Wayana Socio-Political Landscapes

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Wayana Socio-Political Landscapes Multi-Scalar Regionality and Temporality in Guiana
Duin, Renzo
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[Gainesville, Fla.]
University of Florida
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1 online resource (579 p.)

Thesis/Dissertation Information

Doctorate ( Ph.D.)
Degree Grantor:
University of Florida
Degree Disciplines:
Committee Chair:
Heckenberger, Michael J.
Committee Co-Chair:
Wright, Robin Michel
Committee Members:
Oyuela-Caycedo, Augusto
Steadman, David W.
Graduation Date:


Subjects / Keywords:
Cassava ( jstor )
Featherwork ( jstor )
Houses ( jstor )
Jaguars ( jstor )
Narratives ( jstor )
Rituals ( jstor )
Roundhouses ( jstor )
Shamans ( jstor )
Trucks ( jstor )
Villages ( jstor )
Anthropology -- Dissertations, Academic -- UF
complexity, cosmology, ethnoarchaeology, ethnography, guiana, materiality, ritualization, sociality, wayana
Florida Museum of Natural History ( local )
Electronic Thesis or Dissertation
born-digital ( sobekcm )
Anthropology thesis, Ph.D.


Abstract of Dissertation Presented to the Graduate School of the University of Florida in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy WAYANA SOCIO-POLITICAL LANDSCAPES: MULTI-SCALAR REGIONALITY AND TEMPORALITY IN GUIANA By Renzo S. Duin December 2009 Chair: Michael J. Heckenberger Cochair: Robin M. Wright Major: Anthropology This study is an innovative contribution to an ongoing debate on socio-political complexity of indigenous people in Amazonia, and Guiana in particular, hitherto described, by default, as tropical forest cultures. An in-depth ethnographical, deep-historical, and multi-disciplinary approach offers data in support of the hypothesis of socio-politically more complex societies in Amazonia that previously went unrecognized. Arguing that ritual gatherings drive a regionally increased production and consumption, rather than assuming that such ceremonies are a result of amassed surplus, this study has opened a new venue to critically evaluate published data as well as it guides further research to gain a better understanding of ranked regional sociality and a ritual economy of political power managed by an unequal distribution of roundhouses. This study is based on in-depth ethnographic fieldwork, conducted from 1996 to 2004, in over twenty Wayana villages and abandoned places of the upper Maroni Basin. Drawing on a wide array of data?from intra-settlement structures and local patterns of kinship, to regional organization emerging from ritual gatherings, along with mythical narratives on cosmology?the organization of chapters in this study is designed to reflect upon various aspects of a multi-scalar approach gearing up to an understanding of socio-politically more complex and ranked regional organization of Carib-speaking peoples in Guiana. Throughout this study, ethnographic detail and thick descriptions are brought to the foreground to demonstrate a regionally integrated hierarchical organization and socio-political complexity in Guiana as previously went unrecognized. In due process a new perspective on the Wayana and their ethnogenesis emerges. To gain understanding of the (re)production of the social body in Guiana, we have to explore sociality or the ways in which social interactivities among individual persons are situated in a sense of belonging to a larger social body, while facing other social bodies. In due process potential for a dynamic approach to the socio-political organization of Carib-speaking peoples in (Eastern) Guiana emerges. This study attains to on a sense of belonging to Wayana society, through time and space, while facing other social bodies (Trio-subgroups above all), and therein the managing role of unequally distributed community roundhouses. ( en )
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In the series University of Florida Digital Collections.
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Includes vita.
Includes bibliographical references.
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Description based on online resource; title from PDF title page.
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This bibliographic record is available under the Creative Commons CC0 public domain dedication. The University of Florida Libraries, as creator of this bibliographic record, has waived all rights to it worldwide under copyright law, including all related and neighboring rights, to the extent allowed by law.
Thesis (Ph.D.)--University of Florida, 2009.
Adviser: Heckenberger, Michael J.
Co-adviser: Wright, Robin Michel.
Statement of Responsibility:
by Renzo Duin.

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University of Florida
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University of Florida
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Copyright Duin, Renzo. Permission granted to the University of Florida to digitize, archive and distribute this item for non-profit research and educational purposes. Any reuse of this item in excess of fair use or other copyright exemptions requires permission of the copyright holder.
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664731782 ( OCLC )
LD1780 2009 ( lcc )


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2 2009 Renzo S. Duin


3 To my father who shared his love for nature and history To my mother who shared he r love for culture and dance Understanding ritual practice is no t a question of decoding the intern al logic of a symbolism, but of restoring its practical necessity by relating it to the real conditions of its gene sis, that is, to the conditions in which its functions, and the m eans it uses to attain them, are defined. Pierre Bourdieu, Outline of a Theory of Practice (1977:114). The significant and enigmatic is indeed, how a w hole is constructed from parts, like a melody is composed from notes. This creating of real uni ts, wherein the parts are organically interrelated and focused for one specific purpose, harmonic through time, varying in certain circumstances withholding the type, like a melody that in different keys remains recognizable. Frederik J. J. Buytendijk, De Wijsheid der Mieren (1922:87; my translation).


4 ACKNOWLEDGMENTS This study would not have s een the light without the ma ny people whose direct and indirect help have contributed to this work and the research behi nd it. During due course, I have been fortunate to count with the support and encouragement of a vast number of friends, colleagues, and family. First and foremost, I want to thank all Wayana who were so generous in their concern for me, and who assisted me in gathering and sharing knowledge. Above all, I would like to thank Ronnie Tkaime and his wife Pleka Moukoa who offered me a place in their house. Ronnie transcribed several Wayana storie s and illustrated these st ories with beautiful paintings from his hand. Tasikale Aloupki for hi s interest in Wayana tradition and shamanism; Aimawale Opoya for his interest in Wayana history; Kilian Towanaike and his wife Elina for providing me insight in Wayana daily-life activities and narratives; Takwali Kulisa for his translations of Wayana transcriptions and di scussions on Wayana language. Our quest into Wayana historical traditions would not have been possible w ithout the knowledge of Wayana elders ( tamusitom), among whom I would like to menti on Talhuwen, Aputu and Kali, Makilu, Kulienp, Anamaila, Tnepo, Aloupki, Tukano, Siksil i, Pilima, Paranam, and so many other Wayana not named here, provided me insigh t into their society and Wayana being. Ipok manai Monsieur Le Prfet de la Guyane, archaeologists Guy and Marlne Mazire, Jos Thomas, Grald Migeon, Stphen Rostain, and Eric Pellisier, botanist Frano ise Grozier, adventurer Eric Pellet, and last but not least Fa brice Lavalette, were so gracious in enabling my research in French Guiana ( Guyane ), being excellent discussion partners, and providing me a pied--terre in Cayenne. I warmly thank them for that. Jean-Philippe Isel, who filmed the 2004 marak was so cordial to converse via email in the summer of 2008 on the questions I had with regard to the event he had filmed. Avec mes sentiments trs respectueux, merci beaucoup pour tout


5 Fruitful discussions with Karin Boven on our respective fieldwork among the Wayana gave support to both her and my dissertation. In the field, I had brief conversations with Jean Chapuis and Paula Morgado. Out of the field, I would like to thank Audrey Butt Colson for her additional insight on the Wayana prophet Pilima (whom I met some forty years later), Laura van Broekhoven of the Museum for Ethnology in Leid en, Manuela Fischer of the Ethnologisches Museum Berlin, Rene Dehnhardt of the Bonner Altamerika-Sammlung Universitt Bonn, and Simone Monique Barnes for guiding me th rough the ethnographic coll ection at the Peabody Museum of archaeology and ethnogr aphy at Harvard. Dorthea Sartain for providing me with the original application of Hassoldt Davis to the Explorers Club. Pricele ss are the photos by Daryl Miller of the 1973 marak at Antecume pata, along with his conversations. Many professors and colleagues influenced my thoughts during my doctoral training at the University of Florida (UF: Fall 2004-Spring 200 9), one of the few remaining programs with a four-field anthropological a pproach (including socio-cultu ral anthropology, archaeology, biological or physical anthropol ogy, and linguistic anthropology). I would like to thank Jim Petersen, posthumously, for bringing me in cont act with Michael Heckenberger and making it possible for me to begin my doctora l career at the University of Fl orida. I would like to express my gratitude for their patience, especially when I overloaded them, once more, with too much ethnographic detail. Michael Heck enberger for his insight in deep-time Amazonian archaeology and anthropology, archaeology of the neotropics, indigenous histories in Amazonia, politics of nature, and the archaeology of the body. Robin Wr ight for his insight in indigenous religions, indigenous myth and history; A ugusto Oyuela-Caycedo on the ecol ogy of religion: shamanism. Furthermore, I had fruitful discussions with Peter Schmidt on ethno-archaeology, ideology and


6 symbolism, history and social memory. Grat itude for Susan Gillespie for her insights on archaeological theory, landscap e, place and dwelling, and so cieties of social houses. As a masters student, I was trained at the University of Leiden (UL: Fall 1992-Spring 1998) in archaeological methods a nd techniques. I express my gratitude to Corinne Hofman for her insights of how my research could aid Cari bbean archaeology; UL Field Schools allowed me over 16 months of archaeologica l dwelling at Anse la Gourde, Guadeloupe (1995-2000). Last but not least, my family. My father a nd mother always supported me in the choice of becoming an archaeologist. My father guided me outdoors and told me the vernacular and Latin names of all plant and animal species. Not simply a naturalist, he would love to go back in time and peek from behind a corner on how people were living in the past. Se nsation of a tropical rainforest was first felt when I as a child join ed my father at work; roaming through green seas of tropical plants. Not in the tropics, but in the Netherlands where my father supervised greenhouses filled with tropical plants. For op timal growth of the plants, temperature and humidity in the greenhouse nursery was high. My mother provided me her love on classical music and ballet. I could not have wished for a better natural/cultural environment to prepare me for the present study. Yet it was my Wayana fa mily, by adoption, who provided me insight in a different perspective on nature and culture, namely that animals do have culture too: people wear cotton shirts, howler monkeys have fur coats, and king vultures w ear feather cloaks, yet we all sing and dance in the center of our village. Differentiation becomes painstakingly real when one begins to eerily mock the social other. My grateful appreciation goes to Sonia Pessoa who had to endure me during the process of becoming, and being, a Doctoral Candidate. She always has very valuable comments, even though I overloaded her with my winding thoughts on maluwana, Tamok and Kailawa


7 TABLE OF CONTENTS page ACKNOWLEDGMENTS...............................................................................................................4LIST OF TABLES................................................................................................................. ........11LIST OF FIGURES.......................................................................................................................13 CHAPTER 1 INTRODUCTION ..................................................................................................................241.1 Conventional Model of Tropical Forest Cultures......................................................... 281.2 Socio-Political Complexity and Regional Organization............................................... 361.3 Ritual Economy of Political Power............................................................................... 411.4 Relational Approach to Socio-Political Organization................................................... 451.5 Organization of Chapters..............................................................................................522 HISTORICAL BACKGROUND OF THE RESEARCH AREA........................................... 592.1 Exploring Guiana: Search for Gold............................................................................... 622.2 First Written Account on the Roucouyennes [= Wayana]............................................ 722.3 Shift from Tour to Map................................................................................................. 782.3.1 French-Dutch Boundary Expedition (1861)..................................................... 802.3.2 Jules Crevaux and Henri Coudreau (Exploring Guiana 1877)............... 812.3.3 Expeditions by the Royal Dutch Geographic Society (Early 20th Century).....862.3.4 Claudius Henricus de Goeje..............................................................................902.3.5 Boundary Expeditions: 1935................................................................... 932.3.6 Jean Hurault...................................................................................................... 962.4 A Forest of Parks Tumucumaque..................................................................................993 WAYANA SETTLEMENT HISTORY............................................................................... 1093.1 From Tour to Map, and Back Again........................................................................... 1113.2 Wayana Settlement Pattern ing through Time and Space............................................ 1133.2.1 Late 18th Century Settlement Patterning.........................................................1153.2.2 Late 19th Century Settlement Patterning.........................................................1193.3 Late Twentieth Century Waya na Settlement Organization........................................ 1233.3.1 Talhuwen as Agglomeration........................................................................... 1323.3.2 Twenke Talhuwen, and Beyond...................................................................1363.4 Historically situated Moveme nts of Wayana Settlements.......................................... 1413.4.1 After World War II.......................................................................................... 1483.4.2 After the War...................................................................................................152


8 4 ROUNDHOUSES ON EART H AS IN THE SKY .............................................................. 1634.1 Carbet as Dwelling: Noun or Verb?........................................................................... 1644.2 Intra-Settlement Structure and Construction Elements...............................................1664.3 Mirroring the Wayana (Guiana) Landscape................................................................ 1794.3.1 Lay-Out of a Maluwana ..................................................................................1814.3.1.1 Southern water monster: Kawahena.................................................1834.3.1.2 Northern water monster: Mulokot.................................................... 1844.3.2 Wayana Map of Guiana..................................................................................1864.3.3 Gazing at Maluwana .......................................................................................1874.4 Crossroads of the Earth and the Sky........................................................................... 1904.4.1 Star Gazing at Dusk........................................................................................ 1924.4.2 Day, Month, Year............................................................................................1954.4.3 Locating the House in the Sky........................................................................ 2005 LOCAL PATTERNS OF KINSHIP AND AFFINITY........................................................ 2095.1 Mothers and Social Others.......................................................................................... 2115.1.1 Mopo and Kujuli: the Creator Twins.............................................................. 2165.1.2 Kulum: King Vulture and the Man Without a Wife....................................... 2195.1.3 Visible During a Starry Night......................................................................... 2225.2 Between Grand-Parents and Grand-Children.............................................................. 2255.2.1 Kinship Terminology...................................................................................... 2255.2.2 Birth and Marriage..........................................................................................2315.3 Ancestors and Eschatology.........................................................................................2355.3.1 Mortuary Practices in Discourse..................................................................... 2375.3.1.1 Akuwali(np) and omole ...................................................................2405.3.1.2 Upului returning from the dead........................................................2455.3.1.3 Alili requests to be buried in the plaza............................................. 2465.3.2 Cremated, Buried, or Abandoned................................................................... 2475.3.2.1 Buried within the house....................................................................2525.3.2.2 Cremation on the plaza..................................................................... 2555.3.2.3 Outsiders........................................................................................... 2565.3.3 Toimai : Death-Swap.......................................................................................2575.4 Managing Transformation and Continuity.................................................................. 2626 INITIATION RITES AND SUPRALOCAL SOCIALITY................................................. 2706.1 Initiation Rites and Beyond.........................................................................................2726.2 Standard Model of the Wayana Initiation Ritual........................................................ 2746.2.1 Cultural Transmission Through Alterity......................................................... 2756.2.2 Bones of the Ancestors................................................................................... 2826.2.3 Return of the Momai .......................................................................................2926.2.4 Tpijem presenting their Kunana ....................................................................2966.3 Closing Dance and Stinging Ritual.............................................................................3006.3.1 From Dusk till Dawn....................................................................................... 3016.3.2 Stinging Ritual (putop ).................................................................................307


9 6.3.3 Games of Temptation and Return to Society.................................................. 3096.4 Regionality and Temporal ity of a Ritual Economy....................................................3167 MATERIALIZING SOCIAL MEMORY............................................................................ 3267.1 Dwelling in a Landscape Saturated with Social Memory........................................... 3287.1.1 Hot and Cold Societies.................................................................................... 3317.1.2 Social Memory in Time and Place.................................................................. 3357.2 Wayana Imitating Tamok............................................................................................3377.2.1 Voice of Tamok in the 19th Century................................................................3417.2.2 Head of Tamok and Tamok Facial Painting................................................... 3477.3 Evil Spirit of the Forest............................................................................................... 3577.3.1 First Encounter of the Lower Amazon............................................................ 3597.3.2 Wayana Tradition Related to Spanish Sources............................................... 3627.4 Pool of Forgotten Myths.............................................................................................3647.4.1 Invoking the Rains..........................................................................................3647.4.2 Materializing Zemi in the Tumuc-Humac....................................................... 3687.4.3 Impossible Imitation: Tamok, Bri nger of Sickness and Death....................... 3718 RITUAL ECONOMY OF POLITICAL POWER................................................................ 3788.1 Kailawa: His Story as History..................................................................................... 3808.2 Political Tactics During Communal Rituals............................................................... 3898.2.1 Historical Demographics.................................................................................3908.2.2 On Wayana (Guiana) Chiefs and their Supporters.......................................... 3978.2.3 Tale of Two Chiefs: Janamale and Twanke....................................................4028.3 Tribes, Totemic Ancestor Clans, and a Society of Social Houses.............................. 4098.3.1 Social Units Nested in Larger Political Units................................................. 4118.3.2 It Happened at Mount Tukusipan, Named Tmotakem, and Labeled T1........4168.4 Becoming Wayana at Tukusipan .................................................................................4238.4.1 Revisiting the Friendly versus Wild Trio Dichotomy.............................. 4278.4.2 Individual and Society in Guiana Revisited....................................................4359 CONCLUSION: TEMPORALITY OF TH E WAYANA (GUIANA) LANDSCAPE........ 4409.1 Complexity in South America..................................................................................... 4419.2 Dwelling in a Social Field........................................................................................... 4449.3 Revisiting the Tropical Fore st Cultures of Guiana.....................................................449 APPENDIX A MAPS...................................................................................................................................453B WAYANA LANGUAGE AND VOCABULARY USED IN RUNNING TEXT ............... 458C WAYANA ORAL TRADITION.........................................................................................470D DEMOGRAPHIC DATA BY LODEWIJK SCHMIDT......................................................528


10 LIST OF REFERENCES.............................................................................................................531BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH...................................................................................................57978


11 LIST OF TABLES Table page 3-1 Bearing of roads from the 1769 set tlement and potential directions. .............................. 1173-2 Inhabitants of Pililipou per hous e (source: Coudreau 1893:103-112).............................1213-3 Settlements in the upper Maroni basi n, 1962 (source: Hurault 1965: planche VIII)....... 1483-4 Narrative of Tapanawale, or the last stand of the Ta ira at Jakutouku.............................. 1534-1 Typology of Wayana house structures............................................................................. 1704-2 Wood used in Wayana house construction...................................................................... 1764-3 Leaves and palm fronds used in Wayana house construction.......................................... 1764-4 Calculations for the necessary quantity of Geonoma baculifera leaves for roofing........ 1764-5 Wayana calendars........................................................................................................... .1935-1 Wayana age scale........................................................................................................... ..2275-2 Pakolo etatp jaklken tonamhe (They buried him where used to be a posthole)........... 2405-3 Causes of death among Wayana betw een 1952 1964 (source: Hurault 1968:62)......... 2585-4 Resources used, placement, and resu lts to locate the potential killer..............................2606-1 Themes of several kalau songs (first, second, seve nth, eight, and ninth)........................ 2766-2 Layering of feathers on olok headdress...........................................................................2886-3 Time and place of recorded marak rituals in the upper Maroni basin........................... 3187-1 Variety of Tamok masks in the Amazonian....................................................................3517-2 Comparing Wayana narrative on Tamok Jolok with a Spanish patrol in 1542................ 3637-3 Difference between direct and indirect rain makers........................................................ 3667-4 Amazonian and Caribbean synonyms of emi or zemi.................................................... 3688-1 Demographic numbers of four Wayana villages............................................................. 3958-2 Initial analysis of pottery colle cted at Toukouchipann and T1 in 2004........................... 4238-3 Trio/Tlyo subgroups (s ource: after Frikel 1957:541562; Rivire 1969:18-17)...........428


12 8-4 Comparative list of East Guiana People / tribes / subgroups / clans / nations................. 429B-1 Minimal set of consonant phoneme s and phonetic symbols for Wayana........................ 460B-2 Classification of vowels [and Phonetic symbols for Wayana]........................................460C-1 Mopo Kujuli .....................................................................................................................471C-2 Story of King vulture and a man named Without-a-wife............................................. 477C-3 Tulupere ...........................................................................................................................483C-4 On house building and mortuary practices...................................................................... 485C-5 Maluwana: story of the painted disk (rewriting of maluwana eitoponp ).......................487C-6 Upului eitoponp (story of an Upului)............................................................................. 488C-7 Alili eitoponp (story of Alili).......................................................................................... 491C-8 Toimai ..............................................................................................................................494C-9 Tamojetp .........................................................................................................................496C-10 1st kalau chant Tricksters (1965)...................................................................................497C-11 2nd kalau chant raising the ki ng vulture wife (1965)....................................................498C-12 8th kalau chant climbing the inselberg Tukusipan (1965)............................................. 498C-13 8th kalau chant climbing the inselberg Tukusipan (1996)............................................. 499C-14 Kailawa eitoponp (Story of Kailawa)............................................................................501C-15 Jolok Tamok eitoponp (Story of the evil spirit Tamok)................................................. 519C-16 Waijana Tamok ukukmnanom (Wayana, imitators of Tamok)..................................... 522D-1 Wayana villages in 1940 (data: Schmidt 1942:50-55 [Stahe ls compilation])................ 528D-2 Inhabitants of the Aletani and Ma pahoni 1940 (source: Schmidt 1942:50-55)............... 528


13 LIST OF FIGURES Figure page 1-1 Julian Stewards culture types of nati ve South America (1959:13), and the location of the research area in the zone of tropical forest village farmers..................................... 242-1 Horizontal scales.......................................................................................................... ......592-2 New map of amazing land and rich in gold of Guiana, Jodocus Hondius, 1599...............662-3 Map of Guiana by William Delisle, 1703..........................................................................712-4 Reference map for spatial stor ies in the Tumuc-Humac region........................................ 792-5 A forest of parks Tumucumaque...................................................................................... 1003-1 Wayana settlement of Talhuwen as seen from a hill across the Lawa River (1997)....... 1093-2 Reconstruction of planview of Janamale Kawemhakan (1949-1953)............................. 1143-3 Planview of the village of Tpiti in 1962......................................................................... 1153-4 Reconstruction of a Wayana settlement in 1769.............................................................. 1163-5 Wayana settlements 1878-1892....................................................................................... 1203-6 Esprance, ward of Talhuwen (2002).............................................................................. 1243-7 Change through time at Espran ce (1997); planviews and genealogy........ 1283-8 Structures at Esprance (2002)........................................................................................ 1293-9 Example of mobility in stru ctures and related features................................................... 1303-10 Talhuwen: maze of roads and wards centered upon the community roundhouse........... 1323-11 Genealogical tree to demonstrate kins hip and affine relations among Wayana.............. 1333-12 Planview of Twenke, Talhuwen, and beyond (2003)......................................................1373-13 Wayana settlements along the Lawa and Aletani (2000).................................................1393-14 Planviews of two Wayana settleme nts without community roundhouse (2000)............. 1403-15 Wayana settlements of the Aletani in 1903 and around 1938......................................... 1423-16 Wayana settlements 1948-1968....................................................................................... 147


14 3-17 View of Jakutouku...........................................................................................................1523-18 Location of Taira sites a nd sightings of Tulupere........................................................... 1594-1 Community roundhouse of Pilima. Inset is the maluwana of Pilima............................. 1634-2 Taboi or grand karbet and Sura or high house (Barrre 1743:141)............................... 1654-3 Variety of Wayana intra-sett lement structures (Coudreau 1893).................................... 1674-4 Tukusipan: community roundhouse in the village of Pilima (1998)................................ 1694-5 Otoman: traditional Wayana dwelling at Ka wemhakan / Lawa Station (1997).............. 1694-6 Pakolo (architectural drawing of the hous e of Makilu at Esperance 1998)..................... 1734-7 Architectural drawing of house with fl oor of Kulienp at Alawateime en, 2000...........1734-8 Construction elements in the transition from post to roof............................................... 1754-9 Example of a former dwelling from which two posts have been removed..................... 1774-10 Maluwana installed in the tukusipan of Twenke (courtesy: Fabrice Lavalette, 2003).... 1804-11 Water monsters Mulokot and Kawahena.........................................................................1844-12 Maluwana-scape of Guiana.............................................................................................. 1864-13 Nested ceramic vessels on top of community roundhouse.............................................. 1894-14 Granman Amaipot delivers the three speci ally manufactured ceramic vessels to the community roundhouse of Twenke (courtesy: Fabrice Lavalette, 2003)........................ 1894-15 Vertical scales, a simplified model.................................................................................. 1904-16 Relation between the big rainy season and the Pleiades, and Scorpius and the burning of the gardens...................................................................................................................1934-17 Wayana descriptions of time during a 24-hour period.....................................................1964-18 Jenunu (the man in the moon) as visible in the Moon disk............................................. 1964-19 House in the sky with Orion in its center.........................................................................2035-1 Mothers and social Others; auth or among Wayana (September 16, 1998)..................... 2095-2 Mopo Kujuli (courtesy: Ronnie Tkaime, 2000).............................................................. 2115-3 Basketry motif named: jaguar is eating the tortoise (kaikui ene kuliputp )................. 213


15 5-4 Mopo and Kulum with their fam ily (courtesy: Ronnie Tkaime 2000)........................... 2195-5 Orion as Kujuli............................................................................................................ .....2245-6 Orion as the constellation of Kulum (double headed King vulture)................................ 2245-7 Wayana kinship terminology from a male and female perspective................................. 2285-8 Cross-cousins and extended cross-cousins...................................................................... 2305-9 Mortuary practices among the Wayana........................................................................... 2485-10 Burial of pjiai Macuipi among the Wayana in 1878 (Crevaux 1987:270)..................... 2525-11 Cremation among the Wayana. Oc tober 23, 1876 (Cre vaux 1987:153-155)..................2555-12 Elements of conduct of a toimai (death-swap)................................................................2606-1 Bones of the ancestors ( tamojetp, or taphem )................................................................ 2706-2 Various material aspects of the life-cris is ritual (courtesy: Ronnie Tkaime, 2000)....... 2886-3 Black-and-white mosaic at the base of the headdress signifying tpijem Drawn after the olok curated in Leiden (inve ntory number: RMV 2352-1)........................................2906-4 Aimawales anthropomorphic kunana (Kailawa), and a more traditional kunana..........3006-5 Marak: dance of the tpijem at Antecume pata (courtesy: Daryl P. Miller, 1973)........ 3026-6 Plan view of the 2004 closing dance and stinging ritual at Talhuwen............................. 3036-7 Stinging ritual putop ; kunana: mulokot (courtesy: Daryl Miller, 1973)........................ 3087-1 Whip-dance among the Wayana performed in 1877 (Crevaux 1881:105)...................... 3267-2 Tamok masks and whip made by Tukano in the hands of Ronnie Tkaime (2000)........3377-3 Tamok whip-dancers (Rau schert 1982; cover photo)...................................................... 3397-4 Basketry motif named Tamok facial painting ( Tamok pata melikut )......................... 3487-5 Frame for Tamok mask ( Tamok uputp; head of Tamok)............................................... 3487-6 Tamok masks................................................................................................................ ...3507-7 Variety of Tamok mask s and facial paintings..................................................................3507-8 Typology of Tamok masks..............................................................................................3517-9 Tamok head and facial painting....................................................................................... 352


16 7-10 Yekuana basketry motifs (source: after: Guss 1989)....................................................... 3547-11 Variations of Tam ok facial paintings............................................................................... 3547-12 Wayana facial painting.................................................................................................... 3557-13 Evil Spirit Tamok ( Tamok Jolok ) (courtesy: Ronnie Tkaime, 2000)............................. 3597-14 Evil spirits of the forest; a Spanish patrol in July 1542................................................... 3627-15 Outline drawing of a three-pointe r stone from the Greater Antilles................................ 3697-16 Tamok Jolok encountered in the forest at the foot of Taluwakem, 2000.........................3707-17 Apalai war chiefs ceremonial dress (source: Farabee 1924: plates XIX and XXII)...... 3738-1 Kailawa spatial narratives (courtesy: Aimawale Opoya and Ronnie Tkaime, 2000).....3788-2 Kailawas trail bridging the Tumuc-Humac watershed................................................... 3868-3 Reference map of the mythical landscape of Tumuc-Humac.......................................... 3878-4 Historical demographic data on Wayana.........................................................................3918-5 Planview of Antecume pata, th e village of Andr Antk Cognat.............................. 3968-6 Breakfast at Wapahpan (Sept. 17, 2000)......................................................................... 4078-7 Plural Personhood: the ca se of Trio and Wayana............................................................4148-8 Plural Personhood: the Waya na case and managing role of tukusipan...........................4158-9 Tukusipan mediating the gathering the fourfold in one space-time................................. 4168-10 Mount Tukusipan: foregrounding the background.......................................................... 4188-11 Mount Tmotakem (T1) seen from the east (from Borne 1)............................................ 4188-12 Mount Tmotakem (T1) seen from the south (inset: tukusipan of Talhuwen)................. 4198-13 Pottery collected during the 2004 pedestrian survey (summit T1).................................. 4228-14 Miep Ipomali facing Surinamese Trio and Wayana village leaders and granman at Anapake Kawemhakan in the process of becoming a granman (January 2, 2003)........4279-1 Central place of Twenke where tradit ion and globalization come together.................... 440A-1 General overview of the Wayana in Guiana.................................................................... 453A-2 French Guiana explored...................................................................................................454


17 A-3 Subgroups in the interior of Guia na (after Rivire 1969:17-26; Bos 1998).................... 455A-4 Wayana region and the location of important (former) settlements................................ 456A-5 Wayana star map..............................................................................................................457


18 LIST OF ABREVIATIONS AAA: American Association for Anthropology ACT: Amazon Conservation Team AMNH American Museum of Natural History APFT: Avenir des Peuples du Fort Trop icale (Future of the People of the Tropical Forests) ARPA: Amazon Region Protected Areas BASA: Bonner Altamerika-Sammlung CAWAY: Culture et Artisanat Wayana (Culture and Wayana Handicraft) CBL: Centraal Bureau Luchtkartering CI: Conservation International CI-S: Conservation International Suriname CITES: Convention on Internationa l Trade in Endangered Species CSNR: Central Suriname Nature Reserve FLMNH: Florida Museum of Natural History GIS: Geographic Information Systems GPS: Global Positioning System HSAI: Handbook of South American Indians IGN: Institut Gographique Nationa l (National Geographic Institute) IRD: Institut de Recherche pour le Dveloppement (former ORSTOM) KIT: Koninklijk Instituut voor de Tropen (Royal Institute for the Tropics) KNAG: Koninklijk Nederlands Aardr ijkskundig Genootschap (Royal Dutch Geographical Society) L.E.S. Logement volutif Soci al (Social Housing Project) MPEG: Museu Paraense Emilio Goeldi MQB: Muse du Quai Branly (former Muse de lHomme)


19 ORSTOM: Office de la Recherche Scientif ique et Technique Outre-Mer (see IRD) PAG: Parc Amazonien de Guyane (formerly known as Parc du Sud) PARC: Program for the Acceleration and Reinforcement of Colonization PMAE: Peabody Museum for Archaeology and Ethnography RMV: Rijksmuseum voor Volkenkunde (Museum for Ethnography) RS: Remote Sensing SIL: Summer Institute of Linguistics TFC: Tropical Forest Cultures UF: University of Florida UL: Leiden University (former RijksUniversiteit Leiden; RUL) WIC: West Indian Company WWF: World Wildlife Foundation


20 Abstract of Dissertation Pres ented to the Graduate School of the University of Florida in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy WAYANA SOCIO-POLITI CAL LANDSCAPES: MULTI-SCALAR REGIONALITY AND TEMPORALITY IN GUIANA By Renzo S. Duin December 2009 Chair: Michael J. Heckenberger Co-Chair: Robin M. Wright Major: Anthropology This study is an innovative contribution to an ongoing debate on sociopolitical complexity of indigenous people in Amazonia, and Guiana in particular, demonstrating an integrated regionality in Wayana socio-political organization, based on in-depth ethnographic fieldwork conducted from 1996 to 2004 in over twenty Wayana villages and abandoned places of the upper Maroni basin. This case study draws on a wide a rray of datafrom intra-settlement patterns and local structures of kinship, to regional organization associated with ritual gatherings, along with personal histories, legends and mythical narrat ives on cosmologythe organization of chapters in this study is designed to reflect upon various aspects of a multi-scalar approach gearing up to an understanding of socio-politic ally more complex and integrat ed regional organization of Carib-speaking peoples in Guiana, while acknow ledging an unequal distribution of roundhouses. Although historical sources sugge st the past existence of denser and more regionally integrated populations in the region, it is a ssumed that such a hierarchical supravillage organizationas recorded in 1769 among the R oucouyennes [= Wayana] of French Guiana had disintegrated by about 1800. Beginning with a historical and ge ographic overview of Guiana, this study zooms-in on the Wayana region : inter-settlement patterning, intra-settlement


21 organization, and house structures. Once arrived at the s cale of the roundhousecommonly interpreted as microcosmthe inside becomes outside, and alterity is incorporated. Next, local patterns of kinship and affinity are discussed in the context of transformation and continuity, managed by rites of passage and the role therein of the Wayana shaman ( pjai ). Utmost rite of passage where Wayana become Wayana, in a sense that they become of tukusipan, is the ritual commonly referred to as marak or ant/wasp stinging ritual. I posit that this characteristic Wayana ritual goes beyond a mere initiation ritual. Another ritu al situated in alterity and performed on the village plaza is discussed next, namely the Tamok whip-dance. These rituals are subsequently situated in the ritual economy along with the dynamic proc ess of socio-political organization in Guiana, from which is derived a hypothesis of the birth of the Wayana nation and why this socio-politically more complex orga nization has hitherto not been recognized. Diachronic and synchronic patterned relationshi ps that emerged from settlement features, built environment, demographic census, and soci al memory allowed for the interpretation of politico-ritual dynamics and the flow of power in chieftaincy, as it moves through historically charged valuables (e.g., prestige goods and heirloom s) in a politico-ritual landscape in Guiana. Therefore, understanding inte rrelationships between villages (contemporary and abandoned), people (Wayana and non-Wayana), artifacts (partic ularly sacred and historically charged goods), is essential to the understanding of how Wayana (Guiana) socio-political organization operate regionally in the realm of a ritual economy, whereby the immi nent ritual gathering engenders a surplus production (including but not restricted to, large quanti ties of cassava beer) to be consumed (and regurgitated) by the people from th e village as well as the invited guests from other settlements. Notably, par ticipating guests originate mostly from smaller settlements that do not have the means to built a community roundhouse ( tukusipan) and in due process demonstrate


22 loyalty to the host village. Ethno-historical and ethnographic accounts demonstrate a pattern whereby some families appear to lead in the organization such lavish ritual gatherings. Results of this study demonstrate how Wayana, in past and present times, organized symbolic capital and transformed their local natural environment into a complex regional sociopolitical landscape centered upon the roundhouse ( tukusipan ), and at a wider scale upon an exceptional inselberg named after its resemblance to such a roundhouse ( Tukusipan; T1). This demonstration contributes, from the local to the global level, to a better understanding of the local Wayana culture, considerati on of social inequali ty and complexity in Guiana, and to the broader field of anthropological theory. Most directly, this research provides substantive information on contemporary and historical Wa yana intraand inter-settlement patterning, demography, and descriptions of ritual, ceremonies and oral traditions. It is a multi-scalar approach to the social organiza tion of the indigenous (Carib-sp eaking) people of Guiana, which does not correlate with conventional models of complex societie s. Ephemeral settlements and natural features have likely been ignored by theories that fo cus on the presence of enduring structures and accumulation of non-perishable ob jects. Once the focus of investigation is directed towards the relations be tween the visibly material units, what has been invisibleeven immaterialcan be shown to endure and to contribute to long-stan ding social rank differences. Instead of concentrating on synchronic redundan cy and ideal types in a structural-functional approach, the present study provide a deep-time ethnographic de monstration of complex sociopolitical organization in hitherto unrecognized form within Guiana, from which to model dynamic dialectic hierarchical processes in the pres ent, as well as in the past. At the broadest level, this study is a contribution to anthropol ogical knowledge and theo ry and it is situated within the discourse on personhood/identity, soci ality/community, indigenous religions, and


23 especially in further developi ng the paradigm of a ritual ec onomy that is divergent from deterministic economic models. The focus on sp atial aspects and materi alization during highly marked occasions when the community gathers in a clearly defined space for communal rituals contributes to a further unders tanding of such archaeological signatures in conjunction to politico-ritual organizati on. In conclusion, the goal is to under stand the hierarchical supravillage organization from a ritual economic perspec tive centered on and around the community houses and symbolic capital within a politico-ritual land scape that extends beyo nd the boundaries of the individual ephemeral Wayana village. To gain understanding of (re)production of the regional social body in Guiana, we have to explore sociality or the ways in which social interactivities am ong individual persons are situated in a sense of belonging to a larger social body, while facing other social bodies. Throughout this study, ethnographic detail and thic k descriptions are brought to the foreground to demonstrate potentiality for regional organiza tion and socio-political complexity of indigenous peoples in Guiana as previously went unrecognized. This study is focused on a sense of belonging to Wayana society, while facing other social bodies (Trio above all), and therein the managing role of tukusipan In due process a new perspective on the Wayana and their ethnogenesis emerges, grounded in a sense of belonging to, while becoming of tukusipan.


24 CHAPTER 1 INTRODUCTION Human life is a process that involves the passage of time. Second, this life-process is also the process of formation of th e landscapes in which people have lived. [As] the process of dwelling is fundamentally temporal, the apprehension of the lands cape in the dwelling perspective must begin from a recognition of its temporality. Tim Ingold, The Temporality of the Landscape (1993:152, 172). Figure 1-1. Julian Stewards cultu re types of native South Am erica (1959:13), and the location of the research area in the zone of tropical forest village farmers. This study aims to understand the role of community roundhouses ( tukusipan) in Wayana (Guiana)1 socio-political organization based on in-depth ethnographic fieldwork during nineteen months of fieldwork from 1996 to 2004.2 Indigenous people of GuianaWayana amongst othersare commonly described as residing in small and ephe meral autonomous villages compliant with what Eduardo Viveiros de Castro (1996) coined the Standard Model of Tropical Forest Cultures (Gillin 1948; Lowie 1948; Steward 1948; Steward and Faron 1959; Figure 1-1). In Guiana, roundhouses play a central role in th e social and symbolic reproduction of community Amazon


25 (e.g., Guss 1989; Roe 1987; Wilbert 1986). During my fieldwork in the upper Maroni basin, I realized that in only four out of about twenty Wayana settlements stands such a roundhouse.3 As not every Wayana settlement owns a roundhouse ( tukusipan ), this implies an unequal distribution of mechanisms of social and symbolic reproduct ion of the Wayana community. Guiana societies have, by default, been categoriz ed as tropical forest cultures as they lack distinguishing features of politically complex soci eties as the presence of large-scale settlements (seat of the institutionalized office of a chief) along with accumulation and redistribution of valuables and occasional surplus; characteristic for mid-range societies, regional and moderately hierarchical, between autonomous villages and bu reaucratic states, with tremendous variability through time and space, often glossed as chiefdoms (Drennan 1995; Drennan and Uribe 1987; Earle 1989, 1991; Oberg 1955; Redmond 1998; Service 1962, 1975). Societies with small-scale settlements are ignored or treated as simple and essentially autonomous communities, failing to situate these places in broader, regional, political ly integrated, social and sacred landscapes. This study adopts a dynamic approach to the so cio-political organiza tion of Carib-speaking peoples in Guiana (Chapuis 2006; Gallois 2005; Howard 2001; Rivire 1 984), which elaborates upon the model of regional organization situated in the discussion of socio-political complexity. Overconfident presumptions that in every [Wayana] village stands a tukusipan (e.g., Gray and Birchfield 1999:282), renders inert a dynamic landscape in which each component enfolds within its essence the totality of its relations with each and every other (Ingold 1993:154). In practice, settlements without roundhouse are in conjunction with villages with tukusipan through sharing of substan ce during ritual events, enge ndering and revitalizing what Edward Casey (1996; drawing on Nancy Munn 1986) called a region wher ein, out of action, is emerging an intersubjective social field. In the process, Wayana become of tukusipan In


26 Wayana, pata refers to a place of (rather than simply place ) and such named places in the landscape are subjective conditions shared by two or more individuals. This spacetimea lived world emerging from a sphere of interaction a nd historical exchange of valued goods linking local and extra-local places as well as routes between them facilitating movement of agents (Munn 1986), allowing for practical jokesis centered upon the tukusipan. Unequal distribution of community roundhouses, as demonstrated in this study, allows for ranked regional organization, a feature expected to go unrecognized in village-based ethnographic studies. I perceive tukusipan as continually emerging process of dwelling in a dynamic sacred landscape saturated with social memory from which Wayana draw a sense of belonging because things that people make, make people (Miller 2005:38); rather than defining roundhouses as static artifacts or cultural traits that simply are, these roundho uses are materializations of intersubjective interrelationships in process. Apprehension of regional intersubjective interrelationships in process must begin from a recognition of its temporality. Although in practice, it has not proved feasible [in Guiana] to move away from the settlement as representing one of the fundamental social [and political] units of the region (Riv ire 1984:101), [marriage, disputes, trade, and ritual] help break down th e physical and social isolation of settlements (Rivire 1984:80; also Arvelo-Jimenez 1977). Data on settlement pattern ing, kinship relations, gifts, and rituals as presented in the present study be evidence how Wayana are so cio-politically more complex than assumed from conventiona l village-based ethnograp hic studies. To go beyond existing synchronic models of single-house settlements as micro-cosmos (i.e., politically autonomous social units), I argue, a model of Wayana sociality and Guiana socio-political organization ought to be more dynamic, multi-scal ar, and with a unit of analysis beyond the boundaries of the single village. Data collecte d, analyzed, and interpre ted on different scales


27 (temporal and spatial), does not make a study multi-scalar unless it is investigated how identified phenomena relate to each other on different, hierarchical, scales (Lock and Molyneaux 2006), furthermore, as pointed out by Malcol m Ridges, different processes can operate on different levels, and being aware that there is no simple way of visualiz ing all the patterns and processes within a complex system in a single re presentation (Ridges 200 6:145), I argue that, in practice, it has proven feasible to move be yond village boundaries for perceiving fundamental socio-political units in Guiana and the present study is an attempt to visualize interlocking patterns and processes through time. More broadly, this study is situated in the ongoi ng debate on socio-political complexity of Amazonian tropical forest cultures in general, today and in the past. From a regional landscape approach, while recognizing its temporality, this study aims at gaining insight in apparent autonomous settlements in the present compared to regional socio-politic al organization (ranked and centralized confederations) in the past. Architectural expenditure, related mythology and how this reflects social memory on symbolic and social reproduction of society, along with the rituals performed in and around community roun dhouses, are recurrent themes throughout this study, as well as how these roundhou ses orchestrate ritual performances, and who is endowed to built these exclusive resources and t actically engage with them. Instigating critical evaluation of economics as extrasomatic means of adaptati on to the environment while emphasizing the primacy of the infrastructure (whereby the past equals the present), compliant with Julian Stewards (1950) cultural ecol ogy, which ontology grounds the c onventional model of tropical forest cultures as autonomous communities with a decentralized political organization.


