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1 CHRISTIANITY AND INTERNAL LOCUS OF CONTROL IN LATIN AMERICA: A MIXED METHODS ANALYSIS By STELLA R. TIPPIN A THESIS PRESENTED TO THE GRADUATE SCHOOL OF THE UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS F OR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA 2010
2 2010 Stella R. Tippin
3 To Peruvian Christians of all creeds May they find the truth they seek. Alzando los ojos hacia sus discpulos, deca: Bienaventurados vosotros los pobres, porque vuestro es el reino de Dios. San Lucas 6:20, La Santa Biblia
4 ACKNOWLEDGMENTS Many thanks go firs t to my supervisory committee. I am especially grateful to my committee chair, Dr. Charles Wood, for seeing the potenti al of my proposed research and for encouraging me to go deeper, wider, and further than I had imagined I could. His support and direction have been invaluable. I also thank Dr. Phil Williams and Dr. Maya StanfieldMazzi for their unique insights into the P eruvian religious experience. I am grateful to the Tinker Foundation and the Center for Latin American Studies for awarding me the funds that allowed me to conduct the qualitative portion of this work. My heartfelt thanks go to the priests, pastors, and se cretaries of the Iglesia San Francisco de Ass de la Tablada, the Iglesia Alianza Cristiana y Misionera de San Juan de Lurigancho, and the Misi me in coordinating interviews. I thank the 39 informants who so generously took time out of their busy schedules to participate in this study. I also thank the Latinobar Corporation for allowing me to use their 2006 dataset for the quantitative section of this thesis. Finally, for their unconditional love and unwavering support, I thank my mother and stepfather Betty Ruth and Harold March. I am also grateful beyond words to my late father, Dr. Kenneth Richard Tippin, whose life serves as an inspiration for this work. My mother and father modeled for me the life spent in search of truth and wisdom, and for that, I am truly thankful.
5 TABLE OF CONTENTS page ACKNOWLEDGMENTS .................................................................................................. 4 LIST OF TABLES ............................................................................................................ 8 LIST OF FIG URES .......................................................................................................... 9 LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS ........................................................................................... 10 ABSTRACT ................................................................................................................... 11 CHAPTER 1 WEBER IN T HE LATIN AMERICAN CHURCH? CHRISTIANITY AND LOCUS OF CONTROL ........................................................................................................ 13 Background ............................................................................................................. 13 The Research Method ............................................................................................ 15 The Research Site .................................................................................................. 16 Overview ................................................................................................................. 17 2 LATIN AMERICAN CHRISTIANITY: A VARIEGATED FIELD ................................ 19 Popular Religion in Latin America ........................................................................... 20 Fragmentation of the Catholic Field .................................................................. 21 New Popular Forms of Catholicism .................................................................. 22 The Protestant Field ............................................................................................... 23 The Pentecostals .............................................................................................. 24 The Evangelical Attraction ................................................................................ 25 A Clarification of Terms ........................................................................................... 28 Popular Forms of Christianity and Agency: Sever al Views ..................................... 29 Popular Forms of Christianity as Fatalistic ....................................................... 30 Popular Forms of Christianity as Empowering .................................................. 32 An Alternative View: Popular Forms of Christianity as Facilitators of Agency .. 34 A Variable from the North: Level of Religious Commitment .................................... 40 Summary ................................................................................................................ 42 3 DENOMINATION, RELIGIOSITY, AND LOCUS OF CONTROL: A REGION WIDE STATISTICAL ANALYSIS ............................................................................ 44 Presentation of the Research Hypotheses .............................................................. 44 Research Design .................................................................................................... 46 Data .................................................................................................................. 46 Operational Definitions and Sample Restrictions ............................................. 46 Dependent variable: locus of control .......................................................... 46
6 Main independent variables ....................................................................... 47 Control variables ........................................................................................ 49 Findings .................................................................................................................. 49 Method ological Caveats .......................................................................................... 53 Dataset Issues .................................................................................................. 53 Issues of Coding ............................................................................................... 54 Discus sion .............................................................................................................. 56 4 IN SEARCH OF AN EXPLANATION: THE CASE OF CHRISTIANS IN LIMA, PERU ...................................................................................................................... 59 Overview of the Fieldwork ....................................................................................... 60 The Interview Guide ......................................................................................... 60 Church Selection and the Informant Selection Process ................................... 61 La Ig lesia San Francisco de Ass de la Tablada ........................................ 61 La Iglesia Alianza Cristiana y Misionera of San Juan de Lurigancho ......... 64 La Misi stiana Shalom in Villa El Salvador ......................................... 67 The Interviews ........................................................................................................ 71 Catholics ........................................................................................................... 72 Highly committed Catholics ........................................................................ 72 Moderately committed Catholics ................................................................ 73 Marginally committed Catholics ................................................................. 74 Evangelicals ..................................................................................................... 75 Highly committed Evangelicals .................................................................. 75 Moderately committed Evangelicals ........................................................... 77 Marginally committed Evangelicals ............................................................ 78 Pentecostals ..................................................................................................... 80 Highly committ ed Pentecostals .................................................................. 80 Moderately committed Pentecostals .......................................................... 82 Marginally committed Pentecostals ............................................................ 82 What Is a Pentecostal? .................................................................................. 83 The Early Catholic Shift: A Summary of the Main Pattern .................................... 84 The Defin ing Challenge .................................................................................. 85 Theoretical Roots for the Main Pattern ............................................................. 86 Additional Patterns .................................................................................................. 87 Cat lico Catlico ............................................................................................ 88 What Is Destiny? .......................................................................................... 90 God Has a Plan and an End. ......................................................................... 91 Backsliders and Predestination ...................................................................... 93 Summary ................................................................................................................ 94
7 5 CONSTRUCTING THE RELIGIOUS IMAGE: A SUMMARY OF THE FINDINGS AND THEIR SIGNIFICANCE .................................................................................. 97 Review of the Chapters ........................................................................................... 97 Summary of Findings .............................................................................................. 98 Quantitative Findings ........................................................................................ 98 Qualitative Findings .......................................................................................... 99 Taken Together .............................................................................................. 101 Significance of Findings ........................................................................................ 101 For Weberian Thought ................................................................................... 102 For the Literature on Latin American Reli gion ................................................ 102 Suggestions for Further Research ........................................................................ 104 APPENDIX: INTERVIEW GUIDE .............................................................................. 107 LIST OF REFERENCES ............................................................................................. 109 BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH .......................................................................................... 115
8 LIST OF TABLES Table page 3 1 Descriptive statistics for the variables in the equation ........................................ 51 3 2 Odds ratios for probability of valuing work and education (logistic regression) .. 52
9 LIS T OF FIGURES Figure page 3 1 Most important factor to achieve life success according to Latin American Christians ........................................................................................................... 47
10 LIST OF ABBREVIATION S ACyM A lianza Cristiana y Misionera (Christian and Missionary Alliance ) CBC Christian Base Community CH Catholic, highly religious informant(s) CL Catholic, marginally religious informant(s) CM Catholic, moderately religious informant(s) CMA Christian and Missionary Alliance EH nonPentecostal Evangelical, highly religious informant(s) EL nonPentecostal Evangelical, marginally religious informant(s) EM nonPentecostal Evangelical, moderately religious informant(s) I E Scale Rotters Internal External Control Scal e INEI Instituto Nacional de Estadsticas e Informaci IRB Institutional Review Board PH Pentecostal, highly religious informant(s) PL Pentecostal, marginally religious informant(s) PM Pentecostal, moderately religious informant(s) SJL San Juan de Lurigancho VES Villa El Salvador
11 Abstract of Thesis Presented to the Graduate School of the University of Florida in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Master of Arts CHRISTIANITY AND INTERNAL LOCUS OF CONTROL: A MIXED METHODS ANALYSIS By Stella R. Tippin M ay 2010 Chair: Charles Wood Major: Latin American Studies In both Latin America and elsewhere, researchers have proposed a link between conversion to Evangelical Protestantism and increased sense of self efficacy. However, recent studies in the US indicate individuals level of religious commitment, not their identification with a specific Christian denomination, might be more highly associated with internal locus of control. Locus of control is a variable used in psychology to explain whether people believe events in their lives happen to them because of factors in their control (signaling internal locus of control) or outside their control (signaling external locus of control). Based on prior research, this study uses mixed methods to examine the relationship between denomination, level of religious commitment, and locus of control among Latin American Christians. Specifically, the quantitative section analyzes a series of logistic regressions based on the 2006 L atinobar to respond to the following hypotheses: 1) nonPentecostal Evangelicals will be more likely to display internal locus of control than other Christians; 2) very committed Christians will be more likely to display internal locus of control than marginally
12 committed Christians; and 3) level of religious commitment will be more highly associated with locus of control than will be denomination. The qualitative section of this study attempts to explain the results of the quant itative section It does this by analyzing indepth interviews conducted with highly committed, moderately committed, and marginally committed members of Catholic, nonPentecostal Evangelical, and Pentecostal churches in working class districts of metropol itan Lima, Peru. Specifically, the analysis focuses on interviewees discourse on luck, destiny, and self efficacy and uncovers several important themes that provide an interpretation for the patterns found in the quantitative data.
13 CHAPTER 1 WEBER IN TH E LATIN AMERICAN CHURCH? CHRISTIANITY AND LOCUS OF CONTROL Background . The religious value set on tireless, continuous, and systematic work in a vocational calling was defined as absolutely the highest of all ascetic means for believers to testify t o their elect status, as well as simultaneously the most certain and most visible means of doing so. Max Weber wrote these influential words in his classic sociological essay, The Protestant Ethic and the Spirit of Capitalism (Weber and Kalberg 2009:153). According to Weber, the primarily Protestant countries of northern Europe saw the emergence of modern capitalism and the Industrial Revolution due in part to the Protestant ethic the prevailing Calvinist theology fostered among its adherents. Protestant ethic, Weber contended, inspired citizens of northern European nations to view their work as a calling to which they dedicated themselves with a disciplined, frugal, and decidedly religious zeal (P. 155156). Weberian scholars have extrapolated Webers Protestant ethic from early modern Europe to present day North America and have made it the heart of well over fifty separate studies (Furnham and Rajamanickam 1992). Findings are mixed but generally point to a connection between high work ethic and Protes tantism (e.g., Giorgi and Marsh 1990; Mudrack 1992). One reason for this connection may be that devout Protestants in the United States tend to display a high internal locus of control (Jackson and Coursey 1988). Locus of control is a variable used in ps ychology to explain whether people believe events in their lives happen to them because of factors in their control or outside
14 of their control. These two orientations signal internal and external locus of control, respectively (Sutton, Baum and Johnston 2004). While scholars have documented the relationship between religion and internal locus of control in North America and Europe, the association has received relatively little attention in Latin America, although a few scholars have characterized Latin Am erican Protestants as demonstrating relatively frequent self efficacious behavior (Peterson and Vsquez 2008:189). This lack of literature is mainly due to the fact that scholars who research religion in Latin America have focused not on locus of control but on the related concept of agency, which sociologist of religion David Smilde defines as a form of practice in which an individual or social actors autonomy and control are for the most part increased (Smilde 2007:10). While related, these two concept s are not synonymous. I shall explain the distinction in chapter 2 when I discuss the literature on Latin American religion. For now, it suffices to mention that locus of control, a concept that explains the way individuals conceive of their ability to inf luence the course of their personal lives, is more relevant to discussions of work ethic than is the concept of agency. Many ethnographic studies characterize Latin American Protestants as having comparatively high work ethic, but quantitative analyses to verify these findings are scarce (Peterson and Vsquez 2008). Both the rise of Protestantism and the rise of newer forms of Catholic theology, such as liberation theology and the Charismatic Renewal, in Latin America make the need for more research in this area all the more pressing (Steigenga and Cleary 2007; Wood, Williams and Chijiwa 2007). The presumed relationship between religious affiliation and work ethic (and thus locus of control) is complicated by another factor, evident in the literature on Nort h America,
15 namely the degree of religious commitment. According to this perspective, peoples high internal locus of control has less to do with religious affiliation as it does with whether they are active versus passive members of their respective religi ous communities (Giorgi and Marsh 1990; Zern 1989; Jeynes 2003; Koubek 1984). This third variable level of religious commitment adds depth to the interaction between religion and internal locus of control, but it also complicates the research agenda for sc holars who wish to show how cultural and psychological variables interact in Latin America. The goal of this study is to explore the association between religious factors and internal locus of control among Christians in Latin America. Specifically, I will use social survey data to test the relationship between religious affiliation and locus of control, and the relationship between level of religious commitment and locus of control. The quantitative results set the stage for a qualitative analysis that seeks to clarify these relationships by painting a more indepth picture of how the degree of religiosity among Protestant and Catholic Latin Americans influences their locus of control. The Research Method This study is characterized both by its mixed methodology and by its interdisciplinary theoretical framework. By using both quantitative and qualitative methods this study benefits from the generalizability of statistical analysis and the rich descriptive and explanatory power of qualitative interviews. It s mixed methodology thus affords it both breadth and depth as a means to address multiple facets of the same issue: the relationship between Christianity and internal locus of control in Latin America. In addition to using multiple research methods, this s tudy draws on the theories, insights, and direct observations of researchers in the fields of anthropology, sociology,
16 history, psychology, theology, economics, political science, religious studies, and womens studies. I contend that drawing on diverse di sciplinary perspectives and methodological approaches enhances the scope and depth of the analysis presented here. The Research Site The quantitative portion of this study, presented in Chapter 3, uses social survey data from 18 countries in Latin America. In contrast to the statistical analysis, my qualitative res earch, presented in Chapter 4, had a geographically specific setting For my research site I chose the pueblos j (literally, young towns), which are neighborhoods located in the periphery of metropolitan Lima, Peru. Peru is an excellent setting for research on Protestantism, because, compared to other Latin American countries, Perus explosion of Protestant growth is relatively recent (Martin 1990). Between the 1993 census and the 2007 ce nsus, Perus Protestant population has almost doubled, growing from 7.19 percent to 12.5 percent of the total Peruvian population (Soria 2008; INEI 1994; CIA World Factbook 2010). I chose the pueblos j as the more specific research setting of the qualitative portion of this study for two main reasons. First, fully 20 percent of Peruvians currently live in these peripheral districts of Lima (INEI 2007; Arellano and Burgos 2004). Therefore, intervi ews conducted in these areas are likely to reflect the life experiences and views of a large percentage of Peruvians. Second, the pueblos j are an appropriate research setting because prior research has shown religious effects on work ethic are heightened in poor, urban areas of the United States that are in some ways socially comparable to peripheral settlements in Latin America (e.g., Jeynes 2003; Regnerus 2000). Limas pueblos
17 j are the principal home of its vast working class. While most of the churches in which I conducted interviews were located in established, lower to lower middle class areas, in each case there were newly established human settlements, areas of extreme poverty, located a short distance from the research site. If urban poverty enhances the effect religious factors have on internal locus of control, then conducting interviews in a poor urban area will elucidate the complexities of this relationship better than interviews conducted in affluent urban areas or rural areas. Overview This study, while not written from a wholly Weberian or neoWeberian theoretical standpoint, will contribute to both the substantive literature on the proposed Protestant work ethic and the comparative literature on new religions in Latin America. The chapter that follows provides an overview of the extensive scholarly literature on religion in Latin America. It first presents a brief account of the regions recent growth in religious pluralism, followed by a summary of the cited reasons for the ex pansion of the two most prevalent new forms of religionEvangelicalism and Pentecostalism. The main objective, however, is to introduce the notion of locus of control, which I discuss in terms of three competing perspectives concerning the relationship bet ween popular forms of Christianity and peoples perception of their ability to exert control over their lives. The third chapter begins with a statement of the studys research hypotheses, followed by a description of the operational definitions that I use d to measure the concepts of interest. I then present and interpret the results of the statistical analysis of the social survey data. The fourth chapter presents the studys research question and describes Lima, Peru, the research site for the qualitative portion of this study. It reports the results of the qualitative interviews I conducted there, highlighting important patterns
18 and themes. The fifth and final chapter summarizes the significance of the findings and offers suggestions with respect to furth er research on the relationship between religion and human action in Latin America.
