did not have social ties, they indicated neighbors who did. This process eventually led me to several families who lived outside of the reserve who considered themselves part of the reserve population. I verified the information with these families and, if they had social and kinship ties with families in the Extractive Reserve, I took the GPS point. The list is by no means exhaustive; over 20 families have been reported in the TIs and several more in the strict protected areas (Schwartzman et al. 2 010 ). Furthermore, a portion of a household questionnaire was implemented to determine place of origin (Appendix A ) Of the 66 responding individuals to the questionnaire consisting of 52 % men and 4 8 % women 82% identified themselves as her and traced to three rivers: the Novo, Anfrsio Iriri ly the Iriri Extractive Reserve but the rivers in and out of the reserve that they consider part of their land scape from birth. The technique is simply illustrative of the complexities associated with the imposition of boundaries on local perceptions of place, and was employed to broadly identify compatible and incompatible perceptions of space and place in the ri beirinho landscape. As the map demonstrates, several households are outside of the Iriri Extractive Reserve, located in the TIs and in the Ecological Station. Those within the Ecological Station are easy to identify on the map depicted in Figure 4 2; they are isolated households to the south of the reserve, clearly outside of the extractive reserve boundary and within the ecological station boundary. The households in the TI

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166 Cachoeira Seca do Iriri are not as easily distinguished on the map from households in the Iriri Extractive Reserve because of their proximity, but close inspection reveals their location. During my fieldwork, these families expressed frustration, confusion, sadness, or anger about being asked to relocate. A w e [in the rights, but we [in the reserve] either. So, they tell me I am at risk of being thrown off of this side, but I (June 6, 2007). Some ribeirinhos decided against relocating because they weighed their current location against the perceived benefits of living in the reserve. In a worst case scenario in which the government would remove them from their land, they felt they could find another place in which to live that was not in the reserve. One household headed by a man and woman in their sixties that also included two of their children, th ose and their grandchildren, explained their perspective to me. My fi eldnotes describe this situation as follows: When asked why they would not undergo the relocation process, they explained that the reserve was simply a concept that was not showing tangible results. Why, they argued, would they give up their swidden agric ultural field s, home, and Brazil nut grove on the indigenous side, when the Indians have asked them to stay and, in fact, invited them to settle there in the first place? When I asked what they would do if FUNAI asked them to leave, they felt they could pu rsue other options in the region. I am not sure if they are aware of the extent of protected areas created in the region now. They would have to go very far to be outside of the purview of federally protected lands in this region (June 10, 2007) Another woman expressed outrage that she or her children could be evicted because they were born and raised there, while the president of the reserve was an

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167 outsider and recent arrival 13 Most families were angry about the fact that they had been asked to leave the ir lands and relocate to the new reserve. One woman passionately : worst crisis that I have expe rienced in my life is this one I was born and raised here. I had a terrib le miscarriage and almost died here. I raised 11 children here! But, in the end, the worst crisis I have experienced was this: that the people [from the government] (June 15, 2007) This sentiment was shared by one of the eldest ribeirinhas, Socorro an 80 year old woman on the indigenous side who refuses to leave her home and land. Socorro is physically incapacitated but mentally astute. She has not left her hammock in a decade. Her daughter and grandchildren bathe her in her hammock. Her body is twisted and gnarled from what I imagine is osteoporosis and arthritis. Yet she articulately explained to me that she has resided on the indigenous land her entire life, tapped rubber on the indigenous side, intermarried with the In dians, and considers herself part Indian. As a (June 10, 2007). All of the ribeirinhos with whom I spoke who reside in a TI report amic able relations with the Indians and many reported having indigenous blood. For over a century, they had dwelled in the landscape. Just like their family and frien ds in the Iriri 13 The President of the time was appointed hastily through heavy government assistance, since a reserve cannot be created without an intact Associao de Moradores an elected president and includes a treasurer and secretary. This is a foreign concept to the ribeirinhos, and so they were encouraged by a team of IBAMA representatives and NGO advocates to vote for the president of the time because he had completed primary school education and was more familiar with such organizational co nstructs.

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168 swidden agricultural fields, and homes comprise their landscape. Yet they were keenly aware that the creation of the protected areas and the uncertain but potential enforcement of TI boundaries a possibility they considered in light of the increased attention paid to the region by government officials would render them homeless, placeless, and without access to the resources that had enabled them to dwe ll for several generations. In a private conversation with Socorro Raimunda I learned that although Socorro was committed to staying on the lands, Raimunda and her husband Zeca were nervous about the future if they did not relocate. Raimunda re cognized that her family needed to stay with her mother to ca re for her and maintain those land s. She felt overwhelmed by the prospect of having to make a decision that would be forced to relocate by FUNAI or they would be evicted In both circumstances, Raimunda felt they were at ris in the TI. Zeca described the recent creation and enforcement of legal boundaries as one of are being told they are in the wron g place. Zeca e xpressed that in both scenarios his family woul d be removed from the landscape since they would become disconnected have rights and over there we don Weighing these two options, to remain on the TI where he and his family would continue to dwell as they had for

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169 generations. He did so aware that he was risking complete eviction from the region, should the government also enforce TI boundaries. By contrast, se veral families reported agreeing to undergo government assisted relocation to the reserve. Although they agreed to undergo this proce ss, they did so with trepidation and with a sense that it was the only way to ensure their long term security. characterize d the tone of their discussion with me on the subject. According to these individuals, the government had negotiated the use of land, including Brazil nut groves, to ensure a continuation of their livelihood. In fact, in August 2007 one informant reported that one year before, an IBAMA representative had spen t months canvassing Brazil nut trees and link them to their owners. relocation, they were cle ar that the use of land in the reserve constituted a favor or a until a better agreement could be made. These individuals were most concerned with the loss of the resources associated with their livelihood practices. The role of t hese practices in the ribeirinho landscape is described in detail in Chapter 5; for the purposes of this chapter, the role of the Brazil nut tree specifically in the definition of place and boundaries is important. The phrase, os castanhais j tm dono (th e Brazil nut trees already have owners), was anxiously repeated to me by significant livelihood practice for the ribeirinhos, reaching several kilometers into the forest on both si des of the river. During these interviews, the extent of the Brazil nut grove was the

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170 most defining feature of the ribeirinho landscape. Houses can be rebuilt and crops can be replanted. Brazil nut trees, however, cannot be relocated. One informant told me we must move. The government told us that if we stayed, we will eventually be evicted [by FUNAI]. And so we agreed to move. But all the Brazil nut trees over the re already have owners (J une 6, 2007). A sense of not having other options except moving was expressed by these families, who appeared resigned to relocation rather than understanding or accepting of it. As this section has demonstrated, there is conside rable variation between the State and ribeirinhos with regard to place. While the creation of the Terra do Meio mosaic has succeeded in assuaging the frontier violence of the region, the juxtaposition of protected area boundaries created considerable tensi on among the ribeirinhos of the Iriri. Some of the ribeirinhos had been dwelling for over a century in the riverine landscape. In particular, perceptions of territory clash es with the legal framework of extractive reserves. Many of the rifts between the two are the incompatibility of the two perspectives of the riverine landsca pe. On the one hand, the State delineated lands as if they were stable, bounded, and fixed location s in geographic space. The ribeirinhos, to other places and times. Thus, it is not temporally or spatially fixed ; it is constantly becoming. Chapters 5 and 6 explor e the ribeirinho taskscape and sense of place in greater detail.

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171 Migration and Emplacement As discussed in Chapter 3, the ribeirinhos are primarily descendents of northeasterners who came to the region during the rubber boom, and particularly during WWII, to extract the latex of the wild rubber tree ( Hevea brasiliensi s ) in the Brazilian Amazon. The ribeirinhos are thus a population that has experienced displacement and short term migration through the landscape as a result of government initiatives that may be traced back to the 19 th and 20 th centuries. After the rubber boom, these populations considering themselves seringueiros and soldados de borracha were left in the forest to fend for themselves for generations. Many remained in the forest, leading a subsistence lifestyle, intermarrying with Indians, and developing a distinct cultural identity as caboclos (Wagley 1976; Weinstein 1983; and see Chapter s 2 and 3). At present, t he ribeirinhos of the Iriri River live in dispersed settlements on both banks of the river, but primarily on the east side. In June 2006, 35 house holds and 191 individuals were surveyed inside of the reserve; by July 2007 the number of households had increased to 42. The increase was due to a variety of reasons: adolescents marrying and building a home of their own near their parents, families decla ring separate residence when previously they were counted as one residence, and families relocating as part of the process described above, from one of the indigenous lands to the reserve 14 The distribution of the population by 10 year age increments and g ender 14 A rapid inventory was completed by a team of consultants contracted by IBAMA between November 21 and December 22, 2006. During this period, they counted 51 families and a total of 206 residents in 23 between the two sources; the discrepancy in households is I did not differentiate by last name, but rather recorded names and relationships according to who they reported lived in the home.

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172 through the elderly ( Figure 4 3). As mentioned in Chapter to accompany populations on the move in mode rn times (Aug 1995; c.f. Bender 2001). This is the case in the Amazon, where smallholders are held responsible by environmentalists for d eforestation (e.g., Myers 1984) and caboclo populations are depicted as opportunistic, economically motivated, and som ehow detached or displaced from the environment (e.g., Browder 1992; Redford and Sanderson 2000). 15 The ribeirinhos of the Iriri, however, have a deep sense of place that has developed in spite of the economic and political fluctuations they have experience d over decades. Indeed, in many cases, their sense of place was heightened through these intervals. My research indicates that even a s families expanded or contracted in response to fluctuating economic periods and even as extractive practices shifted fr om rubber (as the price was devalued) to other activities over time individuals tended to stay in place or to move only within short distances. Data collected on place of origin, length of residence, and migration in a household questionnaire reveal that ribeirinho movement within or even outside of the region is not indicative of a lack of attachment to place. Even with the constant flux in the region, 35% of respondents said that they remain on the land on which they were born and raised and 20% report residing on the same piece of land for over 20 years 16 Indeed, more than half of the residents have remained in the 15 See Ehringhaus (200 6 ) for a thorough review of the literatures on extractive reserves According to her analysis, extractivists are unfairly grouped as either environmental heroes or villains by the conservation community leading to unrealistic expectations for reserves and extractivists therein 16 This questionnaire was administered to adult heads of household in the 35 households surveyed in 2006.

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173 place they reside now for 15 years or more ( Table 4 2 ). Th ese data suggest that this is a stable population. Almost all of Chapter 6). Above, I referenced the results of a household questionnaire on place of origin, in which 82% of the surveyed population (N=66) 53% men and 49% women identified tabulation of place of origin and family members reveals that o f all r es pondents those who have consistently occupied the region since birth and those who have not over 80% (87% and 81%, respectively) reported that they have family in the area After leaving the region, reasons for returning were almost always attributed to being near family and to enjoy a higher quality of life that the region affords; likely these two are related. In one case, a 24 year old woman explained that although she was born and raised along Kilometer 80 of the Transamazon Highway where her father worked in highway construction her mother was a long term resident from the Anfrsio River. Her father, originally from the northeast, ha d arrived in the region as a young man to work in construction along the Transamazon Highway. He met her mother along the Anfrsio River where, on several occasions, he hunted jaguars to sell their skins in the city and supplement his wages in construction They married, moved to the Transamazon, and began raising a family there. based on having family in the region where her mother originated resources to rely on, and fond memories of spending time the re as a child Another informant, Carlos said that he was born in Altamira on a small plot of land outside of the city. His father, who is from a small tributary of the Iriri, worked difficult jobs doing heavy labor under slave like

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174 children back to the region he was from. Luis and his siblings grew up on the banks of the river and now have children they are raising there. In other words, even when people are not born in the region, when they have only seasonally occupied the region, or when they leave the region for occasional employment elsewhere, I found that they often return. 17 Of those who live in the Iriri Extractive Reserve, marriage 18 was a primary cause of mig ration into and out of the region. Twenty percent of the population reported that a member of their household had moved to or left the region because of marriage. In other words, individuals from outside of the reserve moved to the reserve to marry a perso n from the region, and individuals from the region also leave it to marry an outsider. The following fieldnote excerpt provides an example of the role of marriage in ribeirinho migration. Sebastin a 20 year old, single male, was born and raised in Altami ra with his mother, Dona Selene Selene married Seu Antnio a ribeirinho from the Iriri, five years ago. Sebastin thus maintains two residences: one with his father in the city, [not previously mentioned] and one with his mother and stepfather in the Iri Iriri, he spends two or three months, twice per year in the region engaging in seasonal extractive activities: fishing in the dry season and collecting Brazil nuts in the rainy season. He told me that he would like to live permanently in the Iriri, where he felt he had better quality of life and was When I asked him to explain, he said that ideally he would find someone in 17 Two exceptions to this were for those unusual individuals who have family in Altamira and chose to move their parents as they became elderly so that they could be close to health care, or to move their school aged children there to receive some amount of education (usually a year or two). 18 The ribeirinhos do not legally marry through the court or a religious contract; they cohabit and raise who live together, usually because they are romantically involved and intend to have children or, in most but several middle aged people reported marrying a se cond or third time after their first relationships

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175 the r eserve because it was difficult finding a city girl willing to live in the forest. Sebastin has selected a plot of land behind his mother and stepfather house with his mother and it is ample with room for manioc gardens and other small crops, and easy access to the river. He said he has been invited to participate in his stepfather and step nut harvest, so there would be no shortage of work. He expressed interest in some of Antnio and Selene daughters one 12 and one 13 years old. He is currently trying to romance them and get their parents to warm up to him. Selene is very keen on her son staying in the region permanently, so she is actively trying to arrange Sebastin (8/4/2006) When I returned the following May, I learned that the girls ( or their parents) were not supportive of the proposed unio ns. Rejected, Sebastin returned to the city and soon after formed a relationship with a girl from the city. She became pregnant and he brought her back to the reserve. A few months later she said she could not tolerate the forest and missed her family, an d she moved back to Altamira, where the baby was born. Sebastin He currently works processing charcoal on boats near the city and continues to travel frequently for seasonal work in the Iriri. He does not like this arrangement, but as he In spite of the placelessness and mobility that is assumed of populations that are and particularly of peasants, the ribeirinhos of the Iriri are a s table remain in the region. As Basso (1996:55) says, people and place other. Some factors, such as marriage and forceful evictions from place, described in do not

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176 dwell as I explore in the next section Quantifying Place Att achment with Factor Analysis Factor analysis is a straightforward but compelling multivariate statistical technique used to simplify complex sets of data. The technique simplifies a matrix of correlations so that the data may be explained by a few underlyi ng concepts, or factors (Kline 1994). Factor analysis provides correlations of variables to factors to help the interpreter answer the question of what underlying factors account for the relationship between different variables of the study subject. Unl ike other statistical analyses, factor analysis is an inductive technique; the results of a factor analysis present a number of factors, the meanings of which are derived by the researcher, although they must be externally validated. Thus, while the factor analysis represents the most derived and structured technique in a suite of techniques that I incorporated into this study, it reflected my commitment to methodological relationism and a postpositivist inqu iry paradigm and provided another avenue through which to examine the conclusions drawn from ethnographic observations and qualitative data collection. Study D esign The quantitative component of this study occurred in three phases. The first phase occurred during fieldwork in 2006 when I entered my fiel dsite to pursue a research question about protected area management and community participation in public policy. This experience demonstrated the salience of place in ribeirinho identity and resource valuation. My interview protocol probed local perceptio ns of place, extractive and subsistence practices, and ribeirinho identity. These interviews were recorded.

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177 The second phase, spent in the United States, involved transcribing interviews (N= 53) and identifying recurrent themes in the data. The themes tha t emerged were the based identity, subsistence practices from the past and present as a source of pride, and the relevance of history in their current perceptions of place. The third phase, during the summe r of 2007, involved designing the attachment to place questionnaire and re entering the field to implement it. Data analysis of the questionnaire occurred in 2008. The 61 item questionnaire was developed from the second phase of the study and contained a s et of questions adapted from natural resource management and recreation studies conducted by Williams et al. (1992 ), and Williams and Vaske (2003), who examined the functional and symbolic attachments visitors had to wilderness and recreation areas in Nort h America. Their work emerged in response to increasing demand by U S government agencies for improved land use planning and management using a variety of indicators, including affective attachments that guide Jakes (2003:820) describe this emergent trend in a special issue on place in the journal Forest Science: ways to incorporate [nonempirical] knowledge of place into resource planning and management, and social scientists have called fo r tools and conceptual frameworks that allow managers to access, assess, inventory and monitor sociocultural meanings of places in order to incorporate socially relevant meanings into social inquiry and planning mbolic, and historical, and are generally not included in empirical, economic, and knowledge based measures of success in natural resource and recreation areas.

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178 Williams et al. (1992) and Vaske and Kobrin (2001) included items that had previously loaded h igh along the dimensions of place identity and place dependence. The concept of place identity originated with environmental psychologists, who deduced that human environment interactions lead to a cognitive development model that includes memories, ideas, feelings, and attitudes (Proshansky et al. 1983). As described in Chapter 2, t hey define place identity as an emotional attachment that includes identity and belonging, and tends to develop over time (Williams and Vaske 2003:831). Williams and Vaske (2003 :831) define place dependence as a functional attachment, whereby the place of interest provides particular characteristics that help the user attain goals or engage in desired activities. The 61 item questionnaire included both identity and dependence ite ms (Appendix B ). Because of the language, cultural, and biophysical differences between the North American and Brazilian sites and respondents, I modified the original questionnaire ite ms used by Williams et al. for use in the Brazilian study site. Thirty eight applicable items from the original questionnaire were retained and translated into Portuguese for implementation in the questionnaire. The remaining 23 items were adapted to reflect the local culture and biophysical environment. These included, for e xample, the desirability of where one lives, natural resource valuation, and social relationships. The selection of adapted items was determined from the 2006 field season, in which extensive interviews on perceptions of place were recorded and transcribe d. Thus, the 23 adapted statements were taken directly from 2006 interviews and, therefore, incorporate slang and other common expressions from the ribeirinho study population. These proved very effective while administering the questionnaire, since

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179 they a re verbatim, ribeirinho statements about place. Thus, the way in which the questionnaire was designed was to test the ribeirinhos on place related concepts, using reliable statements used in prior studies in addition to their original statements collected during the first phase of fieldwork. A census was attempted to obtain the maximum number of respondents possible. Because of the often extreme distance between houses and the strength of the out board motor used on the boat houses were interviewed in logical geographic groups. Four weeks were spent on the upper portion of the reserve, two weeks in the middle part of the reserve, and four weeks on the lower part of the reserve. Three attempts were made to contact each adult resident of each house during each time period allotted for that portion of the reserve and upon exit from the reserve. A total of 68 questionnaires were completed. Residents 18 and over participated in the study. With each respondent, I or a community r name, age, gender, place of residence in the reserve, place of origin, and frequency of and reason for travel to the city of Altamira. Respondents to the questionnaire rated the 61 st atements on a Likert like scale, from 1 (strongly disagree) to 5 (strongly agree), with a neutral point of 3. Either I or the research assistant read the questions to the respondents and recorded their answers. Where respondents faltered, basic probing sta tements were used for clarification. If a respondent could not answer the question, it was left blank. Each questionnaire took between 10 and 15 minutes to complete. Data A nalysis A principal components analysis was performed to reduce and classify variab les using SPSS for Windows (Version 16.0). Extracted principal components were rotated

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180 using an orthogonal variance maximizing rotation (Varimax) to maximize the variability of the factors while minimizing the variance around the factors. Determination o criterion or eigenvalues greater than 1 19 First proposed by Kaiser (1960), this criterion states that unless a factor extracts as much as the equivalent of an original variable, it must be dropped. Although it is the most widely used criterion, it is often critiqued for retaining Scree test, first proposed by Cattell (1966) and now widely used by factor analysts as the best solution to select the correct number of factors (Kline 1994). This test graphically plots eigenvalues and principal components in a simple line plot. The number of f actors to choose is determined by the point at which the line changes slope. A total of 14 factors emerged from the Varimax rotation, yet most eigenvalues fell below the cutoff point of 1. Most of the 14 factors had extremely low factor loadings, suggesti Scree test was performed on the principal components to select the correct number of fac slope line proved exemplary for the scree test, as three factors clearly emerge from the shape of the curve at which the line changes direction an d begins to even out The first factor accounts for 37% of the variance, the second 10%, and the third 8%. 19 Eigenvalues represent the variance explained by each factor. Variance is the sum of the squares of the factor loadings for each factor. The larger the eigenvalue the more variance explained by the factor.

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181 addition, means and percentages were reported for each item in each factor, and overall me ans were averaged for each factor. These were used to assess which items were the most and least important to respondents. Results Three factors emerged from the Catt place identity and place dependence were found in prior stud ies on place attachment to protected areas in the United States (Vaske and Ko brin 2001; Williams et al. 1992 ; Williams and Vaske 2003). Factor loadings correlations between factors and the items that are included in the fac tors (Bernard 2002:643) were comp ared with corresponding items on the questionnaire. Next, each factor was named according to the themes of the corresponding items. Following the aforementioned studies by Vaske and Kobrin (2001) Williams et al. (1992 ), and Williams and Vaske (2003) the dimensions of place identity and place dependence also emerged in these data. Following the preference of place. For e

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182 ponding items is found in Table 4 3 Means and percentages In addition, means were calculated for each factor, and means and percents were calculated for each item (Table 4 4 ). Place dependence had the highest mean (4.8), with place identity in close second (4.6). Place comparison had the lowest mean (2.2). boring/dumb ( chato ith a positive opinion of place. Percentages were calculated to see the relative amount of respondents by answer on the Likert like scale of 1 (strongly disagree) to 5 (strongly agree). It is clear that the respondents strongly agree with the positive stat ements and strongly disagree with the negative statements. In fact, Factors 1 and 2 have the majority of respondents strongly agree with the statements. Factor 3 represents a slight deviation from this trend, with half or nearly half or more of respondent s in strong disagreement with the negative Reliability I examined the internal consistency of the three factors place identity, place dependen ce, and place comparison s alpha reliability coefficients. generally regarded as the minimum acceptable coefficient (Bernard 2002). All three factors have very high reliabi lity. Factor 1, Plac e Identity has an alpha coefficient of .96,

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183 and Factor 2 (Place Dependence) and Factor 3 (Place Comparison) have alpha coefficients of .90 (see Tables 4 3 and 4 4) Discussion This technique demonstrates that place attachment can be measured effectively in non Western societies. The technique can be implemented successfully among non literate societies if the researcher administers the questionnaire orally. The Likert like scale was easily co mprehended by the peasants of this population, in spite of little to no experience of Westerners, and no prior experience with researchers, research tools, or interviews. When adequately adapted to reflect the culture and language, this technique demonstr ates that a factor analysis can illuminate the complex relationship that people have to place. The findings of this technique reflect and confirm the findings of ethnography and qualitative data: place is multifaceted for the ribeirinhos. F or this peasant population, there is not a distinction between that which is material, or economic, and that which is symbolically or ideologically meaningful. While affective and material attachments to place include a variety of functions, such as quality of life, work identity, social relationships, and belonging, this study indicates that three primary domains explain the Dependence, and Place Comparison. All three factors have high alpha coefficients, indicating that they are reliable. The strength of the three factors was calculated using means. These scores indicate that Place Dependence is the strongest of the three factors, with Place Identity in close second, and Place Comp arison in distant third. These data indicate that there is not a polarization between economic and affective activities, what Ingold (2000:195) refers to as an erroneous division between

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184 a living from natural resources that is inextricably linked with affective, experiential aspects of daily life and personal identity. It is also clear that the ribeirinho taskscape is not divided between technical and social realms of life, but rather tha t their daily activities are concurrently affective and utilitarian. The various dimensions of their attachment to place derive from their unique history in the region and their pride in having a livelihood from forest resources. In spite of existing liter ature that suggests otherwise, this statistical technique supports the ethnographic findings that ribeirinhos have a complex and historic relationship to place. Peasants are generally depicted in the literatures as rational choice actors struggling to prov ide for their families (see Chapter 2). As a result, they are often viewed through the lens of threat: a threat to, or a strain upon, existing natural resources and ecosystem services. However, as this study suggests, the affective significance of peasant livelihoods is an overlooked but important dimension of ribeirinho attachment to place. Factor analysis captures the multiple dimensions of this relationship in a few powerful, underlying factors that could be utilized by policymakers to assess the designa tion of federal public lands and the people who reside therein. Conclusion In prior chapters and above, I have described the trajectory of the ribeirinhos from vi sibility during the rubber boom, making and identi ty formation, and subsequently to conservation, the current period in which I conducted this study and during which they have again been thrust into visibility. The ribeirinhos perceive the present in relation to the past, particularly through the activiti es that have enabled them to dwell over time. As a result, I have developed this trajectory