28 1.1 Conventional Model of Tropical Forest Cultures The present study critica lly examines characteristics of Gu iana Peoples as tropical forest tribes perceived essentially as structurally redundant autonomous villages, compliant with the Standard Model of Tropical Forest Cultures (Viv eiros de Castro 1996). Social and political organization of Tropical Forest Tribes in Amazoni a was categorized in the third volume of the Handbook of South American Indians (Steward 1948) as that in many of the tribes the settlement consists of one or a few communal houses (maloca). Commonly each settlement is autonomous, so that the headman merely controls fellow-residents, but some tribes are said to have paramount chiefs (Lowie 1948:29, 32). For Guiana specifically, it was stated that beyond the immediate family, the settlement is everywhere the basic social unit, a group usually of 15 to 50 members, sometimes as large as 200. Typica lly, a group of blood relatives with their spouses constitutes the kernel of a settlement, if not its entire membership (Gillin 1948:848-849), and politically, the settlement is unde r the supervision of a headman The headman is usually only nominal head of the settlement, and true tribal chiefs are everywhere absent (Gillin 1948:849). Sixty years later this typologica l model of tropical forest tribes is still among us, and is the default in categorizing Amazonian Pe oples, Guiana societies above all. Thirty-six years after publication of the Tropical Forest Tribes (Steward 1948), Peter Rivire published Individual and Society in Guiana: a com parative study of Amerindian social organization (Rivire 1984) aiming at iden tification of essential elements and relationships in Guiana social organization.4 Setting the stage for further research in Guiana, Rivire argued that: Guiana society exists within a narrow time s cale, and the differences between a synchronic and diachronic view is not great. Both aspects are mirrored in the life of the settlement. At one moment it is autonomous, self-sufficient, and apparently perdurable; at another it disintegrates and the elements that formed it, families and individuals, disperse only to


29 create a similar pattern with like elements el sewhere. Although not entirely apt, the image of the kaleidoscope is the one that comes to mind (Rivire 1984:102). Furthermore, Rivire stated that Guiana soci eties lacked any formal social groupings, such as lineages, clans, moieties, age-sets, etc. In other words, Guiana social groups are atomistic, dispersed, and highly fluid in form (Overing 19 83/1984:332), and their informal loose social and political organization was, according to Rivire (1984:4), due to their atomistic nature and situated in rampant individualism, whereby atomism stands for the social and economic particularity of the nuclear or limited extende d family (Hickerson 1967:313), a structural result of the kind of fragmentation applied to Maroni River Caribs (Kalia) by Peter Kloos (1971:261). Furthermore, following Joanna Overing Kaplan the re exists [in Guiana] no ritual to declare the elaborate interlocking of the units of which society is comprised (Overing 1983/1984:332) as the ideal Guiana village with pe rfect conviviality during dance festivals carries the seeds of its own destruction (Santos-Gr anero 2000:283; also Rivire 2000:254). Among Guiana Caribspeakers, as traditionally portrayed, there was no n eed for complex social structures or regional political organization based on requirements of society and autonomy of individual. Beyond Peter Rivires metaphor of the kaleidoscope, however, lay dynamic and complex supra-local and regional interrelations critical to sociality in conjunction with more complex socio-political structures of past, and possibly present, Guiana civilizations. Tensions in definitions of formal social groupings, as well as between antagonistic principles of dichotomies as consanguine versus affine, matrilineal versus patrilineal, and matrilocal versus patrilocal, are overcome in the institution of the soci al House (Lvi-Strauss 1979:47, 1982, 1987), resonating with the Tlyo concept of it p me (Rivire 1969:64) or itp (Grupioni 2002, 2005), recognized by Pe ter Rivire among the Trio as the foremost criterion in the ordering of social relations hips and he goes on to say that in its genealogical sense the


30 word [ it p me ] applies basically to relationship by des cent, although consanguinity may act as the interconnecting link it can mean to continue without a break (Rivire 1969:64). In his introduction to the Brazilian edition, Rivire (2001 [1998] ) concluded that Individual and Society should be situated in the then current literatur e on the house (also Rivi re 1995), then again, he goes on to say that the concept of a house soci ety would not change his perspective on Trio social organization, as they are living in societies where one single settlement c onsisted of one single house (i.e., a built structur e). Supported by ethnographic re search elsewhere in Guiana, for example among the Yekuana where each se ttlement is referred to as a house or atta and is not only conceived of as a self-con tained universe but is actually constructed as a replica of the cosmos (Guss 1989:21),5 whereby each settlement is categorized as a completely selfcontained, autonomous unit, with its own chie f and shaman (Guss 1989:21; Arvello-Jimenez 1977). This narrow, largely synchronic and non-dynamic interpretation of a society of social houses ( socit maisons ) (Lvi-Strauss 1979:47, 1982, 1987)6 fails to address critical aspects of supra-local socio-political organization, am ong which long-term friction and rivalry between subunits, as described in the present study. A similar notion of the autonomous house can be found with Christine Hugh-Jones who, with regard to Northwest Amazonia, wrote that there is a village within a house it is a community which is structured, or built, accordin g to the same principles as the house which shelters it, but is built over the generations, in time (1996:185, 188). Studies of Christine HughJones (1979) and Stephen Hugh-Jones (1979, 19 85, 1995) were conducted in the 1970s when anthropological studies on indigenous cosmologi cal concepts, myth, ritual, and ecology, were modeled after a version of systems theory (e.g., Reichel-Dolmat off 1971, 1976, 1996, 1997) or theoretically integrated in a structuralist duality (e.g., Roe 1982) positing each house/village as


31 its own totality; presenting homoge nized models of an idealized type village representative for all villages of that Amazonian community. Accordingly, in an area otherwise known for its ranked regional social organization (Hill 1993, 1996; Hill and Wright 1988; Hugh-Jones 1979; Oyuela-Caycedo 2004; Vidal 2002; Wright 1998, 2002), the Northwest Amazonian house ( maloca ) was perceived as microcosm (e.g., Hugh-J ones 1995:236) reinforcing the notion of autonomous units as is the default of the c onventional model of tropi cal forest cultures. Where anthropological studies perceive the Wayana as relatively autonomous groups, ethno-historical and geographica l studies situated Wayana in a broader regional context (Grenand 1971; Gallois 1986 [1980]; Hurault 19 65, 1968; Lzy 2000), notably a recent study on regional networks of social relations in Guiana (Gallois 2005). Due to conventional anthropological methods and theory, contemporary Guiana Carib socio-political system is regarded as structurally simple with a high degree of autonomy, ev en when the focus of research was on regional networks of trading relationships (Butt Colson 1973; Rivire 1969; Villaln 1983/1984).7 Although inter-tribal relations have been demonstrated in Eastern Guiana (Grenand 1971; Gallois 1986, 2005; Howard 2001) and inter-tribal trade has been demonstrated in Western Guiana (Butt Colson 1973, 1983/1984)f rom which emerged routes of knowledge along which the religious Alleluia -movement spread (Butt Colson 1985)there did not appear a regional organization of redistribution in the sense of Elman Servi ce (1962, 1975); indigenous social organization in Guiana remained defined as small, ideally autonomous self-sufficient, relatively ephemeral, dispersed settlements mainly composed of close kin (Rivire 2000:263264, emphasis added; see also Butt Colson 1983/1984; Meggers 1996, 2001), with a political system based upon consensus decision-making unde r guidance of a vill age headman (Hurault 1965, 1968; Rivire 1984, 2004; van Velthem 1983), and in the absence of any overarching,


32 hierarchically ordered institution each settlement is master unto itself, and its internal political structure is safely studied in isolation (Rivire 1984: 72), even when situated in modern global politics (Boven 2006; Brightman 2007; Howard 2001). Rather than percei ving the Wayana as an autonomous group, I situate Wayana (and Trio subgroups) in a broade r regional context. Although Jean Hurault hypothesi zed that: long ago the Oayana [= Wayana] lived in malocas or giant houses where was a place for the whole group of relatives (1965:24; my translation), compliant with the standard model of tropical forest tribes, Peter Rivire wrote that the Wayana may be an exception to the standard Guiana model, described in the eighteenth century as having a centralized military organization with a hierarchical chain of command (Tony 1843) (Rivire 1984:83). Th is exceptional case of regional organization in Guiana in 1769 (Tony 1835, 1843) has not been further explored as it was concluded th at this organization had disintegrated (Coudreau 1893:238) and co mpletely vanished by around 1800 (Hurault 1965:18). Pierre Grenand (1971) and Domini que Tilkin Gallois (1986, 2005) acknowledged socio-political difference between centralized confederations ( confederaes) of the past, opposed to autonomous atomistic units ( grupos atomizados ) in the present. Nonetheless, the conventional model of autonomous vill ages reigns supreme in Guiana. At a broader scale, my research is situated w ithin the theoretical debate on socio-political complexity in Amazonia, as researchers in other parts of Amazonia begin to revise the standard model of tropical forest cultures grounded in a paradigm of ex trasomatic means of adaptation to the environment while emphasizing the primacy of the infrastructure, which led to the typical classification of South America in Andean civilizations, nomadi c hunters and gatherers at the margins of South America (and isolated patches in Amazonia), theocratic and militaristic


33 chiefdoms in the Greater Antilles and Circum-Car ibbean, and tropical forest village farmers in Amazonia (including the Lesser Antilles) (Steward and Faron 1959; Figure 1-1). One side of this debate is represente d by, among others, Betty Meggers (1971, 1992, 1996, 2001, 2003; Meggers and Evans 1957) for Amazonia as a whole, and by Peter Rivire (1969, 1983/1984, 1984, 1995, 2000) for Guiana specifically, maintaining the notion that Amazonia (and Guiana specifically) merely sustained fairly egalitarian tropical fo rest-dwelling tribes residing in ephemeral and structur ally redundant autonomous villages. Furthermore, this side of the debate has a tradition of linking ethnographic observations to historical and archaeological findings grounded in neo-evolutiona ry thought; in brief, a simple tribal-level community today is assumed to have never attained a more complex le vel of socio-political organization in the past. For example, after the excavat ions at the mouth of the Amazon (Meggers and Evans 1957), Clifford Evans and Betty Meggers (1960) went to British Guiana (Guyana) to conduct archaeological surveys as well as ethnographic st udies in the Waiwai ar ea. Without critical evaluation ethnographic data was superi mposed on archaeological findings.8 Where the site has traditionally been the unit of analysis for archaeologists and the vi llage being the unit of analysis for ethnographers, it became straightforw ard to use the ethnographic village as analogy for the archaeological site. It was soon after co ncluded that Waiwai culture, which in 1955 was vigorous and in main unaffected by civilization, has already ceased to exist (Fock 1963:242; emphasis added). Meggers exemplifies an ahis torical standpoint of perceiving Amazonian populations frozen in time as the past equals th e present (whereby the present is the 1950s), in other words, what you see (in the 1950s) is what y ou get (in the past). However, in Guiana, and Amazonia at large, what you see is not always what you get (compare with Rivire 1994).


34 Betty Meggers (1996) assumed Amazonia to be a counterfeit paradise that could not support socio-politically complex cu ltures. Therefore, elaborate ceramics found at the mouth of the Amazon made her conclude that these high ceramic cultures were intrusive immigrations from Andean civilizations (Meggers and Evans 1957).9 Instead, Donald Lathrap (1970)10 argued that these high cultures al ong the Amazon were indigenous de velopments. Hypothesis of a counterfeit paradise grounded in cultural ecolo gy (Steward 1950), following the tradition of the Handbook of South American Indians (Steward 1948), although deep ly criticized (DeBoer, Kintigh, and Rostoker 2001; Heckenberger, Pe tersen, and Neves 2001; Isbell and Silverman 2008; Lathrap 1970; Roosevelt 1987, 1999a, 1999b), is upheld by Meggers to the present day. The latter brings us to the ot her side of the theoretical deba te on socio-political complexity in Amazonia as revisionists suggest dynamic changes and diversity in past societies along with socio-political regional organi zation, whereby Neil Whitehead (1994:46) warned for a very negative and incomplete reading of the historical literature. Based on hi storical sources, it has been argued that there used to be more complex socio-political regional or ganizations in Guiana (Dreyfus 1983/1984; Porro 1994; Whitehead 19 88, 1994, 1998, 1999). Albeit the lower Orinoco River holds strong historical ev idence, physical archaeological ve stiges have hitherto to be recovered (Whitehead 1998), and these chiefdoms from Guyana a nd trade relations between the Amazon, Orinoco, and Atlantic Coast were far mo re important than ever imagined by Steward and followers (Whitehead 1999). For Amazonia in general, there is a growing number of archaeologists (e.g., Erickson 2008; Heckenberg er 1996, 2005, 2008; Heckenberger, Petersen and Neves 1999, 2001, Heckenberger et al. 2003, 2007, 2008; Lima, Neves e Petersen 2006; Roosevelt 1987, 1991, 1999; Rostain 1994, 2008; Schaan 2000, 2001, 2008; Versteeg 2008) unearthing large man-made structures that evidence pre-contact socio-political supravillage


35 organizations, indicating that so cial complexity and large populations were not ruled out by environmental limitations. Six decades after Tropical Forest Tribes (Steward 1948), the heydays of environmental determinism are over, and Amazonia appears more complex than previously assumed, more heterogeneous, more dynamic, and more socio-politically complex with regional elements of organization (Heckenberger and Neves 2009; Silverman and Isbell 2008). In the process of describing Amazonian societ ies more complex than conventional tropical forest cultures, the notion of chiefdom arose time and again, yet addressing the question on the origins of chiefdoms, and how chiefdoms can be found in historical and archaeological context, was grounded in essentialist units of analysis wh ile searching for general definitions. Robert Carneiro and Neil Whitehead (Red mond 1998) critiqued that an ea rlier symposium (i.e., Drennan and Uribe 1987) had been focused uniquely on arch aeological signatures. In about that time, Timothy Earle (1989, 1991) organized a seminar on the dynamics of chiefdoms resonating neoevolutionary and neo-Marxist t hought. Dilemma of this search for chiefdoms is that these positivist theories are limited by their essential classification and categorization. Distinguishing quality of chiefdoms is that th ey transcend the tribal level of autonomous villages (Carneiro 1970, 1998; Oberg 1955:484),11 as redistributional societies with a permanent central agency of coordination (Service 1962:134; it alics in original). Aim of this study is not to determine whether the Wayana are (or were) a chiefdom or not, other than to explicate how Wayana transcend, in practice, the tribal level of autonomous villages. During the last few decades, evidence for more socio-politically complex societies materialized in Amazonia as recently demonstrated in the Handbook of South American Archaeology (Silverman and Isbell 2008); above all at the mouths of the rivers Orinoco and Amazon, as well as along the Middle and Lower Amazon River, Northwest Amazonia, upper


36 Xingu basin, and at the Llanos de Mojos. Nonetheless, the interior of Guiana, past and present, remains categorized as small, isolated, and auto nomous communities with decentralized political organization, compliant with the default of the standard model of tropical forest cultures. The exceptional case of regional socio-political organization in the Wa yana region in 1769 (Tony 1835, 1843)in accordance with the definition of po litically organized chiefdoms defined as multivillage territorial chiefdoms governed by a paramount chief under whose control are districts and villages governe d by a hierarchy of subordina te chiefs (Oberg 1955:484)is briefly cited (Boven 1998, 2006; Carlin and B oven 2002; Chapuis 1998; Gallois 1986, 2005; van Velthem 1995), other than these anthropologists did not further e xplore this historical case of Guiana supravillage organization. 1.2 Socio-Political Complexity and Regional Organization This study elaborates upon the model of regiona l organization as situat ed in the discussion of socio-political complexity as these mid-range societies transcending au tonomous villages yet without bureaucratic state-level institutions. Re distribution of goods and amassed surplus from a permanent central agency of coordinationhe nce a ranked organizationis intrinsically regional. Due to the apparent l ack of permanent redistribution cen ters in tropical forest cultures (specifically in Guiana), ranked re gional oriented societies were unde rstood to be absent. From a different perspective, however, it is Amazoni an circular plazas embodying these permanent central agencies coordinating redistribution (Heckenberger 2005). Rather than that Amazonianists further expl ored regional aspects of redistribution in Amazonia, the focus of investigation became centered upon surplus production and whether Amazonia had the necessary carryin g capacity to support larger popul ations. As manioc is the most crucial shared cultural ingredient of tropical forest cultures (Lathrap 1970:47ff.), there is no techno-economic need for redistribution of manioc in Amazonia. Furthermore, societies based


37 on in root-crop agriculture were assumed unable to produce the necessary surplus allowing for more complex societies, and Amazonian subsis tence was (and is) mainly based on root-crop agriculture, predominantly manioc. Donald Lathrap (1970:53) hypothesized that maize was cultivated, replacing bitter manioc, to build up an economic surplus. If there had indeed been a period of intensive maize cultivation on the Orinoco floodplains, as the Columbian scholars [Reichel-Dolmatoff 1965] were suggesting, then there was no economic barrier to the rise of dense populations and complex societies, accordi ng to the theoretical scheme of that time (Roosevelt 2009:157). That the in troduction of maize would correlate with a large increase in human population density was confirmed by An na Roosevelt (1980) at Parmana along the Orinoco. Therefore, archaeology, according to Eduardo Viveiros de Castro (1996:185-187), seemed to be focused on subsistence patterns whereby the maize/manioc dichotomy is central in its discourse. However, Roosevelts drive fo r maize subsistence soon vanished (Roosevelt 1991). Heckenberger (1998) stated that this de bate on socio-political complexity in Amazonia rooted in a maize/manioc dichotomy is in a de adlock, and that anthropological archaeology has to move beyond oversimplified typological models He goes on to argue that, based on his own (Heckenberger 1996) and Robert Carneiros (19 57) research in the upper Xingu basin, manioc production can support dense sede ntary indigenous populations, provided that in combination with aquatic resources, which are widely available in Amazonia (Heckenberger 1998). Moreover and directly related to Guiana, John Frechione (1990) presented an ethnographic case where a Yekuana village, founded in 1971, had grow n to a supervillage formation of about 450 individuals in 1988, opposing the carryi ng capacity predicament in Guiana. John Frechione (1990) focused on a single vill agethough an unexpected large settlement according to Guiana standardsas socio-political organization in Guiana is assumed not to


38 extend beyond the boundaries of the autonomou s villages and in the absence of any overarching, hierarchically ordered institution eac h settlement is master unto itself, and its internal political structure is sa fely studied in isolation (Rivi re 1984:72). Rather than focusing on distinct settlements, a regional approach has been implemented in several parts of Amazonia (Heckenberger 1996, 2005; Heckenberger, Petersen, and Neves 1999, 2001; McEwan, Bareto and Neves 2001; Lima, Neves e Petersen 2006). These researchers implemented, a problemoriented research strategy, including a system atic regional survey (i nstead of informal reconnaissance surveys), along with intensive small scale resear ch on individual sites including stratigraphic excavation, as propos ed by Anna Roosevelt (1987: 161) and implemented in her research on the Moundbuilders of the Amazon (Roosevelt 1991). Such a regional approach allowed Heckenberger (1996, 2005) to perceive a di stinction in scale of various circular plaza villages situated in a broade r galactic settlement patterni ng as fundamental for regional organization and ranked soci o-political organization. Amazonia today appears more heterogeneous than the simplistic dichotomy between floodplains ( vrzea ) with richer soils due to sedime nt-rich white-water rivers technoeconomically allowing for more complex societies; versus ancient uplands ( terra firme ) of poorer soils drained by blackor clear-water rivers with a ca rrying capacity only allowing for small scale societies. Contrary to conventional belief, it appears that fo rests with anthropogenic origins account for more biodiversity than undisturbed pristine forests (Bale 1993, 1995); leading to the question whether in pre-Columb ian times Amazonia was a natural jungle or a cultural parkland managed by indige nous populations (Heckenberger et al. 2003, 2008). Rather than adaptively responding to th eir environment (as assumed in cultural ecology) indigenous communities appear to have intentionally managed their landscapes (ibid.). Poor soils of the


39 ancient uplands have been enhanced through slash-and-burn (slash-a nd-char) ag riculture, producing Amazonian Dark Earth ( terra preta ) (Glaser and Woods 2004; Lehman et al. 2003). Though these agricultural technique s of slash-and-burn are in us e by Wayana today (Topoliantz, Ponge, and Lavelle 2006), it was argued that the low degree of sedentarin ess of the Wayan [in Brazil] is very close to the pattern of hunti ng tribes (Lapointe 1970:2), resonating with Jean Huraults (1965: xiii; see also Butt 1977) summary defining Wa yana [in French Guiana] as: those who occupy the upper waterways of the river, have no ancestral customs and have developed no form of appropriation of land either individually or to groups of the same parentage. They live in small semi-nomad gr oups, changing their plac e of habitation every 5 or 6 years; their activity is centered on fishi ng just as much as farming, and they tend to settle preferably in the neighborhood of water-falls and rapi ds where they can arrow the fish Oayana [= Wayana] Indians, who do not grow rice, are not obliged to make an annual clearing. They obtain two successive harvest of manioc on the same site. Agricultural farming is to them only a mean s of subsistence (Hur ault 1965: xiii-xiv). Rather than further exploring regional aspects in Guiana the perception of autonomous villages, ephemeral yet timeless, was reinforced by accepting archetypal dwelling whereby the hut [roundhouse], and the village with which it is often coterminous, are microcosms of the total macrocosm of the known universe (Roe 1987:80). Peter Rivir e (1995) perceived the Trio as a house society as they used to live in communities where one village consisted of one single communal house (see also Bos 1973), and Peter Siegel (1990a:402) among the neighboring Waiwai, concluded that individual dwellings inhabited at the time were scaled-down versions of past large communal roundhouses. Circular lay-out of roundhouses (internally divided in a central domain for men surrounded by living quarters, i.e., domain of women) surrounded by slash-and-burn garden plots, encircled by pristine rainforest is archetypal in Guiana (Roe 1987). In Western Guiana, when traditional Yekuana communal houses were abandoned and modern multi-house settlements were built, they were constructed following the conventional model of dwelling spaces ar ound a public place (Arvelo-Jimenez 1971:147).


40 Not only did these anthropologists take for granted autonomous villages with a circular lay-out, they took for granted as well the impact by gl obalization whereby conc epts of change and reproduction (as part of structure and practic e) are altered by external influences, as demonstrated by Marshall Sahlins (1981), and this historical transformation creates a new order that is mediated between historic al agents, requiring re definition of the different categories and their relationships within the traditional system. Along similar lines, Kay rhem (2001:148) pr esented village formation in Northwest Amazonia whereby the new maloca (traditional communal house) as a community house became stage for old rituals as Food-Givi ng and the initiation rite of Yurupari ( He ).12 Process of village formation, according to rhem,13 was a local response to the historically changing socio-economic environment due to rubber boo m, coca boom, and gold rush. Other modern buildings in the village studied by rhem were : a school, a chapel, a missionary sponsored shop, soccer-field, a dispensary, and a community meeting hall ( casa comunal ). The latter, in contrast to the community maloca was to host official visitors and pu blic gatherings with dances with the women the way the Whites do (rhem 2001:148). While this process of village formation resonates with some Wayana settlementsmissiona ry sponsored buildings as a school, a chapel, a missionary sponsored shop, soccer-field, a dispensary, and a community meeting hall, are found in Anapaike Kawemhakan / Lawa Sta tion (Boven 2006); schools, soccer-fields, and dispensaries in several other Wayana villages (e.g., Chapuis 1998), I was told (pers. comm. Karin Boven and Jean Chapuis) that decades of impact by Dutch and French governments, next to American missionaries in Suriname, had alte red Wayana settlement patterning and that the Wayana no longer resided in traditional houses ; hence there would be, according to them, no point to conduct an ethno-arch aeological study on architecture and settlement patterning.


41 Although anthropologists emphasized to me that Wayana no longer dwell in communal roundhouses, they stated that th e single remaining traditional building was the roundhouse named tukusipan. These roundhouses were alleged vehicl es for carrying meaningmicrocosms modeled after the Universe, as is the conven tional interpretation of Guiana roundhouses (e.g, Guss 1989; Roe 1987; Wilbert 1986), whereas I perceive these roundhouses ( tukusipan) as a potential clue, a key to meaning [to be discovered] (Ingold 1993:172). Rather than defining units, I intent to make sense of the relations be tween the units, as in the field I realized that whereas Wayana (Guiana) settlements may be se lf-sufficient in techno-economic terms, these very settlements are certainly not autonomous dur ing dance festivals and r itual performance. 1.3 Ritual Economy of Political Power With Guiana settlements being self-sufficien t in techno-economic term s, and inter-village dance festivals understood as carrying the seeds of destruction of perfect conviviality (Rivire 2000; Santos-Granero 2000), I argue for a critical evaluation of i ndividual and society in Guiana situating regional organization and so cio-political complexity in what has been referred to as the Ritual Mode of Production (Rappaport 1984:410; Spielmann 1998), ritual phase of political economy (Southall 1999), symbolic economy of power (Heckenberger 2005), or simply ritual economy (Wells and Davis-Salazar 2007) Roy Rappaport (1984:410) brought the rather Marxist sounding Ritual M ode of Production into play in the epilogue of the second edition of his Pigs for the Ancestors against Julian Stewards (1950) cultural ecology grounded in sheer economics as extrasomatic means of adaptati on to the environment while emphasizing the primacy of the infrastructure. Vi tal in a ritual economy is that the superstructure (ideology) is no longer epiphenomenal and in certain situati ons even generates surplus production and consumption, which, in turn, is intrinsica lly interwoven with so cio-political power.


42 Settlement patterns are but one medium (albeit a critical one) through which socio-political relations are articulated and re gulated. Another key material channel is through the flow of certain historically charged objec ts or ritual objects (including, but not restricted to, what structural Marxists glossed prestige goods), which may have longer histories of exchange, cultural biographies (Kopytoff 1986), than th e rather ephemeral Guiana settlements themselves, engendering an intersubjective social field as self-ot her relationships formed in and through acts and practices (Munn 1986:9). This social field of r itual economy can be manipulated in a tactical manner by competing heterarchical forces amidst subgroups, which places emphasis on the political dynamics of and flow of power in chieftaincy in a religiouspolitical landscape as it moves through charged ritual objects, rather than mapping settlement sizes as functional nodes in a Cartesian landscape. Guiana (and Wayana) ethnographies have b een focused on every-day economic household activities of fishing and manioc production, or what Jonathan Hill (1984) called the naturalsocial mode. Pierre Clastres stated in Primitive Economy (1994:105-118)14 that in Amazonia surplus is in the environment itself, and short periods of low intensity are sufficient to satisfy subsistence needs.15 Moreover, seasonal extreme scarc ity of riverine resources and the abundance of wild fruits provide for the means to support large-scale regional events such as harvesting a surplus of fru it during Food-Giving rituals,16 situated in the ritual-hierarchical mode (Hill 1984). Hierarchy, including differe ntiation between segments of society and emphasis on rankingas Irving Goldman (2004:44) recognized for Northwest Amazoniais the essential condition for the developmental process of differentiation, whereby distinction in the social order is created thr ough symbolic capital, i.e., contextual value of materiality and immateriality creating a bond between people (Bourdieu 1990:112-121). To go beyond the


43 standard model of tropical forest cultures is to allow for ritual economy and symbolic capital, rather than merely focusing on every-day economic activities of fishing and manioc production. Focus on ritual economy does not mean that ma nioc production has to be removed from the research agenda, on the contrary. Where an abundance of wild fruits can be harvested seasonally, maniocto produce large quantities of cassava beerought to be planted. By stimulating and managing surplus production [inc luding manioc] and communal consumption [of cassava beer], ritualized public performances are instrumental in the development of social inequality and hierarchy (Geertz 1980; H eckenberger 2005:314). Additionally, upcoming gatherings will demand increased production of goods, including, but not restricted to, large elaborate vessels to brew, dist ribute, and serve beverage. Time-lapse between planting and harvest of manioc requires planning and a calenda r; thereby increasing the symbolic value of surplus produced in a ritual economy. Manioc production, or rather the acquisition (stimulation and managing) of a surplus production of cassava beer, is thus vital in a ri tual economy, as is the communal consumption of large quantities of manioc beer in and around community houses. Large quantities of cassava beer, elaborate co stumes adorned with priceless featherwork, ritual paraphernalia, and last but not least the community r oundhouses have been taken for granted among the Wayana, and in Guiana at large. Beyond every-day household economics, the acquisition, production, and consumption of ritu alized and sacred goods are situated in a demand for ritual while its materializati on can be manipulated; managing meaning and regulating interpretations Unique properties (origin of ra w materials, skilled crafting, and qualities of enchantment) dist inguish these socially valued goods from mundane material objects even when manufactured from in expensive materials (Spielmann 2002:198-201), whereby these social valuables gain value and accumulate histories of exchange through time


44 (Kopytoff 1986), along with the hist orical tradition of ownership and exchange, particularly within a given social unit; such historically ch arged objects can be exchanged, or handed down, to other individuals in an inalienable way, keepin g-while-giving, so to say (Weiner 1992). Artifacts such as composite featherwork for monumental headdresses, claws of the giant armadillo for flutes, and the roundhouse itself, be come active agents engaged in intersubjectivity of ritual practice. These are examples of what Pierre Bourdieu (1977, 1990) called symbolic capital as beyond sheer economics, material and imma terial value is situated in social relations bonding people while generating honor and prestige. Rather than referring to surplus in technoeconomic terms, it now includes, but is not restrict ed to, prerogatives, indigenous histories, even the right to dwell in a specific pl ace, and Michael Heckenberger (2003) goes so far as to say that, in terms of symbolic capita l, the surplus resides in the body of the chief. Ritual economy intrinsically interweaves and cu ts across symbolic and social capital with political forces as to create a bond between peop lecontemporaries as well as ancestors. This social and symbolic capital can ev en endow certain individuals (chi efs above all) with the ability to amass economic capital (Heckenberger 2005:318) Contrary to conve ntional aggrandizement models (e.g., Hayden 1995), ritual economy will instigate the production of valuables (apparent economic actions) characterized by social processe s grounding productive activities in situational ritual contexts (Heckenberger 2005; Rappaport 1984; Spielma nn 1998, 2007) and in the process sanctifies truth (Watanabe 2007), which is as much a contested resource as any material good. In their orchestration of co mmunal cassava beer consump tion during public gatherings along with their architectural expenditure, comm unal roundhouses become exclusive resources. Manipulation of exclusive resources (and thus manipul ation of the social fiel d) is not simply in the theoretical mind, as ritual in practice is a transformative process of materializing social


45 relations (Bell 1992), with prim ary reference to spatial trans itions of the body through highly discernible places (Turner 1969; van Gennep 1909). Consequently, the ritual process will result in archaeological si gnatures. With regard to supravillage formations in the upper Xingu basin, Heckenberger (2005:161) perceived as important feature of Xinguanification that immigrating Carib groups had to abandon thei r traditional single-house ( maloca ) settlement patterning (characteristic for the Eastern Complex), and adap t to a circular plaza village whereby they not only built this physical arena, but they also needed to fully partic ipate in the rituals taking place here (Heckenberger 2005:161). Among the Wayana in Guiana, community roundhouses are the hub during ritual gatherings. In view of the f act that not every settlement owns a roundhouse, this implies that not every Waya na settlement is an autonomous unit, at least ritually speaking. 1.4 Relational Approach to Socio-Political Organization Guiana settlements give the impression to be se lf-sufficient in the every-day natural-social mode, yet these very same settlements appear far from autonomous when ritual activities come into play. In the present study, demonstrating regional socio-polit ical organization in Guiana, I shift the unit of analysis to the relations between the units ; that is, from settlements to relations between settlements. When I first visited the Wayana I had in mind the homogenized model of an idealized type village represen tative for all Wayana villages: In every [Wayana] village stands a tukusipan (too-koo-SEE-pahn), a large, circular, communal [ sic .: community] hut made from dried pa lm leaves. There, the Wayana (whyYAH-nah) hold meetings and festivities. To th e highest point on the in side of the roof, the Wayana attach a maluana (mah-loo-AH-nah) [= maluwana], a circular piece of wood from the trunk [buttress] of a fromager (froe-mah-JAY) tree. They paint the maluana in bright colors with geometrical designs and animals th at have spiritual or mythological meaning. The Wayana still hold one ceremony called the marak (mah-RAH-kay) [= putop ], or the ant test, part of the ritual boys and girls und ergo before they begin their adult life, around the age of eleven or twelve. A wicker frame fu ll of stinging ants is applied to their bodies; to show strength, the children must remain silent (Gray and Birchfield 1999:282).


46 Momentous Wayana ritual eventduring which la rge quantities of cassava beer are being consumed and regurgitated in a nd around the roundhouseis known as marak and it was these series of traditi onal dance and song performances that were the focus of investigation of Audrey Butt Colson only to arrive in an em erging prophetic movement (Butt 1964; pers. comm. April 17, 2009). Conventionally this event is interpreted as ini tiation ritual and although Jean Chapuis recently stated that the main primary, explicit goal is to produce adults (2006:526), it was fifty years prior that Father Ahlbrinck (1956:90) had concluded that whatever its sense, this [ marak] is not an initiation rite to lead children into adulthood, because; 1) indifference of the relation between marriage and stingi ng ritual, and 2) if this is an initiation ritual, than why do adults endure this stinging, in fact, more adults are present than adolescents (Ahlbrinck 1956:90; my translation). The condition in which this ritual functions, I posit, is not so much the decomposition and composition of an individual body (Paul Henley 2001, drawing on AnneChristine Taylor 1998, 2001), as it is th e consumption and production of a larger social body; this fundamental Wayana ritual is grounded in becoming Wayana and revitalizes the social field centered upon the roundhouse tukusipan. Not only cassava beer is being consumed dur ing these gatherings, and despite Rivires statement that in Guiana there is no posse ssion, material or nonmaterial (1995:203-204), I argue that material and imma terial property does exist in Guiana in the form of symbolic capital; most obvious composite featherwork for monumental headdresses and other ceremonial regalia curated inside feather-boxes and displayed durin g these theatrical public corporeal spectacles. Furthermore, it was Claude Tony (1835, 1843) who wrote during his Voyage in 1769 that everything with them is shared, with the exception of women, weapons, chickens, and birds that they tame and raise a large quantity of all kinds of species, especially parrots and macaws, only having in mind to retract their co lored feathers, that serve them to make


47 these kind of garnishments that Europeans sear ch as object of a rare and great curiosity (Tony 1843:228-229; my translation, emphasis added).17 All this resonates with prerogatives mentioned in other parts of Amazonia, as: (1) feather headdresses and ceremonial goods ke pt inside the feather-box [stored in ones house]; (2) a set of sacred musical instruments; (3) rights to make particular items that are exchanged at rituals; (4) non-material, linguistic and musical property comprising the names of people and ritual objects, a language, chants [see also Hill 1993], spells, songs (Hugh-Jones 1995:241), plus rights to raise certain animals as pets (Lea 1995:208-209). By means of inalienable transm ission of the above listed pr erogatives, along with personal names (Lea 1995), heirlooms (Joyce 2000, 2007), and ri ghts to land and labor, even in newly encountered landscapes (Bolende r 2007), the social House is durable (Beck 2007; Gillespie 2000, 2007; Heckenberger 2005:273-290; Lvi-Strauss 1987). Fundamental in the definition of a social House (Lvi-Strauss 1979:47, 1982, 1987:151) is that (a) it is an embodied curator of material and immaterial possessions, and (b) that its transformative continuation is situated in the discoursed transmission of its name, its goods, and its titles down a justifiable line of descent. While Janet Carsten and Stephen Hugh-Jones cri ticized Lvi-Strauss for neglecting the most obvious feature of houses: their physical characteristics (1995:12), Carsten and Hugh-Jones (1995; Rivire 1995) neglected polit ico-historical aspects of the social house as advocated by Susan Gillespie (2000, 2007; Beck 2 007), emphasizing that houses are in history (Gillespie 2007:41), and Michael Heckenberger (2005:273-290), demonstrating social hierarchy among the Xinguanos in southern Amazonia. These histori cal prerogatives, names, and heirlooms, are intersubjectively contested, and this plurality of and struggle between social houses in a socit maisons (society of houses) is masked and rendere d silent in the mere term house society. During marak rituals, roundhouses are the place of legitimization, in a contesting manner, by means of transmission of material and immate rial property, as required for continuity of social Houses. Furthermore, these theatrical public corporeal spec tacles attract large numbers of


48 spectators and participants that, as unintended c onsequence, become incorporated in the social field, even if lacking descent ties to the authority of the corporate unit or social House (compare with Gillespie 2000c:28). Wayana (Guiana) soci o-political organization is thus more complex than outlined in the conventional model of tropi cal forest cultures, and ramification of my reading, i.e., a public socio-politi cal alternative to a pr ivate domestic initia tion ritual, is that interpretations of similar historically recorded rituals (by and large categorized as initiation ritual) will have to be reassessed, allowing in the process for regional supravillage organization. Notwithstanding the study of J ean Lapointe (1970) was titled Residence Patterns and Wayana Social Organization it did not allow for a Wayana soci o-political supravillage structure nor ranked regional organization, due to a theoretical grounding in Julian Stewards economic principles of ecological adaptation. The presen t study focuses on residence patterns and Wayana social organization as well, other than a different ontology provides a springboard to further develop the concept of a ritual economy as an alternative to Guiana studies focusing on technoeconomic means or natural-domestic traits grounded in seemingly timeless continuous cycles. Several dissertations on the Wayana have be en defended since the study by Lapointe (1970), although the Surinamese Civil War in the 1980s profoundly impacted fieldwork in the area (Boven 2006). Ethnographic research was conduc ted among Wayana in Brazil (Morgado 2004; van Velthem 1995, 2003), French Guiana (C hapuis 1998), and Suriname (Boven 2006);18 focusing respectively on the aesthetics of production and predation, or the monstrous origins of basketry weaving (van Velthem 1995, 2003), bod ily activities (Chapui s 1998), ethno-medicine (Morgado 2004), and survival in a modern fr ontier zone (Boven 2006). Nila Tavares (2006) conducted linguistic research in Brazil resulting in A Grammar of Wayana Most recently, Marc Brightman (2007) situated Amerindian Leadership in Guianese Amazonia in socio-politics rather


49 than merely in social organization. In these studies, contemporary regional socio-political organization is exclusively contributed to modern influences from Suriname and French Guiana, exemplified by the mere terms Kapitein for village leader and Granman for paramount chief. Data collected during my fieldwork among Wayana was more diverse and multifaceted, and did at times not fit the conventional model of social and political organization of Guiana tropical forest cultures. While drawing multiple village plans and inte rviewing residents about settlement history, it appeared that several Wayana settlements are small and impermanent (less than ten inhabitants and lasting only a few years) whereas some villages were relatively large and enduring (about and over one hundred inhabita nts and lasting for seve ral decades). When linking genealogical charts to set tlement plans, pattern recognition demonstrated a preference for post-marital uxorilocal residence, whereas in some cases married men decided to stay in the village of their parents. The latter appeared to be the case with potential village leaders, that is, (grand-) sons of (former) village leaders. Neither did the collect ed data demonstrate preferred settlement endogamy, on the contrary, nor emphas is on co-residence in or dering relationships. Intertwining historical processes of regiona l organization can only be fully understood by means of a multi-scalar, multivocal, dynamic, and open unit of analysis. Heckenberger suggests that the Amazonian circular plaza enables us to consider self-scaling between human bodies, houses, neighborhoods, galactic clusters, and regions, each with their unique dimensionality and temporality (2005:261). Along similar lines, Guiana settlements are not autonomous but rather fractal; being at once a collective plural body encompassing multiple entities, as well as a particular singular body (i n)dividual agent in intera ction (Strathern 1988). Beyond Amazonia, Hilda Kuper (19 72) advocated that the total spatial arrangement has to be perceived as a complex network of communica tion wherein politics are situated; whereby we


50 have to consider how different actorsinc luding ancestors (Munn 1996) construct, contest, and ground experience in place (Rodman 1992). This spatial socio-politic al process, following Miles Richardson (1982), is expressed in expenditure of symbolic capital in a place of material openness allowing for visibility (cleared space of the public plaza), and in di alectic with a social reality of restriction ou t of public sight; situational interact ions whereby people are not simply in the plaza/market, but become of the plaza/market. Concordantly, the total spatial arrangement becomes a complex regional network of sociality wherein socio-economics and socio-politics are situated (de Certeau 1984; B ourdieu 1977, 1990; Meskell 2003; va n Dyke and Alcock 2003). From a landscape perspective rooted in the concept of landscape as a cultural process (Sauer 1925; Hirsch 1995)places are no longer disconnected site s, but rather emerging as nodes in a spatio-temporal economic-political web of people dwelling in a region (Bender 1993; Hill 2002; Zucchi 2002; Wright 1998). Other times, other places, other persons (ancestors, culture heroes), and natural f eatures (mountains above all) are also interconnected into this network (Ashmore and Knapp 1999; Bender 20 01; Morphy 1993; Feld and Basso 1996; Gow 1995; Santos-Granero 1998; van Dyke 2003). Even abandoned and forgotten ephemeral places can be renewed in memory when enc ountered by descendents (Gow 1995; Kchler 1993; Morphy 1995; Santos-Granero 1998). These soci ally constructed landscapes (intrinsically related to land rights) along with historical-political significa nce of landscapes might not be noticed when imposing our Western biased assu mptions of a mapped, m easured, described and depicted landscape (Kchler 1993). Barbara Bodenhorn (1993) perceived public arenas and private domains as, respectivel y, places of community and kinship where men and women interact. Drawing on the latter, i.e., revisiting these dichotomies as also Amazonian settlements have traditionally been described in term s of public vs. private domains grounded in a


51 male/female dichotomy (e.g., Hugh-Jones 1985; Roe 1987), I will reconsider Wayana (Guiana) private domains as places of kinship and public plazas as places of community. In sum, landscape as a cultural process (root ed in phenomenology; Sauer 1925) is a model alternative to environmentally deterministic para digms with the primacy of the infrastructure, perceiving culture as an extrasomatic means of adaptation to the environment. Along similar lines, the model of a ritual economy is agai nst orthodox Marxist based modes of production wherein ideology is epiphenomenal. Whereas ethnographers have focused on every-day economic household activities of fishing and ma nioc production, differen tiation in society and emphasis on hierarchical ranking emerges in a ri tual economy. Where th e standard model of tropical forest cultures takes for granted the techno-economic production and consumption of cassava bread and beer, these processes are entr enched in a time-lapse, and therefore a basic hierarchizing act; producing symbolic capital in a socially produced and consumed spacetime. Unequal distribution of community roundhouses ( tukusipan ) among the Wayana, I posit, is medium and outcome of an unequal distributi on of public communal processes engendering symbolic capital, and is materialized as a complex cluster of ranked regional settlement patterning along with socio-politi cal supravillage organization. Five decades ago, Father Willem Ahlbrinck (1956:17) wrote: Aren t we by now familiar enough with the Wayana? ( Zijn de Wayana niet reeds voldoende bekend? ), as everybody in Suriname knows the Wayana read about them in the books of travelers, heard about them from gold miners (ibid.; my tr anslation). Indeed, back then, as today, everybody in Suriname and French Guiana has heard about the Wayana, read about them in popular or scientific literature, or as seen on the internet. At present, familiarity with Wayana is related to negative effects of gold mining and merc ury contamination (e.g., Frry et al. 2001; web references 1), or


52 tourist trade in painted disks (D uin 2006). Ahlbinck stated that Claudius H. de Goeje (1905, 1906, 1908, 1910, 1941, 1951) was the man of the Wayana and that his expeditions in the upper Maroni basin resulted in important publications on Wayana language and ethnography. Then again, the life history of a people is so broad, and its values and practices (depending on age, season, place, and other circumstance) are sp read over time and place, that Ahlbrinck saw his publication of the 1938 expedition as valuable contribution (Ahlbrinck 1956:17).19 In sum, the aim of the present study is to allow for regionality rooted in the temporality of the Guiana landscape as a cultural process. Da ta will be presented as evidence on how Wayana settlement patterning, kinship, and ritual go be yond the boundaries of a single village. This study is a springboard for the deve lopment of a more dynamic and hi storically situated model of social (re)production along with ma terialization of social memory linking past and present in a sacred landscape. Today, with a post-processual focus of inve stigation on creating, exchanging, and ordering a world of artifacts, a new ordering of the world of social relations is emerging (Tilley 1999); it appears that we have barely sc ratched the surface of Wayana sociality. This study will focus on three aspects: regionality, ritual economy, a nd social complexity, whereby the political power is grounded in the ritual economy, which in tu rn is rooted in regionality. 1.5 Organization of Chapters Drawing on a wide array of datafrom intra-se ttlement structures and local patterns of kinship, to regional organization em erging from ritual gatherings, along with mythical narratives on cosmologythe organization of chapters in this study is designed to reflect upon various aspects of a multi-scalar approach gearing up to an understanding of socio-politically more complex and regional organization of Caribspeaking peoples in (Eastern) Guiana. Beginning with a broad geographical and deep -time overview of Guiana, this study will zoom-in on the Wayana region, inter-settlement patterning, intra-settle ment organization, and


53 specific house structures. Once arrived at the scale of the community roundhouse, commonly interpreted as microcosm, the outside becomes inside and alterity is inco rporated. Subsequently local patterns of kinship and a ffinity are discussed in the cont ext of change and continuity, managed by rites of passage and the ro le therein of the Wayana shaman ( pjai ). Utmost rite of passage where Wayana become Wayana, in a sense that they become of tukusipan, is the ritual commonly referred to as marak or ant/wasp stinging ritual. In due process I will argue that this characteristic Wayana ritual goes beyond a mere in itiation ritual. Next an other ritual performed on the village plaza is discussed, namely the Ta mok whip-dance, which is also situated in alterity. The present study is concluded with a model to understand a ri tual economy of political power in conjunction with the dynamic process of socio-political organiza tion in Guiana, and a novel hypothesis to the ethnogenesis of the Wayana confederation. Chapter 2 is a historical and geographical setting of the research area. Guiana history (past and present) is intrinsically interwoven with the search for gold. Late sixteenth century explorers as Walter Raleigh and Lawrence Keymis wrote Guia na into world history. Ensuing prospectors for gold explored the interior of Guiana. During these early explorations in uncharted territory, Europeans encountered the people residing in the inte rior of Guiana. Only in the mid-eighteenth century were located the Roucouyennes in what is now the border zone between Suriname, French Guiana, and Brazil. Roucouyennes, late r identified as Wayana, are assumed to have migrated from the Jari River in Brazil earlier that century. Late nineteenth century explorations and early twentieth century map-making boundary expeditions charted the Wayana homeland. Whereas early (ethno-) historical sources indicate socio-political complexity in Guiana, late (ethno-) historical sources along w ith early ethnographic fieldwork described Guiana societies as small, isolated, and autonomous communities with decentralized political organization. This


54 discrepancy between regional socio-political co mplexity and apparent autonomy of Guiana settlements will be critically evaluated throughout this study. Chapter 3 is a largely synchronic outline of Wayana settlement patterning, drawing on some unique descriptions from the mid eighteent h and late nineteenth century and focusing in detail on intraand inter-settlement structure a nd organization in the twentieth and beginning of the twenty-first century. Temporality of spatia l patterns will be correlated to socio-political processes in order to people the settlement patterning study; demonstr ating Wayana (Guiana) settlement organization beyond village boundaries. Chapter 4 focuses on the community roundhouse (tukusipan ) with its extension in time and place. Such Guiana roundhouses are commonl y interpreted as microcosm built after the universe, yet in this study I will argue that the Wayana tukusipan is multi-scalar, and that for a better understanding of its role in supravillage organization we have to move beyond the micromacro-cosmos models. Introducing th is chapter with a reflection on carbet the noun commonly used in French Guiana (and the French Antilles) to determine a structure built like an Indian hut followed by a general describing of house types and architectural elements from a traditional single-settlement perspective. In the second part of this chapter I provide an alternative view to perceive this roun dhouse situated in the Wayana landscape. Chapter 5 shifts gears to people the landscape and built environment hitherto described. Summarizing the basics of Wayana sociality, and reproduction of society, this chapter will begin with the myths of the Creator twins (Mopo Kujuli ) and King vulture (Kulum). These narratives, as are Wayana kinship systems, are situated in continuous natural-domestic cycles truncated by relationships between grand-parent s and grand-children attributab le to the death of a parent caused by a social other as non-humans (e.g., jagu ars), non-local Wayana (e.g., powerful, and


55 potentially harmful, shamans), and non-Wayana (e .g., Europeans and their contagious diseases). Beyond grand-parents and grand-chil dren is the realm of ancest ors and the unborn (perceived as social others), grounded in Kujuli pata ( place of the Creator Twin Kujuli), which brings about a discussion of ancestors and eschatolo gy, the role of the Wayana shaman ( pjai ), and indication of avoided spaces in the Wa yana (Guiana) landscape. Chapter 6 is a thick description of initiati on rites and Wayana cultu ral-public rhythms of sociality. Whereas natural-domestic rites of re production of society (e.g., birth, marriage, and initiation of girls) are out-of-sight of the public cultural-public rituals (first and foremost the life-crisis ritual glossed as marak) are performed in overt spaces grounding Wayana personhood. These public communal activities (ritual performances ) mirror a mythical background (see: Mopo Kujuli), reaffirm as well as manipulate social relations while being foregrounded, and generate power relations at the core of Wayana sociality through the continuing yet changing scheme and location of theatrical performances in and around the community roundhouse ( tukusipan ). With this life-crises ritual culminating in the stinging rite ( putop ) performed at sun rise, Wayana have correla ted the stages of human life with the grand rhythms of the Universe. Rather than a local ev ent of sociability, these cultural-public rituals are situated in supralocal sociality. Chapter 7 focuses on another ritual perfor med on the plaza in front of the community roundhouse situated in alterity and the gift of basketry; it is a memory work bringing together mortals and ancestral beings, earth and sky, into one masked tran sformative discourse on the evil spirit Tamok. Focusing on processes of material izing social memory (situated in change and cultural continuity), new meani ngs constantly emerge. In due process it becomes obvious that


56 the role of community roundhouses is rooted in the reproduction of Wayana society grounded in relationships between indigenous Self and social Others (indigenous or otherwise). Rooted in, and beginning with, the indigenous history of the foundi ng father Kailawa, Chapter 8 is directed towards the role tukusipan plays in the shifting of gears between horizontal and vertical scales, and its rami fications. Rather than decoding symbolism related to community roundhouses ( tukusipan ) and painted discs ( maluwana), I argue that the symbolic density operating at various scales (tempor al and spatial) in and around a tukusipan is rooted in Wayana ethnogenesis while grounding sociality; a sense of belonging to, while being of the tukusipan Providing potentiality for regional organizati on and socio-political complexity (as well as encouraging archaeology of ritu al and religion in Guiana and beyond) this study offers a novel venue to a dynamic approach to sociality of indi genous peoples in Guiana. In closing this study, chapter 9 develops upon a perspec tive of the temporality of the Wayana landscape, and broader Guiana landscape, including an integrated discussion of how local eco logy and settlement, kinship, and cosmology are woven in unique form s of social memory, as well as a critical analysis of the place of the researcher in elabor ation of a dwelling perspe ctive. In conclusion, the goal is to recognize ranked supravillage or ganization from a ritual economic perspective centered on roundhouses along with symbolic capital within a re ligious-political landscape extending beyond the boundaries of individual ephemeral Wayana (Guiana) villages. 1 Wayana are indigenous Carib-speaking people in the interior of Guiana (Appendix A: Map 1). In technoeconomic terms, they exhibit a typical tropical forest culture with their subsistence based on fishing, hunting, gathering, and shifting cultivation of predominantly manioc. Settlements, today and in the past, range from farmsteads with only about fifteen inhabitants to villages with over one hundred residents. Population today totals about 1700 individuals in the upper river basins of Jari and Paru in Brazil (neighboring Apalai), Tapanahoni in Suriname (neighboring Trio or Tarno), and upper Maroni basin, frontier between Suriname and French Guiana (neighboring Boni Maroons and Emerillon or Teko). In the upper Maroni basin, i.e., the research area, they live in approximately twenty settlements located on a circa fifty kilometer trajectory of the rivers Lawa and Aletani. It is commonly assumed that during the eighteenth century t he Wayana migrated from Brazil into Suriname and French Guiana. See chapter 2 for a more in-depth discussion on the history and geography of Wayana in Guiana.