19 CHAPTER 2 LATIN AMERICAN CHRIS TIANITY: A VARIEGATED FIELD Latin America is commonly referred to as the most Catholic part of the world (Stoll 1993:1). For five hundred years, the Catholic religion has been one of the regions most salient cultural features. The Roman Catholic Churchs importance as a social institution and as a political actor cannot be denied, even in nations such as Uruguay and Mexico, where the early republican governments openly engaged in power struggles with the Church and severely limited its legal rights (Cook 1994). Today, the number of Latin Americans claiming Catholicism as their religious affiliation remains high, and 42 percent of the worlds Roman Catholics live in the region (Escobar 1994). However, in recent decades, numerous scholars have indicated a new trend: the growth of religious pluralism (Stoll 1990; Martin 1990). Especially prominent is the spread of nonCatholic forms of Christian ity. So significant has been the rate of growth that, in some nations, a higher number of Protestants than Roman Catholics attends weekly Sunday worship services (Berg and Pretiz 1992b). Furthermore, when one examines the socioeconomic class of the vast majority of Latin American Protestants, it is evident that Protestantism has become one of several popular religious options the poor have chosen over the official, liberation theology inspired preferential option for the poor the Latin American Catholic hierarchy had laid out for them beginning in 1968 (Stoll 1993:4). The issue addressed in this thesis is whether the shift in the religious landscape is associated with changes in the way that individuals comprehend their relationship to the world around the m. A useful concept in this regard is the notion of agency, which sociologist of religion David Smilde (2007) defines as a form of
20 practice in which an individual or social actors autonomy and control are for the most part increased (P. 10). In this c hapter, I will first describe the concept of popular religion and explain how factors such as Latin American nations macroeconomic policies and intranational migration patterns have prompted changes in the popular religious beliefs and practices of large portions of their citizenry, including commitment to new forms of popular Catholicism. Second, I will summarize the reasons for the rise of various forms of Protestantism in Latin America, particularly the two main forms, nonPentecostal Evangelicalism a nd Pentecostalism. Next, I will differentiate two related but distinct concepts that are both important to this study: agency and internal locus of control. The panorama of religious change and the explanation of important terms sets the stage for introduc ing the principal concern in this study, namely, how popular forms of Christianity interact with human agency and locus of control a topic that I will discuss in terms of the three competing perspectives that recent scholars have used to examine the relati onship. Finally, I will briefly review the (mainly North American) literature that shifts the emphasis from religious affiliation to the association between the level of religious commitment, whether Catholic or Protestant, and peoples perception of their personal efficacy. Popular Religion in Latin America Chilean sociologist Christian Parker defines popular religions as collective manifestations that express the needs, anxieties, hopes, and aspirations that have no adequate response in official [that is, institutional] religion or in the religious expressions of the elite and dominant classes (Parker 1996:35). For many years, Latin American academics and elites have considered the popular religious beliefs and
21 practices of the lower classes as f undamentally rural, uneducated, and even impure (syncretized) expressions of Roman Catholicism (Parker 1996:15). Popular Catholic practices typically involve pilgrimages, patron saints celebrations, cofradas (religious guilds), vows, and local devotions specific to geographically defined spaces, such as villages, hacienda estates, or regions (Mguez Bonino 1994:262). In the 1950s, Catholic missionary William J. Coleman (1958) criticized traditional Latin American popular religiosity as amazingly superficial and lacking an orthodox theological understanding that he as a practitioner of the official form of Roman Catholicism deemed necessary to correct belief and practice (P. 4). Progressive Roman Catholic theologians and philosophers have regarded popular religion, both in its old and new forms, as oppressive and alienating (Slade 1994; Berryman 1998). This assessment is largely due to its reputed fatalistic nature, which critics claim is more focused on mystical practices than on the real and pres ent problems encountered in contemporary Latin American life (Sherman 1996). Fragmentation of the Catholic Field With massive rural to urban migration and the globalizing influences of neoliberal economic policies has come what Parker calls a fragmentation of the Catholic fabric (1996:119). As millions moved from the rural provinces to the pueblos j in the periphery of large Latin American metropolises in the past half century, the habitat of that popular piety the traditional society with its st rong ties, its regularity, its carved niches for everybody tend[ed] to disappear (Miguez Bonino 1994:262). In its place arose new popular religious forms, some quite similar to the old, others quite different.
22 New Popular Forms of Catholicism The most w idespread form of what Parker calls urban popular religion is similar in many ways to traditional popular Catholicism (1996:91). This popular stream of Roman Catholicism often uses the same symbols and practices encountered in traditional popular Catholi cism, but it reassigns them a meaning more relevant to the life experiences of the urban poor. For example, the Virgin Mary is no longer seen primarily as the goddess of the fertility of the earth but as the consolation of the poor, protection of the weak, refuge of the oppressed (Parker 1996:99). While religious festivals are just as important in this form of urban popular religion as they are in traditional popular religion, they are no longer tied to the rhythm of the seasons. It is important to furt her note that urban religious practitioners are likely to be considered nonpracticing Catholics by the Roman Catholic Church and by national censuses, yet they do indeed practice their religiosity outside of the official Church, often through cofradas o r periodic visits to urban shrines (Parker 1996). Parkers urban popular religion is not the only new form of popular Catholicism to emerge in Latin Americas cities. Some scholars consider the liberation theology inspired Christian Base Communities (CBC s), which are small groups that meet with a priest to raise consciousness by discussing justice issues and working for social change, to be a type of popular Catholicism. However, CBCs importance has waned in the last two decades even as other intraCat holic movements have grown in number and size (Berryman 1998:151). Of these movements, the Charismatic Renewal is particularly noteworthy. Like the Pentecostal churches described below, the Charismatic Renewal emphasizes lively worship; the gifts of the H oly Spirit, including glossolalia (also known
23 as speaking in tongues); and the importance of a personal decision to commit ones soul to Jesus Christ (Berryman 1998:88 89). Scholars attribute the Charismatic Renewals relative success in recruiting new adherents to its incorporation of these Pentecostal elements (Mariz 1994). However, unlike Pentecostal churches, the Charismatic Renewal remains a church within the Church, never meant to be independent of the Roman Catholic parish system (Berryman 1998:83). In addition to the many new forms of Catholicism multiplying in urban areas, new nonCatholic popular religions are also proliferating. These include Africaninflected religious expressions, such as umbanda, and various forms of Protestantism, descr ibed below (Parker 1996). The Protestant Field While the Roman Catholic Church labels the vast majority of Protestant denominations in Latin America as sects, virtually all of these churches use the all encompassing term, evanglica (Evangelical), to define themselves. In common usage, only Jehovahs Witnesses and Mormons are excluded by the term, due to their distinct doctrines and theologies (Bomann 1999). According to David Stoll (1990) in his book, Is Latin America Turning Protestant?, the term Eva ngelical denotes a Protestant church characterized by three beliefs: (1) the complete reliability and final authority of the Bible, (2) the need to be saved through a personal relation with Jesus Christ, often experienced in terms of being 'born again,' and (3) the importance of spreading this message of salvation to every nation and person, a duty often referred to as the Great Commission (P. 3). Although all Evangelical churches share these core beliefs, as well as many practices and organizational struc tures, there is considerable diversity within the Latin
24 American Evangelical community. The most noticeable distinction is between Pentecostal and nonPentecostal Evangelicals (Berryman 1998). The Pentecostals Pentecostal churches can be distinguished from other Evangelical denominations by their emphasis on an experience known as baptism by the Spirit, which Pentecostals believe creates an immediate bond between the individual believer and the Holy Spirit, one of the three Persons of the trinitarian Chri stian God. The baptism by the Spirit is often accompanied by glossolalia and other supernatural gifts of the Spirit, such as prophecy and miraculous healing. The Pentecostal worldview tends to place more emphasis on supernatural occurrences and intervent ions than does nonPentecostal Evangelicalism, and, in many Pentecostal churches, physical healings and exorcisms are routine (Barker 2007). Historians of religion typically date Pentecostalisms arrival on the religious scene to the 1906 Azusa Street reli gious revivals in Los Angeles, California (Barker 2007). Within three years of this date, Pentecostalism made its first inroads into Latin America, although it did not become widespread there until after World War II (Petersen 2006). As of 2000, Pentecostals made up almost 75 percent, or 66 million, of Latin Americas 89 million Evangelicals (Espinosa 2004). Although considered part of the worldwide Pentecostal movement, which, in 2000, claimed 525 million adherents, Latin American Pentecostalism is charact erized by the considerable presence of indigenous churches, in addition to large, transnational denominations like the Assemblies of God (Barker 2007; Seplveda 1994). Although the categories Pentecostal and nonPentecostal Evangelical are useful for s ociological purposes, Latin American Evangelicalism remains a very
25 heterogeneous field. A helpful set of subcategories within Pentecostalism are traditional Pentecostalism, which tends to enforce strict behavioral guidelines, including womens adoption of conservative dress and the universal abstention from alcohol, and the newer, more middleclass neo Pentecostalism, which is less strict and which often emphasizes the prosperity gospel. The prosperity gospel is a doctrine that interprets health and m aterial prosperity as evidence of faith (Barker 2007:414 415). The Pentecostal denominations that make up these two categories remain diverse in belief and practice. Besides taking into account the heterogeneity of Evangelical Christianity, it is important to recognize the fluidity of the definitional boundaries in Evangelical Christianity. In Latin America, historic Protestant denominations, such as the Presbyterian and Lutheran churches, are likely to possess a far more literal interpretation of the Bibl e than their counterparts in the United States, and practices such as exorcisms and miraculous healings often take place in Evangelical churches that refuse to self identify as Pentecostal (Berryman 1998). The Evangelical Attraction Sociologists David St oll and David Martin were two among the first of a wave of scholars to study the explosive growth of Evangelicalism, especially Pentecostalism, in Latin America. In 1990, Stoll and Martin published their groundbreaking books, Is Latin America Turning Prot estant? and Tongues of Fire: The Explosion of Protestantism in Latin America respectively. Both books highlight the growth of Evangelicalism during the latter half of the twentieth century. According to Stoll, for example, the percentage of Evangelicals i n Guatemala increased sevenfold between 1960 and 1985 (1990). Stolls
26 and Martins books also outline the implications of the cultural changes this shift might incur and review possible reasons for Evangelicalisms attraction and growth. Although Stolls a nd Martins works brought Latin American Evangelicalism to the attention of the worlds scholars, they were not the first to theorize about the reasons it might attract the urban poor. Emilio Willems (1967) hypothesized that the Protestant work ethic inherent to Evangelicalism might help recently arrived rural to urban migrants adapt to the more capitalistic metropolitan setting (P. 13) He saw Evangelicalism as a manifestation of modernity (Seplveda 1994:70). Christian Lalive dEpinay (1969), in cont rast to Willems, saw Evangelicalism as an urban reproduction of the hacienda social structure, with the authoritarian pastor taking the role of the wealthy, landowning patr Lalive dEpinay called Pentecostalism a theology of desperation and a cure for the pervasive anomie experienced by the poor, urban masses (Wilson 1994:90). Stoll and Martin rephrased the question regarding the Evangelical attraction: why was the Roman Catholic Church losing adherents? Martin, who uses a macrohistorical analytical f ramework, attributes the religious shift in Latin America to the failure of the Churchs imperial strategies (Cook 1994:x). Stoll, on the other hand, invokes the idea that Evangelicalism is an attractive, politically moderate alternative to both the Vati cans growing conservatism and to the Catholic liberation theologians over zealous proclamations of revolution (Cook 1994). Other theorists have addressed what are deemed pastoral explanations of the Churchs recent losses: the extreme shortage of pries ts and the low clergy to parishioner ratio in most Latin American nations, the inherently rural nature of the parish
27 system, and the clergys inability to relate to the struggles and the perspectives of the urban poor (Berryman 1998). Many of the most rece nt scholarly works on Latin American religion have emphasized Evangelicalisms practical appeal to the urban poor: its sometimes strict behavioral code can provide a way to escape pathological social behaviors, such as alcoholism. Its tight social networks can provide social and financial security during times of personal crisis, and its historic abstention from the political realm in many Latin American nations has to a certain extent shielded its adherents from political violence (Smilde 2007). Evangelica lisms non hierarchical power structure also allows otherwise marginalized members of society to find respect and a sense of fulfillment in church leadership roles. Additionally, numerous scholars have pointed out the affinity the urban poor have for the P entecostal worldview: it provides them with a simple, straightforward metanarrative and preserves many of the supernatural beliefs common to traditional popular Catholic religion, although it rearticulates them in a more dualistic manner (Berg and Pretiz 1994a). While Evangelicalism has grown by leaps and bounds since the 1960s, some scholars have sounded an important cautionary note: its exponential growth cannot last forever. Even in the past two decades, there has been a noticeable slowing of Evangelica l growth in many Latin American nations. Scholars have also noted that not all Latin American nations have undergone a large growth in Evangelicalism, although most have experienced at least moderate growth. Hence, it is unwise to make too many regionwide generalizations without mentioning the diversity of national experiences (Espinosa 2004). Finally, as the Evangelical churches of Latin America age, they have
28 begun to experience moderate levels both of nonpractice and conversion from Evangelicalism to ot her popular religions or to no religion at all (Cleary 2004). A Clarification of Terms Before proceeding to the main concern of this chapter, the exposition of the three competing scholarly views of the ways popular forms of Christianity interact with human agency, it is expedient to define and differentiate the related terms, agency and internal locus of control. Smildes definition for agency, noted in chapter 1 and at the beginning of this chapter, bears repeating: human agency is a form of practi ce in which an individual or social actors autonomy and control are for the most part increased (2007:10). The key word in this definition is social. While researchers definitions necessarily vary by discipline and personal preference, scholars who us e the term agency most often do so as a means to emphasize the ability of individuals and social groups (e.g., religious denominations) to influence social structures and processes. In this usage, degrees of agency concern the tension between voluntarism (which endorses the dominance of the willful action of individuals or collectivities) and determinism (which endorses the dominance of structural processes, regardless of the actions of social actors) (Wood personal communication 2010). While scholars use the concept of agency to examine issues at both the individual and the structural level, locus of control is a concept exclusive to the individual level of analysis, since it refers to individuals perceptions of their ability to influence the course of their personal lives. Like agency, it can be considered a continuum of orientations, from efficacy (internal control) to fatalism (external control) (Sutton, Baum and Johnston 2004; Wood personal communication 2010). Because of
29 agencys focus on social, as opposed to purely psychological, processes, social scientists from a wide variety of disciplines, most notably sociology and political science, have made use of it. In contrast, most of the literature concerning locus of control has remained almost exclusively within the field of psychology. When dealing with both concepts, agency and internal locus of control, it is useful to distinguish between instances regarding the capacity to influence the structures within which individual behavior takes place (e.g redistributing wealth) and instances regarding the capacity to influence events at the level of the individual (e.g., coping with poverty) (Wood personal communication 2010). However, due to the two concepts overlap in their levels of analysis and also to scholars unfamiliarity with locus of control, many times scholars have referred solely to agency when perhaps it would have been better to include both concepts in their analyses. This dual focus is greatly desirable, especially since a higher internal locus of control might effect greater agency in the lives of the individuals and social actors studied. Most of the literature concerning religion in Latin America does not explicitly use the term s agency or locus of control. I n the cases scholars do use a term, it is almost invariably agency. However, to keep clear the conceptual distinction, in the following section I use internal locus of control1 or both terms where applicable. Popular Forms of Christianity and Agency: Several Views It is i ndisputable that Evangelicalism and popular forms Catholicism are exerting an influence on the lived culture in many Latin American nations. While structural forces and processes, such as the governments macroeconomic policies and rural to urban 1 Or its synonym, self efficacy
30 migration necessarily shape the context in which Latin Americans live and make decisions, the peoples worldview, the lens through which all things are seen and understood, also influences their decisionmaking processes (Bomann 1999:44). A religious conversion, according to Pentecostal sociologist Rebecca Pierce Bomann (1999), [radically affects] every aspect of the converts identity, behavior, and life purposes and fundamentally alters his or her worldview (P. 44). Scholars have long commented on the power o f religious conversion to change the way people view their lives and make decisions, although they have disagreed about the nature of these changes (Martin 1990). Three broad views of how popular forms of Christianity relate to agency in Latin America domi nate the literature. In more or less chronological order, they are the following: 1) popular forms of Christianity disempower their adherents, because they encourage a fatalistic, otherworldly attitude; 2) popular forms of Christianity empower their adherents to make sweeping cultural changes; and 3) popular forms of Christianity, while they often fail to bring about major cultural transformations, facilitate greater agency and greater sense of efficacy in their adherents. Popular Forms of Christianity as Fatalistic The view that popular religions are disempowering belief systems that serve to keep their adherents unconcerned with their oppression dates back at least as far as Karl Marx, who famously proclaimed religion to be the opiate of the masses (Parker 1996). According to sociologist of religion Grace Davie (2007), Marx viewed religion [as] a form of alienation; it is a symptom of social malformation which disguises the exploitative relationships of capitalist society (P. 26). Marx himself stated, To abolish religion as the illusory happiness of the people is to demand their real happiness,
31 implying that religion is fundamentally a distraction from the real project at hand, which is the overthrow of capitalism (Marx and Engles 1975:38). As such, many Marxist and neoMarxist scholars have ascribed this distracting, alienating function to Latin American popular religions, especially its Catholic varieties. In the 1960s, anthropologist Oscar Lewis theorized that popular religion acts as a factor of adaptation to domination by reinforcing the fatalism of the culture of poverty (Parker 1996:193). Social psychologist Ignacio Martn Bar is one of the main causes of the fatalistic character he ascribed to the Latin American psyche. Latin American Evangelicalism, especially its Pentecostal varieties, has also been characterized as escapist and otherworldly. Most of these critiques have come from within the Catholic Church hierarchy in its campaign against the invasi on of las sectas. These viewpoints characterize a fairly large proportion of the early scholarly literature on Latin American Pentecostalism, as well, and they continue to shape the research frameworks of various Latin American scholars of religion (Smilde 2007:4; Romero 2001). One example of the tendency to see Pentecostalism as an accommodation to changing social structure can be seen in the literature linking Pentecostalism and neoliberalism. According to political scientist Isabelle Barker (2007), Pent ecostalism and neoliberal capitalism are mutually reinforcing. Neoliberal economic restructuring helps encourage Latin Americans to adopt Pentecostalism by fragmenting Latin Americas Catholic social structure. Pentecostalism, in turn, encourages the conti nuance of neoliberalism by providing the social services the government no longer provides, by
32 giving adherents a metanarrative to make sense of their chaotic lives, and by creating a space for community in an increasingly fragmented world (Barker 2007). W hile these all appear positive and even potentially empowering functions of Pentecostalism, Barker, quoting Marx, calls Pentecostalism the soul of soulless conditions and implies that Pentecostalism distracts Latin Americans from their concrete, economic ally based problems and keeps them from demanding change to a more just economic system (P. 427). Popular Forms of Christianity as Empowering The second major view of how popular forms of Christianity relate to agency declares that these religious expressi ons, especially Evangelical forms, empower their adherents to make drastic changes for the better in both their personal lives and in th e surrounding culture. This scho ol of thought is associated with the classic works of sociologist Max Weber and his theories about the Protestant ethic. Although Weber himself held a nuanced view of the interplay between religion and economic development,2 the Weberian school of thought has extrapolated his historical analysis to other time periods and regions of the worl d (Davie 2007). David Martin is one such theorist. In Tongues of Fire, he contends that, throughout history, various Protestant revivals have spurred on the economic 2 In her book, The Sociology of Religion, Grace Davie (2007) defines the subtlety of Webers viewpoint that Weberian theorists tend to miss: [Weber] does not argue that Protestanti sm (or more precisely Calvinism) in itself caused modern capitalism to develop; it does suggest that certain types of action, themselves the result of deeply held religious beliefs, were a crucial part of a complex causal process that resulted in the emerg ence of new forms of economic life in early modern Europe which were to transform, in the fullness of time, the global economy (P. 29).