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185 as more than background; as I discuss in Chapter s 5 and 6, this trajectory and the referential ways in which it is invoked is foundational to their sense of place a nd self in the present. multivocality and multilocality of place in the frontier becomes apparent w ith the juxtaposition of boundaries and borders. The ways in which the ribeirinhos consider place is distinct from other stakeholders in the region, such as grileiros, indigenous people, and the government. As was seen in the state of Acre in the 1980s the result of these competing claims to land and resources in Par is often uncomfortable and even violent, as evidenced by the deaths of members of the MDTX and death threats toward individuals with potential to uncover the frontier violence that had been unfolding for decades. Like many Amazonian peasants, the ribeirinhos of the Iriri River have survived in subsistence lifestyle in the forest, occasionally seeking employment along the frontier to make ends meet, only to return, in most cases, to the Iriri. During this period, they developed what I describe in C hapter 6 as an emic identity as ribeirinhos. In spite of the literatures that suggest that populations on the move, and particularly Amazonian peasants, cannot develop attachme nts to place closer examination of this study population reveals the complex relationship they have with the riverine landscape. The various statistical and ethnographic techniques des cribed in this chapter provide a holistic picture of the ribeirinhos and place in the current period of

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186 Together the emic mapping, descriptive statistics, and factor analysis indicate that the ribeirinho experience is one that is rooted in place and that this experience is simultaneously affective and materialist and cannot be understood as one or the other This approach refl ects the methodological relationist approach embraced in this study, which includes providing a place for phenomenology in studies of conservation that are otherwise dominated by ecology and political ecology In Chapter 5, I discuss how places accessed on a regular basis by the ribeirinhos, acquire their meaning and material form in relation to ea ch other and in reference to different time periods in which they have played a role in support of the ribeirinho (Ingold 1993), form a network. This network of places, tasks, and time periods comprises the ribeirinho taskscape, the material expression of practice in place, or

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187 Figure 4 1. Map of the Xingu Protected Areas Corridor, with the Terra do Meio mosaic, extractive reserves, and highways indicated. Source: Environmental Defense. Transamazon Highway (BR 230) Iriri Extractive Reserve Cuiab Santarm Highway (BR 163) Middle Xingu Extractive Reserve Terra do Meio mosaic

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188 Table 4 1. Protected areas in the Terra do Meio mosaic ( proximate to the Iriri ) 20 Rocha et al. 2005 21 All information about indigenous lands was taken from the Instituto Socioambiental database ( http://pib.socioambiental.org/pt ) 22 I only spoke with 10 ribeirinho families living in Ti Cacheira Seca do Iriri; Schwartzman et al. 2010 estimate 20 families. 23 The creation of TIs involves a complex federal demarcation and designation process overseen by FUNAI. The process includes many steps. The for mal designation of a TI usually takes years to accomplish; many never achieve formal designation because of bureaucratic complications The date recorded here represents the final step of formalizing a TI, even though initial creation may have occurred many years before. As may be noted by the date, t he push to finalize these TIs is related to the creation of the Terra do Meio mosaic. 24 Schwartzman et al 2010. 25 Schwartzman et al. 2010. Name Size (hectares) Date created Occupants Other Extractive Reserves Iriri Extractive Reserve 398,938 June 5, 2006 191 ribeirinhos Extensive kinship ties with ribeirinhos in the Anfrsio Riozinho do Anfrsio Extractive Reserve 736,340 November 8, 2004 267 ribeirinhos 20 Extensive kinship ties with ribeirinhos in the Iriri Middle Xingu Extractive Reserve 303,841 June 5, 2008 ~320 ribeirinhos Indigenous Lands 21 TI Cachoeira Seca do Iriri 274,010 1991 199 Arara Indians; ~20 ribeirinho families 22 Karib linguistic family TI Xipaya 178,624 2006 23 48 Xipaya Indians Juruna linguistic family TI Kuruaya 166,784 2006 129 Kuruaya Indians Munduruku linguistic family Strict protected areas Terra do Meio Ecological Station 3,373,111 February 17, 2005 Illegal occupation of ranchers, loggers, miners. 4 ribeirinho families 24 Serra do Pardo National Park 445,392 February 17, 2005 Several ribeirinho families reported 25

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189 Figure 4 2. Geo referenced map of ribeirinho households (in green), collected during fieldwork in 2007 inside and outside of the Iriri Extractive Reserve with adjacent protected areas identified by name. Map created with the assistance of Ane Alencar of IPAM. Iriri Extractive Reserve Cachoeira Seca do Iriri Indigenous Land Xipaya Indigenous Land Kuruaya Indigenous Land Terra do Meio Ecological Station

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190 Table 4 2. Length of r esidence (N=66) Frequency % Cumulative % No response 8 12.1 12.1 1 2 years 3 4.5 16.7 3 5 years 6 9.1 25.8 6 10 years 6 9.1 34.8 11 15 years 1 1.5 36.4 15 20 years 6 9.1 45.5 More than 20 years 13 19.7 65.2 Always lived here 23 34.8 100.0 Total 66 100.0 Figure 4 3. Population pyramid of the Iriri Extractive Reserve.

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191 Table 4 3 Factor loadings, by domain (N=68) Factor 1: Place Identity Factor Loading This place means a lot to me 0.843 This place is where I belong 0.825 I form part of this place 0.816 This place forms part of my personal identity 0.802 I am very attached to this place 0.778 I feel that this place is part of who I am 0.768 I feel that my life depends upon this place 0.764 This place is the best for my lifestyle 0.749 I feel that this place defines who I am as a person 0.727 I feel that my friends and family enjoy this place 0.723 I like living here more than in any other place 0.721 This place is very special too me 0.709 This place interests me 0.68 I know a lot of stories about this place 0.662 I live here 0.648 I have a lot of family here 0.618 I feel I am lucky living here 0.575 I am going to achieve my dreams in this place 0.53 It is a pleasure living here 0.491 I would like to live here my whole life 0.489 Cronbach's alpha 0.96 Factor 2: Place Dependence I depend upon this place for my survival 0.87 I depend upon this place for my work 0.864 When I leave here, it's always important for me to return 0.801 This place is important for my profession 0.774 This place is great for spending holidays and free time 0.717 I feel a lot of satisfaction living and working here 0.676 I feel important responsibilities in this place 0.616 I work with my neighbors from here to improve this place for ourselves 0.612 Cronbach's alpha 0.9 Factor 3: Place Comparison If I were from another place, my life would have been the same as it is here 0.816 For me, it's the same living here as anywhere else 0.772 I could live anywhere 0.755 This place is boring/dumb (chato) 0.737 I would have preferred to have lived in any other place 0.601 This place is the same as any other place 0.593 Cronbach's alpha 0.9

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192 Table 4 4 Means and percentages by domain Percent Factor 1: Place Identity Mean 1 2 3 4 5 This place is where I belong 4.7 1.5 2.9 2.9 11.8 80.9 I like living here more than in any other place 4.6 1.5 2.9 2.9 17.6 75 I am very attached to this place 4.7 1.5 1.5 4.4 8.8 83.8 This place forms part of my personal identity 4.6 1.5 1.5 4.4 23.5 69.1 I feel that this place is part of who I am 4.5 2.9 1.5 1.5 27.9 66.2 This place is the best for my lifestyle 4.6 2.9 0 7.4 13.2 76.5 I feel that this place defines who I am as a person 4.5 2.9 0 5.9 23.5 67.6 I live here because I am "of" this place (literally, "a child of this place") 4.7 2.9 2.9 1.5 7.4 85.3 I would like to live here my whole life 4.4 8.8 2.9 1.5 10.3 76.5 This place means a lot to me 4.8 1.5 1.5 0 13.2 83.8 I know a lot of stories about this place 4.5 1.5 5.9 1.5 26.5 64.7 I have a lot of family here 4.4 1.5 11.8 0 14.7 72.1 This place is very special to me 4.7 2.9 1.5 1.5 13.2 80.9 I form part of this place 4.7 0 2.9 0 22.1 75 I am going to achieve my dreams in this place 4.3 5.9 2.9 4.4 27.9 58.8 This place interests me 4.6 2.9 2.9 0 16.2 77.9 This place forms part of my life 4.6 2.9 1.5 1.5 19.1 75.0 I feel that my friends and family enjoy this place 4.6 1.5 1.5 4.4 23.5 69.1 I feel that my life depends upon this place 4.7 2.9 1.5 0 14.7 80.9 I feel I am lucky living here 4.5 4.4 4.4 1.5 17.6 72.1 It is a pleasure living here 4.5 5.9 2.9 1.5 17.6 72.1 Cronbach's Alpha 0.96 N 68 Mean 4.6

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193 Table 4 4. Continued Percent Factor 2 : Place Dependence I depend upon this place for my survival Mean 1 2 3 4 5 4.9 0 1.5 0 7.4 91.2 I like the quality of life in this place more than in the city 4.8 1.5 0 4.4 10.3 83.8 Life is good here (literally, "too good") 4.8 0 0 2.9 17.6 79.4 I feel important responsibilities in this place 4.7 2.9 1.5 1.5 13.2 80.9 This place is important for my profession 4.6 1.5 4.4 1.5 13.2 79.4 I depend upon this place for my work 4.8 1.5 1.5 1.5 10.3 85.3 This place is great for spending holidays and free time 4.7 2.9 0 0 17.6 79.4 When I leave here, it's always important for me to return 4.9 1.5 0 0 7.4 91.2 I work with my neighbors from here to improve this place for ourselves 4.7 2.9 0 0 16.2 80.9 I feel a lot of satisfaction living and working here 4.7 1.5 2.9 0 13.2 82.4 Cronbach's Alpha 0.9 N 68 Mean 4.8 Factor 3 : Place Comparison Mean 1 2 3 4 5 If I were from another place, my life would have been the same as it is here 2.5 23.4 35.9 12.5 20.3 7.8 Thi s place is boring/dumb (chato) 1.6 76.5 8.8 0 8.8 5.9 This place is the same as any other place 2.4 40.9 19.7 6.1 28.8 4.5 For me, it's the same living here as anywhere 2.4 45.6 16.2 2.9 25 10.3 I would have preferred to have lived in any other place 2.0 60.3 16.2 1.5 13.2 8.8 I could live anywhere 2.4 48.5 10.3 4.4 25 11.8 Cronbach's Alpha 0.9 N 62 Mean 2.2

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194 CHAPTER 5 THE RIBEIRINHO TASKS CAPE Introduction In Chapter 1, I introduced two theses that guide this project. The first is that everyday activities in the material landscape are integral to place making and identity formation. The second is that the past, including historical practice and memory, permeates the p resent day landscape. In Chapter 2, I reviewed the theoretical underpinnings of this project, focusing on the complementarity of emplaced, emic experience and practice with cultural and political ecology. This approach acknowledges the important role of so cial, political, and economic forces in place making In subsequent chapters, I incorporat ed an experiential and practice based perspective into the history of the wartime rubber boom in Chapter 3, and in to the local experience of place in the context of policy interventions emphasized in Chapter 4. My intent i n this chapter is to demonstrate how a network of interrelated places, practices (tasks) and times constitute the ribeirinho taskscape. I argue that the extractive activities that materially sustai n the ribeirinho household are simultaneously acts of dwelling Through the se activities, and the referential and recursive relationships they share with other places, the taskscape emerges (Casey 1996:44) is such that throu gh their engagement with the taskscape, the ribeirinhos develop a sense of place and identity. For the purposes of this chapter, I focus on specific, essential tasks and places gathered into the emergent taskscape. In Chapter 6, I identify the ways in whic h the emergent taskscape contributes to the

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195 Revisiting Definitions In this chapter, I rely upon definitions of landscape and taskscape provided by scholars who, influenced by phenomenology, have demonstrated that h umans are not separated from the material world. Rather, through their experiences and practices over time their dwelling Casey 1996; Gray 2003; Hirsch 1995; Ingold 1993, 2000; Miller 2005). Two points discussed in Chapter 2 merit revisiting. The first concerns the intersubjective perspective adopted in some relationist approaches, especially phenomenology and certain practice theories. Intersubjectivity is a phenomenological concept that refers t o the ways in which, as a person is engaged in practices, those practices shape back upon the person (Munn 1986:14). Subject and object become coimplicated as one engages with the material world (Miller 2005:8). This approach contrasts with the notion of l andsc or blank space separated from humans (e.g., Daniels and Cosgrove 1988:1), a perspective of landscape that originates in the post Renaissance Western distinction between subject and object and the alienation of people from land. Furthermore, the positivist or essentialized ontology of the landscape as a stable phenomenon amenable to manipulation, engineering, or observation by distanced subjects contrasts with an emergent ontology, which assumes that the landscape is al ways in process. constituted as an e nduring record of and testimony to the lives and wor ks of past

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196 operation, carried out by a skilled agent in an environment, as part of his or her normal business of life. In other words, tasks are the constitutive acts o Ingold 2000:197) and the role of time in the landsc ape (Bender 2002; Hirsch 1995) landscape that reaches the level of the habitus (see Chapter 2). However, the taskscape as briefly defined by Ingold (1993) is methodologically underdeveloped for research applications. I thus incorporate the work of other anthropologists into my appl ication of the concept in this study (e.g. Bender 2002; Casey 1996; Gray 2003; Hirsch 1995; Morphy 1995; Santos Granero 1998). These scholars have applied the concepts of practice, time, materiality, and landscape from a variety of angles in their fieldwor k, particularly as they apply to place formation. From these scholars and in reference to the theoretical foundations of phenomenological philosophy and practice theory (e.g. Bourdieu 1977; de Certeau 1984; Giddens 1984; Heidegger 1977), I adapt definition of taskscape as the process by which people, places, times, and to which I refer are mutually constituted and therefore simultaneously materialist and symboli c, technical and social (Ingold 1993; Reynolds 1993). I also empl as used by Ingold (2000) who develops it as a key component of the taskscape. Temporality is a phenomenological term that is a constant feature of human dwe lling. Thus, it is not chronological time or history (Ingold 2000:194; see Chapter 2). Rather, temporality allows for multiple moments in time to be experienced in the present; it is evoked through reflection and memory in the context of

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197 current tasks. Tem porality may also be evoked through seasonality, as different tasks constant feature of human experience. When I use the term it is in this sense, which is both general a nd fundamental. To describe more specific occurrences of the temporal gathering of experiences in the taskscape, I employ the vocabulary of Hirsch (1995), most often con stituted by immediate experience of the present, but the background of past, potential, or even idealized experience is never absent, and the foregrounding of background punctuates our immediacy. For Hirsch (1995), the landscape is the dynamic, processual than an which, though as fundamental Thus, the taskscape is emergent; it is always in a state of becoming and therefore 1993, 2000). Three dynamic, recurrent operations identified in this study facilitate the conceptualization of the taskscape as process: (1) matter and materiality; (2) movement; and (3) inscribing. As the ribeirinhos engage in their practices, they incorporate the material world int wood, a f ruit is transformed through skilled technological practice into the products that provide for the distinguished from matter because it entails the dialectic between object (matter) and

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198 agent from which a sense of place and identity emerge. 1 That is, as the ribeirinhos incorporate the material world into their activities, that world of objects (sensu Bourdieu 1977) and those activities sh the products of which sustain the ribeirinho household and enable them to dwell. Movement refers to the distance traveled and the orientation of people and products as they move through the riverine landscape. As the ribeirinhos move through the landscape with the transformed products of their harvest, they are inscribing and building places. Rather than refer to ri imply a stable end product of human action, I focus on the processes of inscribing, as a human activity. For Low and Lawrence Ziga (2003:13), inscribing refers to the ways in which the landscape is enduringl study, the recursive movements involved in ribeirinho tasks become acts of inscribing. The creation of footpaths and trails to facilitate the tasks is an inscriptive act. When identified in reference to te mporality, the recurrent operations inherent in the taskscape are what give it its processual and emergent quality. The Taskscape as Model While messy and difficult to separate analytically, the use of the taskscape as a model offers an alternative and complementary approach to standard cultural ecological and political ecological literatures, which treat caboclo c ulture as an adaptation buffeted (e.g. Moran 1974 a 1981 ; Parker 1 place as emergent from the taskscape.

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199 1985a, 1985b; Ross 1978; Schmink 1985; Wagley 1976 ) When applied to caboclo societies, the taskscape as model and as process shows the ways in which people, the material world, and tasks are mutually constituted and emergent Similar to what anthropologists have noted among indi genous societies (e.g., Morphy 1995; Santos Granero 1998), the riverine landscape was created over time. Yet rather than based on myths and rituals that are at risk because of external forces, the aspects of ribeirinho life of interest to this study are th e economic activities that sustain the household and that are mostly a result of policy interventions In particular, this study indicates the salience rce of the wartime rubber boom. If I were to provide a standard, cultural ecological description of places in the riverine landscape, I might begin with the house and move outward, spatially, into each proximate area, sequentially encompassing the yard, sw idden agricultural fields, the river, and into the forest, in a thematic progression from domestic to wild But that etic not adequately represent that I aspire to express, in which the tasksc ape emerges from extractive activities that are shifting, dynamic, and cannot be easily bounded on a map, and by which social ties and relations are created, reiterated, and tested. I wish to highlight the significance of mundane activities in the creation of places and identities. As discussed in Chapter 2, t with Heidegger. According to Heidegger (1977:330), building as an aspect of dwelling, founding and joining a gathering or assembly (Heidegger 1977: 331, 336). Casey (1996), Hirsch (1995) and Ingold ( 1993,

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200 2000) incorporate a temporal dimension into gathering, such that past activities and memories may also be gathered. In this chapter, I attempt a li places, practices, and temporalities into the taskscape that reflects the dwelling perspective, outlined by Heidegger (1977) and developed by Casey (1996), Ingold (2000), and Gray (2003). have a peculiar hold on what is presented (as well as represented) in a given place. Not just the contents but the very mode of containment is held by a place. The holdi ng at issue in the gathering of a place reflects the layout of the local landscape, its continuous contour, even as the outlines and inlines of the things held in that place are respected. What is kept in place primarily are experiencing bodies. Places als o keep such unbodylike entities as thoughts and memories. are not merely subsiste nce or economic activities, but are rather subsistence and economic activities that have enabled them to dwell and develop a sense of place and self within the riverine landscape. Incorporating phenomenology and practice theory into standard approaches pro vides an opportunity to understand the ribeirinhos in relation to the State and historical periods and in place over time, through their practices and their experiences. Thus, when I say places gather, the gathering to which I refer is not only of ribeirinhos in the context of their mundane tasks and, through the relationships between and among places, illustrate the ways in which the taskscape is the mutual constituti on of people, places, tasks, and temporalities. Therefore, I am also gathering other times, places, and tasks into the description of the taskscape. By way of contrast

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201 and body are not separate, and thoughts and memories emerge from experience and eople and the material world. While there are various ways to approach an analysis of the taskcape, I have elected to highlight the connections between and among places to demonstrate the em ergent aspects of the taskscape the recurrent operations, visible through ribeirinho tasks, and the tempora lity of the riverine landscape that connect and gather place s into the taskscape. In doing so, I have chosen to develop emically elicited places in the taskscape forest, river, and home to demonstrate their linkages through an analysis ey 1996:25), into the taskscape. This chapter thus operationalizes and develops the model of the taskscape on the tail of the chronological and historical analyses provided in Chapter s 3 and 4, and is foundational to understanding the ways in which identit y and sense of place are emergent, as discussed in Chapter 6. First, although the ribeirinhos name and distinguish places in the taskscape in discourse, their practices demonstrate that named places contain within them other, more epheme ral or individually experienced places they have inscribed to facilitate livelihood practices (e.g., trails within the forest). These places may be considered Heideggerian buildings in their own right. As Gray (2003:233) also indicates with respect to his study of shepherds in the Scottish borderlands, it is significant that any and ends at the house. Through my analysis, I expand traditional, house centric

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202 approach es used in phenomenology (e.g., Bachelard 1969; Bourd ieu 1973, 1977; Heidegger 1977) identity may be engrained and habituated from infancy in places beyond the house. These less obvious pla movement, materiality, and acts of inscription. To aid the reader in understanding this point I rely upon a sketch of place provided in Figure 5 1 .This figure was created by several ribeirinhos f rom multiple families over a period of two weeks, as they passed through the house in which I resided during my fieldwork. The exercise was not my intention; it unfolded organically as I waited for any boat headed to Altamira to pass by the house and take me on as a passenger for the four to seven day journey back to town. I needed to stay near the river with my items packed, and these days were tedious. Using the crayons, colored pencils, and paper I had brought to the home as gifts, I began to sketch with the five year old daughter of my hosts. One afternoon, the male head of household sat down to show her how to draw a boat. A neighbor boy who arrived with some salted fish for trade began to poke fun at his artistic abilities. In response, he was challeng ed to try, and so he picked up a pencil and began to draw a tree. I quietly removed myself as a participant in the sketching and watched a picture emerge over the next several days as people came and went from the house. One sheet of construction paper qu ickly became three that I taped together. They would have kept going as far as their collective imagination allowed, but eventually a boat of gold miners passed, responded to my waving arms and white sheet, circled back to retrieve me, and agreed to take m e to the city. This sketch remains an incomplete and

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203 im perfect illustration of the taskscape at that moment in time. But, in many ways it is an appropriate metaphor for the taskscape because like the taskscape, it is multiply Furthermore, it provide s a vibrant depiction of the ribeirinho taskscape and serves as a heuristic device for navigat ing through it Second, although the social, spatial, and temporal experiences of individuals vary, I am seeking generalizations abou t the ribeirinh os of the Iriri as a population rather than internal factions or idiosyncratic experiences. There are limits to individual knowledge and experience when attempting to understand a landscape as process. I am thus attentive to tasks and knowle dge that extend beyond the purview of individual experiences of the riverine landscape. For example, the ribeirinhos often rely upon each other and middlemen for knowledge, transportation, trade, communication, and products that extend beyond an individual While beyond the scope of this project, a study of individual experiences of the taskscape is possible and would result in multiple taskscapes. In addition, individual experiences of place may vary according to the historica l decision to remain in the riverine landscape, or to leave and return to it at a later date, often occurs in relation to historical periodization recognized in the s tandard literatures of the Amazon (e.g., the rubber boom and bust development and conservation periods adopted in this study ). These decisions lead to different experiences of boundaries, use, and occupation of places in the taskscape, and may play a role in different perceptions of time.