57 2 Fieldwork was mainly conducted in the twenty Wayana villages of the upper Maroni basin. Abandoned settlements were visited as well, and archaeological reco nnaissance surveys identified additional sites in the area. 3 Although not further explored, unequal distribution of community roundhouses (tukusipan ) among the Wayana of Brazil has been mentioned by several ethnographers (e.g ., Lapointe 1970; Schoepf 1972; van Velthem 1983). 4 Peter Rivires (1984) social organization trait list of Guiana Carib-speakers include: cognatic descent, two-line prescriptive relationship terminology, pr eferred settlement endogamy and/or uxorilocal residence, emphasis on coresidence in ordering relationships, and small and impermanent settlements. 5 What unites these communities is their shared linguistic and cultural heritage (Guss 1989:21). 6 Rivires narrow, non-dynamic, and synchronic interpretation of house society (Carsten and Hugh-Jones 1995), echoes in the standpoint of European archaeologists (D arvill and Thomas 1996; Dring 2007; Gerritsen 2007; Hodder 1990), and diverges significantly from other interpretations of a society of social Houses resonating with Lvi-Strausss socit maisons (Beck 2007; Gillespie 2000, 2007; Heckenberger 2005:273-290). 7 While Peter Rivire focused on Carib-speaking groups in Eastern Guiana (Trio [Tarno]), Audrey Butt Colson focused on Carib-speaking groups in Western Guiana (Akawaio and Pemon); apart from her fieldwork among the Wayana (April-October 1963) resulting in a publication on Waiyana Prophetism (Butt 1964) (see also Butt 1977). 8 Additionally, Eduardo Viveiros de Castro posed the legitim ate question that if the projection of ethnographic data into the past has it dangers, as Amazonian cultures changed over time and were heavily impacted by invasive European colonizers, then one should not underestimate the opposite danger of an a rchaeological perversion (1996:193), especially in the context of contemporary global politics. 9 In July 1948, the same year Tropical Forest Tribes (Steward 1948) was published, Betty Meggers and Clifford Evans embarked on a year long arch aeological journey at the mouth of the Amazon (Meggers and Evans 1957). One of their goals was providing data from which they developed An Experimental Formulation of Horizon Styles in the Tropical Forest of South America (Meggers and Evans 1961) complementing the Archaeological Chronology of Venezuela (Cruxent and Rouse 1958/1959). Radiocarbon dating to accurately identify a time frame did not yet exist in 1948 (Arnold and Libby 1949). Survey methods and excavation techniques (Meggers and Evans 1957; Evans and Meggers 1960), did not result in proper understanding of horizontal and vertical distribution of archaeological sites. 10 In short, Donald Lathrap (1970) proposed that around 3000 BC Proto-Arawakan people began to spread from a cultural center near the Central Amazon, following the major rivers. This Arawakan Diaspora, as Michael Heckenberger (2002) gl ossed it, can be traced archaeologically th rough its pottery: Saladoid and Barrancoid (Lathrap called these pottery styles Saladero complex an d Barrancas complex), along with unique circular plaza settlement patterns. He goes on to argue that these early Arawak-speaking people already had a hierarchical social structure (Heckenberger 2002, 2005), as the spatial organization of circular plaza settlements have an intrinsic hierarchical character (Heckenberger 2005:chapter 8; also Fabian 1992; Lvi-Strauss 1963:128). Although the Arawakan Diaspora is multifaceted, and the origin area is not well established (alleged centers in northwest, western, or southwestern Amazonia), these complex high cultures are undeniably Amazonian developments (Lathrap 1970; Heckenberger 2002). 11 Kalervo Oberg (1955) introduced the concept of Po litically Organized Chiefdoms advocating for a ranked regional category of supravillage organization in Amazonia. Kalervo Obergs culture-historical socio-economicpolitical oriented article was a reaction to Julian Stewar ds (1948) neo-evolutionary culture-materialist South American groupings based on diagnostic culture traits. Next, Steward upgraded several of the Tropical Forest Cultures (Steward and Faron 1959). In 1933, Kale rvo Oberg (1973) prepared his dissertation, titled The Social Economy of the Tlingit Indians, under supervision of Alfred R. Radcliff-Brown. 12 Goldman 2004; Hill 1993; Ch. and S. Hugh-Jones 1979; Reichel-Dolmatoff 1971; Vidal 2002; Wright 1998. 13 Kay rhem (2001) studied village formation process in Northwest Amazonia as embedded in historical changes, rather than an adaptation to the natural environment. Historical impact on society, appearance of multiethnic confederacies, role of the religion of Kwai (or Yurupar for the Eastern Tukanoan groups), and the interwovenness between history and myth (i.e., oral tradition or social memory) is apparent in most studies among Northwest Amazonian groups since the 1980s (Hill 1984, 1988, 1996a, 1996b; Hill and Wright 1988; Vidal 2002; Wright 1993, 1998, 2002; Wright and Hill 1986; Zucchi 2002). These studies transpire (particul arly Wright 1998) that transformative change is well entren ched within the tradition of Kwai. 14 Introduction to Marshall Sahlins Age de Pierre, Age dabondance. Leconomy des socits primitives (1976). 15 Pierre Clastres (1976) concurred w ith Marshall Sahlins that the Domestic Mode of Productionor Kin-Ordered Mode of Production (Wolf 1982:88ff.)is only a political tool and has to be annulled for pre-state societies lacking a separate organ of power demanding surplus. 16 Christine and Stephen Hugh-Jones 1979; Goldman 2004; Hill 1993; Reichel-Dolmatoff 1971; Wright 1998.


58 17 Tout est chez eux en commun, lexception des femmes, des armes, des poules, et des oiseaux dont ils en apprivoisent et en lvent une trs-grande quantit de toutes les espces, surtout des perroquets et des aras, uniquement dans la vue den retirer les plumes colores, qui leur servent faire ces sortes dhabillements que les Europens recherchent comme un objet dune rare et grande curiosit (Tony 1843:228-229). 18 Research was mainly conducted from a single, and ra ther exceptional, Wayana village: respectively Anapaike Kawemhakan / Lawa Station where American Missionaries had settled (Boven 2006), and Antecume pata [actually located on Surinamese territory] where the Frenchman from Lyon, Andr Cognat, had settled (Brightman 2007); the latter in comparison with the Trio (T arno) village of Tpu where American Missionaries settled (Brightman 2007). 19 Emphasizing that Ahlbrinc ks expedition took place in 1938, that is seventeen years prior to publication.


59 CHAPTER 2 HISTORICAL BACKGROUND OF THE RESEARCH AREA Where we see a landscape too, the man of na ture [referring to the Apalai in Brazil] perceives a river with many rapids and rocks, a mass of trees, branches and leaves, that all together form the forest. Our [European] eyes glance swift and incessantly across the entire landscape, and we ge nerate in our mind an overall impression. The wild man [indigenous people of Guiana] focu ses his sight on every single object, he sees every twig and recognizes every irregularity in the canopy of a tree, every unusual shape of a floating tree trunk.1 Felix Speiser, Im Dster des Brasilianischen Urwalds (1926:83; my translation). Figure 2-1. Horizontal scales This chapter is a historical and geographical sett ing of the research area. It also sets the tone for two ways of knowing history and ge ography, both of which will be explored throughout


60 the present study. It suggests that while cart ographers and ethnographers were map-making and map-using, the first explorer s were discovering, mapping,2 uncharted territories. As illustrated by Felix Speiser (1926:83), the recognition of every irregularity in a landscape goes unnoticed when generating an overall impression in our mind. Landscape is not a static image to be gazed upon, but rather constantly emerging in practice: t he landscape is the wo rld as it is known to those who dwell therein, who inhabit its places and journey along the paths connecting [these places] (Ingold 1993:156, 1995, 2000; Hirsch 1995; Sauer 1925). Dwelling, opposed to reducing a landscape to its repr esentation, are different yet no t mutually exclusive spatial practices (de Certeau 1984; Ingold 20 00; Leroi-Gourhan 1964; Thomas 2001). Glossed by Michel de Certeau (1984) map-mode and tour-mode, the former is a static totalizing projection of where things/places are lo cated (map-making/map-using), while the latter is a dynamic process organizing movements between things/places (mapping) organizing possibilities as well as interdictions, materializin g habitability in space. Called wayfinding by Tim Ingold (2000), the actor or na rrator is (or was) not drawi ng or using a charted map, but rather is dwelling in the landscape. The practice of walking creates not merely a sense of direction but also a sense of meaning. Andr Leroi-Gourhan (1964:155-159), for instance, stated that the surrounding world could be perceived in either a static or a dynamic mode; the latter ( espace itinrant ) is related to terrestrial entities, dynamic in muscle power through trajectories; whereas the former (espace rayonant ) is related to a static birds eye view creating order in an entirely humanized microcosm (Leroi-Gourhan 1964: 159). This is not to say that wayfinding is better than map-making/map-using; only th at they are ontologically different. Maps are totalizing and hom ogeneous productions, results of observational distance and neutralization with respect to the strategies themselves that constitute as islands (de Certeau


61 1984:53). The whole can be seen in a glimps e, and looked down upon from a distance, while meaning is created by the map-maker. Social la ndscapes can be visualized in the context of scientific knowledge and as such it represen ts a technology of knowledge and power. Those who produce (e.g., draw or paint) hold the land as a passive alienable commodity. Alternatively, a landscape is a set of relations between people an d places emerging out of dwelling. Meaning of experienced place, as opposed to measured ge ometric space, emerges by inhabiting space, whereby meaning is there to be discovered in the landscape (Ingold 1993:172). Situated in these two ontologically different approaches to landscape, I posit, is the recognition of socio-political diffe rence in Guiana; with in the pa st centralized confederations (macro-polities), opposed to autonomous villages in the present. Historical research in Guiana presented a dynamic landscape of trading and military macro-polities (Whitehead 1989, 1994, 1999). In 1542, in the southern peripheries of the Wayana region, commonly portrayed as autonomous villages compliant with the convent ional model of tropical forest cultures, was noted such a regional organization named Ka lipono (Carvajal 1992:264-265). These early explorers in Guiana were mapping out itiner aries in practice (e.g., Carvajal 1992, 1994 [1542]; Keymis 1596; Raleigh 1596 [Whitehead 1997]; Tony 1835, 1843 [1769]). Rather than drawing geographical charts, as mentioned by de Cert eau (1984:120), such early cartographies were similar to history books mapping out itineraries in practice. The island of Guiana became defined properly through its bounda ries (i.e., the Atlantic Ocea n and the rivers Amazon, Rio Negro, and Orinoco), that were charted, classi fied, and labeled (de Goeje 1925; Lzy 2000). Nonetheless, the interior of Guiana remained unknown territory; a white spot to be filled by artistic impressions of natural and mythical creat ures. I argue that, rath er than classifying it, regional socio-political organiza tion can be discovered by dwelling in the Guiana landscape.


62 2.1 Exploring Guiana: Search for Gold In 1596, Sir Walter Raleigh wrote Discoverie of the Large, Rich, and Bewtiful Empyre of Guiana,3 with a relation of the great and Golden Citie of Manoa ( which the Spanyards call El Dorado) And of the Provinces of Emeria Arromaia Amapaia and other Countries, with their rivers adjoining (abbreviated in the present study as Discoverie ) (Whitehead 1997). It was, and still is, Raleighs (1596) Discoverie that fascinated so many Europeans and drew them to the northern shores of South America. At the sa me time, Lawrence Keymis (1596), described the coast of Guiana in more detail in his Relation of the Second Voyage to Guiana concluding with a table of names of the rivers from Amazon till Or inoco, residing Nations, towns, and leaders. Along with a description of the coast, Keymis described how indige nous people of Guiana traveled inland by canoe and land passages toward s a large body of water along which shores he supposedas Keymis noted between bracketswas located Manoa, Golden City of El Dorado. One of these rivers leading south into the interior of Guiana was the Essequibo, named after the Earl of Essex (Keymis 1596:G2); a vital river in Guiana and sett ing for several early English and Dutch settlements in the sixteenth century (Edmundson 1904; Whitehead 1988, 1994; Williamson 1923). Keymis wrote that the Indians cal led this river brother of the Orenoque [= Orinoco] (1596:G2), and that this river of Essequibo, or Devoritia, lyeth Southerly into the land, and from the mouth of it vnto the head, they pa e in twentie dayes: then taking their proui ion they carie it on their houlders one daies iourney: afterwards they returne for their Canoas, and beare them likewi e to the ide of a lake, which the Iaos call Roponowini, the Charibes, Parime: which is of uch bigne e, that they know no difference between it and the maine ea. There be infinite numbers of Canoas in this lake, and (as I uppo e) it is no other then that, whereon Manoa tandeth (Keymis 1596:C; To stay close to sixteenth century writing, I use (italic: ) instead of /s/; v instead of /u/ and vise versa). Leading to a large lake-like body of water, the Essequibo River leads south into the interior of Guiana, and it presumably took about twenty days for the indigenous population to reach the


63 sources of this river (i.e., Serra Acara) where they carried for one day their provisions on their shoulders over land to reach a nother body of water. From the Serra Acara they could have carried their provisions and canoes to rivers ranging from Anau, leading to the Rio Branco, in the west, to the Trombetas River in the east. La ter, Keymis (1596:C3) noted that it took sixteen days from Barima, thirteen days from Amacur, and ten days from Aratori (the latter two being affluents of the Orinoco River), suggesting a westerly position, potentially leading to the large lake-like body of water of the Rio Negro above Manaos. Keymis (1596:G) also noted that the city of Manoa was located at a twenty-day jour ney from the mouth of the Wiapoco [= Oyapock], suggesting a more easterly location of the lake-like body of water, po tentially an inland lake near the mouth of the Trombetas River (at 1 Z, 56 W, is located a lake stretching about 30 km east-west and 10 km north-south with an outline similar to la ke Parime on the map), or even the Amazon proper. Keymis appears more certain of the latter position of the salt lake where Manoa is located; potentia lly indicative of two separate la ke-like bodies of water. Based on these accounts the river Oya pock now became the aim for many non-Iberian explorers intending to find Manoa, the golden city of El Dorado.4 The coast of Guiana became an opportunity for French, English, Irish, and Dutch trading ventures (Edmundson 1903, 1904; Whitehead 1988, 1994; Williamson 1923), due to a political vacuum between the Spanish and Portuguese re alms. The boundary between the Spanish and Portuguese realms had been drawn east of the mouth of the Amazon in 1494 during the Treaty of Tordesillas, and Keymis had emphasized that farther to the Ea tward then De ekebe no Spaniard euer trauelled (1596:C)t hat is after the voyages down the Amazon by Francisco de Orellana (Carvajal 1992, 1994 [1542]; Markham 1859; Medina 1934; Sweet 1974) and Lope de Aguirre (Hemming 1978:195-197; Minta 1993; Whitehead 1999:418419)meaning that there


64 had been no thorough Spanish explorations of th e Guiana coast east of the Essequibo River. Subsequently, in 1608, Robert Harc ourt (1613) explored the coast of Guiana, and a decade later, in 1619, Captain Roger North (who had accompan ied Raleigh during his second voyage to Guiana) designed to establish a plantation upon the river Amazon near Guiana, i.e., between Amazon and Oyapock, or what is now Amapa (Harris 1928:11).5 Sir Walter Raleighs (1596) and Lawrence Ke ymis (1596) aimed to provide a venue to gold and other sources of wealth, as is una mbiguous in the statement that golde hall be the reward of their trauels (Keymis 1596:F), and to those be willing to aduenture in earch of them, I could propo e ome hope of golde mines, & certain a urance of peeces of made golde, of Spleentones, Kidneytones, and others of better e timate (ibid.: E3). Keymis thus promised gold mines and objects made of gold, as well as th e prospect of objects made of green-stone.6 When the raines cea ed, which was in Iuly, I [Robert Harc ourt] began to trauell abroad in earch of those Golden Mountains, promi ed vnto vs before the beginning of our voiage [referring to Raleigh 1596 and Keymis 1596] that their in atiable and couetous mindes could not bee atisfied with any thing but oenly Gold (Harcourt 1613:38). There were golden objects e.g., a halfe Moone of mettall, which held omwhat more then a third part Gold, the re t Copper [i.e., a copper-gold alloy]: another al o gaue mee a little Image of the ame mettall; and of an other I bought a plate of the ame (which hee called a pread Eagle [compare with Mazaruni Dragon (Whitehead 1996)]) for an Axe Images of Gold, by them called Carrecoory [ kalakuli ] (Harcourt 1613:38). My Indian Anthony Canabre [who had lived fo r fourteen years in England (Harcourt 1613:8)], brought mee a peec [= piece] of a rock, of white Sparre [= quartzite], whereof the high Country is full: And if the white Spa rres of this kinde, which is the pure t white of all others bee in the maine rocke, they are certai nely Mines of Gold, or Silver, or of both. I made triall of a peece of Sparre, which the ame Indian di covered vnto me, and I found that it held both Gold, and Silver but the be t lie deeper in the earth, and wee had no time nor power to make earch for them (Harcourt 1613:39-40).


65 When Robert Harcourt arrived in 1608, severa l Indians residing at the mouth of the Oyapock already spoke English and aide d the British in their quest for gold.7 European explorers were less interested in native language and customs, than in gold and other richness of Guiana. Others began to explore the Lower Amazon River and its tributaries: In the yeare 1616, one Peeter Adrianson [= Pi eter Adriaanszoon], in the Golden Cock [ De Goldne Haen = The Golden Rooster, i.e., the name of Pieter Adriaanszoons ship] of Vlushings [= Vlissingen, city in Zeeland] sayled for the Amazones and between the River Coropatube [= Jutai] and the River Ginipape [= Paru de Este]8 on a peninsula by a little river on one side and an Arme of the Amazones on the other side, they built a fort They were one hundred and thirty men and fourteen of them carried th eir famelies to plant [= settle] with them the Indians assisted them in planting Tobacco, Annotta, a red dye, a Bastard Scarlet [ Bixa orellana ] the Losse of that Hopeful Colony was thier engaging themselves in the Quarels of the Indians, assisting the Supanes [= unknown Indian nation] against another nation called the Periotes, w ho were in Aliance with the Portogueze [= Portuguese] (Major John Scott, Sloane MS 3662; quoted in Edmundson 1903:6-7). Dutch and English had settled in strongholds from where peaceful contacts with indigenous people were endeavor ed in order to establish tr ading relations for tobacco ( Nicotiana spp.), red dye ( Bixa orellana ) and speckle wood ( Brosimum guianensis ). In the early seventeenth century, Pedro Teixei ra aspired to expel the Dutc h, English, and Irish from the Lower Amazon, which he did with extreme force (Edmundson 1903:19-21). Entries in the West India Company reports ceased in 1628 and from this time onward the Portuguese were the masters of the Lower Amazon. In close proximity to Adriaanszoons fort, mentioned above, Acua wrote (in: Markham 1859:12 9) that at six leagues (about 24 km) from the mouth the Ginipape [= Paru de Este] th e Portuguese had a fort named El Destierro with a garrison of thirty soldiers and some pieces of artillery, not to defe nd the river against Dutch enemies, but to shockand-awe the vanquished Indians. Politics of Europe were brought into the Americas; not mere ly a conflict between Spain and Portugal, but since Spain and Portugal were at war with England and the United Provinces of the Netherlands (including Holland and Zeeland), th is war extended into the western hemisphere.


66 Dutch created alliances with i ndigenous people who were at war with the indigenous people who were allied to Spain or Portugal; since the Araw ak were by and large allied with Spain, Dutch allied with Caribs. Therefore, the historical distinction between peaceful Arawakan peoples and fierce Carib peoples might be a ramifica tion of Spanish chroniclers perceiving the Dutch as fierce, and hence their Carib allies as well (W hitehead 2000). Later, the British, French, and Dutch would divide the Guiana coast into Br itish Guyana, Suriname, and French Guiana. Figure 2-2. New map of amazing land and rich in gold of Guiana, Jodocus Hondius, 1599. Courtesy of the University of Amster dam; map library inventory number: 104.05.04. When in 1599 Jodocus Hondius published his New map of the land amazing and rich in gold of Guiana 9 based on the plottes of discoveryes by Sir Walter Raleigh and his Captain Keymis, a new dimension was added to the quest for gold. This map (Figure 2-2) consisted of


67 line drawings, figurative illustrations, and text, and after Keymis (1596:G), Hondius had written on the map near the mouth of the Oyapock, that the inhabitants of the Wiapoco [= Oyapock] needed twenty days with their ca noes from the mouth of this rive r to the lake where is the gold rich town of Manoa. The location of the gol den cityand how to get therehad now been mapped; and what is marked on a map exists. Ho wever, I posit that this imaginary lake on the map emerged as a unit in-between when rende ring the relational sixteenth century spatial narratives into a static map. In order to make se nse of this mythical body of water it is necessary to read the spatial narratives by Raleigh and Keymis (1596) concurrently with the spatial narrative of about fifty years ea rlier (expedition by Francisco de Orellana) written down by the Dominican friar Gaspar de Ca rvajal (1992, 1994; Medina 1934). In 1542, during the first European descent of the Amazon, Francisco de Orellana was told by an Indian previously captured near the Trom betas River (Carvajal 19 94:141) that these lands and the settlements (that were out of sight) belo nged to a great overlord (paramount chief) whose name was Arripuna, or Caripuna (C arvajal 1992:264-265; 1994:144-145): (C)Aripuna, who ruled over a great expanse of country; that in a direction back up the river and across country he possessed eighty days of journeying, as far as a lake which was off to the north, which was very populous, and th at this was ruled over by another paramount chief whose name was Tinamostn; but [the in formant] said that this one [Caripuna or Tinamostn] was a very great warrior and that they ate human flesh, which was not eaten in all the rest of the land that we had gone through up here It is he who holds under his control and in his country the Christians whom we learned about farther back [ibid:123] because this said Indian who had seen them (Carvajal 1992:264-265; 1994:144-145; my translation). Based on this account, Neil Whitehead (1994, 1999) located the macro-polity of Karipuna at the Paru River, a tributary of the Lower Amazon. According to the Indian informant (Carvajal 1992:264-265; 1994:144-145) this paramount chie f ruled over a vast region. John Hemming reduced this account to a single se ntence: The expeditions Indian informant told them that this tribe was under a chief called Aripuna and that, unlike any of the other tribes on the Amazon,


68 they ate human flesh (1978:194). Also Medina (1934:223) interp reted that Arripuna and his subjects ate human flesh. Reading Carvajal (1992:264-265; 1994:144-145) it is indefinite whether it was Caripuna, or Tinamostn (the paramount chief in the north)10 who ate human flesh. Focus of later researchers on consumpti on of human flesh (cannibalism) silenced the regional aspects of this spatial narrative. This spatial story by the I ndian guide (about thirty years of age [Carvajal 1994:131]) referring to Christians living in the land near the great body of water in the northat a journey of eighty days (Carvajal 1992:264265; 1994:144-145)can but refe r to Europeans settled along the Atlantic coast of Guiana, such as at the mouth of the Essequibo as mentioned above. The indicated route back up the rive r, i.e., upstream from the curre nt location (just downstream of Tapajos), and across the land that is within the re ign of Caripuna, to reac h a large body of water in the north (Carvajal 1992: 264-265; 1994:144-145), I argue was a passage across Guiana, a route of communication, via Trombetas and Paru de Oeste in Brazil, across the Sipaliwini Savanna at the watershed between Brazil and Suri name, to the Essequibo and Corantyne rivers in (British) Guyana.29F11 Alternatively, a passage crossed Gu iana via the Paru de Este to the Tapanahoni and Marowijne in Suriname,30F12 towards the Atlantic coast of Guiana. With regard to the latter rout e, it was Henri Coudreau (1893:87) who stated that it took him twenty-seven days and Jules Crevaux thirty-thr ee days to go upstream the Maroni River, and respectively forty-two and fortyseven days to descend the ri vers Jari and Paru (Coudreau 1892a:18); resulting in a trajectory, from Atla ntic Ocean to Amazon River across Guiana, covered in about eighty days. A great body of water can thus be reached from the Amazon River within about eighty days of journeying (Carvajal 1992:264-265; 1994:144-145) along the


69 above mentioned passageways across Guiana, and I posit that this lake in the north (Carvajal 1992:264-265; 1994:144-145) refers to the Atlantic Ocean. This body of water was not the only Guiana creatu re that got lost in translation. Next to the interior lake, Jodocus Hondius (1599; Figure 2-2) had placed im ages of a man with his head upon his chest, and a female Amazon warrior. It is generally assume d that this imagery is based upon the imaginary mid-fourteenth century Travels of Sir John Mandevill e, but I argue for a local Guiana explanation for these creatures. Tw o centuries after Mandeville, Keymis located in the interior of Guiana headless men following his interpreter John (Keymis 1596:C3): these headless men had their wide mouths in their chest; Guianians ( sic ) name this nation Ewaipanomos and their name in the Carib language is Chiparemai Rather than enigmatic mythical monstrous people, this description resonates with a description of rays, whereby sipali (riverine spine-ray; Potamotrygon hystrix ) phonetically resonates with Keymiss root chipare with the third person si ngular of to be ( nai ) (note that the interior of Suriname is called Sipaliwini, after rivers filled with spine-rays ), possibly indicating the presence of spine-rays (rather than monstrous headless men) in the interior of Guiana. To dwell for a moment in Guiana names lost in translation; People with a Dogs head resonate with the Kaikusiyana in the in terior of Guiana (Tony 1843:219-220), whereby kaikui can be translated as jaguar or dog; hence Pe ople of the Jaguar or Dog, referring to the fact that these people were maybe fierce as jaguars, or potentially dog traders (Lombard 1928:126). Next, the Amazon River acquired its name after friar Carvajal (1992, 1994) continued referring to the legendary Amazon warrior women, an Anci ent Greek legend that was drawn upon to make sense of the female warriors that attacked the Span iards. Near the mouth of Trombetas, Carvajal increased his writing on the Amazon warrior women. Perhaps there be some truth in Carvajals


70 displaced narrative, as Wayana (as do other Amazonian people) recognize a legendary tribe named Wlisiyana consisting of only women ( wli = girl) (de Goeje 194 1:88). As the mere name Amazon is a derivative of Greek my thology (Female Warriors), I posit that the name Carib (generally assumed a misunderstanding between the Kalia/Galibi/Caribs and the terms Kahn and cannibals; Keymis 1596 wrote Charibes ) resonated with Greek mythology as well. During the Voyage of the Argonauts it was said that there were Chalybes, who did not plow and cultivate their fields and herded cattle on the meadows like other people; they [the Chalybes ] lived below daylight, mining for ore and iron from the depths of the earth and never saw the sun, nor planets, during their entire life (Schwab 1964:112; my translation). When Columbus and his followers understood there were Charibe s / Chalybes on the mainland (Chanca 1930), it was decided to explore Guiana in search for gol d and ore that could be mined. A myth was born. Ironically, the major ethnological elements that Ralegh incorporated from the intelligence that the Spanish had already gathered were exactly those for which his account [Discoverie 1595] has been most pilloried by subsequent generations: El Dorado, the invasion of the Epuremei, the headless Ewaipanoma, womanwarriors-without-men, the Amazons, and the Canibals. However, these are actually the elements to Raleghs account that should be considered the most credible (Whitehead 1997:42; italics in original). An interior lake had been created along w ith mythical peoples in the process of mapmaking that would haunt map-users in the fo llowing centuries. In 1703, on the map by William Delisle, it was written between the sources of Esse quibo and Maroni that it is in these regions that most authors place the Lake Parime and th e City of Manoa of El Dorado (Evans and Meggers 1957:568; Figure 2-3; my translation). Outline drawing of an interior lake in Guiana had been removed from the map, yet the notion of Lake Parime and the golden city of Manoa had not been silenced as the author wrote on the map, in text, that most authors place the infamous lake and city at this location. Lake Parime would reappear in 1707 on the map by the Jesuit Samuel Fritz, leaving the rest of the interior of Guiana almost empty.


71 Figure 2-3. Map of Guiana by William De lisle, 1703 (Evans and Meggers 1957:568). Clifford Evans and Betty Meggers (1957:568) republished (part of ) the 1703 map of Guiana by William Delisle (Figure 2-3), to plot the people inhabiting Guiana and the mouth of the Amazon around 1700. No mention of Wayana is made. Delisle mentioned on his map a silver mine located at the sources of the Paru, and a gold mine located between the headwaters of the Paru and Jari. Though the outline of Lake Parime and the location of the golden city of Manoa had disappeared from the map, the rush fo r gold remained directed towards this area; towards the Wayana region.


72 2.2 First Written Account on the Roucouyennes [= Wayana] Voyage in the interior of the continent of French Guiana among the Roucoyens Indians [Roucouyennes = Wayana] ( Voyage dans linterieur du continent de la Guyane chez les Indiens Roucoyens ; abbreviated in the present study as the Voyage) by Claude Tony (1835, 1843) is the first written account on the Roucouyens as encountered in 1769.13 Proper name Wayana is not written down, though the geographical lo cation of the rivers Aletani [= Litani or lItani], Arraoua [= Tampok], Maroni [= Lawa] (Tony 1843:218), and Ouahoni [= Marouini or Malani] (ibid.:215) indicate the Wayana region in French Guiana (Figure A2). During a three week stay, Tony observed settlement patterning, food and l odges, physique and character, fishing, hunting and gardening, and mortuary practices, which he wrote down on eleven and a half pages (Tony 1843:220-231), i.e., half of the entire Voyage. Tony (ibid.) counted about eighty people, not counting elderly and children. No total de mographic estimate has been given for the Roucouyennes in 1769 as Claude Tony only visited a single village. Claude Tonys Voyage is unique in that the Roucouyenne s [= Wayana] are described as having a centralized military organization with a hierarchical chain of command (Rivire 1984:83); hence support for supravilla ge organization in Guiana. Nevertheless, there were many occasions in the production of the history of Guiana where Tonys Voyage could have easily been deleted from history; silenced in the se nse of Michel Trouillot (1995). According to Trouillot, silences enter at four crucial moments: at the making of sources or moment of fact creation; secondly in fact assembly or making of archives ; thirdly in fact re trieval or making of narratives; and finally, in the making of history, or at the moment of retrospective significance. These crucial moments w ill briefly be evaluated with regard to Tonys Voyage. It is remarkable that this 1769 Voyage was written down in the first place, as Claude Tony was not a learned Frenchman from the Europ ean mainland. Tony was a free mulatto of the


73 Approuague River in French Guiana; a Mulatre Libre dApprouague as stated in the title (it goes beyond the present study to discuss the pos ition of free mulattos, maroons, and their relations with Indians in French Guiana). Approuague River is located between Cayenne, capital of French Guiana, and the Oyapock River. Being an intermediary, Tony was ordered to accompany M. Patris, a French botanist, in 1769, into the interior of French Guiana (Tony 1843:213). Tony wrote the Voyage as a tour in the sense of de Certeau (1984): while reading, the reader can follow step-by-step the pedestrian speech-act (Figure A-2). Upon returning the canoe capsized and all belongings were lost with the exception of some waterproof baskets containing f eathers, during which ordeal T ony succeeded in saving his own life as well as that of Patris leader of the expedition (Tony 1843:234). Tony regretted that he had lost all his gifts from the Wayana, and he went on to say that Patris had lost his bags with stones as well. Although no descriptions are made of these bags of stones, it is quite intriguing that a botanist was collecting ba gs of stones from the interior of Guiana. What is more, Tony (1843:232) wrote that Patris seemed to conduc t numerous mineralogical studies without explaining to the other members of the exped ition what he was looking for. While Patris claimed towards the Wayana leader (Tony 1843:222223) that they came as friends to make trading partners, Tony, unintentiona lly, provided the potential of a hidden agenda of Patriss exploration in the interior: botan ist Patris had not simply embarked on an expedition to study the flora of the interior of French Guiana; the 1769 expedition had apparen tly a hidden agenda to survey for gold deposits indicated by diagnostic quartz veins in granite, equivalent to what Harcourt (1613:39-40) had found one hundred sixty years prior. This collection of rocks and stones, that was now lost in the river, could indi cate the possible location of mines of silver and gold. That the 1769 expedition departed from the Oyapock is another indication for gold


74 prospection (compare with Keymis 1596:G; Ma p by Hondius 1599). The hidden agenda of the French botanist M. Patris could have easily silenced Tonys account from the very beginning. Last but not least, the expedition was conduc ted in 1769 and only publis hed sixty-six years later as an annex in Barb-Marboiss Diary of a Deportee in French Guiana ( Journal dun Dport a la Guyane) (Tony 1835:301-320). It was almost a decade later when the twenty-three pages counting Voyage dans linterieur du continent de la Guyane chez les Indiens Roucoyens ( Voyage in the interior of the continent of French Guyana among the Roucoyens Indians ) was incorporated in th e edited volume of Essays and Observations to the use of the ancient history of the Americas (Ternaux-Compans 1843:213-235). Most researchers cite the 1843 edition (none cite the 1835 edition), so if Tern aux-Compans had not included Tonys Voyage in his bundled essays, the chances of survival of the Voyage would have been extremely small, and there would then not have been a written indication of soci o-political supravillage organization in Guiana. A spatial story on the Roucouyennes in 1769. To engage with the tour mode of the Voyage, and to get a feeling of his dwelling in the interior of Guiana, I will quote Claude Tony in some length. With regard to spatial stories in Guiana, Tony does not refer to typical map-maker terminology as land, country, and territory; inst ead he refers to canoe landing places ( dgrad) and roads, i.e., bridging connections between places rather than defined locales. This different ontology is grounded in the mere fact that Claude Tony was a Free Mulatto and not a White European. His narrative can be followed with a finger glid ing across a map (Figure A-2).14 For example, Tony wrote that We descende d immediately the later river Arraoua [= Alawa, or todays Tampok] for half a day, and we had arrived in the Maroni [= Lawa, or upper Maroni] where there is an isla nd [= Lawa Mofou Tabiki, i.e., Sranantongo for Island at the


75 Mouth of the Lawa] across from this m outh, on which we slept (Tony 1843:218; all translations of the Voyage are mine). Tony continued: We went upstream the Maroni [= Lawa] for a day and a half; the navigation is very hard due to the falls and rocks [particularly Awara Soula, Domofou Soula, and the complex of the Sauts de lAletani near pr esent-day Antecume Pata], and I [Tony] estimate that there is only three to four leagues (lieues) between th e mouth of the Arraoua [= Tampok] and that of the Ouahoni [= Malani, or Marouini], into which we entered. In the Ouahoni [= Malani], near its mouth, [is] a very la rge fall [= Pouou Sani Soula] (Tony 1843:219). we arrived at the landing place of the Arramich aux [= Aramiso], which is at the right bank [of the Malani]; this third village of this nation [of the Aramiso] is at halve a day from the river [about 15 km inland, calcu lating from the fact that earlier Tony (1843:215) had mentioned that the travel di stance on land is about six leagues a day, thus halve a day travel over land would be about three league s] near a creek named Aueymanbo [= Creek Mana?]; we arrive there, going east, via a ve ry beautiful road. There are in this village about a twenty some men (Tony 1843:219). This settlement of the Aramiso (a Trio subgroup [Frikel 1957:541; Riviere 1969:16-17]) is located about fifteen kilometers east from the rive r Malani. Not only is this settlement located fifteen kilometer inland, and approached via an exceptionally high-quality road (instead of a forest trail), it appears to be connected with other settlements in Guiana. The men in this village are of the same nature as those we have already seen [near the landing place for the Chemin des Emerillon at Crique Grande Waki], [and] with whom they communicate via a land road that passes trough [the region of] the Calcuchens [= Kaikusiyana]; it takes them five days to complete this road till [they arrive] among the other Arramichaux [= Aramiso from the Crique Grande Waki]; Th ey have received us well too (ibid.:219-220). When this road is mapped, a stimulating situ ation emerges. This third village of the Aramiso was reached by the 1769 expedition only after nineteen and a half days canoeing after departure from the second Aramiso village locate d on the Crique Grande Waki, whereas it took the Aramiso just five days to complete this trajectory over land by a well maintained road.15 These men might actually have been the very sa me men encountered almost three week prior. On the Malani, possibly between creek Man a and creek Soualani, Tony wrote that We have arrived at the landing place of the Indians Roucouyennes [= Wayana] that is at the right


76 bank; we slept there, after unloading the canoes (Tony 1843:220). Tony (1843:218) did not describe how the expedition camped during the 1769 Voyage, yet he did mention that they slept on the island at the mouth of the Tampok river, that is, just before they changed from down stream the Tampok to upstream the upper Maro ni and Malani. Tony (1843:220) mentioned once more that the expedition spent the night ashore, just before entering the Wayana territory. Tony mentioned the act of sleeping before major sh ifts were about to happen, analogous indigenous Amazonian discourse (see for example Table C-14: line 69), wherein the tr aveler, through the act of sleeping, leaves a socially defined space, a sa ve home base, and move to a liminal treacherous place of dangerous beings (Basso 1985:30). The 1769 expedition did not know what to expect in this unexplored terr itory among unknown nations as Ar amiso and in particular the Roucouyennes: The following morning we set out on a strai ght road, well opened and well kept clean, towards East-South-East. After having walked for an hour, we perceived next to the road, under the trees, a tocaye [i.e., a shelter from palm leaves kumu or wapu; named mmn in Wayana] a small circular lodge about ten feet [about three meter] in diameter ending in rotunda, and there was only a small door of about two feet and a half wide by three feet high [about 76 x 92 cm] that closed with a door, a sort of matting or a panel of leaves that also stood against the rain. As we approache d, we saw an Indian taking off, running with all his force, realizing that he had seen strangers; having arrived at the tokaye, another Indian comes out armed, who seems young to us (Tony 1843:220). After having walked another three hours, we ha ve arrived in a garden plot, an abattis [= French for slash-and-burn field], in the middle of which we found, inside a carbet [= French for Indian dwelling. See chapter 3.1] some ten men with th eir leader, all well armed, which seemed to be an advanced guard; because there were no women, nor anything else that could distract them. The Captain [= Fren ch for chief or village leader], who had already became conscious of us, came several paces towards us, and after greeting M. Patris by taking his hand, he withdraw from the road and made a gesture to enter the carbet, where were the other Indians, arrows in their hand while leaning on their bow. Although this Captain knew M. Patris from hi s earlier voyage [three years prior, in 1766], he did not say anything, he di d not ask anything and he made no request. Seeing this we asked him the way and permission to enter the village, and he indica ted it immediately and we did hit the road. From this sort of advanced guard to the first vill age, there is still about four leagues [about 20 km, i.e., at the foot hills of the Tumuc-Humac watershed between borne 3 and 4]; however it has to be brought to the attention that this road is made with still more care (Tony 1843:221).