33 development of northern Europe, Great Britain, and the United States, and that the same co uld potentially happen in Latin America if Pentecostalism were to grow sufficiently deep roots in those nations (1990). NeoWeberian anthropologist Amy Sherman (1996) explains the core of Martins thesis: Protestant thinking [is] rational and forwardlook ing Protestant behavior [is] ascetic and morally strict and Protestant associational life [is] probationary and legitimizing (P. 4). Brazilian sociologist Ceclia Loreto Mariz (1994) further explains the assumptions behind this theoretical stance: while Pentecostalism does indeed incorporate magic, miracles, and emotion, it still produces a relative rationalization, in that it introduces a universal ethic and stresses individual choice of religion, exclusivity of religious identity, and the construction of a theoretical system that integrates religious beliefs (P. 8). However, some Catholic forms of popular religion, including the Charismatic Renewal, would also fit this description. In Stolls (1993) words, conversionist religion in general can therefore be regarded as a way for believers to alter their cultural inheritance (P. 14). An example of the popular religion as empowering viewpoint that nicely parallels Isabelle Barkers article on neoliberalisms relation to Penteco stalism is Daniel Chiquetes (2003) article on the same subject. Chiquete begins by affirming the diversity of both Latin American national experiences and Latin American forms of Pentecostalism. Chiquete maintains that these Pentecostalisms have had a positive overall effect in the wake of neoliberal economic restructuring by offering a metanarrative that affirms the inherent dignity of human life, that empowers Pentecostals to see themselves not as objects but as subjects, that symbolically
34 resanctifies the world, and that rejects the marginalization inherent in the neoliberal periphery. While the phenomena that Barker and Chiquete analyze are the same, and while their lists of Pentecostalisms functions are nearly identical, their interpretations of t he phenomena and functions are extremely different, due to their distinct assessments of Pentecostalisms relationship with human agency. An Alternative View: Popular Forms of Christianity as Facilitators of Agency While the two aforementioned scholarly vi ews of how popular forms of Christianity relate to agency characterized the literature up until the early 1990s, scholars since 1990 have developed a third, more moderate view, or rather, set of views. Popular forms of Christianity as fatalistic and popular forms of Christianity as empowering can now be seen as two ends of a continuum. Most of the recent scholarly work on the sociology and anthropology of religion in Latin America has conceptualized popular forms of Christianity as creators and/or facil itat ors of agency and sense of self efficacy: while popular forms of Christianity do indeed affirm their adherents and facilitate proactivity, other factors modify and mitigate popular forms of Christianitys empowering effect on decisionmaking processe s and the effectiveness of the decisions made. Ceclia Loreto Mariz (1994) takes just such a view. She opens her book, Coping With Poverty with the caveat that, while religion affects peoples economic and political decisions, economic conditions and mat erial lifestyles [also] have direct consequences for the [religious] beliefs people adopt (P. 1). Mariz carefully walks the line between social determinism and indiscriminate voluntarism as she compares the ways in which Pentecostalism, CBCs, and new AfroBrazilian religions influence the way marginalized Brazilians cope with poverty in Recife and Rio de Janeiro.
35 Citing Geertz, Mariz makes the argument that, since humans are ultimately symbolical beings, and, since religion is the major symbolic system employed by poor Brazilians, popular forms of Christianity help adherents cope with poverty motivationally, cognitively, and normatively. Also, through their institutions, social networks, and ethical systems, popular forms of Christianity help the poor in material ways, as well. Through her fieldwork, Mariz finds that both Pentecostals and CBC members conceptualize life in terms of Gods plan as played out in history, in which they are the principal actors. Pentecostals and CBC members have different ideas of what Gods plan is, but, contrary to scholars who claim the Pentecostal version is otherworldly while the CBC version is innerworldly, Mariz states that both views integrally link the other world and this world: Gods plan begins in this life where both [CBCs] and Pentecostals aim to transform peoples behavior, rather than draw them away from worldly affairs (P. 66). Pentecostals and CBC members nonetheless employ different methods both to bring about Gods plan and to cope with poverty. CBCs favor long term, collective action to benefit the community at large, while Pentecostal methods usually remain at the individual or household level. This might be one of the reasons Pentecostalism attracts more poor Brazilians than do CBCs: it offers personal, immediate relief to the poor in the midst of their poverty induced crises. Even so, Mariz claims that both forms of popular Christianity increase a sense of self efficacy and have the potential to foster agency, help Brazilians deal with their poverty, and, possibly, escape from it.3 3 However, Mariz makes it clear that she refers to individuals and families, not communities, escaping from poverty.
36 Anthropologist Elizabeth Brusco (1995), in her book, The Reformation of Machismo addresses some of the specific ways the Evangelical worldview translates into poverty coping strategies and, by extension, agency. In h er ethnography of Pentecostal and nonPentecostal Evangelicals in Colombia, she demonstrates how Evangelical worldview and behavioral guidelines reorient Evangelical men away from conspicuous consumption patterns related to the machismo male prestige compl ex. These spending patterns often involve the male member of the conjugal pair using much of the familys income on alcohol and status items for himself. According to Brusco, Evangelicalism discourages these types of expenditures and encourages men to adop t spending patterns that privilege the household, which Colombians have traditionally viewed as female. One of Bruscos predecessors, anthropologist Cornelia Butler Flora, notes that, while Pentecostal households in Colombia are much less likely to posse ss a radio or television than are Catholic households, they are much more likely to have a cooking stove, a set of living room furniture, and a dining room table (Flora 1976). Brusco observes that female consumption patterns often center around things th at benefit the whole family, such as the furniture and appliances mentioned by Flora, and also education for the children and more nutritious food. While she rejects the neoWeberian notion that Evangelicalism helps its adherents progress in accordance t o an evolutionary model of development, Brusco does affirm that the behavior changes it prompts in men facilitate conjugal cooperation, productive household financial decision making, and, by extension, household prosperity.
37 Bruscos conclusions are dependent on the assumption that the Evangelical worldview increases womens sense of self efficacy and grants them agency to decide not to tolerate their husbands machista behaviors. While Evangelicalism does not seek to overturn patriarchal family structure, and may even reinforce it, Evangelicalism does facilitate mens adoption of value systems that are consistent with those of their wives, and it also encourages women to take on fulfilling leadership roles in their churches. The way historian R. Andrew Ches nut (1997) frames Evangelicals poverty coping strategies differs from both Marizs and Bruscos analyses. In his book, Born Again in Brazil Chesnut analyzes the life history narratives of ninety Pentecostals from Belem and finds that the overwhelming maj ority converted immediately following a faith healing experience. He concludes that Pentecostalism inc reases adherents sense of self efficacy and thus grants them agency to deal with the dis eases of poverty, which include physical illness and also unem ployment, alcoholism, and conjugal problems (P. 5 6). Unlike Mariz, Brusco, and other scholars who affirm that Evangelical behavioral ethics reorient household expenditures and thus function to improve families socioeconomic status, Chesnut cautions that quantitative studies of preand post conversion socioeconomic status must be conducted to verify these statements. Pentecostalisms main function is not to change adherents economic situations, he argues, but rather to change the way they view and experi ence poverty. In the process, Pentecostals find affirmation and a higher internal locus of control: More than any other element, power lies at the experiential core of Pentecostal ism. The recovery and maintenance of health through conversion and the ecstas y of the baptism of the Spirit are essentially
38 moments of supernatural power in which the temporally impotent believer transcends his earthly station buoyed by divine force (P. 170 171). In response to Marizs, Bruscos, and Chesnuts functionalist explan ations of Pentecostalisms popularity, Rebecca Pierce Bomanns (1999) ethnography, Faith in the Barrios explains ideological reasons for its popularity. Bomann emphasizes the ways its religious narratives increase adherents level of internal locus of con trol through changing their worldview. While she concedes that many times Latin Americans do convert to Pentecostalism for functionalist reasons, Bomann contends that Pentecostals do not often remain Pentecostal for functionalist reasons alone. Faith in the Barrios provides an emic portrait of the ways Pentecostalism relates to agency and locus of control among the Pentecostals living in the pueblos j of Bogot, Colombia. Bomann takes the position that, through the twin principles of worldview transf ormation and worldview saturation and through the daily exercise of faith maintenance activities,4 Pentecostals are able to embrace a set of beliefs, including increased collectivism, trust in God to provide for basic needs, and a teleological view of history, that facilitates an increase in internal locus of control and helps them cope with poverty ideologically. While the oppressive situations of their daily lives might not change, Pentecostals perceptions of the ways in which they, with Gods help, c an act to either survive or overcome these situations changes drastically. 4 B omann creates these theoretical constructs to help explain how Latin American Pentecostals (and, for that matter, Latin American Evangelicals in general) come to hold a unique worldview and why they gener ally adhere to it so strongly. Worldview saturation refers to the way Latin American Pentecostals saturate themselves in the Evangelical worldview through constant use of Christian media, through personal devotional activities, and through frequent interacti on wi th other Evangelicals. Bomanns theoretic al constructs receive a more thorough treatment in Chapter 4.
39 Bomann stresses that scholars unwilling to take seriously Pentecostals own descriptions of their worldview might misinterpret their trust in God as a reincarnation of traditional popular religions fatalism. However, she explains, Pentecostals do not view their belief in Gods provision as a Marxian sigh of desperation but rather as an empowered response to the fundamental truth that, with Gods help, they can resolve poverty induce d crises. Bomann explains, Pentecostals, acting on their perception of the supernatural, will make choices and act in ways that seem irrational to the nonevangelical but are perfectly natural for those who share the belief. Their strategies for daily surv ival take on a new rationale, as do the resolutions that they seek for difficult situations. To the outsider, these choices are nonsensical and even fatalistic. To the believer, they are empowering, inspiring, and a demonstration of the love of God ( P. 46). David Smilde (2007) also emphasizes the role of worldview in creating a greater sense of self efficacy and, by extension, agency among Pentecostals. His recent ethnography, Reason to Believe, synthesizes many previous scholars work to create a sop histicated and highly nuanced framework for understanding how Latin Americans convert to Evangelicalism. In the process, he draws on insights from the sociology, anthropology, and psychology of religion. While Smildes book focuses on conversion, his argum ent includes references to ways in which Evangelicalism facilitates agency, as well. Smilde conducted his fieldwork among Evangelical men in Caracas Venezuela over a period of two years. He uses the concept of imaginative rationality, which he defines a s creative moments of agency in which people encounter problems, create new projects to address them, and then reflectively evaluate the success of these projects (P. 52). Smilde reports that Evangelical Venezuelan men use their unique brand of Evangel icalinflected imaginative rationality to confront poverty related
40 problems in their day to day lives and supersede them. As other researchers have noted before him, Smilde finds that Evangelical men attribute their successful handling of problems as varied as substance abuse, pervasive violence, financial difficulties, and conjugal conflict, to Evangelicalisms empowering religious worldview and behavioral guidelines (Smilde 2007). According to Smilde, [Evangelicalism] serves as a form of cultural agency through which they [low income Evangelical men] can gain control over aspects of their personal and social contexts (P. 5). A Variable from the North: Level of Religious Commitment While most of the literature concerning Latin American religion and agency /locus of control has dealt with religious affiliation (e.g., Evangelicalism, Pentecostalism, popular Catholicism), affiliation has not been the only major religious variable for researchers in other parts of the world. In the United States in particular, level of religious commitment has been the main independent variable in numerous studies concerni ng work ethic and sense of self efficacy. In these studies, researchers often operationalize level of religious commitment using survey questions regarding r espondents frequency of attendance at religious services and respondents self ascribed level of religious commitment (Jeynes 2003). Several recent studies in the fields of psychology and sociology indicate a relationship between high levels of religious commitment and academic achievement. Sociologist Mark Regnerus (2000) found that, among high school students in the United States, the desire to achieve academically is positively associated with religious commitment, and religiously committed high school students are also more likely to achieve higher standardized test scores in math and reading than are noncommitted students Education scholar David Zern (1989) found that U.S. college students who
41 reported their personal level of religious commitment as higher than that of their childhood home environment were more likely to have aboveaverage grade point averages than those who didnt. Education scholar William H. Jeynes (2003) reports that this relationship between level of personal religious commitme nt and academic achievement appears stronger for students identifying with a Christian faith than for those identifying with other faiths, although there was little or no difference between Protestants and Catholics. Richard J. Koubek (1984) also found a p ositive correlation between religious commitment level and academic achievement among high school students who identify themselves as Christians. One main reason for this relationship between level of Christian religious commitment and work ethic in the United States might be that Christians with a high religious commitment tend to have an internal locus of control, even though Christianity teaches that God is an entity separate from the believer (Mirels and Garrett 1971; Shrauger and Silverman 1971; MacDon ald 1972; Furnham 1987; Jackson and Coursey 1988). Education scholar William Jeynes (2003) explains this apparent contradiction: Christianity teaches that God dwells in the hearts of believers. The Christian belief is that if one submits to the strength of God that lives within him or her, great feats can be accomplished. According to Christian teaching, the ability to submit to God and unleash the power of God rests within ones own will. The tendency for religiously committed people to have an internal locus of control would logically follow (P. 47). In the United States, at least, there is an established connection between high levels of religious commitment and an internal locus of control. However, psychologists Laurence E. Jackson and Robert D. Coursey (1988) caution that other religious factors, such as the respondents theological standpoints regarding predestination and free will,
42 might also play a factor in whether or not high levels of religious commitment are associated with internal locus of control. A description of these theological terms can be found in Chapter 4. Summary The religious landscape in Latin America has become more pluralistic in recent years, especially as a consequence of the growth of Evangelical Protestantism in both its Pentecostal and nonPentecostal forms. Popular Catholic religious expressions have also grown more diverse. Because of the changing profile of religious affiliation in the region, the longstanding debate regarding the relationship between religion and soc ial structure, pioneered by Karl Marx and Max Weber, has found numerous manifestations in the Latin American context. Scholars from a variety of disciplines have variously argued that Pentecostal Protestantism discourages or promotes the capacity of human action to alter social structure (agency) and to alter peoples perception of the degree to which they can shape their own lives and future (locus of control). The majority of the scholarship falls between these two extremes. In the tradition of Weber, but modified to account for the specific features of religion and social structure in Latin America, the emphasis has largely been on religious affiliation, comparing, for example, Catholics, Catholic Renewalists, Pentecostal Protestants, and neoPentecostal Protestants. In contrast to this orientation, recent literature in the United States has focused less on religious denomination and more on the level of religious commitment and its effect on individuals locus of control. Although this line of reasoning has not informed research on the effects of religious change in Latin America, it is a potentially useful avenue to pursue. The chapter that follows thus develops testable hypotheses
43 regarding the statistical effect of both religious affiliation and level o f religious commitment on internal locus of control in Latin America.
44 CHAPTER 3 DENOMINATION, RELIGIOSITY, AND LOCUS OF CONTROL: A REGION WIDE STATISTICAL ANA LYSIS Presentation of the Research Hypotheses In this chapter I will use social survey data to t est hypotheses derived from the review of the literature presented in the previous chapter. My primary concern is to bring empirical evidence to bear on the oftenstated, but rarely tested, relationship between religion and the degree to which people perce ive that they have control over their lives; in other words, high internal locus of control. As noted in the previous chapter, this general proposition can be broken down into two different lines of reasoning, depending on the independent variable of inter est. One perspective has particularly deep roots, going as far back as Webers essay on the Protestant ethic. This perspective emphasizes the importance of religious affiliation. Modifying Webers initial thesis, however, the literature cataloguing the diverse typology of popular religions in Latin America suggests that it is important to distinguish between different types of Protestantism. Wood et al. (2007) note a particularly important distinction between Pentecostals and nonPentecostal Protestants. Hence Hypothesis H1 predicts Latin American nonPentecostal Evangelicals will be more likely to possess a high internal locus of control than either Catholics or Pentecostals, but it takes into account the caution gave for ascribing a generic Protestant e ffect. H1: In Latin America, members of nonPentecostal Evangelical churches are more likely to display a high internal locus of control than other Christians. Hypothesis H2 reflects another pattern I expect to see in Latin America. This hypothesis deriv es from the locus of control studies conducted in the United States by the numerous psychologists and sociologists mentioned at the end of Chapter 2.