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204 Next, I include an anecdotal section that chronicles the deaths, search parties, and funerary arrangements of four children who died in 2006. This section is testament to the issues of scale in the taskscape, and t 1996), familiar and unfamili ar places, sacred and mundane places, places that nurture and support as well as places that threaten and frighten. Movement in life and in death: The riverine landscape as a palimpsest of multiple taskscapes Bodies move through the taskscape in life and death, gathering matter, boundaries, other places, people, and times. The tragic drowning of four children that occurred during my fieldwork exemplifies this passage through the taskscape, and the ways in which the knowledge garnered from individual, famil ial, or proximate experiences in the landscape are insufficient for some tasks. I now recount the bodies, and the funerary stages involved in the burial. The mother of t he children and her extended family asked that I share the story of the drownings widely to communicate their experience of the riverine landscape. With their permission, I develop it here. The children lived alone with their mother, Andresa for extended periods of time while their father worked odd jobs ranging from gold mining to coal production near Altamira. According to my host family, he drank away his money, and nearby households, including neighbors and family members, supported Andresa and the chi ldren in any way they could. I interviewed Andresa three days before the drowning in

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205 the course of conducting the household interviews. I was shocked by the conditions in which she and her six children lived. Although all the ribeirinhos I met live in what would be considered poverty by outsiders, most are vibrant and cheerful people, deeply embracing of and attuned to their social relationships, even in the face of adversity and isolation. In contrast, Andresa and her children did not appear to be dwelling as part of the riverine landscape. Andresa seemed withdrawn, depressed, and unresponsive. Her children were barely clothed. Domestic animals invaded the home; like the people, they were desperately hungry and searching for any overlooked morsel. A chicken jumped inside an empty pot on the floor amidst garbage, and the tinny sound of its beak pecking the metal was one of the few sounds of life in a house that was slowly falling apart. There was no indication of any activities or practices that sustained the home. Andresa did not remember the names of her six children, did not know how old they were, and was unable to sustain much of a conversation with me. My hosts asked, as they said they always did, if they co Andresa persistently declined. Three days later, Andresa and her children were starving. She loaded herself and home, one of several ribeirinho households that persisted within the Cachoeira Seca do Iriri TI. She was looking for manioc flour ( farinha ), the staple carbohydrate in the Midway across the river, where the current i s strongest, Andresa could not control the canoe. The overloaded canoe turned sideways against the current. Water quickly spilled over its sloping sides and the boat submerged. Andresa and her eldest children,

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206 whose ages I estimated at six and seven, began to swim diagonally with the current, gradually guiding their bodies toward the opposite bank of the river where the current eventually delivered them. The mother and her eldest child arrived first. The second eldest was swept further downriver. Her head w as bobbing under when a ribeirinho from the Anfrsio River, who was fishing, spotted her and pulled her by her arm into his canoe. A search team was formed in the hopes of locating additional survivors. Several residents paddled upriver to the home where I was staying to ask if I could do anything. I traveled to the nearest radio, about a 30 minute trip using an outboard motor mounted on the back of the canoe, and called into the city to ask for help from any governmental or nongovernmental entity. They re ported that, sadly, there was nothing they could do from the city because of the distance. I donated the rest of my gasoline to the rescue effort, resolving to paddle to the rest of my interviews and stay in the reserve longer to complete my work. The ribe irinhos from the Iriri River searched during the rest of the day in the hopes of finding survivors. The next afternoon, the families and neighbors determined that the younger children were unlikely to have survived. The families close to Andresa tried to estimate where the bodies might be found based on the locations of the survivors. They surmised that motionless bodies would have been swept much further downriver from where the last survivor was found. They were unfamiliar with that portion of the Iriri River wh ere it meets the Anfrisio River it lay beyond their own taskscape so they sought help from the ri beirinhos of the Anfrsio River and anyone who had an outboard motor or gasoline.

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207 The search for survivors had become a search for bodies. The importa nce of retrieving the bodies so that they could be buried in the ground grew clearer as ribeirinhos from the Iriri, Anfrsio, and Novo rivers joined and persisted in the search, made possible by numerous donations of the precious commodity of gasoline, unt il three of the four bodies were found far downriver. They were ultimately discovered by the most skilled fishermen and middlemen who had traveled longer distances than others, whose taskscape thereby extended beyond the realm of their standard activities. The following morning, families from the Iriri, Anfrsio, and Novo rivers made the long journey to Andresa in in clean clothes, provided by other households, and laid out on a table in the house. People filed in to pay their respects to the family. Having been submerged under water Andresa wiped a cold. The afternoon was spent paying respects to the bodies of the children and the family in th e house and awaiting the burial, while one team of men made the caskets and dug the graves in the forest, and the search team continued to traverse the rive r in search of the still missing body of the youngest child. Making a casket is a time consuming task that begins with felling a hardwood tree from the forest and cutting it into logs using an ax. The logs are transported to the yard and slowly fashioned i nto boards ( tabua s) using a hand ax. The boards are assembled, using a manufactured hammer and nails, into a simple wooden casket. After the caskets were assembled in the yard, one of the men entered the house to inform the family that they were ready for

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208 the burial. The fourth body was still missing and the family was distraught that the children would not be buried together. They pleaded for more time, but the three bodies in the home were beginning to smell badly. At the urging of family and friends, the family agreed to proceed without the missing child. The caskets were brought into the house, laid on the floor, the children were simply placed inside and, with no additional ceremony, the caskets were sealed. The men picked up the caskets and carried the m out of the house with the funerary party following. We walked for approximately half a kilometer, moving slowly from the place of the house, through the yard, through the kitchen garden, and into the forest. When the funerary party stopped we gathered ar ound the burial place, a Brazil nut tree, under which three graves had been prepared. After the caskets were lowered into the ground, the men shoveled dirt over the caskets. No marker of their graves was provided apart from the majestic tree. We retraced o ur steps out of the forest and, since the sun was setting and people needed to return home before dark, everyone said goodbye to the family, boarded their canoes, and paddled home. The body of the youngest child, an infant, was found the next day by a fish erman from the Anfrisio River and was buried, without ceremony, under the same tree. was selected as a place of burial for the children, and if that was typical practice. The y indicated that most bodies are buried in Brazil nut groves, and usually underneath a mature Brazil nut tree because it is a beautiful and important tree that will be visited by the ribeirinhos. I asked if it was always that way. They explained that bodie s used to be buried in the seringais during the rubber boom, when the rubber trees were tapped as

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209 an economically important species. This was also documented by Teixeira de Mello, who identified that the burials occurred more specifically along the rubber trails (1956:93 94). This demonstrates the ways in which places that are economically valued may also be sacred, clearly illustrating the ways in social and technical aspects of life are inseparable (Ingold 1993, 2000; Reynolds 1993; see also Williams et a l. 1992; Williams and Vaske 2003). Afterward I set out to go for a walk behind the homes, but was told by my host family to avoid the swidden agricultural fields because I was at the burial. Confused, I asked them to explain. They told me that after attend ing a burial, people are forbidden from entering the swidden agricultural fields for a period of three days because the crops w ould die Heavy with grief and saturated by my questioning, I resisted probing them further and went on my way, avoiding the fiel ds as I walked. This sad narrative is exemplary of the ways in which places gather through the movement of bodies, living and dead, through the riverine landscape. Andresa for food began at the home and ended in demise in the river. After the rive r carried the incorporating the knowledge and experience of people from various parts of the riverine landscape to locate the bodies. This highlights the importance of below), and the differential skills and knowledge associated with multiple taskscapes that overlap, intersect, and blur state imposed boundaries. The city in this anecdote is the most distant place; because of my role as researcher from outside, I was called

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21 0 upon because of my perceived familiarity with the city and access to resources they felt they did not possess. From Andresa fated journey across the rive r to the search party that extended beyond their familiar landscape, it becomes apparent that the riverine landscape is really a palimpsest of multiple taskscapes difficult to separate by tasks, particular reasons I begin with explanations of three named places, starting with the forest and river and ending with the home 2 because it is a hub formed from its linkages with other places The Forest ( A Mata ) R ubber ( Hevea brasiliensis ) and Brazil nut ( Bertholletia excelsa ) h istorically the two most economically valuable resources to ribeirinho livelihood s, are dispersed through out the forest. Game meat, medicinals, and construction materials are also found in the forest. c potential into products that have use or exchange value for the ribeirinho household, the ribeirinhos must transform what they harvest into an economic good In Chapter 3, I described the harvest of rubber during the wartime boom. Rubber is frequently su mmoned in discourse by the ribeirinhos, particularly in the context of current tasks and c onversation about current tasks, and as part of an historical identity (see Chapter 6). In this section, I explain how the ribeirinho experience of rubber has been ga thered non discursively, into the taskscape a nd forms part of the current task of the Brazil nut harvest. For the ribeirinhos, the forest is a composite of many different places that are shifting, contested, and take form in relation to other places in t he ribeirinho taskscape, such as the location of the house. The ribeirinho forest is a dynamic place whose limits 2 casa e quintal ).

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211 and potentialities are understood differently by those who dwell within it. Longevity and duration of occupation appear to play important role s in perceptions of boundaries and ownership. The rubber tappers wh o stayed after the rubber boom, and who persisted in the region throughout the per iod of development and grilagem, have a different perception of the passage of time and ownership of places than do those who decided to leave during these periods. From Trail Tenure to Tree Tenure: The Forest as Shifting Property Limit Unlike the rubber trees dispersed throughout the forest, requiring the trail system described in Chapter 3 (see Figure 3 3 ), Brazil nut trees are found in concentrated groves ( castanhais ) of 50 100 individuals in the Amazon, with each grove separated by a distance of approximately one kilometer (Mori and Prance 1990 ). 3 In the Terra do Meio region, a family castanhal may be foun d at distances ranging from 200 meters to three kilometers from the house. T he historical seringais and the extant castanhais often overlap. This overlap is not merely physical; it constitutes a temporal coinciding of extractive tasks, times, memories, an d political and economic processes. As described in Chapter 4, the ribeirinhos do not own land; rather, they have a land use concession within the political boundaries of the extractive reserve. Prior to the creation of the reserve, in formal tenure system s emerged and shifted based on the location of Brazil nut trees and the rubber trails During the rubber boom customary rights to land were bounded by the trails connecting rubber trees Depending on the productivity of particular trees, portions of 3 S ee Cronkleton et al. ( 2010 ) for georeferenced illustrations of Brazil nut groves in the Western Amazon.

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212 old tr ails closed and new tr ails were opened in their place to incorporate more productive trees into the round of the rubber tapper. Just as the boundaries of the family forest shifted through the opening and closing of rubber trails during the rubber boom, th e current boundaries of the family forest are determined through the distribution of Brazil nut trees. The system, both of rubber and of Brazil nut, 4 has been previously recorded in the region ( ISA 2003) and elsewhere in the Amazon (e.g., Ank erson and Barnes 2004 ; Cronkleton et al. 2010). These boundaries are not fixed; rather, they shift over time in response to social and political dynamics and to changes in tree productivity. D many family fores ts were expropriated by grileiros (see Chapter 4), interrupting the informal tree tenure system. Some of those ribeirinhos who were pushed out by the grileiros returned to find their traditional castanhais assumed by another occupant. Most recently, in the current period of conservation, new political boundaries have been created in the form of an extractive reserve that is in places incongruous with the existing, traditional tree tenure. These exogenous changes have shifted the internal boundaries of the f orest as a place within the taskscape. Traditionally, the castanhais are passed down by kin from previous generations. Following the creation of the reserve, many who temporarily left the Iriri because of the violence and economic hardship of the previous decade have returned, anticipating a more peaceful an d lucrative livelihood that accompanies increased government 4 A discrete natural grove is a distinct pla ce from the trail inscribed by the ribeirinhos. Nonetheless, the literatures give precedence to the trees, rather than the trails connecting the trees. In this chapter, I distinguish the place of the trails, when appropriate, as important to the taskscape.

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213 presence. However, they have returned to find a different pattern of land use and occupation that does not recognize their rights to familial Brazil nut groves that others, who remained in the region, have since occupied. Of the 33 households I interviewed in as briefly explained in Chapter 4, os castanhais j tm dono 5 These households often harvest Brazil nuts trees belonging to a family member ; the groves may be far from their own houses. In one instance, a man who had moved back to the Novo River after working in the city for 11 years complained that he had moved his family back to the region under the assumption that he would own his own castanhais. Inst profits for his family. T his arrangement is amenable to established families in instances where there are more Brazil nut trees, or more trees fruiting in any particu lar season, than the nuclear family can harvest alone. Other families are not as fortunate, and in choosing to leave, forfeit their rights to Brazil nuts indefinitely. Brazil Nuts Brazil nut trees are admired by the ribeirinhos for their impressive size. A mature Brazil nut tree can reach 50 meters in height (Mori and Prance 1990), three meters in diameter, and live up to 500 years. Some individuals are estimated to have lived to nearly 1000 years (Vieira et al. 2005). For their value in the regional econom y they are pastureland (Fearnside 2001 a ). 5 According to my data, most families claim ownership over 200 to 300 Brazil nut trees; two households claimed 500 trees.

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214 The harvesting of Brazil nuts and rubber are seasonal tasks that may be attributed to the particular phenology or life cycle events, of each species. Whereas rubber was harvested during the dry season ( April to November) Brazil nuts are harvested during the rainy season ( December to April ). The seasonality of each task, and the ways in which the forest was inscribed to f acilitate these practices, made rubber and Brazil nut complementary activities that, in the past, provided for the household year round. During the rainy season, the large, woody fruits ( ourios ) of the Brazil nut tree, roughly the shape, size, and weight of a small coconut, 6 become saturated with water and fall to the ground. Each fruit contains between 10 and 25 of the desired seeds (Mori 1992), or castanhas ) that have economic value and are collected by the ribeirinhos for trade and household co nsumption. The ribeirinhos must arrive to collect the nuts before the agouti ( Dasyprocta spp .), a rodent and one of the few forest animals with teeth capable of gnawing through the fruit, arrive first to consume and bury them. Indeed, the concentrated arra ngement of the Brazil nut trees in the forest is often attributed to the instrumental role the agoutis play in seed dispersal ( Mori and Prance 1990 ) and in the germination of new individuals in relative proximity to the parent trees (Peres and Baider 1997) In this context, there is little difference between the life activities of the agouti and the ribeirinho (see also Ingold 2000:174). Both are dwel ling and building as they dwell: the agouti through the role it plays in the distribution of the Brazil nut trees as they forage, and the ribeirinho through the inscribing that occurs as he removes and collects the nuts from the fallen fruits. The differences between the trails of the rubber harvest versus the Brazil nut harvest are related to the distance, the orientation of movement, and the configuration 6 The shape of the fruit can vary somewhat; the weight ranges from .5 to 2.5 kilograms (Mori 1992).

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215 of the places through which one travels. Their movements during the rubber boom were characterized by sustained speed and effort on ovular trails over large distances. The zil nut harvest are less fluid, more spontaneous, and less methodical than during the rubber harvest As was discussed in Chapter 3, the rubber tree w as tapped during the dry season and the latex flowed over a period of several hours, requiring the rubber tapper to make two, long rounds of the rubber trail on the same day. By contrast, t he fruits of the Brazil nut, battered by rainfall, break from the stem and fall a distance of up to 50 meters before abruptly slamming into the forest floor. Because of fall ing debris, and most notably falling Brazil nut fruits, the rainy season is the most dangerous time in the forest because of the potential for accidents and fatalities related to the fruits hitting the ribeirinhos on the head or body during collection. For these reasons, and in contrast with the task of rubber tapping, the ribeirinhos accomplish the task of Brazil nut collection op portunistically and efficiently in response to fruiting trees; to arrive before agoutis reach the nuts on the forest floor; befo re the nuts rot on the ground as a result of the rainwater, moisture, and humidity; and to avoid injury or fatality. The Brazil nut harvest, illustrated in Figure 5 2, incorporates movement and acts of inscription through the collection, extraction, trans port, treatment and storage of Brazil nuts. 7 As a result, the Brazil nut harvest is also a gathering of other places than the forest into the ribeirinho taskscape. When the ribeirinhos arrive at a Brazil nut tree 7 The task of harvesting Brazil nut varies by household. Some ribeirinhos are able to begin the task of harvesting Brazil nuts from just behind the home. However, some castanhais are far away from the home or on the other side of the river, requiring some ribeirinhos to travel extended d istances by foot or canoe. In the latter instance, many of these must paddle one of the larger rivers and several smaller streams before arriving at a trail that leads to the castanhal.

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216 or, as is more likely the case, a grouping of trees, they quickly amass ( amontoar ) the large fruits into a pile a safe distance from the trees. This is done with the assistance of two products made at the home: a palm fiber basket ( paneiro ) tied onto the ribeirinho back like a backpack, and a p de bode (literally, a a tool made from a de bode envelops the fruit and holds it until the ribeirinho lifts it over his head and makes an abrupt thrusting motion with it in his hands, releasing the fruit into the basket. The ribeirinho moves quickly during this process, filling the basket, emptying the fruits into the pile, and repeating this process until all fruits have been collected. He then moves onto the next tree to repeat these steps. Extracting the nuts from the fruits is accomplished by splitting the hard shell of the fruit open on the forest floor using a machete. The nuts are removed by hand and deposited either directly into the paneiro or into a 60 kilogram rice sack from the city To transport the nuts the ribeirinhos retrace their steps, traveling the same trails, streams, and rivers from which they arrived to return to the home. Depending on the distance to the house and the number of people harvesting the nuts, the process of extracting and transporting the Brazil nuts can be completed in one or several days. If a castanhal is located far from the home and there is not enough light in the forest to extract and transport the nuts, the y may ch oose to leave the fruits intact in the pile, 8 go home for the night, and return the next day to extract the nuts from the fruits and transport them back to the home. If the castanhal is close to the home, the ribeirinhos can extract the nuts and transport them back to the home in one day. 8 In instances where the ribeirinhos have to go home before extracting the nuts, they leave the fruits intact so other animals do not consume them overnight.

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217 When they arrive at the home, they walk down to the river to wash the nuts using the basket as a sieve The nuts that float are discarded since they are rotten. The nuts that are suitable for consumption may be directly bagged and stored in the house until the middl eman arrives, or are stored on a platform ( paiol ) in the yard built in anticipation of the harvest from palm thatch and wood so that they are protected from animals while they dry. Both the Brazil nut and rubber harvest are acts of inscription, evident in the cutting and walking of trails to access the trees. Materiality is embodied in the dialectic between matter the raw materials and tools used in collection and transformation of the product into an economic good and agent. Recurrent operations thus prov ide a dynamic and emergent quality to the taskscape in which the boundaries of places and identities shift over time, as discussed in Chapter 4 and above through the concept of tree tenure. Temporality, discussed next, contributes an additional, critical d imension that gathers the people, materiality, and tasks of other time periods into the place of the forest i n the present. T emporality and the Harvest The ribeirinhos access the Brazil nut trees through the creation, maintenance, and use of paths some o f which coincide with the former rubber trails, giving a distinct temporal dimension to the material landscape During the rubber boom, the seringueiro created and maintained two to three rubber estradas (trails) per household to facilitate movement from t ree to tree These trails were created in lengths, groupings, and in the distinct teardrop or ovular shape discussed in Chapter 3 (and see Figure 3 3) to into the col lection cups after making the morning cut into the tree. S imilar to the rubber

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218 trails described in Chapter 3, the ribeirinho clears the main caminhos (paths) of overgrowth in December before the Brazil nut safra ( harvest) for the same purposes. However, th e concentration of Brazil nut trees in a grove result in the creation of a somewhat haphazard, multilinear trail system. This trail system contrasts with the rubber trails walked during the rubber boom. Nonetheless, as mentioned previously, t he rubber trails of past generations often coincide with the Brazil nut trails of the present (Figure 5 3), demonstrating the temporality of the taskscape. Although the Brazil nut harvest is a rainy season activity, it is important to note that d uring the summer months, the ribeirinhos walk the trails and assess the condition of their Brazil nuts, beginning to plan what their movements will be like during the harvest. In the neighboring Riozinho do Anfrsio Extractive Reserve, a researcher reported that wh en the ribeirinhos are extracting resins from other tree species for medicinal and economic potential, they are also making the rounds on their Brazil nut trails, visiting the trees to predict their potential during the upcoming harvest (Vivian Zeidemann p ers comm., in activities of the moment. During the summer, Ailton showed me his Brazil nut trees, predicted a decent safra that winter, and brought me to see the empty and dis carded fruits left over from the previous season. As we walked through the castanhal, I was excited to see rubber trees with the characteristic hatch marks, clearly inactive but remnants from the rubber boom. He indicated that these rubber trees were tappe d by his father during the rubber boom, and the same ones he had begun to tap as a young man before the rubber bust. After seeing my interest, he began to deviate somewhat from the Brazil nut trail, told me

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219 to wait, and began cutting a trail with his mache te, hacking away the woody plants and vines to take me to more trees. This required some manual labor, as he was reopening To me it was all vines, woody plants, and debris; to him it was a family rubber trail committed to memory and traversed over a few generations. He located the rubber trees immediately. He traced the outline of the hatch marks with his fingers and explained how they used to tap rubber. He made a ga sh in an old hatch mark and showed me the milky latex that began to seep out before we moved on to the next tree. As we walked, Ailton what many ribeirinhos had told me during my fieldwork (discu ssed in Chapter 3): rubber would return. stopped to examine the milky latex from the tree he had cut, now dripping onto the forest floor, perhaps to assess it for its productivity. H e turned to me, smiled, and the past and the future into the present. He did so not only in discourse but in the acknowledgement of the material refuse (the fruits) fr om the previous Brazil nut season, and in the incorporation of the rubber trees and trails, last used decades before, into dialectic of materiality. For Ailton memories of people and past activities are gathered into the forest. The rubber trails and scars on trees are his souvenirs and his mementos. The forest inscribed over the years in the context o f tasks is part of who he is.

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220 Thus, when the ribeirinhos go into the forest for their extractive activities, past and present, they do so in reference to other places, activities, and time periods. As Antnio stated, e years we have lived here, and all the years our parents lived here. As discussed in Chapter 4 the bodies of loved ones are buried in the castanhais, and often under a Brazil nut tree. 9 In the past, bodies were also buried in the forest, but in the area designated as the seringais. Although during my fieldwork I did not see a ribeirinho stopping to remember a deceased loved one in the context of walking through the forest, Schwartzman et al. ( 2010 ) f ound that the time of grilagem was particularly traumat ic for some ribeirinhos because they did not want to leave the castanhais where loved ones were buried. Furthermore, when the ribeirinhos spend time in the forest to engage in extractive activities, past and present, they always bring their gun ( espingard a ). This is a practice learned over time in relation to the presence of animals in the forest. It may also be a residual habit acquired during the rubber boom, when Indians attacked the invading rubber tappers in territorial disputes (see Chapter 3). In th e present, however, the ribeirinhos report doing so for protection from jaguar ( ona ) attacks, and, most importantly, to hunt for game meat. Although fish is the primary source of protein in the ), the ribeirinhos rarely miss an opportunity to kill peccary, deer, tortoise, and smaller mammals and birds for consumption 10 Thus, when the ribeirinhos move through the forest in the simple acts of 9 Schwartzman et al. (2005) found the same in the Medio Xingu Extractive Reserve, and I observed t his directly in my fieldsite. 10 Opportunistic hunts do not usually yield game meat. Chapter to five

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221 travelling to the castanhais and harvesting Brazil nuts, they are also gathering the people, places, and activities from the past, present, and future into place. These Hirs ch 1995). Extractive activities have a distinct temporal dimension. Despite their seasonal incongruence, the paths traversed during the rubber boom have some overlap with the castanhais, and in the act of walking the trails, the ribeirinhos remember. Memo ries associated with the rubber boom even those that are not explicitly linked with the task of rubber tapping, such as Indian attacks are referenced by the gun carried by the in the present context of the Brazil nut collection. Future potentialities, such as the anticipated quality of the Brazil nut harvest, are also brought into the foreground. The simple act of harvesting Brazil nuts is also a gathering of places and times, and is indicative of building. The gathering of interest includes a gathering of other places in the taskscape and places within the forest, such as trails, as well as memories and seasons. As I discuss in Chapter 6, this gathering is fundamental to the development of a sense of place and identity as ribeirinhos. The River ( O Rio ) In t by illustrating the ways in which it is incorporated into their daily lives. I accomplish this primarily through an exploration of the central extractive activity of fishing, which is crucial to the ribeirinho diet, household economy, and ribeirinho sense of place and of self (this last topic discussed in Chapter 6). Their self

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222 (ribeirinhos), is itself compelling evidence of the importa nce of t he river to their livelihood and identity The river is the primary water source used in all aspects of ribeirinho daily life, from its most important and basic use as source of drinking water to bathing and washing of all kinds. Historically, it has serve d as the only passage for the people and products that sustain the ribeirinho economy and household. The ways in which the ribeirinhos engage with the river demonstrate that it is a somewhat paradoxical place because it contains positive, neutral, and nega tive values (Munn 1986), and links and separates places within and outside of the ribeirinho taskscape. Like other places in the ribeirinho taskscape, the river is not a stable entity ; rather, it is a composite of various places that shift in accordance wi th the seasons. The middle of the river, and the two banks of the riv er that which is opposite of the home and that which is in front of the home may be regarded as distinct. These places hold different meanings, provide different cues for beh avior, and ar e used differently depending upon the context, the season, and the individual. Similarly, the opposite bank of the river poses restrictions for some ribeirinhos, because of newly created political boundaries and relations with Indians in the TIs (see Chapt er 4). The juncture at which the river meets the yard near the home is an important place where the ribeirinhos socialize, swim, collect drinking water, clean fish and game meat, bathe, and wash. It is also a place that poses danger because of the presence of freshwater stingrays ( raia s ) in the shallow waters where the river meets the yard. The ribeirinhos also have an ongoing fear of small children being eaten by carnivorous fish and other river dwelling animals that pose a threat to humans. This part of t he river is simultaneously positive and

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223 negative space (sensu Munn 1996). The physical limits of these places change in accordance with the seasons, because of the dramatic transformation in the volume and appearance of the river between the rainy and dry seasons. Passage and Boundary The river provides a neutral passage in the midst of the borders and boundaries that characterize this frontier region. The is known as such in part because of its location between the Xingu and Iriri rivers. Within the Terra do Meio, the Iriri River is itself an interstitial place. When the ribeirinhos are on the river and pass territories they perceive as hostile, including certain TIs and lands illegally occupied and claimed by speculators they made clear that as long as they remained on the river, their travels would be undisturbed. As described in Chapter 4 I too remained in the neutral, central part of the river to adhere as close ly as possible to the terrestrial protected area boundaries that I was prohibited from entering, such as the adjacent indigenous lands, the Riozinho do Anfrsio Extractive Reserve, and the Te rra do Meio Ecological Station At the same time, the river repr esents a boundary within the ribeirinho taskscape. Boundaries between protected areas, including TIs, are more strictly enforced since the creation of the protected areas mosaic. However, boundaries are perceived differently by different households, depend ing upon the relationship with neighbors on the other side of the river. For example, the ribeirinhos on the northern portion of the reserve report having positive relations with the indigenous people of the TI Cachoeira Seca do Iriri. They frequently acce ss the health post in cases of medical emergency, and reported that they are rarely turned away by the indigenous people. The presence of ribeirinho homes on both sides of the river, and of the significance of the health post,

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224 may be noted in Figure 5 1. A s discussed in Chapter 4, many ribeirinhos on this portion of the river live on the indigenous side and are in process of being relocated to the Iriri Extractive Reserve. Those who are further south, across from the Kuruaya and Xipaya TIs, reported less am icable relations with the indigenous neighbors across the river. In these instances, the river is often the outer limit of the taskscape because families there do not have access to the lands or resources within the TI. In cases of medical emergency the ri beirinhos in this portion of the river reported crossing the river to access the health post in the TI, although they said they were often denied treatment. 11 In all cases, riverine boundaries are difficult to define by their geography because these bounda ries shift seasonally. These seasonal changes play an important role in ribeirinho tasks and movement through the riverine landscape. The river dramatically expands and contracts during the two distinct seasons of the Amazon. During the dry season, the riv 15 to 30 meters from the ribeirinho house, depending on the household During the rainy season, the river rises several meters and the water may reach the door of the house, forcing the ribeirinhos to board a canoe in order to exit the ir h ouse Some houses are built on platforms, allowing the river to flood underneath ( Figure 5 4). Fishing Beginning in early childhood, ribeirinho children accompany their parents and older siblings to the river. Children are capable anglers, and from a very young age they are able to identify dozens of fish varieties This is an example of habitus (Bourdieu 11 supplies. If the indigenous people began serving the basic medical needs of all the ribeirinhos in the region, th ey would have insufficient supplies for themselves. They do appear to provide medical services for ribeirinhos on an emergency basis, such as providing antibiotics, antimalarials, and stitches, and have occasionally assisted in the evacuation of gravely il l ribeirinhos through the use of the FUNAI speedboat.