77 This unique Guiana settlement and the lay-out of roads will be studied in the next chapter. Spatial story in the inte rior of Guiana is about to reach its pinnacle: Near their [Roucouyennes] village [Chapter 3.2], there is a mountai n named Couyarouara [= Kujaliwala? Unidentified inselberg], that is nothing other than some rocks piled up one on top of the other, where no plant grows. Climbing to its summit, we discover towards the west a great chain of mountains that, as we assume, leads to the Cordilleras [= TumucHumac] (Tony 1843:231). Following Tonys spatial story, this Roucouyenne /Wayana settlement was located at the foothills of the Tumuc-Humac watershed (Figure 24). No exact location of this settlement is known though anomalous features in the forest can potentially be revealed by means of remote sensing. Between borne 3 and 4 along the bor der between Brazil and French Guiana, is a significant inselberg (N 2; W 53). From the top of this inselberg the TumucHumac mountain range, including Toukouchipann a nd Mitaraka are discer nible at the western horizon. Claude Tony never named the Tumuc-Humac. On the other side of the watershed is originating the Couyari, affluent of the Jari.16 While standing on top of this inselberg with a perfect panorama over the Guiana landscape, ex emplary that narratives are evoked through being in the landscape, local Indi ans told Tony the following: The Indians told us [while being on top of an inselberg], that by going southwest [i.e., following the fourth road, parall eling the Malani River], on th e other side of the Ouahoni [= Malani] river that we took ups tream, there is a series of villages of the Roucouyennes [= Wayana], and of the nations Amicouane [= Amikwan; possibly Upului35F17] and Appareille [= Apalai], all friends and allies [still toda y the Wayana are friends and allies, and even intermarried with, Upului and Apalai; see chapter 8.3], who communi cate via a beautiful road [i.e., Kailawas trail, see chapter 8.1] th at stretches till nearby the mountain range [= Tumuc-Humac] of which I [Claude Tony] just spoke. They also say, that these united nations [= confederation of the Wayana; see chapter 8] have establishe d a leader [chef], a kind of general chief [capitaine gnral] who resides in the last of these villages, which is also the most important (Tony 1843:231). On the other side [of the watershed] going sout h, one finds at a day march the head of the river Mapahoni, that continues in to the Yarri [= Jari], that flows its waters into the Amazon [Figures C-1 and C-3] (Tony 1843:231).


78 M. Patris, who seemed to conduct numerous mineralogical studies, without explaining [to Tony or the other expedition members] what he was looking for, without opening up to anybody, he had the desire to go and see this se ries of roucouyens [= Wayana] villages and to go to the great chain of m ountains. He leaves alone with the Indiens, because I [Claude Tony] had fallen ill; but he [Patris] returned after three days stating that he was not able to arrive at the first of these villages nor to the mountain that was near it (ibid.:232-233). This panoramic description of a beautiful road at which end is located the most important settlement where the paramount chief resided is unique in Guiana history. Note that this panoramic, distanced, a nd summarizing perspective is give n from the top of an inselberg from where the forest down belowwhere the people walking were hidden and out of sight could be gazed upon. These two modes resonate with de Certeaus difference between map and tour spatial stories; all-wa tching eyes from the top of a building, opposed to blind walkers in the streets down below. Patris desired to prosp ect this region with its series of villages, as he assumed the richness in gold of this area. Sin ce Tony had fallen ill, Patris set out by himself and some Roucouyennes. After three days of walki ng, Patris returned, wit hout having reached even the first of these villages and its nearby inselberg. If only Tony had not fallen ill, we would have had a better impression of this supravillage orga nization in the heartland of the Wayana region. 2.3 Shift from Tour to Map Maps of coastlines had been produced for navigation purposesand the treaties of Tordesillas (1494) and Madrid (1750) had di vided the mapped world into a Spanish and a Portuguese realmhowever the interior of Guiana remained unknown territory. No map was drawn in the spatial narrative by Claude T ony (1835, 1843), and whereas Jules Crevaux (1881) did cartographically map French Guiana, his narr ative is mainly in the tour-mode. Crevaux (1987:124-125) stated that he was in the line of numerous expl orers, beginning with Raleigh. Crevaux aspired to find the infamous Lake Parime along which banks was to be found Manoa the Golden City of El Dorado.


79 Figure 2-4. Reference map for spatial stories in the Tumuc-Humac region.


80 Myth, legend, or otherwise, gold was (and c ontinues to be) found in the rivers flowing from the watershed between Brazil and the Guianas. It is not al ways gold that shines; Crevaux wrote (1987:124-125) that e xplorers had found temples of the Go lden Man at an affluent of the Jari River, but in reality walls of these rock shelters were of mica rich rock and when the sun penetrates such dark rock shelters, mica will glow up with a bright golden shine. Although Crevaux had explored the interior of Guiana for many years, he was never able to draw this mythical lake on the map based on field observations.18 The legend of El Dorado was however kept alive in discourse, and the further distanced, the more real it was perceived. 2.3.1 French-Dutch Boundary Expedition (1861) The 1880s Gold Rush in the Lawa Basin pre ssured the question of demarcation; which river (Tapanahoni or Lawa) is the upper course of the Marow ijne / Maroni River (considered boundary between Dutch and French Guia na; Figure A-2). The legend of El Dorado became truth when gold was found in the Tampok River in 1883, and in the Lawa Basin in 1887 (Wekker 1984). In view of auriferous potenti al, it was between September and November 1861 that a French-Dutch boundary expedition went into the interior to scientifically measure the stream flow of Tapanahoni and Lawa (Wekke r 1991, 1992). France claimed that the Tapanahoni was the main stream whereas the Lawa was a mere affluent, thereby including the gold deposits on French territory. Based on scientifically coll ected data, it was Tsar Alexander III from Russia who decided in May 1891thirty years after the boundary expeditionthat the Lawa and not the Tapanahoni had to be recognized as the upper course of the Maroni River (Wekker 1992). Upper course of the Lawa is still in debate; Fr ance presumes the Aletani (lItany) as source, whereas Suriname claims the Marouini as source of the Marowijne River.


81 2.3.2 Jules Crevaux and Henri Coudreau (Exploring Guiana Between 1877 and 1891) It was these first explorations and scientific boundary expeditions that would first describe in detail the arts, crafts, customs, and language s of the Guiana Indians, then again, power struggles between Dutch, French, and Brazilian governments, would lead to constant redrawing of the borders beyond the sphere of influen ce of indigenous populations, the Wayana among others.19 In 1877, while the decision on the boundary between Dutch and French Guiana lingered on, Jules Crevaux (1881; 1987) went upstream the Maroni River to enter the TumucHumac mountain range via the Aletani and cross to the Jari River (Figure A-2). He yearned to continue where the expedition by Patris, as de scribed above, was forced to return. Where Crevaux was the typical adventurous and wayfindi ng explorer, Henri Coudreau intended to make a scientific study of the interior of Guiana, including making a map.38F20 Primarily, Coudreau intended to deconstruct the notion of Lake Pari me by proving there was neither such lake nor golden city in the interior of Guiana. During his voyage, Crevaux would provide, in a tour-like manner, important information about the indigenous peoples dwelli ng in this region, the Wayana in particular. In addition, and providing a basis to communicate with Wayana, Crevaux (1882) wrote the first French-Wayana vocabulary ( Vocabulaire Franais-Roucouyenne ), counting 364 entries on 21 pages, wherein he stated that the Indians of the upper-Maroni, Jari and Paru, who are known in French Guiana under the name Roucouyenne [after Tony 1835, 1843], name themselves Ouayanas [= Wayana] (Crevaux 1882:17; my translation). Ten years after publication of th e Wayana vocabulary by Crevaux (1882)followed by an 11 page c ounting grammar (Adams 1882)Coudreau (1892) published his Vocabulaires Methodiques of Wayana, doubling the number of entries to circa 700 on 23 pages, followed by 11 pages grammar, and 15 pages of verbs and example phrases.


82 Throughout his publications Henri Coudreau aimed to be more sc ientific in approach than his predecessor Jules Crevaux, em phasizing the distinction between his scientific map-making in Guiana versus the exploratory mapping by Crevaux ten years earlier. In due process, Coudreau (1892a:16) stated that he had discovered unknown pages of the history of the peoples without history (emphasis added; all translations of Crev aux and Coudreau are mine). Nonetheless, Coudreaus initial accounts, first pub lished in the French journal Le Tour du Monde and first part of his monograph (Coudreau 1893), is in th e tour-mode, similar to Crevauxs exploratory narratives. Coudreau proposed to remain for a longer period of time (from May 1887 to April 1891) in this region to scientifically explore and map the Tu muc-Humac area. This was not an easy task, and the first line in his report of four years of exploration stated that Les TumucHumac mont cot beaucoup de mal (the Tumuc-Humac has cost me a lot of pain) (1892a:3). Coudreaus spatial story can be traced with a finger on the map (Figure 2-4). Where the footpath crossed a creek, a tree trunk served as br idge. Apparently, the trail from Aletani to the village of Pililipu was frequently in use as the Wayana had cut a tree square, wide enough for two people to pass (Coudreau 1893:96). What is mo re, while these footpaths follow creeks, they are bridging paths between important south-nor th flowing rivers; e.g., between Oyapock and Maroni, from Maroni to Aletani, from Jari to Paru, and from Paru to Trombetas. Few footpaths cross the watershed (e.g., from Aletani to Mapah oni and Jari, and from Paru to Tapanahoni). These travels, first published in Le Tour du Monde were dynamic pedestrian speech-acts organizing movements between places. From the village of Pililipu, another ma pping story developed (Coudreau 1893:159-164). Coudreau described his seven day, and almost 120 kilometer long, journey through the Green Hell of Guiana. No panoramic view was give n; simply because ongoing rains and no clear sky


83 made this impossible. General directions are southwest from Pililipu towards Arouco patare [= luk pata], about 10 km southwest towards a savanne roche [= borne 1], about 20 km north towards a peak that is at the source of creek Saranou and then northwest towards Koul koul, which creek will be followed till it falls into the Al etani, from where Coudreau returns to Pililipu via the above named footpath (Figure 2-4). February (Coudreau 1893:159; all translations are mine) We will travel with the rains. Marche! (ibid.:160) First stop is Arouco Pata re [= luk pata; place of the caterpillar], i.e., the watershed between the Aletani and Malani. Rain prevents the expedition to obtain a proper panorama, and they have to descend into the forest below. We walk we arrive at the bank of a creek. Possibl y this is the head of creek Carapa [marked on contemporary maps as Alama]. We stop to have for lunch the two partridges (sic) that Laveau [the photographer] had shot, and to let us dry a little. Rain ceases (ibid.:161). Coudreau described a real sadness of the tropical rainfore st, including wet hammocks and wet cassava bread, which caused the Wayana guides to indicate that they would gladly return to their village (ibid:161). Coudreau continued: After a day of 10 kilometer we make camp at the rim of a large bare space, a kind of savanne rocheuse. We attach our hammocks between the trees at the edge of the forest (ibid:161). The third day, we traverse the savanna that stretc hes, at this point, for about three kilometers. Then, between two hills, we pass the head of a creek that is four meter wide. We approach the mountai ns. At the foot of this ra nge are vast swamps of pinotpalm trees (Euterpe oleracea). Flooding of the winter has by now begun. For about two hours, we walk across the water till our knees, and sometimes even till our waist Now is the ascent of peak Saranou. This peak, that is barely 400 meters high, is of an easy access. In the furrows of the western slopes where pa ss through little streams that, as it seems, bring into being the creek Saranou (Coudreau 1893:161). The spatial story above illust rated a blind walking through th e Amazonian rainforest where je ne vois absolument rien (I cannot see anything at al l) (Coudreau 1893:163). These itineraries left a single line on the map, without notion of the whole, as was recognized by Coudreau (1892a:3). The whole could, according to Coudreau, merely be derived from high points offering a panorama for tr iangulation, yet such panoramas are rare in Amazonia.


84 Shift from tour to map came into effect dur ing the second expeditionand the second half of Chez nos indiens (Coudreau 1893:245 ff.)as Coudreau presented a more historical panoramic overview of French Guiana. Not insignificantly, along with this shift was the introduction of photography (Coudreau brought al ong a still photographe r named Laveau). Photo negatives that survived th is hostile environment were rendere d artistically into gravures. Photographs and gravures represented landscapes that could be awed upon from a distance. Coudreau (1892a:4) stated that there where only three out of about two hundred mountaintops providing a proper panorama showing the entire horizon for map-making purposes, naming three mountain tops from where a complete panorama could be obtained: Mitaraca, Tayaouaou near the sources of the Oyapock, and Tmomarem at the trail from Maphoni to Aletani (ibid.:4). Remarkable is that Coudreau did not address the inselberg that is vi tal to the present study (T1, Tukusipan, or Tmotakem), located four kilometers to the northwest from the rocky savanna crossed by Coudreau ( savanne roche ; Figure 2-4: G) from where a great panorama of the surrounding forest can be obtained when it is no t raining. Another sign ificant inselberg from where a beautiful panorama can be obtained e.g., during the Gonini expedition (Franssen Herderschee 1905a)was the point of return of the 1861 French-Dutch Boundary expedition; named (without being susceptible for a possible i ndigenous name) Piton Vidal after the leader of the French party who climbe d this inselberg with Kappler (leader of the Dutch party) on November 20, 1861 (Wekker 1992:20-21). While Crev aux wrote that in 1 877 he (re)named this inselberg Knopaiamoi21 (Crevaux [1881] 1993:101, 112), it was Coudreau who oddly stated that Crevaux had named this mountain ( montagne ) after Vidal. Of the three named inselbergs (Mitaraca, Taya ouaou near the sources of the Oyapock, and Tmomarem at the trail from Maphoni to Aletan i), the first mountaintop (Mitaraca) mentioned


85 for a complete panorama by Coudreau (1892a:4) is not the inselberg labeled today as Mitaraka or Massif du Mitaraka Although Henri Coudreau intended to be scientific, he also sought after his mountain, and was eager to name an inselber g after himself: I also want to have my mountain. I like mountains; they are firm, they are concrete My mountain! (Moi aussi je veux avoir ma montagne. Jaime les montagnes; cest ferme, cest solide Ma montagne! ) (1893:86; exclamation mark in or iginal). Mitaraca with its dangerous ascent is the only inselberg of this region with such a beautiful belvedere; with the most outstanding panorama. Therefore Coudreau named this inselberg af ter himself (Coudreau 1893:123-124), and this inselberg with its signif icant double conical towers at N 2 (711 m.) is today labeled as Pic Coudreau.22 Furthermore, Pic Coudreau (former Mitaraca ) is located just south of Arouco Patare [= luk patatp] where Coudreau wandered blind due to torrential rains, as described above. Possibly this was a way for Coudreau to dom esticate this hostile Guiana landscape. Because mountains are solid and concrete, naming a mountain is as if this name is literally written in stone. The 1861 French-Dutch Bounda ry expedition was materialized in stone by naming inselberg Konopameje: Piton Vidal. Cassabatiki ( kuhelap patatp ) was renamed Mount Lorquin (Coudreau 1893:87). Thoug h inselbergs may be of solid granite, their names have changed and labels wander over maps. Mountains may be inert, yet they are far from lacking agency, as they have (Tumuc-Humac in particul ar) stimulated peoples movements and actions. Scientific exploration of th e Tumuc-Humac region made C oudreau (1892a:18) conclude that (1) Gold is abundant enough for lucrative expl oitation; (2) Rubber is especially present in the upper course of the Oyapock; and (3) Cacao is also present in the upper course of the Oyapock where there are eight large cacao plants of which the largest is about 1500 hectares. Not to hide broader impacts, Coudr eau (ibid.) stated that the clim ate is certainly not an obstacle


86 for colonization. Scientific map-making in the in terior of Guiana had but one aim: to provide future pioneering colonizers with a map that they could use wh ile exploiting the gold reserves, rubber, cacao, or other economically valuable co mmodities. Political ag enda of the quest for gold was no longer hidden. Then again, as later stated by de Goeje (1905b:1089), is that the northern tributaries of th e lower Amazon are very difficult to navigate. To support his case, he mentioned that it took Crevaux respectively 42 and 47 days to descend the Jari and Paru Rivers. Difficult navigation of both Jari a nd Paru Riverespecially the large falls at the lower course, Cachuera San Antonio above allwere the reason that the upper courses of these northern tributaries of the lower Amazon River were not as intensively affected by invading colonial forces and exploited for rubber or other valuables, as other parts of Amazonia. Spatial narratives moving between places was rendered into a mappe d arrangement of where places are located. 2.3.3 Expeditions by the Royal Dutch Geographic Society (Early 20th Century) Albeit the main rivers of Guiana had been explored, and Crevaux (1881) and Coudreau (1893) had drawn the first rather detailed maps of the interior of Guiana, five-sixths of Suriname remained unknown territory to European map-makers (Van Panhuys 1896). The following year, 1897, the board of the Association for Suriname initiated the plan for a systematic and scientific research of those part s of the colony of Suriname, which are not or hardly ever visited by Europeans (de Goeje 1905b). Photography improve d around the turn of the century, and as a result the reports of the Roya l Dutch Geographi c Society (KNAG; Koninklijk Nederlands Aardrijkskundig Genootschap ) are full of origin al photographs (e.g., Bakhuis 1902; Franssen Herderschee 1905a, 1905b; de Goeje 1908; Van Lynde n 1939); frozen images of a never before seen landscape. Corantyne River, western border of Suriname with (British) Guyana, had previously been explored by Sir Robert Schomburgk in 1843. In 1901, following the systematic approach, the


87 first expedition to explore the interior of Suriname went upstream the Coppename River (Bakhuis 1902; Figure A-2), i.e., the first major river flowing into the Atlantic Ocean counted from the western border. Second KNAG expe dition was the 1902-1903 Saramacca expedition; whereby the Saramacca is the second major north-s outh river counted from the western border. The Suriname River (after which river former Dutch Guiana was named) was sufficiently known, except for its upper course and its sources. Initially, the Royal Dutch Geographic Society required exploring the sources of th e Suriname River, however, Dutch government requested exploration of the Lawa area instead as this region became increasingly subject for gold mining activities. Accordingly, in 1903, a thir d expedition explored th e Gonini River, just south of the TapanahoniLawa junction which had b een subject of scientif ic research during the 1861 French-Dutch Boundary expedition forty-two years prior. Systematic and scientific research had to give way to a politico-economic agenda. Aims and goals during the scientif ic expeditions in the interior of Suriname were laid-out in the preamble of the Report of the Coppena me expedition (Bakhuis 1902), and maintained during all expeditions (de Goeje 1905b:1085). Principal goal was geographic exploration, followed by, collection of stone samples, depict ion of mountain formations (panoramas) and collection of biological and ethnographical matter. Hidden agenda behind these expeditions (grounded in collecting stone samples to determine auriferous potential)23 is evident from statements in de Goejes report on the state of scie ntific research in Suriname, in that as long as the gold-industry will not be established there [i.e., upper Lawa basin], the knowledge of the course of both creeks [i.e., Oelemari and Lo ] is not of paramount importance (de Goeje 1905b:1086; emphasis added). After four expediti ons, twenty percent of Suriname remained unknown territory: the western Tumuc-Humac range, rivers Oelemari and Loe [= Lo or Luwe]


88 in the upper Lawa area, and the upper courses of th e Suriname River (Gran Rio and Pikien Rio). Even though the inner lake had been remove d from the Guiana map, and the myth of El Dorado was scientifically proven untrue, actual prospe ction for gold continued, and is still continuing today. Akin the British Ordnance Survey in Irela nd, it were soldier-sur veyors who undertook the cartographic project in Suriname; an act of co lonial domination, as map-making is a means to maintain control in making the landscape, its people, and its past known and quantifiable (Smith 2003). Maps are complex artifacts of the negotiation of colonial authorities of identity and place, whereas the perspective of the voiceless is not taken into acc ount, apart from a rare local toponym that is written on the map as a mere label in the writing system of the map-maker. Members of the 1903 KNAG expedition were: Fransse n Herderschee, leader of the expedition, navy officer and cartographer; de Goeje, navy offi cer and cartographer; Ve rsteeg, medical doctor in training and biologist. Va n Breen, districts commissar and negotiator with Maroons. Significant landscape features were named after the Dutch Royal Family (Huis van Oranje), reaffirming that the colonizers we re in command. For instance, the upper courses of the Gonini, originating from the Oranje Mountains, were na med Wilhelmina and Emma Rivier, respectively after the ruling queen of the Netherlands and he r mother Wilhelmina, queen of the Netherlands from 1890 to 1948. Mountain ranges that are the source of the Coppename River were in 1901 also named after Emma and Wilhelmina resp ectively. Highest summ it (1230 meters) in the Wilhelmina Mountains was named after the quee ns daughter Juliana. Princes Juliana had married prince Bernhard in January 1937, and it was later that year, during the 1937 boundary expedition, that an inselberg on the border betw een Suriname and Brazil would be named Prins Bernard Berg (van Lynden 1939:858).24 Cartographer Claudius de Goeje had a mount named


89 after himself as well; namely De Goeje Gebe rgte (N 3, W 54) as written on the map during the 1903 Gonini expedition (Franssen Herder schee 1905). This 658 meter high mount is located in the Wayana region, north west of present-day Antecume pata. Labelling his name to this mountain would lead to unintended consequences as prospectors today assume this a goeje mountain (phonetically for good in Dutch); assumed rich in gold.25 In the name of science, it was members of a military institution (navy o fficers) who conducted map-making of Suriname, under the supervising eye of the Royal House in the Netherlands. Exploration of the unknown sources of the Surina me River continued to be an aim for the Association for Suriname. The 1904 Tapanahoni expe dition was sent to expl ore the river basins of Tapanahoni and Suriname (Franssen Herderschee 1905b). The 1904 expedition had recruited the Maroon guide Apatoe [= Apatou] who had previously guided Jules Crevaux (1881) and Henri Coudreau (1893).44F26 Apatou declared, based on his prev ious experience with Crevaux and Coudreau, that the members of the expedition should not have a cold, because this would make flee the indigenous people. Franssen Herdersche e (1905b:864) concluded that this was due to several influenza epidemics that made many casua lties in the interior of Guiana. During the explorations of Crevaux and Coudreau deadly result of these influenza epidemics were frequently mentioned. Even toda y Wayana and Trio populations f ear a cold, or as they call it kwamai Apatou warned the Dutch expedition furthermore that bosnegers (Maroons) would be distrustful and suspicious of the nature of Europeans visiting the interior, and he went on to say that Maroon populations could not believe that Eu ropeans would enter the interior with the sole purpose to draw rivers and mountain ranges. Later de Goeje heard why Maroon populations were suspicious of a hidden agenda; not simp ly to maintain their proper trading monopoly between the coast and Indigenous populations of the interior (as suspected by Franssen


90 Herderschee), but Master has to consider that we [Maroons] are lowsoema [runaway slaves] and we do not like it when people [Europeans in particular] know the country above our district so well (de Goeje 1905a:972; my translation). Entering the twentieth century, little to nothing was known of the people living in the interior, i.e., borderland of Suriname, French Gu iana, and Brazil. A third aim was added by the KNAG: to study culture, language, and customs of the Indians. The 1904 Tapanahoni expedition was led by the same leader of the Gonini expedition, i.e., Franssen Herd erschee, and de Goeje and Versteeg participated as well. De Goeje, being the second cartographer, was charged with collection of ethnographica and description of language and customs of the Indians (de Goeje 1905a, 1906, 1908c, 1910). Versteeg was charged w ith the collection of floral and faunal specimens. Copijn was charged with the coordi nation of transport by 28 contract workers. During five months, the expedi tion did spend 30.569 gulden, and brought home a collection of artifacts of the Trio and Wayana Indians (currently in the collections of KIT, Amsterdam, and RMV, Leiden). Nonetheless, the 1904 expedition had not mapped the upper Suriname basin in the center of Suriname. Boundary making and de fining borders thus appears to be of more importance than centers in thes e political map-making projects. 2.3.4 Claudius Henricus de Goeje One person from the KNAG expeditions ought to be discussed in some detail; Claudius Henricus de Goeje (18791955), the man of the Waya na (Ahlbrinck 1956:17).27 It was de Goeje who said, during his Professor Emeritus oration on October 18, 1946, that during such expeditions one needs the aid of th e Natives and, to begin with, one has to be able to speak with them; this led to the gathering, editing, and publication of data on the topic of language-studies and ethnography of those regions (de Goeje 1946:2).46F28 For instance, the 1904 expedition expected to encounter Trio In dians along the Tapanahoni, yet in the first indigenous settlement


91 (Intelewa) de Goeje recognized th e clothing and how people were wearing their hair from his previous journey among the Wayana along the Lawa and Aletani (Franssen Herderschee 1905a). De Goeje asked them, in Wayana, whether they were Wayana. That de Goeje spoke some Wayana facilitated communication and made the Ndjuka guides redundant. During their stay in the Wayana village of Intelewa (on August 30, 1904), de Goeje (in: Franssen Herderschee 1905b) interviewed Tamusi Intelewa (village leader who had given his name to his village) on the upper course of th e river Tapanahoni, on whether there were other Indian settlements, and whether there was a large granite outcrop near the river. The latter was to obtain a panorama and a position for triangu lation to map this unknown area of Suriname. First, a drawing was made in sand, later on a piece of paper. Recorded aspects of this interview provide insight into the wayfinding perspective of this Wayana leader, such as the number of days counted by the times one has to sleep ( tinikhe ), and the time of arri val indicated by a index finger running along the daytime arc of the sun and brought to a standstill at the time of arrival (Franssen Herderschee 1905b:899901): There we sleep ( tiniks). Than follows a series of toetei [= ttei ] going, tiniks [= tinikhe ] sleeping, which every time means a day-journey, till we arrive the third day at a itsjoli pepta-psiek [= isoli peptapsik ] a little height fall, named Trombaka and then one sees at the right hand side a high rock (tepoe pepta [= tpu pepta ]) named Kassikassima (Franssen Herderschee 19 05b:900; all KNAG translat ions are mine). Characteristic of a wayfinding spat ial narrative is that when de Goeje interrupted Intelewa during this recital, the chances where that the course of this imaginary travel was lost, and Intelewa had to start from the beginning (Franssen Herderschee 1905b:900). Without realizing it, Franssen Herderschee indicated the Wayana region (Figure A-1), based upon information de Goeje had gathered fr om Tamusi Intelewa, namely that the upper


92 Tapanahoni was uninhabited, whereas the Paloumeu was home to three Indian villages: two Wayana (Pontoetoe and Toewoli)29 and one Trio (Majoli). Inte lewa had never heard from the Suriname River, and the Corantini [= Cora ntyne] was vaguely known to him (outside the Wayana region). Then again, Intelewa could provi de many details about the rivers Paru and Jari with their tributaries (within the Wayana region) Aletani and the villages of Panapi and Jamaik were not unknown, and Intelewa could even name several Boni-maroons who were his friends (Franssen Herderschee 1905b:900-901), thus indicati ng the rivers, villages, and people within the Wayana region. Based on his prior experience during the Lawa and Tapanahoni expeditions, as well as his relation with the Wayana, Claudius de Goeje was made leader of the 1907 Toemoek Hoemak expedition (de Goeje 1908a, 1908b). Other members of the expedition were: navy officer Bisschop van Tuinen, second topographer, and van Le urs inspector of police and negotiator with Maroons. The 1907 Toemoek Hoemak expedition, which had as aim to map the watershed, was a result of the 1906 treaty with Brazil that the watershed between Amazon Basin and Guyana Shield Rivers would be the boundary between both nation states.48F30 Based on personal interests in language and ethnography, gathered data, and pub lications on Wayana and Trio, the minister of Colonies allowed Claudius de Goeje to continue his task of collection of ethnographica and description of language and customs of th e Indians during the third tier of the 1935 boundary expedition. In June 1937 he left with a provisions transpor t to the upper Maroni, where he would stay for four months in the village of Taponte (de Goeje 1941). Next to still image cameras, de Goeje had brought a 16 mm film camera. Scenes from daily life were filmed, the river journey, and even Wayana ritual dances (de Goeje 1937).49F31


93 2.3.5 Boundary Expeditions: 1935 It was during the 1904 Tapanahony expedition (F ranssen Herderschee 1905b), as well as during the 1907 Toemoek Hoemak expedition (de Goeje 1908) that parts of the Tumuc-Humac watershed, i.e., agreed upon border between Brazil and Guianas (British, Dutch, and French), was being mapped. It would take into the late 1930s to conduct the difficult task of map-making, boundary making, and factual defining the border.32 Third tier of the boundary expedition (July 10, 1937 February 20, 1938), was to go upstream the Maroni river (in the steps of the 1861 French-Dutch boundary commission and the 1903 Goni ni expedition) to fina lize the eastern part of the watershed and determine the three-junction ( Drielandenpunt ) between Suriname, Brazil, and French Guiana (van Lynden 1939).51F33 De Goeje would not activel y participate in the actual boundary determination. He would remain in one of the Wayana villages and continue his ethnographic study (de Goeje 1941). Regrettably he did not join the commission with some Wayana, as this is the very same region satura ted with social memory on Kailawa and the birth of the Wayana Nation as discusse d in the present study; the three-junction a ppears to be located on an Indian trail, i.e., the trail of Kailawa. French authorities sent two delegates (Grbe rt and Richard) to ve rify the astronomical observations of the three-junction between Surina me, Brazil, and French Guiana. Ren Grbert and R. Richard did initially disp ute the location of the three-junction as determined by the Dutch, but eventually agreed upon its location (van Lynden 1939:856). The unfortunate news reached Grbert, via de Goeje, that hi s wife had died in Paramaribo. This might be the reason why the collected data was never published by Grbert (a n edited version appeared in 2001). Grbert and Richard stayed in a base camp at the mouth of Kul-kul creek, only to visit the Dutch to confirm the determination of the three-junction. The French indicat ed to remain here till January 1, 1938, however when the Dutch commission arrive d at the mouth of Kul-kul creek, they


94 found an empty camp (van Lynden 1939:868-869). As remainder of the French presence they found a borne of cement with the inscription: Mission Franaise, 27 Dec. 1937.34 On January 3, 1938, the Dutch finally met the French in an aba ndoned Wayana village. It goes without saying that a bottle of champagne was brought to the table; served by Se negalese soldiers with the red fez on their black head (van L ynden 1939:869). Richard, captain of the colonial artillery, would observe the stars during th e night for his astronomical observations (ibid:870). Baron van Lynden had requested to cut down tr ees at the three-junc tion to facilitate astronomical observations to determine its locati on. Rather than perceiving local tradition, van Lynden (1939:855) compared the calmness of this place with the times when the Kaninefaten (Cananefates) lived in the Ne therlands around the year zero. Rather than focusing on the symbolically dense region of Wayana confeder ation, the boundary commission focused on first encounters with Stone Age Indians (van Lynden 1939:853; Meuldijk 1939:873-876; see also Ahlbrinck 1956; de Goeje 1943; Geijskes 1957). Van Lynden concluded his report by saying: We have won and completed (ibid.:871; my tran slation). Later that ye ar (from September to November 1938) the French ethnographic Muse de lHomme would sent Paul Sangnier to study Wayana social organization, mythology, and religion, and to acquire a collection of Wayana material culture (currently present in Muse du Quai Branly [MQB], Paris; web reference 16; Reichlen 1941). Sangnier obtained an Akurio pottery vessel (MQB inventory number: 71.1939.25.659; 2528 gr.) from the Dutch 1938 Oelemari expedition in search of Stone Age Indians, and he brought back more pot sherds (e.g., MQB: 71.1939.25.655.1-14; 849 gr.), among which a so-called pre-Carib ve ssel (Reichlen 1941:182), later id entified as belonging to the Koriabo Culture, (MQB: 71.1939.25.654; 12 x 35.7 x 33.7 cm; 1652 gr.) found near the village of Taponaike. Unfortunately, Paul Sangnier woul d pass away at the age of twenty-one in the


95 Dordogne in the spring of 1939, without publi cation on his findings among the Wayana. Taponaike, as so many other Wayana settlements, had never been properly located on the map.35 During the 1935 Boundary expeditions, Brazilian Amapa was explored by the German Amazonas-Jary Expedition, lead by Otto Schulz-Kampfhenkel (1938). As mentioned above, Amapa borders French Guiana at the Oya pock River. The German Jari expedition would explore the river Jari that has its source in the Franco-Brazilian watershed. This was a first assessment of the border between Brazil and Fren ch Guiana, though no actual determination of the location of the watershed was put into effect The main focus of the expedition, officially, was to produce a map at scale 1:10.000 (Schul z-Kampfhenkel 1938:113; published at the inside cover), zoology, although ethnographic data on the Wayana and Apalai was gathered as well (ibid.:208).54F36 The Deutsche Amazonas-Jary-Expedition 1935 was financed by the German NSDAP (de Goeje 1938:577; Schulz-Kampfhenkel 1938:209) and carried a swastika on the tail of his water-airplane and the Nazi flag at th e stern of his dug-out canoe The Nazi propaganda machine allowed German explorer Otto SchulzKampfhenkel to enter Amazonian Amapa armed with a 16 mm film camera (Schulz-Kampfhenkel 1938 feature movie: Rtsel der Urwaldhlle ). While Schulz-Kampfhenkel filmed Apalai of the Jari, de Goeje filmed Wayana on the other side of the watershed as mentioned above.55F37 This was however, not the first time a film camera was brought among the Wayana and Apalai. In 1924, Felix Speiser (1926; dedicated to Theodor Koch-Grnberg who would pass away in 1924) had brought a 35 mm film camera among the Apalai. Most likely due to the success of Rtsel der Urwaldhlle (SchulzKampfhenkel 1938), Speisers footage (about 20-24 minutes) was edited in 1945 into Yopi [ yepe (= friend)]: Chez les Indiens du Brsil (Cosandey 2002/2003). Schulz-Kampfhenkel followed in the footsteps of Speiser. Another Germ an had visited the Apalai earlier: namely Curt


96 Nimuendaj Unckle.38 When in 1915 World War I was in progress, the German scientist Unckle (a.k.a. Nimuendaj) was stranded in Brazil. German Consul in Para arranged to sent Unckle to the Apalai of the Paru where he rema ined for six weeks, only to return more dead than alive but with a splendid collection which he had made during the early days of his visit (Farabee 1919:105) including an Apalaii ( sic ) war chiefs ceremonial dress (ibid. fig. 41; Figure 7-17).57F39 Apart from his popular book and featur e movie, a scientific study on Apalai ethnography has not been written by Schulz-Kampfhenkel, and although he mentioned a map drawn by the Apalai Tuschau [paramount chief], this indigenous map has never been published (Schulz-Kampfhenkel 1938:160). These boundary expeditions were scientific map-making expeditions in which was no place fo r indigenous spatial narratives. 2.3.6 Jean Hurault Watershed boundary between Brazil and French Guiana, would only be demarcated after the former colony of French Guiana (Guyane) in 1946 became an overseas de partment of France ( Dpartement d'Outre-Mer ; DOM). French geographers Jean Hurault and Pierre Frenay began to map the boundary and determine borders, beginning at the above mentioned three-junction (Hurault 1998). During these boundary expeditions they found rock alignments (geoglyphs) where they placed Borne 1 ( savanne roche ), and the Marouini AstroStation was placed on a boulder with petroglyphs (Hurault, Frenay, et Roux 1963; Figure 2-4). Just as de Goeje before him, Hurault drew the upper Maroni basin on the map along with deta iled ethnographic studies of the people residing in this region. Af ter a comparative techno-economic study of The Material Life of the Maroon Boni and the Indian Wayana of the U pper-Maroni (French Guiana): Agriculture and Habitat (Hurault 1965), a second study (Hurault 1968) would be focused on the Wayana of French Guiana, and include aspects of socio-political aspects ( structure sociale ) and even a comprehensive description of a marak ( coutume familiale ).


97 Hurault generated a model of a traditional indigenous culture that was assumed to be distinguished rapidly in the modern er a. A digest of the history between Franais et Indiens en Guyane 1604-1972 (Hurault [1972] 1989) would follow. It would be in this era (dep arture: July 1947) that Hassoldt Davis would explore the south of French Guyana and if the rainy season perm its, the expedition may continue to the Tumuc Humac Mountains bordering Brazil, still searching, hopefully, for El Dorado (excerpt from the original application to the E xplorers Club). Such exploratio ns (e.g., Davis 1952; Mazire 1953) were the ground for Huraults personal quest to have the name Tumuc-Humac removed from the map, as these adventurers aimed for the great, the legendary, the sinister Tumuc-Humacs, where Lake Parim and its golden cities shone in the dreams of the old adventurers, and would always shine for me (Davis 1952:255-256). Since th e beginning of my IGN (National Geographic Society) work in French Guiana (1947-1948), I had noticed that the mountain range of TumucHumac does not exist. On several occasions, I requested the removal of this toponym (Hurault 2000:383; my translation).40 About fifty years after his firs t explorations in this region (and about five years before he passed away in Sept ember 2005), Jean Hurault (2000) stated that the mythical mountain range Tumuc-Humac ( Montagnes mythiques ) does not exist; emphasizing mountain range. On the latest (second) editio n of the map of French Guiana (IGN 1995), the name Tumuc-Humac has been erased from the map. Hurault became to de Goeje what Coudreau had been to Crevaux; where the latter duo was focused on the mythical Lake Parime, the former were focused on the mythical mountain range Tumuc-Humac. Hurault (2000:368) mentioned the disjunction between mythical lake and mountain range and geographer Emmanuel Lzy em phasized that there had been a complete


98 topographic reversal: the lake becomes a mountain (Lzy 2000:226; my translation), whereby he supported his statement of the lake becomi ng a mountain with the following formula: Lake Parime [is to] Tumuc-Humac [as is] [is to] (Lzy 2000:226). Then again, directions of the rivers and cr eeks had been drawn, determining the watershed over which ridge was drawn the continuous boundary line (Map: Nijenhuis 1935). Crevaux (the first European who crossed the wa tershed) had previously emphasized that the watershed between Maroni and Jari was not as considerable as assumed, or in his own words: La chane des Tumuc-Humac qui spare les bassi ns du Maroni et du Yari est moins importante quon ne le croyait gnralement (Crevaux 1993:122). In comparison to the French Pyrenees or the Alps, the Tumuc-Humac does not qualify as a mountain range, however it is when compared to a Dutch mountain, e.g., the Vaalserb erg which is with its height of (only) 322 meter the highest point in the Netherlands.41 Jean Hurault did visit the I ndian trail to map the three-junction at the watershed (Koulimapopan; N 2 W 5436 height a bove sea level:391 m). From this trail the surrounding inselbergs (labeled with Wayana na mes rendered according to French orthography) were placed on the map (Massif des TumucHumac, IGN, NA-21-XVIII-2). Maoulkountop is Mawu ekumtp, the inselberg Kailawa and his men saw from Paluluime enp (on the map: Paloulouimeenpeu) (Table C-14). I used this map to trace with my finger the names of the inselbergs named in Kailawas story. Inselber gs were drawn on the map as isolated features, however, these autonomous units are interconnected in discourse in the spa tial story of Kailawas quest to find a path connecting Ja ri with Aletani (i.e., the Indian trail). Since this is the homeland of the Wayana, this enigmatic my thical landscape of Tu muc-Humac should be understood as to what this region means to Wayana, rather than to map-makers.


99 2.4 A Forest of Parks Tumucumaque While Jean Hurault (2000) succeeded in removing the toponym Tumuc-Humac from the map of French Guiana (IGN 1995, second edition), a true forest of parks Tumucumaque emerged across the border in Brazil. Where used to be drawn on the map of Guiana a vast lake (as I argued above, due to defining a unit in-between), emerges today a vast green sea of pristine rainforest.42 Indisputably, agriculture mining, road building, settlements, and deforestation due to logging mar the Amazon rainforest. Whereas the following quote focuses on the illusion of limitless, I intent to focus on the illusion of a pristine wilderness. Flying high over the Amazon in a commercial je t grants the traveler the illusion of limitless pristine wilderness. A brilliant tapestry of blue and green stretches to the horizon. At ground level, however, the reality is more s obering. Pushing inward toward the heart of the Amazon basin from its eastern and southern flanks, agriculture, mining, road building, settlements, and deforestation due to logging mar the landscape. The Amazon Basin, with its staggering biodiversity and unmatched natu ral resources, is under siege (web reference 9c; lmarkets/forests/item3607.html). With regard to the name Tumuc-Humac (Toemoek Hoemak in Dutch; Tumucumaque in Portuguese), Claudius de Goeje (1908b:178) had questioned the obscure origin of this toponym first mentioned in French Guiana by Jules Crev aux ([1881] 1993:229) claiming this name has its origin in the kumu -palm.61F43 Ever since Crevaux wrote TumucHumac, this watershed became a place of paramount contestation. First and fo remost Coudreau (1887-1888) was haunted by the legend of the Tumuc-Humac, and that this moun tain chain, of with we know nothing than its strange name, seemed a worthy objective to a gra nd explorer (Hurault 2 000:376). Whatever the origin of its name, agency of Tumuc-Hu mac would impact the Wayana landscape. Course of the Tumuc-Humac watershed had been mapped during the 1935 boundary expeditions. Straight lines, in stead, were drawn on the map by means of rulers in 1961, creating the Reserva Florestal do Tumucumaque (Floral Reserve of Tumucuma que), only to realize that indigenous people were living in this area (mai nly Trio and Wayana). Subsequently, in 1968,

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100 Parque Indgena Tumucumaque (Indigenous Park Tumucumaque ) was created (van Velthem 1980; Figure 2-5). Parque Indgena Tumucumaque would encompass the Reserva Florestal do Tumucumaque and include Wayana and Trio settlement s along the Paru de Este and Paru de Oeste.44 Rather than straight linear lines, the boundaries would now follow the course of rivers. Figure 2-5. A forest of parks Tumucumaque.