45 Following the lead of Patterson (2004), who in his study on political attitudes in Argentina demonstrated that level of religious commitment, as opposed to religious affiliation, influenced the level of support respondents had for democratic values, hypothesis H2 predicts that level of religious commitment has a strong, positive association with high internal locus of control among Latin American Christians, both Catholic and Evangelical.1 H2: In Latin America, highly committed Christians are more likely to display a high internal locus of control than marginally committed Christians. Hypothesis H3 addresses th e relationship between the previous two hypotheses. Of the two independent variables mentioned, level of religious commitment and religious affiliation, it is highly probable that one has a stronger association with high internal locus of control than the other does. As such, hypothesis H3 makes a prediction along the lines of Patterson (2004): H3: Among Latin American Christians, level of religious commitment, as opposed to religious affiliation, is more highly associated with high internal locus of control. 1 In this chapter, I attempt wherever possible to refrain from using the language of causality when discussing the relationship between locus of control and the religious variables, denomination and level of commitment. However, at times I do use terms such as the Protestant effect. This would assume that religious worldview affects a person s locus of control and not the other way around. There is, however, an alternative view of the way locus of control and the religious variables interact: people with a naturally high internal locus of control might choose to convert to Evangelicalism or to become more committed to their church. While Brusco (1995) mentions this possibility, Smilde (2007) and others contradict this viewpoint stating that, at least for members of Evangelical and Pentecostal churches in Latin America a personal crisis in which a person questions his or her agency is usually what prompts conversion. During the conversion proces s, the person saturates himself or herself in the Evangelical worldview and regains his or her sense of agency using the narratives this new faith supplies. Chapter 5 deals more in depth with the issues involved with ascribing causality.
46 Research Design Data My quantitative data come from the 2006 Latinobarmetro public opinion survey conducted by a Chilean nongovernmental organization, the Latinobarmetro Corporation (Latinobarmetro Stepby Step Guide). The 2006 Latinobarmetro dat aset consists of 20,232 sets of responses to the 2006 Latinobarmetro survey instrument. Respondents come from 18 of the 20 Latin American republics (Cuba and Haiti are excluded.). Due to its breadth and depth, researchers and scholars consider Latinobarm etro one of the best indicators of current public opinion on a variety of social, political, and economic issues in Latin America. Operational Definitions and Sample Restrictions Dependent variable: locus of control I operationalized my dependent variable, level of internal locus of control, using the responses from the Latinobarmetro survey question, Taking into consideration [sic], what do you think is that the [sic] most important thing to have success in life? The respondent was required to select a single response from five options: education, hard work, connections, luck, and dont know/no answer. I excluded the response categories, dont know/no answer. Figure 31 on the following page, displays the frequency distribution for responses to this q uestion among Latin American Christians. The most common response by far is education at 57.49 percent of total responses, followed by hard work at 28.58 percent. The responses connections and luck were relatively infrequent, at 7.41 percent and 6. 52 percent, respectively; however, percentages within independent variable response categories vary considerably.
47 Figure 31. Most important factor to achieve life success according to Latin American Christians. Source: Latinobarmetro survey, 2006 To r un my statistical tests, I coded the responses to this question into a dummy variable, value for work and education. The possible responses education and hard work were coded as 1, and connections and luck were coded as 0. These cognitive groupings are conceptually consistent since respondents who believe education or hard work is the most important factor in life success are, in effect, saying that individuals, with effort, can determine their own fate. In other words, their response indicates they possess a high internal locus of control. Those who believe that connections and luck are the key factors for life success implicitly believe that individuals do not have as much control over their destinies. In other words, they possess a low internal locus of control. Main independent variables My first hypothesiss main independent variable is religious affiliation. Latinobarmetro offers respondents a wide variety of responses for religious affiliation.
48 My hypotheses only concern Christians in relati on to one another.2 Hence, for all my tests I limited my sample to self reported Catholics and members of Protestant denominations. I excluded members of nonChristian religions, atheists, agnostics, people with no religious faith, members of quasi Christian groups (i.e., Adventists, Jehovahs Witnesses, and Mormons), self described believers, not belonging to any church, those who did not answer the religion question, and those who were unsure of their religious affiliation. I coded the remaining responses into three dummy categories, Catholic, Evangelical, and Pentecostal.3 I operationalized my second hypothesiss main independent variable, level of religious commitment, using the Latinobarmetro question, How would you describe yourself [in ter ms of religious commitment]? Possible responses included very devout, devout, not very devout, and not devout at all. I excluded the responses of respondents who did not answer the question, who reported they did not know their level of religious commitme nt, or who were assigned the response, not applicable.4 2 T he inclusion of non Christian religious groups and atheists, agnostics, and people with no religious faith in the data analysis also reveals interesting patterns. However, the Latinobarmetro 2006 dataset lacks specificity in its categorization of nonChristian religious groups. The only three nonChristian religious categories respondents identified with were Jewish, AfroAmerican Cult or Umbanda, and Other. The extreme broadness of these categories or, in the case of Jewish, the extremely small number of respondents choosing this response category make crossgroup comparisons susceptible to bias. 3 For the purposes of this chapter, in the following sections, I refer to nonPentecostal Evangelicals as Evangelicals and Pentecostal Evangelicals as Pentecostals. However, it is important to bear in mind that, in the emic terms of Latin American Christianity, Pentecostals are considered a subset within the larger body of Evangelicals. 4 The response not applicable was assigned by the Latinobarmetro interviewers t o respondents claiming atheism, agnosticism, or no religious faith. Since the not applicable response is the only possible response for nonreligious respondents, and
49 Control variables In my statistical tests, I controlled for respondents socioeconomic status, as determined by the interviewer using a fivepoint scale: very good, good, not bad, bad, and very bad. Other independent variables included were years of schooling, age, gender, place of residence (urban or rural, with urban signifying that the respondent lives in his or her countrys capital or any city of over 100,000 inhabitants), and employment status. For this last variable, I grouped together all respondents who were self employed, employed by public companies, and employed by private companies under the dummy variable, employed; all respondents who were temporarily out of work under the dummy var iable, unemployed; and all respondents who were either retired workers or who reported they dont work/[are] responsible for shopping and housework under the dummy variable, homemaker/retired. Students were coded under the dummy variable, student. Table 31, displayed on the page 51, contains the descriptive statistics for the variables used in this study. Findings Since my dependent variable, level of internal locus of control, is a binomial variable, I ran a series of binomial logistic regressions to calculate my findings. Table 32, displayed on the page 5 2 gives the odds ratios for the probability of valuing hard work and education based on religious affiliation (Model 1); level of Christian religious commitment (Model 2); and Christian religious commitment and affiliation along with my many control variables (Model 3). since no respondents claiming a religion were allowed to choose this response, I have ex cluded it from my analysis.
50 Isolated from other variables, religious affiliation has a substantial effect on how much Latin Americans value work and education. Model 1 shows that Evangelicals are 15.6 perce nt (or 1.156 times) more likely than Catholics to value work and education. Pentecostals are less likely than Catholics (by 31.5 percent) to value work and education, but this finding is not statistically significant at the .05 level. Model 2 shows that re ported level of Christian religious commitment has a substantial and statistically significant effect on whether or not Latin Americans value hard work and education as primary factors to success. The relationship is positive: as level of Christian religio us commitment increases, so does the probability the respondent will value hard work or education. All other factors aside, very devout Latin Americans are 46.0 percent more likely than Latin Americans who claim they are not devout at all to value work and education, followed by devout Latin Americans at 32.3 percent more likely and not very devout Latin Americans are 25.7 percent more likely. In Model 3, when all the control variables socioeconomic status, years of schooling, age, gender, urban/rural res idence, and employment status are included in the regression, all the categories for religious commitment retain their statistical significance, while none of the religious affiliation categories remain significant. Socioeconomic status, age, and two of th e employment categories student and unemployed are also statistically significant. In terms of magnitude of the effect, the three (nonreference category) levels of Christian religious commitment are the most powerful variables, apart from student statu s, which, net of all other variables in the regression, increases the probability of valuing work and education by 42.4 percent. In this model, being very devout increases
51 Table 3 1. Descriptive statistics for the variables in the equation Concept Variable Codes N Percent Mean Std. deviation Locus of Control Value for Work and Education yes=1; no=0 17120 14.2% 0.8581 0.3490 Value for Connections and Luck reference 2832 85.8% Religious Affiliation NonPentecostal Evangelical yes=1; no=0 2909 16.7% 0.1670 0.3730 Pentecostal yes=1; no=0 142 0.8% 0.0082 0.0899 Catholic reference 14363 82.5% Religiosity Very Devout yes=1; no=0 2394 13.4% 0.1339 0.3406 Devout yes=1; no=0 6454 36.1% 0.3610 0.4803 Not Very Devout yes=1; no=0 6891 38.5% 0.3854 0.4867 Not Devout At All reference 2139 12.0% Socioeconomic Status Subjective Scale 1 to 5 20232 3.2698 0.9100 Education Years of Schooling 1 to 15* 20232 8.6400 4.2950 Age In Years 16 to 96 20232 39.3800 16.284 Sex Male yes=1; no=0 9885 48.9% 0.4886 0.4999 Female reference 10347 51.1% Residence Urban yes=1; no=0 8783 43.4% 0.4341 0.4957 Rural reference 11449 56.6% Employment Status Working reference 11773 58.2% Unemployed yes=1; no=0 935 4.6% 0.0462 0.2010 Homemaker/Re tired yes=1; no=0 6155 30.4% 0.3042 0.4601 Student yes=1; no=0 1369 6.8% 0.0677 0.2512 Valid N (listwise) 17103 Source: Latinobarmetro survey, 2006 "1" in this instance stands for "no education," while "14" and "15" stand for "partial technical/university training" and "complete technical/university training," respectively.
52 Table 32. Odds ratios for probability of valuing work and education (logistic regression) Independent Variable Model 1 Model 2 Model 3 Constant 4.891* 6.058* 3.030* Religion Evangelical 1.156* 1.130 Pentecostal 0.685 0.663 Catholic Level of Religious Commitment Very Devout 1.460* 1.383* Devout 1.323* 1.299* Not Very Devout 1.257* 1.238* Not Devout At All Soci oeconomic Status 1.082* Years of Schooling 1.005 Age 1.004* Gender Male 1.005 Female Residence Urban 1.028 Nonurban/Rural Employment Status Unemployed 0.796* Student 1.424* Homemaker/Retired 1.049 Employed Cox & Snell R Square 0.001 0.001 0.004 Source: Latinobarmetro survey, 2006 Significant at .05 level or less the likelihood of valuing work and education by 38.3 percent, being devout increases the likelihood of valuing work and education by 29.9 percent, and being not very devout increases the likelihood of valuing work and education by 23.8 percent, when compared to the reference category, not devout at all. Even if they were statistically significant, net of the other vari ables in the regression, the religious affiliation categories have only a small effect compared to the religious commitment categories, Pentecostal affiliation excepted. Evangelical affiliation
53 would only increase the likelihood of valuing work and educati on by 13.0 percent. Pentecostal affiliation would lower it by 33.7 percent. Apart from religious commitment and student status, and another employment category unemployment the other statistically significant variables in Model 3 have relatively small effe cts on the probability of valuing work and education. Net of the other variables in the regression, being unemployed decreases the likelihood of valuing work and education by 20.4 percent. The probability that Latin Americans value work and education increases by 8.2 percent for every increase in socioeconomic status on a five point scale, and it increases by 0.4 percent for every year Latin Americans live. Methodological Caveats Dataset Issues While these findings come from a well respected survey and are supported by previous research, it is important to take into account potential biases that might affect the results to make them stronger or weaker than they should be in a perfectly objective world. The most notable potential biases derive from the use of the survey design itself: as long as respondents are self reporting, there are bound to be response effects. Respondents try to present themselves in the best possible light to the interviewers, and so they are more likely give responses they see as socially desirable or expected on the part of the interviewer. However, this issue should not affect the results too greatly, since response effects should be present for all respondents, regardless of level of religious commitment and religious affiliation. An other problem related to survey design is the possibility for sampling bias. While the Latinobarmetro Corporation attempts to obtain a simple random sample within each Latin American country for its annual surveys, it cannot be entirely certain
54 that Latinobarmetro 2006 is perfectly representative of all Latin America. There is most likely an underrepresentation of those who live in rural areas, those with no permanent address, and those who work during the hours the interviewers chose to collect their dat a. In large, cross country surveys, however, this problem is almost inevitable, and the benefits of the large number of cases and geographical coverage of the Latinobarmetro dataset outweigh its sample bias to some extent. A third potential bias, that of questionnaire design, is more problematic. The question used to operationalize my dependent variable, Taking into consideration [sic], what do you think is that the [sic] most important thing to have success in life, is an example. Survey respondents, when hearing this question, never have success defined for them. What constitutes success for one person might not even resemble success for another person. Poorly designed questions are one of the most likely sources of substantive bias in this study. Issues of Coding A fourth potential bias is coding bias. To conduct my regressions, I combine self ascribed Evangelicals, Baptists, Methodists, and Protestants into a single category, Evangelical. It is important to recognize that each of these religi ous affiliation categories is qualitatively unique to its adherents. Furthermore, according to some scholars (Brusco 1995; Berryman 1998), historic Protestant churches, such as the Lutherans and the Methodists, possess social views that differ substantially from those of non historic, Evangelical churches. However, other scholars (Smilde 2007; Sherman 1996; Bomann 1999, and even, to some extent, Berryman 1998) point out that, while the official stances of these historic churches might differ from those of non historic Evangelical churches, the actual social standpoints as lived out by historic
55 churches members highly resemble those of nonhistoric Evangelical churches. Keeping in mind the distinction between official religion and popular religion, I c hose to combine members of historic and nonhistoric Protestant churches in one, Evangelical category. A related coding issue that might bias the findings of this study is the use of the single, overarching category, Pentecostal, to describe those subs cribing to a fairly diverse spectrum of religious beliefs. Latin Americans use the term Pentecostal to describe members of a wide range of religious groups, from the relatively orthodox Assemblies of God denomination to the decidedly heterodox Igreja Uni versal do Reino de Deus sect. In my coding, I chose to exclude nonChristian and quasi Christian religious groups from the analysis. However, as all Pentecostals were already coded together in a single group, I was unable to separate the responses of ortho dox Christian and quasi Christian Pentecostals. The coding therefore most likely allows for an in a ccurate presentation of what orthodox Pentecostals believe in regards to their locus of co n trol. Another thought to bear in mind when considering the Penteco stal religious category is that, while scholars estimate Pentecostals account for around 75 percent of Latin Americas Evangelical population (Espinosa 2004), the Latinobar indicate that only 4.7 percent of nonCatholic Christians in Latin Amer ica call themselves Pentecostal. David Smilde (2007) explains: [Latin American] Evangelicals are primarily Pentecostals. However, they prefer to call themselves Evanglicos, denoting their (professed) prioritization of the Gospel, or Cristianos, denoting their Christocentrism (P. 29 30). Therefore, the low internal locus of control the
56 Latinobar Americans who self identify primarily as Pentecostals. Chapter 4 continues discuss ion on this important definitional issue. Discussion Hypothesis H1 proves problematic to confirm, probably due in part to the datasets coding biases described in the previous section. While the odds ratios in Model 1 show that religious affiliation categories have a substantial effect on whether or not Latin American Christians display high internal locus of control, and while the Evangelical odds ratio is statistically significant at even the .02 level in Model 1, none of the odds ratios for religious aff iliation remain statistically significant at the .05 level in Model 3. However, it is important to note that the Model 3 Evangelical odds ratio would be statistically significant at the .056 level, and the Model 3 Pentecostal odds ratio would be significant at the .059 level. In other words, these categories are only very marginally not statistically significant. Considering their closeness to being statistically significant, I conclude that I can neither accept nor reject hypothesis H1 with the current dat a. Further research is needed to confirm that nonPentecostal Evangelicals are more likely than Catholics and Pentecostals to display high internal locus of control. The results of the regression analyses for hypothesis H2 are clearer. All of the dummy var iables associated with the main independent variable, level of Christian religious commitment, remain statistically significant even at the .02 level in both Models 2 and 3. They are also the second, third, and fourth most robust variables in Model 3, as m entioned above. In fact, taking into account over a half dozen other pertinent variables (religious affiliation, socioeconomic status, years of schooling, age, gender, place of residence, and employment status) reduces the odds ratios of the religious comm itment
57 variables only very slightly.5 All of these factors point to the conclusion that, in spite of the possible biases inherent to the Latinobar 2 can be safely confirmed. Highly committed Latin American Christians are more likely to display high internal loc us of control than not so highly committed Latin American Christians. Hypothesis H3, while it like hypothesis H1 is affected by the caveats described in the previous section, is confirmed. Whether I compare Models 1 and 2, or whether I compare the odds rat ios for levels of religious commitment and for religious affiliation in Model 3, I can conclude that level of religious commitment, as opposed to religious affiliation, is more highly associated with high internal locus of control among Latin American Chri stians. The religious commitment categories are more robust than the religious affiliation categories, and they, unlike the religious affiliation categories, are significant at the .05 level in both models in which they appear. These findings have profound implications for the study of religion in Latin America. Researchers have focused much attention on the social and cultural implications of the recent increase of Evangelicalism and Pentecostalism in the region, but relatively little research has addresse d the overall effects of heightened religious commitment across the Christian religious spectrum (Steigenga and Cleary 2007). Because the data upon which this analysis is based are the responses of a random sample of Latin Americans, we can generalize the confirmed hypotheses to the region. I can assert, with an estimated degree of probability, that, among Latin American Christians, there is a strong, significant association between level of religious 5 The changes in the probability levels from Model 2 to Model 3 for the three religious devotion dummy variables are as follows: a reduction by 9.7 percent for the very devout and 2.4 percent for the devout; probability actually increases for the not devout at all by 1.9 percent.
58 commitment and level of internal locus of control. There is also likely to be an association between Evangelicalism and high internal locus of control, although it is level of religious commitment, not religious affiliation, which is more highly associated with internal locus of control.