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225 1977) embodied and incorporated by children from an early age. The ribeirinhos tend to classify fish d habits. For example, they distinguish between fish that have scales or smooth skin, prefer streams, lakes, or rivers, clear waters or black waters, and swim and live at different depths The practice of fishing is conducted for usually one of two object ives: for subsistence and for market. 12 Depending upon the objective of the task and the desired fish to be caught, the technologies employed, tools used, and tasks may vary. Subsistence fishing Fishing for household consumption is a daily activity. The ri beirinho diet consists primarily of fish and manioc flour, their main protein and carbohydrate source s In the household questionnaire implemented in 2006 (see Chapter 4), o ne hundred percent of household respondents fished on a daily basis (N=33), whereas only about half claimed to have hunted at least once during the prior month Of the 21 households responding In the latter case, these households indicated that t hey were fortunate to have game meat in the home, explaining their temporary break from the fish. 13 Fishing for household consumption is a task performed by men, women, and children, using traditional fishing methods Fishing for consumption can be done 12 Sometimes the two are not easily distinguished. Not all fishing destined for market occurs in organized expeditions. To maximize their potential, a proportion of fish caught by individuals for househ old consumption may be prepared for trade rather than household consumption. Similarly, not all fish harvested during organized expeditions is for market purposes. Some fish are consumed by the anglers in situ or, if returning to the household shortly, bro ught home for household consumption. 13 The river is also the source of other delicacies consumed less frequently than fish. The meat of the tracaj (the Yellow spotted Amazon River turtle; Podocnemis unifilis ) is also a delicacy, as are the eggs laid by t he female along the sandy beaches in the summer, which are collected at night by the ribeirinhos.

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226 suc cessfully at almost any time of day, but it is most productive if done at dawn and dusk when the fish are feeding. The kinds of tools and technology used depend upon the type of fish one wants to catch. Some fish, such as the pacu and curimat, can be caug ht in clear, shallow waters in the dry season using a bow and arrow ( cana e flecha ), 14 or in moderately deep waters using a small cast net ( tarrafa ); others are caught in deep water using a manufactured nylon line ( lnea or tela ) and metal hook ( anzol ). Wit h the exception of the bow and arrow, which are handmade, these tools are acquired through trade with a middleman. When the ribeirinho 15 goes fishing, he boards his canoe and paddle from the m one of m any possible hardwood trees from the forest which has been felled and hollowed for this purpose by the male head of household. The canoe is thus a direct index of the forest, and the forest facilitates the task of fishing on the river; it is thu s gathered into the place of the river. Thus, the distinctions between places named and, upon first glance, differentiated by use, fade as the relationships between them become apparent. The ribeirinho paddles to the desired location, which is usually a sh ady part of the river or a small stream ( igarap ), at a distance of a few meters to several kilometers from the house. Grubs, palm fruits, or bits of fish or other animal guts are used as bait. Before he leaves the home, the ribeirinho considers the type o f bait he must bring, or where he might find bait along the way, to catch his preferred fish. Types of bait include grubs from rotten logs in the forest, leftover scraps of fish or animal from the yard or from 14 I did not witness this firsthand, nor did I see any bows and arrows, but several ribeirinhos say they use this technology. 15 Fishing for subsistence purpos es is conducted by men and women. For clarity, I refer to the masculine form here so as not to confuse the reader.

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227 smaller bait fish caught during his outing, or example, the carnivorous piranha responds best to meaty bait, while the pirarara catfish prefers palm fruits. While he is out on the river, the ribeirinho may be fishing in response to explicit requests from hi s family for a type of fish that they would prefer to eat that evening, and so he calculates his locations and bait accordingly. As he paddles through the riverine landscape, he may stop to receive or deliver a message to a neighbor, or to gift a tasty fis h to an elderly friend, an ailing neighbor, or a family with a new baby. In the absence of roads, the river is the only means of transportation in the region and, with the exception of the middlemen of intra household communicati on. Rather than walk from house to house, the ribeirinhos board their canoe and paddle to visit with family and friends. Thus, s ocializing often occurs on the way home from fishing. When the ribeirinho returns to his home, he, his children, and/or his wife gut and clean the fish at which bridges the yard to the river (Figure 5 The selection of bait and the way in which fish are caught, using tools from the city and a canoe made from wood in the forest, d emonstrate the gathering of places t hat occurs during a quotidian activity backgrounded, future potentialities, as illustrated in the selection of bait and in the requests for particular kinds of fish, yet uncaught, to prepared into the desired evening meal. Fishing for market Until the 1990s, fishing was primarily for household consumption. After the rubber bust and the sanctions placed on the hunting of animal skins ( see Chapter 4), th e

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228 ribeirinhos turned to fishing for economic gain to supplement the household economy during the dry season. This activity complements their rainy season activity of harvesting Brazil nuts. The ribeirinhos often partner with a local middleman or small scale commercial fisherman who maintains a residence in the region (henceforth referred to as which is discusse d in Chapter 4, may be historically traced to the relationship between rubber patro and seringue iro, discussed in Chapter 3. The middleman provides the fishing supplies, such as hooks and nets, so that the ribeirinho may fish. In return, the ribeirinho se lls his fish directly and sometimes exclusively to that middleman at a relatively low price. On any given week, a household sells between 150 and 250 kilograms of salted fish. 16 After collecting all the fish he can on a monthly basis, the middleman travels to the city to sell the fish for up to four times the price interior The trade value obtained for the fish in the reserve depends upon the kind of fish sold. Mostly, the ribeirinhos receive between R$1.00 and R$1.50 per kilogram of salted fi sh. Popular market fish are colloquially known as tucunar, surubi m, pescada, pacu, and pirarara. Prices fluctuate depending upon regional demand and availability. Often, these partnerships involve expeditions to remote places less frequently fished by com mercial fishermen and ribeirinhos to maximize their harvest. On one occasion, I was interviewing a family when their young adult son suddenly jumped up and began excitedly packing a sack of belongings, including his fishing supplies. He had 16 This is the range reported by 14 households that participated in the household questionnaire in 2006. ISA (2003:231) estimated that ribeir inho households in the region (including the Iriri) sell approximately 100 kilograms per week.

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229 heard a boat wa s taking ribeirinho men on a fishing expedition, and he had spread the word that he wanted a spot on that expedition. The boat driver, a man acknowledged by my hosts as a regional middleman who works in small scale commercial fishing during the summer mont hs, stopped at the home and picked up the young man. The men traveled by sliding their canoes and paddles sideways onto the larger boats ( Figure 5 6 ). The young man left with nothing but a change of clothes, salt, a cast net, hook, and line in his hand, bu t he returned with what he estimated to be over 200 kilograms of fish one week later. Incidentally, I was visiting with the household when he returned, and all members of the household immediately rushed out t o greet him, unloaded his canoe and belongings, and immediately went to work washing, cutting, salting, and setting the fish out to dry on drying lines in the yard ( ). The young man reported that they went far upriver, into the Curu River, and to a place where only a few people h ad ever fished before. In contrast with the excitement in this young man, fishing is a somewhat sensitive subject among most ribeirinhos. F ishing for market is a sensitive topic that seems to threaten their sense of place and identity as ribeirinhos Most of the families with whom I spoke said that they are skilled fisher people, but that fishing destined for market was generating activities during the dry season. They spoke nostalgically about rubber as an example of a more noble profession. Although they feel sentimental about rubber tapping, a defunct practice in the region, they regard an income generating practice fishing for market as a poor substitute. The reasons for this appear com plex, and include a sense of Chapter 6), historic use of the

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230 resources versus contemporary use, the perceived impact overfishing has on their t overexploitation of fish in the river is requiring them to venture beyond the reach of their familiar taskscape. During my research, all but four households participated in fishing for market, although man y did so with little enthusiasm and the four hou seholds that did not were outspoken against it. We used to have more [to do economically] here. Now there are just these s against what we thing with the fish they sell. I think people do not like me because I am against fishing of this nature. And I eat fish every day. Boy, I do love to eat my fish, and to fish myself, but only because fish is food (6/20/2006) This ribeirinho is expressing the inadequacy of fishing as a replacement for rubber tapping. He was opposed to fishing for market in part because of the low prices us a subsistence activity that is threatened by over fishing associated with commercial operations. The discomfort felt by some ribeirinhos about commercial fishing for market may also be attributed to its susceptibility to exploitation by commercial fish ermen from the city who overharvest the fish using large nets ( ma lh adeira s ) that are submerged and span nearly the length of the river. The net is held in place for several hours before being pulled up by a dozen or more men (see Figure 5 1 for an illustration of this occurrence). This practice captures and kills indiscriminately and was a chief complaint

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231 and concern among all ribeirinhos during my fieldwork. Joo relayed this sentiment in an interview. He re we have fishing by malhadeira [ a commerical practice that comes ] from the city. The people from there have no right to come here because they are takin g our income, our money from us! And besides, their kind of fishing is predatory, with the malhadeira k ind of practice. Because we ribeirinhos from here, we only fish what we can use for food and for sale, and we only fish with a line and hook or very small nets And apart from them coming here with a huge boat full of people to take what we should be earni ng, they bring the large nets that extinguish all the fish in the river. (6/19/2006). Large scale commercial fishing leaves fewer fish for ribeirinho consumption and sale, reduces prices for direct purchase from the ribeirinhos, and disrupts the riverine ecosys tem. At the time of my research the harvesting of fish by outsiders was prohibited by law but not enforced in practice. The ribeirinhos were upset and angry about this growing problem. Competition and overexploitation between ribeirinhos and outsider s have placed this important ribeirinho task at risk. As the anecdote provided about the young man illustrates, the ribeirinhos are being forced out of their familiar taskscape to areas that are infrequently traveled but provide more fish for market. This disrupts their routine; threatens their livelihood, and renders them more dependent upon outsiders to sustain the household economy. Hunting on the River Just as the ribeirinhos traverse the river to acce ss resources of their taskscape, such as B razil nut groves in the forest and mani they also pursue game animals that, like them, are at their most vulnerab le when they are in the water. This process is dramatically illustrated by opportunistic hunts for the porco (white lipped peccary; Tayassu pecari ) when it is swimming across the river from one forest to another. This peccary is a wild boar that travels in large herds of up to several

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232 hundred individuals. In the forest, a herd of these peccaries po ses a serious threat to huma ns. However, w hen the herd crosses the river it is almost totally defenseless. If the ribeirinhos encounter a herd of peccaries on the river, they have been known to harvest as many animals as they can carry in their canoe. They drown the animals by grabbi ng their hind legs and pushing their heads underwater next to the boat. The peccaries do not flee but persist in circling the boat and gnashing their teeth at the ribeirinhos, trying to protect th e herd and making them selves, as individuals, easier prey. T he dead peccaries are quickly hoisted into the boat and the ribeirinho grabs the next animal within reach. The scene resembles a massacre. Because several peccaries provide more game meat than any household can consume, the meat is traditionally gifted to family and friends. 17 I witnessed this hunt in 2007 when a herd of about 100 peccaries crossed from the eastern to the western bank of the river. We were far from the familiar taskscape of my travel companions, and so only a few individual peccaries we re killed during this encounter so that the meat would not perish. We stopped at a home the owners of which my travel companions had infrequent contact to ask if the heads of household could help skin, gut, and remove the meat from the bodies. They did so h appily they reported not having game meat or visitors in over a month and we spent the evening the ribeirinhos left some of the meat with our overnight hosts. One of my travel 17 Game meat is not usually exchanged among ribeirinhos, but is sometimes exchanged for money or goods with gold miners who spend months prospecting on the Curu River, a blackwater tributary of the Iriri River.

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233 companions salted the remaining portion, wrapped it in a cloth, and gifted portions of it to friends further downriver in the following days (Figure 5 7 ). The Home ( A Casa e Quintal ) products from other places in the taskscape are processed, transformed, and consumed or sold to middlemen Nowhere are the recurrent operations of movement, materiality, an d inscribing more salient than at the home. E very day begins and ends in the house Tasks extend from the house, yard, and kitchen garden. Tools, technologies, and matter are gathered into the home as tasks are completed. The home as building is a concentr ated gathering (and storage) place of people, products, and tools used and created over time. Socializin g and storytelling occurs during meals and before bedtime in the home. Each story for example, of a hunt, a harvest, a family member gather s past practi ces into the present and link s them to the future. The transformed matter that comprise s the home the roof, walls, and plants in the yard also offers cues and thus an ideal place from which to understand the role of temporality in place making. In this section, I again focus on tasks that exemplify movement, materiality, and acts of inscription. Infrastructural investments are a particularly useful medium through which to identify these recurrent operations and the gathering of other places into the home. Infrastructural investments made in the vicinity of the home aid in the transportation, processing, consumption, and storage of products from other places in the taskscape. Small and la rge structures in the home act as bridges on and through which tasks are performed, while simultaneously enabling the movement of people and their products from other places in the taskscape into the home. In the act of creating

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234 and using these investments the ribeirinhos are thus inscribing the riverine landscape and linking places together. Three infrastructural investments in the place of the home are illustrative of these points: (1) the pier, found where the yard and river meet; (2) the casa de farinh a in the yard, where manioc flour is prepared for consumption; and (3) the house itself, which facilitates countless tasks, from trivial to vital, that sustain the members of the household. The Geography of the Home combination of the house, yard, and kitchen garden ( casa e quintal ) because of the physical proximity and continuity between these three areas in practice and in discourse. In speech, the ribeirinhos infrequently distinguish between the areas of the home. For example, the windows, doors, and even walls to the house may be open to the yard to promote air circulation and to facilitate the movement, disposal, and storage of products, waste, and food items ( Figure 5 8 ). When the ribeirinhos refer to the moveme nt of matter between the house and the yard, they following subsections based on these distinctions. Outside: The Yard and Kitchen Garden The quintal a term that may refer to the yard and kitchen garden (the latter of which is occasionally specified as jardim ) is the terrestrial area surrounding the house. During the dry season, the front yard is a neatly maintained area in front of the house that tends to be free of vegetation ( Figure 5 9). The yard slopes downward from the house to the point at which it meets the river. Small, domesticated animals such as ch ickens, ducks, dogs, and cats, live and are tended in the yard. Most yards include a chicken coop ( galinh eiro ) a structure made

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235 from palm thatch. A t night, dogs sleep in the yard under the overhang of the roof next to the house. Most yards also have drying lines and platforms on which to dry and store salted fish for future retrieval by the middleman ( Figure 5 10). The yard transitions into a kitchen garden that contains several varieties of edible cultivars that are maintained close to the house to facilitate their use in cooking, snacking, and treating ailments. The ribeirinhos may also cultivate palms nea r the quintal that are useful as edibles, as bait for fishing (see above), and for the construction and the transportation of products. For example, some palms, such as the Babau ( Attalea speciosa ) are cultivated and managed in the area of the home This palm made into thatch for roofs and walls of the house ; into b rooms for cleaning the house; and, importantly, into baskets ( paneiro s ) used to haul Brazil n uts from the forest to the home and yucca from the swidden fields to the river and, subsequently, to the casa de farinha (see below ) T he native aa palm ( Euterpe oleracea ) is cultivated near the house to facilitate seasonal consumption of its deep purple fruit, which, after being processed, is consumed as a type of porridge. The yard may also contain s pecies of historical significance, such as rubber trees that are deliberately cultivated ( Figure 5 11 ). I first discovered this while walking through a yard one day during my first field season. A singular, tidy tree in front of a window caught my eye. I a I was u naccustomed to rubber trees without the characteristic hatch markings. Stunned, I asked him why he maintained the tree in his yard if it does not have uma lembrana

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236 he also added, as many of the ribeirinhos do, that maybe one day it would return as an economically valuable species. Then, he joked, he could tap it from the convenience of his home. As this anecdote illustrates, rubber a product that is no longer commer cially viable is an index of the past, around which a sense of place continues to coalesce. The presence of rubber trees in the yard and kitchen gardens was subsequently noted in several ribeirinho homes, although it was discovered in the context of conve rsations and household interviews. The topic of the rubber boom always emerged in discourse. As we discussed it, conver sations with ribeirinhos about the rubber trees in the yard summoned nostalgia for the past and economic expectations for the future. In one instance, after I had spoken with one ribeirinho about the rubber tree r in law appeared at the house the next day carrying a satchel with receipts and identity documents from the rubber boom. Over the course of my fieldwork, many ribeirinhos came out of their way to show me similar documents and to bring me the tools and mat erials they used to tap rubber ( Figure 5 12). I did not request this; in fact, at one point their fixation upon the past seemed to overwhelm my original objectives in the reserve. Over time, however, it became clear to me that this was one way in which bac kgrounded memories and practices are brought into the foreground. In addition to its future potentiality, the rubber tree th us acts as an index of the past: it marks the historical era of the rubber boom and the people, places, and practice of rubber tappi ng that enabled the seringueiros to dwell and develop a

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237 sense of place in the Amazon (see also Chapter 3). Furthermore, other cultivars of the yard, such as the edible plants and useful palms, are maintained in anticipation of use, an example of a future p otentiality ( Hirsch 1995) from the background that is foregrounded in the present. Two particular structures associated with the home space exemplify the ways in which places gather. These structures are in close proximity to the house but in most cases, detached from it. 18 The first is the pier, located where the yard meets the river. The ribeirinhos use the piers to engage in a variety of activities related to the place of the home. The second is the casa de farinha a wood and thatch structure in which t he ribeirinhos prepare manioc flour platform is made from the wood harvested from any variety of hardwood trees from the forest. The pier extends from the yard to the river (or the river to the yard, depending upon the perspective), and it is from this pier that the ribeirinhos may engage in any number of activities. The pier provides a dry platform on which to place pots as they are being washed, an accessible place to leav e a bar of soap while one is bathing, a flat surface upon which to vigorously scrub and beat soiled clothing, a fun spot from which children jump to swim in the river in the hot afternoons, and a strategic location from which to clean fish and game meat aw ay from the dirt and domestic animals in the yard ( Figures 5 13 ; see also Figure 5 6). In the rainy season, the pier is superfluous; the river envelops the yard and the pier is pulled onto high ground so that it is not swept away in the current of the rive r. Thus the position and use of the pier are indicative of the season of the year. 18 I did see several houses with attached casas de farinha

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238 The yard also contains the casa de farinha Farinha is of manioc ( mandioca ) that represents the staple carbohydrate of the ribeirinho diet. T he processes involved in its preparation are necessary to remove the cyanogen toxins before consumption. After being harvested from the swidden agricultural fields of individual households, the manioc roots are carried in the basket, made from fibers from th e palm trees near the yard (see above), to the edge of the river. The roots are then soaked in the shallow waters of the river, where the river meets the front yard, for several days. The roots may be soaked in an old, submerged canoe made from hardwood tr ee in the forest so they are not lost in the river. The next steps involved in processing and preparing the farinha are performed collectively. Family and friends load their respective roots into their canoes and paddle to a centr al location usually settl ements with multiple households ample supplies, and multiple casas de farinha to process the manioc and prepare the farinha. Thus, processing the manioc becomes a social activity conducted with neighbors, usually kin, from nearby households As the many s teps involved in processing the manioc are conducted, people are socializing, eating, and playing. The steps involved in the processing of manioc and the collective and social aspects of this important ribeirinho task are evident in the photos provided in Figure 5 14. Having soaked the roots for several days, the ribeirinhos peel the manioc and grate the roots on a piece of metal with holes punched through it. This step is performed inside the casa de farinha, usually by men, over an old, dugout canoe elev ated to hip level to facilitate grating. The canoes thus inde x both the forest and the river, yet in the place of the home. Next, the pulpy mash is transferred to a cotton hammock where it is

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239 washed and strained. I observed mostly women performing this ste p. The hammock used is store bought, acquired through the middleman and normally used for sleeping. In its capacity in the processing of manioc, the hammock functions as a sieve. The mash is manually washed with water carried up from the river, pressed by hand through the hammock, and strained. Excess water is collected in a plastic bin below the hammock. Third, the mash is transferred to sacks and then transferred to a large, wooden press that is operated with the help of several men, since it requires lif ting a heavy log that places weight on the mash, squeezing out the remaining liquid. Finally, the mash is ready to be toasted into flour. It is spread over a very large iron griddle and stirred for several hours over a fire until it is fully toasted. The f inal product is the dry, known as farinha, which has an extremely grainy and crunchy texture and is consumed with every meal The preparation of farinha is a process of place making and gathering. While the harvesting of the root in the swidden fields may be done individually, the preparation of farinha is often a social task that brings people from multiple homes together. The various steps involved in preparing farinha ga ther other places, indicated by indexes, into the home. The prepar ation of farinha also depends upon the city for its processing, as use of an iron griddle plastic bins and other manufactured objects Similarly, fishing and Brazil nuts are dependent upon the demand created by the exterior market T hese products move far beyond the familiar landscape of the ribeirinhos, is foregrounded in their tasks.