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101 Bordering the Parque Indgena Tumucumaque is the Parque Nacional Tumucumaque (Tumucumaque National Parc). On Augus t 22, 2002, then president of Brazil Fernando Henrique Cardoso, announced establishing worlds largest rainforest nati onal park; covering 9.5 million acres (Associated Press, August 23, 2002. Web references 11 and 13).45 This park was realized under the World W ildlife Foundation (WWF) program of Amazon Region Protected Areas (ARPA), and it was concluded that th e Tumucumaque National Park sets a new conservation standard. President Cardoso said that with the creation of Tumucumaque Mountains National Park, we are ensu ring the protection of one of the most pristine forest remaining in the world (ibid.; emphasis added). Resona ting with statements made by Baron van Lynden (1939:855) in the very same region, Cons ervation International (CI) interpreted this as the park is as pristine and primordial as any place in the world. The land today looks much like it did hundreds, even thousands of years ago (web reference 8).64F46 According to ARPA this pristine, unexplored park is now a reality (web reference 9) and the park sh elters jaguars, harpy eagles, 8 primate species, 350 bird species, and 37 lizard species (web references 7, 8, and 9). Today, it is no longer soldier-surveyors, but scientists who make the landscape and its inhabitants (animals and people) quantifiable. Resonating with Angle Smiths (2003) study of British Ordnance Surveys, it is once more powerfu l institutions (e.g., government, municipality, army, business, or scientific institution) that are able to control knowledge by controlling the images of places, people and thei r past, in drawing maps, and thus maintaining colonial control, this time covered by the cloak of protecting pristine rainforest.65F47 A true forest of Parks Tumucumaque has risen (Figure 2-5). The situation has become so confusing that the Mapping Projec t by Amazon Conservation Team (ACT), which took place in 1999 in the Parque Indgena Tumucumaque is frequently mentioned on the same page with the

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102 National Park Tumucumaque.48 ACT is known for their ethno -mapping projects, and their methodology is as follows (web reference 7): Indians were shown how to collect data usi ng global positioning sate llites (GPS), and set out to cover every square inch of their territories. Thousands more people-hours were spent compiling drafts from data, aerial photos, and previous attempts to map the lands. Tribal elders were then asked to compile cultu ral records of the area : the names of rivers, mountains, and sacred sites; fishing and hunting grounds; a nd places of historical or mythical significance (web reference 7b). Western methods and techniques of knowledge production (e.g., GPS, satellite photos, aerial photos, GIS, and maps) are used as a temp late to be filled in with indigenous data.67F49 True ethno-mapping should brid ge between western cartogr aphy and indigenous social memory.68F50 Ethno-mapping is far from easy, as ACT acknowledged, and the main obstacle was the concept of the map itself; researchers and indigenous people simply werent speaking the same language (web reference 7b). It seem s however that indigenous people do have an understanding of western cartograp hy, as transpires in a quote on the very same ACT web page, where a chief of the Apalai tribe stated that white men have the Bible and other books to teach their kids about their ancest ors. We now have our map to teach our children our history. Indigenous people have their lands cape to tell their children thei r history, but indigenous people become increasingly aware that to communicate local indigenous histor y to the white man, a map drawn on paper might f acilitate this dialogue.69F51 Maps are merely representative of the imag ined landscape of the map-maker (Smith 2003). Conservation International (CI) is also caught up in the Nati onal Park Tumucumaque, and CIBrazil stated that it will help th e members of the adjacent Waiapai ( sic .) Indigenous Reserve to map out and design a management plan for thei r land (, because in the south, the National Park Tumucumaque encapsulate s the Indigenous Area of the Waypi; located at the source of the Ira tapuru, affluent of the Jari. Two co mments: Waypi (Tupi-speakers) and

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103 their historical migration from the Xingu into this regi on in the eighteenth a nd nineteenth century has been studied in detail by Pierre Grenand (1971; Grenand and Grenand 1979) as well as by Dominique Tilkin Gallois (1980, 1986). Secondly, Wayana (Carib-speakers) used to live along the upper Jari, in what is now the western part of the National Park Tumucumaque. By using Waypi to map this area (which they relatively recently settled), a different map will materialize than when Wayana are asked to map their ancestral homeland. There will never be a final map of Guiana, because maps are constantly emerging. Since Hondiuss (1599) depiction of Guiana after Raleighs Discoverie maps of Guiana have changed. Maps are the material outcome of desires of map-makers. Local inhabitants do not need a map, drawn on paper, to read and make sense of th eir landscape, whereas maps are key political tools of the colonizer employing pow erful institutions to chart maps. It is impossible to map, on a single piece of paper, the interanimated and po litical complexity of a region through time and space; there will therefor e never be a final map of th e Tumuc-Humac or Wayana region. 1 Wo wir also eine Landschaft sehen, sieht der Naturmensch einen Flu mit vielen Schnellen und Felsen, eine Unmenge von Bumen, Zweigen und Blttern, die zusammen den Wald bilden. Unser Auge gleitet rasch und unaufhaltsam ber die ganze Landschaft dahin, und wir bild en uns im Geiste einen Gesamteindruck. Der Wilde bohrt seinen Blick in jeden einzelnen Gegenstand, er sieht daher jeden Zweig und bemerkt jede Unregelmigkeit im Blattwerk eines Baumes, jede ungewohnte Form eines Treibstammes (Felix Speiser 1926:83). 2 Tim Ingold (2000) made a distinction between mapping and map-making/map-using; defining mapping as wayfinding whereby the actor or narrator is not draw ing or using a charted map, but rather is dwelling. 3 Consistent with English phonetics, it is this spelling I ap ply for the Island of Guiana encompassing five Guyanas: Venezuelan Guyana, Guyana (former British Guyana), Suri name (former Dutch Guyana), French Guiana (Guyane), and the Brazilian territory north of the Amazon, including, but not restricted to, Amapa. Early Dutch ways of writing Guiana are Weyana (Cabeliau 1599), and Wiana (d e Laet 1625), phonetically comparable to the Spanish Guayana; raising the question on association with the name Wayana (de Goeje 1925, 1934; Williams 1923). Reverent James Williams (1923:34) posited that the name Guayana is derived from K wai-na the people of the kuwai or Mauritius palm ( Mauritia flexuosa, Arecaceae). Van Panhuys (1925:85) in his book review of James Williams, suggested the possibility of an old Tupi noun waya or wayanna meaning valley, river or water, hence the River Valley People, resonating in the name of large river of Oyapock or Waya puku (ibid.). Hollanders and Zeelanders were already beginning to explore the coast of the Guianas in 1596 (Lorimer 1989:26), and a translation of Raleighs Discoverie in Dutch (in 1598) would lead to an increasing Dutch interest in Guiana. 4 Following the directions provided by Keymis, it was on May 17, 1609, when Robert Harcourt (1613), during his Voyage to Guiana came to anchor in the Bay of Wiapoco [= Oyapock]: where the Indians came off vnto vs in two or three *Canoes (Harcourt 1613:5; whereby a note [*] is made that canoes are Indian boats). People nowadays question how it was possible in the sixteenth and seventeenth century to arrive so accurately between the mouths of the rivers Amazon and Oyapock after a transatlantic journey without Global Positioning System (GPS),

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104 radar, maps, or other means of cartography. This question of a map-minded person can be answered when translated to a tour mode. Wester n European ships would sail south along the coast of Africa until they reached Cape Verde; located between about 15 and 17 north. Fr om this latitude it is possible to sail west across the Atlantic with the Northeasterly Trade Winds in the back. A latitude course can be maintained by compass, or by measuring the inclination of the sun at noon with a quadra nt. More accurately, however, latitude can be maintained at night using the North( ern) Star, or Polaris ( alpha Ursae Minoris ; Ursae Minoris ). Not only stands Polaris almost motionless in the sky, and all the stars of the Northern sky appear to rotate around it. Zenith Height of Polaris equals the latitude on earth. Thus, a Zenith Height of between 15 and 17, i.e., between 15 and 17 above the horizon, equals the latitude of between 15 and 17 north of the equator on earth. This is the basic aspect of celestial navigation, which caused Christopher Columbus to arrive in the Caribbean while aiming at the northern Philippines located between about 140 and 180 (i.e., roughly the latitude of Cape Verde at 15 and 17 north). North coast of Puerto Rico is located at about 180 whereas Guadeloupe (where Columbus arrived during his second voyage) is located at 16 north. Mouth of the Amaz on is located at the equator; therefore Guiana explorers knew they had to maintain a course across the Atlantic Ocean whereby Polaris touched the horizon, without meticulous measurement of Zenith Height. With this course due west, just north of the equator, Guiana explorers only needed to sail about 4 north wh en arriving at the South American ma inland in order to reach the Bay of Oyapock (Wiapoco). 5 The cape just north of the mouth of the Amazon is named Cabo Norte. Name of this cape is generally assumed to be the Northern Cape, however Cabo Orange (Cape of Orange, or Cap dOrange, after the Royal Dutch House of Orange), just east of the mouth of the Oyapock, is locat ed further north; providing the possibility that Cabo Norte was named after Captain Roger North as he had a project for a plantation in this area (Harris 1928:11). 6 Spleen-stone and kidney-stone are two varieties of stone refering to greenstone (i.e., green-hued minerals and stones, as serpentine, nephrite, and chrysoprase, often glossed as jade) which in Elizabethan England was used as medicine as it aided the stomach and spleen by contact and was worn over the kidneys to prevent retention of urine. Greenstone pendants (generally in the shape of frogs [referred to as muiraquit ] and sometimes in other zoomorphic shapes as birds) were highly valued in Amazonia, and possibly part of a ceremonial exchange in Amazonia and the Caribbean (Boomert 1987). Aad Boomert (1987) suggested a movement from Amazonia into the Caribbean (cf. Boomert 1987:47). Nonetheless, it appe ars that Caribbean greenstone artifact s are related to the Saladoid period, whereas mainland greenstone artifacts are associated with more recent Arauquinoi d, Santarm/Konduri, and Marajoara Polychrome; hence th e so-called Amazon-stones originated fr om the Caribbean and drifted towards the Amazonian mainland. With regard to Guiana, manufacturing sites of greenstone pendants were located at the lower Trombetas and Tapajs rivers (Boomert 1987:40), as well as at Tingiholo site at the central Suriname coast (Boomert 1987:42; Versteeg 2003:152-153); indicative for routes of knowledge and exchange between Trombetas Corantyne in the west and Paru Maroni in the east. Sources of the Suriname River, near which mouth the Tingiholo site is located (Versteeg 20 03:139), can be accessed from either Ta panahoni (affluent of the Marowijne) or Lucie River (affluent of the Corantyne). This region, in which center is located the Trio Nation, was in all probability destabilized when Europeans removed greenst one artifacts, gold, and other shiny objects from circulation in this Guiana landscape 7 Harcourt even presented a list of trading goods desired by the native population in exchange for provisions and profitable commodities in Guianaas there is cassava, maize, honey, game, fish, sugarcane, cotton, hemp, annatto, resin, balata, drugs, wood, and tobacco (Harcourt 1613:2837)namely: axes, hatchets, billhook knives, all kind of edge tools, nails, fishhooks, harping irons, Jewes Trumps [= mouth harps], looking-glasses, blue and white beads, crystal beads, hats, pins, needles, salt, shirts, bands, lin en and wool cloths, swords, mu skets, calibers, powder and shot, i.e., metal ware, beads, salt, clothing, and weap ons (Harcourt 1613:37) which remain until today highly demanded commodities among native Guiana populations. 8 Identification of these rivers with the use of Acua (reprinted in Markham 1859) describing the Curupatuba (ibid:128) and Ginipape (ibid:128-129). To secure their ventures, Zeelanders (around 1600 at the mouth of the Xingu) had built two forts named Oranje and Nassau (de Laet; cited by Edmundson 1903:1), named after the royal Dutch family, or House of Oranje-Nassau. 9 Nieuwe caerte van het wonderbaer ende goudrijcke land t Guiana, gelegen onder (sic) de Linie quinoctiael, tuchen Brasilien ende Peru: nieuwelick be ocht door Sir Wa[l]ter Rale[i]gh, Ridder van Engelandt, in het jaer 1594, 95 ende 1596. 10 Lawrence Keymis (1596:G), about fifty years after Carvajal, did mention a nation (Ipaios, Ch[aribes]), at the river Manmanuri (14) (i.e., present-day creek Karouabo, or Malmanoury creek, at the Centre Spatial Guyanais between Kourou and Sinnamary in French Guiana) who were verie cruell to their enemies. For they bind, and eat them

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105 aliue [alive] peece-meale (ibid.). Furthermore, Keymis made th e annotation that these people peake the language of the Indians of Dominica [implying a linguistic relation with the Carib-speaking people in the Caribbean island of Dominica] (ibid.). What is unambiguous is that it is the social Others who are said to ate human flesh. 11 Keymis (1596:G2) in his table of the names of rivers, no ted with regard to (39) Curitini [= Corentyne], that it would take up to ten days to the source of this river. It is at this river of Corentyne, that Keymis (ibid.) elaborately described potential merchandise; including images of gold. 12 Situated between these potential passages across Guiana is the homeland of the Trio (Appendix A: Maps 1 and 3). 13 Timing of this expedition is possibly related to the border mapping of Brazil after the Treaty of Madrid in 1750. 14 Claude Tony estimated the distance traveled in lieues (leagues), whereby one league ( lieu ) equals three statute miles. One statute mile equals 1.609 km. Therefore three statute miles equals 4.827 km. However, since Tony approximated the traveled distance, I will interpret one lieu as five kilometers. Tony tended to estimate a distance of about three leagues which I will interpret as about fifteen kilometers, rather than 14.481 km. By approximation, Tony gave a distance of three to four leagues, i.e., about 15 to 20 km, from the mouth of the Tampok to the mouth of the Malani. This distance on the map is about 19 km, hence an accurate estimate made by Tony. In general, Tony appears fairly accurate, apart from one inst ance (which is actually writte n down twice): We had gone upstream, constantly going towards the South-southeast, making about three leagues a day for about fifteen days (Tony 1843:219, 220). Three leagues a day for about fifteen days, equals a distance of 15 km times 15 days, or 225 kilometer, while the distance from the mouth of the Malani to the watershed Tumuc-Humac is only about 120 km. Possibly quinze jours is not to be taken literally as 15 days, but as two weeks. Maybe there is a typographical error of quinze and cinq (five). Fifteen times five equals 75 km, which brings us from the mouth of the Malani to about creek Mana. 15 This road passed through the region of the Kaikusiyana. Kaikusiyana were located around the Chemin des Emerillon at the sources of the Crique Grande Waki (next to the Aramiso village; Tony 1843:217), and halfway the Tamouri, affluent of the Camopi, affluent of the Oyapock (Tony 1843:214-215). While the latter is the principal village of the Kaikusiyana (Tony 1843:215), Tony specified for the former that this village [of the Kaikusiyana] contains about fifty men, and in proportion a number of women and children (Tony 1843:217), hence a total of about 200 inhabitants when we count a average family of one man with one woman and two children. These Kaikusiyana are bigger, more vigorous, better built and lighter of skin than those who live near the sea (ibid.). Since the road between the Aramiso settlements of the Waki and Malani transverses the Kaikusiyana region as well, we might include the upper Tampok basin. A line on the map between the two inferred locations of Aramiso settlements crosses the Tampok river half way, and well near the place of Saut Pierre Kourou (a vast complex of rapids and falls) which is known to be an archaeological site containing several locations with grinding grooves and numerous remnants of pieces of pottery on the river banks (Mazire 1997:36 [aerial photo]). No systematic archaeological survey or excavation has been conducted at this site. 16 There is a nomenclatural associatio n between the river Couyari and the barren inselberg Couyarouara, whereby kujali in Wayana is the name for the red-and-green macaw (Ara chloroptera ) 17 With regard to the Amikwan, Claudius H. de Goeje (1943:338) stated that namkuane in the Tupi language means ear-hole. Peter Rivire (1969:24) concluded that the description of the Amikouan as long-eared is unimportant since all the tribes of the area pierce the lobe s of the ear. On the contrary, if the name namkuane is Tupi, then the Amikwan nation must be named by a Tupi speaking nation. Then again, Pierre Grenand (1982:272) stated that the Amikwan are named Tapi-yi by the Waypi. De Goeje (1943:338), in 1937, had asked the Wayana chief Taponte whether he knew about these Amikwan people. Taponte an swered that these could have been the Upului. The location of both Amikwan and Upului along the rivers Cuc, Couyari, and Mapahoni, or upper Jari, suggest being in accord with Tapontes r easoning, especially because the historical sources indicate either Amikwan or Upului, never mentioning both in the same document. 18 Crevaux posited a hypothesis for the appearance, disappearance and reappearing of the legendary Lake Parime; possibly this infamous lake was simply a yearly inundation after the rainy season of alluvial grounds at the foot of the mountain range of Tumuc-Humac (Crevaux 1987:125), whereby the mountain range Tumuc-Humac separating the water basins of Maroni and Jari is less important than generally assumed (Crevaux:122; my translation). 19 After the decision by Tsar Alexander IIIand redrawing of the bordersWayana residing on the right bank of the Tapanahoni and the Paloumeu were now officially located within Dutch rather than French territory. Due to political authority by baron Rio Branco, the Wayana region was further cut up when on D ecember 1, 1900, the Arbitration Commission of Geneva decided that the area from Amazon to Oyapockcorresponding with the proposed plantation by Captain Roger North (Chapter 2.1)would become incorporated in the Brazilian State of Par. In 1943 this area became the federal territory of Amap. Watershed of the Tumuc-Humac range was

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106 considered boundary between French Guiana and Brazil, yet was never charted. French Guiana had now lost half its superficies to the Dutch and Portuguese. Impact for the indigenous people residing in this frontier zone was that Wayana and Apalai, among others, residing in the upper Paru and Jari basins were no longer residing in European territories, but rather found themselves in the new Brazilian State of Amapa. 20 Map-making in Amazonia is not an easy task, and it certain ly was not in the late nineteenth century. A trail was blazed with machetes if none was presen t. Further needed was a compass for co urse direction, a podometer to count steps, a watch to calculate time, and for altitude estimation a barometer baromtre de Naudet (Coudreau 1893:87); Apatou told Coudreau that Crevaux during his first exploration of the Maroni had a barometer the size of a pocket compass (Coudreau 1893:87). A stereoscopic distance meter, used for triangulation, would only come in use during the Coppename expedition of 1901 (Bakhuis 1902). Coudreau calculated from a rate of au podometre 59.490 pas, et ma montre 10 heures 5 minutes de marche. Jvalue la longuer de la route 43 kilomters, y compris les sinuosits (Coudreau 1893:96). When tracing this spatial story, this trip was only about 25 kilometers. As a result of these primitive mapping techniques, and ignorance of magnetic declination (de Goeje 1934:78), the accompanying map made by Coudreau has a counter clockwise rotation in th e center of the map. 21 This remarkable 490 meter high inselberg is located about 1 hours north of the Aletani River and forebode of the Tumuc-Humac as poetically portrayed by Franis Maziere ( 1953:188-189). This is the first inselberg penetrating the canopy of the green frame of the Aletani River while going upstream. This inselberg is today known as Konopamoi, although the label on the map (CBL 1980; Knopayamoy Top) is attached to a mountaintop six kilometers northerly of inselberg Konopameje. Difference between Konopameje, Knopaiamoi, Konopamoi, or Knopayamoy Top, is due to the transcription of phonemes depending on a linguistic background of Wayana, Dutch, French or otherwise (Duin 2006a). Identical dilemma materializes with mi mk (Chapter 7-4): Tumuc-Humac (French), Toemoek Hoemak or Tjimi-Tjimak (Dutch), and Tumucumaque (Portuguese). Also the name TumucHumac was first mentioned for French Guiana by Jules Crevaux ([1881] 1993:229). 22 Inselberg Mamilipan (where rock paintings are to be found; Figure 2-4: P) is erroneously labeled Pic Coudreau on the map of the Gonini expedition (Franssen Herderschee 1905a). 23 Preliminary results on the study of the stone samples by mining-engineer Thie, added as appendix III in the Tapanahoni expedition report (Franssen Herderschee 1905a :993-1021), are regarding potential (gold-) mining. 24 Location, as well as photo number 88 (van Lynden 1939:880 v.), confirm that this inselberg by Wayana is named Taluwakem (Figure 2-2-1; F). Neither Prins Bernard Berg nor Taluwakem ever made it to the official maps. West of this inselberg was another inselberg that was baptized Prins van Oranje (Prince of Orange) now we all live with the expectation, that soon a little Prince will be born ( nu wij allen in de hoop leven, dat spoedig een Prinsje geboren zal worden ) (van Lynden 1939:859; my translation). It was the current queen Beatrix van OranjeNassau who was born on January 31, 1938; a female princess rather than a male prince. 25 During the 1935-1938 boundary expedition, on the original drawing of the watershed, i.e., the border between Suriname and Brazil, an inselberg was labelled de Goeje with pencil. This de Goeje mountain was never materialized on official maps. Perhaps, because de Goeje was eager to only have a mountain named after him in the area he loved the most: the Wayana of the upper Maroni basin. Labelling his name to this solid rock would have devastating consequences for the Wayana, as gold miners are mostly illiterate, let alone are aware of the fact that in the early twentieth century a man named de Goeje, explored and mapped this region. 26 The 1904 Tapanahoni expedition would be partly affected by a political play between Granman Oseisie (residing along the Lawa River) and his right hand Kapitein Arabi who had been banned by Granman Oseisie to Granbori along the Tapanahoni (Franssen Herderschee 1905b:882). Anot her political play that influenced the area is between the Ndjuka (Aukaners) and the Boni (Aluku). Boni are residing along the Lawa, upstream from the Ndjuka, and within the Wayana region. Boni was murdered and decapitated in 1793 on the Marouini (de Goeje 1934:73). This decapitation was performed by the Ndjuka led by Granma n Bambi, as ordered by the Dutch government in Suriname. Relation between Wayana and Boni is far fro m hostile, and most Boni even speak some Wayana and most Wayana speak some Taki-taki. The Boni wars, and overall situation of Maroons in the upper maroni basin is beyond the present study, other than I want to mention that it was around 1865 when Arabi visited the Paru River to request Wayana and Trio to settle on the north side of th e watershed which would facilitate trade relations. Four Wayana migrated to the Tapanahoni and were soon followed by others (de Goeje 1905a:975). 27 De Goeje was born in Leiden, dropped out of school, and entered the Royal Dutch Navy. In Dutch East India (Indonesia), he became Lieutenant of the Sea with the Hydrographic Service. Due to his talented skills of drawing sea maps, de Goeje was recruited as second geographer fo r the above mentioned Gonini and Tapanahoni expeditions of the KNAG, to map and draw the course of the rivers in Suriname. De Goeje was twenty-four years of age during

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107 the 1903 Gonini expedition when he first met the Wayana. From 1910 to 1924, de Goeje returned to Batavia, Indonesia, only to return to the Wayana in 1937 during the 1935-1938 Boundary expeditions. Thirty-three years after the first encounter with the Wayana, de Goeje (now being fifty-eight years of age) would make his last visit among the Wayana (de Goeje 1941). In 1946 de Goeje was granted the title bijzonder hoogleraar (Professor Emeritus) at the University of Leiden. 28 Op zulke tochten heeft men de hulp der Inboorlingen nodig en moet, om te beginnen, met hen kunnen spreken; dat heeft geleid tot verzamelen, bewerken en publiceren van gegevens op het gebied der taalen volkenkunde van die streken (de Goeje 1946:2). 29 Later de Goeje learned that Toewoli, Pontoetoe, and Intelewa were actually Opoeroeis [= Upului], the group that mainly resided along the Paru River (Franssen Herderschee 1905b:917). 30 The watershed, a natural boundary between the Amazon basin and Guiana river basins, had now become a cultural border between opposing nation stat es. These boundary expe ditions resulted in bound ed spaces, which would determine the borders of later National Parks (Chapter 2.4) Accordingly, these parks defectively match ecosystem functions and flows of elements (Robbins 2004). Moreover, these boundaries cut up the Wayana region. 31 Curated by the Stichting Nederlands Filmmuseum. Prop erty of Koninklijk Instituut voor de Tropen (K.I.T.) Amsterdam. These were the first moving images of a marake ritual. The forty-five minute silent black-and-white film was shown after lectures by de Goeje on the Wayana Indians of Suriname on October 14 and 27, 1938 (mededelingen van het Tijdschrift van het KNAG, tweede Reeks Deel LV, 1938:971-973). 32 Members of the Dutch commission (van Lynden 1939) were: vice admiral C. C. Kyser; ex-lieutenant of the sea first class A. J. H. baron van Lynden; and lieutenant of the sea first class F. H. M. van Straelen. Additional members were: H. E. Rombouts, medical doctor, who would also collect botanical samples and take photographs; and K. Meuldijk, corporal telegrapher of the Royal Dutch Navy to maintain radio contact. Furthermore, head of the Brazilian Bureau of Boundaries (located in Manaos), as well as the leader of the Brazilian commission of boundaries, was Captain Braz Dias de Aguiar of the Braz ilian Navy. Correspondence (May 2, 1934; curated in the library of the University of Leiden) demonstrated that Braz Dias de Aguiar and Claudius H. de Goeje knew each other personally; moreover, both had a Navy background. Walter E. Roth, who had recently published his Additional studies of the arts, crafts, and customs of the Guiana Indians (1929)mainly based on published data from Claudius H. de Goeje on the Wayana and Triowrote a letter to de Goeje (June 22, 1930; curated in the library of th e University of Leiden [UB Bijzondere Collecties (KL): Brieven BPL 2529]), stating that he had not been commissioned by the British Guyana Government to partake in the British Boundary Expedition; and thus requested from de Goeje to be included in the Dutch expedition to mark the boundary with Brazil. Since the role of the Goej e during the 1935-1938 Dutch Boundary expeditions was not prominent, Walter Roth would not participate in any Boundary expedition. 33 The Dutch Boundary commission had difficulty determining named inselbergs. What they assumed Temomairem later appeared to be Paloeloeimenepeu [= Paluluime enp] (van Lynden 1939:854); photo number 78 clearly shows the molar-shaped inselberg Paluluime enp (Figure 5-10: # 4) Published narrative of the Dutch Boundary commission resonates with blind walkers in de sense of de Certeau (1984); sightless walking in a forest, although equipped with theodolith and photo camera. Nude inselbergs from where panor amas could be perceived were rare. From time to time the commission errs in locating the watershed and has to go b ack in their steps. Eventually the watershed, and therefore the boundary, was drawn on the map. To materialize the boundary, bornes were placed on the inselbergs; often wooden posts, sometimes a cairn from pilled local stones, sometimes a low trapezoid concrete borne from cement. 34 A similar concrete marker (base: 44 x 43 cm; height:18 cm; top:31 x 31 cm.), can be found on a boulder in the middle of Kriboi soula ( isoli takima, the first rapid; counted from the watershed). Inscription in cement: Mission Franaise, P 10, 1-1-8. It thus comes out that the French descended the Aletani and had a New Years Eve celebration at this beautiful location in the Aletani. 35 In 2000, I was able to locate the former village of Tapon aike as pointed out to me by descendents of Taponaike, and reported the coordinates to the carte-archaeologique of Cayenne, French Guiana. 36 Schulz-Kampfhenkel was in contact with the Kaiser W ilhelm Institut fr Biologie and the Museu Nacional do Rio de Janeiro. Ethnographic collection of Schulz-Kampfhen kel is located in Museum fr Vlkerkunde in Berlin, Germany, however it is unknown what part of the coll ection has survived WWII (Fisher and Haas, pers. comm. 2006), and part of this collection ap pears to be located in Museu Paraense Emilio Goeldi in Belem, Brasil; among others the olok feather headdress (MPEG 1986:91). 37 De Goeje did have contact with Schulz-Kampfhenkel, as he received a letter on December 20, 1943 (curated in the library of the University of Leiden: UB Bijzondere Collecties (KL): Brieven BPL 2529), wishing de Goeje a merry Christmas and all the best for the following year; this letter was signed with a firm Heil Hitler!

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108 38 More recently, another German, Manfred Rauschert (born 1928, in Bonn), has explored the Wayana-Apalai region several times. In 1951-1952 Rauschert visited the Wayana from the upper Maroni basin. Later he focussed on the Apalai in Brazil; 1955-1956 Rio Maicur; 1958-1960 upper Maicur to upper Jari via an old land route; 1962 to 1970 Rio Par; Continuation of the study of oral tradition and material culture was continued between 1972 and 1978. A map from his hand is not cartographically correct, but does indicate the Apalai names for these rivers and landscape features, including Lake Paruimo at the headwaters of Rio Maicur (Rauschert 1982, inside cover). Collection by Rauschert is curated in the Institut f r Altamerikanistik und Ethnologie in Bonn, Germany. 39 Nimuendaj 1915 collection, together with several ob jects from Schultz-Kampfhenkel 1935-1937, is curated in Museo Goeldi, Belem, Brazil, as well as in the Museum of the University of Pennsylvania, Philadelphia, USA. 40 Ds le dbut des travaux IGN (lInstitut Gographique Na tional) en Guyane (1947-1948), javais constat que la chane des Tumuc-Humac nexistait pas. A plusieurs reprises, jai demand la suppression de ce toponyme (Hurault 2000:383). 41 Distinction between hill and mountain is related to the measurement system used; to mainland Europeans the separation lies at 500 meters; to the English it is at 1000 feet, or 305 meter. Watershed Tumuc-Humac has a continuous iso-line at 1000 fe et in the border region of French-Guiana, Suriname and Brazil; accordingly we may speak of a mountain range, although its peaks are relatively low. Peaks in the Tumuc-Humac range measure nearly or above 500 meter, e.g., Knopaiamoi (490 m), and Toukouchipann (582 m) with a highest point of 690 meter (or 2263 feet) in Massif Mitaraka. 42 This play of tropes had been put into writing by Henri Coudreau: une mer de fort vierge (Coudreau 1893:161). 43 Front-page of the flyer of WWF-ARPA stated that in the local Apala and Wayana languages, Tumucumaque means the rock at the top of the mountain (web reference 9b). Denuded granite monzonitiques of the Precambrian Guyana-shield are named inselberg in French Guiana, kale rotstop in Suriname, and tpu in Wayana. Stone, rock, mounta in, and inselberg are called tpu in Wayana. Translation of the rock at the top of the mountain should have at least one reference to tpu in Tumuc-Humac / Tumucumaque. 44 Drawing boundaries would create a frontier between the people residing within the park, versus Trio and Wayana residing in the river basins of upper Jari, upper Maroni, and Tapanahoni. As these demarcated areas were not fenced off, indigenous people were able to tactically cross boundary lines by foot and/or canoe. 45 Declaration of the Parque Nacional Tumucumaque was made during the Summit of Sustainable Development in Johannesburg, and just before the presidential elections of Brazil when Lula was first elected president. 46 ACT stated that Trio, Wayana, and Apalai are tribes small bands of forest dwellers (www.amazonteam/ news_0103_article01.html; web reference 7b). The new conservation standard thus depends on a romantic and exotic view of the residents as primitives (Robbins 2004). 47 French Guianese, based on an article by Thierry Sa llantin (1999), stated that PARC is an acronym for: Program for the Acceleration and Rein forcement of Colonization ; because conservation represents control (Robbins 2004). 48 For example, as on the News Archive website of the Amazon Conservation Team ( of February 15, 2003. The website of the Moore Foundation (web reference 10) is one of the few who is unambiguous in stating that the ACT Mapping Proj ect took place primarily in the Brazilian state of Par, whereas the National Park is located in the state of Amapa. In addition, the website of MS NBC (web reference 12) shows a map wherein the mapped area is indicated outside of the Tumucumaque Mountains National Park. 49 Method of downloading data from elders, to be plotted on data collected with western scientific equipment, is not a new standard of excellence in the management and protection of these rainforests. This method was already employed by Dutch and French cartographers in the beginning of the twentieth century (Hurault 1965, 1968; de Goeje 1905a, 1908a, 1908b). Due to their primitive cartogr aphic instruments (no GPS or satellite imagery) the late nineteenth and early twentieth century map-makers were more dwellers in the landscape (in the sense of Tim Ingold 2000) than the ethno-mappers of the Amazon Conser vation Team. Meaning of placemythic-historical significance to social memorywill only emerge when ex periencing the landscape from a dwelling perspective. 50 From a dwelling perspective, narratives of the ancestors are revealed while walking through the landscape, so there is no need for a paper map in the first place. 51 Unintended consequence of acknowle dgement of the map by indigenous populations is a tacit acceptance of colonial powers of the West. It is thus questionable whether the map is a win-win situation for everyone concerned (web reference 7b). On the News Archive website of the Amazon Conservation Team ( of February 15, 2003, it is stated that the map does not feature locations of coveted medical plants, because this information is sensible from the trib es viewpoint. Then again, knowing that the President of ACT is ethnobotanist Mark Plotkin, it is debatable whether this is not a personal conflict of interest.

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109 CHAPTER 3 WAYANA SETTLEMENT HISTORY By their very nature, complex systems are composed of many interacting components, each varying continuously across a multitude of measurable contexts. Because of this, there is no simple way of visualizing all th e patterns and processes within a complex system in a single representation. Malcolm Ridges, Scale and Its Effects on Understanding Regional Behavioural Systems: An Australian Case Study (2006:145). Figure 3-1. Wayana settlement of Talhuwen as seen from a hill acro ss the Lawa River (1997). Following on the broader history and geography of Guiana, this chapter is focused on the history and geography of Wayana settlement pa tterning and organization. Settlements are complex systems of many inte racting elements, such as houses, plazas, paths, and people, requiring a multiscalar approach as they cannot simp ly be depicted in a single image. After an outline of intra-settlement structure, house types, and construction elements, I will discuss these topics based on (ethno-) historic and ethnographi c accounts on Wayana regional settlements. While mapping out houses, plazas, and trailsaid ed by a handheld Global Positioning System (GPS)I realized that not all Wayana settleme nts comply with the typical intra-settlement

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110 pattern as described in Guiana literature. In addition, while living among Wayana, I noticed interrelationships among settlements, which were supported by genealogical data. On occasion, genealogical data correlated with names and places mentioned in the late nineteenth century by Jules Crevaux (1881) and Henri Coudreau (1893), or recorded at times during the twentieth century by ethnographers, geographers, and anth ropologists, providing insight in Wayana settlement organization during the last 125 years. This chapter c oncludes with an analysis of Wayana perspectives on the history and geography of settlement patterning. Following the standard model of Waya na intra-settlement patterning: the village is always built following the same scheme: a grand round house in its center, the tukusipan, in the service of the dances and gatherings, and the household dwellings arranged in surrounding corona This arrangement is very likely a reminiscence of the past mode of habitation of the Wayana, wher e the entirety of the village dwelled in a roundhouse unique in its grandeur, in whic h every household occupied a segment (Hurault 1968:70). In an earlier work, Hurault elaborated that in the middle of the village raises a round house, the tukusipan, of which the roof forms a dome; its function is to shelter the people of other villages during the days of the dan ces (Hurault 1965:24). This summarizing model by Jean Hurault is but one example of how the unique stands for the typical, as will be critically evaluated throughout this study. Most researchers, as non-local visitors or social ot hers, are housed in the tukusipan during their fieldwork. Without being invited into settlements without tukusipan, the villages with a community roundhouse are represented as typical Wayana vi llages, resulting in a loss of variation. Along these lines of thought, I will not simply reiterate and model intra-settlement organization of exceptional Wayana settlements as typical; I will critically assess the tempor ality of the Wayana landscape, movement, and change though time, as dynamic pro cesses of variability and distinction in a broader region.

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111 3.1 From Tour to Map, and Back Again Rethinking Guiana sociality in terms of inte ractions and interrelationships, between local and regional scales of social reproduction, fo llows from a dwelling perspective (Ingold 1993, 1995, 2000), situating the researcher in an intersubjective space. Claudius de Goeje, after a lifetime of research and longtime dwelling wh ile map-making in the region (de Goeje 1905, 1908a, 1908b, 1941), concluded his academic career with a study on Space, Time, and Life incorporating a Wayana pe rspective (de Goeje 1951).1 With his passing, his original thought into a dwelling perspective in Guiana ceased to exist. A dwelling perspective is more than simply being in the field. As a theoretical approach, rooted in phenomenology, it focuses on intersubjective relationships between the units, rather than essentially defining each unit in and of itself: in a landscape, each component enfolds within its essence the totality of its relations with each and every other (Ingold 1993:154), the landscape tellsor rather is a story. It enfolds the lives and times of predecessors who, over the generations, have moved around it and played their part in its formation. To pe rceive the landscape is therefore to carry out an act of remembrance (Ingold 1993:152). My fieldwork, at times, included map-making and charting genealogies along with participant observation, at other times I was moving along with the landscape. In 1996, I participated in archaeological excavations in French Guiana, from which I began to explore possibilities for ethno-archaeological fieldwor k on the coast among the Kalia and Arawakan groups. That year, an archaeological prospectio n of the rivers Tampok and Waki was my first visit to the land of the Wayana.2 My research developed from the tradition of Caribbean archaeology drawing on ethnographi c studies in Amazonia (Guiana particularly) following Peter Siegels (1990a, 1990b) ethno-arch aeological studies in Guyana among the Waiwai.; to aid reconstruction of house structures based on pos thole formations found during archaeological excavations at Anse la Gourde, Guadeloupe (Duin 1998; Jansen, Duin, and Hofman 2001).

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112 While living among the Wayana, explaini ng ethno-archaeology as the study of contemporary people to gain understanding of past pr actices, they said to me that since you are so interested in the past, why dont you study OUR past? We thus found a common research goal, as Wayana of my generation were eager to know what had happened in the past; in their past.3 Wayana Elders told us stories of times long ago ( uhpak aptau eitoponp ). I studied ethnographic collections and ethno-historical records of Guiana. Upon returning with photocopies of my findings (glossed: uhpak aptau pampilan), we continued the dialogue. Together we visited the Tumuc-Humac area in the footsteps of their Wayana ancestors. In total I conducted over nine teen months of fieldwork among the Wayana, among which about five months in 2000 (July 20 December 30)4 and a five-and-a-half months period in 2002/3 (December 2 May 15). Upon arriving in the Wayana village of Talhuwen, I was asked whether I intended to stay where the anthropologi st (Jean Chapuis) resided or whether I wanted to hang my hammock in the tukusipan (community roundhouse). I c hoose the latter. Wayana invited me to fish and hunt with them, and they i nvited me to help cleari ng their garden plots and paths. They invited me to their cassava beer parties. During these activities, all Wayana saw that there was in their midst a new palasisi (Wayana for white man). In due process of participating in all daily life activities, I le arned their Wayana language, customs, and beliefs.5 Data collected during my fieldwork, at times, did not fit the conventional model of social and political organization of Guiana tropical forest cultures, which was more diverse and multifaceted. It appeared that several Wayana se ttlements are small and impermanent (less than ten inhabitants and lasting only a few years), whereas some villages were relatively large and enduring (about and over one hundred inhabitant s and lasting for seve ral decades). When linking genealogical charts to set tlement plans, pattern recognition demonstrated a preference for

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113 post-marital uxorilocal residence, whereas in some cases married men decided to stay in the village of their parent s. After completing the technical drawing of a community roundhouse, I asked who had built the first tukusipan and the reply was the narration of the myth of the Creator Twins (Appendix C: Mopo Kujuli). While drawing house structures, village plans, and kinship charts, I realized that in order to make sense of Wayana settlement organization and above all the role of community roundhouses tukusipan I had to dwell among the Wayana. 3.2 Wayana Settlement Patterning through Time and Space First published planview of a Wayana settlement was drawn by geographer Jean Hurault in 1962 of the village of Tpiti (Hurault 1965:23; Fi gure 3-3), and reduced to its essentials by Audrey Butt Colson (1977:11). Hurault (1965:2425) discussed some hous e types, illustrated only by a technical drawing of an otopan from the village of Tpiti in 1957 (ibid.: facing 88; planche XIX). On settlement patterning he said that houses are distribut ed without order, but often the village has a common tendency to a ci rcular distribution, reserving a place of about thirty meters in diameter of which the center is the round house tukusipan ; it is here where take place the dances and the customary ceremonies (ibid. :25). Stating that often villages have a tendency to a circular di stribution implies that not all Wayana settlements have this intrasettlement patterning. Hurault di d not publish planview drawings of other Wayana settlements. A decade before Hurault drew his planview of the village of T piti it was Dominique Darbois whoduring a visit in the spring of 1952 (March-April)photog raphed the daily live of Wayana Indians in Yanamale, village of the Amazon (Darbois 1956; Mazire and Darbois 1953), presenting an idyllic pict ure soon to be lost forever due to change incurred by the penetration of modern life. Another photo book, intended for children, wa s based on the life of Janamales son: Paranam (Mazire and Darbois 1 959). Together with Paranam and his sister Kali, I discussed Darboiss photos to reconstruc t a planview of settlement of Janamale in 1952

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114 (Figure 3-2). A steep stairways (cut out in the clay of the river bank) lead from the stone embankment to the plaza located some eight meters a bove the river. Kitc hen and eating house of Janamale was located on the right-hand side upon arriving in the village from the stairways.6 Janamale Kawemhakan and Tpiti are complia nt with the standard model of Wayana settlements. Hurault depicted the village of Tpiti, as the typical Wayana settlement (see also Butt Colson 1977:11). As will be demonstrated below, Janamale, like Tpiti (successor of Machiri who immigrated from the Jari in 1951) (Hurault 1965, 1968), Touank [= Twanke] (Coudreau 1893), Mazire [= Masili] (Coudreau 1893), and Machiri (Hurault 1965, 1968), were no average Wayana but powerful leaders compe ting for power in a heterarchical Amazonian society. These men ( tamusi ) had the power to mobilize peito to gather and prepare the labor intensive, and thus valuable, roundhouses. These unique illustra tions of Wayana settlements have to be regarded as exceptional rather than typical Wayana settlements. Figure 3-2. Reconstruction of the planview of Janamale Kawemhakan (1949-1953).

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115 Figure 3-3. Planview of the village of Tpiti in 1962 (source: after: Hurault 1965:23). 3.2.1 Late 18th Century Settlement Patterning There exists only one description of a settle ment in the Wayana region in the eighteenth century, namely in 1769 by Claude Tony (1835, 1843; Figure 3-4), and despite the pitfall that this unique settlement be perceived as typica l for the region, I will quot e (and interpret) this unique source in some length (all translations of Claude Tony are mine). Most significant in the Voyage (see also Chapter 2.2) is the description of well maintained road s connecting to other settlements in the region. It took about four leagues (about 20 km) from an outpost to the village, whereby Tony emphasized that this was not an insignificant forest trail temporarily blazed, but rather an increasingly more beautiful cleared and well maintained road upon arriving: The road leading towards the village is eight or nine feet wide [about 2.5 to 2.75 meter wide]; it is straight and aligned, as it was by means of a string, as far as halve a league [about 2.5 km] from the village; and from here, th is road branched in three to arrive there [at the village], that is, there are three roads parallel, connected one to the other; the middle

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116 one is about nine feet [about 2.75 meter] wide and all along, at both sides, it is fenced off with pickets [palisades], similar to gardens in the new city of Cayenne; all three roads are maintained in a utmost cleanness (To ny 1843:222; all translations are mine). Claude Tony (1843:221) described a sort of advanced guard, or outpost, where a dozen armed men were gathered (Figure 3-4; left: about four hours walk from the river, and about 20 km from the village).7 Between this outpost and the river was a hiding place ( tokai ). The road from the canoe landing place (in East-South-Easter n direction, according to Tony) was nice, and became increasingly better after the outpost and u pon approaching the village. Near the village this road was about 2.5 to 2.75 meter wide. About 2.5 km before the village, this road split into three branches; the middle road being about 2.75 meter wide with a picked fence (palisade) on both sides.8 Without a doubt, indigenous people in th e Wayana region were landscaping their environment, by building straight roads that were up to 2.75 meter wide, and near the village offset by palisades, and parallel roads (Table 3-1 indicates the potentia l directions of the other three roads departing from the village). Figure 3-4. Reconstruction of a Wayana set tlement in 1769; after Claude Tony (1835, 1843).

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117 Table 3-1. Bearing of roads from the 1769 settlement and potential directions. Bearing Potential direction NW To the earlier mentioned canoe landing place ( dgrad) along the Ouahoni [= Malani] (Figure 3-4). NE To the earlier mentioned Aramiso settlement (Tony 1843:220) and thus linked into a wider Guiana road system across French Guiana from Malani [Marouini] via Arroua [= Tampok], Waki, and Camopi towards the Oyapock (Figure A-3). SW Paralleling the Malani River, and potentially br anching towards Chinale (where, among others, Pililipu is located) and Alama (affluent of the Aletani) or following the Malani towards Pic Coudreau (Mitaraka) and Toukouchipann (Chapter 6). This is the general direction towards the petroglyphs of the Marouini, located in the 1960s by Hurau lt (1998; Hurault, Frenay, et Roux 1963). SE Potentially a path across the watershed towards the Rio Couyari and Cuc (affluents of the Jari). River Couyari will flow into the upper Jari at the mea nder wherein the village of Marire [= Masili] was located (Figure A-4). Relation to Rio Couyari is furt her indicated in that near their village, there is a mountain named Couyarouara9 that is nothing other than some rocks piled up one on top of the other, where no plant grows. Climbing to its summit, we discover towards the west a great chain of mountains that, as we assert, lead to the Cord illeras [i.e., Tumuc Humac] (Tony 1843:231). Consequently, this settlement described by Tony would be central in a potential overland route from Atlantic Ocean via Oyapock and Jari to the Amazon River. This settlement, unique for Guiana (Figure 3-4),10 where Dr. Patris and Claude Tony would reside for three weeks, was desc ribed as follows, and I quote in length: Upon arriving, we found the Indians dressed with feathers and armed; they formed a circle that enclosed the large carbet named Tapui ; they touched and closed ranks and were pressed one to the other, while having their faces turned outwards. The captain [village leader] came in front of us at fifty feet [about 15 meter], and after gree ting M. Patris, he led us to the Tapuy while opening the circle [of guards] but only in the way that we hardly could pass one by one though this breach; and th e moment we had entered, the circle [of guards] had been closed again, and the Indi ans made a kind of half-turn to face the Tapuy and watch us, but without moving (Tony 1843:222; all translations of Tony are mine). The village is located on a li ttle elevation; broken grounds stretched out all around [the village] for more than a quarter league [about 1200 meters]; four trip le roads, like those I already discussed [Tony 1843:222; see above], lead ing into the middle of this village at a right angle, and where, in a kind of public space [plaza], there is a kind of high-rise building [ tapuy ; described earlier (Tony 1843:222)], which ends in the shape of a dome,80F11 holding four windows, one facing each road [this differs from the present-day tukusipan, as does the function as guard house]; tall stems are added one against the other as ship's masts [i.e., telescoping masts] to raise this tower of which the assemblage however is not stopped other than with liana vines. Carb ets [dwellings; see ch apter 3.1] are along the roads and form a kind of streets (Tony 1843:225). Their carbets are constructed at first like t hose of all the other I ndians [i.e. wooden posts and palm frond roof]; but on top of the floor which they usuall y make at six or seven feet from the ground [about 2 meters above the ground ], the latter allocates the lodgings with partitions, well made, that are of a kind of tree bark well joint and very tidy. They paint on these partitions all kinds of animals, like tiger s [= jaguar], anteater, monkeys and birds.