59 CHAPTER 4 IN SEARCH OF AN EXPLANATION: THE CASE OF CHRISTIA NS IN LIMA, PERU In spite of the importance of my findings in the previous chapter, there are limits to the quantitative approach. Most notably, the responses in the social survey questionnaire are extreme simplificatio ns of very complex concepts religious affiliation, religiosity, and locus of control. Additionally, the responses tell us nothing about how the people who gave them really think about these concepts and the relationships between them. Hence, there is a great deal to be gained by discussing these concepts with Latin American Christians of varying denominations and levels of religious commitment. Directed conversation would elucidate the reasons they have for answering survey questions the way they do. Keeping in mind the empirical results from the previous chapters statistical analysis, semi structured qualitative interviews serve as a means to explore and probe Latin Americans understanding of the way their religious worldview shapes and is shaped by their sense of self efficacy. My strategy is to distill from my informants responses relevant insights into reasons for the empirical results of Chapter 3. This chapter, therefore, complements the previous chapters rather stark statistical findings and adds a human interpretation of them. Together, the quantitative and qualitative findings will provide a more complete understanding of the issues at hand than either approach would do alone. With these thoughts in mind I propose research question RQ1: RQ1: In Latin America, how do Christians subjective worldview, influenced by their religious affiliation and their level of religious commitment, relate to their level of internal locus of control?
60 In this chapter, I will first give a summary of my qualitative res earch methods, including in depth descriptions of the three sample churches and the districts in which they were located. Next, I will describe patterns that emerged in each interview subcategory, and then I will summarize the main explanation for the res earch question that I discovered when analyzing the interviews as a whole. I will conclude the chapter by mentioning several additional themes that interviewees articulated time and again. Overview of the Fieldwork In summer 2009, I spent two months in the pueblos j surrounding Lima, Peru, where I conducted semi structured, qualitative interviews with 39 Peruvian informants1 affiliated with the three most influential Christian traditions in Peruvian society: Roman Catholicism, nonPentecostal Evangel icalism ,2 and Pentecostalism. These interviews helped me answer my research question RQ1. The Interview Guide My interview guide included sections about the informants religious background, their beliefs about certain concepts related to agency and locus of control, and the 1 All translations of interviews recorded here are my own. The reader will note I have changed all the informants names to respect their confidentiality. However, following the lead of Smilde (2007), I have tried to maintain the character of their original names, which fall into three basic categories: common traditional Spanish language names, like Rosita; archaic traditional Spanish names, like Agraciana; and names transliterated from another language, most commonly English, like Yessica. 2 As in the previous chapter, I will refer to nonPentecostal Evangelicals as Evangelicals and Pentecostal Evangelicals as Pentecostals. When referring to both religious traditions, I will use either both ter ms or the term, nonCatholic Christians. However, it is important to keep in mind that, in the emic terms of Latin American Christianity, Pentecostals are considered a subset within the larger body of Evangelicals.
61 informants basic biographical information.3 The interview guide also included a set of scenarios roughly based on items in the Internal External Control Scale (I E scale), a 9 item self report inventory psychologist Julian Rotter designed in 1966 to measure individuals locus of control (Weiner 1972:338). Since its inception, researchers have considered Rotters I E scale to be the most important instrument to measure locus of control. The informants responses to the scenarios in the interview guide helped elucidate their locus of control as well as their reasons for having that locus of control. The interviews themselves ranged from 30 minutes to two hours, though they averaged around one hour each. Church Selection and the Informant Selection Process La Iglesia San Francisco de Ass de la Tablada In all three cases, I chose my sample churches with the help of local Peruvian contacts. One of my Peruvian friends, an English teacher, lives in a pueblo jven called Tablada de Lurn. She took me to Tabladas Catholic parish church, the Iglesia San Francisco de Ass de la Tablada. I met one of the priests and explained my research goals to him, and he assigned one of the secretaries of the parishs medical clinic to help me identify inform ants. I explained my religious commitment categories to her, and she helped me operationalize them using local Catholic standards: highly committed would mean Catholics who were involved in at least one parish ministry; moderately committed would mean Catholics who attended Mass every week, but who weren t involved in parish ministries; and marginally committed would mean Catholics who rarely attended Mass. I tried to maintain these operational definitions in the other two 3 The reader can find an English language version of my interview guide in the Appendix.
62 churches in which I conducted interviews; however, nonCatholics had a much stric ter standard for what commitment meant. I suspect this issue of definitions has affected my interview outcomes, and I will expand upon this theme later in this chapter. Tablada de Lurn. The pueblo j en of Tablada is located in the district of Villa Mara del Triunfo, which, in turn, is located in the expansive Cono Sur a cluster of poor districts in the south of metropolitan Lima. Tablada originally belonged to the indigenous community of Pachacmac, but, in 1912, the government allowed nonindigenous tenant farmers to cultivate the land on which the town now sits. The name Tablada comes from a description of the areas rolling topography, set between the sand flats of Villa El Salvador and the firs t foothills of the Andes Mountains (Crdenas Martn 1999). Tablada has the distinction of being Limas first land invasion, founded in 1946 (Arellano and Burgos 2004). It grew rapidly in the 1960s, and, through the years, it has developed into a solid, wor king class pueblo with mostly paved roads and several grassy parks (Crdenas Martn 1999). The vast majority of its residences and businesses are constructed out of brick and reinforced concrete, although many of the newer homes on the sides of its steep hills are constructed of woven bamboo and lack running water. La Iglesia San Francisco de Ass. The Iglesia San Francisco is located right off a grassy park in Tabladas Zona Antigua (Old Zone in English). The main chapel is a tall, cream colored building with a bell tower to one side. The interior of this chapel is large, dark, and austere, with a concrete floor and plain, wooden pews. It houses several images, most notably that of Saint Francis of Assisi, the churchs namesake. Adjacent to the church is a courtyard and a series of offices for priests, classrooms used
63 for catechesis,4 and a small chapel dedicated to Saint Rose of Lima; the parish medical clinic is also accessible from the courtyard. On the other side of the church is the parish soup kitchen, which, although I never entered it, appeared to receive a fairly steady stream of community members around mealtimes. Italian missionaries built Tabladas first Catholic chapel in the 1970s, according to the head nurse of San Francisco de la Tabladas m edical clinic. She has lived in Tablada for decades and is also one of her parishs two delegates to the Diocesan Council of Laymen. In 1978 or 79, the Catholic hierarchy assigned Father Tadeo Fuertes Garca to the chapel in Tablada, and under his guidanc e San Francisco became its own parish in 1980, due to Tabladas great number of inhabitants. Currently, the parish belongs to the Diocese of Lurn, newly created for the entire Cono Sur in 2001. The bishops Pastoral Plan divides the Iglesia San Francisco s active laymen (nonclergy church members) into 18 pastoral groups that lead a variety of Church sanctioned ministries, including family catechesis, the choir, and the medical clinic. This division of labor allows 90 laymen to be involved in parish leve l ministry leadership roles. The San Francisco parish has three priests and two auxiliary chapels in other parts of Tablada. On a typical Sunday, 150 attend Mass at the main church. On a special day in the Church calendar, such as Easter, 400 people might attend. When I asked my informant if the Iglesia San Francisco is known for being a center of liberation theology or the Charismatic Renewal, she told me the parish is not radical, though it 4 Catechesis is Catholic religious instruction typically required before a child is baptized, a teenager is confirmed, or, if they have not yet undergone catechesis, engaged people are married in a Catholic religious ceremony.
64 does encourage its members to learn about political candidates and play an active role in local government. The interviews with Catholic informants The secretary assigned to assist me at the Iglesia San Francisco was extremely helpful and efficient. In five days, I interviewed 15 informants, as well as the head of the medical clinic, who gave me the above oral history of the parish church. Because it was easier for her, the secretary had me interview a number of workers at the medical clinic who fell into all three of my religious commitment categories. She also had m e interview relatives of her boyfriend. About halfway through my interviews at her church I told her I needed to diversify my group of informants, but still many of my Catholic informants had more education than my informants from the other churches. La I glesia Alianza Cristiana y Misionera of San Juan de Lurigancho After I completed my interviews with Catholic informants, another friend introduced me to one of the pastors of my second sample church, the (Evangelical) Iglesia Alianza Cristiana y Misionera of San Juan de Lurigancho (Iglesia ACyM de SJL). The ACyM is one of the most common Evangelical denominations in the Lima metropolitan area and has 203 organized churches and 154 unorganized groups in Peru, according to its website (Christian Missionary Alliance 2010). The senior pastor of the Iglesia ACyM de SJL told me which Sunday I could come to set up interviews at his church. He assigned his secretary to help me find informants that fit in my religious commitment categories.5 5 The secretary also told me about the churchs history and even offered to give me archival photos, which I declined because I hadnt mentioned photos in my IRB paperwork.
65 San Juan de Lurigancho. San Juan de Lurigancho is located in the Cono Norte a cluster of poor districts in the north of metropolitan Lima. It is also the most populated urban district in all of Peru, with over 1 million residents, or 11 percent of the population of Lima Provinc e (Fernndez Valle 2007). Peruvians commonly associate the district with its massive prison, also named Lurigancho. However, SJL is also home to a number of textile and furniture factories. Throughout the colonial and Republican periods, though SJL was renowned for its agricultural produce, especially grapes, figs, and other fruits. The district began to urbanize during the major influx of poor migrants to Lima from the Andean highlands in the 1960s. Unlike Tablada de Lurn, however, the majority of SJL s pueblos j were not land invasions; rather, the owners of the old haciendas that once comprised SJL divided their lands up into lots after the land reforms of 1968 to keep the Peruvian government from expropriating them (Fernndez Valle 2007). SJL b ecame an official district of metropolitan Lima in 1967, and it currently possesses the highest population of Quechua speakers of any district in the nation, as evidenced by the brightly painted Quechualanguage signs over the numerous huayno dancing establishments along its main commercial avenues (Fernndez Valle 2007). The Iglesia ACyM de SJLs main site is located in the very heart of SJL on one of these main commercial thoroughfares, between two large furniture showrooms. The church building is three s tories tall, has room for parking, and draws people from almost all of SJLs numerous pueblos j to its many weekly services and meetings.
66 La Iglesia Alianza Cristiana y Misionera. The Iglesia ACyM de SJL is less than 25 years old. In 1987, a group of 50 60 hermanos6 from the CMA church in the middleclass district of Pueblo Libre accompanied Pastor Alberto Salazar to found a new CMA church in SJL. At first, they met in the house of an hermana, and, after several months of searching, they began renting a first floor locale on a main commercial street. By 1989, however, the congregation had grown too big for the locale. Even when Pastor Salazar held two Sunday services, the congregation spilled out into the street in front of the locale. The childrens m inistry would not fit in the locale at all and had to be held in a separate building. At this point, another hermana offered to let the church meet in the second and third stories of her spacious house. However, by the early 1990s, over 500 people took par t in weekly worship services, and the church formed a commission to locate and purchase a lot on which to build a new church building. In 1992, the Iglesia ACyM de SJL bought a lot out in the country, past the urbanized area of SJL, and the hermanos themse lves volunteered their time to build the new church building. In time, the urban area grew to encompass the church, and, as previously mentioned, one of SJLs most important avenues was built so it passed right in front of it. In 1994, Pastor Salazar moved to the United States, and his youth pastor, Gino Benvenuto, became senior pastor. In the CMA denomination, the congregation usually chooses new pastors every three to five years, but the Iglesia ACyM de SJL agreed with Pastor Benvenutos vision to such a degree that he has remained pastor for the past 15 6 Latin American Evangelicals and Pentecostals commonly refer to one another as hermanos and hermanas (brothers and sisters in English). It has become the established practice for scholars to use this emic terminology in their works on Protestantism in Latin America (see, for example, Smilde 2007 and Bomann 1 999).
67 years. Along with the other leaders in the church, Pastor Benvenuto has reorganized the ACyM de SJL into a series of Bible study groups that meet in homes throughout the vast district. When a Bible study group grows to 30 hermanos it becomes a daughter church of the mother church, the main church in which I conducted interviews. At this point, the daughter church sear ches for its own locale, holds its own worship services and prayer meetings, and begins equipping its own leadership. However, despite their relative autonomy, all the daughter churches are under the ultimate authority of Pastor Benvenuto and his co pastors. The Iglesia ACyM de SJL currently has ten daughter churches, 11 official pastors numerous lay leaders, and 1529 baptized members. The interviews with Evangelical informants What might work in Pueblo Libre or Miraflores [middleto upper class districts in central Lima] wont function here, the church secretary explained to me. Th ere are 11 churches, but they are one [church] divided in 11. With her assistance, I completed 12 interviews at the mother church over a period of eight days. During this time, I attended services and prayer meetings at the mother church and was able to c onfirm that Pastor Benvenuto and the rest of the hermanos of the Iglesia ACyM de SJL conform to the basic doctrinal motto of the nonPentecostal CMA denomination: Cristo salva, Cristo sana, Cristo santifica, y Cristo viene otra vez (Christ saves, Christ heals, Christ sanctifies, and Christ is coming again.). The week I conducted my interviews, t he church was in the middle of a conference on familial responsibility, given, incidentally, by their former pastor, Alberto Salazar, and I believe this affected some of the responses my interviewees gave me. La Misi Villa El Salvador The same contact who helped me identify my sample Evangelical church also introduced me to the associate pastor of the (Pentecostal)
68 Misi alvador (VES) is located in the Cono Sur and is home to over 350,000 people. VES is perhaps the most famous poor district of Lima, due to its community leaders successful crusade for self government and services provision. In 1971, tens of thousands of poor Peruvians, many of them migrants from the Andean highlands to Lima, conducted a massive land invasion known as the Pamplona Invasion in present day San Juan de Miraflores. In a violent encounter, the Peruvian government evicted them. The invaders, how ever, sought out independent media attention and international assistance, and in 1972, the government allowed them to settle in the vast sandy plains between Villa Mara del Triunfo and the Pacific Ocean. They named their new home Villa El Salvador after Salvador Saldvar, who was killed in the initial Pamplona Invasion (de Soto 1989). In 1983, VES became a district of Lima, and, in 1987, it earned the prestigious Prince of Asturias Award. While VES has been considered a model for self government worldwi de, many of its residents remain without basic services provision. This is mainly due to the fact that the children of the original founders of VES, as they reach adulthood, found new human settlements along the outskirts of the more established sections o f VES (Hurtado G from all parts of VES and from some of the surrounding districts, but the church itself is located in one of the more established sections of VES. It rents a spacious, onestory locale in t he corner of the large Mercado del Sol, which is located on one of the principal East West roads of VES. La Misi Although Shalom Church, as its members call it, operates independently, it has affiliated itself with the Comunidad Agua Viva
69 megachurch located in the much more affluent San Isidro district in southcentral Lima. The associate pastor himself gave me an oral history of his church: in 1997, he was a teenager attending a local Baptist church pastored by Moiss Surco and his wi fe. Late one night, Pastor Surcos wife was praying, and she received the baptism of the Holy Spirit and began to speak in tongues. A few nights later, Pastor Surco began to pray in tongues, as well, and he immediately began to preach about the baptism of the Holy Spirit in his church. Soon, a large number of the hermanos at the church began to speak in tongues, and they also began dancing during worship services. After about a year of this, the Baptist hierarchy found out about Pastor Surcos Pentecostal behaviors. According to Shalom churchs associate pastor, the Baptist hierarchy told Pastor Surco that he was of the Devil and that he must renounce tongues or leave the church. Pastor Surco, his wife, and about 20 hermanos chose to leave the church. They spent many hours in prayer and said they felt God leading them to rent a locale across the street from the Baptist church in the Mercado del Sol, where they would pastor a church called Shalom, for, in their words, times of peace and prosperity were ahead7 Once they had saved up enough money, they began renting the locale indicated. The first three years were very difficult financially, and Shalom Church only grew to 50 hermanos in that time. However, in recent years, the church has experienced subst antial growth. It now has 700 members, plus 30 to 40 sporadic or new visitors, attending services on any given Sunday. These hermanos are divided into small cell groups that meet in members homes. During a cell group meeting, hermanos spend 7 The word shalom means peace in Hebrew.
70 an hour gett ing to know one another, giving testimony,8 and praying for one another. Shalom Church currently has 22 youth cell groups, 42 womens cell groups, and 10 mens cell groups. In addition to attending at least one cell group meeting a week, new converts are required to attend a threeday retreat called Encuentro (Encounter), during which they participate in several Pentecostal experiences, including Holy Spirit baptism. After Encuentro, converts attend a series of weekly classes on the Bible and basic Ev angelical and Pentecostal doctrines. Once they have completed six months of classes, they may become a member of the church, although they are expected to continue taking at least six months more of doctrine classes and attend one to two more Re Encuentro retreats. According to the associate pastor, while Shalom Church can be considered Pentecostal, it does not enforce many of the strict dress codes other Pentecostal churches do. Hermanas are allowed to wear pants, jewelry, makeup, and short hair, and the y are allowed to preach and hold positions of authority in the church. Hermanos are allowed to wear shorts. While Shalom church does emphasize holiness in the hermanos daily life, its not through clothes, the associate pastor told me. Apart from this Shalom Church fit the profile of a typical Latin American Pentecostal church, and, 8 Giving testimony is a common feature of many Evangelical and Pentecostal meetings, according to the literature (Bomann 1999; Brusco 1995; Smilde 2007). Giving testimony consists of recounting to the ot her hermanos present ones salvation story, or, alternatively, recent examples of Gods goodness in ones life. Its purpose is to encourage other hermanos and to help convince nonEvangelicals of the benefits of becoming an Evangelical.