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240 Inside: The House The house is the structure that provide s the most elemental protection of the ribeirinhos and their products. More than a shelter, the building of the house is among the most complex acts of inscription that occur in the taskscape because it involves extensive artisanal knowledge and technology acquired over a lifetime. Furthermore, building the house gathers various places in the taskscape, including the forest and river. Once built, the house is an epicenter of gathered tasks, people, places, products, and temporalities. The construction of t he house is collectively shared by men, women, and children. The task involves organizing people willing to provide manual labor, gathering the materials from the forest, and planning and preparing the meals and other social events that accompany the const ruction process When a new home is built the ribeirinhos first need to clear the area of forest. The timber species felled during this process are utilized in home construction. Beams and posts are made from hardwood trees locally known as Corao de Neg o, Itauba, Maraba, Amargosa, Amei ju, and Camuri S ome homes were made of thatch walls while others were open air structures In general, however, the ribeirihos make the walls out of a composition called pau a pique that involves materials from the forest, yard, and river. To make a pau a pique wall, wooden rods are affixed to the floor and extend vertically to the desired height of the ceiling. These rods are crosscut every few centimeters by bamboo rods, and the t wo materials are tied together with vines at their intersections, forming a porous wall that is filled in with mud. The m ud is formed from the silty clay that is dug up from the yard mixed manually with river water, and shaped by stomping, pounding, knead ing, and slapping until its consistency is amenable to

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241 The balls, which are extremely heavy, are carried over to the side of the home. Portions of the balls are applied wet to the primitive wall as a kind of stucco pushed into the spaces between the bamboo and wood, and smoothed over the top ( Figure 5 15). This technology is typical throughout the region. The ribeirinhos use either the pau a pique or thatch in their home construction. A few homes had begun to incorporate wood into their home construction, which is associated with the city and thus appears to carry more prestige. However, the ribeirinhos often complain because wood houses are hotter. One of the most difficult tasks in the construction of the house is assembling the roof The roof is made from layers of palm fronds usually harvested from nearby Babau palm tree s, which are intricately woven into large sections of thatch and mounted ont o the beams on top of the home. Men and women are skilled in weaving thatch and chi ldren often practice on small sections of the thatch so that knowledge is passed on to subsequent generations. Maintenance of the home is fairly regular practice. Because of the natural materials used in home construction, sections of the home, such as the walls, may need to be replaced after 5 to 10 years. It was not uncommon during my interviews and visits to the households that a man or woman would notice a fiber tie or some minutiae coming undone some 15 feet above our heads. Without stopping the conver sation, they would deftly climb the central posts of the house, walk without fear on a horizontal beam no wider than a few centimeters in diameter, cross the length of the house, and swiftly resolve the problem.

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242 At the beginning of this chapter, I indicat ed that the home is the place from which the ribeirinhos begin and end their day, and from which all tasks extend. By focusing on specific tasks and places, I have detailed the gathering that occurs during a typical daily round The round is implied thro ugh a discussion of the mundane, daily tasks of the ribeirinho. As such, the round shifts in accordance with changing circumstances, such as seasons, which play a role in the time of harvest of the Brazil nut (and consequently, of accessing the forest on a regular basis) and fishing for market during the summer months. The home is the beginning and end point of this critical round, and consequently of the kinds of products and materials that are gathered into its midst. The home is a place of storage for co mmercial products after they have been procured and processed. After collecting the Brazil nuts from the forest and washing them in the river, they are stored in large sacks and placed in the house against a wall to protect them from rot, animals, and thef t. Although the sacks are not a permanent fixture in the house, they are used for sitting, eating, and conversing inside the house (Figure 5 16 ). When the middleman does arrive, the nuts, like the fish, leave the familiar domain of the riverine landscape. At night, f amilies typically sleep in store bought hammocks with mosquito nets, both of which are acquired through middlemen Hammocks are gathered at the base and tied up or slung over beams during the day to facilitate movement through the house. Howeve r, one or two hammocks may be left down during the day for rocking infants and for rest As light fades at the end of the day, the ribeirinhos retire to their hammocks. Darkness lasts for 12 hours in the Amazon, and the early evening is mostly whiled away with stories, often about the rubber boom, an encounter with a jaguar near

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243 the home, an injury sustained while working in the fields or a successful hunt in the forest. Even while they are at rest in the house, memories, people, places, and tasks continue to be gathered. Conclusion Similar to the myths and rituals inscribed in the physical landscape of indigenous Amazonia, the ribeirinho landscape is inscribed with people, places, and tasks from previous generations. These become manifest in the context of mundane extractive activiti es. Thus, the taskscape is not easily separable by task or by place seemingly the two basic components of the taskscape. Rather, the taskscape emerges from the multiplicity of places, times, and tasks that are gathered and related to each other in the cont (1993) concept of taskscape to illustrate the ways in which ribeirinho practices are not merely subsistence or economic activities, but are tasks that have enabled them to dwell and form a sense of place and identity over time in the riverine landscape. This approach departs from tha t of standard, cultural ecological literatures on caboclo peoples by highlighting the significance of mundane activities in the creation of places and identities, and the ways in which other times, places, and tasks form part of places in the present. As I show in the next chapter, Topophilia, the processes by which the taskscape emerges are the same by which the ribeirinhos form of a sense of place and identity, leading to affective attachments, feelings, attitudes, and emotional bonds with place. To gathe of places in the riverine landscape, but rather to capture the referential and recursive dynamics among and between them, and through time. Thus, in this chapter I have

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244 endeavored to connect the characteristic places of the taskscape to other places and times. The experiences of the ribeirinhos during the rubber boom are foregrounded in the materiality of the rubber trees and the intersecting trails linking that era with the Brazil nu t harvest in their conveniently alternating seasonality. During the Brazil nut harvest, the river moves from background to foreground when the Brazil nuts must be washed to separate the good from the bad, and when the middleman arrives in his boat to excha nge goods from the city for the sacks of Brazil nuts accumulated in the Forest, river, and home are intricately connected within the riverine landscape. Through the recurrent operations of materiality, movement, and inscribing, the riv er both connects and separates adjacent places within and outside the ribeirinho taskscape. Even as the ribeirinhos name the places gathered in this chapter, places within places emerge, consistent with the movement and inscribing that occurs in emergent t askscape. The river is a fluid boundary and passageway and thereby embodies the place that lies not only between other places, but also, and as a consequence, between hunger and food, sickness and medicine, and even life and death. Through the river, other places connect continuously th rough movement and materiality; the physical relationship between river, house and yard shift seasonally with the rains and the rise hrough the river, the products that sustain th e ribeirinho household, transformed by their labor, leave the familiar landscape of the ribeirinhos and are transported to the city by way of middlemen. The canoe, which l abor, knowledge, and skills into a vessel that enables the task of fishing and of

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245 preparing farinha, as well as providing a means of transportation and, consequently, communication with other households. Fish bait may come from a terrestrial grub in a rott en log on the forest floor, a palm fruit from a tree in the forest at the edge of the river, a scrap from the yard, or from a different fish in the river itself. The movement and materiality of each place is constantly woven into the fabric of the next pla ce in the always emergent taskscape. People, places, tasks, and the materiality, movement, and inscribing that link them, are constantly in a state of becoming. The home is the hub at which the mutually constitutive processes of the taskscape converge. Qui te literally, the house is the daily beginning and end point of movement for the ribeirinhos and their products, exemplifying the ways in which people, places, times, and matter are continuously gathered in the taskscape. The hub emerges constantly through countless tasks accompli shed, remembered, and planned: the daily lives of families, punctuated by births and deaths, and seasonal comings and goings; the cultivation of rubber trees and the processing of manioc flour in the yard; the storage of defunct to ols and technologies, and the accumulation of sacks of thousands of Brazil nuts in the home; the discourse employed by the ribeirinhos in conversation at mealtimes, or while lying awake in their hammocks in the early hours of darkness. The taskscape is no t merely a collection of tasks or places, but a gathering, network. engagement with the emergen t taskscape through their tasks the subject of this chapter the ribeirinhos develo p a sense of place and identity As I exp lore next, in

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246 Chapter 6 this sense of place and identity are likely to change over time because like the taskscape, they are emergent.

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247 F igure 5 1. An illustration of ribeirinho drawn by families of the Iriri River.

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248 B C D Figure 5 2. The Brazil nut harvest. (A) The p de bode used for collecting Brazil nut fruits (foreground), leaning against a basket ( paneiro ) used for carrying the nuts out of the forest. Note the gun ( espinarda ) in the background. (B) Breaking open the Brazil nut fruits (ourios) amassed in the grove with a machete. (C) Washing the Brazil nuts in the river, using the basket ( paneiro ) as a sieve. (D) Storing the Brazil nuts on the thatch platform ( paiol ) in the yard, to aid in drying the nuts and protecting them from animals. Photos A, C, D: Vivian Zeidemann. Photo B: usaid.gov

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249 Figure 5 Brazil nut trees. Although this image depicts a reserve in which both Brazil nuts and rubber are economically viable, for the purposes of this project, all references to rubber (e.g., colocao, rubber trail) may be considered collection. Source: Ankerson a nd Barnes 2004:164. Figure 5 4. A house on the Iriri elevated on a platform, to allow the river to flood underneath during the rainy season. Source : ICMBio).

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250 A B C Figure 5 successful day of fishing. (B) Cleaned fish are stored on a rock until the ribeirinho finishes cleaning all fish. (C) Cleaning fish on the pier. Figure 5 6. Leaving on a fishing expedition (fishing for market).

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251 A B C D Figure 5 7. Hunting peccaries from the river. (A) The ribeirinhos spot a herd of peccaries in the distance, and harvest a few individuals. (B) Cleaning the (D) Gifting game meat downriver.

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252 Fi gure 5 8. A view of a kitchen from the yard. Note the open spaces to facilitate air circulation and disposal. In this photo, a woman is washing meat with river water and disposing of dirty water and food scraps through the open window. Food scraps are eat en by domestic animals in the yard.

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253 A B Figure 5 9. A view of two ribeirinho homes. (A) Note the impeccably cleared yard. (B) Note the location of the home relative to the river and to the forest.

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254 Figure 5 10. Drying lines with salted fi sh in the yard.

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255 A B C D Figure 5 11. A former rubber soldier explains, and then shows, the way to tap rubber, using a rubber tree cultivated in the yard. The defunct tools, retained in the house for safe keeping, were pulled out to explain the w ays in which rubber used to be collected.

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256 A B Figure 5 12. Rubber receipts kept in the house and retrieved in the context of interviews about the past. (A) A ribeirinho displays his last rubber receipts. These receipts, in particular, were from the 1980s, when a minor market for rubber existed. They are signed by Frisan Nunes, son of the legendary rubber baron Anfrsio Nunes (B).

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257 A B Figure 5 13. The role of the pier in ribeirinho practices. (A) The pier (and canoe), bridging the yard an d the river. (B) Washing clothes in the river, using the pier

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258 A B C D Figure 5 14. Processing and preparing farinha. (A) Having been harvested from the fields and soaked in the river, the roots are grated in a canoe in the casa de farin ha. (B) Using river water, the mash is washed in a hammock as part of the removal of cyanogens. (C) The mash is pressed in a wooded press made from wood from the forest, to remove excess water. (D) Farinha is stirred on an iron griddle over an open fire.

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259 A B C D Figure 5 15. Finishing a pau a pique wall. (A) Mud from the yard is mixed with river water (from the plastic jugs) and formed into balls. (B, C) The mud balls are carried to the house. (D) The mud is smoothed in between the wood and bambo o foundation of the wall. Figure 5 16. Sitting on Brazil nut sacks stored inside the house during a household interview.

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260 CHAPTER 6 RIBEIRINHO TOPOPHILI A In Chapter 5, I explored the ribeirinho taskscape as a gathered network of places, times, and tasks. I showed how people and p laces are mutually constituted through the tasks that provide for the ribeirinho household. In this chapter, I examine the implications of t hat analysis for ribeirinho identity and sense of place. 1 As described in Chapter 2, the dominant literatures on Amazonian peasants frequently referred to as caboclos of political, and economic drivers. In this chapter, by contrast, I demonstrate that through the taskscape as process and in conjunction with (and in response to) broader processes in the Amazon over time the ribeirinhos of the Iriri have developed an emergent, emplaced i dentity and a sense of place in the region This chapter is divided into two sections. The first examines identity and specifically the relationship among Amazonian peasants and the ribeirinhos in particular. I compar e the etic extractivist ( extrativista ) identity with the emic ribeirinho identity. The former extrativista, was created in the 1980s as part of the political and environmental dialog ue i development of the extractive reserve concept I demonstrate that the latter, ribeirinho, emerges from the taskscape 1 The works of Basso (1996), Gray (2003), Morphy (1995) and Santos Granero (1998) illustrate that discursive and non discursive knowledge and pract ices are indicative of a durably installed sense of place. In Chapter 5, I examined mostly non discursive practices and the ways in which places gather on interviews, informal conversation, and questionnaires.

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261 In Chapter 2, I reviewed how scholars of Amazonian cultural and political ecology a ) that proved inadequate for this study. In contrast to th e dominant literatures on Amazonian peasants, the ribeirinhos of the Iriri consider themselves neither extractivists nor caboclos. Harris (1998, 2000, 2009) pr as a cultural type, as is eviden ced in the exis ting literatures. He Harris opts to use erm regard it as a substitution for caboclo. Rather, I use it because it is the term most frequently used by the ribeirinhos to describe who they are in relation to the particular circumstances of their dwelling as part of the riverine landscape. However, the distinction between emic and etic is not always clear. Like the taskscape, identity is always in a state of becoming. O ver time, etic identities may become e mi c as the practices to which the imposed identity refer become routine, embodied, and incorporated into daily life Indeed, it is likely that the term ribeirinho is also an etic identity that originated with European colonists several centuries ago. I explo re the slippage between emic and etic, using examples of identities imposed, adopted, and yet to be incorporated to highlight my analysis. For example, the rubber solider ( soldado da borracha ) identity was clearly etic, constructed as an integral part of a savvy recruitment campaign during WWII (see Chapter 3). This identity was adopted by the nordestino recruits relatively quickly. At the time of my research, the ribeirinhos

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262 had not adopted the extra tivist a identity ; but then again, it was only recently in corporated into the rhetoric of the region. Nonetheless, it is possible that the ribeirinhos will adopt the extrativista identity in the future In the second section, I connect the routine practices and gathering acts of the taskscape, described in Chapt er 5, to the development of a sense of place among the ribeirinhos. As reviewed earlier, Bachelard (1969 ) used the term topophilia love of place to describe the affective relationship people form with place. Specifically, Bachelard (1969:xxxi) defines the human value of the sorts of space that Basso (1996:54) refers to this concept as a sense of place heart and mind, often subdued, y et potentially overwhelming this as an attachment to place, elaborate interplay of emotion, Like identity, ribeirinho sense of place emerges from the tasksc ape. As discussed in Chapter 5, w alking the trails, paddling a canoe, making farinha, and tending to the home are not only economic activities; they are simultaneously acts of remembrance (Morphy 1995; Santos Granero 1998), sources of identity (Gray 2003; Ingold 2000), and expressions of belonging (Bender 2002). In other words, they are place based tasks from which a sense of self and place emerge. The most powerful expression of a sense of place is topophilia the title of this chapter and a particularly a pt concept for the ribeirinhos, who profess their love of place in spite of their experience of great difficulties and suffering and their history of intermittent invisibility. I illustrate this love of place with

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263 examples of ribeirinho discourse and exege sis. This approach is complementary to, and yields results consistent with, the factor analysis described in Chapter 4 Identity Etic Identities As I have discussed in previous chapters, the ribeirinhos of the Iriri did not have rights to land, did not pos sess identity documents, and, as a result, also did not have access to government services such as health care and education until the creation of the extractive reserve. It was as if their very existence was denied by the gove rnment; as a result, they wer partially redressed these critical oversights in the Terra do Meio by granting marginalized ribeirinhos people use concession to land and resources. The scholarship on Amazonian people s and conservation, outlined in Chapter 2 and revisited in Chapter 4, alternates between defense and rejection of the premises of extractive reserves, which combine the objectives of rural development with those of environmental conservation. M uch of this a people inherently out of place, on the move (Bender 2001), and out of time; they seem vaguely anachronistic and, as such, are either regarded as a great hope for Amazonian conservation because of their low impact livelihoods or alternatively, as an invasive, environmental adversary that will overexploit forest resources. The scholarly literature on the subject of extractive reserves and extractivist populations is polarized around whether extractivists a non indigenous people is threaded throughout this debate. These divisive opinions have led to unrealistic expectations f

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264 extractive reserves are c hallenged or defended as an integrated conservation and development model Anthropologist Eduardo Brondzio (2008, 2009) critiques the extractivist identity assigned to rural forest peasants because it portrays them as passive actors whose primary function is to extract forest products, such as Brazil nut, rubber, and the aa berry, for consumption in the exterior. This approach, according to Brondzio, assigns a particular history and economic understanding of the population that overlooks the com plex ways in which the economic production of forest goods is intricately enmeshed in the daily lives of forest peoples. This assessment resonates with my experience among the ribeirinhos of the Iriri River I ncorporating a phenomological approach as I ha ve undertaken here, economic activities cannot be separated from the affective, symbolic, and social aspects of their dwelling. As described in Chapter 1, the original intention of my study was to understand the involvement of so extractivists in the social movement that helped create the Terra do Meio mosaic of which the Iriri Extractive Reserve forms a part. I was intrigued ing the 1980s and the dramatic completion of the Xingu Protected Areas Corridor (XPAC) (Allegretti 1990; Schwartzman 1989; Schwartzman et al. 2010 ) During my first visit to the Iriri, however, I was surprised to discover that, for the most part, the ribeirinhos were

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265 informants were entirely perplexed by these terms because they had never h eard them before. During my interviews on extractivism, the creation of the Iriri Extractive Reserve, and the extractivist identity about which I had read and heard so much in the scholarly literatures and in my coursework, I received uncomfortable, blank stares and awkward silences in response to my questions M any of my informants tried to appease me and hazard a guess of what the terms and concepts meant. I have elected not to include these interview excerpts here because while revealing in their own ri ght, they misrepresent the potential for the ribeirinhos to engage as part of regional and national society, and of protected areas, and particularly extractive reserves, in the region. However, this awkward early experience was an omalous since nearly all of the ribeirinhos I interviewed were eager to share their stories and talk about themselves with little reservation Most of their stories revolved around a romanticized and nostalgic history of their role as rubber soldiers and the generally positive rel ationship they had with the rubber barons (see also Chapter 3). At times, their rubber centric storytelling and conversation con founded and exhausted me since I initially could not fathom their apparent obsession with the glory days associated with a task that they no longer practiced. Only later did I begin to grasp the ways in which the past is both literal ly and symbolically present for them on a daily basis ; it is However, their stories were not all tales of a n idyllic past. They also wa nted to share with me their concerns about the lack of schools 2 and the presence of outsiders encroaching upon their livelihoods, and to express their grief over the deaths of loved 2 The social movement has begun addressing many issues, including health care and education. These interventions have occurred recently, and after my fieldwork had concluded. An update on these im portant endeavors is provided in the conclusion.

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266 ones who had died of simple diseases while across the river the Indians had access to antibiotics and antimalarials. They were desperate for change, but at the same time proud of where they lived and how they lived As I beg an to record these descriptions, digitally and in my field notes, I noticed a pattern: they almost always called themselves ribeirinhos and they spoke about themselves with reference to place and tasks Emic Identities As discussed in Chapter s 1 and 2, the term ribeirinho is rarely pro blematized in the scholarly literatures. When mentioned at all, it is used as a sub category of caboc lo ( Wagley 1976 ) to describe a particular inhabitant of a specific ecological zone (Nugent 1993, Wagley 1976 ). According to Brondzio (2009:185) the Spani sh language equivalent riberio while geographical that involves different social classes, while caboclos are essentially lower class As mentioned above, during my first visit to the region I was surprised by the lack of knowledge about a n extractivist i dentity and extractive reserves. I also became aware that I asked the ribeirinhos for an explanation. I was able to do this during my household interviews, a nd so modified my questionnaire concept that I would explore through 66 systematic interviews, in addition to participant observation. Two recurrent concepts regarding ribeirinho ide ntity were present throughout th is process : (1) ribeirinho as a way of being ; and (2 ) ribeirinho as emergent from the taskscape. A ribeirinho, according to my informants, is first described as someone who lives na beirada (on the bank), na beira do rio (on the bank of the river), and no beirado ( way out on the edge of the river, but conveys a

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267 sense of pride and uniqueness). At the beginning of my fieldwork when I would ask l utterances, followed by a shy ( isso s prompting or provocation from me, I became aware that ribeirinhos frequently utter the expression eu nasci e me criei aqui, na beira do rio d raised here, on the conversation or story about themselves. These statements were also clearly linked with said with pride. 3 Many said it while slapping their chests with the palms of their hands, fingers extended, over the area of their heart. T surprised to hear that after identi fying it first in reference to the place of the river (above), they explained what a ribeirinho does Their idea of a ribeirinho is different from that which is depicted in the scholarly literatures described in Chapter 2 and above. In other words, rather than describe a ribeirinho as a cultural type, with particular physical features and social characteristics (e.g. Moran 1974 a ; Wagley 1976), they talked about it as a collective way of being as doing through their practices. This collective way of being w as largely positive, focused on shared capacities and abilities. Skills such as hunting, fishing, river navigating, and farming were the most commonly named. The collective aspect was evident in their discourse, where at the end of almost every sentence, m ais ns (with us) and como ns (like us) was added. For example, Pedro said 3

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268 identity, created through the shared experience of being in the landscape, through livelihood practice s. Gilson and his wife Liliane had a particularly compelling explanation of what it us laughing and joking about many topics, I asked if I could be a ribeirinho. Their demonstrates. Hilary: Being an American and a foreigner, not from the river, can I be a ribeirinha? Gilson : Yes Lilian e : Yes, you can. Come here and live with us. H: be a ribeirinha? L G : We will explain everything to you! (escalating laughter from all) L : No, we will show you! (loud laughter from all) G : OK, so, now I will tell you (pauses; interrupted by laughter). I will tell you right now. (laughter dies down). [If you are a ribeirinho] you go into the forest, and you are able to get around easily. You go down to the river, you grab your canoe, and you catch a fish easily, you see? You bring your food home this way (6/17/2006) For Gilson and Liliane being a ribeirinho is, of course, something that cannot be easily on. Just as becoming a rubber tapper wa s difficult for the nordestinos o r embodied (sensu Bourdieu 1977 and de Certeau 198 4 ; see Chapter 3), I could not be a ribeirinha by mere fact of living in the region for a sh ort period of time.

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269 A similarly evocative conversation occurred with Pedro Paolo who talked about the diversity of places, sights, and activities that occur in the course of a typical ribeirinho day. He did so in comparison to what someone from the city might do and experience. We had not been discussing the city, but the fact that he evoked the city in conversation was significant, because he did so to express his pride about what he does and where he lives. The river here has a lot of fish, and we fish every day. We hunt in the forest, where there is a lot of game. There, and in the yard, we collect our fruits aa, pineapple. Like someone from the city, who every day walks around, looking up what he needs to for his job, living his life ; we do the same. If I go to the river to fish, I see a big fish, a turtle, a huge caiman, an ariranha with a fish in its mouth. I go to the forest, I walk around. I grab a parrot from the tree. Maybe two! I climb the tree to the nest, grab the baby parrot, and raise it [a s a pet] because it will become attached to me, right? That is a typical day for me. I feel proud to be living here on the beirado (6/20/2007). Comparable to the excerpt by Gilson and Liliane Pedro Paolo describes the typical day of a ribeirinho as a ga thering of places, tasks, and experiences. He begins with the river, but quickly recounts tasks that occur in other places. He is clearly proud of where he lives in relation to those tasks. As these passages indicate, a ribeirinho is more than a person who lives in a (Bourdieu 1977). As T here is no knowing or sensing a place except by being in that place, and to be in a place is to be in a position to perceive it. Knowledge of place is not, then, subsequent to perception but is ingredient in perception itself. To live is to live locally, and to know is firs t of all to know the places The k nowledge and skills related to livelihood practices were highlighted

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270 frequently by the ribeirinhos and were connected to the essence of what it means to be As described in Chapter 5, p eople, their social and technical activities, temporality, and place are mutually constituted (Casey 1996; Ingold 1993, 2000; Reynolds 1993). When Gilson speaks at the end of this excerpt (above) he is speaking seriously about the facility with which a ribeirinho nav igates the riverine landscape His description entails the seamless movement of a ribeirinho between the places of river and forest, facilitated by the skills needed to engage the material aspects of both, with the end result of providing for the family. W or the land adjacent to the river, the ribeirinhos use it in reference to a variety of tasks and places Ribeirinho places materialize through the livelihood practices, skills, and knowled ge employed in each one and in relation to one another, and in relation to the periods in which they are (or were) engaged. By way of extension, in describing their practices the ribeirinhos are also describing the geographic extension of their everyday l ives in the material landscape. For example, Csar Further probing unlocked the extension of their family lan d, which extends out several kilometers to their Brazil nut trees (6/20/2006; see Chapter s 4 and 5). Similarly, Edilson said that the places of the river, forest, and home hat you know [he is a ribeirinho]. Do you understand? On the banks of the river you have a home from which you paddle [your canoe], and there you know the river and you know the forest, right? He dabbles in the river, he knows the fish. He is able

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271 to catch the fish he wants. The river, the crops and the same ( tudo uma coisa s ). (7/4/2006) To the same question, Guilhermina river, washes a few things, fishes, right? A ribeirinho li ves from fishing, from farming; tudo uma coisa s interview excerpts reveal a similar conversati on with a different in formant : Hilary: So then tell me, since you always talk about being a ribeirinho, tell Srgio beirada H: Is that it? S : Yes! (laughter) H: (tea sing) All this talk of being a ribeirinho, of the beirado S : (laughter) Ok, then. What he does is he puts some crops in the ground, so that we can eat. He first clears one linha, 4 2006). rinho knows the river, but also how to grow crops in the fields Thus, a ribeirinho is someone identified from the practices that gather the pla ces of the river, home, forest, and swid den agricultural fields (crops) These passages reference the tasks of fishing, fa rming, and maintaining the home; the related activities of clearing farm land and planting crops ; and p addling A ll of these practices both in th 4 A linha is a linear measurement used in farming. in a garden.