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118 Although these paintings are executed very crud ely, they nonetheless resemble the object, to distinguish the same attitude that on e wants to give to the animal (Tony 1843:226). Upon arriving, Claude Tony (1843:222) described a military drill of armed men guarding a central building, while a hierarch ically higher individual approach ed the strangers and guided them inside. Several pages later, he continued to describe this highly m ilitaristic central guard: tapuy that is to them a kind of guard building (= corps de garde ). They [feathered guards] all have there their marked place where they have their hammock; their weapons and a small bench. They are provided with food, and they can never move without order of the chef (Tony 1843:226). After we [Patris and Tony] sat down, the cap tain [= village leader] asked us many questions and wanted to know what we cam e undertaking among th em; we replied him that we came as friend to make trade, to exchange merchandise for curiosities. Immediately he wanted to see all our merchandi se, all our things and till the least of our old cloths. He opened himself the cases, all our packs or bundles, he drew the cloths out, one piece after another; and after examining all that, he replaced everything back with the same persistence and without asking anything (Tony 1843:222-223). After this operation that had taken hours, he [the chief] or dered the women to prepare us food; and after having talked half an hour with us, he ordere d his Indians who had stayed in the same position to guard us, to march one after the other making a tour from the place where we were seated, to salute us and en ter the tapuy, where they arranged themselves around taking each their place, that they could no t leave, nor change without orders of the chief (Tony 1843:223). After all these ceremonies, they had us eat, and s ubsequently they gave us a carbet to lodge us, save M. Patris, who he [the chief] pl aced near him, in a separate accommodation (Tony 1843:223). After an initial welcome and the examination of the merchandise in the central communal building, Tony (1843:223) wrote that the chief ordered his women to prepare food for his guests (compare with Crevaux 1983:132). Tony elabor ated upon the relation between men and women with regard to food and space some pages later: [To the men who] stayed in the village, their wives bring them f ood in the grand tapuy where they serve them, and when they are fi nished eating, the woman returns home to eat with her family. They only have two meals a day: in the morning at eight oclock, and in the afternoon at half past five (Tony 1843:227).

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119 Claude Tony (1843:227) did not separate male from female domains, other than engendering space wherein women brought food to the central place where their men resided, only to return to their dwellings after the men ha d finished eating, to eat with their family. The central guard house was not excluded for women, and is therefore not a mens house in the traditional sense. Central guard house is a public communal place, open to strangers, in contrast to private dwellings where families reside and kin members sleep and eat. Even if Tony described only a sing le settlement in the Wayana region in detail, it was here, while standing on top of a barren in selberg, that local Indians told him about a series of villages of the Roucouyennes [= Wayana], and of the na tions Amicouane [= Amikwan; possibly Upului] and Appareille [= Apalai], all friends and allies, who communicate via a beautiful road stretching till nearby the mountain range (most likely the trail of Kailawa bri dging the Tumuc-Humac mountains). Concluding that these united nations [confed eration of the Wayana] have established a leader ( chef), a kind of general chief ( capitaine gnral ) who resides in the last of these villages, which is also the most important (Tony 1843:231), indicative that the settlements in this area (i.e., the Wayana re gion), in 1769, were far from autonomous units. 3.2.2 Late 19th Century Settlement Patterning. About a century after Claude Tony (1835, 1843 [1769]), Jules Crevaux (1881) and Henri Coudreau (1893) did not recognize such a regional organization in this area. Crevaux and Coudreau are not very specific on Wayana intr a-settlement organization, other than some architectural elements can be read from accompanying engravings, illustrating diversity in settlement arrangement and house types (Figure 4-3). Most detailed is Cr evauxs description of the settlement of Namaoli at the junction of the Mapahoni and the Ja ri (Figure 3-5): The village of Namaoli is located about 10 meters above the river. In order to arrive here, we are obliged to climb a steep stair, which is cut out in the clay of the river bank (Crevaux 1987:132; all

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120 translations of Crevaux and Coudreau are mine). Arriving at the grand carbet, located in the center of the village, the two wives of the chief brought me, respectively, a stool and a ceramic vessel with the remainders from lunch: that is a li ttle bit of boiled fish with a lot of peppers (i.e., pepper pot) After this modest meal, we felt all very tired, and we hang our hammocks and slept till five oclock in the even ing (Crevaux 1983:132). A year af ter this initial visit, Crevaux (1987:273 ff.) would return to Namaoli (October 1878) when the great marak took place. This ritual gathering and the fact that the foreign expedition could hang their hammocks in the central grand carbet, makes the village of Namaoli (like Janamale Kawemhakan and Tpiti) a unique village, rather than a typical Wayana settlement. Few of the about four dozen Wayana settlements in the late nineteenth century (Figure 3-5) are depicted and described. Figure 3-5. Wayana settlements 1878-1892 (sources: Crevaux 1881 and Coudreau 1893).

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121 Preeminent illustration of a Wa yana settlement by Coudreau is a description and engraving of the village of Pililipou (1893:103-113; Figure 3-2-1. A), in the hearth of the Wayana region; located at the foot of mount Pililipou, situat ed on a plateau of 250 me ter altitude near the watershed between Aletani and Marouini. Once again, this is not an ordinary Wayana settlement, but a unique village, even referred to as capital by Coudreau (1893:103). Four houses ( pakolo) surround the central building ( otoman); housing about fift y people, including children (Coudreau 1893:112; Table 3-2). This description of Pililipou illustrated, next to a general lay-out of architectural elements, settlement organiza tion situated in socio-political struggles and tactics of various Tamusi Touank [= Twanke] above all, who will play a central rolenext to Tamusi Janamalethroughout this study. Table 3-2. Inhabitants of Pililipou per house (source: Coudreau 1893:103-112). House Inhabited by: 1 Tamouchi Touank [= Tamusi Twanke], son of Ouan [= Wane, Wa nika], with his son Pak (according to Coudreau, a true Don Juan) and his wife Amta (Coudreau 1893:103-106). 2 Acouli the Apla [Apalai], designated Tamusi by Twanke, and constructing the future grand village of Chinal (ibid.:108-109). 3 Toumtoum, founder and tamusi of the village of Pililipou, who handed over this position to Twanke when the latter moved here after his father Wane passed away (ibid.). 4 Counicamane [= Kunikaman], great-grandson of demoiselle Dujay (Wayana name: Tori = Tuli [ Inga sp.]) who participated in the 1767 French expedition of Dr. Patris (ibid.:110). Tuli, i.e., demoiselle Dujay, married Wayana Yapotoli (paramount chief) Torop [= Tolopit (Bird)], and gave birth to two baby girls of whom one died. Daughter of Tuli gave birth to a daughter (Enoua, i.e., the old woman [kuni] of the village of Peo) and a son (Talouman). Kunikaman is the son of Talouman and would marry to a daughter of Toumtoum (ibid.:110-111). As can be seen on the engraving of the vi llage of Pililipou (Coudreau 1893:104) and read in the text (ibid.:99), paths wide as a road, head off to every creek. Overland roads leading to and from Wayana settlements astounded early Eur opean travelers throughout the Wayana region. Upon arriving in the settlement of Masili, which Coudreau (1893:531) even called cit de Marire [city of Masili], Coudreau was am azed by the long and straight lane ( une alle ), well maintained and wide as a French road ( chemin de France) (Coudreau 1893:531). Upon arriving

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122 in the village, he noticed that the village is encircled by old gard en plots overgrown with weeds, while vast new slash-and-char agricultural fields st retch from here to the first perimeter (ibid.). About a century earlier, Claude Tony (1769) had al so noted that the broken grounds stretched out all around [the village] for more than a quarter league [about 1200 meters] (Tony 1843:225). Arrival upon a village is thus made visible by well maintained roads as by broken grounds and a charred landscape of slash-and-burn ag ricultural plots. Even before perceiving the actual buildings of a settlement, presence of the settlement is made visible in roads and charred (or weed overgrown) agricultural plots.12 Similar landscaping was described in the mi d-twentieth century as roads connected the settlement of Tpiti with the villages of Malavat, habitation Tolinga (Boni Granman), and to a landing place ( dgrad) at the Aletani near the former villa ge of Machiri (Hurault 1965). Arrow cane fields (wide between 30 me ters) surrounded Tpiti, where by the arrow cane fields are deepest on the north side towards Machiri and Tolinga.82F13 Hurault also mapped agricultural zones ( zones de cultures itinrantes ), indicating old (cleared prior to 1960) slash-and-burn fields surrounding Tpiti stretc h for 1.5 kilometers along the river and about 0.7 kilometers inland. New garden plots would be cleared outsi de this zone (mainly in 1960 and 1962) as well as within this zone (1961) (Hur ault 1965:60-65). Arrow cane fiel ds and slash-and-burn garden plots allowed for a clear vi ewalong with a soundscape surrounding the settlement of Tpiti. Hurault (1968:71) republished the village plan of Tpiti in 1962 as illustration of typical social relations within a Wayana village. T piti, who, in 1955, founded hi s village (Figure 3-2) on the high left bank of the Malani (Marouini), about 12 to 15 meter above the river (Hurault 1965:60), was not an average Wayana; he was the successor of Machiri who had migrated into

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123 this region in 1951,and in the runnin g text Hurault (ibid.:70) explai ned that Tpiti and his brother Toulin founded this village when the villag e of Massili II moved; and they split off.14 In order to understand settlement patterning and organi zation we have to go beyond the boundaries of a single Guiana village, and acknowledge their tem porality situated in so cio-political history. 3.3 Late Twentieth Century Wayana Settlement Organization While dwelling among the Wayana I noticed va riability between, a nd interrelationships among settlements that I did not recognize from my Guiana literature reading. Arriving in 1997, being a visiting outsider (a dangero us Other), I attached my hammock in the outer-circle of the roundhouse of Talhuwen. Ronnie Tkaime had heard that a Dutch student had arrived, and since he was a Wayana originating from the Suriname bank, he sought to talk in Dutch; as other researchers passing through Talhuwen were always French. The following morning there would be a fishing party and Ronnie invited me to come with him in his canoe. After a day fishing in the cataracts upstream, I returned to my hammock in the tukusipan Ronnie invited me that evening to have some cassava beer. There was a party because a lot of fish had been caught that day. The following day, Ronnie invited me to bring my hammock to his place. He had discussed it with his wife and mother-in-law, and they had agreed to house me; because it is not good to stay by oneself in the tukusipan They say spirits roam there at night, and they asked me if I had seen some ghosts. So I untied my hammo ck, and they indicated me to tie it under the largest house of Esprance. This house belonged to Senita, who was out of town. Her married daughters with husband and children were sleeping upstairs. Esprance became my home base during fieldwork among the Wayana in the uppe r Maroni basin during the following years. Ronnie became my classificatory brother, and thus I was given a place in their kinship system. During my fieldwork, I drew planviews and ar chitectural drawingsbeginning in Esprance which radiated out, and changed through time, forming the fundamental data for this study.

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124 Figure 3-6. Esprance, ward of Talhuw en (2002); view towards the southeast. When discussing Wayana intra-settlement patterning and organization, socio-political aspects grounded in history have to be taken into consideration, yet there are some basics that need to be taken into consideration: Wayana sett le near fertile soils (i ndicated by locations of former settlements), near creeks or bends in th e river where there are rapids (fishing grounds), where rocks are situated in the river so that one can bath and clean game and fish without fear of being stung by stingrays ( sipali ; Potamotrygon hystrix ). Wayana do not like to settle near places invested with monsters ( kaikui ), malicious spirits (jolok ), or where water monsters ( ipo ) have been sighted. Wayana prefer re turning to abandoned village locatio ns to clear garden plots as it is easier to clear secondary forest than to cut down large diameter trees of primary forest. New settlements are founded on prior gard en plots; resulting in an overl apping or layering of garden plot, settlement, garden pl ot, settlement, etcetera. Long ago Wayana did build their villages. They did not built their vill age no matter where. First, Wayana looked for good grounds, where the manioc grows well, the bananas grow well, well all the plants [grow well]. When they saw that the grounds were good, they started to clear a space for their village. He who clears the forest becomes chief of his proper village. However, it is not immediatel y that Wayana built their proper village. How many years he hears that he is not liked, but he stays there anyways. Maybe, when the village leader inte rfered with someone elses business. When [the villager] had a

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125 problem with a chief. If he does not like so meone [in his village], the chief says: Leave from here, this isnt your village. So he w ho is insulted looks for another village. This happens, when [the villager] has enough from the insults. When there is less game, Wayana also leave their village. Also [they leave] when there is a deceased buried in the house, or several dead in the village. People are frightened [of the evil spirits] of he who has been buried (Tasikale, 2000. Excerpts from Table C-4). Let me now elaborate on the intra-settlement patterning a nd organization of Esprance, constructed in the early 1990s on the former gard en plots of the people of Twenke. Building activities were initiated by Senita. As her moth er (Makilu Mukuwa; grandmother of the ward) is a first degree parallel cousin of Twenke, she was allowed to settle here. Esprance is entirely fenced of by trees, secondary growth, and arrow ca ne (Figures 3-6 and 3-7). Banana trees are planted all around the cleared grounds su rrounding the houses. Widest road ( hema ; Figure 3-8: trail # 10) leads west-southwest from the main plaza (# 3; pulolop ) towards the tukusipan of Talhuwen. On the other side of the plaza (seen fr om the main road) is the house of Senita (S21); built in Surinamese style with stil ts and a galvanized corrugated roof. East of this dwelling is a trail (# 8) that goes down into a gully where a little creek runs; providi ng Esprance with fresh drinking water. Next to this road, down the slope trash is deposited (midden # 6). At the south side of this plaza is a work hut (S28) where is located the griddle (metal plate of one meter diameter; supported by three stones) to bake cassav a bread. On the north side of this plaza is located the place of Makilu, grandmother ( kuni ) of this ward (1). Several rebuilding stages have been taken plac e in the northern zone. Let me discuss this process chronologically, beginning with 1997. Ma kilus house (S18; Figure 3-2-4) has an oblong roof with malalia palm fronds, and the floor is abou t seventy-five centimeters from the ground. West of this dwelling is a small work hut (S19). From here a path (trail 7) leads towards the northwest (towards th e house of Aloupki) and joins the path (trail 9) that goes from Awala kampu to the garden plots southeast of Tal huwen. North of the dwelling of Makilu is the

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126 house of Ronnie (S7), who is married to the s econd daughter of Makilu. In 1997, Ronnie and his wife together with their two children had recen tly moved here from Kawemhakan. Their house is on stilts, with a floor about 1.75 meter above the ground, and a roof of malalia palm fronds. Behind their house goes a path (# 5) conn ecting the plaza with the landing place ( tunakuwao kanawa) (bathing place etc.) on the Lawa River. Nort h of their house is located a work hut with corrugated iron roof (S4), which had b een relocated the following year (S3). Upon my return in 2000, Ronnie had abandoned hi s former house (S7) and was finishing the construction of his new house in Surinamese st yle with on stilts with galvanized corrugated roof (S2). I had helped him building this house in 1998. This house is further removed from the house of his mother-in-law and located in a small cleared space (2) apart from the main plaza (3). A separate road (trail 1) led to a separate landing zone, next to the previously mentioned landing zone at the Lawa River; the la tter now only used by grandmother Makilu and family of Senita. Grandmother had abandoned her house (S18), which was now used as storage place. Her former work hut (S19) had been taken apart. A new, and bigger, house (S7) was built for grandmother on the exact location of the abandoned house of Ronnie (Figure 3-8); a new place had been cleared (1), separate from th e main plaza (2). Drip zones formed alongside Ronnies former house had to be filled-in to prevent water r unning through grandmothers house. A little plank inserted at the upper side of the former gully prevented from water eroding th e recent (loose) fill. A new work hut (S10; kuluwata pakolon ) with manioc grater trough ( kuluwata ) was built southwest of her new dwelling. To keep this place cool, upon request of grandmother Makilu, the roof was of malalia palm fronds, as was the roof of her new house. A galvanized corrugated roof work hut (S9; tilaka ) was placed by Ronnie, just north of the grandmothers work hut, built from material recuperated from earlier work hut s (S3 and S4). Husband of Suzanne, Senitas

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127 oldest child, had built a house with a galvanized corrugated roof (S29) parallel of Senitas kitchen (S27) south of the plaza (Figure 3-9). In 2000, Esprance totaled 17 inhabitants (see genealogical char t in figure 3-7); grandmother had her two daughter s living on both sides of her house. One daughter (Sihmi) lived north of her mother with her husband and two children, a girl and a boy. The eldest daughter (Senita) lived sout h of her mother with her seven ch ildren. Two of these children, her eldest daughters, were married and lived with th eir husband and child in their mothers house. The eldest grandchild, Maya, lived with her paternal grandparents elsewhere (in Antecume pata). Among the Wayana the firstborn child is of ten raised by his or her grandparents. In 2002, the process of centrifugal power ra diating from the grandmothers house had continued. Ronnie had removed the work hut ne xt to his mother-in-laws work hut, and had made a kitchen (S1; wapot pakolon ) of reused material just north of his house (S2), next to the road (trail 1) to the la nding which doubles as bathing place. Ronnies place appr oached the palm tree (next to trail 2) indicating the border be tween Esprance and Awala kampu. Awala kampu is named after a row of awara palm trees ( Astrocaryum segregatum ) separating this ward from the northwestern wards of Talhuwen. People from Awala kampu had begun using the path (trail 2) connecting to Ronnies place, via (trail 4) Ma kilus place into the pl aza of the family of Senita, and from there into the road (trail 11) leading towards the garden plots south of Talhuwen. The old road (trail 9), bypassing Es prance, had become abandoned. Ronnie and his wife Sihmi15 tended to move towards Awala kampu, a nd away from grandmother and Senita (Figure 3-7). A space west of the main plaza was reserved for the second daughter of Senita and her family (5). Due to suicide of the daughter and the return of the hus band to his parents (who resided in Kawemhakan) this space remained an empty lot.

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128 Figure 3-7. Change through time at Es prance (1997); planviews and genealogy

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129 Figure 3-8. Structures (S #) at Esprance (location of posts is indicated with dots) (2002). Divided in five sectors bel onging to 1) grandmother Makil u, 2) Ronnie, 3) Senita, 4) Suzanne, and 5) a potential building space for one of the daughters of Senita. 4)

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130 Figure 3-9. Example of mobility in structures and related features (around structure S 27). On the south side, Suzanne had her husband built a new house on pillar s with walls (S31). Senitas kitchen (S27; wapot pakolon ) was stripped down and moved towards the west (S28), to clear the view for the kitchen/eating house (S29; tuhket pakolon ) of Suzanne. East of Senitas earlier kitchen are located several r acks to dry pots and pans (S22-S26; jala ; Figure 3-9; rebuilt over time). The griddle ( linat ) to bake cassava bread had been moved to a new location (grey circle in S28); leaving a ring of charcoal of about a meter in diameter behind in the ground

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131 (Figure 3-9). Suzanne did not have a griddle in her kitchen, and used her mothers (grey circle in S28) to bake cassava bread. Ne ither did Sihmi own a griddle; she used her mothers griddle instead, to which was made a little shelter of pa lm leaves just southwes t of grandmothers work hut (S15, replacing the prior roofed structure S13). Manioc was pr essed on location S14 ( twuhkai katop ; one standing post and one vertical beam to hold the tinki (manioc press) was attached at its other end to a burned tree trunk). Additional drying racks (S16, S17; jala ) had been constructed west of the kitchen area. In 2002, the former house of grandmother Makilu (S18) had been stripped down and its posts pulled out of the ground; resulting in empty postholes. Main road (trail 10) towards the tukusipan was always maintained clean and wide open, as was the trail towards the creek in the east (trail 8), and the roads (trails 5 and 6) towards the canoe landing place in the north, that now led directly to the grandmothers new house (S6), of which the ground floor became a gathering place for visitors, friends, and family. Esprance resonates with the typical tropical fore st village as portrayed in the literature. Grandmother and her daughters (mat rilocal) are able to grow mani oc and sustain the settlement ( ut ) with cassava bread and cassava beer. Husba nds, originating from ot her villages, bring in enough fish and meat to make this place self-sufficient. Techno-economically, Esprance is selfsufficient, other than roads lead to all cardinal di rections, and visitors, mostly family, always stop by for a chat and some cassava be er; trail east, leads to Halam pata (place of Halam) who is the first husband of Senita and father of her first tw o daughters and eldest son; trail south leads to the garden plots; trail north leads to Awala kampu; and the main road west-southwest heads directly to the tukusipan of Talhuwen. Esprance, therefore, has to be perceived in relation to its broader context: the village of Tal huwen proper (Figure 3-10).

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132 Figure 3-10. Talhuwen: maze of roads and wa rds centered upon the community roundhouse. Light green areas are lawns of soccer field and school. 3.3.1 Talhuwen as Agglomeration Esprance is but one of several wards that co nstitute Talhuwen proper. Ronnie moved his place not only away from his in-laws, but towards Awala kampu (sector north of the tukusipan of Talhuwen; Figure 3-10). To understand this move ment, we have to look simultaneously at the genealogical chart (Figure 3-11) Center of Awala kampu is formed by the house of Aloupki and Siwanka. Siwanka is a daughter of Ekinau, who was the sister of the maternal grandmother of Ronnie. Therefore, Ronnie moved away from his in-laws (affines), while at the same time moving towards his relatives (consanguins). 200 meters 100 meters 0 meters French school 50 soccer field Opoya Talhuwen Tpu uku Awala kampu Awla Esprance Lawa River

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133 Figure 3-11. Genealogical tree to demonstrat e kinship and affine relations among Wayana mentioned in the present study. This is not a complete genealogical chart.

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134 Road from Ronnies place towards the tukusipan of Talhuwen crosses the place of Tasikale and Rinja (Figure 3-8: trail 3). Tasikale, s on of Aloupki, is married to Rinja, daughter of Paranam and Melidu. Paranam is Ronnies maternal un cle. Its all in the family. There is more to the location of the house of Tasikale and Rinja. Once more, we have to scale up and consider the village of Talhuwen as a whole. The villag e of Talhuwen is named after its village chief, Talhuwen, son of Opoya.16 This village is located just ups tream of the former Boni settlement Domk (as labeled on some older maps). On ma ps, the village of Tal huwen is still labeled Opoya (IGN 1995). Opoya used to live in th e house today owned by Aimawale Opoya; first son of Melidu and Paranam, named after the father of Opoya: Aimawale. Aimawale and his younger sister Rinja are maternal gr andchildren of former village leader Opoya, and their father Paranam (son of former paramount chief Jana male) had hoped to become village leader (especially after marrying the daughter of former village leader Opoya), but he was considered too young, and Wayana choose Talhuwen as their vi llage leader. Talhuwen resides with his family on a cleared space south of the tukusipan Rinja and Tasikale not only live midway their in-laws and relatives; their pl ace is cleared north of the tukusipan that is, on the opposite side of the village seen from the canoe landing place of the former village of Opoya; the rocky outcrops next to Aimawales place. Alternatively, Tasi kales place is located opposite from the canoe landing place used by French governmental official s, with the school in the middle (Figure 3-10; red roof in green-zone. Other gree n-zone indicates a soccer field). In the central space next to the community roundhouse of Talhuwen are located: a school and the house of Takwali (since 1988 mediateur culturel assisting French teachers to instruct children in their Wayana mother tongue). The school was built in 1991 as annex to the school in Twenke that had opened its doors in 1974. Teacher Jean-Paul Kli ngelhoffer was in office for

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135 twenty years (1973-1993),17 during which time he became founder and president of CAWAI ( Culture et Artisanat Wayana ), of which Aimawale today is president. Guillaume Costes was teacher at Talhuwen from 1993-1998. It was during this time that the tukusipan of Talhuwen was built in 1996 under the program of APFT ( Avenir des Peoples des Forest Tropicales [Future of the Tropical Forest Peoples]). Costes was succeeded by Latitia Jobard (1998-2000) who was employed at Talhuwen for two years. Ever since, the rate of change of teachers in the Wayana area increased significantly. School, house for teachers, and community roundhouse (as were some of the dwellings, e.g., house of Aimawale Opoya built for the then village leader Opoya, as was the house of present village leader Ta lhuwen) were built with French resources. When Aimawale and Tasikale organized the 200 4 rites of passage (Chapter 5.2), they had the tall maripa palm tree cut down (an act of clearing bounda ries, and thus unifying the village of Talhuwen) that was just north of the tukusipan (Figure 5.2-8). They had ordered to clear this space between the tukusipan and Tasikales house; creating a public arena (a plaza) for the upcoming rites of passage, and allowing space for the seclusion hut ( tpijem pakolon) along the road from Esprance to the tukusipan This, intentional or not, was favorable for Tasikale and placed Aimawale on the immediate right-hand side of the canoe landing place : the place within a Wayana village where his paternal grandfather had lived some fifty years ago (Figure 3-3). Immediate right-hand side of the canoe landing appears to be the place where is located the house of a paramount chief. The house of Amaipot, current granman or overall leader of the Wayana, and son of granman Twenke, is located on the immediate right-hand side of the canoe landing place of Twenke. On the opposite side of the village, across from the tukusipan is the house of the elder sister of Amaipot. After th e death of Twenke (who gave his name to his village), this settlement is referred to as Kulumuli pata (place of bamboo). Mother of Twenke

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136 (ki) was a sister of the mother of Anamaila. ki and her sister Kuli, were granddaughters of Tamusi Twanke, mentioned by Crevaux and Coudreau at the end of the ni neteenth century. Anamaila is of a second marriage of his mother Kuli. The first marriage of Kuli and Taponaike resulted in a daughter Makilu; grandm other of Esprance. This makes kuni Makilu a first degree parallel cousin of Twenke (mothe rs sisters son). So cial and political relations are thus played out spatially. Northwest of the tukusipan is a large cleared plaza between the houses of Kawet, and the former house of Tnepo (son of Wempi and adopted son of Twenke, and a powerful pjai ). Kawet married, consecutively, two sisters; grandd aughters of Twenke. These cleared spaces are located on the highest part of the bank; a kind of peninsula around which the Lawa River meanders. Two other cleared plazas are located northwest, at a lower level of the riverbank; these being in the west the houses of utetp a nd his family, Romeo and Pavon. In the north, at the lowest end of the peninsula of Talhuwe n, is the now abandoned place of Tpu uku, where Alikot and his family had build their houses. Wh en the genealogical chart is reviewed spatially; people descending from Twanke (great-grandfather of Twenke) a ppear living in the northwest quarter of Talhuwen, that is, in proximity of the village of Twenke. Members of the other quarters are descendents (or related to desce ndants) of Maipo and Tailu (Figure 3-11). 3.3.2 Twenke Talhuwen, and Beyond West from Talhuwen, on an island in the Lawa River, is located Kulumuli pata (place of kulumuli -bamboo) the former place of Granman Tw enke (Figure 3-12: left). Around the tukusipan are located the houses of th e children of Twenke (house of Granman Amaipot [son of Twenke] is located on the immediate right-hand si de of the canoe landing place), as well as a school, the house for school teachers, and a dispensa ry. The green zone in the west is a soccer field, doubling as helicopter landing place for the French army. At the east side, near the river,

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137 are the houses of grandmother ( kuni ) Kiwa (widow of Alemn, brot her of Alewuike [= Aloike]), with her daughter and grandson. South of the c itrus trees planted by teac her Klingelhoffer, are the houses of the children of Gran man Amaipot. Also located in this southern part of Twenke were the houses of Anamaila, parallel first cous in (classificatory brother) to Twenke, and his wifes children from her first marriage. Figure 3-12. Planview of Twenke (left), Talhuwen (center-left), and beyond (2003). After 2000, Anamaila and Tnepo, respectively (classificatory) brother and (adoptive) son of the late Twenke, decided to clear new gard en plots to found a new settlement east of Talhuwen (Figure 3-12; center-right). Tnepo, a pjai, has his house in th e center of these higher Esprance Talhuwen Twenke (Kulumuli pata) Lomeke Alawataime en Liu Anamaila Awla Halam Tnepo Sherif Baiwa Tpu Lawa River SURINAME FRENCH GUIANA

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138 grounds. Anamaila has, also in the center a rath er provisory house. In the near future, a more permanent house will be built. On the far south si de of this cleared space, Baiwa (son-in-law of Anamaila) has his house. South of this cleared area begin the garden plot s for the residents of Talhuwen. East of this cleare d area lies another gully with a cr eek. This creek contains rocks with grinding grooves; indicative for earlier (prehistoric) habitation in this area. When entering from the river, the space reserved for the granman (immediate right -hand side) is still available. West of this space is the place of Awla (son of Polo man, who inhabits the exact same location in Twenke). Relational layout for a new, and large, settlement is outlined. Further to the east, across the creek, roads le ad to the place of Tpu, continuing to Alawataim en (place of Kulienp), and even to Lomeke (place cleared in 2003) (Figure 3-12; upper-right). Latter settlements are being inhabited by Wayana leaving Kawemhakan / Anapaike, to be closer to Talhuwen and its instituti ons, schools above all. Villages of Twenke and Talhuwen are unique in the upper Maroni basin (Figure 3-13) as materialized in their sheer number of inhabitants (90 and 110 respectively) as well as duration of a continuous fifty years of Wayana occupation. These numbers are only surpassed by Antecume pata (150 inhabitants). Numbers of inhabitants in other settleme nts in the upper Maroni basin are estimates, as a complete census is lacking. Near Maripasoula, settlements of Aloike [Alewuike] and Telamale comprise about 100 Wayana total.18 Two villages on the Tampok River (Elae [or Malipahpan] and Kajode) comprise about resp ectively 50 and 70 Wayana, Emerillon, and even some Waypi, and two Akulio in Malipahpan. On the Lawa, Kawemhakan houses about 70 people, whereas Alawateim eni and Kumaka hpan comprise each about two dozen former inhabitants of Kawemhakan (Law a Station, Anapaike). On the Aletani, Pilima, the most southern village houses some 40 i nhabitants, whereas Palasisi (= Wapahpan) (Figure 3-14; right),

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139 Pelea, and Palimino (Figure 3-14; left) each co mprise about 15 inhabitants. Of these and recently abandoned settlements in the upper Maroni basin, only four villages (28.5%) own a community roundhouse, namely Twenke, Talhuwen, Antecume pata, and Pilima. These four unique villages with a roundhouse, and their history, are vital to this study, but it should not be forgotten that these settlements are situated in a matrix that also includes settlements without roundhouses; actually most of the Wayana settlements do not own a tukusipan .19 Figure 3-13. Wayana settlements along the Lawa and Aletani (2000).

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140 Figure 3-14. Planviews of two Wayana se ttlements without co mmunity roundhouse (2000).

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141 3.4 Historically situated Movements of Wayana Settlements It is generally acknowledged that modern gl obalization impacted Guiana in the 1950s and 1960, nevertheless, change in se ttlement movements were already in motion by that time, and what has been commonly perceived as typical for tropical forest cu ltures is merely a snapshot in a much longer historical proce ss. In the 1960s a Missionary Sta tion was created at Apetina along the Tapanahoni to where surrounding Wayana and Trio populations migrated (Frikel 1971), however prior to that, Arabi (Maroon leader in Su riname) went to the Wayana and Apalai of the Paru requesting them to settle along the Tapana honi to facilitate trad ing relations (de Goeje 1905a:975). Intercultural studies on the complex trading interactions between Wayana, Trio, Maroons, and Dutch Government in Suriname, su ch as tabulated by Gabriel Coutinho Barbosa (2005), as well as American evangelical missi onaries, goes beyond the present study, as do the current problems in the Wayana region regarding gold mining and mercury pollution. The history of modern globalization impac ting the upper Maroni ba sin was recounted by Kawet (December 18, 2002), who had learned Dutch at Lawa Station and was eager to tell me this story in Dutch: Many people [Wayana] now reside on the French Bank. This is because the schools are located here [on the French Ba nk]. Therefore [as many people re side here] there is a lack of fish and game. In the past people moved every ten to fifteen years, so one had enough game. Today, with the schools, this [movi ng of settlements] is no longer possible. In the past, [Wayana] were frightened and resided far into the forest, near a creek. Then came the Boni [Maroons; settled in the Lawa area in the 1790s] and [Wayana] saw how they made dug-out canoes [before Wayana had tree bark canoes]. Also the Wayana began to built dug-out canoes, that they did not have before; th ere were though canoes from tree bark. Also the Taira [generally assumed to be Kalia from the mouth of the Maroni] knew how to navigate, they domina ted the rivers and migrated south via the Aletani. At Mulokotim en [north bank of Aletani between Walemapan and Kulekule at N 2.66 W 54.24] they encountered the Tljo [= Tr io]. The war began and the Trio made the Taira retreat. The last sta nd of the Taira was at Jakutouku. After the Boni came Lanti (Dutch governmental [ lands -] officials). These governmental officials arrived with many beads and presents. Then [Wayana] were no longer frightened [and resettled along the main river]. French officials realized that the Wayana then moved towards the Surinamese Bank. At that mome nt, Boni were settled at Awara kampu and

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142 Domk [present-day Talhuwen]. It were the Boni who had planted mango trees and awara palms. [Several other Wayana settlements built on former Boni sites are identified by the presence of mango trees, awara and coconut palms]. Boni had also settled at Kumakahpan and at the mouth of the Ulemali. Then the French came with presents. Subsequently, two granman [par amount leaders] were appoint ed; Taponaike on the French side, and Janamale on the Surinamese side (Kawet 2000; my translation). Figure 3-15. Wayana settlements of the Aletani in 1903 and around 1938. The settlement of Taponaikenamed Granma npassie (Sranantongo for passage of the paramount chief or path of the granman)was the most important settlement in the 1930s. This village was located at the most northern tip of the right bank of the Aletani before its meets the Marouini (Figure 3-15). This was one of five villages mentioned for the Aletani in 1938, which were plotted on the map only some twenty years later (Geijskes 1957:194; from north to south: Granmanpassie of Taponaike, Makale [A napake], Janemal [Janamale], Maraitawa [Malaitawa], and Wapodimiet [Wapotumt]). Se veral abandoned settlements are referred to but not placed on the mapamong which the aba ndoned village of Maipo at the mouth of the

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143 Lo (Luwe). Maipo was the father of Malaitawa who had founded his new village between Feti kreek [Mapaoni; not the Mapahoni, affluent of Jari] and Tpu pe pta, named after a large rock formation ( tpu pepta ) in the Aletani River. Maipo and Tailu were parents of Malaitawa, Ekinau and Kumakau; the latter two wives of respectively Tasikali and Janamale.20 Janamale was granman among the Wayana till his death in 1958.90F21 Before I will discuss the biography of Janamale, I want to mention that Pilimaa great pjai (shaman) who even began his own prophetic movement (Butt 1964) a nd a son of Janamalenamed his firstborn son Jamaike (Wese), after Jamaike who had hi s own village on the Aletani around 1900 (map accompanying Franssen Herderschee 1905a; Figure 315; located just north of where Coudreau (1893) had mapped Yamak a decade earlier). A second village was mapped along the Aletani in 1903: Panapi (father of Wempi [a.k.a. Sa mpati, Jean-Baptiste] who in 1962 would have founded his own village at the mouth of the Tampok; Figure 3-16). Since the 1903 Gonini expedition did not explore the Marouini (n either did the 1935 boundary expeditions), no data is known about village locations in the Maro uini basin, and a historical reconstruction of settlement patterning of Al etaniMarouini basins is inherently deficient. When I discussed the Wayana history narrate d by Kawet (cited above) with Aputu (village leader of Kumakahpan), his wife Kali (daughter of Janamale) began to narrate this history in more detail; particularly the movements of her father Janamale and his grounds to resettle, as well as a more detailed introduction of the last stand at Jakutouku, just downstream of Janamale Kawemhakan, the village where she and Aputu grew up (Figure 3-3). This is the narrative of Kali, as translated by her son Ronnie Tkaime into Dutch (my translation into English): Kulumulijinp [founded by Tpputse, son of Ouptoli]91F22 is the first village at the Aletani of Alijakalu. Alijakalu [father of Toko and grandfather of Jana male] came from the Jari. Alijakalu returned to the Jari when the Taila attacked Kulumulijinp. Upon arrival at the Aletani, [Alijakalu] with his son Toko founded the village of Tkolokem. Later, Toko with

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144 his son Janamale founded the village tmanu, and next Pilikaju [Figure 3-16]. Those who remained at the Aletani founded a village that was located downstream. The name of this village is Kasujinp. The third village is named Enkuhenp. It is from this latter village that [Wayana] return to the Jari to request s upport from the Tljo [Trio]. At this point, Kali began to na rrate the story of Tapanawale, i. e., the last stand of the Taira at Jakutouku. War with the Taira sets the stag e for Janamales biography, and will be discussed in the closing of this chapter. Next, Kali cont inued with the biography of her father Janamale and his settlements (between square brackets are notes resulting from discussions of Janamales biography): After the war with the Taira, Ja namale founded his first village at Kawatop [Figure 3-16; labeled Gramanponsoe in 1938; this se ttlement consists of two villages, one named Luwe located on the French Bank, and a second village, named Tulamtp located across the river on the Surinamese Bank]. Janamale is kapitein [village leader] of both villages [and is thus engaged in a political play with Dutch and Fr ench Governments who are eager to draw the Wayana to their side]. [Forced by Dutch Government] Janamale founded his village Janamale on the Surinamese Bank; left or north bank of the Ulemali, about one and a halve kilometers from the mouth of the Aletani. Later [forced by French Government], just downstream of Janamale, Janamale founds his village Kawemh akan [High place] on the high right or south bank of the Aletani [This village of Janamale, Kawemhakan, was visited by a French expedition in 1952 and photographed by Dominique Darboi s (1956; Mazire and Darbois 1953). Her photos clearly show that Janamale had a community roundhouse tukusipan in his village].23 Forced by the French, Paina [Painawale or Awe lisi; half-brother of Janamale], was made village leader of Kawemhakan. Subsequen tly, Janamale moved downstream and founded Wapahpan [Falls of Jakutouku are located between Kawemhakan and Wapahpan], only to settle further downstream [just upstream of Awara soula] and founded a second Kawemhakan [not so high above the river as the origin al Kawemhakan]. This latter settlement of Kawemhakan is

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145 located at the end of the landing strip of Lawa Stati on [built by the Missionaries]. People [Wayana] are still buried here [on the location of the former village of Janamale]. Also Paina moved downstream, across isoli (falls) Jakutouku; first Paina settled on the big island ( pau pepta ) and founded a village with the same name (P au pepta), together with Malavat, only to later resettle across the river on the French Bank, where [Paina] passed away. Americans [evangelical missionaries in the 1960s] brought together several vill ages, among which Pau pepta, and called this settlement near Granma n Janamales second Kawemhakan: Lawa Station. This village [Kawemhakan/Lawa Station] would later receive the name from Granman Anapaike [who passed away on July 30, 2002; and who was a son of the above named Tpputse]. This biography of Janamale, and his tactical play of settlement movements, is uniquely situated in Guiana history. Instead of treat ing the place of Janamaleor any village with a community roundhouseas the typical model Wayana village, I argue that this is the unique settlement organization of the v illage of the Wayana Granman (par amount chief). Critical in the biography of settlement movements in the early tw entieth century is the census data provided by Lodewijk Schmidt (1942; Appendix D), which allows to trace back and locate ancestors. There were only five Wayana settlements along the Aletan i, in 1940, and migrations from the Jari and Paru can be construed.24 This data emphasizes the importance of Janamales village in 1940. Studies on Wayana demographics refer to this data, or actually they refer to Gerold Stahel summarizing that there was an average of 17 inhabitants per village, and a total of 358 ( sic sum equals 338) Wayana in Suriname (and French Guiana) and Brazil (Schmidt 1942:50). Stahel, who edited Schmidts work, was a Swiss agricultura l scientist and director of the Agricultural Experiment Station ( Landbouwproefstation ) in Paramaribo, Suriname. Dirk Geijskes (stationed at the Landbouwproefstation in Paramaribo) briefly mentione d that Baas Lodewijk Schmidt

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146 (a.k.a. Smitje)a Saramakaner Maroon who had been head of supplies ( voorman en magazijnmeester ) during the 1930s boundary expeditionsvolunteered to accompany Geijskes in the 1939 expedition in search of curare arrowpoison (1957:196). After that an expedition was planned to explore the Wayana a nd Trio on the Brazilian side of the watershed. Due to World War II, the latter expedition came into jeopardy as military officers were called to their posts. It was the Saramakaner Maroon Lodewijk Schmidt (1942) who would conduct the proposed exploration. His non-European ontology would be critical for the present study as he named each individual Wayana and Trio residing in a given village (Appendix D). When the names written down by Schmidt are co nverted into numbers of inhabitants, a different picture emerges than Stahel simply concluding that there was an average of 17 inhabitants per village. Four out of five villages of the Aletani ha ve a total number of inhabitants below the average of 17 (ranging from 9 to 15), wh ereas one village with 27 inhabitants is above average; this unique village is Janemale. With 13 men, Janemale housed almost double the average number of men (average number of men per Wayana villag e is 7). Mean average of the total number of inhabitants of the five Wayana settlements al ong the Aletani is 14.4, with a standard deviation of 6.62. This is in contrast to, for example, Wayana settlements along the Mapahoni with a mean average of 14.5 and a stan dard deviation of 1.5. Demographic variation between Wayana settlements, as recorded by Schmidt, has been evened out by Stahels summarizing compilation of mean averag es. Janamales village was unique. Janamales biography was not discussed by J ean Hurault, who did not even name or properly place the settlement of Kawemhak an (~1949-1953) on his otherwise comprehensive map of village movements from 1948 to 1968 (Hurault 1965 planche VIII facing page 24; Figure

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147 3-16). Then again, political movements in se ttlement patterning afte r 1948not discussed in Janamales biographycan be read from Hu raults data, as will be discussed next. Figure 3-16. Wayana settlements 1948-1968 (sou rce: Hurault 1965 planche VIII facing p. 24).