71 in my initial interview with the associate pastor, he identified his church as Pentecostal. However, in my interviews, its members said they did not perceive the church as Pentecostal, and this might have affected my interview results. I discuss this issue more in depth later in this chapter. The interviews with Pentecostal informants The associate pastor helped me select my interviewees. After every service, he would pull aside several people and help me set up interviews with them. Unfortunately, my sample at this church ended up being lopsided all but one of the highly committed informants were just barely literate and were about 30 years older than any of the other informants from this church, which, from my observations, was by and large comprised of hermanos in their late teens to late twenties. Also, all the marginally committed informants came from a single family. This was far from ideal, but by the time I was interviewing informants in this sub category, I had only one week left in Peru and did not have the time to look for other informants. My 12 interviews in this church took 14 days to complete. The Interviews My 39 interviews fell into nine basic categories corresponding to each of the three Christian religious affiliations and each of the three religious commitment levels.9 When comparing interviews across these nine categories, some basic patterns emerge. In a later section, I shall address these patterns but first it is important to describe the informants and explain the patterns that occurred within each of the nine categories. 9 To reiterate, inf ormants religious commitment levels were determined by the pastor or secretary who assisted me in each of the three sample churches.
72 Catholics Highly committed Catholics Informants in the CH10 (Catholic, highly committed) category held a variety of parish lay leadership positions. Several participate in parish life in more than one way; for example, Daniel, a 25year old philosophy and theology student, helps teach catechesis classes, and he sings in the choir on Sundays. Most of the CH informants are currently catechists or have been in past years, and, as such, they displayed well articulated, orthodox Catholi c beliefs regarding questions about destiny and individuals ability to make their own choices in life. Daniel, as a philosophy and theology student, exp lained the CH standpoint on self efficacy most succinctly: [God] respects the natural [order], because he himself has created it. He has perfected everything in such a way that it continues naturally. Therefore, God respects both the human process an d the natural process. Im talking about human liberty. God says, I want you to save yourself, but if you dont want to save yourself, I cant make you into an object and say, Save yourself! Because he himself loves you, but he also respects you. Therefore, we say love is free All the CH informants agreed with the concept of self efficacy and expressed the belief that individuals, through their choices, can make themselves successful in life. Juan, a 23year old information technology specialist for a university who is involved in the parish choir, said self confidence was the most important factor toward attaining life success. Mara, a middle aged lector11 who works in the parish medical center as a nurse, used even stronger language to express her beliefs. Mara was an adopted 10 Although the text of this section explains the twoletter codes I use throughout the rest of this chapter, the List of Abbreviations in the front of this thesis provides a full list of the codes. 11 A lector is a person who assists the parish priest by reading portions of the liturgy during Mass.
73 orphan and a campesina from the northern department of Lambayeque, but she migrated to metropolitan Lima during the 1970s. With a history in community organizing and lobbying for social service provision, she embodied the s trong belief in agency and self efficacy she expressed during her interview. She said, God made us intelligent. Therefore, if were intelligent, we have to learn to be responsible people. Despite the CH informants heavy emphasis on voluntarism, two of t he CH informants also displayed a knowledge of sociological factors that might impede Peruvians agency. These two informants, Daniel and Mara, were also the only two informants I interviewed who said that liberation theology influenced the way they saw p olitical, economic, and social issues, although neither classified himself or herself as an adherent of liberation theology. The CH category was one of the most varied of my nine categories in terms of informants age, sex, and occupation. Despite this, the CH informants attitudes toward success and destiny were strikingly similar: they adhered to the belief that, with effort, time, and good decisions, individuals can achieve success. God, while he might have a general plan for a persons life, allows the universe to work in the way he ordained it to work since the beginning. Everything has a cause and an effect, Daniel said. [Actions] follow the occurrence of an act. Moderately committed Catholics CM (Catholic, moderately committed) informants displayed a greater diversity of views on locus of control related issues than did CH informants. Esperanza, a middleaged nurse with a teenage daughter and a commonlaw husband, opened this section of our interview with a decidedly unorthodox comment on her bel ief in karma, which is not a traditionally Catholic concept. However, the rest of her comments on the subject
74 indicated her worldview was characterized by a balance between belief in destiny and belief in self efficacy. Like Esperanza, the other CM informants described their lives in terms of both destiny and self efficacy. Gladys, a 40 year old nurse, however, emphasized destiny much more than the rest, probably at least in part because she had just been reading a metaphysical book on destiny. She said t hat, while she was a still a bit of a doubting Thomas, she did believe that, in everything that happens to you or that arrives to your hands, its for a reason. Middle aged pharmacist Edna focused her attention on the role a persons luck takes in determining life success. No other CH or CM informant up until Edna had mentioned luck as a major factor contributing toward success. In sum, CM informants seemed to gravitate more toward a belief in destiny than did CH informants, although they still emphasiz ed individual choice as the overall most important factor in determining success. Marginally committed Catholics Of all Catholic religious commitment categories, CL (Catholic, marginally committed) informants were the most diverse in their opinions on how a person attains success. While all mentioned that personal choice had some role in determining success, most informants focused much more on destiny and luck factors which indicate an external locus of control than on choice. Middleaged technical nurse E stela focused mostly on destiny and the role of familial inheritance in determining peoples success. Our parents shape us, but we go through life [constantly] changing. For exam ple, I got married. I bring my backpack, and [my husband] brings his backpa ck. You can put forth an effort to change. I advise that many people go to a psychologist to help them [change], because we
75 bring problems that are caused from childhood. We can change a part, but not always. Yvet was a 28year old who had worked at a restaurant until her pregnancy reached late term. A woman of few words, she spoke about her unsuccessful love life in terms of luck when I asked her if life had turned out the way it had due to luck or her own decisions. I believe I hit on bad luck, s he said, because I have suffered a lot. Yvets younger sister Cinthia, a 25year old housewife and mother of two whose husband is a carpenter, mentioned the role both destiny and luck play in ones reaching success in life. She admitted her life sometimes seems a bit chaotic, since at times, there is food to eat, and other times there isnt food to eat. Sometimes theres work, and other times there isnt work. Even thirty something housewife Leocadia, one of the only two CL informants who emphasized s elf efficacy instead of fate and luck, seemed to vacillate about her stated belief. In concordance with my quantitative results, CL informants seemed to possess a much more external locus of control than more highly committed Catholics. From their interviews, I can conclude that luck and destiny played a much bigger role in CL informants subjective worldviews than these concepts played in the worldviews of either the CM informants or especially the CH informants. Evangelicals Highly committed Evangelicals Like CH informants, the EH (Evangelical, highly committed) informants also emphasized an individuals personal choices as the most important factor contributing to
76 their success. However, for them, the theological concept of predestination12 tempered the id ea of indiscriminate voluntarism: while individuals make choices that contribute to their success or failure, they work within a plan that God has already laid out for them to live by. Misericordia, a single, middleaged cosmetologist who was taking a six month vacation from her job to take care of her sickly mother, quoted from memory several verses from the Biblical book of Proverbs13 and then told me that, while people make their own life choices, they should pray that their choices would line up to Gods will for their lives. I entrust myself to him, she said. I say, Lord, guide me. I always pray this, and he guides me. Even given this ideal model for decisionmaking, most CH informants strongly agreed that peoples life paths are not written in stone, because individuals have free will to choose the right or the wrong path. Jaime, a 43year old medical representative who had studied law and was currently studying Christian education at the CMA seminary, told me I feel that God is all powerful, but I identify him as my father. Hes guiding my life, my actions. God has control of my life, but there are always struggles, right? At times, Ive made mistakes. 12 According to the Evangelical Dictionary of Theology predestination is G ods predetermination of persons to a specific end (Spencer 2001:950). While what this actually means varies according to the theological orientation of the church or individual in question, virtually all Evangelicals would agree that predestination invol ves God crafting an ideal life plan for each individual human being, although some Evangelicals, known as Arminians, would emphasize the fact that individuals have the freedom to choose whether or not to follow that ideal plan. Most Evangelicals would al so agree that predestination also involves Gods beforehand knowledge of the decisions individuals will make (Arnett 1983). I will discuss the way Peruvian Evangelicals and Pentecostals differentiate predestination and destiny more in depth later in this c hapter. 13 Among the verses she mentioned was Proverbs 3:56, Trust in the Lord with all your heart and lean not on your own understanding; in all your ways acknowledge him, and he will make your paths straight (NIV).
77 Another factor that set the EH informants apart from the CH informants was the Evangelicals strong sense that they had a Godgiven purpose in life that would guide their decisionmaking process. As Jaime explained, The Catholic lives to live. In contrast, the Christian comes to be methodical. I believe the effect from the poi nt that they find the truth is that it is easier to find their lifes purpose. To EH informants, life was not just about making the right decisions; it was about fulfilling a goal of divine origin. Like CH informants, EH informants strongly rejected the idea of luck. Indeed, Evangelicals in general seemed to reject luck much more strongly than Catholics. Only a couple of the marginally committed Evangelicals accepted the concept that luck might play a role in an individuals achievement of success. Mod erately committed Evangelicals EM (Evangelical, moderately committed) informants talked about success, free will, choices and destiny in much the same way as the EH informants did. They rejected the idea of luck and emphasized their belief in a balance bet ween the doctrines of predestination and free will, although their exact conceptualization of that balance varied based on previous denominational affiliation.14 For example, middleaged housewife Agraciana told me she was a Baptist who attended the CMA church because there were no Baptist churches close to her home. Similar to many Baptists in the 14 The majority of the informants in t his category had converted to Evangelicalism in a church other than their current one. While their religious beliefs by and large conformed to CMA doctrine, they still maintained some beliefs from their previous denominational affiliations.
78 United States, she emphasized the doctrine of predestination much more strongly than she did the doctrine of free will.15 In contrast, Dana, a 23 year old obstetri cs intern from the high rainforest city of Tingo Mara, held views more representative of the rest of the EH and EM informants. When asked what role God has in determining the life events of individuals, she explained that God knows what will happen in peoples lives, and, while some things happen a certain way because individuals permit them to happen, it is God who permits everything to happen in the end. She said Evangelicals use prayer to make decisions and called the hermanos instruments that God uses to carry out his purposes for the world. Its God and us [together], she said. Hes like a friend that is always with us, influencing things to go well, so that we keep to the good path, which is much better than a worldly life. Marginally comm itted Evangelicals Although informants in the EM category focused much more on individuals self efficacy than CM informants did, EL (Evangelical, marginally committed) informants emphasized the role destiny and luck play in determining individual success just as 15 As noted in a previous footnote, Arminian Protestant theology emphasizes the freedom of individual Christians to choose whether or not to follow Gods ideal plan for their lives. Calvinist Protestant theology, on the other hand, emphasizes Gods sovereignty over humanity, including human decisionmaking processes (Geisler 1983). Therefore, Calvinists usually take a more extreme stance on the doctrine of predestination, although Weber noted that northern Europeans adherence to Calvinism in the early modern period did not make them fatalistic; rather, it increased their work ethic because individuals wanted to prove they were predestined to an afterlife with God in Heaven (Weber and Kalberg 2009). Methodists and Wesleyans are two denominations that often follow Armini an thought, while Baptists and Presbyterians often follow Calvinist thought. Jaime, the CMA seminary student I interviewed, classified the CMA as adhering to a perfect balance between Calvinism and Arminianism.
79 much as the CL informants did. Ana was the only informant in this category who appeared to have a strong internal locus of control. A 40year old single mother who works as a waitress in a hotel, she strongly affirmed that people are the way they are because of their own life decisions: You have the free will to choose that which is good or that which is bad. If you tell me, That is bad. Dont do it, but I want to know what that bad thing is like, I will do it, and on the basis of that experience I will know I shouldnt repeat it, because it went badly for me. Theyre our own decisions. God gives us this freedom the free will to choose. Apart from Ana, however, the EL informants displayed relatively low internal locus of control from their intervi ew answers. Carla, a 19year old woman, dropped out of high school when she became pregnant with her boyfriends baby. She now lives with her boyfriends family and attends services at the ACyM de SJL sporadically. While she at first said she didnt believ e in luck or destiny, she later said, Everything we are is because of our genes from our parents, our grandparents. From there we get our personalities. Just like we get various features of the face [from our parents], we also come out like them in personality, in energy, in strength. For example, I came out like my dad. He likes to work and has a gentle temperament, and hes very responsible. After making this essentially fatalistic statement, Carla went on to say that she felt that all bad decisions have bad consequences, which are punishments from God. She said her life was chaotic, not under her own control. In all of my life, I believe I dont have control of anything. [I feel] I am lost and that I want and need God, but sometimes there are thing s that are much stronger than yourself, and I myself dont want to come back to him, because of all the rejection of all the time that I have been away from him.
80 A single mother in her late twenties, Yessica, like both Ana and Carla, came from an Evangeli cal family, and like Carla, she ceased her religious involvement when she reached her teenage years and began to prefer parties to Sunday School. In the past few months, however, she has renewed her Christian commitment and has been attending church servic es every Wednesday and Sunday. Her work schedule as a maid in the upper class district of San Isidro makes this difficult. Yessicas beliefs regarding destiny, luck, and self efficacy are mixed and might reflect her religious state of flux. While she said she believed that individuals choices affected whether or not their lives turned out well, she also said she believes luck plays a role in how situations play out. When I asked her how much of a role luck plays in determining an individuals life success, she replied, About 30 percent. Pentecostals Highly committed Pentecostals Like the CH and EH informants, PH (Pentecostal, highly committed) informants said they strongly believed in self efficacy. This finding surprised me, since, on average, the PH cat egory was probably composed of the poorest and least well educated individuals in my entire pool of informants. While several PH informants mentioned the theology of predestination and the foreordained plans God has for individuals lives, they also emphas ized the role they said God fulfilled in helping them achieve their goals. Amada is one example. A 52year old beauty salon owner originally from the department of Ayacucho, Amada used to be an extreme Catholic, in her words. Several years before her conversion to Pentecostalism, she had to sell her house and small business to pay back some large debts. According to her account, her conversion changed her worldview and gave her a greater sense of agency. Amada said,
81 By the help of God, my destiny isnt t hat Im going to be poor. Im going to be successful, and I am achieving that. In the things of God, my destiny is a big thing, a great thing. I think this way: successful, with a successful destiny, with the help of God. But with my strength alone Im not going to be able to get it, either. But with the help of God, a person can do all things. The impossible becomes possible. Amadas comments bring to light another pattern noticeable in the interviews with Evangelical and Pentecostal informants. In both churches, several of my informants emphasized the power their conversion from Catholicism to their new denomination had on their views of their own personal efficacy and agency. Raquel is a 60year old retired fruit seller and mother of seven. A native Quech uaspeaker, she comes from a farming area near the provincial city of Huancayo. Raquel said, [Before becoming a Pentecostal], I said that I dont have luck, that others have their house, they have their car, they have their good job. But me, why dont I have that? I worked like a mule, and I didnt see the money. I never got ahead. It wasnt my plan that Id get anything of value. Now, I think about advancement, for myself and for my children. [Before, I thought] Im destined to be poor. I longed for, I wanted a big house, with carpets, a good sewing machine, a good stove. I longed for this, but I just talked and didnt have anything to do with it. Now, I feel very different. Like Raquel, Rosita originally comes from a rural, Quechuaspeaking are a near Huancayo. Although at age 57 she no longer works due to a rib injury, she had worked since she was eight years old, first as maid and then as a dry goods vendor. She converted to Pentecostalism three and a half years ago, and, since that time, she has taught herself to read and to write so she could read the Bible for herself. She said in her interview that she wishes she could go to school to learn more and read more books. Rositas comments during her interview indicate her conversion has internali zed her locus of control. She said,
82 A person decides what he wants to do. If you want to be bad, you are bad. If you want to be good, you are good. If you want to progress, you progress. If you want to go on to failure, you fail. You alone, because nobody is putting a rope around your neck. The one exception to this general pattern of PH responses was an 18year old student, JhonBaptis. While every other informant in the PH and PM (Pentecostal, moderately committed) categories drew heavily on the concepts of self efficacy, agency, and, to a lesser extent, predestination in their answers to interview questions about success, Jhon Baptis said that heredity is more important than personal decisions in determining an individuals way of being. He also said tha t luck, defined as the opportunities that life gives us, has a secondary role in determining a persons success or failure. Moderately committed Pentecostals Overall, PM responses were quite similar to PH responses. PM informants emphasized the importanc e of personal choices. They also talked at length about the way they claimed God helps them and works with them to achieve their goals. Marginally committed Pentecostals In contrast, PL (Pentecostal, marginally committed) responses, like CL and EL responses, were more varied than either PH or PM responses. Yanelli a 21year old who recently quit her job so she could take care of her soonto beborn baby, focused a lot on luck and destiny in her answers, while her older brother, Franklin, and her older sis ter, Carol, focused more on personal choice. Franklin is a soldier in the Peruvian Army, and during the first part of our interview, he spoke quite extensively about how he shapes his own destiny and makes all of his own decisions. By the end of our interv iew, however, he seemed much more reflective and admitted,
83 I dont have control of my life. A person thinks he has control of his life, but then he realizes he doesnt. For example, in my case, I cant go to church. Im far from that, but I feel some things missing. I think I have control of my life, but when I realize [I dont], I shut myself in my room and realize that when somebody doesnt have God, he doesnt have God. It is important to keep in mind how contexts and changing situations can shape expressions of a persons stated beliefs. I will expand upon this observation later, when discussing important, overarching themes in the interviews. What Is a Pentecostal? After this initial description of the 39 semi structured interviews, it bec omes apparent that Evangelical and Pentecostal descriptions of their beliefs regarding self efficacy, destiny, and luck are much more similar than the findings of Chapter 3 would lead one to believe. I have come to the conclusion that this is due to a conf usion caused by competing definitions of Pentecostalism. Before I began my interviews at Shalom Church, I asked its associate pastor to verify that it was a Pentecostal church. He paused thoughtfully, and, after a moment of reflection, told me it was i ndeed a Pentecostal church. However, when I asked them about their religious identity, none of my informants from Shalom Church classified themselves as Pentecostal. At the same time, the majority of the Shalom Church informants also told me they took part in behaviors that are seen as typically Pentecostal: receiving Holy Spirit baptism and speaking in tongues, for example. They all also placed an emphasis on asking God to actively guide them through an audible voice or through dreams, for examplein their decisionmaking processes. Sociologist of religion David Smilde (2007) explains that, in Venezuela, Evangelicals do not dislike the term Pentecostal and often incorporate it in the names of their churches. However, they prefer to call themselves Ev anglicos (P. 29). Unlike