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272 Temporality in the Interstices: The Slippage between Etic and Emic Id entities As the previous sections illustrate, my data support the assertion that for my case study, ribeirinho is an emic identity, whereas extrativista is etic. The ribeirinhos speak with ease about ribeirinho. The ribeirinho identity emerges from the gathering of places with someone who engages practices in the forest, swidden fields, and home. However, very few of my informants readily identified themselves as seringueiro or soldado da borracha in the present. Those who did, did so dubiously. Mara said that the ribeirinhos of the Iriri no longer consider themselves seringueiros, but that if rubber returned the ribeirinhos would be rubber tappers. Antnio Luis responded, rubber here. Back then, during that time, yes, we were rubber tappers. If the rubber boom returns, then we will be aqui no tem During the rubber boom, the ribeirinhos and their descendents were dubbed seringueiros and soldados da borracha both etic identities that appear to have been incorporated relatively quickly This suggests that the boundaries between etic and emic identities are fluid. In the interview excerpts provided i n the section on emic identity, place and task based experiences and lities. However, as discussed in Chapter 3, the nordestino recruits to the region were trained in the skills now considered

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273 inherently ribeirinho, including fishing, paddling a canoe, and, of course, rubber tapping. For example, the knowledge of fishing to which Pedro Paolo and Edilson referred was acquired during the rubber boom. Rubber is still active in the landscape because, as Chapter 5 demonstrated, there are indexes of that past activity that become apparent in the context of current activities. Thu and receipts identified in Chapter 5. Nonetheless, the identity is intersubjective; like the trees, tools, and r eceipts, it is easily accessed and linked with their tasks In case rubber returns, the ribeirinhos are ready to resume the practice. 5 Sense of Place Bachelard (1969 ) Basso (1996), and Ponzetti (2003), are useful to describe rib eirinho sense of place 6 as an emotional and affective bond with place. As demonstrated in Chapter attachments in relation to those places as a result of those tasks (sensu Gray 2003:233) T he tasks that enable the ribeirinhos to dwell are economic activities that result in products destined for 5 Interestingly, a project was initiated in the neighboring Riozinho do Anfrsio Extractive Reserve in 2009 by one of the NGO stakeholders in the region. The objective was to assist the ribeirinhos with an economic activity they were interested in initiating to improve their quality of life and develop positive feelings for the reserve. The NGO has plans to conduct a pilot study in the Iriri Extractive Reserve in 2010 (Marcelo Salazar, pers comm. 8/12/2009). I have not observed these projects directly and so cannot comment on their potential within the scope of this project. 6 larly, I use the term the emotional strength it conveys, I also develop it as the most obvious expression of a sense of place.

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274 market, and have also created places and gathered time, me mories, and emotions into them (see Chapter 5). Understanding ribeirinho sense of place entails recognizing that the material and emotive aspects of livelihood practices (and therefore, of dwelling) are inseparable. According to Gray (2003:225) referring he hills are not just like the myths and rituals inscribed in the landscape that reproduce indigenous societies (e.g. Morphy 1995; Santos Granero 1998), extractive activities have enabled the ribeirinhos to dwell in place over time Thus, like identity, ribeirinho sense of place emerges from the taskscape. W alking the trails, paddling a canoe, making farinha, and tending to the home examined in Chapter 5 and revisited in are not only economic task s that provide for the household. They are simultaneously acts of remembrance (Morphy 1995; Santos Granero 1998), sources of identity (Gray 2003; Ingold 2000 ; see above ), and expressions of belonging (Bender 2002). In other words, they are place based tasks that over time invoke an affective sense of, and attachment to, place. The most powerful expression of a sense of place is topophilia Almost all of my informants told me how much they value the ease with which t hey conversations often came about in the context of asking me about where I live and how my family lives. Mostly, they were pleased with their skills and knowledge (that I did n ot possess). In reference to food and resources in the region, they often use the term fartura (abundance). One young woman, who had never been to the city, shared that fartura in

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275 the city that comes free. Here, if we want meat, we hunt it and eat it. We want fish? We fish, and eat it. We grow food, too, and ea t it. There is fruit right here; it came from that Ant nio much fartura here the fish, the meat whenever you want it, you just go out and get it, and you can eat it immediately ( na hora Csar and Edma explained their appreciation for where they l ive as follows: Csar : The people who live o n the beirada ( as coisinhas da gente ) C Edma : Fish C : Fish! E : Grabbing a fish [from the river]. H: OK, grabbing a fish. E : Eating a tasty, grilled fish. H: OK, e ating a tasty grilled fish. E : On the beach! (6/14/2006) ribeirinho life; in this instance, it is an appreciation for the ability to catch, cook, and eat a tasty fish. preferred cuisine and place of consumption. Many of the women shared with me that they appreciate the peace, quiet, and tranquility of where they live for the well being of their child ren. The lifestyle that provides the food was treated as part of living well. Selene said tranquility. All of us can fill our bellies. In the city the parents go hungry so the children

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276 can eat. Here, the food here does all of us well. Without having to scramble through life, looking for money, working terrible jobs, buying bad food with the little money we would earn [ in Lucilene said that she lives because someone will do us or our children harm. Children are in danger in the city. Where do they go while we go to work all day and night? Where can they play? How will a ribeirinho does not belong. In other words, ribeirinho identity is formed in part in contrast Richar being in the plaza and being in the market). Like the plaza and the market, the c ity and the Iriri are two distinct worlds that acquire their meaning in relation to each other; specifically, through the ways pe ople behave and move within each one. region. In conversation, the ribeirinhos frequently mention the pleasant temperature of the forest, th e clean air, the flavor and freshness of food, and the quality of the water. Again, these references were often done with a nod toward their skills, good fortune, and knowledge in comparison with outsiders. They were looking for me to affirm that in fact, the fish tasted better than in the city, the water was cleaner, and the forest, clear cut in city and along the highway, provided important relief from the sun along the Iriri. literally, born, rai sed, occurred in the context of asking unrelated questions on my

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277 household questionnaire, 7 or organically in conversation. 8 The ribeirinhos frequently utter some variation of the expression eu nasci e me criei aqui, na beira do rio born and raised here, on the river According to my data, the first clause (i.e., eu nasci e me criei aqui ) is almost always uniform; the second, if used at all, may reference neste lugar ) more generally, other places in t he riverine landscape, or in no beirado, na beirada Eu sou filho deste lugar ). This rhetoric is employed in both positive and negative contexts. In negative contexts, it occurs as part of heated d iscussions in defense of place ; for example, during conversations with each other about commercial fishing operations (see Chapter 5) and about outsiders assuming a leadership role in the region. 9 I also recorded instances of it being used as a positive statement of pride and authenticity. For example, it is used as a way of introduction and explanation as I met people and began to ask them about their lives, and it is summoned at the beginning of stories told about themselves, their family, and the history of the region. In general, these statements are expressions of belonging to place because of familial continuity in the region, or individual d uration of residence. 7 As I discuss below, m y transcriptions in which this statement occurs indicate that they used it in response to questions about migration and the future on my household questionnaire, provided in Appendix A 8 In other words, I did not probe the ribeirinhos for this information and it often occurred outside of the context of interviews and even discussions with me. 9 For example, as middlemen or as a representative of the required of extractive reserve s (see Chapter 4).

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278 For example, Csar here, on this river, in this forest. The ribeirinhos are children of this place ( filho s deste lugar ). We were born and raised here, and we live our lives here, and our children will live their lives here, God P rimeiramente ) as if the topic that followed were authenticated by a native opinion. For example, when I asked Dona Rosalinda her opinion about the creation of the Rosalinda and trumps the official recognition represented by the esta blishment of the extractive reserve. Joo and Mara reported that their children will likely continue to liv born and raised here, and those who are born and raised here, inside our area [the riverine area; rea ribeirinha contrast with non ribeirinho helps to define r ibeirinho in the context of place and economic activity. The same question was answered similarly by Srgio as follows: Srgio : I think that they will. Hilary: That they will? S : Yes. That they will. H: And do they want to live here? S : Yes. H: Why? Why do you think they will want to live here?

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279 S : Because for us here who were raised here, when we leave, it is bad ( fica ruim ). (laughter) H: Yeah. S : Yeah. H: And is this normal? Living here, forever? S se do no lugar ) H: Yeah. S they happen to leave, they will come back]. It is just like me. I was born and raised here and I left here when I was a grown man with h air on my chin, I went to Altamira and there I began to work in gold mining. I spent 11 years working in gold mining. And I left the city, left my work, with some money in my pocket and I came back here to live, where I was born. H: Did you always think y ou would return? S : Yes. Of course. (6/13/2006) what grants legitimacy to ribeirinho expressions of self, opinions, and experiences of place. Longevity and duration of occupation are important to their e xperience of place and, thus, to their sense of belo and distinctly not belonging to other places As the ribeirinhos suggest, the continuity of this sense of place extends to future generations. When the ribeirinhos leave their place, they long for it. This is often referred to as saudade a Brazilian expression that conjures feelings of nostalgia and longing, or to sentir falta (miss) Leaving a place is thus an emotional experience that is connected not just to the physical place of the land, but to the ne twork of places, experiences, and tasks gathered together over time that made that place. This sentiment w as beautifully expressed by Claudio

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280 The place that is r ight for me is this one, here. I missed this place when I tried to live in another place. When we are accustomed to being in a place, g oing to another place leaves us longing, right? The r ibeirinho misses the ways of the land, the ways o f the place, the ways that we lived in that place. (6/16/2006) Mara shared that she cannot make the choice to se nd her children to school in the city because, as she has seen before, they feel too much saudade for home and will come back. 10 Similarly, Csar of place, the emotive aspects of place, and ho w, over time, these form the basis of an attachment to place. Here, you go to the river, grab a fish, bring it up to the house, eat it with the family, go to the forest and if you want, you kill some game meat ( uma ca a ), you go and bring it to the house, to the people, to eat it too. And you As a result of the abundance of resources in the region, accessed through these essential tasks practiced over time, the ribeirinho no longer wishes to leave the region. A compelling explanation of feeling a love for place over time and in relation to tasks was provided by Antnio First ( primeiramente ), I was born and raised here. I love the fartura here. And because I am a child of this place ( filho deste lugar ), I am accustomed to this place. He who is not a child of this place does not have the same understanding of this place, of the forest, of the river, of the Bra zil nut or rubber tree. [We do] because we were raised here, in these places, in these professions. Our parents raised us working among the rubber trees, the Brazil nut trees, but most of all, the rubber trees. We love that forest there (motions with his head and hand), because of that tree. We feel sadness even cutting into it to collect the latex, because we know it was our dad who tapped that tree that sustained us (7/6/2007) 10 Indeed, few ribeirinhos have finished primary school. During my fieldwork, all families said they were exploring possibilities for sending their children to the city to become educated, but follow up the subsequent year revealed that they still had not se nt them. It is incredibly difficult to send a child to school when the parent does not have contacts or communication with the exterior. In one instance, a family had managed to send their daughter to first grade in the city, but she returned before comple ting the school year.

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281 The se excerpts from Antnio and Csar in dicate the ways in which places, tasks and memories are gathered Sense of place emerges from those gathering acts. Antnio in particular, described the emotional attachments formed to place and, implicitly, the ways in which intersubjective identities are created over time in place. Both ex cerpts recount the ways in whi ch the ribeirinhos perceive and access the abundance of resources through their tasks; the ways in which memories of past activities form part of their current sense of place; and how, through these affective and symbolic asso ciations with place, they form part of place and do not desire to leave it. the difficulties they have endured. Yet in spite of their losses, they continue to feel attac hed to place. story re f lects this contradiction. I like living here. I I married here, too. I was a father to 14 children! Ten died. Then, I left this region to take my wife t o get treated in Altamira. S he was dying here, so we left to see what the doctors would say. We never really found out what was wrong with longer back here. I like it here because this is my way of life and I have a good quality of life here. I go fishing, I go hunting. This is my way of life (6/23/2006). Benedito Ten of his children and his wife died because of medical reasons. Without access to medical care, many people die in the Terra do Meio. Regardless, Benedito wanted to return to place and to keep Lucilene inherent c ontradictions between attachment to place and the struggle and sense of become seriously ill, and there is no medicine. There is no health post, no school. But it is be

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282 (6/20/2006) Because there were no schools at the time of my fieldwork, children were denied their right to learn. In the absence of me dicines or medical care, also the case during my fieldwork, people die d of basic illnesses and diseases of the salience of their tasks and their ability to practice those tasks over and their losses, however, they love place and feel that they belong to it. These excerpts indicate a deep attachment to place and a task based iden tity that transcend the brutal challenges of poverty and isolation. Conclusion Identity emerges from the dialectic of materiality between subject and object. As this case study demonstrates, identity emerges from the relationship between person and place when engaged in practices. Like the myths and rituals of indigenous societies, the experiences and temporality of tasks create a sense of place for the ribeirinhos. R ibeirinho practices are economic activities that have enabled them to dwell and develop a sense of place and self within the riverine landscape. In other words, t he ribeirinhos have an intimate understanding of place and have formed attachments to place because their livelihood practices enable them to dwell, not in spite of the economic va lue derived from such practices In previous chapters, I indicated that the ribeirinhos are literally and figuratively are characterized as a population buffeted about by external forces They are also l ocated in the interstitial historically interstitial people, caught between their experiences of the passage of time

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283 in generations, and time as measured in terms of the periodiz ation imposed by the place precedes conservation; their sense of, and relationship to, place spans generations and has emerged as a result of tasks that have occurred because and in spite sense of primacy to their claims on land and resources. Longev ity and duration of occupation are imp experience of place and, thus, to their in vestment in and attachment to place They were born and raised in the region on the tasks that enable them and their predecessors to dwell Although rubber is no longer commercially viable, their nostalgia and indexes of the past, indicated in previous chapters, make clear that sense of self and of place; indeed, the very ways in whi ch the landscape is inscribed coalesce around the former practice of r ubber tapping. This may change over time as new tasks are introduced or as former tasks, like rubber, are modified, such as that which is currently occurring in the region due to State and NGO interventions associated with the extractive reserve. Imposed a nd constructed identities hav e been incorporated in the past and will continue to be incorporated in the future. The ribeirinhos of the Iriri River are primarily the surviving rubber soldiers and their descendents who chose to remain in place. They are a product of a particular time in history. The state made them rubber sold iers an identity they adopted and provided them with training, equipment, and skills to survive in the riverine landscape. However, like the products destined for market, their identities change over time in relation to the

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284 tasks in which they engage. Nostalgia, memories, and acts of inscription will likely disappear as subsequent generations of ribeirinhos engage in different practice s and have a different experience of place. Over time, they may call themselves extractivists. Their relationships with other places could also change over time; for example, with the city, as they have greater access to city goods and resources Their rel ationship with place and an extractivist identity may become stronger as schools and medical care both of which are currently underway in the reserve but were not during my fieldwork become customary and are positively associated with the creation of the reserve The perception of self and of place will change as they respond to the shifting policies of the government and market forces that affect what they do and, consequ ently, where and who they are.

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285 CHAPTER 7 CONCLUSION This study has examined the emergence of place and identity among a riverine ( ribeirinho ) peasant population perceived as out of place in the Amazon Although the a rrival of the forbearers from northeastern Brazil and their own persistence in the region are inextricably linked to b roader environmental, social, economic, and political incentives and processes, I have argue d that over time, the ribeirinhos of the Iriri River have developed their own sense of place and identity that are grounded in and emergent through their natural resource based, extractive activities In precedin g chapters, I described how Amazonian peasants are generally exa mined through the lens of cultural and political ecology. I have built from standard approaches by i ntroducing a phenomenological perspective into this study of peasants in the Amazon. This has enabled me to focus on ribeirinho agency and the emergence of place and identity through the l ivelihood practices that enable them to survive and dwell. Nonetheless, cultural and political ecology constituted my p oint of departure for this work and were critical to the development of this project. My perspective on A mazonian peasants had been shaped by those literatures and the interdisciplinary work of ecologists and social scientists on extractive reserves that emerged in the early to mid 1990s. In these various scholarly literatures, Amazonian peasants, such as th e ribeirinhos with whom I worked, are considered caboclos a unique Amazonian ethnic group ( Chernela and Pinho 2004; Nugent 1993; Wagley 1976 ) that resulted from the intermarriage of northeastern migrants with Amazonian Indians that have been populations living on lands designated as extractive reserves are increasingly referred

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286 to as extrativistas (extractivists) to describe their economic function of meeting external demand for forest products, and for their increased visibility in political arenas; subsets of some of these populations elsewhere in the Amazon now self identify as extrativistas. At the beginning of my fieldwork, I was particularly interested in the ways in whi ch extractivists become political agents within Brazilian civil society. I focused on an isolated population on the Iriri River in the Terra do Meio region because I was intrigued by what seemed to be parallels with the seminal experience of extractivist e mpowerment in the western Amazonian state of Acre during the 1980s. With the developed, promoted, and achieved the establishment of a new category of federal protected areas called extractive reserves, to provide for the conservation and located within their boundaries. In the early 2000s in the Terra do Meio region, a social movement known a s the MDTX ( Movimento pelo Desenvolvimento da Transamaznica e Xingu Movement for the Developmen t of the Transamazon and Xingu) was characterized in similar terms as farmer movement formed alliances with the indigenous and extractivist peoples of the Terra do Meio, along with over 150 regional, national, and international environmentalists, activists, a nd policymakers, to stop frontier expansion by cattle ranchers and soy farmers in the still undeveloped forests surrounding the Transamazon Highway. In these forests, land related conflicts had been escalating for decades in the absence of

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287 government and c lear designation of lands. The MDTX ultimately succeeded in advancing the creation of the Terra d o Meio protected areas mosaic a linked suite of protected areas that completed the Xingu P rotected Areas Corridor (XPAC), which is the largest conservation co rridor in the world. The XPAC is a forest corridor comprised of indigenous territories, extrac tive reserves, strict protected areas and a national fores t that is home to 11,000 people, most of whom are members of 24 indigenous tribes and ribeirinho families (Schwartzman et al. 2010 ). Despite heated opposition from powerful speculators and ranchers, t he creation of the Terra do Meio mosaic through the lead ership of this social movement provided a compelling foreground for the development of a researc h project on what I then articulated as attachment to place and participatory protected area management. From my prior academic and professional experiences, I had become inte rested in the topic of the ways in which people use, build, cherish, and protect the places they call scholarly understandings of these issues and hoped that m y study might usefully inform the implementation of extractive reserve policy and planning processes. But when I went to the Iriri in 2006, the media, activist, and scholarly emphasis on the social movement and the primacy of the implementation of the rese rve seemed out disarticulated from the political policies and land designations created upon their familiar landscape, even as those policies and designations attracted increa sing regional,

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288 proposed project had never heard the term extrativista and for them the R eserva E xtrativista ( E xtractive R eserve) concept was either entirely unfamili ar or poorly understood. Through observations, interviews, surveys, and questionnaires that I had informed understanding of this population during my first field season. R ather than identifying themselves within the context of a social movement or political process, my informants regarded themselves in relation to where they live (their project shifted from the etic extrativista to the emic ribeirinho a riverine person a deceptively simple identity that is rarely explored in the scholarly liter atures on caboclo and extractivist populations Furthermore, my informants talked about themselves as participants in past era in the present: the curr ent, material landscape in which they a re imme rsed and with which they engage on a daily basis through their practices. They took pride in showing me the defunct tools and technolog ies of their past practices as indexes (Gell 1998) of other times and place s. Through these experiences with the ribeirinhos, I recognized that while my project as excited by this realization but I was also somewhat baffled. The relationist, historically contingent and temporally focused aspects of the Amazonian peasantry that lay at the core of how the ribeirinhos described themselves were not well represented in the

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289 cultural and political ecology literatures in which I had been trained. These literatures were necessary, but proved insufficient to underpin an analysis of the ways in which this population had formed attachments to place and a place based identity Furthermore, the positivist inquiry paradigm to which these literatures belong was inadequate for a study of local experience of place. Rather, my study required a methodological relationist 1 approach and its corresponding ontologies and epistemologies. As described in Chapter s 1 and 2, methodological relationism enabled me to draw from dive rgent theoretical perspectives b peasantry into closer rapport with phenomenology and practice theories. Within that approa ch, I explored two related theses : (1) E veryday activities in the material landscape are integral to place making and identity formation and (2) T he past, including historical practice and memory, permeates the present day landscape. Anthropologist Tim Ingold (2 000:171) suggests that phenomenologically informed perspectives are well developed theoretically, but are difficult to apply in research In this project, I found that not only is it possible to operationalize and apply phenomenologically informed perspect ives, but that doing so within a post positivist ontology and epistemology creates an extremely rich project with ample opportunity for validating results This approach enabled me to successfully bring divergent theoretical perspectives together to unders tand and assess different aspects of my research 1 As discussed in Chapter 2, methodological relationism is a metatheoretical perspective that accounts for the complex, shifting relationships and linkages between micro and macro scalar phenomena (Ritzer and Gindoff 1994).