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148 Table 3-3. Settlements in the upper Maroni basin, 1962 (source: Hurault 1965: planche VIII). Name Alias [village name] Additional information 1 Wampi Wempi, Sampati, Jean-Baptiste Had first founded his village at the mouth of the Tampok (Ouaqui), and would later migrate upstream the Tampok River to Kajode. 2 Elak Elahe, [Lawa Mofou Tabiki] Fissioned from the village of Alewuike (see # 6) and would later settle at the mouth of the Tampok [Elae, Malipahpan]. 3 Plik Pleike, Plaik, Pleike Son of former village leader Wapotumt, founded his village first near his fathers village (1948), to migrat e some forty kilometres north near Lawa Mofou Tabiki (Island at the Mouth of Tampok). He would later settle across from Twenke (# 5) and Talhuwen (Figure 3-12). 4 Anapake Makale, [Lawa Station, Kawemhakan] Named after Janamales Kawemhakan. Named Lawa Station by the American missionaries, and later known as Anapaike after Granman Anapake succeeded Granman Janamale after his death in 1958. 5 Touank Twenke, Toeank, [Kulumuli pata] Seat of Granman Twenke, located on an island in the Lawa, founded in the 1950s (Figure 3-12; left). 6 Alok Aloike, Alewuike, Alawaike Mentioned by Lodewijk Schmidt as resident of Masili (Machiri) along the Mapahoni. Settled in 1948 in the cataracts of the Aletani near present-day Antecume pata, to finally settle near Maripasoula. 7 Tiliw Migrated about 20 km from Jalawale patatp at the mouth of the Oelemari (1948), to a place just north of present-day Talhuwen (1956), to finally settle about 9 km south in the cataracts of the Aletani near present-day Antecume pata (1962). 8 Tipiti Tpiti Figure 3-6. Successor of Machiri (a.k.a. Masili, Massili II, Alipoya) who migrated to the Aletani in 1951. Tpiti resided in the village of Machiri in 1958 (Hurault 1968:35). 9 Nanou[k] [Makalahpan] Brother of Malavat (see # 10). 10 Malavate (Pau pepta) Malavat, Malwat [Pau pepta] On the big island ( pau pepta), joined by people from Janamales Wapahpan (Kali pers. comm. 2000). Janamale had died in 1958. 11 Ilikwa Fissioned from the village of Pleike (see # 3) 12 Yaroukana Jalukana Most southern settlement. Hurault does not mention that Jalukana was an Apalai who had first settled in Janamale Kawemhakan (Kali pers. comm. 2000; Figure 3-3). 3.4.1 After World War II Settlement locations and migrations in the upper Maroni basin after WWII, particularly from 1948 to 1968, is fairly well known due to map-making and kinship charting by French geographer Jean Hurault (1965: planch e VIII facing page 24; Figure 3-16).25 The 1948 village of Touank / Malavate, which Hurault located just south of Taponaikes Granmanpassie (1939), is of particular intere st as Schmidt (1942) mentioned Malwat [= Malavat, a .k.a. Kapauwet] as resident of Taponaikes Granmanpassie, and Toeank [= Twenke] as resident of Janamales village of Ulemale kumta (mouth of the Oelema ri); respectively settlem ents of the Wayana

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149 Granman of the French bank and Dutch bank. So me twenty years later, Twenke (#5) and Anapaike (#4) had succeeded as Granman of French and Dutch bank respectively (Table 3-3). Between 1948 and 1962 an event took place that was mentioned by Hurault, although he underestimated the socio-political im pact of this migration of Mach iri [= Massili II] from Jari to Aletani in 1951.26 Hurault (1965:24) noted that from th e 240 individuals censed in December 1958 in the upper Maroni basin, almo st half of them arrived in 1951 from the Jari. Machiri would found his new settlement just above the ca taracts of the Aletani, at less than three kilometers east of the village of Touank/M alavate (Figure 3-16). Next the village of Touank/Malavate fissioned: Malava t would resettle five kilometers to the southwest (upstream) (and soon resettle at pau pepta (big island); Table 3-3; #10), and Twenke would resettle five kilometers to the northeast (downstream ) (and soon resettle at the island of kulimuli -bamboo; Table 3-3; #5). Distincti on between Wayana above the gr eat waterfall complex of the Sauts de LItani (e.g., people of Malavat and Tipiti [successor of Machiri]), and those below (e.g., people of Touank, Aloik, and Tiliwe [see Table 3-3; #7]), was now in effect. During this process, Janamale (not at all discussed by Hurault) was settled about ten kilometers south (just south of Jakutouku), in Kawemhakan (f rom about 1949 till 1953) (Figure 3-16). Late Boni Granman Tolinga had his habitation on an island amidst the Falls of the Aletani ( Sauts de lItani ; Hurault 1965:23), as this island is locate d west of the mid-river border it was officially located on Surinamese territory. It goes beyond the present study to thoroughly evaluate the interrelationships between Wayana and Maroons, other than it would be on this exact location of the former village of Boni Granman Tolinga, that in 1967 the twenty-nine year old Frenchman Andr Cognat (born in Lyon but c hosen to be an Indian) would found his village: Antecume pata (Cognat 1977, 1989). Cognat had married a Wayana (Alasawani;

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150 illegitimate daughter of Janamale and Iliwu), and was adopted by Malavat. Possibly Malavat joint the young Frenchman in resettling at the former village of Boni Granman Tolinga to regain potential political power some fi fteen years after the fission of the village of Touank/Malavate (following the immigration of Machiri, as disc ussed above). As Andr Antk Cognat is a French citizen, his place (Antecume pata), is for political reasons mapped in the contested zone between Aletani and Marouini (IGN 1995), rather than on Surinamese grounds. Where Antecume pata grew in the 1960s and 1970s due to French involvement, Janamales new Kawemhakan (on the Surina mese bank) would thrive and attract new immigrants from the Tapanahoni (Hurault 1965: planche VIII), in part due to the American evangelical missionaries under whose supervision was constructed a dispensary (policlinic), Sunday school, shops, an airstrip (doubling as soccer field), and a church, among others (Boven 2006:131). Due to missionary intervention, Kawemh akan (renamed: Lawa Station) would, under Janamales successor Anapake, grow to the mo st important Wayana settlement of the upper Maroni basin. In 1969 a total of 359 Wayana had gathered at Lawa Sta tion (data: Medische Zending; in Boven 2006:128).27 This growth would last for li ttle over a decade till the incursion of Ronnie Brunswijk and his Surinamese Jungle Commando (Boven 2006). When Granman Janamale died in 1958, the Su rinamese government inaugurated Anapaik as succeeding granman. From this succession, without emphasis on Dutch involvement, Hurault (1968:74) concluded that every Wayana can succeed a tamusi because there was no known kin relationship between Anapaik and Janamale. Nonetheless, there were familial relationships between the former granman and his successor as Anapaik was married to Janamales daughter Maleu (Boven 2006:127), and what neither Hurau lt or Boven mention was that Anapaik had been married to Alijamle, sister of Janamale. The son of Janamale, Paranam, was considered too

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151 young to follow in his fathers footsteps, and hi s daughter, Kali, was married to Aputu, who was made village leader of Lawa Station. However, when Anapaik began to clash with Kali, she and her husband Aputu left to Pilima from wh ere they founded Kumakahpan, a new village on old grounds (this place is specified as a former Taira settlement [see below]). Nevertheless, when Aputu returns on occasion to Kawemhakan, he is seen as its village leader. Kawemhakan used to have a community r oundhouse in the 1970s (Miller pers. comm. 2009), which is absent on the village plan pr ovided by Boven (2006:131; figure 5.5) yet when comparing her plan view with the associated tabl e of inhabitants (ibid.: table 5.2), the house of the village leader ( Kapitein ) Aputu (# 10) is located on the opposite side of the plaza when arriving from the canoe landing plac e and the house of Granman Anap aik (# 1) is located on the immediate right-hand side of the path entering the plaza from the canoe landing place. Though Lawa Station was a missionary village, the basic spatial lay-out of the houses of village leader and paramount chief were according to conventional Wa yana logic as discussed in this chapter. A process of migration from Kawemhakan / La wa Station that began in the 1980s (after the incursion of Ronnie Brunsw ijk and his Jungle Commando) continues today, grounded in push factors from Suriname, as well as pull factors from the French; most recently due to French identity cards for Wayana, a nd associated monetary funding. Karin Boven (2006:128) counted in 1991 only 157 inhabitants, that is less than half of the heydays of the missionary times in the 1960s. Impact of globalization on Wayana of Kawemhakan, and how Wayana managed to survive, is discussed elsewhere (Boven 2006). Acknowledging the deep impact of a continuing globalization on traditional Wayana life, I ar gue that some processes taking place today (including, but not restricted to, materialization of socio-political formations ) are deeply rooted in a pre-colonial, and pre-histor ic, past. From the above biogr aphies can be concluded that,

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152 although there is involvement of the Dutch and the French, the distinction between Wayana Granman is not merely restricted to Surinamese si de versus French side as this distinction is also rooted in a distinction between upstream versus downstream. The latter distinction, and how to overcome this barrier, will be explored as I conclude this chapter. 3.4.2 After the War To conclude this chapter, I will critically evaluate story of Tapanawale, i.e., the last stand of the Taira at Jakutouku (T able 3-4; compare with Chapuis and Rivire 2003:495-505) in conjunction with the statement by Kali that after the war with the Taira, Janamale founded his first village at Kawatop as a work in progress situated in the traditional Wayana discourse of unification centered upon Tulupere (and other serpentine men-kil ling monsters). The story of Tapanawale is a case of war resulting from unsuccessful transactions, followed by Janamales story situated in a history of exchanges as pe acefully resolved wars. These two narratives resonate with Claude Lvi-Strau sss statement that exchanges ar e peacefully resolved wars, and wars are the result of unsuccessful transact ions (Lvi-Strauss 1969:67), grounding the debate on Self and social Others in the discourse on exchange and war. Figure 3-17. View of Jakutouku (fal ls at the left, and former village on the hill in the middle).

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153 Table 3-4. Narrative of Ta panawale, or the last sta nd of the Taira at Jakutouku. The story of Tapanawale as narrated by Kali on January 13, 2003, at Kumakahpan. 1 At a certain day, two brothers (who were residing in the village Kulumulijinp founded by Tpputse) asked their sister who had made her pregnant. 2 First the one brother asked: did my brother get you pregnant? 3 No! she replied. 4 Then the brothers went into the forest, near the house of their sister, to keep watch on her and see who is visiting her. 5 Then two Taila from Jakutouku arrived. In those da ys the Taila (Akaina or Galibeans [coastal Caribs]) had a large village at Jakutouku. They approached the sister. 6 Then the brothers shoot their arrows. One Taila is killed and the other escaped and returned to his village. 7 One of the two brothers, named Tapanawale, pursuits hi m. [Tapanawale] will never return to his village. 8 Next, his brother will search Tapanawale. 9 Taila ask him [brother of Tapanawale]: What do you want! Come visit our village and see what you like! Because the Taila have large canisters and tinboxes, like pakala about three chests filled with axes, knives, beads, mirrors, and what have you. note: [Taira are thus in the interior of Suriname / French Guiana to establish trading relations with the Wayana.] 10 The brother stays that night at Jakutouku. 11 The next morning he hears someone playing the deer bone flute kapaujetp : ti, ti, ti, tuh Tapanawale uputp ti, ti, ti, tuh Tapanawale uputp 12 What? he says, the head of Tapanawale? But he remains in his hammock, while listening to the flute play of the Taila: ti, ti, ti, tuh Tapanawale uputp, ti, ti, ti, tuh Tapanawale uputp note: uputp means head; hence Tapanawale uputp refers to the head of Tapanawale. 13 After it dawned [when it is light], the village leader summons him [brother of Tapanawale]. 14 Here is a tinbox, says the village leader, see what you want: beads, axes, knives 15 But the brother asks: What is in that tinbox over there? 16 It is better not to look into that one, the village leader says. 17 But I want to see what is in that one, the brother [of Tapanawale] says. 18 OK, the village leader says, and he opens the tinbox. 19 What is wrapped in those red cloths? the brother [of Tapanawale] asks. 20 You do not want to see that, the village leader says. 21 But the brother wants to see for himself. When the cloth is unwrapped, the brother sees that it contained the decapitated head of Tapanawale. 22 Without reconsideration, and without taking anything the brother of Tapanawale returns to his village. 23 Mah they have cut off the head of Tapanawale, those Taila! the brother says. note: At this point, Ronnie Tkaime (son of Kali and Aputu) (who translates Kalis narrative from Wayana into Dutch) asked why they did not simply give their sister to those Taila; then nobody would have died. 24 Next, the brother [of Tapanawale] goes to the Jari and requests support. 25 Tljo [= Trio] are pugnacious and immediately willing to go to the Aletani [where Jakutouku is located]. 26 Same with the belligerent Okomyana [aggressive as the okom wasp] and Wayana/Upului. 27 A fourth group joins them, perhaps Waiwai [Kali is not certain of the name of the fourth group]. 28 These four groups set out for the Aletani with many canoes, armed with many bows and many arrows. 29 At night they first circumscribe Jakutouku, the village of the Taila, and sprinkle hemt (charm, poison). Hemt for the Taila become blinded and will get weak arms. Hemt th at they know of through Kailawa. 30 When the hemt is sprinkled around the village, they return to their camp to attack at daybreak. 31 Attack is from the forest and the water. 32 All Taila are massacred. 33 Because of the hemt they [the Taira] cannot fight. 34 Only three Taila succeed to shelter under a reve rsed canoe and float downstream towards Albina. Situating this narrative in time and space is more complex than it seems. Jakutouku (Figure 3-17)a cataract in the Aletani just north of the former village of Janamale

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154 Kawemhakan (Figure 3-16)is where Wayana situ ate this battle, indicating that the former village of the Taira was located on the hill where can be found lots of quartzite flakes used in manioc grinders.28 As Janamales village at Kawatop was located in 1938 (Ahlbrinck 1956), it can be concluded that the story of Tapanawalethe last stand of the Tairatook place before 1938. Since Ouptoli, father of Tpputse (founde r of the village where the grandfather of Janamale settled), was mentioned by Coudreau (1893:545), this story must have taken place after 1889. However, according to de Goeje (1943:3 42), at the cataract s of Jakutoukuor Indji foetoe ( Ingi foetoe = Indian foot)Maroons took th eir revenge around 1840-1845, which would end terribly wrong. Maroons had taken Waya(ri)kul e children after the skirmishes, and raised them in their village.98F29 This revenge was a result of an at tack by Waya(ri)kule on Maroons, after which attack this affluent became known as Fe ti kreek (fighting creek in Sranantongo) (de Goeje 1943:342).99F30 De Goeje referred to Crevaux who wrote that men and women, the Boni took to flight in all directions; only three among th em were able to regain their canoes. Others, in their escape, stumbling over hidden liana vines that the Waya(ri)kule had attached across from feet of trees, were massacred by th eir merciless enemies (Crevaux 1993:71).100F31 The story by Crevaux resonates with the endi ng of the narrative of Tapanawale; all Taira are killed, except three who were able to flee in their canoe (Table 34: line 34). All others trip over booby-traps placed by their attack ers the night before (Table 3-4: line 29). Crevaux stated that the attack on the Maroons was signaled by th e Waya(ri)kule in their beating of tree trunks with their tomahawks and an attack of so me hundred Indians with stone axes followed.101F32 Today, Wayana fear the echoing sound of clubs bea ting tree buttresses. Wayana declare it is the Akulijo [= Akurio] who have this habit of bea ting clubs on buttresses. Waya(ri)kule nor Akulijo

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155 were mentioned in the narrative by Kali, and Crevaux wrote about a battle between Oyacoulets and Boni, whereas the narrative of Tapanawale r ecounts a battle between Wayana and Taira. Though these two stories resonate, there are seve ral discrepancies. First discrepancy is rather straightforward to resolv e as Kali was uncertain about the fourth group join ing ranks with Tapanawale (Table 3-4: line 27) it is possible that Waya(ri)kule or Akulijo, rather than Waiwai, are the fourth group joining ranks with Wayana/Upului, Tljo [Trio], and Okomjana. If so there must be a relation between Maroons and Tair a, who are generally perceived as Kalia from the mouth of the Maroni River, as I will disc uss in a moment. Second discrepancy is its timeframe as de Goeje (1943:342) estimated that this battle described by Crevaux took place around 1840-1845, whereas the battle narrated by Ka li is estimated to have taken place between 1889 and 1938. The historical analysis by Coudrea u makes the picture even more complicated, referring to an attack by Oyaricoulets [= Waya(ri)kule] at saut Yacoutoc ( lhomme qui a vu la bataille) [the man who saw the battle] (Coudreau 1893: 78), and mentioned in a footnote that in November 1888, two creoles of Cayenne, gold mi ners of the Lawa, were exploring up to Yacoutoc [= Jakutouku] where they were attack ed by Oyaricoulets [= Waya(ri)kule]: one of them was killed, the other wounded (Coudreau 1893:79; my translation).33 While about five hundred pages later, Coudreau referred to a battle between Wayana and Galibis [= Kalia] resulting from exchange of me rchandise for women gone wrong: Galibis, with their merchandise they require from the coast, the Galibis who lack women, as states the tradition, the Galibis seduce a nd take away women of the Roucouyennes [= Wayana]. These [actions] resolve in such evil neighbors and they will bring it to war. The Galibis have as allies the Aramichaux [= Aramiso] (named Alamessons by the Roucouyennes). in the village of Tribici [unknown settlement], at the upper Aletani, of Ploua, a roucouyenne woman of such grand beauty that the Galibis engaged in war for her in the garden fields of Tribici, a batt le in which the Roucouyennes [= Wayana] lost many souls, Galibis and Aramichaux [= Aram iso] defeated, were driven away and descended the Lawa and the Maro ni till its mouth (Coudreau 1893:558).103F34

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156 While the place of action is the same, namely the cataract of Jakutouku, Coudreau (1893:558) stated that this skirmish took place around 1775. Time-lapse between the different versionsfrom 1775 to 1840 and from 1845 to 1910i s sixty-five years, i.e., about one lifetime. Although Coudreau (1893:558) does not e qual Galibis [Kalia] w ith Taira, the third discrepancy, this history narrates about an unsuc cessful exchange after which the defeated party is forced to retreat to the coast. Debatable is how Galibis and Aramiso co uld have ever traveled up and down the Maroni River controlled by Maroons: Boni (Aluku) had at th is time settled at the Lawa at the foot of Cottica Mountains, whereas Ndjuka (Aukaners) controlled the Maroni River downstream. Unless, Taira refers to partic ipants in expeditions of Caribs and Maroons combined, or perhaps refers to people similar to the Black Caribs of the Caribbean. According to Wayana, Taila refers to Galibis or Kalia (coastal Caribs), yet it is remarkable that several settlements indicated by Wayana as Taira villages, were later inhabited by Boni Maroons (and more recently by Wayana) (Figure 3-18). Further studies on interrelationships between Wayana and Maroons are needed for a bette r understanding of these complex processes. If the story of Tapanawale refers to trading expeditions l ead by multiethnic groups of coastal Caribs and Maroons, without direct intervention of Dutch or French Government, these stories most likely will not have entered the written historical record. Coudreaus (1893:558) mentioning of a battle at Jakutouku a hundred years earlier, resonates approximately in time with the only hist orically recorded event of decapitation in the upper Maroni basin (Hoogbergen 19 84:30-31; compare with table 34: line 21): on February 20, 1793, Bambi killed and decapitated Boni. Aukaners (Ndjuka) lead by Bambi descended the river rapidly, but capsized between Maroui ni and Inini, and the decapitate d head of Boni was lost in the falls (Hoogbergen 1984:30-31). With place as virtual constant and time as variable, it

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157 appears that the cataract of Jakutouku became a gathering place to materialize social memory. Rather than posing the question what actually to ok place here at Jakutouku, and when, we have to pose the question: what is the meaning of thes e histories placed at Jakutouku? Fundamental in all versions of the battle(s) at the cataract of Jaku touku is a unification of social subgroups (dialectic Self) against a common enemy (social Other). Wayana discourse on unificati on of social subgroups against a common enemy is found in narratives on the water monster ( ipo ) Tulupere. Name of Tulupere is onomatopoeic in that it, according to Wayana, refers to the sound when it runs down hill; TTTTTLLLLLPPPPrrrrr Then it is said that this monster ( kaikui ) plunges into the water, turns around canoes, killing Wayana and Apalai. Tulupere has diffe rent appearances (Aimawale 2000 pers. comm.): Tulupere of the Jari River looks like an luk (caterpillar); the one of the Aletani is like a tapir ( maipuli ) and does not have any motifs on his skin; the third Tulupere the one of the Paru de Este, is the real monster. The latter is the Tulupere with a deco rated reptilian skin holdi ng designs used today in basketry, as is the focus of research of Lucia van Velthem (1976, 1995, 1998, 2001). Daniel Schoepf (1972:54) located this Touloupr [= Tulupere] on the upper Paru, near the mouth of creek Achiki. Just south of creek Achiki is located creek Tapeuc ourou [= Tpu kulu] along which was located a path joining the Apalai of Rio Maicuru (Rauschert 1982). This serpentine monster is unique rather than typical, and its si ghting location at creek Ac hiki, I realized, is on the latitude of the demarcation in the ninete enth century between Apalai in the south and Wayana in the north (Schoepf 1972:53; follo wing Crevaux 1881 and C oudreau 1893; Figures A3 and 3-18), or more accurately: Upul ui in the north (Chapuis 2003:819). This classic Tulupere story, I argue, narrates about a front ier zone between Wayana and Apalai that is abridged (Appendix C: Tulupere). After killing this serpentine monster, Wayana

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158 and Apalai of the Paru de Este unite as Waya na-Apalai, and basketry weaving is a mnemonic device of identification. With combined efforts Apalai a nd Wayana killed Tulupere, whereby Apalai took one side of the reptilian skin as template for their basketry motifs while Wayana took the other side. Therefore Wayana and Apal ai basketry motifs resemble, though slightly differ, as the left and right side of the reptilia n body slightly differed. Un ification of Wayana and Apalai (as a dialectic Self) ma terialized while facing a danger ous social Other: Tulupere. Tulupere being the archetypal serpentine dang erous social Other was a metaphor, I posit, for the Pijanokoto as quintessen tial enemy to the Wayana. Creek Achiki could have connected with a path to nearby Rio Urucuriana ( Igarap dos rucuyannas ) where it joined the Pijanokoto of the Rio Cmina or Paru de Oeste (Coudreau 1901). Tulupere of the Jari (s imilar to a caterpillar) is another example of a frontier zone abridged, as Jean Chapuis located this monster above the mouth of Rio Kuyali, that is, near the frontier betw een Upului and Kaikusiyana (Figures 3-18 and A-3). In the latter case the dangerous soci al Other most likely were the recently immigrating Waypi, whereby Kaikusiyana united with these newly settling Waypi. The narratives of Tulupere, according to Cha puis (2003:815), took place in modern times, without intervention of Kailawa, ho wever, in Azeimas version (Appendix C-3: lines:12, 18) it is stated that Wayana went to Ka ilawa requesting him to lead the expedition to kill this (water) monster Tulupere, because Kailawa had th e knowledge and power; he owned powerful hemt (charms). Chapuis marked in a footnote, yet did not explore further, the fact that the Tulupere of Aletani (proper name is Matawanaim) is entirely black, as is possibly related to a symbolic reference to Aluku (Boni) and Ndjuka Maroons (Chapuis and Rivire 2003:817; footnote 1962, 827). Erroneously, Chapuis placed Tulupere of the Aletani between Kulekule and Alama (Chapuis and Rivire 2003:825, then again maps by Chapuis are rather sketchy). Relative

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159 proximity of Tulupere sightings along the Aletan i and the locations of Taira sites Pakilaim en and Mulepan en (Figure 3-18; these sites were pointed out to me on several occasions, by several Wayana, while navigating th e Aletani in canoe with GPS a nd map in hand) appears to me as a memory work in progress; situating the conventional Tulupere na rratives of overcoming frontiers into historical context of Maroons ( mekolo taliliman ) as dangerous social Others. Figure 3-18. Location of Taira si tes and sightings of Tulupere. With the Maroons/Taira as dangerous social Others, the narrative of Tapanawale is about unification of a dialectic Self (Way ana) along the Aletani. I posit th at the histories of the Wars at the cataract of Jakutouku, as well as the various locations of Tulupere sightings along the

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160 Aletani, are a means to materialize while making se nse of historical events Different sightings of Tulupere along the Aletani (Figure 3-18) resonate with the sh ifting frontier between Okomyana (downstream of Kibo soula or isoli takima [first falls when arriving from the watershed]) and Kukuiyana (upstream of these falls) (Figure A-3). As will be discussed elsewhere (Chapter 6.3), Okomyana and Kukuiya na are at the core of Wayana society. As such the falls of Jakutouku, a frontier be tween Okomyana (represented by Janamale) upstream and Kukuiyana (represented by Twenke ) downstream materialized as a bridging frontier to the dialectic Self (Wayana sociality ) while facing dangerous social Others (Taira, Maroons). Events that possibly o ccurred at one point in time near these falls are incorporated in a memory work, in that the mythstory is being cr eated in order to make sense to the Wayana, and materialize a social memory of belonging to Wayana sociality. This chapter demonstrated that Wayana (Guiana) settlement organization is more diverse and more complex than previously assumed. Succeeding chapters are additional lines of evidence of the regionality of Wayana sociality beyond the in this chapter discussed temporality of the built environment and settlement patterning emerging out of socio-political processes in the Wayana (Guiana) landscape. In the next chap ter, I will discuss the various dimensions of the community roundhouse and its relation to the surrounding Guiana landscape. 1 Though the phenomenological language in this monograph resonates with Martin Heidegger, Claudius de Goeje emphasized in his conclusion that nobody else was writing on the subject.. 2 We saw some grinding grooves and the French archaeologists went up the riverbank. Instead, I asked the Wayana pilotwho originated from the Suriname Bank and hence spoke some Dutchif there used to be a village around here. No, not here. A little further upstream there used to be a village he answered. 3 Some Wayana of my generation admitted that they had frequently fallen asleep during nighttime narration of stories of times long ago ( uhpak aptau eitoponp ). They knew about, but they could not narrate, these stories. 4 November 6, 2000, I was given a Wayana name: Imso. Firs t of all, Imso resonated with my proper name Renzo. More importantly, imso are winged male leaf-cutter ants departing fr om the ground in December to fly away. In 1998 and 1999 I departed mid-October and in 2000 I woul d depart December 30; per Cessna from Maripasoula to Cayenne. Winged ants imso always return, as I always returned; an irresistible analogy. Furthermore, imso is living underground, walks on the earth, and flies into the sky; ye t this small insect is not as powerful as other animals roaming different worlds as caiman, harpy eagle, or jaguar. Correspondingly, I did not have the knowledge of a powerful pjai (shaman), but I appeared to know about their powerful knowledge from gazing into their worlds.

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161 5 Difference between Participant Observation in the sens e of Malinowski and Observant Participation (Whitehead 2009) can best be illustrated by sixteenth century Brazilia n ethnographies by Hans Staden (1557), Andr Thevet (1558), and Jean de Lry (1578). Hans Staden (1634 [1557]; Whitehead and Harbsmeier 2008) described and illustrated the daily lives of indigenous people of Brazil wh ile being captive with the prospect of being killed and eaten. In contrast, Andr Thevet and Jean de Lry (1994 [1578]) intentionally set out to conduct detailed descriptions and illustrations of the indigenous people of Brazil with the prospect of returning to their respective churches. While observation was the main objective of Thevet and de L ry, it was Hans Staden who made his observations while participating in loca l traditions, i.e., Observant Participation avant la lettre 6 Kali (2003) stated that the oblong dwelling (with four main posts) of Janamale is named mamhalipan 7 Eithne Carlin and Karin Boven (2003:27) translated that this outpost, or camp, was located on a man-made mound. There is no mention of a man-made mound by Tony (1843:221); other than this structure is located in the middle of a garden plot. 8 Carlin and Boven (2003:27) do not mention the impressi ve size of these roads, moreover they translated palisad avec des gaulettes (Tony 1843:222) as cordoned off by a balustrade (Carlin and Boven 2003:27), and stated that these three parallel paths [were] just where it entered the village (ibid.) whereas Tony (1843:222) wrote that these parallel roads branched off about halve a league (about 2.5 km) before the village; thus not just before. 9 Kujaliwala, unidentified mountain; kujali is the Wayana name for the red-and-green macaw; Ara chloroptera 10 Analogous galactic systems of garden cities in the upper Xingu (Heckenberger 2005; Heckenberger et al. 2008). 11 Without further consideration, Carlin and Boven stated that this central hut named tapui nowadays is referred to as the tukusipan (2003:27-28). Aimawale (pers. comm. 2000) name d this structure in the center of the public plaza, as described by Claude Tony, kwepi and stated that this was a roofed platform where weapons were stocked and guarded by keepers of arms. 12 Following Tim Ingold (2000) the landscape is visible, whereas the taskscape is audible. Even before visually laying eye on buildings of a settlement; activities within a settlement produce a soundscape surrounding the settlement. In narratives, announcement of a nearby village is not by means of its visibility, but through the deep sounds of fluteplay ( luwe bamboo flutes) and songs performed in the ne arby village. Altern atively, visitors announce their presence by playing flutes (high pitched kapaujetp [deer bone flute] above all) upon arriving. 13 Settlements of Tolinga and Machiri (just south of Tolinga [present-day Antecume pata]) can be perceived on an aerial photograph from 1956 (Hurault 1965:planche IX; commentary 25-26). 14 In 1958, Tpiti and most of the residents (including Opoya and Wyoukou) resided with Massili II (ibid.:plate II). 15 In 2005, I heard that Sihmi had divorced her husband and had married Tuwoli from Awala kampu. 16 Wife of Opoya, Alimina, is a daughter of the second marriage of the mother of Tpiti, which makes Alimina and Tpiti (discussed above) half-brother and sister. 17 Granman Amaipot dismissed Klingelhoffer in 1993 in the context of information gathered by the French Officials for French Identity Cards based on his negative interpretation of the origin of several Wayana. At the arrival of the Gendarmes and city hall officials among the Wayana with regard to French ID-cards, a meeting that took place in the tukusipan with Granman Amaipot and Kapitein Anamaila, and according to Wayana, Klingelhoffer did not take the side of the Wayana, resulting in the fact that several Wayana did not obtain French ID-cards nor the social security that comes with it. This is not the place to elaborate further on this highly political debate. 18 Considering demographic data, Henri Coudreau (1892a:8) stated that: Nothing is more variable than the total of the indigenous population (Rien nest plus variable dailleurs, que le total dune population indienne ) as the entire population moved along so that the researcher could not make a distinction between hosts and guests of a given village. Sometimes women and children left the village an d fled into the woods. On occasion, a single house contained thirty people, at times merely a single couple (ibid.). Instead of meticulously recording a census, Coudreau, as other researchers, simply ignored demographics, only to list some averages and general total numbers of inhabitants. I will later return to the topic of dem ographics and ramifications of averaging total number of inhabitants (Chapter 6). 19 An initial survey with Google Earth demonstrated that neither all settlements in the Jari Basin (research area of Daniel Schoepf and Lucia van Velthem) hold a community roundhouse (tukusipan). On the ground fieldwork will determine whether similar socio-political forces, as discussed in the present study, are at work. 20 Janamale [synonyms: Janemal, Yanamale] had founded his new village, named Luwe (also referred to as Gramanponsoe), at Kawatop (Figure 3-16). He had moved here from Pilikaju or Toko patatp, the former place of his father Toko. Former place of Pilikaju was located just south of the village of Wapotumt [synonyms:

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162 Wapotmouine, Wapoedoemit, Wapodimiet]. Pleike, son of Wapotumt would have his village in 1948 (Hurault 1965: planche VIII facing page 24) in this area. 21 Anapaik (brother-in-law of Janamale in his first ma riage and son-in-law in his second marriage) was made Granman of the Wayana of Suriname under influence of the Dutch Government (Boven 2006:127). Anapaik and his wife Alijam (Aliwame) are named by Schmidt (1942:51) as inhabitant of the village of Janemale in 1940. Parents of Amaipot ( Granman of the Wayana of French Guiana), namely Twenke (Toeank) and Alilupn (Malehoepin), were also residents of the village of Janemale. 22 Coudreau depicted the village of Ouptoli, father of Tpputse, at the Jari River (1893:545; Figure 3-2 D) 23 Aputu told (on January 13, 2003) that he was as old as Cevin (then 10 years of age) when the village was founded, and as old as Jelibon (then 14 years of age) when the village was abandoned. If it is correct that Aputu was born in 1938 and 65 years of age in 2003, then Kawemhakan was founded about 1949 and abandoned around 1953. Aputu and Kali emphasize that four people died in this village: Wejuku, Polina, Wantapn, and Jakuman. All four were cremated and their ashes collected in a ceramic vessel that was buried in the tukusipan (community roundhouse). 24 For example, Kulienp (village leader of Alawateime en located northeast of Talhuwen), who narrated several stories (Appendix C), was named by Schmidt as residing in Moelepaneimi along the Jari, just east of Coudreaus village of Marire; Kalijimpe [= Kulienp] with his mo ther Jamike [Jonika] and father Toloemale [Talumale], village leader of Moelepaneimi. Also Ikakan is named as residing in Moelepaneimi; Ikakan is the maternal grandmother of Alasawani (Inam) who is married to Andr Cognat, village leader of Antecume pata. 25 As illustration of arbitrariness of data; where Hurau lt mapped in 1948 the location of six Wayana settlements along the Aletani (from north to south: Alok, Touank/Ma lavate, Yanamal, Tiliw, Pana and Plik), in the same year, medical doctor Andr Sausse (1951:100) recognized on ly four settlements (three on the French bank and one on the Dutch bank; unnamed). Where Docteur Andr Sausse (1951) wrote a broad historical overview of the Populations primitives du Maroni ( Primitive Peoples of the Maroni ), he apparently missed two Wayana settlements south of Ingifoetoe (south of the Oelemari): Pan a and Plik. The late Pleike (Plik) was the son of former village leader Wapotumt. Pana will later join Janamale in his village Kawemhakan. 26 Several other movements can be traced, for example, Aloike (Alewuike, Alawaike), located in 1948 in the Sauts du Litani (1965: planche VIII facing p. 24), Alawaike (Alewuike, Aloike) was named by Schmidt (1942) as resident of the village of Masili along the Mapahoni, with his brot her Alaimin (Alemin) who was married to Kiwak (Kiwa). Alemin and Kiwa first remained along the Mapahony when Ma sili [Machiri] migrated with most of his people from the Jari to the Aletani. Today, K iwa resides in Kulumuli pata [Twenke]. 27 That is more that the total number of Wayana according to the 1940 census (Schmidt 1942:50). 28 The history of this site goes back to prehistoric times as a boulder with several dozen grinding grooves is located at the bank overlooking the cataract Jakutouku, where some other stones with grinding grooves are located as well. 29 Hier [at Curmotibo along the Lawa] fanden wir auch einen jungen Burschen und ein Mdchen vom Stamme der Irakuleh-Indianer [Waya(ri)kule], die in ihrere Kindheit von den Bonninegern entweder geraubt oder als Geiseln mitgenommen waren. Sie waren, wie manche Neger, ttouiert und hatten ganz die Manieren ihrer Gebieter angenommen (Kappler 1861, in de Goeje 1943:343). 30 In Wayana this affluent is named Mapaoni (on the west bank of the Aletani, between Toko patatp Pilikaju and Janamale patatp Kawatop [Figure 3-16; N 30]; not to be confused with Mapahoni, affluent of Jari). 31 Hommes et femmes, les Bonis prirent la fuite dans toutes les directions; trois seulement dentre eux purent regagner leur canots. Les autres, dans leur fuite, butant contre des lianes invisibles que les Oyacoulets avaient tendues en travers au pied des arbres, furent massacrs par ces ennemis impitoyables (Crevaux 1993:71). 32 Au moment o les Bonis terminaient leur repas, le chef des Oyacoulets frappa sur un tronc darbre de son gigantesque tomahawk: ctait un signal convenu pour lextermination des visiteurs. Une centaine dIndiens tombrent sur eux coups de haches en pierre (Crevaux 1993:71). 33 En novembre 1888, deux croles de Cayenne, chercheurs dor lAoua, stant aventurs jusqu Yacoutoc, ont t attaques par les Oyaricoulets: lun deux a t tu. lautre bless (Coudreau 1893:79). 34 les Galibis, avec les marchandises quils tenaient de la cte, les Galibis qui manquaient de femmes, dit toujours la tradition, les Galibis sduisaient et enlevaient les fe mmes des Roucouyennes. Ceux-ci rsolurent den finir avec daussi mauvais voisins et ils leur firent la guerre. Les Galibis eurent pour allis les Aramichaux [= Aramiso] (appels Alamessons par les Roucouyennes). au village de Tribici, dans le Haute Itany, de Ploua, femme roucouyenne dune grande beaut pour laquelle les Galibis liv rrent, dans les abatis de Tribici, un combat dans lequel les Roucouyennes perdirent beaucoup de monde, les Galibis et les Aramichaux, vaincus, furent chasss, et descendirent ensemble lAoua, puis le Maroni jusqu lembouchure (Coudreau 1893:558).

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163 CHAPTER 4 ROUNDHOUSES ON EARTH AS IN THE SKY In the clear sky, detaches at the horizon a rocky outcrop that I [Franis Mazire] point out to Janamale, for we want to go there [name of this inselberg in the Tumuc-Humac is not provided]. No! Not humans. That is ther e that a long, long time ago, the Wayanas were born; it is there that lives the Feathered Serpent.1 Franis Mazire, Expdition Guyane, Tumuc-Humac (1953:203; my translation). Figure 4-1 Community roundhouse of Pilima, an in side view (left) and its location indicated with yellow dot on an aerial photograph (right). Inset is the maluwana of Pilima. This chapter focuses on intra-settlement patterning, the variety of buildings, house construction, the built environment, and the Waya na landscape. At the top of the community roundhouse (tukusipan), hangs a wooden disk painted with men-killing monsters (Figure 4-1), which, in a sense, is the Wayana approach to m ap their socio-historical Guiana landscape. This discussion of the maluwana is rooted in the means Wayana employ to orient themselves

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164 within their landscape, followed by an outline of Wayana orient ation in time. This chapter concludes with a critical evaluation of the Waya na calendar and its implications for life on earth, and the mediating role of roundhouses on earth as in the sky. As demonstrated throughout this study, a house is more than a static artifact; apprehension of the house as dynamic, in history, and hub for interrelationships, must begin from a recognition of its temporality through dwelling. 4.1 Carbet as Dwelling: Noun or Verb? Grounded in the distinction between mapping and map-making/map-using, as outlined in chapter 2, is the pitfall of settlement pattern an alysis resulting in a st atic rendering of dynamic forms of dwelling. The verb dwelling is re ndered motionless into a dwelling, i.e., a house structure. Let me clarify this statement by critically assessing carbet the commonly used term for indigenous type hut in French Guiana and the French West Indies. For French Guiana, Claude Tony (1843 [1769]) wrote carbet referring to an Indian hut, and Pierre Barrre (1743:141; Figure 4-2) de picted two types of carbets amerindiens: taboi or grand karbet, and sura or high house (sura = rack). About a century earli er, in the Antilles, Raymond Breton (1647) mentioned karbet, or karebet as the Carib big house. Later in his dictionary, he specified this big house as tboi (Breton 1665, 1666). Among contemporary Kalia (Coastal Carib) tapui (also written as ta:pi [Ahlbrinck 1931:119] ) is larger than auto (house) and a former meeting place of men, merely present as memory of elders (ibid.). The same name ( tapuy ) was written down by Claude Tony (1835) for the grand cen tral building in the Wayana region, and tapui means house in Apalai (Carib language; pers. comm. Aitale [an Apalai]; Tapuy SchulzKampfhenkel 1938), Aitale added that Emerillon (Tupi language) call a house tabouite Whereas the name of the traditional grand meeting place appears consistent with variants of taboi or tapui carbet is rather ambivalent.

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165 Figure 4-2. Taboi or grand karbet and Sura or high house (source: Barrre 1743:141). Confusion is not simply in classification of house types, as carbet is a term serving both the single and the compound [ du simple et du compose ]. They call indifferently Carbet a single Carib house and [as well as] a cluster of houses forming together a village (Anonymous 1776; my translation).2 About a century earlier, Breton (1665, 1666), in his dictionari es, had translated aute with both carbet (house) and place (village, settlement ). Moreover, in about the same period, Father Biet in his descri ption of French Guiana applied carbet both as a noun (designating the central building), as well as a verb referring to talking that takes place in this central building; carbeter this means to talk about their business (Biet 1664:37): They have a large place well cleared, to have enough space to dance and to do other physical exercises. In the middle of this place they have a big Carbet sometimes longer than 150 paces [about 75 meter long]. They are ope n at all sides, only having a roof of palm leaves supported with forks and pillars. This is where the spen t the day all together to carbeter this means to talk about their business, while they are sitting on their beds which they name Accadots or Amacs and to make their little things, as bows, arrows, boutous [= clubs] and comparable things. At about twenty paces [about 10 meters] from this Carbet are the houses, where they sleep during the night (Biet 1664:37).3 A central meeting hall where communal discou rse is conducted, resonates with Yves dEvreux who wrote that in the carbets they converse about nothing else than this new knowledge of God they conclude their carbets by expressing the desire to see baptized their

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166 children and themselves (1615: second trait, chap. 1),4 other than this desc ription concerns the coast of Brazil or seventeenth century France Antarctique where in Tupi, carbet was not a static noun (a built structure), but a dynamic verb (practice of gather ing); it is their Carbet that they hold every evening at the plaza encircle d by their dwellings (Abbeville 1614:329),5 as also mentioned by Andr Thevet (1668:56).6 I therefore argue that the term carbet (which may be of Tupi origin) became incorporated into French vocabulary in Guiana and the Caribbeanbrought by the French from the coast of Brazil in th e seventeenth century did not refer to a built environment sensu stricto among Tupi but the performative in terrelationships of gathering. 4.2 Intra-Settlement Structure and Construction Elements Wayana settlements ( ut ) are typically described as a community roundhouse ( tukusipan) on the main plaza (pulolop) around which are locat ed, spaced between e ach other, several dwellings ( pakolo ) and work sheds ( tilaka ). House structures are essentially described as a frame built out of hardwood with a roof of leaves (palm fronds ), and classification is often threefold; (1) roundhouses ascribed as meetinghouses or mens houses, (2) gable roofs for dwellings or living-houses, and (3) primitive constructions of a simple roof for workand storage-houses (e.g., Schulz-Kampfhenkel 1938:157). ut is the general term for village, regardless of its size or house structures. Pata (as deictic intersubjectivi ty) refers to a place of (e.g., Awla pata = place of Awla), and patatp indicates a former place of whereby not always human settlements are indicated (e.g., hali hali pata = place of fish poison; luk patatp = former place of caterpillars). Average settlements lodge up to 25 inhabitants consisting of a small number of dwellingsin av erage three or fourwhere several families reside. Households are typically uxo rilocal, consisting of a grandmother ( kuni ) with her married daughters and their respective children.

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167 Figure 4-3. Variety of Wa yana intra-settlement structures (Coudreau 1893). This typical settlement organization has been around for at least a century, as Coudreau wrote that the village [of Apok] is composed of four large pakolo s where live several families. These pakolos are spacious and arrange amidst them a large public place, with in its center the otoman, the house of guests (Coudrea u 1893:90; my translation).7 A similar arrangement can be seen in the village of Pililipu (ibid. :104; Figure 4-3 A). Diameter of the otoman of Pililipu,

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168 according to Coudreau (1893:103), was 15 meter. A similar type of roundhouse in the village of Ouptoli (ibid.:545; Figure 4-3 D), was identified by Tnepo as otopan, but named monta by Kulijaman (2000, pers. comm.). In 1908, Claudius de Goeje added to his earlier study of house types (de Goeje 1905:11-12), that the monta, is also named tukusjipn (de Goeje 1908:3).8 This monta differs from the current tukusipan in that it contains a floor (Table 4-1). Although the domed building in the center of the village of Marire [Masili] (Coudreau 1893:537; Figure 4-3 C) resembles a tukusipan or monta (interpreted as such by Kulijaman), this structure was named muwman by Tnepo (pers. comm. 2000). A similar structure in the village of Atoupi (Coudreau 1893:533; Figure 4-3 B) was identified by Tnepo and Aloupki as muwman and muw by Kulijaman. Another high-rise roundhouse on the left of the engraving of the village of Marire was interpreted as a tamsilem (with point[ed roof]) by Tnepo and Aloupki, and as an otoman by Kulijaman (2000, pers. comm.). The otoman pointed out to me in 1997 (only structure of this type in the upper Maroni basin; Figure 4-5) did not resemble the type of structure Coudreau referred to, no r those structures interpreted as otoman. A feature of utmost importance to archaeology is that, although the roof of otoman and tukusipan, among others, is indicative of a roundhouse its posthole formation (f our or eight main posts) is rectangular and almost square. This ethnographic detail not only i llustrates structural variety within a single type of roundhouse, but also that one single buildi ng can be given multiple names depending on the origin of the builder, and/or interviewee. Discrepancy in names for roundhouses serving to house guests (e.g., tukusipan, monta, otopan, or muwman ) is in all probability situated in the Wayana ethnogenesis as a multi-ethnic confederation.

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169 Figure 4-4. Tukusipan: community roundhouse in the village of Pilima (1998). Figure 4-5. Otoman: traditional Wayana dwelling at Kawemhakan / Lawa Station (1997).

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170 Table 4-1. Typology of Wayana house structures. Type Name Description round tapui Large carbet named Tapui that is to them a kind of guard building [= corps de garde ]. They [feathered guards] all have th ere their marked place where they have their hammock; their weapons and a small be nch. They are provided with food, and they can never move without order of the chef (Tony 1843:226). Aimawale (pers. comm. 2000) interpreted this building as a kwepi : roofed platform where weapons are stocked and guarded by keepers of arms. monta monta (Pl. IX, fig. 1), circular with dome. The roof reaches till 1 to 2 meter from the ground. In every village is such a house present. At Jamaik [one of the Wayana villages along the Aletani] it was meant specifically for guests and feasts. Every person possessed a section at the interior of the roof where he could store dancing paraphernalia, arrows etc. [Franssen Herderschee (1905a:121) stated additionally that the dance ornaments that comprised the common property of the village, were hung in the vicinity of th e ridge]. Occasionally a floor with thin boards is made [at more than 2.5 meters from the ground], with a square entrance opening and ladder [description of ladder] (de Goeje 1905:11; all translations of de Goeje are mine). Dimensions of the monta of the village Intelewa are a diameter of about 10 meter with a height of 15 meter (de Goeje 1908:1016). In 1908, Claudius de Goeje added to his prior study of house types (de Goeje 1905:11-12), that the domed monta is also named tukusjipn (de Goeje 1908:3). This monta differs from the current tukusipan in that it contains a floor level. tukusipan Walter Roth (1924:260) mentioned that the roundhouse was named tkutchpang among the Makusi, Patamona, and Wapishana, and tapui among the Arekuna. Among the Trio, several names are given to this domed building: timakitti (de Goeje 1905:12), uman (Yde 1965:5, 153), and tukxipn (Frikel 1973). Domed community roundhouses tukusipan are located in the center of Wayana and Apalai settlements. Among the Wayana of the upper Maroni basin there are currently four tukusipan present; namely in the villages of Twenke, Talhuwen, Antecume pata, and Pilima (Figures A-4 and 3-11). Twenke (founded by granman Twenke in the 1950s) is the oldest settlement of these four villages with a community roundhouse. Tukusipan of Twenke is with a diameter of about ten meters (84 m), eight inner circle posts and eight outer circle posts, and a height of about six-and-a-half meters, the smallest. Tukusipan of Pilima is of about the same dimensions as the tukusipan of Twenke (eleven meter diameter and about seven meter high; eight inner circle posts and eight outer circle posts). Tukusipan of Antecume pata (founded in 1967 by the Frenchman Andr Cognat), is twelve meters in diameter and thus has 113 m covered su rface (about 30 m more than Twenke). Furthermore, this tukusipan has twelve inner circle posts and twelve outer circle posts. Distance between inner circle and outer circle remains 1.5 meters in all four community roundhouses, as this is the distance needed to hang a hammock. Most recent tukusipan is the community roundhouse of Talhuwen that was only built in 1996 under direction of Aimawale Opoya, and re-roofed in the summer of 2009. This tukusipan with a diameter of between 13.5 and 14.3 meter (almost doubling the covered surface from the tukusipan of Twenke), a height of about seven meters, twelve inner circle posts and twelve outer circle posts, is the most impressive of the four roundhouses in the upper Maroni basin. Central pole 9 traverses the roof and is topped with three nested ceramic vessels. Oral trad ition t ells that it was the Creator Twins who built the first tukusipan for their initiation, after they had been sheltered by a reversed cassava cooking pot ( oha ) (Table C-1: line 6) protecting them from being eaten by fierce Jaguars. Crosssection of this reversed cassava cooking pot ( oha) is analogous the cross-section of the domed tukusipan (Duin 2002/2003:46). Characteristic for a tukusipan is the painted disk ( maluwana ) hanging in top around the central pole (Figure 4-1).