84 the Caracas Pentecostals Smilde interviewed, however, many of my informants at Shalom Church expressed an aversion to the term, Pentecostal. To explain this apparent paradox, I asked follow up questions to the Shalom Church inf ormants, their associate pastor, and many other Peruvians, and, using their statements, I can construct a Peruvian definition of Pentecostal. Many Peruvians see Pentecostals either as 1) members of quasi Christian sects, such as the Dios es Amor chur ch, founded by a Brazilian pastor and present in many pueblos j or 2) members of extremely strict and conservative churches that are known as fundamentalist in the North American context. In a follow up interview, Shalom Churchs associate pastor characterized Pentecostal churches as churches that make a lot of laws and make people want to leave [Evangelicalism]. From my observations and my interviews, Shalom Church was neither unorthodox in its doctrine nor fundamentalist in its behavioral guidelines. For these reasons, its members chose to self identify a s Evangelicals or simply Christians, even though they also practiced many behaviors categorized as Pentecostal in the religious studies literature of the United States. The Early Catholic Shift: A Summary of the Main Pattern When analyzing my infor mants responses to the questions designed to help them explain why they had a high or low internal locus of control, one major, overarching pattern emerges. Highly committed informants of all three Christian affiliations strongly emphasized that personal choice determines success or failure. For the most part, they rejected the concepts of luck and blind destiny, although nonCatholics ascribed a predestining role to God that most of the Catholics did not. Less committed informants progressively credit ed more importance first to destiny (as in the
85 case of the CM category) and then to a mixture of luck and destiny (as in the case of the CL, EL, and PL categories). Catholics displayed this shift toward more diverse answers as religious commitment level dr opped much sooner and much more strongly than either Evangelicals or Pentecostals. I call this pattern the early Catholic shift. The Defining Challenge One possible reason for this early Catholic shift is the denominations differences in defining r eligious commitment. For the Catholics I interviewed, a highly committed informant was one who was involved in parish ministries, such as catechesis or the choir. Moderately committed informants attended Mass once a week, while marginally committed informants rarely attended Mass but still identified with the Catholic faith. The highly committed category for Evangelicals and Pentecostals was essentially analogous to the highly committed category for Catholics: highly committed Evangelicals and Pentecostals were church lay leaders and regularly practiced spiritual disciplines, such as daily Bible reading and daily prayer. However, Evangelicals and Pentecostals were much more stringent in their definition of moderately committed members. Moderately committed Evangelicals, for example, might only attend services and churchrelated meetings two or three times a week. They often practiced spiritual disciplines to the same degree as highly committed members of their respective churches. The onl y difference between them and the highly committed members of their churches was a recognized position of church leadership. Marginally committed Evangelical and Pentecostal informants had involvement levels across the board. Some attended church servi ces once a week and read their
86 Bibles every day, while others attended church services once every six months and never read their Bibles. I hypothesize that, if I had laid down strict operational definitions for the various levels of religious commitment at the beginnings of my interactions with each of the three churches, the CM, EM, and PM groups answers would have been almost as similar to one another as the CH, EH, and PH answers were to one another. However, since I let my contacts from each of the ch urches define level of religious commitment in their own, emic terms, I have gained additional insight into how Peruvian Christians view their religious practice. NonCatholic denominations require much more in terms of time, effort, and behavior from their adherents than does the Catholic Church. This helps explain the early Catholic shift. It also could account for the probable locus of control differences between Catholics and Evangelicals discussed in Chapter 3. Theoretical Roots for the Main Patter n Bomanns (1999) contributions to the literature can further help explain some of the reasons for the early Catholic shift, or, rather, the Evangelical/Pentecostal late shift. In Faith in the Barrios: The Pentecostal Poor in Bogot Bomann uses partic ipant observation and indepth interviews to construct several concepts critical to understanding this pattern. First, worldview transformation is a process that begins long before conversion but that facilitates individuals in making that decision. Through long term exposure to Evangelicalism, individuals may gradually take on the Evangelical worldview, which, as Chapter 2 quotes Bomann as writing, is empowering and inspiring to those who hold it (P. 46). Once they have decided to adhere to Evangelic alism, new converts are encouraged to saturate themselves in the Evangelical worldview, through constant use
87 of Christian media and through personal devotional activities. These faith maintenance behaviors help Evangelicals build up a strength of conv iction that, with Gods help, believers can find solutions to every kind of difficult situation (Pp. 97, 127). In the same vein, Evangelical churches place a strong emphasis on the importance of their members spending large blocks of time together with other Evangelicals, mainly through numerous services and meetings which take place throughout the week. Bomann explains, Church meetings stir up and encourage personal faith in God, for when persons with the same beliefs come together, there is heightened awareness of the source of passion. Simply stated, there is power in collectivity (P. 103). Bomanns principal of worldview saturation through media, personal devotional activities, and frequent services and meetings can help explain why Evangelicals and Pentecostals in Lima adhere so strongly to their religious worldview, thus delaying their shift to more diverse responses regarding the sources of success (and, by extension, their shift to a more external locus of control). Additional Patterns While the previous section describes the main explanation I found for my research question, I also noticed several other strong leitmotivs woven throughout the interviews that add depth to the inherent overgeneralizations of the early Catholic shift explanati on. The first theme is a strong differentiation between nominal Catholics and devout Catholics. The second theme is Evangelicals and Pentecostals aversion to the term destiny; the third is the unique way Evangelicals and Pentecostals envisioned Gods plan for individuals lives. The fourth and final theme I shall describe is the differentiation nonCatholics made between believers and backsliders relationship with destiny.
88 Cat lico Catlico Baltasar is a 27year old warehouse technician and a ca techist for the youth in his parish. He answered all of the interview questions very thoughtfully, and it was evident that this was not the first time he had been asked difficult questions about his religious beliefs. At the very end of our interview, he asked me to please keep in mind the difference between nominal Catholics and what he called Catholic Catholics. His full and complete comments follow: A Catholic Catholic, for me, is a person who is involved in the parish. I dont think every Catholic is there. But there are those who are there, helping, who are working, who are trying to encourage their neighbor or their friend to be there. Many times people dont have this good definition [of Catholics], because there are many people who say, Im Cath olic, but its not true. Im speaking exactly about these false Catholics: Im Catholic. Do you go to Mass? What? Did I have to? Do you pray? What, I have to pray? Do you go to bars? What, I cant? Lots of times, the hermanos who are separat ed into these sects everywhere, the Evangelicals, the Christians, mostly attack these people. They [say], That person is a Catholic, and hes still at the bar, getting drunk. He tells me hes a Catholic, but hes hitting his kids. For me, those arent Catholics. They might be baptized, and were brothers in the end, but they still dont know what the Catholic Church really is, or what they have to do. Those who are Catholic Catholics are very few. As outlined in my primary explanation of the main pattern, Peruvian Catholics and Protestants definitions of what religious commitment looks like do vary. However,
89 as Baltasars statements indicate, highly committed Catholics often have more in common with Evangelicals than one might at first think. These sim ilarities include the striking fact that all the CH informants I interviewed and several of the CM informants had experienced a spiritual point of decision comparable in many ways to an Evangelical conversion. For some of these informants, this experience took place almost purely on the volitional level, while for others, it was a deeply emotional moment. CH informant Milagros had the latter type of experience. Currently a 31year old primary school teacher, Milagros had a very tumultuous family life from t he time she was three years old. She lived first with her aunt and uncle and then with her mother and godparents. When she was 10 or 11, her mother left her godparents home, and throughout her teenage years, Milagros was passed from house to house to live with many different families. Milagros said she felt very angry at God during this time, and finally, when she was 23, she found herself living in a house all by herself for the first time ever. Although she felt lonely, guilty, and sad, she didnt want t o leave her house or see anyone. A neighbor kept asking Milagros to attend Mass with her, and, since the neighbor was elderly, Milagros felt she could not refuse. She began attending Mass with her neighbor two or three times a week. One day after returning home after a particularly upbeat Mass, she sat down and thought about her life experiences. She decided to become involved in her parishs ministries, and, for a short time, she lived in a convent. All the while, Milagros prayed that her family would be r eunited. Within a few years, she, her mother, father, and sister began living in the same house for the first time she could
90 ever remember. After telling me her story, she looked at me with tear filled eyes and said, I see the Lord as friend, and if I talk about a super friend, its him. Hes a friend that has accompanied me through the good and the bad, and he didnt permit me to die of hunger. He didnt permit me to commit a sin. He didnt permit anyone to harm me. He didnt permit me to live in the street. He has always been with me, always. The truth is that it isnt easy to believe, but while a person himself doesnt live like its true, he cant say what you can feel when God is with you or not. I can say that calmly, because I no longer have fe ar, and I dont feel ashamed. I dont have any of those feelings. Milagros is currently a catechist for the youth of San Francisco parish, and she told me with a smile on her face that she is currently preparing herself to take vows to become a nun. Baltas ar had a different type of conversion experience. Although he grew up in a nominally Catholic home, in his words, he went searching in other types of churches during his teenage years. However, he never felt like he quite fit in at any nonCatholic chu rch he visited. In his early twenties, a friend encouraged him to get involved in a different Catholic parish that was nearby, and there, he said, he found himself. He went through confirmation and became involved in the choir. After a few years, he move d back to the San Francisco parish, where, as previously mentioned, he volunteers as a catechist for the youth. What Is Destiny? A second important theme that helps explain the early Catholic shift was the tendency for nonCatholic informants to balk at the term destiny, even if they believed in predestination. Apart from their generally enthusiastic acceptance of voluntarism and their insistence that God has a plan for every humans life (see the following section), this was the most noticeable asp ect of my interviews with nonCatholic Christians. For
91 example, Dana, the EM obstetrics intern, said she didnt believe in destiny, because only God knows whats going to happen to us.  It doesnt depend on what you plan, but rather its God who establ ishes whats going to happen and whats not going to happen. Nancy, an EH 57year old housewife with three grown sons, said this even more succinctly: Its God who traces the path. Its not a destiny. However, when I asked Nancy the same question in a slightly different way (Do you consider God the one who makes your destiny?), she strongly affirmed the existence of destiny. Even those Evangelicals and Pentecostals who said they believed in destiny defined it differently from a common dictionary: T he inevitable or necessary fate to which a particular person or thing is destined; ones lot. (American Heritage Dictionary 2009). In contrast to this definition, Karen, a 19year old PM student and recent convert to Pentecostalism, defined destiny as a life plan. In other words, the Lord has given every person from birth a life plan. I wouldnt call this destiny but a life plan. We already have it, and the only thing to do is follow it. Her statement yet again reemphasizes the paradoxical balance in Protestantism between the theologies of predestination and free will.16 This balance is the framework in which a majority of nonCatholic informants organize their lives and decisionmaking processes. God Has a Plan and an End. This explanation of the Evangelical/Pentecostal conceptualization of destiny, or, rather, predestination, leads us to a third, even more salient theme: Evangelical and Pentecostals tended to see Gods purpose for ones life as something to 16 Martin Luther, the initiator of the Protestant Reformation, articulated this paradox in the following manner: A Christian is a perfectly free lord of all, subject to none. A Christian is a perfectly dutiful servant of all, subject to all (Lyons 1983:227).
92 simultaneously strive for and to receive as a gift. By and large, the informants from these two affiliations saw Gods purpose as something he gives to all people whom they identify as Christians. They saw little or no contradiction between the idea that God has future goals and a l ife path already planned for them to achieve and the idea that they could freely choose their own goals and life paths. As EH informant Jaime articulated, I believe God knows everything. He knows how were going to start, and he knows how were going to end. God knows everything, but were the actors in this destiny. Similarly, PM informant Pilar, an 18year old student who aspires to become a primary school teacher, said, The Lord always has a destiny, an end for us, but this depends on us. People who want to be with the Lord have to follow him faithfully, because there are others who leave him, and then they no longer bring about the dream that God has for us, for his children. If they repent, theyll continue to their destiny in God, but if not, they already know their [fate]. EM17 informant Viviana, a middleaged housewife and mother of three, echoed these sentiments: If I dont get up to cook, and if no one else in the house knows how to work the stove, then, lunch doesnt make itself. We w ont eat. I have to put in my part, put in a bit of effort. Its one thing to tell you in one sense that the Lord already has everything planned, but if a person doesnt work diligently, if man doesnt obey, then that automatically changes. The Lord sees that the son was undiligent, but he wasnt acting as God wanted, so he is no longer in the will of God. 17 Although the church secretary of the Iglesia ACyM de SJL classified Viviana as a moderately committed Evangelical, Viviana told me she attended church services three times a week and frequently volunteered as an usher and a counselor. Even given Evangelicals stringent definitions of relig ious commitment, Vivianas was one of several of cases in which I would have classified the informant differently than my contacts did. However, in general, my informants self classifications and my contacts classification of them matched.
93 In short, while the Evangelical and Pentecostal informants believed in divine guidance and intervention to help them fulfill their goals, they also believed their own, personal initiative and action was crucial, as well. Backsliders and Predestination A fourth and final pattern among nonCatholic Christian informants was the tendency to affirm that, while believers live in a dynamic balance between predestination and free will, the destinies of backsliders are in a state of flux. It is at times a confusing subject, but, as Pilars and Vivianas quotes indicate, Evangelicals and Pentecostals have strong views regarding backsliders fate. Fr anklin, a backslider himself, articulated this belief the most completely. When asked if he believed God had a plan for everyones life, he said yes, because God knows us before were born. However, he continued: If someone knows God, and then he wander s away from God, the plan changes, see? After a moment of reflection, he modified his statement: No, it doesnt change, because God never forgets his children, because when someone accepts him, I believe he waits until, in my case, I return to him, to continue with the plan that he already has for me. Later in the interview, Franklin told me that, away from the church, life wasnt predetermined. For example, there are spoiled people who go from job to job that doesnt suit them, that they dont like, a nd they keep constantly changing jobs. In contrast, in the spiritual life, God assigns you the job, and we have to carry out what God gives us. In my life, things arent predetermined. For a person whos outside the Christian life, things arent predetermi ned. Yes, they have a plan, but while a person is distanced from God, God isnt going to assign him a plan. Ana, a single mother, voiced similar views. She stopped attending church frequently when she began living with the father of her now nineyear old daughter. In
94 spite of her previous decision to lower her level of religious commitment, she has started attending services at the ACyM de SJL again, and she has also begun listening to Christian radio and allows a small prayer group to meet in her hom e. However, she, like Franklin, said her life was in a state of flux: God has a plan for my life. From a very young age, I knew the word of God. One of my biggest mistakes was to unequally yoke18 myself. My life turned into a whirlwind, an emotional i nstability, but not because God wanted it that way, but because I chose that. God always has the best prepared. You turn from the path, but the Lord brings you back again. Ive been convinced of this for a long time. Its like a little child that you let l oose so he can learn to walk but grab onto again when you see he falls. Thats the way the love of God is. Im convinced of this. Summary In summary, to answer my research question, In Latin America, how do Christians subjective worldview, influenced by their religious affiliation and their level of religious commitment, relate to their level of internal locus of control? I interviewed members of three churches in the pueblos j of metropolitan Lima. One church was Roman Catholic, one belonged to th e Christian and Missionary Alliance (a nonPentecostal Evangelical denomination), and one was an independent Pentecostal church. My contacts at the three churches helped me identify highly committed, moderately committed, and marginally committed Christians in each of the three churches, resulting in 39 semi structured, qualitative interviews. An analysis of my nine interview categories yields several interesting results, including the finding that, while the quantitative findings in Chapter 3 indicate Pent ecostals should give fatalistic responses to interview questions, my Pentecostal informants did not do so. Follow up 18 Unequally yoked is a common expression in Evangelical churches that refers to an hermano or hermana being in partnership, most typically a marriage or other sexual relationship, with a non Evangelical.
95 interviews indicate this might be due to the definitional issues with the term, Pentecostalism. The most important explanatory pattern in the interviews was one I label the early Catholic shift. While informants from all of the highly committed religious categories displayed a high internal locus of control through their comments about the importance of personal decisionmaking, the Cat holic informants displayed a tendency to shift to noninternal explanations for life success much more rapidly as level of religious commitment dropped than did the Evangelical and Pentecostal informants. Although this most likely had something to do wit h Catholics and Protestants varying definitions of religious commitment, the Evangelicals and Pentecostals common practice of worldview saturation, as explained by Bomann (1999), also might have contributed to the pattern. There were several other important patterns in the interviews that help explain and modify the early Catholic shift. First, there was a tendency for highly committed Catholics to display some of the characteristics Evangelicals are famous for, most notably, a heavy emphasis on l iving ones faith through ones actions and the possession of a conversion type narrative (although Catholics did not label their experiences conversions). Second, although Evangelicals and Pentecostals time and again affirmed the doctrine of predestination, they avoided the term destiny and protested when it was used to label their beliefs in predestination, which they saw as conceptually distinct. Third, Evangelicals and Pentecostals often articulated their belief in predestination in terms of God s plan and Gods purpose for their lives, and, instead
96 of externalizing their locus of control like the concept of destiny would have done, these concepts seemed to internalize their locus of control. In some cases, most notably those of the PH informan ts, it even seemed to grant them agency. Fourth, while committed Evangelicals and Pentecostals framed their own lives in terms of Gods purpose and Gods plan, this framework seemed to destabilize when they talked about backsliders who had either left the Evangelical faith or had drastically lowered their level of religious commitment.