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290 problem using a variety of techniques, ranging from ethnographic to survey techniques. This combination of techniques helped me to identify and characterize my research problem, discover the salient themes a nd issues relevant to the problem, and, when 2002:363). For example, the most formal and derived technique I elected was a factor analysis, d escribed in C hapter 4 Yet I also rely upon descriptive statistics, analyses of interview texts, participant observation, and emically produced maps and figures. The ethnographic data voices into my study and, consistent with post positivist epistemology (e.g., Guba 1990), I treated my interactions with the ribeirinhos as an integral part of the inquiry process. This perspective is salient in my personal reflections my experiences as I experienced the ribeirinhos that appear in most of the chapters. Review of Previous Chapters In Chapter 1, I introduced my research question and theses I reflected that the modernist approaches used in science and policy, which are applied undermine those people perceived as of 200 These populations do not easily adhere to the geographic fixation inherent in State interventions to land, yet their movement does not necessarily preclude a meaningful relationship to place. I exp lained that I would address this oversight using a case study of Amazonian peasants with particular emphasis on the relationship people have with place, the role of history in place making, and their sense of place and identity. I explored the visibility m etaphor, identified by Nugent (1993) among caboclo societies and explored by Thomas (1993:22) as the privileged

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291 also Foucault 1979). Departing somewhat from Nugent (1993), I explore the ways in State, in relation to broader economic and political forces. I concluded the chapter with a brief overview of the research design, including my taskscape as a model in the dissertation to fully explore the relationship between the ribeirinhos, place, and practice. In Chapter 2 I identified the strengths and weaknesses of the existing literatures on Amazonian peasant s. The cultural ecology literature tend s to present place as an ecological system and culture as an adaptation. Cultural ecologists depict peasants as somewhat disconnected from the historical contingencies of their livelihoods and th e places in which they live Nonetheless, cultural ecologists were the first to identify caboclos as a unique Amazonian identity. Similarly, p olitical ecology tends to emphasize macroscalar phenomena of market forces and policies to describe and ther efore does not adequately emplace peasants in the landscape. Yet t he novelty of the extractive reserve concept was in part, its emphasis on the traditional resource use and environmentally friendly extractivist identities. These identities furthered a pro vocative, innovative, and timely agenda that sought to balance the dual agendas of development and environmental conservation in the extractive reserve concept I also argued that a relationist approach that introduces phenomenologically informed practice theories to cultural and political ecology complements dominant explanations of Amazonian peasants as an economically motivated population that is the Phenomenology and practice

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292 theories emphasize the lived e xperience of people in place through time, and in relation to broader political, economic, and environmental processes. F urthermore, this approach helps overcome the subject/object and macro/micro dichotomies upheld in dominant scientific perspectives. In Chapter 3, The Rubber Soldier s I reviewed the displacement of nordestinos (northeasterners) from their homelands, their recruitment to the Amazon to tap rubber during WWII, and the preliminary stages of place making in the Amazon as rubber tappe rs. The dominant perspective among scholars of the Amazonian rubber boom, reflected in several key works, is one that attributes nordestino migration to environmental, political, and economic forces. The nordestinos are often characterized as nave laborer s who, tempted by a more lucrative lifestyle and battered by a series of droughts, eagerly left their northeastern places of origin to make money tapping rubber in the Amazon. However, their experience of dislocation and relocation was more complex than these literatures suggest. Specifically, in Chapter 3 I addressed three principal, cross cutting themes to o the beginnings of emp lacement. These themes are (1) displacement and nostalgia for place; (2) practices, including the often difficult and awkward adoption of new livelihood practices in a new place; and (3) the formation of a place and task based identity. In doing so, I inc orporated an experiential perspective into the history of the rubber boom and bust. Many of the experiences of the rubber soldiers, relayed to me by my informants and through secondary sources, are positive. The individual and collective recounting of this period

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293 by the ribeirinhos was often at odds with negative reports in the scholarly literatures, which describe abhorrent, slave like working conditions in a debt peonage system During this period, the nordestinos were trained in the activities that now form part of their embodied habitus (Bourdieu 1977) including how to maintain oneself through subsistence living in the Amazon, how to navigate a canoe on the river, and how to tap rubber. Ironically, this training was integral to early place making becau se it allowed them to become proficient and subsequently master a variety of practices, and led to the development of corresponding, place and task based identities as rubber tappers and rubber soldiers. These skills enabled them to persist and remain in place after their The ribeirinhos of the Iriri River are mostly descendents of the se rubber soldiers who have chosen to remain in place. It is because of their experience of this historic period in th e Amazon that my informants continue to feel nostalgia for the rubber boom. Thus Chapter 3 chronicled the foundational beginnings of the rubber tappers in the region including the beginning of a transformative shift in sense of place and identity, from n ordestino to seringueiro and, ultimately, to ribeirinho. That transformation accompanied a corresponding trajectory from visibility during the rubber boom, to making and identity formation, and subsequently to renewe d visibility during the current In Chapter s 4 6, I shifted my focus from the broader theoretical and regional perspectives to the local experience of the ribeirinhos of the Iriri River In Chapter 4, I describe the period betwee n the rubber bust and the creation of the Iriri Extractive Reserve in 2006 when the ribeirinhos lived a mostly subsistence lifestyle in the forest,

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294 occasionally seeking employment along the frontier to make ends meet, only to retur n, in most cases, to t he Iriri. I presented the results of a variety of techniques utilized to analyses of household questionnaires, and a factor analysis. The results of these techniques i ndicate that the ribeirinhos have a sense of, or attachment to, place that is simultane ously affective and utilitarian. T he two dimensions cannot be divided or approach i t in the chapter, my informants developed an emic identity as ribeirinhos that is explored in Chapter 6. the ways in which ribeirinho practices are not merely subsistence or economic activities, but are tasks that have enabled them to dwell and form a sense of place and identit y over time in the riverine landscape. Similar to the myths and rituals inscribed in the physical landscape of indigenous Amazonia the people, places, and tasks from previous generations inscribe the ribeirinho landscape. These become manifest in the cont ext of mundane extractive activities. Thus, the taskscape is not easily separable by Rather, it emerges from the multiplicity of places, times, and tasks that are also in process, and that are gathered in Interestingly, even as the ribeirinhos name the places described in Chapter 5, other places emerge within named places that are not visible to outsider s including footpaths and cut trails that facilitate movem ent through the forest, and infrastructural investments, such as a pier or a casa de farinha that bridge places and in which

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295 multiple tasks occur. 2 Thus, because of the recurrent operations that unfold in the context of a day or even a season, each place is woven into the fabric of the next place in the always emergent taskscape. In Chapter 6, I show how the ribeirinhos have developed an intimate understanding of place and have formed attachments to place because their livelihood practices enable them to dwell, not in spite of the economic value derived from such practices. They hope and predict that their children will remain in the region because The material and symbolic aspects of their tasks are conjoined. This approach highlights the significance of mundane activities in the creation of places and identities, and the ways in which other times, places, and tasks form part of places in the present. Principal Findings The ribeirinhos who live along the Iriri Rive r define themselves by where they are extractive activities practiced over time: fishing, collecting Brazil nuts, and, formerly, rubber tapping. These tasks have enabled them to dwell in the riverine landscape for several generations and are integral to their sense of place and identity. Ribeirinho perspectives on place and identity that I encountered are relationist, and the distinctions between material and symbo lic so prevalent in the scholarly literatures seem erroneous he places in which they dwell. I highlight four principal findings from this study that can further 2 These visible, deliberate, infrastructural investments, such as a hou se, to subtle places undetectable to outsiders that emerge from dwelling, such as trails and even livestock (e.g., Gray 2003).

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296 scholarly and p olicy understandings of Amazonian peasants and other populations of First, U nder the theoretical terms of cultural ecology or even political ecology, place appears, if at all, as peripheral to the determinants of change Ha rdships due to privation, distance from services, and the difficulties and dangers of making a subsistence lifestyle do not n optimistic outlook on life. Despite the dominant narrative of displacement in which this population has been categorized, they have retained their own agency. While their history as nordestinos was uprooted, the y have chose n to re main who, and where, the y are now. Second, place is understood by the ribeirinhos in relation to their tasks. As Ingold (1993, 2000) and Reynolds (1993) assert, there is no separation between technical and social activities. While these two spectrums of human experience ca nnot an d should not be separate d dominant ontologies and epistemologies that drive most research agendas achieve precisely that dichotomy. tasks are not merely subsistence or market activities that are driven by external forces ; they are the way s in which the ribeirinhos dwell Their practices involve an intimate engagement with the material world through inscri bing, movement, and materiality. Through their everyday practices, th e ribeirinhos have built es, the ribeirinhos and place are co constituted and mutually implicated T hrough the experience of engaging in tasks over time feelings of belonging, identity, and a general sense of place emerge.

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297 Third, the forces and contingencies of time and histor y are experienced by the ribeirinhos in unanticipated and unappreciated ways. current tasks and imagined, potential, or past activities ( sensu Hir s ch 1995). Furthermore, a lthough decades have passed since the rubber sense of self and of place continues to coalesce around their experience s of the former task of rubber tapping Rubber tapping is the most prominent, present in the foreground of many ribeirinho activities and places. The referential ways in which the past is e voked in the present through their practices and affective experience s of place are not easily explained in light of standard accounts of the rubber boom. Temporality, a cons tant feature of dwelling in which multiple moments in chronological time or history may be experienced in the present (In gold 2000:194), is an important though often undetected dimension of the riverine landscape. Ribeirinho identity and sense of place hav e emerged from their tasks over time, and, most significantly, in relation to the wartime rubber boom, which they recall with nostalgia and pride. Thus, even as they no longer consider themselves rubber tappers because the task is not economically viable, their current relationship with place hinges upon this formative, backgrounded activity. This history is inscribed in their landsape, anchoring their place based identity as ribeirinhos. While the analogy is imperfect, for the ribeirinhos this inscribed hi story and the narratives it contains, underpins an attachment to place that, for indigenous peoples, derives from kinship, religion, and mythology. Fourth, like place, ribeirinho identity is emergent. Emic identities may encompass the heuristic, taxonomic labels of outsiders yet remain distinct, complex, and both

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298 rooted in and emergent through place and task over time. Imposed and constructed identities may be incorporated as new tasks are introduced or as former tasks, like rubber tapping, are modified. I n this region, the emic, place based ribeirinho identity developed during a transformative period of isolation following the wartime rubber transformed the place due to State and NGO interventions associated with the creation of the extractive reserve and other protected areas in the Terra do Meio mosaic particularly as government services begin to reach the ribeirinhos as a result of these strategic alliances between peasants, environmentalists, and the State Implications of the Study In this study, I operat developing it as a model to more accurately understand the dynamic relationship between people and place within an Amazonian peasant population T he taskscape the phenomenological concepts of ex perience and temporality in the material world and the quotidian tasks that support the household. This approach help s to scalar phenomena that form a part of that relationship, and the creation of a place based identity and attachment to place that emerge from it. Furthermore, this stud y has implications for interdisciplinary analyses of land use and land cover change (e.g., Wood and Porro 2002) The use of the taskscape as a model could help identify a cultural dimension of land use and land use change that is pertinent to the experienc e and understanding of a variety of populations, but that is

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299 largely absent from the cultural and political ecology paradigms The complementarity of phenomenology and practice based approaches to conventional, materialist approaches warrants much wider ex ploration. B eyond the etic identities that have been the base s of policy interventions in Brazil over time there are more specific identities, discern i ble through or articulated with place, that need to be understood in their own terms and through a diff erent theoretical lens than the standard literatures of cultural or political ecology allow Ribeirinho is an emic identity that is place based and task based; it captures the mutual constitution of people and place in relation to the various activities th at enable them to dwell. The ribeirinho experience documented in this project de fies the expectation that caboclos an inherently out of place population buffeted by e xternal forces. The ribeirinhos have "inscribed" the landscape in meaningful and efficient ways ; they express topophilia (a love of place ) and they articulate that they belong to place. These aspects of ribeirinho society may easily pass undetected to an outsider conducting a survey, taking a GPS point, or making an important political decision from an office in another state entirely. In the absence of this under standing it is no wonder that policy and much of the scholarship of Amazonian peasants emphasi ze placelessness, mobility, and the near invisibility of a built landscape. There are important considerations for policy making that may be derived from this of extrac tive reserves, this land designation does not reflect the ways in which the ribeirinhos have been creating place through their practices over time. The swift

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300 implementation of protected areas by the government exemplified the contrast between the ways plac e is regarded and treated by the State on the one hand, and by those who dwell in the landscape on the other. Furthermore, the creation of these formal, (sensu de Certeau 1984) by the State should minimally include the provision of government services within a reasonable period of time (e.g., no more than lived for decades continues to plague the region. Among the numerous implications of this study, I highlight three of particular interest. due to the profound impact those boundaries may have on existing populations. There should therefore be an opportunity for recou rse to correct boundary errors. The immediate enforcement of restrictions related to access, use, and occupation of the Iriri Extractive R ed with n of the lands and resources they consider home. Although the creation of the reserve increased their visibility to the State several families were suddenly considered illegal squatters. One possibility for resolving this problem would be to allow for an adjustment of the boundary between the Iriri Extractive Reserve and the Terra do Meio Ecological Station. This correction would avoid the forced relocation of over a dozen families who were missed by the initial survey utilized to draw these borders. The o ccupation of the various Terras Indgenas (Indigenous Lands T Is) may prove more challenging, but could possibly be addressed formally and directly with indigenous and ribeirinho people rather than through an anticipated enforcement of boundaries by relevan t State agencies. As described in Chapter 4, my

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301 informants were clear that they had been invited to live on the TIs by the indigenous people, that the arrangement was mutually agreeable, and that neither the indigenous people nor the ribeirinhos initiated relocation. Following the creation of the reserve, representatives from NGOs and the Instituto Chico Mendes de Conserva o da Biodiversidade (Chico Mendes Institute for t he Conservation of Biodiversity I CMBio), Environment that oversees federal extractive relocated by FUNAI, without warning, and so they ought to participate in a tho ughtful plan for relocation now in the context of the activities related to the reserve. However, since the indigenous people have clearly defined tenure and usufruct rights within their territories, a formal agreement for these ribeirinho households to remain during the lifetime of the heads of househol d merits serious consideration. Second, the medical and educational needs of the ribeirinhos should be prioritized above all other activities implemented by NGOs and the State in the Terra do Meio mosaic. Death from preventable, treatable, and common diseases and illnesses i s fairly normal in this region Also, during the time of my fieldwork the ribeirinhos were illiterate. Since completing my fieldwork, several NGOs have pushed hard on the municipal government to get health care and schools into the region. This has been an uphill battle with the municipal government, which claims to be resource poor and have jurisdiction over too large an area to properly serve the distant and r emote Terra do Meio region However, a ny policy initiative that expects to be met with local enthusiasm and participation should prioritize crucial, century long oversights of the State. The lack of initiative by the State meant the social movement and the ribeirnhos became

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302 responsible for part of the responsibility of education. With help from the NGOs, the ribeirinhos committed to building their own schools from local materials and t he NGOs agreed to provide financial and logistical support for the school s. They brought their proposal to the municipal Secretary of Education, who agreed, with reluctance, to provide teachers and materials. The results have been mixed ; 3 nonetheless, as a result of these efforts, it is reported that beginning in May 2010, 93 s tudents were receiving some primary education in four schools distributed throughout the Iriri Extractive Reserve (Marcelo Salazar pers. comm. 11/15/2010). By contrast, permanent health posts have not arrived 4 Leading NGOs from the social movement are w orking with the municipal government to provide permanent health posts. As a start, they signed an agreement with the municipal Secretary of Health to dispatch three medical expeditions per year and to evacuate critical cases by air on an as needed basis. Thus, i ncremental steps have been made, which are positive indicators that the reserve concept will bring benefits for the ribeirinhos that will improve their quality of life. Nonetheless, these efforts must remain a priority and the current funding and lo gistical support provided by NGOs in the United States and national and regional NGOs will likely have some limit. At some point in the near future, t he State will have to assume more responsibility for the services they are required to provide. Third, wit hin anthropology, sociology, and interdisciplinary studies scholars interested in caboclo societies should be open to incorporating a broader theoretical 3 For example, many teachers quit within a few weeks of their contract because of the extreme isolation of the region. Also, many school supplies and blackboards did not arrive, the teachers were not properly trained, and the instruction was not tailored to the realities of traditional Amazonian peoples in the forest. The movement is actively working to address these issues (Marcelo Salazar, pers. comm., 11/15/2010). 4 With the creation of the reserve, a few State commissioned medical teams circulated on boats on a few occasions.

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303 perspective than that which is conventionally available in the cultural and political ecology literat ures. Several concepts from phenomenology and practice theories were relevant and applicable to this study and helped to address shortcomings of the reductionist approaches provided in Amazon relevant literatures. Furthermore, the model developed from taskscape could be made more broadly relevant by applying it to other studies of people and place. It is particularly applicable to, and potentially useful for, other populations like the ribeirinhos of the Iriri River, who are o f vis broader society. While peasant populations so ( Kroeber 1948:284) are obvious subjects for future studies of place, others who migrant populations, merit more attention in the scholarship of place.

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304 APPENDIX A HOUSEHOLD QUESTIONNA IRE Questionrio de pesquisa RESEX University of Florida Maio, 2006 Questionrio familiar n _____________ Data:__________________ Coordenadas Geogrficas (UTM) X:_________________________________ Y:____________________________ _________ ______ Nome da seringal:__________________________________Municpio:_________________________Estado do ____________________ 1 INFORMAO GERAL Nome do entrevistado: _______________________________________________________________ Apelido ______________________ Identificao dos membros da Unidade Familiar N Nome Parentesco* Local de nascimento** Sexo M/F Idade (anos) Ocupao*** Escolaridade Estuda ( ) Sim ( ) No Ensino**** 01 02 03 04 05 06 07 08 09 10 11 12 1 Esposa, 2 Esposo; 3 Filho/a; 3 Neto; 4 Av; 5 Outros. ** 1 outro estado (indicar qual); 2 nasceu e cresceu no seringal na resex ou outros; 3 nasceu na cidade; 4 nasceu na colnia; 5 outros *** 1 Produtor; 2 Meeiro; 3 Arrendatrio; 4 Aposentado; 5 Professor; 6 Agente de Sade; 7 Outros **** 1 Ensino fundamental completo; 2 Ensino fundamental incompleto; 3 Ensino mdio completo; 4 Ensino mdio incompleto; 5 Ensino Superior completo 6 Ensino superior incompleto

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305 (1) Residncia de familiares No residentes na colocao (familiares que deixaram a colocao) Nome Sexo M/F Parentesco* Idade #Onde mora? 1 Esposa, 2 Esposo; 3 Filho/a; 3 Neto/a; 4 Av; 5 Outros. # 1 Cidade mais prxima; 2 Capital; 3 outro seringal; 4 mesmo seringal; 5 colnia perto da reserva; 6 outros Por qu motivos se mudou ? ficar perto de parentes casamento briga de vizinho pouca castanha e borracha acesso/distncia para cidade no tinha escola/posto sade pouca caa pouca pesca outros ___________________________________________________________ ______________ __ ____________________________________________________________________________________ ______________________________________________________________ ______ ________________ Residentes no permanentes na colocao (trabalhadores temporrios/ membros da famlias passando tempo etc...) Nome Sexo M/F Parentesco* Idade Para que?** Tempo 1 Esposa, 2 Esposo; 3 Filho/a; 3 Neto/a; 4 Av; 5 diarista, 6 Outros. ** 1 para coletar castanha; 2 cortar borracha; 3 trabalhar na derrubada de roado; 4 para colheita de roado; 5 limpar pasto; 6 outros________________________________________

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306 2 MIGRAO E PERCEP'ES DO LUGAR (1) Chefe da famlia Por quanto tempo voc j morou nesta coloca o? menos de um ano 1 a 2 anos 3 a 5 anos 6 a 10 anos 11 a 15 anos 15 a 20 anos mais de 20 anos sempre morei aqui Onde morava antes de vir para esta coloca co? outra colocao no mesmo seringal outro seringal dentro da reserva colnia prximo da reserva na cidade outro estado sempre viveu neste seringal outros:__________________________________ Por q u motivos saiu do lugar anterior? ficar perto de parentes casamento briga de vizinho acesso/ distncia para cidade no tinha escola no tinha posto sade pouca castanha pouca borracha pouca caa pouca pesca ou tros ______________________________________________________________________ _____ ____________________________________________________________________________________ ____________________________________________________________________________________ _______ ___________________________________ __________________________________________

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307 Por qu motivos veio para aqui? ficar perto de parentes casamento trabalho Em qu?____________________ acesso/ distncia para cidade ter acesso a mais recursos Quais? (caa, pesca, castanha, borracha, madeira, leos, etc) ________________ ____ Outros__________________________________________________________________ ___ Voc o primeiro ocupante desta colocao? Sim No Voc sabe quando esta colocao foi aberta ? Sim No Quando? __________ ____ Esta colocao parte da diviso de outra colocao mais velha? Sim No Esta colocao j foi dividida alguma vez? Sim No Quantas vezes?_________ ____ Caso resposta positiva, quando? (anos/os anos em caso de mais de uma vez)_________ ____ Quais os motivos para diviso? Casamento do filho (a) Arrendamento Para ter mais rea para desmatar Para filho ser cadastrado na associao como morador Outros________________________________________________________________ ___ __ ____________________________________________________________________________ Tem parente morando na comunidade? Sim No Grau de parentesco ___________________________________________________________________ _____ _____ O Sr. tem casa na cidade? Sim No Faz quanto tempo?__________________ _____ (2) Familiares no residentes na colocao (familiares que deixaram a colocao) O Sr. tem familiares no permanentes na colocao (trabalhadores temporrios/membros da famlias passando tempo etc...)? Nome Sexo M/F Parentesco* Idade 1 Esposa, 2 Esposo; 3 Filho/a; 3 Neto/a; 4 Av; 5 diarista, 6 Outros Por qu motivos saem da colocao? coletar castanha cortar borracha trabalhar na derrubada de roado colheita de roado limpar pasto

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308 ano escolar trabalhar nos assuntos da resex passar tempo com famlia outros ____________________________________________________________________________________ ________________________________________________________ ____________________________ O Sr. tem familiares que saram da reserva? Sim No Nome Sexo M/F Parentesco* Idade Quando? 1 Esposa, 2 Esposo; 3 Filho/a; 3 Neto/a; 4 Av; 5 diarista, 6 Outros. Por qu motivos saram? ficar perto de parentes casamento briga de vizinho acesso/distncia para cidade no tinha escola no tinha posto sade pouca castanha pouca borracha pouca caa pouca pesca ou tros _________________________________________ ___________________________ _______ Problemas e Conflitos Qual o maior problema na Reserva? ___________________________________________ ____ _______ _______________________________________________________________ _____________________ ____________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________ __________ _____________________ Quais so os trs maiores problemas ambientais no seringal? 1._________________________________________________________________________ __ _______ 2._________________________________________________________________________ __ _______ 3._________________________________________________________________________ __ _______ Q ual so os trs maiores fontes de conflitos e brigas no seringal? (Pode ser com pessoas de fora tambm.) 1._________________________________________________________________________ 2._________________________________________________________________________ 3._________________________________________________________________________ Quais so os trs maiores problemas/necessidades no (nome local)? 1._________________________________________________________________________ 2._________________________________ ________________________________________ 3._________________________________________________________________________

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309 Qual so os trs maiores problemas/necessidades no IBAMA/CNPT? 1._________________________________________________________________________ 2._________________________________________________________________________ 3._________________________________________________________________________ No ultimo ano, algum invadiu sua colocao? Sim No No sabe Por qu foi invadida? terra caa retirada de madeira pesca retirada de outros produtos extrativistas (plantas, sementes, castanha, borracha) Quem foi o invasor? morador moradores da reas de entorno (fora) da Reserva pessoas da cidade no sabe Onde? Explica a historia: __________________________________________________________________________________ __ ______________________________________________________________ ______________________ No ultimo ano, algum invadiu este seringal? Sim N o No sabe Por qu foi invadida? terra caa retirada de madeira pesca retirada de outros produtos extrativistas (plantas, sementes, castanha, borracha) Quem foi o invasor? morador moradores da reas de entorno (fora) da Reserva pessoas da cidade Explica a historia: ____________________________________________________________________________________ __________________________________________________________________ __________________ ____________________________________________________________ ________________________ Nos ltimos 5 anos teve problemas/conflitos no seringal com: Conflito de terra Venda de colocao Pesca clandestina Caa clandestina Venda de madeira cl andestina IBAMA/CNPT sim no sim no sim no sim no sim no sim no Prefeitura Associao (local) Cooperativa Vizinhos/comunidade Outro seringal Vizinhos (fora da res.) Outro:____________ sim no sim no sim no sim no sim no sim no sim no

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310 Benefcios e Esperanas Quais so trs coisas que mais gosta de morar aqui? 1._______________________________________________________________________ 2._______________________________________________________________________ 3._______________________________________________________________________ Quais so os trs maiores benefic ios ambientais deste lugar? 1._______________________________________________________________________ 2._______________________________________________________________________ 3._______________________________________________________________________ Voc est satisfeito de morar numa Reserva? sim, muito sim, em geral no em geral tem problemas no, muito desastifeito no sabe Por qu? Explica._________________________________________________________________ _____ _______ _____________________________________________________________________ __ _____________ _______________________________ ______________________________ ______________________ Identidade O Sr se considera um seringueiro? Sim No Um extrativista? Sim No Explorar a percepo do entrevistado nesta pergunta: ____________________________________________________________________________________ ________________________________ ____________________________________________________ ____________________________________________________________________________________ ____________________________________________________________________________________ ____________________________________ ________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________ _______________________________ O Futuro Sua famlia pretende continuar morando neste lugar? Sim No Por qu? _________________________________________________________________________ ___ ________ ______________________________________ ______________________________________________ ____________________________________________________________________________________

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311 O Sr. acha que seus filhos vo continuar morando aqui? Sim No Por qu? _________________________________________________________________________ __ ________ ____________________________________________________________________________________ ____________________________________________________________________________________ ____________________________________________________________________________________ ____ ________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________ _______________________________________________________ ____________________________________________________________________________________ ________ ____________________________________________________________________________ ____________________________________________________________________________________ ____________________________________________________________________________________ Quais so suas esperanas para o futuro da Reserva? ____________________________________________________________________________________ ____________________________________________________________________________________ ______________________________________________ ______________________________________ ____________________________________________________________________________________ ____________________________________________ ________________________________________ Quais so suas esperanas para o futuro de seus filhos? ______________________________ ________ ____________________________________________________________________________________ ____________________________________________________________________ ________________ _________________________________________ ___________________________________________ ____________________________________________________________________________________ ____________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________ _______________________________________

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312 3 PROPRIEDADE DA TERRA Como o Sr/a adquiriu esta colocao? Quando? comprou _______________________________ trocou _______________________________ herdou _______________________________ posse _______________________________ foi assentado _______________________________ concesso de uso _______________________________ diviso da colocao ______________________________ outros _______________________________ Especificar____________________________________________________________________ _________________________________________________ __________________________________ ______________________________________________________________ ______________________ ____________________________________________________________________________________ Tipo de documento: LO Licena de Ocupao RC Recibo de Compra e Venda Direito de Posse Direitos Tradicionais Adquiridos Contrato s de Arrendamento SD Sem Documento Ttulo de concesso de uso Outros tipos de documento Especificar:__________________________________________________________ __ Tem problemas com a documentao da propriedade? Sim No Especificar___________________________________________________________________________ ___________________________________ _________________________________________________ ____________________________________________________________ ________________________ 4 INFRAESTRUTURA INTERNA Quais so as principais formas de comunicao? radio amador (radio fonia) radio recados Com quem? (vizinho, familiar, etc) ____________________ marreteiro tele viso telefone radio amador (radio fonia) Tem rdio funcionando? sim no Qual(is) programa(s) de rdio e de que emissora ouve? _______________________________________ _____ ________________________________________

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313 Casa e outras estruturas Estrutura Quando construiu? Piso* Paredes** Cobertura*** Tamanho Casa Paiol/ tulha Casa de farinha Defumador Chiqueiro Viveiro Aude Curral Cerca Galinheiro 1 Paxiuba; 2 Madeira; 3 Cermica; 4 Cho batido; 5 Outros. ** 1 Paxiuba; 2 Madeira; 3 Alvenaria; 4 barro; 5 Outros. *** 1 Palha; 2 Cavaco; 3 Brasilit; 4 Alumnio; 5 Outros Utenslios domsticos na casas Itens Unidades Funciona? S/N Itens Unidades Funciona? S/N Radio simples Panela de Presso Radio Amador Espingarda Relgio Guarda roupa Placa Solar Mesa Bateria Sof Telefone Filtro Televiso Antena Parablica Fogo a lenha Fogo a gs Botija de gs Lampio a gs Geladeira Meio de transporte prprio Comunitrio? (S/N) barco ______ canoa animal ______ outros ______________ ______ Equipamentos Comunitrio? (S/N) motoserra _______ motor de barco _______ roadeira _______ gerador _______ Outros ______________ _______ Saneamento De onde utiliza gua? do rio/ igarap da cacimba de poo outros ____________________

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314 Distncia da gua da casa ___________________ Tratamento de gua no trata ca filtro hipoclorito outros______________________________ Falta gua no perodo seco? Sim No Existe Ba nheiro /Privada? Sim No Tem caixa de gua instalada ? Sim No 5 ORGANIZAO COMUNITRIA Voc participa em alguma organizao? Sim No Quais so os nomes das organizaes comunitrias? ____________________________________________________________________________________ ____________________________________________________________________________________ __ __________________________________________________________ ________________________ Voc esta satisfeito com essa organizao? Sim, muito Sim, em geral No, em geral tem problemas No, muito desatisfeito Explicao_________________________________________________________________ __ CNS Voc conhece o CNS? Sim No Quais so os benefcios do CNS? __________________________ ____________________ ___ Os problemas do CNS?: _________________________________________________________________________ ___ Organizao Ano de associado? Freqncia das reunies? (indica por ms ou ano) No ultimo ano, j participou nas reunies com a assn? (S/N) Algum aqui teve cargo? (S/N) Qual funo? Quando teve cargo? (Ano/tempo) Comunitria (nome): Cooperativa Sindicato CNS Outra:

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315 Algum desta colocao participou em: a) Empates ltimo:________________________ Com Quem?____________________ b) Mutires ltimo:________________________ Com Quem?____________________ c) Adjuntos ltimo:________________________ Com Quem?____________________ Algum filiado em algum partido poltico? Sim No 6 MOBILIDADE Freqncia que vai a cidade, por ms? 1 a 2 3 a 4 5 a 6 7 a 8 9 a 10 mais de 10 A ltima vez que foi, como foi? bote canoa a p nibus animal lotao Outros Quando foi a ltima vez que foi?_______________________________________________ ___ _______ Motivo______________________________________________________________________________ _______________________________________________________________ ______ ______________ 7 RELIGIO Tipo de religio Evanglico Catlico No participa Espritu Daime Outras___________________

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316 8 ALIMENTAO E MERCADO No ms passado, quantas vezes voc comprou coisas de primeira necessidade? 1 a 2 3 a 4 5 a 6 7 a 8 9 a 10 mais de 10 Itens Compra Troca Preo / unidade Quantidade Valor total gasto por ms Onde compra* Acar "leo Sal Arroz Macarro Feijo Caf Farinha de mandioca Milho Sabo em p Sabo em barra Verduras 1 na comunidade; 2 na cidade; 3 marreteiro; 4 Vizinho; 5 Outros Na ltima semana, quantos dias comeu caa? nunca 1 a 5 6 a 10 10 a 20 todos os dias Peixe? nunca 1 a 5 6 a 10 10 a 20 todos os dias Carne do boi? nunca 1 a 5 6 a 10 10 a 20 todos os dias Outros animais (galinha, carne de porco, pato) nunca 1 a 5 6 a 10 10 a 20 todos os dias 9 FINANAS 1 Credito J teve acesso a Crdito Rural? Sim No Caso sim, qual linha de crdito? Especificar: __________________________________ _________________________. Qual a situao atual da linha de crdito? ( ) Crdito quitado ( ) Crdito em vigncia / Carncia em vigncia ( ) Crdito em vigncia / Parcelas em adimplncia ( ) Crdito em vigncia / Parcelas em inadimplncia

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317 Qual a situao atual dos itens financiados? ( ) Implantadas/intalados/adquiridos ( ) Implantadas mas abandonadas. Porque?____________________________________________________________ __ ( ) No implantadas/adquiridos? Porque?____________________________ __________________________________ ( ) Danificadas. Como: ( ) Fogo acidental ataque de pragas, ( ) Invaso de animais, ( ) outros ______________ 2 Renda Quais so as fontes principais de sua renda? atividades extrativistas Madeira Agricultura Agropecurio Caa / Peixe Servios Artesanato Outro ____________________ Que mais voc faz para ganhar dinhe iro? ____________________________________________________ Voc recebe dinheiro de aposentaria? Sim No 10 USO DA TERRA Como era a propriedade quanto chegou? floresta______ha capoeira____ha pasto ____ha rea cultivada ______ha outros _______________ Quantas castanheiras existem na propriedade? ________________ Nmero total de estradas de seringa na colocao______________ O Sr. corta borracha? Sim No Caso no, quando foi o ultimo ano que o S r. cortou borracha?__________ __ Caso sim, quantas estradas o Sr. cortou ano passado (2005)______________ Qual a idade de sua rea de pastagem? Idade hectares Cobertura anterior* 10 anos ou + 9 a 5 anos 4 a 1 anos Total 1 mata, 2 capoeira, 3 rea agrcola (roado), 4 outros___________

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318 Distribuio de uso da terra hoje /rea de roado/lavoura branca Tipos Tarefas ( ou ) Hectares : Arroz Feijao Milho Macaxeira Area de culturas perene: Caf Pupunha Citrus Pretende derrubar este ano? Sim No. Tamanho da rea (ha):________ Floresta Capoeira alta Capoeira baixa Pasto degradado Outros _________________________________________________________ O que costuma fazer quando a rea no produz mais? Semeia puerari a para recuperacao Deixa na capoeira Pasto Outros ______________________________________________ ___________ De quanto em quanto tempo costuma roar o pasto? uma vez por ano a cada dois anos outros _________________________________________ ________________ Tipo de mo de obra utilizada para roo dos pastos: familiar empreita diarista empregado permanente outro:_______ Quantas dirias de servio foram utilizadas na ultim a rocagem? ____________ Quantas dirias de servio foram pagas? ______________ Qual foi o valor total gasto com roo de pasto n o ultimo ano? R$ ___________ Tem rio ou igarap na propriedade? Sim No. Q uantos? _______ ______ Para produzir, utiliza fogo na area? Sim No Faz aceiro para queimar? Sim No Que outra prtica usam? ________________ ______ Comunica ao vizinho? Sim No Convida os vizinhos para ajudar? Sim No Retira autorizao junto aos rgo competentes? ____ _________. Quais rgos?_____________ Como a famlia trabalha na manuteno das culturas? ( ) adubao orgnica ( ) adubao qumica Quanto?___________ Valor gasto____________ ( ) usa sementes selecionada ( ) Existe assistncia tcnica Sim No. Como :________________________

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319 Como faz a limpa das culturas? ( ) capina manual ( ) capina mecnica (roadeira) ( ) capina e controle de pragas e doencas (qumica) Quais os principais impactos ambientais notados na colocao (desmate na margem do igarap, etc)? ____________ ________________________________________________________________________ _______ _____________________________________________________________________________ ___________________________________________________ _________ ________________________ 11 PRODUO ATUAL (extrativismo, agricultura, e animal) No ms passado, voc caou? Sim No Quantas vezes 1 a 2 3 a 5 6 a 10 Mais de 10 vezes Que fez com a carne? Vendeu Onde? ___________________________________ ______________ Consumiu Trocou. Para que trocou? _____________________________________________ No ms passado, voc pescou? Sim No Quantas vezes? 1 a 2 3 a 5 6 a 10 Mais de 10 veces Que fez com a peixe? Vendeu Onde? ___________________________________ _______________ Consumiu Trocou. Para que trocou? ______________________________________________ Voc pesca com congelador? Sim No A Dados gerais da Produo extrativista (no madeireira) Produtos Produo (qde) Consumo (qde) Venda (qde.) Preo de venda (R$) Castanha (latas) Borracha (kg) Mel de abelha (litros) Copaba (litros) Andiroba (litros) B Dados gerais da produo extrativista (madeireira) Tipo (nome) Total produo (# arvores / m 3 ) Consumo (qde.) Venda (qde.) Preo de venda (tora, m 3 )

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320 C Dados gerais da produo agrcola/lavoura branca Produtos Produo Consumo (qde.) Venda (qde.) Preo de venda (R$) Arroz Kg Milho Kg Feijo Kg Mandioca Kg D Dados gerais da produo agrcola/culturas perenes Produtos Total produo Consumo (qde.) Venda (qde.) Preo de venda (R$) Caf Pupunha Citrus Banana E Dados gerais da produo agropecuario Animais Total produo Consumo (qde.) Venda (qde.) Preo de venda/animal Galinha Porco Pato Ovelha cabrito cavalo gado F Dados gerais da caa e pesca Animais (nome) Total produo Consumo (qde.) Venda (qde.) Preo de venda/animal

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321 12 TRANSPORTE E COMERCI ALIZAO Preo Produtos Ncleo da Assoc. Cooperativa Comercio na cidade Marreteiro Trocou? (S/N) Extrativista Borracha Castanha "leos Agrcola: Arroz Milho Feijo Mandioca Animal: Pequenos animais Gado Cabrito/ovelha Caa / pesca; Madeira: Servios: Artesanato: Como feito o transporte da produo? Trechos Tipo de acesso Meio de transporte Tempo Custo Produtos rio varadouro ramal rodagem barco animal carro Exemplo quanto ao trecho: se vem de casa ate a BR na carroa, da BR ate a cidade de nibus, ou vem direto de barco ate a cidade e assim por diante. De quem o transporte? Prprio Ncleo da Associao Cooperativa Prefeitura Fretado Comunidade Outros Explica _________________________________________ _______ Como feita a comercializao? Individualmente Comunitria. Explicar__________ ___

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322 13 NORMAS DE UTILIZAO DA TERRA Voc conhece o Plano de Utiliza o (PU) de regras para a reserva? Sim No Voc acha que o PU importante? S im No Por qu?______________________ Quem criou o PU? (marque todas) IBAMA/CNPT (nome local) As associaes dentro dos seringais os moradores Outro:________________________ O Sr. participou das discusses de elaborao do PU? Sim No Monitoramento Quem mais responsvel pelo monitoramento na reserva? (marque apenas um) IBAMA/CNPT As associaes dentro da RESEX Nome:___________________________ ___________________ Os moradores A policia Outro:_____________________________________ Por qu? ____________________________________________________________________________________ ______________________________________________________________ ______________________ No ultimo ano, vei o alguma pessoa do IBAMA/CNPT para fiscalizar a sua colocao? Sim No O seu seringal? Sim No No ultimo ano, o Sr. teve uma penalidade por uma infrao do PU? Sim No Explica (Regra violada, penalidade) _____________________________________________________________ _______________________ ______________________________________________________________ ______________________ No ultimo ano, j conhece uma pessoa quem recebou uma penalidade por uma infrao do PU? S N Explica (Regra violada, penalidade) ____________________________________________________________________ ________________ ______________________________________________________________ ______ ________________ Qual regra mais desrespeitada no seu seringal?________ _______________ __ ___________________ Por qu? _________________________________________________________________________ ___ ________ ____________________________________________________________________________________ ______________________________________________________________ ______ ________________ O Plano de Utilizao mudou a forma de viver no seringal? Sim No Mudou para melhor ou pior? Melhor P ior

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323 Regras Voce conhece? (S/N) Voce concorda?* Voce acha que essa regra em geral est sendo monitorada? (S/N) No ultimo ano, voce conhece um exemplo quando algum morador no seguiu essa regra? (S/N) Pode desmatar at 10% da colocao Pode ter at 5% em rea de pasto Pode derrubar s 1 ha de mata e 1 ha de capoeira por ano Tem que pedir liena para derrubar Tem que proteger os rios, lagos, e igaraps Tem que proteger as praias e as beiras de varadouro No pode derrubar seringueira No pode derrubar castanheira No pode vender madeira No pode levar madeira para a cidade (vender) No pode caar com cachorro No pode levar caa para a cidade (vender) No pode pescar como venenos, ou redes No pode levar pesca para a cidade (vender) No pode vender a terra, s na direita de uso Novo morador s pode entrar com autorizao da comunidade e da associao Outra regra: Outra regra:

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324 Voc acha que as moradores precisam novas regras (a novo PU)? Sim N o Por qu? _________________________________________________________________________ ___________ ____________________________________________________________________________________ ______________________________________________________________ ______________________ Plano de Manejo O Sr. sabe das modifica es que esto sendo discutidas sobre as normas na reserva? Sim No Se a resposta for s im, quais normas esto sendo discutadas, e por qu? ____________________________________________________________________________________ ____________________________________________________________________________________ ____________________________________ ________________________ ________________________ Se, fosse necessrio criar uma nova regra para a reserva, qual seria esta nova regra? ____________________________________________________________________________________ ____________________________________ ________________________________ ________________ Cria o de gado Explora o comercial de madeira Outro:_____________________ _____

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325 APPENDIX B ATTACHMENT TO PLACE QUESTIONNAIRE Nome do entrevistado ______________________________________________________ Rio __________________________ Nome deste lugar/ seringal _____________________ Idade? ______ anos Desde quanto tempo mora aqui? _____ anos _____meses Sempre morou aqui ( ) Em que Estado nasceu? ___________________________ Chegou aqui vindo de onde? Cidade ( ) ____________________ Municpio ______________________ Rio ( ) ________________________ (indique no mapa TdM onde ) Cada quanto tempo vai para Altamira? _____ anos _____ meses Por qu? a) Negcio ( ) Em que? __________________________________________ b) Visitar parentes ( ) Relao ___________________________________________ c) Vender produtos florestais ( ) Quais? ____________________________________________ e) Vender peixe ( ) f) Passar ferias ( ) g) Outro __________________________________________________

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326 Item No concordo nada No concordo Neu tral Concordo Concordo muito 1 Este lugar onde eu perteno 1 2 3 4 5 2 Eu prefereria passar toda minha vida aqui 1 2 3 4 5 3 Gosto morar aqui mais do que em qualquer outro lugar 1 2 3 4 5 4 Eu dependo deste lugar para minha sobrevivncia 1 2 3 4 5 5 Eu no gostaria trabalhar em outro lugar mais do que aqui 1 2 3 4 5 6 Estou muito ligado a este lugar 1 2 3 4 5 7 Eu gosto a qualidade de vida aqui mais do que na rua 1 2 3 4 5 8 Este lugar nica 1 2 3 4 5 9 Este lugar forma parte da minha identidade pessoal 1 2 3 4 5 10 Eu poderia fazer o que fao aqui em qualquer outro lugar 1 2 3 4 5 11 Sinto que este lugar parte de quem sou 1 2 3 4 5 12 Sinto saudade daqui quando vou para fora 1 2 3 4 5 13 Sinto mais satisfao passando tempo aqui do que em qualquer outro lugar 1 2 3 4 5 14 Este lugar o melhor para meu estilo de vida 1 2 3 4 5 15 Sinto que este lugar define quem sou como pessoa 1 2 3 4 5 16 A vida boa demais aqui 1 2 3 4 5 17 Eu moro aqui porque sou filho desta terra 1 2 3 4 5 18 No me sinto muito responsvel pro futuro este lugar 1 2 3 4 5 19 Se eu fosse de outro lugar, minha vida teria sido igual do que aqui 1 2 3 4 5 20 Eu gostaria morar toda minha vida aqui 1 2 3 4 5 21 Quero mudar para a rua algum dia 1 2 3 4 5 22 Este lugar significa muito para mim 1 2 3 4 5 23 O que fao aqui, posso fazer em qualquer lugar 1 2 3 4 5 24 Este lugar me parece chato 1 2 3 4 5 25 Eu tenho muitas histrias sobre este lugar 1 2 3 4 5 26 Eu amo este lugar 1 2 3 4 5 27 Este lugar como qualquer outro 1 2 3 4 5 28 Tenho muita familia aqui 1 2 3 4 5 29 Tenho muitos amigos aqui 1 2 3 4 5 30 Este lugar muito especial para mim 1 2 3 4 5 31 Sinto responsabilidades importantes neste lugar 1 2 3 4 5

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327 32 Este lugar meu lugar preferido no mundo 1 2 3 4 5 33 Este lugar importante para a minha profisso 1 2 3 4 5 34 Eu dependo deste lugar pro trabalho 1 2 3 4 5 35 Este lugar me faz bem 1 2 3 4 5 36 No gosto muito deste lugar 1 2 3 4 5 37 Este lugar timo para passar ferias e tempo livre 1 2 3 4 5 38 Eu formo parte este lugar 1 2 3 4 5 39 Vou conseguir meus sonhos neste lugar 1 2 3 4 5 40 Para mim, tanto faz morar aqui que em qualquer outro lugar 1 2 3 4 5 41 Quando eu saio para fora, importante para mim voltar aqui sempre 1 2 3 4 5 42 Tenho feito muitos sacrificios para ajudar este lugar 1 2 3 4 5 43 Este lugar me interessa 1 2 3 4 5 44 Eu conheo as histrias pessoais dos moradores aqui 1 2 3 4 5 45 Este lugar forma parte da minha vida 1 2 3 4 5 46 Eu preferiria tiver morado em qualquer outro lugar 1 2 3 4 5 47 Sinto bem morando aqui 1 2 3 4 5 48 Gosto conversar com os meus vizinhos sobre o futuro deste lugar 1 2 3 4 5 49 Sinto que meus amigos e familia gostam deste lugar 1 2 3 4 5 50 Quando estou aqui, sinto que perteno a esta terra 1 2 3 4 5 51 Eu trabalho com os moradores para ns 1 2 3 4 5 52 Sinto que minha vida depende deste lugar 1 2 3 4 5 53 Quando estou nesta terra, sinto que estou em casa 1 2 3 4 5 54 Gosto passar tempo com os 1 2 3 4 5 55 Quasi no conheo muitas pessoas aqui 1 2 3 4 5 56 Eu poderia morar em qualquer lugar 1 2 3 4 5 57 No sinto nada em particular sobre este lugar 1 2 3 4 5 58 Sinto muita satisfao morando e trabalhando aqui 1 2 3 4 5 59 T enho sorte morando aqui 1 2 3 4 5 60 um prazer morar aqui 1 2 3 4 5 61 T emos uma comunidade forte aqui 1 2 3 4 5

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328 LIST OF REFERENCES Aberle, David F. 1987 Distinguished Lecture: What Kind of Science is Anthropology? American Anthropologist 89(3):551 566. Adams, Cristina, Rui Murrieta, Walter Neves, and Mark Harris, eds. 2006 Sociedades Caboclas Amaznicas: Modernidade e Invisibilidade. Annablume: So Paulo. 2009 Amazon Peasant Soc ieties in a Changing Environment: Political Ecology, Invisibility and Modernity in the Rainforest. Springer. Albert, Bruce and Franois Michele Le Tourneau 2007 Ethnogeography and Resource Use among the Yanomami: Toward a Model Curr ent Anthropology 48(4):584 592. Alencar, Ane, Nepstad, Daniel, McGrath, David, Moutinho, Paulo, Pacheco, Pablo., Vera Diaz, Maria D. C. and Soares Filho, Britaldo. 2004 Desmatamento na Amaznia: Indo alm da Emergncia Crnica. Belm, Brazil: Instituto de Pesquisa Ambiental na Amaznia. Allegretti, Mary Helena 1990 Extractive Reserves; An Alternative for Reconciling Development and Environmental Conservation in Amazonia. In Alternatives to Deforestation: Steps toward Sustainable Use of the Amazonia Rain Forest. Anthony B. Anderson, ed. Pp. 252 264. New York, NY: Columbia University Press. 1994 Reserv as Extra tivistas: Par metros para uma Poltica de Desenvolvimento S ustent vel na Amaz nia. In O Destino da Floresta: Reservas E xtrativistas e Desenvolvimento S ustentvel na Amaznia. Ricardo Arnt, ed. Pp. 17 48 Rio de Janeiro: Dumar. 1999 Chico Mendes: Ten Years Before. Accessed 8/10/2010 at http://www.edf.org/article.cfm?ContentID=1551 Almeida, Anna Luiza Ozorio de 1992 The Colonization of the Amazon. Austin, Texas: The University of Texas Press. Almeida, Mauro W. B. 2002 The Politics of Amazonian Conservation: T he Struggles of Rubber Tappers. Journal of Latin American Anthropology 7(1):170 219.

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352 BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH Hilary Zarin was born and raised in Milwaukee, Wisconsin. As an undergraduate at the University of Minnesota, she was encouraged by a Peruvian mentor to pursue her interests in anthropology at the Pontificia Universidad Catlica del Per in Lima, where she enrolled as a n anthropology student for two semesters. She conducted research during her time in Peru, and upon return to the States, wrote he r b ecotourism in the She graduated in 1998 with an in terdisciplinary Bachelor of Arts in Spanish, Anthropology, and Latin American Studies. After receiving her degree, Hilary spent nearly a year traveling and backpacking through South America and Antarctica before returning to the United States At that tim e she worked as a Bilingual Family Support Specialist with a non profit in San Diego California, assist ing struggling Latino families with legal, medical, and basic need services. A fter being admitted to the University of Chicago, she continued her resear ch o native participation in ecotourism and perceptions of identity. She received a M aster of Arts in the Soci al Sciences in 2001. Hilary then spent several years at The Fiel d Museum of Natural History in Chicago where she worked on a variety of projects related to the human environment interface, including in the post industrial rustbelt of the Midwest and in the Cordillera Azul National Park in Peru. Before pursuing her doc torate, Hilary was based in Tarapoto, Peru where she was responsible for the participatory programs of the Cordillera Azul National Park including game management, agroforestry, ecological and environmental zoning, and local perceptions of place and ident ity.

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353 In 2004, Hilary entered the Ph.D. program in Anthropology at the University of Florida where she received generous funding as an IGERT fellow from the N ational S cience F oundation supported Working Forests in the Tropics Program. She began h er doctoral fieldwork in the Brazilian Amazon in 2006 Upon completing her dissertation in 2010 Hilary began working as a Research Analyst specializing in Latin America at a think tank in the Washington, D.C. area.