97 CHAPTER 5 CONSTRUCTING THE REL IGIOUS IMAGE: A SUMMARY OF THE FINDINGS AND THEIR SIGNIFICANCE Review of the Chapters The goal of this study has been to gain an understanding of the relationship between religion, specifically Christianity, and internal locus of control in Latin America. To achieve this end, my review of the literature in Chapter 2 draws on the theories, insights, and direct observations of researchers from a wide variety of disciplines and theoretical standpoints, although it privileges the three standpoints I labeled Popular Forms of Christianity as Fatalistic, Popular Forms of Christianity as Empowering, and Popular Forms of Christianity as Facilitating Agency. These three views originate from the works of Karl Marx, Max Weber, and scholars attempting to reconcile the two, respectively (Noble 2000). This study takes into account all three standpoints, but it is best classified as belonging to the third, most moderate, category. While Weberian scholars are right to notice the effects of ideology on social structure, it is important to note that causality does not flow in a single direction: while ideology can affect social structure, social structure can also affect ideology. Also, given various constraints, it has better served me to limit my analysis to individuals, a level best analyzed by the third viewpoint, since Marxs and Webers theoretical writings have a macroscopic historical focus and treat mo st directly the societal level of analysis. Chapters 3 and 4, which chronicle my original research, employed both statistical analysis of social survey data from 18 countries in Latin America and qualitative analysis of 39 semi structured, in depth intervi ews conducted in the pueblos j of Lima, Peru. By including both quantitative and qualitative methods, I am able both to
98 generalize my findings beyond their original sample and to explain the psychological, social, and theological reasons for those fi ndings, which I summarize below. Summary of Findings Quantitative Findings For the statistical analysis, I formulated three hypotheses, which predicted 1) nonPentecostal Evangelicals display a higher internal locus of control than other Christians, 2) hig hly committed Christians display a higher internal locus of control than marginally committed Christians, and 3) religious commitment level is more highly associated with high internal locus of control than is religious affiliation. I operationalized locu s of control by using a Latinobar education, hard work, luck, or connections played the biggest role in determining life success. Answers of education and hard work indicate the survey respondent has an internal locus of control, and answers of luck and connections indicate he or she possesses an external locus of control. While overall, survey respondents endorsed education and hard work more than they did luck or connections, there were indeed dif ferences between various groups of survey respondents. Despite the vast literature that links Protestantism to agency and, by extension, high internal locus of control, the first hypothesis proves problematic to confirm when all the control variables are i ncluded in the analysis. This difficulty is probably due to the Latinobar regressions produced results in line with hypothesis H1, these results were not statistically significant at the .05 level. However, they were very close to being statistically significant at the .05 level, indicating there might be an association, but it cannot be confirmed by the Latinobar
99 The second hypothesis, in contrast, was supported. Even when all the control variables are included in the analysis, in comparison to not devout at all Christians, very devout Christians are over one third more likely to display a high internal locus of control. Devout Christians are over a quarter m ore likely to display a high internal locus of control, and not very devout Christians are over a fifth more likely to display a high internal locus of control. These robust findings are statistically significant. In sum, highly committed Latin American Christians are more likely to display high internal locus of control than not so highly committed Latin American Christians. The third hypothesis can also be confirmed. Since hypothesis H1 cannot be confirmed, and since hypothesis H2 can be confirmed, it is clear that level of religious commitment is more highly associated with high internal locus of control than is religious affiliation. Moreover, even if both hypotheses could be confirmed, the findings of H2 are more robust than the findings of H1, also indicating the third hypothesis can be confirmed. Qualitative Findings Based on my quantitative findings, I formulated a research question to ask how Latin American Christians religious worldview, influenced by their denomination and their level of religious commitment, relates to their level of internal locus of control. To answer this question, I interviewed Catholics, nonPentecostal Evangelicals, and Pentecostals in the pueblos j of metropolitan Lima. Previous studies in the United States indicate this lower class, urban research setting might produce findings that were more definitive and, by extension, easier to analyze. I further divided the informants into categ ories of highly committed, moderately committed, and marginally committed Christians. An analysis of these nine interview categories reveals several
100 important patterns, the most crucial of which I label the early Catholic shift to a lower internal locus of control as level of religious commitment drops. Informants from all of the highly committed religious categories displayed a high internal locus of control, and informants from all marginally committed religious categories tended to display a low internal locus of control or even an external locus of control. However, while moderately committed Evangelicals and Pentecostals displayed just as high an internal locus of control as highly committed Evangelicals and Pentecostals, moderately committed Catholic informants tended to give noninternal explanations for life success. Other patterns in the interviews help explain and modify this early Catholic shift. First, highly committed Catholics tended to fit some descriptions of Evangelicals. For example, they emphasized the importance of practicing their religion as a daily lifestyle. They also frequently possessed narratives of how they decided to personally commit themselves to the Catholic faith. Second, Evangelical and Pentecostal theology probably pl ayed a role in the early Catholic shift. Highly and moderately committed Evangelical and Pentecostal informants time and again assiduously avoided the term destiny, instead stressing the doctrine of predestination, which they claimed was conceptually distinct from destiny. Third, Evangelicals and Pentecostals often articulated their belief in predestination in terms of Gods plan and Gods purpose for their lives. As Jackson and Coursey (1988) predict, this terminology indicates an internalization of locus of control, not an externalization like that produced by a belief in destiny. In several cases,
101 this conceptualization of living out ones calling even seemed to grant its adherents agency. Fourth, while committed Evangelicals and Pentecostals framed their own lives in terms of Gods purpose and Gods plan, this framework seemed to destabilize when they talked about backsliders who had either left the Evangelical faith or had drastically lowered their level of religious commitment. Bomanns (1999) concept of Evangelical and Pentecostal worldview saturation and Catholics and Protestants varying definitions of religious commitment level also help explain the early Catholic shift pattern. Taken Together In sum, these quantitative and quali tative findings imply that, among Christians in Latin America, level of religious commitment is an important variable for determining whether or not they perceive themselves as the actors or as the acted upon in any given situation. Christian denomination also relates to locus of control, but in an auxiliary capacity: what matters most is the depth to which Latin American Christians hold their doctrines and the extent to which they live out their worldview on a day to day basis. Worldview saturation both ex plains and facilitates this process. Significance of Findings The findings of this study are important and noteworthy for several reasons. To analyze these most effectively, I will first describe their significance for Web erian sociological thought I will then describe their significance for the study of religion in Latin America.
102 For Weberian Thought As noted in Chapter 2, Weber himself held a much more subtle view of the ways Calvinism influenced the economic events in early modern Europe than most of hi s followers do now. Likewise, this study attempts to construct a nuanced model of the way religious worldview and locus of control interact for Christians in Latin America. The stated end was not to ascribe and describe a blindly causal connection between denomination and high internal locus of control (and, by extension, agency) among Christians in Latin America but rather to examine the connections between denomination, religiosity, and locus of control and to put forth an explanation for the data gathere d, from the data gathered. As such, this study reaffirms the connection between deeply held religious worldview and self efficacy. While it takes denomination and doctrine into account, it does not assign them primary explanatory importance. In this way, i t differs from much of the Weberian and neoWeberian literature on religion in Latin America, Sherman (1996) excluded. This study is significant to Weberian thought because of its inclusion of the religiosity variable. For the Literature on Latin American Religion This difference in focus is also one of the primary reasons this study is significant to the general literature on religion in Latin America. It opens up new territory by bringing a new variable, level of religious commitment, into consideration. It also helps fill the need described by Peterson and Vsquez (2008) for quantitative analyses which connect Protestantism and self efficacious behaviors. Finally, it adds to the debate in the literature as to whether Pentecostals have a higher thanaverag e sense of self efficacy or a higher than average sense of fatalism.
103 Throughout this study, comments, findings, and explanations have alluded to this debate. It is my conclusion that differing accounts of Pentecostalisms primary effect on locus of control are mainly due to scholars differing definitions of just who is Pentecostal. I explain these caveats in depth in Chapters 3 and 4, but, to summarize, some studies define Pentecostals as the majority of Evangelicals in Latin America, basing their defi nition on the particular behaviors and doctrines that characterize these Evangelicals.1 These studies tend to demonstrate that being Pentecostal increases agency. In contrast, other studies define Pentecostalism more narrowly and include mostly fundament alist Evangelicals and those whose religious beliefs and practices fall outside of orthodox Christianity. These studies tend to demonstrate that being Pentecostal increases fatalism and decreases perceived agency. My study paradoxically falls into both these categories. My quantitative analysis, due to coding issues beyond my control, defines Pentecostalism narrowly and thus indicates Pentecostals are more likely than Catholics and nonPentecostal Evangelicals to have a low internal locus of control. Meanwhile, my qualitative analysis indicates both Pentecostal and nonPentecostal Evangelicals display a high internal locus of control due to shared beliefs and the shared worldview saturation behavior. While these contradictory findings confuse my results, t hey clarify the debate and help explain the disconnect in the literature. 1 Most notably, behaviors such as glossolalia and Spirit baptis m and doctrines such as an emphasis on spiritual warfare. See Chapter 2 for a more indepth description of the differences between Pentecostal and nonPentecostal Evangelicals.
104 Suggestions for Further Research It is my hope that this thesis stimulates further discussion and scholarship on the sociology and anthropology of religion in Latin America. Based on the patterns and caveats presented in this study, I recommend several avenues for future research. First, this study should encourage further quantitative research on the ways religious worldview interacts with locus of control in Latin America. Quantitat ive studies on these issues are still relatively rare, but they would be invaluable to clarify the relationships between religious worldview and perceived self efficacy. The statistical interaction between religious affiliation and level of religious commi tment would be particularly advantageous to study. A better designed and better carried out categorization of religious affiliation would also be helpful. Second, a wider variety of religions could be examined using methods similar to those used in this st udy. A comparison of the ways Latin Americans adhering to indigenous, Eastern, and Africaninspired religions, as well as those Latin Americans adhering to no religion, view their locus of control would be most interesting. However, such a study would have to take into account the added complexity and difficulty of examining the wide variety of theologies, cosmologies, and worldviews this inclusion would bring. It might also be hard to find informants in the same socioeconomic bracket who belong to the dif ferent religions, because Latin Americans adhering to the Bahai faith, for example, tend to belong to a higher socioeconomic status, while members of quasi Christian Pentecostal churches (such as the Igreja Universal), tend to fall into much lower socioec onomic brackets. Third, just as it would be interesting to analyze the connection between religious worldview and locus of control for adherents of other religions, it would be useful to
105 carry out semi structured, indepth interviews with Christians living in Latin American nations other than Peru and in contexts other than the poor neighborhoods in the periphery of a megalopolitan area. For example, how does religious worldview influence locus of control among Christians living in Guatemala, where Evangeli calism has been practiced by close to 30 percent of the population since the 1980s? How does religious worldview influence locus of control among the Christians living in the wealthiest parts of Lima? How does religious worldview influence locus of control among Quechuaspeaking farmers in the Andean highlands of Peru? These are all potential research questions waiting to be addressed. Fourth, a different research methodology, that of the natural experiment, might be useful for analyzing these issues. An inherent difficulty in social scientific research is that of identifying causality. Informants might say their conversion to Evangelicalism affected their locus of control, and circumstantial evidence might indicate this. However, to be proven scientifically cause andeffect must be determined using an experiment that analyzes the subjects before and after conversion (or, in the case of level of religious commitment, before and after a deepening in the faith or distancing from the faith). Of the current lite rature, David Smildes ethnography (2007) of Venezuelan Pentecostal Evangelicals comes the closest to achieving this end. He includes preand post conversion interviews with a young man he calls Augusto in his final chapter. Augustos responses to the q uestions indicate he now possesses a higher internal locus of control than he did before he converted. Similarly, Ugeth, a highly committed informant during Smildes initial fieldwork, has since ceased involvement with his
106 Evangelical church, though he s till identifies as an Evangelical. In the follow up interviews, Ugeth also displays a much more external locus of control than he originally did. However, these interviews center around reasons for conversion, not conversions effect on locus of control. I t is not improbable that high levels of commitment to Evangelicalism or Catholicism heighten their adherents level of self efficacy. However, some scholars might contend that causality runs the opposite direction: Latin Americans who choose to convert to Evangelicalism (or who choose to be highly committed members of their churches) might already possess higher internal locus of control than their neighbors who choose not to do so. This might be true to some extent, as Brusco (1995) notes. However, several of my interviews with Pentecostal and nonPentecostal Evangelicals imply this is not true in all cases. Most salient is the case of Rosita, which I described in Chapter 4. A native Quechua speaker, she did not know how to read until she converted to Pentecostalism in her early 50s. Since that time, she has taught herself to read, leads a Bible study at her church, and actively engages in proselytizing activities throughout her neighborhood. Although a beforeconversionandafter conversion case study of her locus of control might be useful, I doubt its results would differ from her current account of how her shift in religious worldview facilitated the changes she has made in her life.
107 APPENDIX INTERVIEW GUIDE Interview Guide For Protocol Christianity and Internal Locus of Control in Lima, Per Stella R. Tippin, MALAS student I. Biographical Information 1. Age, sex, marital status, number of children (if applicable) 2. Current neighborhood, city/neighborhood of origin 3. Current job, date sta rted 4. Education 5. Number of siblings 6. Fathers job & education & city of origin 7. Mothers job & education & city of origin 8. Number of siblings II. Religious Background 1. Religious life in childhood home 2a. (For nonCatholics) Salvation story 2 b. (For nonCatholics) Denominational history 3. (For Catholics) Personal history in the faith 4. Self ascribed level of devotion 5. Current church involvement 6. Particular theologies/doctrines held III. General Locus of Control Questions 1. How do you define success? 2. What is the most important factor to gain success in worldly pursuits? Why? 3. Do you believe in luck or fate? Explain. 4. Do you believe people are the way they are because of heredity or their own personal choices? Explain. 5. Has your life turned out the way it has because of luck or because of your own choices, abilities, and effort? Explain. 6. What role does God play in determining the events of peoples lives in general? 7. Apart from what you know to be the truth, do you feel in control of your own life? Explain. IV. Scenarios 1. Getting a new acquaintance to like you 2. Succeeding in school 3. Job interview
108 4. Effectiveness of political campaign 5. Getting a promotion or career advancement 6. Medias effect on viewers/listener s V. Perceptions of Other Groups Informants perspective on how (Pentecostals, Protestants, Catholics, nonreligious people) view: 1. Political involvement 2. Education 3. The media 4. Hard work 5. Planning for the future
109 LIST OF REFERENCES American He ritage Dictionary of the English Language. 2006. 4th ed. Boston, MA: Houghton Mifflin. Arellano, Rolando and David Burgos Abugattas. 2004. Ciudad de los Reyes, de los Chvez, los Quispe. Miraflores, Lima, Peru: EPENSA, Arellano Investigacin de Marketing. Arnett, William M. 1983. Predestination. Pp. 411 412 in Beacon Dictionary of Theology edited by Richard S. Taylor. Kansas City, MO: Beacon Hill Press. Barker, Isabelle V. 2007. Charismatic Economies: Pentecostalism, Economic Restructuring, and Social R eproduction. New Political Science 29(4):407 427. Berg, Mike and Paul Pretiz. 1992a. Five waves of Protestant evangelization. Pp. 56 67 in New Face of the Church in Latin America: Between Tradition and Change, edited by Guillermo Cook. Maryknoll, NY: O rbis Books. 1992b. The Gospel People Monrovia, CA: MARC. Berryman, Phillip. 1998. Religion in the Megacity: Catholic and Protestant Portraits from Latin America. Maryknoll, NY: Orbis Books. Bomann, Rebecca Pierce. 1999. Faith in the Barrios: The Pent ecostal Poor in Bogot. Boulder, CO: Lynne Rienner. Brusco, Elizabeth E. 1995. The Reformation of Machismo: Evangelical Conversion and Gender in Colombia. Austin, TX: University of Texas Press. Crdenas Martn, Mercedes. 1999. Tablada de Lurn: Excavaciones 1958 1989: Patrones Funerarios Lima, Peru : Pontificia Universidad Cat Instituto Riva Agero, Direcci Chesnut, R. Andrew. 1997. Born Again in Brazil: The Pentecostal Boom and the Pathogens of Poverty. New Brunswick, NJ: Rutgers University Press. Chiquet e, Daniel. 2003. Latin American Pentecostalisms and Western Postmodernism. International Review of Mission 92(364):29 39. Christian Missionary Alliance. N.d. Peru. Retrieved January 20, 2010 (http://www.cmalliance.org/field/peru). Central Intelligence Agency. N.d. Peru. CIA World Factbook (Revised January 15, 2010.) Retrieved January 20, 2010 (https://www.cia.gov/library/publications/theworld factbook/geos/pe.html)
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115 BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH Stella R. Tippin was born in 1986 in B enton Harbor, Michigan. She grew up in the small town of Marshall, Michigan with her parents and twin brother, graduating summa cum laude from Marshall High School in 2004. She earned a Bachelor of Arts in Spanish and c ommunication, with concentrations i n crosscultural communication and professional writing, from Spring Arbor University (SAU) in 2008. During her undergraduate career, she spent a semester studying at the Universidad Ricardo Palma in Lima, Peru. She al so co taught a threeweek long cross cultural s tudies c ourse in Peru for SAU in January 2009. Upon graduating from SAU with highest honor s, Stella was accepted to the Master of Arts in Latin American Studies program at University of Florida, w here she specialized in Andean s tudies. During her time at University of Florida, she served as a graduate assistant for Dr. Richmond Brown, Associate Director of Academic Programs and Student Affairs for the Center for Latin American Studies and as a research assistant for Dr. Joseli Macedo, Assistant Professor of Urban and Regional Pla nning.