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171 Table 4-1. continued. Mere name tukusipan is enigmatic in that it refers to the place of tukui whereby tukui can refer to hummingbird ( tukui or tukusi ), which, according to Daniel Schoepf (1998) stands for hummingbird dancers10 who arrive from elsewhere to dance at this place. Or it might refer to tukui arrows with a single large bamboo blade to kill large game as tapirs (and thus suited to kill humans), that are stuck in the roof of the tukusipan (Duin 1998). Whatever th e proper translationmaybe simply because a lot of hu mmingbirds fly in and out (D avid Alikoto, pers. comm. 1998)meaning emerges out of interrelations between social Others who arrive at this place, and to whom this heterotopia is a pied--terre Lucia Hussak van Velthem (1983:174) furthermore stated that Wayana name this building in Portuguese prefeitura (town hall). otoman Henri Coudreau does not name the domed roundhouse destined for guests (la maison des trangers ) tukusipan monta or tapui, but otomane .114F11 An otoman was present in the village of Apoik (Coudreau 1893:90), and can be seen in the village of Pililipu next to four other roundhouses (Coudreau 1893:104; figure 3-2-1. A). Diameter of the latter struct ure, according to Coudreau (1893:103), was 15 meter. A similar building is depicted in the drawing of the village of Marire (Coudreau 1893:537; Figure 3-2-1. C); Tnepo (pers. comm. 2000) identified this structure as muwman, yet Kulijaman (pers. comm. 2000) identified this building in the center of the village of Marire [= Masili] as monta. Central roundhouse in the engraving of the village of Atoupi (Coudreau 1893:533; Figure 3-2-1. B), has also been identified by Tnepo and Aloupki as muwman, or muw (Kulijaman; pers com. 2000). Possibly this is a play of tropes with mule (womb). Other high-rise roundhouses have been interpreted as tams ilem after its pointy shape. High-rise roundhouse on the left of the engraving of the village of Marire (Coudreau 1893:537) has been interpreted as a tamsilem by Tnepo and Aloupki, and as an otoman by Kulijaman (2000, pers. comm.). Furthermore, the central building in the engraving of the village of Ouptoli (Coudreau 1893:545; Figure 3-2-1. D), was identified by Kulijaman as monta, and by Tnepo as otopan (2000, pers. comm.). Otomane (Pl. IX, fig. 2), with floor [Note th at none of the Trio houses has an upper story or floor (de Goeje 1906:12)]. According to Coudreau [1893:90] the otomane is the house of the guests. We only fo und this type in Intelewa [one of the Wayana villages along the Tapanahoni; hence the otoman is a unique building]; during our visit there, we lodged downstairs, [while] the Indians slept at night on the upper floor (de Goeje 1905:12). Dimensions are about 9 meter long, 5 meter wide, and 5 meter high (Franssen Herderschee 1905b:898; my translation). This description differs from the dwelling that was pointed out to me in 1997 as otoman (Duin 1998:95; Figure 3-2-3). Only one such structure was to be found in the upper Maroni basin; and well next to the church of Kawemhakan/Lawa Station. Dimensions of this structure are about 7 meter long, 6 meter wide, and 3.5 meter high (Figure 3-2-3). Walter Roth (1929:24) complained about absence of detailed illustrations and descriptions of frames and constructions of Wayana houses. First construction drawings of Wayana housesand settlement plansare to be found with the geographer Jean Hurault (1965). Hurault (1965: plan che XIX) made an architectural line drawing of an otopan with cross-sections and dimensions (about 6 meter long, 4.5 meter wide, and 3.75 meter high). While dimensions resonate with the otoman of Kawemhakan/Lawa Station (Duin 1998:95), the built structure of the otopan from the village of Tpiti along the upper Maroni in 1957 is analogue (yet restricted in width) to photos of an otoman from the village Xuixuim along the upper Jari in 1978 (van Velthem 1983:180; no dimensions available). Lucia Hussak van Velthem (1983:178) classified otoman/otopan as a type of pakolo. A structure similar to otoman (apart from the lack of one semicircular apex) as encountered in the Aldeia Apalai in 1977, was named harpey tyiaritan, tymkoroem (van Velthem 1983:181), resonating with tialetaki m, similar [to otomane], though somewhat smaller (de Goeje 1905:12).

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172 Table 4-1. continued. Although the roof is indicative of a roundhouse its posthole formation (four or eight central posts) is rect angular and almost square. rectangular pakolo General term for house. Gabled roof dwelling supported by four to six main posts, and generally provided with an elevated floor. Hammocks are tied to crossbeams. Additional beams (or planks ) are placed across crossbeams providing shelves onto which boxes ( pakala ), baskets ( plasi ), and other storage materials are stocked. Smaller personal belongings can also directly been stuck between the palm fronds forming the lower rim of the roof (see also van Velthem 1983:188-190). While pakolo is a general term of reference for house it can be an adjective to specify the kind of activities for which this house serves: The place where is located a fireplace (fire is wapot ) is named wapot pakolon ( pakoro tumaietop or uapot pakoron : van Velthem 1983:184) and generally, when a griddle is present, serves as the place where cassava bread is baked. kuluwata pakolon ( kaiamaetop pakoron : van Velthem 1983:184) is where the kuluwata (trough to rasp manioc roots) is located. kaikui pakolon ( kaikui pakoron : van Velthem 1983:185) is a dog house. Note: Coudreau referred to these houses to shelter dogs, birds, and other domestic animals as ajoupa (Coudreau 1893:112). ituta pakolon (house of the forest), is a ni ght shelter against mosquitoes as itoeta-pakolo are located on the garden plots, far from the river (de Goeje 1906:12) (Coudreau 1893:531; Crevaux 1983:133). Ituta pakolon is a description of where the house is locatednamely in the forest ( ituta )whereas the actual name for this structure is maita This type of structure became discarded after the introduction of mosquito nets for the hammock, as Araib told van Velthem (1983:178). Compare with maite (Pl. IX, fig. 5); r ound hut, roof till the ground, with one single entrance (de Goeje 1905:12). Claudi us de Goeje wrote that moeineu, about the same as the maite of the Ojanas [= Wayana], though bigger and with two diametrically placed entrance doors (1905: 12). Although no dimensions are given by de Goeje, moeineu resonates with the communal roundhouse mim, accommodating all inhabitants of the v illage (Bos 1973; Fo ck 1963:196; Yde 1965:5, 153). This name resonates, in its turn, with the Wayana mmn, a shelter (about 2 meter in diameter, and 2 meter high) of dense layers of vertically arranged palm fronds from kumu (Oenocarpus bacaba) or alternatively wapu (Euterpe oleracea) palm fronds, also named tokai (Tony 1843:220). No light may traverse the palm frond walls. Shamans hut ( mmn) is only constructed after dusk and stripped down before dawn. It is at this ephemeral place where the shaman invokes the spirits. I have seen a Wayana pjai (shaman) enter, and some two hours later there was a high pitched voice. Other Wayana informed me this was ipoh (a water monster) and a little later there were other monsters ( kaikui ) running around rustling the palm fronds. In contrast to the Yagua12 case described by Girard (1963:38, 59), the Wayana shaman had his patient inside this obscure shelter. Then again, she was lying inside a hammock of which the posts were outside of the shamans hut. Sick people are not merely metaphorically, bu t literally floating between two worlds. tilaka Generally, a tilaka ( telakaman, tyrakan : van Velthem 1983:182) consists of a gabled roof supported by four or six posts, and walls may be constructed by horizontally placed split logs between a series of poles. Center-left structure in the engraving of the village of Atoupi (Coudreau 1893:533; Figure 3-2-1. B) has been identified as tilaka (Tnepo and Aloupki), or tjalitakem116F13 (Kulijaman 2000). These tilaka can serve as atelier for potters, and other handicrafts. These are also the temporary structures build in the gardens as garden house, or temporary shelter before building the village at this place. tilaka (Pl. IX, fig. 3), of which one can find several in one village, in use as work hut of the women (de Goeje 1905:12).

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173 Table 4-1. continued. Another kind of building, that actually is not a separate type of structure, which is named after a construction element, is de Goejes lomonaka (Pl. IX, fig. 4), named till the ground ( lo ), as its roof touches the ground. kuliputpman Building on the right-hand side foreground of the engraving of the village of Marire (Coudreau 1893:537; Figure 3-2-1. C) has been interpreted as a kuliputpman (by Kulijaman) or kapasiman (by Tnepo and Aloupki; pers. com 2000) after its shape, whereby it was noted that the Wayana name is kuliputpman (like a tortoise), whereas the kapasiman (like an armadillo) is the Waypi terminology. Effectively, this is a Waypi (Tupi speaking people) dwelling analogous the oca Waypi (Coudreau 1893:529; see also Gallois 1983), as the village leader Marire [= Masili] wa s married to a Waypi (ibid.:538). Figure 4-6. Pakolo (architectural drawing of the hous e of Makilu at Esperance 1998). Figure 4-7. Architectural drawing of house with floor of Kulienp at Alawateime en, 2000.

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174 Coudreau (1893:90) wrote that the house of the guests ( otoman) was encircled by four large pakolo whereby pakolo is the general term for house (Figures 4-6, 4-7). As an adjective, it can specify the tasks it hous es, for instance, where the kuluwata (trough to rasp manioc tubers) is located is called kuluwata pakolon and wapot pakolon is the place where is located a fireplace ( wapot = firewood) which, when a griddle is present, serves as the place to bake cassava bread. Kaikui pakolon is a dog house ( kaikui = dog [lit.: domesticated monster]). After 1950, Western civilization made a more continuous entrance into the Wayana region by way of the frontier town of Ma ripasoula located at the French bank of the Lawa, consisting of a gendarmerie post, a post office, and a mission post (today grown to about four thousand inhabitants, and with a regional ai rstrip). Arrival of American Protestant Baptist missionaries, stationed in the 1960s in Kawemhakan (renaming this village Lawa Station), built a Sunday school, a clinic, a house for Granman Anapake, a place for a power generator, a store, and a landing strip of about 400 meter ending in a soccer field (Boven 2006). The Bible had been translated into Wayana in 1979, yet the chur ch of Kawemhakan was only inaugurated on December 25, 1998. These missionaries were not allowed on the French bank. Soon after, the French Government began to invest in Waya na settlements in the 1970s, beginning with the village of Granman Twenke locate d on an island in the Lawa River (Figure 3-14). French social housing projects ( Logement volutif Social [L.E.S.]) constructed houses for Granman Twenke and his relatives, as well as a school building an d a dwelling for the teacher. The first French school in Wayana territory was built in Tw enke in 1973. In 1991, Klingelhoffer had an additional school build across the river in Talhuwe n. L.E.S. of the social housing project, i.e., houses on stilts with a concrete floor and a walled second floor were also built for village leaders and their relatives in the Wayana villages of Aloke, Tedamale, Elae (where a school was built in

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175 1985), Kayode (schools in 1988 and 1997), Twenke a nd Talhuwen, Antecume pata (schools in 1986 and 1997), Palasisi, and Pilima (school built in 1997; Figure 4-1, southwest of village plaza). Fully aware of these influences on the Wayana built environment, I will now explore traditional Wayana meaning and values, above all expenditure of community roundhouses. Figure 4-8. Construction elements in the transition from post to roof. Construction and expenditure of Wayana (Gui ana) architecture has often been taken for granted as the construction is the usual of the Indi ans in these regions: a wooden frame, of which the parts are tied together with thin and bendable liana vines; the roof is of palm fronds (de Goeje 1905:11; my translation; see al so Roth 1924:248-271, and 1929:19-28). Several construction elements (Figure 4-8) include cross-beams ( hwaptetop [literally: to tie]); beams ( awapolon); rafters ( isihmatop or ijalita sihmatop when at rounded part of roof); tie beam for rafters ( wakamipilikan ); stairs ( epi); ridge ( tunu or pakolo ap tapulu [literally: closer of the roof of the house]) and weight pieces on ridge ( etkapatop). Kumu ( Oenocarpus bacaba) palm fronds

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176 protect the lower rim of the roof and are supported by short rafters ( kumu ahmit [literally: kumu support]). Everything is tie d together with vines ( mami ; Heteropsis flexuosa ) or sometimes nailed into place. Last but not least, the posts of the house ( pakolo epu) named wakap when made of wakap tree trunks (Vouacapoua americana ; synonym: Andira inermis ). Table 4-2. Wood used in Wayana house construction. Wayana name Use Scientific name wakap post [diameter 9 to 16 cm.] Vouacapoua americana milimi or mekolo wewe14 beam and rafter [diameter 3.5 to 5 cm.] Oxandra asbeckii wapu floor board, wall Euterpe oleracea [split stems are used] wapa ridge weight Eperua falcata [split stems are used] Table 4-3. Leaves and palm fronds used in Wayana house construction. Wayana name Scientific name Duration Time for roof construction malalia Geonoma baculifera 7 14 year 4 5 months pp Socratea exorrhiza ; synonym: Iriartea exorrhiza [support for malalia ] alakup Attalea sagotii; synonym: Orbiguya sagotii [support for malalia ] wapu Euterpe oleracea 7 9 year 1 2 months kumu Oenocarpus bacaba 5 6 year 1 1.5 months malipa Attalea maripa 3 4 year 1 1.5 months palulu Ravenula Guyanensis 1 2 year 1 2 weeks Table 4-4. Calculations fo r the necessary quantity of Geonoma baculifera leaves for roofing. Roofing On a 1.50 m long row are attached 50 malalia -leaves (palm fronds) (Geonoma baculifera). Plus 2 x 25 = 50 additional leaves on the protruding front and back of the roof. Gabled: for a gabled roof with a ground plan of 4 by 6 meter is needed: roof surface:6 x 6 m = 36 m 6 / 1.50 m = 4 4 x 50 leaves + 50 additional leaves= 200 + 50 = 250 leaves per row. 20 rows x 2 sides of the gabled roof = 40 rows. 40 rows x 250 leaves = 8,000 malalia -leaves. Domed: for the domed roof of a tukusipan (or monta) is needed: roof surface: (4 r) / 2 diameter 10.70 m; r = 5.35 roof surface = 180 m When 8,000 malalia -leaves are necessary for 36 m than 180 m requires 40,000 malalia -leaves. diameter 11.00 m; r = 5.50 roof surface = 190 m When 8,000 malalia -leaves are necessary for 36 m than 190 m requires 42,222 malalia -leaves. An additional 30 centimeter diameter requires about 2,222 more malalia -leaves (palm fronds).

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177 Figure 4-9. Example of a former dwelling from which two posts have been removed. Posts constitute debarked tree trunks with a diameter between 14 to 18 cm. Postholes are preferably dug with a diameter re stricted to about 20 cm to give firm support to the post. They are dug about 0.65 meter into the ground (about 0.50 me ter when there is no second floor). This depth is related to an arms le ngth (about 0.65 meter) of the pers on digging the posthole. Jean Hurault (1965:25) noted that when Wayana abandon a village, carpentry pieces of houses in a good condition (particularly wakap posts, rafters, and roof wings of malalia ) are dismantled and reassembled at the new construction site. Parts of former houses will be re-used to build a A B B

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178 new dwelling. Habit of recuperating hard wood posts, rafters, and roofing parts from abandoned houses is still occurring today. This implies th at decay of houses is not the main reason for moving to a new location. Removal of posts, and particularly the removal of ground on one side of the post allowing for some wiggle room, will leave behind in the ground a recognizable posthole negative (holster-shaped cr oss-section profile; Figure 4-9). Where wakap trees ( Vouacapoua americana) for posts are hard to cut, it is the sheer volume of malalia palm fronds ( Geonoma baculifera ) needed for roofing in which is situated the expenditure of roundhouses. Based on my calculations (Table 4-4) the constructi on of a domed community roundhouse requires a signi ficant number (about 40,000) of Geonoma baculifera palm fronds. Village leaders intending to build such a structure have to request a vast amount of labor from their subordinates (peito ). First to collect the vast am ount of palm fronds needed, and secondly to process these palm frond s into winged rows of leaves to be attached to the rafters of the domed structure. Architectural expenditure is high, especially when realizing that this domed community roundhouse (rather than a mens-house or a communal house) is (1) the place where visitors (including researchers and governmental officials) stay dur ing their visit in the village, (2) stage for performance of rituals, (3) potentia l burial place, (4) toda y used during New Years Eve parties, however (5) most of the time this structure is simply standing empty without being peopled; perhaps only with some children playing in its shade. Number of man-hours needed to construct a community roundhouse, and its lavish r oofing in particular, is so costly that the request to subordinates ( peito ) to construct such a valuable structure in the center of the settlement, can only be afforded by the most powerful of village leaders. In the upper Maroni basin ther e are currently four domed community roundhouses in the villages of Twenke, Talhuwen, Antecume pata, and Pilima (Figures A-4 and 3-13). Twenke, the

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179 village founded by the late Granman Twenke in th e 1950s, is the oldest inhabited settlement in the upper Maroni basin. Tukusipan of Twenke has a diameter of about ten meters (84 m), eight inner circle posts and eight outer circle posts, and a height of about six-and-a-half meters. Tukusipan of Pilima is of about the same dimensions as the tukusipan of Twenke (eleven meter diameter and about seven meter high ; eight inner circle pos ts and eight outer ci rcle posts; Figure 4-4). Tukusipan of Antecume pata (founded in 1967 by the Frenchman Andr Cognat [Antk]), is twelve meters in diameter and thus has a covered surface of 113 m (about 30 m more than Twenke). Furthermore, this tukusipan has twelve inner circle posts and twelve outer circle posts. Distance between inner circle and outer circle remains 1.5 meters in all four community roundhouses. Most recent tukusipan is the community roundhouse of Talhuwen that was only built in 1996 under direction of Aimawale Opoya, and re-roofed in the summer of 2009. This tukusipan with a diameter of between 13.5 and 14.3 meter (almost doubling the covered surface from the tukusipan of Twenke), a height of about seven meters, twelve inner circle posts and twelve outer circle posts, is the most impressi ve of the four roundhouses in the upper Maroni basin. Throughout this study I will argue that it is not by chance that it is these four villages with a community roundhouse. Before discussing how these community roundhous es are tactically engaged in political plays, it is necessary to fi rst understand the historical and mythical ladenness of these roundhouses. 4.3 Mirroring the Wayana (Guiana) Landscape In top of the community roundhouse ( tukusipan ) hangs a wooden disk (maluwana) painted with men-killing monsters, said to be defeated by the culture hero Kailawa when exploring the watershed (Tumuc-Humac) between Brazil and the Guyanas (Figures 4-1, 4-10). Some artists paint Kailawaarmed with bow and arrowsh ooting these man-killing monsters. In the narrative of the painted disk, Kulienp outlined, named, and refl ected upon, motifs depicted on

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180 the maluwana, on conventional motifs and more recent additions (Appendix C: Maluwana). Kulienp interprets todays sickne sseye problems in particulara s a result of looking at these painted monstrous caterpillars as a child. Mopoelder brother of the Creator Twinsmade the first maluwana, according to Wayana legend (Table C1: line 41), and it was the Apalai Kulepanasi who began to paint new designs (Tab le C-5: line 3). This painted disk is the embodiment of Wayana history and geography. Figure 4-10. Maluwana installed in the tukusipan of Twenke (courtesy : F. Lavalette 2003). Maluwana and tukusipan are dense key symbols. In lieu of static ideal types, Sherry Ortner (1973) offered a model w ith more fluid and contextual ke y symbols. Key symbols make sense within the internal organization and seem to have some sort of c ontinuity, yet they are capable of being transformed as well, having th e power to transform so ciety, generation after generation. At one end of this continuum, Ortner defined summarizing symbols as those that

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181 serve to synthesize a complex syst em of ideas, i.e., summarizing the system as a whole. On the other end, elaborating symbols are agents with the capacity to order ex perience. Elaborating symbols are comprised of (1) a root metaphor pr oviding analytical catego ries for the ordering of conceptual experience, and (2) a key scen ario providing strategi es for organizing action experience (Ortner 1973). Tukusipan is such an elaborating symbol in that it provides analytical categories for the ordering of conceptual experience as well as it provides strategies for organizing action experience, whereas maluwana is a summarizing symbol synthesizing a complex system of ideas Key symbols cut across time and space, geograp hy, myth and history. Wayana as a new society emerged out of chaos invoked by Eur opeans traveling throughou t Amazonia, bringing death along with them. That this process of regenerating sociality out of chaoswhile facing non-Wayana as social Others and drawing legitim ization from the past, their pastis still going on today is revealed in the 2004 ri tual performed in Talhuwen; a key scenario to organize action experience, grounded in analytical categories for the ordering of conceptual experience provided by the Creator Twin myth as discussed in subseque nt chapters. Before cr itically evaluating local patterns of kinship and affinity, initiation rites an d supralocal sociality, I will first outline Guiana space and time from a Wayana perspective, an d my interpretation of this deep-structure. 4.3.1 Lay-Out of a Maluwana The general lay-out of a maluwana has been discussed in detail elsewhere (Duin 2006). In this chapter this decorated disk and its meaning will be discussed from a different perspective, namely from its position hanging in top of a roundhouse. Main motif on this disk is the dyadic dialectic serpentine Kuluwajak caterpillars; a male and a female, facing east and west respectively. When discussing the painted disk with Wayana (with special acknowledgement for Kulienp), they emphasized that the male (eluwa ) is oriented towards the rising sun ( sisi

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182 mektopoin ) and the female ( wli) towards the setting sun ( sisi eniktopoja ).15 Male and female Kuluwajak are not in a binary oppositi on, but becomeas rising and setting sunin a dynamic dialectic relationship.119F16 Not only are (gigantic) caterpillars painted on the disk surface ( al ), Kulienp (Table C-5: line 27) stated that the disk itself is cut out of the buttress of a kumaka ( Ceiba pentandra) analogous caterpillars cutting circ ular pieces out of leaves. With regard to the two remaining quadrants (or whatever space is left by the main motif), it first has to be recognized that north and south orientations are reversed when the plane of the painted disk changes from its horizontal positio n during painting (outside the village, in the shade); vertical position, when rolled into the vi llage; reversed horizonta l position in top of the community roundhouse with its pain ted plane facing down. Southern quadrant is reserved for other kinds of caterpillar (luk: Kutupsi Plit or Tokokosi ), or the monstrous fish Kaim along with the big white egret Wakaleim These named monsters (men-killing caterpillars and water monsters) are conventional motifs painted on the disk (compare with table C-5: line 2). The Apalai Kulepanasi was the first who instigated the painting of new mo tifs as there are frogs, serpents, water monsters, piranhas, scorpions, rooste rs, water spiders, crabs, etcetera (Table C-5: line 3; see for additional motifs Duin 2006:131, tabl e 3). When placed in top of the community roundhousewhich I confirmed in situ in all present-day Wayana villages of the upper Maroni basin holding a community roundhouse, namely Twenke, Talhuwen, Antecume pata, and Pilima (figure 4-1) Mulokot (the one-armed water monster) faces north. Beautiful monsters are dangerous to look at. Kulienp (Table C-5: line 6-17; as confirmed in the field by Fabrice Lavalette in 2003 at the inauguration of the new maluwana at Twenke [Figure 4-10]) called atten tion to the fact that the maluwana was not to be seen by maidens ( waluhma; adolescent girls). Only after th e disk had been rolled into the tukusipan under

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183 protection of aai palm fronds ( wapu ; Euterpe oleracea ), and subdued to a stinging ritual ( putop tukusipan tpuhe) with ijuk ants (similar to an initiation ritual), adolescent girls and children were allowed to view the paintings on the disk. The st inging rite, in a sense, tames monstrous beings situated in the realm of alterity (i.e., social Others) entering the tukusipan where they are ritually killed (compare with the jaguars from the M opo Kujuli narrative) afte r which they endure the taming, disciplining, and in that sens e domesticating, stinging ritual. As concluding reflection, Kulienp (Table C5: line 25) stated that nowadaysbecause of the commoditization of these painted disks (Duin 2006)children and a dolescent girls watch their fathers paint the monstrous beings on the maluwana: as a result, many children fall ill to diarrhea and fever. Children, according to Kulienp, fall ill becau se they watch the maluwana being painted before it is subdued to the stinging rite. With the story on the monstrous beings of the maluwana concluded, Kulienp requested a pen and pape r as he knew another motif that used to be painted on the maluwana, a motif that is no longer painted on the maluwana: Kawahena.17 When the Wayana were still living along the Jari, according to Kulienp, the water monster Kawahena was in opposition to the water monster Mulokot Emphasis on the placing of these water monsters ( ipo )south ( Kawahena) and north ( Mulokot) respectivelymade me reflect upon a potential identification of thes e species, but I have to add a skeptical note here that I may push the identification of species below too far. It is trivial whether or not there is a correlation, most important is that these powerful otherworld beings that are no longer among us are perceived for what they are worth: to make people think and reflect. Southern water monster: Kawahena Significant in Kulienps drawing of Kawahena (redrawn in figure 4-11 upper right) are the two little fish attached to its fishtail. Was this gigantic men-killing water monster a shark with two shark-suckers at its tail? The only shark able to swim up the Amazon River (a large

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184 body of fresh water) is the Bull shark, Carcharhinus leucas (Thornson 1972; Grzimek 1973). Bull sharks (length: 350 cm; weight: 317 kg max.) are real (wo)men-killing water monsters in demersal, freshwater, brackish, and marine envi ronments. Bull sharks often have remoras ( Echeneis naucrates ; length: 110 cm), also called shark-suckers, attached to their bodies. Figure 4-11. Water monsters Mulokot and Kawahena (Right: Wayana line drawings. Left: fragment of Jonstons 1660: table VII). Northern water monster: Mulokot When, following Wayana logic, Kawahena is in commemoration of the men-killing Bull sharks in the Amazon (in the south from a Wayana standpoint) then the one-armed Mulokot must refer to a real water monster in the nort h. Otto Schulz-Kampfhenkel (1938: face 168) identified this monstrous fish simply as Piranha. Claudius H. de Goeje (1 941:87) stated that this fish-master (Molokot ka-yum ) might be a Myletes species. Lucia Hussak van Velthem (1995:301) stated that this fish is composed of anatomic elements of mammals and birds (my translation). Janamale stated that moelokot is a watradagoe-brara [Sranantongo for brother of the otter] (Geijskes 1957: 282), hence a water being with mammalian anatomical elements.

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185 This one-armed water monster may seem fantas tic, other than it is analogous a seventeenth century scientific depiction and description where a fish with arms is depicted amongst sharks (Jonstons 1660: table VII, 7; Figure 411 lower left). Potential source for Mulokot is to be found in the family of Phocidae ,18 which are of the order of Carnivora.122F19 I posit that Mulokot is a representation of the Caribbean Monk Seal (Monachus tropicalis. Synonymous: West Indian Monk Seal), the only seal ever known to be native to the Caribbean Sea and the Gulf of Mexico, a species that was formally declared extin ct in 1996 (LeBoef, Kenyon, Villa-Ramirez 1986).123F20 That this seal is extinct corresponds with Ku lienps statement that today we no longer see Mulokot in nature, only on the maluwana. Furthermore, maluwana as a whole is modelled after a wa ter monster. Lucia Van Velthem (1995:301) stated that this roda-de-teto (wheel-of-the-ceiling)124F21 is not just an effigy but constituted of the proper Maruanim stating that this supernatural being corresponds with the sweet water stingray (ibid.:176) During our discussion of maluwana, Kulienp told me that Maluwaleim is like the large sipali (sweet water stingray, Potamotrygon hystrix ), but different; it is like the maluwana. Maluwaleim is an ipo (water spirit). It is a ray with a maluwana drawing on the upper plane and a sharp edge surr ounding the body. In contrast to the stingray, Maluwalaim does not have a tail ( iwatk ). If you face Maluwalaim for too long, it will blind you, analogous Mulokot My reading of this ra ther detailed description is that it concerns the Brazilian electric ray ( Narcine brasiliensis ) as the Brazilian electric ray is spotted like a maluwana, and has the geometric liminal motif (series of triangles) along the rim of his plane body, just like maluwana rim motif. This electric ray (le ngth: 54 cm) is a Torpedinae and can discharge between 14 and 37 volt ( As the maluwana is an embodiment of this dangerous electric ray, this object is potentially dangerous with a shocking effect.

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186 Figure 4-12. Maluwana-scape of Guiana. 4.3.2 Wayana Map of Guiana Let me take the analysis of maluwana as a whole one step further, and again I recognize that I may push the interpretation too far. With male and female Kuluwajak facing rising sun and setting sun respectively, Mulokot facing north (Caribbean Sea / A tlantic), and the monstrous fish Kaim or Kawahena facing south (Amazon River), we can interpret the maluwana as a map of the Wayana world. It is a special map in th at it hangs upside-down in top of the community roundhouse. As such, this disk mirrors the mythi cal and dangerous Guiana landscape. This is not simply my interpretation, as aluwa (root of maluwana) means mirror in Wayana.22 In French, the maluwana is called ciel-de-case (sky-of-the-house). Instead of mirroring life on earth today, maluwana mirrors legendary times and places.

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187 When this mirror-image of a mythical and dangerous Guiana landscape is superimposed over the Wayana region the following outline emerges (Figure 4-12): 1) female Kuluwajak located at the Tumuc-Humac range and Samuwaka, the original settlement of Trio ancestors (Koelewijn 1987:253); 2) male Kuluwajak located at the rivers Cuc and Tampok where Tupispeaking Emerillon and Waypi settled; 3) Mulokot has its head where current Wayana settlements of the upper Ma roni basin are located;23 4) Kawahena is located along the Jari with its head at the Citar river where was located a village name d Caraoua [= Kailawa] (Coudreau 1893:566); and last but not le ast 5) the center of the maluwana through which runs the central pole of the community roundhouseas an axis mundi is the symbolically dense region surrounding inselberg Tukusipan / T1, the trail of Kailawa across the watershed, and the place where it is said that Kailawa en closed the monstrous caterpillar Kuluwajak in stone (Duin 2006:292); a place where myth and legend are written in stone. In this sense, maluwana is a result of (and a medium for) the Wa yana socio-historical landscape. 4.3.3 Gazing at Maluwana On October 17, 1876 Jules Crevaux (1987:140-141) had his siesta and looked up into the apex of the domed roundhouse. He noticed, a wooden disk painted like a mo saic with colorful diluted clay in the colors white, yellow, and red, and was the first European to describe a maluwana in the process. His guide and translator informed Crevauxafter a long conversation with the hostthat this painting was in memory of problems during the navigation on the lower Jari. Crevaux saw a frog that was stopped by fantastic monsters that looked like mythical dragons. Then he stated that this frog represents a Roucouyenne [= Wayana] who explored the falls of the Jari in order to see the White men, but these merciless monsters hindered him (Crevaux 1987:140-141). One-hundred twenty-one years later, Wayana told me that these monsters depicted on the maluwana were the monsters defeated by Kailawa when exploring the

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188 watershed between Jari basin and upper Maroni basin (i.e., Tumuc-Humac range). By defeating these men-killing monsters ( kaikui), Kailawa had created a save place for the Wayana.24 In order to understand the maluwana as a cultural phenomenon we mu st understand Wayana history.128F25 When not resting in a hammock, as did Crev aux, outsiders walk to wards the monumental community roundhouse, incline their body, enter the roundhouse, raise their eyes and head, and gaze upon the painted disk. This visual effort of looking up to this painted disk at an almost upright angle (involving a certain amount of physical stress on th e head tilted ba ck) connotes the notion of awe to those who observe th is painted disk. Meaning of the maluwana goes beyond a mere interpretation of the images depicted on this di sk, and is to be found in its effect to impress. These painted disks therefore are imbued with sec ondary agency as they cause events to happen (Gell 1998). In the case of maluwana, the people viewing this pain ted disk are being fixed in place, say petrified, rendered pa tients in the sense of Alfred Gell (1998) as they undergo the event caused by the agen t (in this case the maluwana). Meaning in this sense must be performed and witnessed (see also Gosden and Marshall 1999). Although the maluwana is a portable objectafter being painted it is rolled into th e village and hung into the community roundhouse (Table C-5: lines 7, 13, 23, 24, 8, 10)people have to go inside a tukusipan to perceive the maluwana. Local Wayana are aware that this disk is located in the apex of their roundhouse and do not look up when inside the roundhouse, whereas non-local Wayana and non-indigenous people as social Others (mainly French and Dutch) are thus di sciplined in looking up to this disk that is mirroring the wider Guiana landscape in legendary mythic-historical times. Legendary mythic-historical times embodied by local Wayana through social memory while experiencing their landscape. This and othe r angles of vision endow the tukusipan with a hidden dimension that can only be experienced in practice.

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189 Detailed observation of the nested ceramic vessels on top of the roundhouse (at a 45 degree angle when standing next to the roof rim) is an angle of vision blocke d by the curvature of the roof (Figure 4-13). These nested vessels are hardly recognizab le upon approaching the roundhouse. These ceramic vessels specifically manufactured for this purpose, with a hole in the bottom as the central post runs through these vesselsare put in place by the Wayana village leader; in case of the 2003 re-r oofing of Twenke it was Granman Amaipot who carried the three vessels to the newly roofed r oundhouse of Twenke (Figure 4-14). Figure 4-13. Nested ceramic vessels on top of community roundhouse. Figure 4-14. Granman Amaipot de livers the three specially manufactured ceramic vessels to the community roundhouse of Twenke (courtesy: Fabrice Lavalette 2003).

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190 4.4 Crossroads of the Earth and the Sky Cross-section of the roundhouse is analogous the cross-section of the Universewith clouds in the sky as cross-beams and an opening at the top from where the rain falls (for which reason protective vessels are pl aced on top of the roundhouse)and vise versa (Figure 4-15). In turn, this cross-section is si milar to an overturned cooking ve ssel (Duin 2002/2003:46), a vessel similar in shape to the largest of the three nested vessels on to p of the roundhouse. At different scales, the Universe, roundhouse, and cooking vessel have the same cross-section. In concluding this chapter I will discuss how Wayana orient themselves in this multi-scalar world. Figure 4-15. Vertical scales, a simplified model. Where maps, plan views, and kinship charts in prior chapters have been oriented by means of a north arrow along with a scale bar, Wayana employ other means to orient themselves within their landscape. First, Wayana speak of the place where the sun appears ( sisi mektopoin ) and the place where the sun goes to sleep ( sisi eniktopoja ), rather than due EastWest orientations in a Cartesian grid. Wayana orientation is more dynamic as it accounts for the suns movement along the horizon during the year, including its stations of azimuth s of solstices and equinoxes. jehmanali luman kapu

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191 Rather than our antagonistic EastWest opposition, Wayana dr aw on the suns continuous movement: appearing along the eastern horizon, journeying along the firmament, disappearing along the western horizon (where the sun begins its journey through the world below), and reappearing along the eastern hori zon (Figure 4-15). Second dyna mic dialectic to organize the Wayana (Guiana) landscape is according to the flow of rivers, that is upstream ( atuhpono) versus downstream ( ametak ). These orientations cannot simply be translated as nort hsouth divisions. With its sources in the watershed of the Tumu c-Humac mountain range, the main rivers in Suriname and French Guiana flow northward towards the Atlantic Ocean, whereas the main rivers in the Brazilian side of the Wayana region flow southwards towards the Amazon River.26 Third binary opposition with which the Wayana organize their landscape is the distinction between the cultivated village (ut ; place of humanity) versus the ferocious forest ( itu; space of monsters [ kaikui ] and water monsters [ ipo ]). The latter distinction is more than a straightforward opposition of culture versus nature since animals (and plants) have their proper villages as part of their inherent humanity (as discussed in detail elsewhere: rhem 1996; Descola 1996; Viveiros de Castro 1998). Ma levolent trickster spirits ( jolok ) roam village and forest. This earth onto which we live, and ordered as described above, is, according to Wayana, like jehmanali :130F27 that is, like branches, leafs, and sand floating in a bend of a river. Worlds below ( luman revealed through the water surface) as well as the worlds above ( kapu reflected in the water surface) are modeled af ter earthly experience, so each world is described as having forests, rivers, mountains, and the like (F igure 4-15). Worlds in the sky above (kapu) include Kujuli pata place of the Creator Twin Kuju li where the visible spirits ( omole ) return after death, and Kulum pata place of Kulum the King vulture (chapter 5.1). Luman the world below this earth, is an otherworld experience as all univer sal aspects of life are reversed: in the world

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192 below, the sun rises in the west and sets in the east (to rise in the east in our world). When it is day on earth and in the skies above, it is night in the otherworld be low. This otherworld can be accessed by means of passage ways in the ground; caves, burial pits, and other holes as the ground drum ehpa. It is through here that the deceas ed can access the otherworld flow of celestial bodies leading to Kujuli pata (land of the ances tors) in the sky. In this typical Amazonian cosmological model, terrestrial Amazoni an rivers flow from the watersheds (Andes and central Guiana) to the Atla ntic Ocean, and this motion is mirrored in the underworld river flowing from east to west (S tephen Hugh-Jones 1982:195). Ind eed, this simplified model of vertical scales resembles a community roundhouse in cross-sec tion (Figure 4-15). 4.4.1 Star Gazing at Dusk In order to understand how the complexity of vertical scales makes sense to Wayana, and other indigenous Amazonian people, we have to go beyond microversus macrocosm models. Beyond microversus macrocosm models, Gary Urton (1981) in his study titled At the Crossroads of the Earth and the Sky demonstrated how life on ear thin the Peruvian Andes was mirrored in the night sky. Indigenous Andean people saw in starry ni ght constellations what they witnessed on earth. During a conference he ld by the New York Academy of Sciences in 1981, it became clear that world wide the night sky was perceived as a star map or a celestial blueprint for daily life on earth (Aveni and Urton 1982).28 Amazonian ethno-astronomy was represented by Stephen Hugh-Jone s (1982) and Grardo Reichel-Do lmatoff (1982). With regard to Guiana, Edmundo Magaa and Fabiola Jara publis hed an overview of the Carib sky, in past and present (Magaa and Jara 1982) Particular contemplation wa s focused on the Pleiades and Scorpius and their association with rainfall; th e Pleiades-Scorpius oppositi on has been studied in depth in Amazonia (Hugh-Jones 1982; Lvi-Strauss 1964).

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193 Table 4-5. Wayana calendars. Coudreau (1893:223) Magaa (1987:72) Duin (2004:476) Month / Moon Silik twkai (star set) Events on earth April Enaou wataohku inau (first constellation) Big rainy season begins May Petpine kuihku ipetpn (= Orion) sleeping in the rain June Ayamouri wataohku rise of inau (the Pleiades)Big rainy season ends July Maoua kulimahku jalaka clears all; river decreases August Siouet ololihku 1) (early) kiapok ihku 2) wayana ipokela etopohku 3) (late) ki ihku 1) many toucans in the sky 2) people fighting a lot 3) many snakes in forest, and occasional rain showers September Siwit pelehku 1) ok ihku 2) mauluhku 3) watau ihku 4) ololihku 1) cassava beer parties 2) many cotton in trees 3) many watau-fish in river 4) iguanas lay eggs October Ouanouaye asitaohku onolehku burning of garden plots November Loulou alawatahku onolehku burning of garden plots December Itihm wokohku kijawk ihku (compare with Coudreau February) kijawk -ants fly away January Maouamoune pupuhku [clouded sky] February Quiaouquecoure pasinahku [clouded sky] Preparations for life-crisis ritual marak March Onorcoure mulokoimahku [clouded sky] Figure 4-16. Relation between (a ) big rainy season and the Pleiad es, and (b) Scorpius and the burning of the gardens (see also figure A-5).

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194 Edmundo Magaa (1984, 1987, 1988) emphasized opposite positions of certain constellations (Pleiades and Scorpius particularly) in time and space, and presented a refined framework of constellations in Carib astronomy and oral tradition.29 He stated (and maintains; pers. comm. 2002) that the Pleiades rise and fall every night, so the Pleiades rise during the rains and do not precede them. The rains in fact, do not stop in the tropics so that when we say that a given constellation rises or sets with th e rains we have in mind relative values only (Magaa 1984:351). To expand his database of the Carib sky, Magaa visited the Wayana settlement of Kawemhakan / Lawa Station. Du ring a couple of weeks between June and August of 1985, two-hour sessions were held one after the other at night w ith Wayana Elders to identify stars and constellations (Magaa 1987:68-69). Thorough understanding of indige nous stare-lore emerges from long-term (at least covering the span of a full year) participant observation in the fi eld, including, but not restricted to, gatherings of family groups on the cleare d plaza at dusk, following Stephen Hugh-Joness observations of Amazonian star gazers: at dusk, men, women, and children often sit in family groups on the cleared sandy space in front of the ma loka (single house dwelling); this is the time when most observations of stars are made (1982:194), whereby attention is focused upon the vertical position of different stars with respect to the eastern a nd western horizons (ibid.). Or, as noted by Navarrete in 1545, that men gathered in the assembly house to talk about the sky, sun, moon, and stars (cited in de Goeje 1943:10). Rather than referring to nightly rise and setti ng of stars, I realizeda fter several years of gathering at dusk with Wayana on the plaza in front of their housesthat when Wayana speak of star rise ( silik kawein ) and star set ( silik twkai ) or falling of the star ( silik twtuhmoi) this is in reference to heliacal rising and helia cal setting (Duin 2004). Heliacal setting of the

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195 stars occurs around 18:45 PM when the sun is th at far below the horizon that the first stars become visible in the sky. During the following evenings, for the reason that the daytime arc of a particular constellation will correspond with the daytime arc of the sun, this constellation will no longer be visible in the night sky during the corresponding pe riod. Placing heliacal rise and setting, at sunset, on the seasona l calendar, a signifi cant correlation materi alizes between the rainy season (the big rainy seas on specifically) and the Pleiades (F igure 4-16). He liacal setting of the Pleiades (inau ; the first constellation; Table 4-5) in April at the WNW horizon corresponds with the beginning of the big rainy se ason. During the period that the Pleiades are not visible in the sky (April to J une), the big rainy seas on lasts. Big rainy season ends when the Pleiades rise again in June along the ENE horizon. Silik kawein or star rise refers to the heliacal rise of the stars; i.e., the re-appearance of stars just be fore sunrise (about 05:30 AM). Accordingly, the heliacal setting of Scorpius ( onolehku) corresponds with the period of the burning of the gardens, or rather based on the heliacal setting of the constellation of onolehku (Scorpius and Lupus) in October and November, Wayana plan the burning of their gardens. 4.4.2 Day, Month, Year Before discussing the Wayana calendar and its implications for life on earth, I will first outline some basic Wayana concepts of time. Wayana indicate time of the day by pointing at the position of the sun at the daytime arc. Descript ions of time during a 24-h our cycle are indicated by the position of the sun at its daytime ar c, or by variations on the noun for night ( koko ) (Figure 4-17). Dusk ( tametei) occurs in the tropics between 18:30 :00 PM, when Wayana retreat into their dormitories, unless a full moon is floodi ng the plaza in bright moonlight. Nighttime ( koko ) is the moment when malicious entities (jolok ) roam and can be contacted by a pjai (shaman). A pjai visits patients after sunset when it is kokolepsik (a little bit night).30 Shaman sessions may last till midnight (kokole ), or even till the lit tle hours of the night ( kokopsik ). At night,

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196 preventing evil spirits ( jolok ) from sitting on benches, or swinging in a hammock, benches are placed at an angle to a post of the house and vacant hammocks are tied over crossbeams. Figure 4-17. Wayana descripti ons of time during a 24-hour period. A. B. Figure 4-18. Jenunu (the man in the moon) as visible in the Moon disk. A (left) a sketch of Jenunu by Ronnie Tkaime (2000). B (right) re ndering of Ronnies sketches onto an image of the Moon (position of Jenunu s wife varied in the sketches).

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197 Every day is nested in a larger time cycl e of phases of the moon; every full moon ( tetonke ) indicates a new month (nunuwe ).31 Every full moon rise, Wayana women and girls come out of their houses and begin to jump and clap their hands towards the rising full moon. In the dark areas (Seas and Oceans) of the full moon disk ( nunuwe al) Wayana perceive Jenunu (Figure 418).135F32 This is not the story of the Moon itself, but of the man who got hiding in the Moon.136F33 Time cycles of twelve moons brings us b ack to the Wayana calendar mentioned above. Henri Coudreau (1893:223) was the first to write down a Wayana calendar. Edmundo Magaa (1987:72) compiled an addi tional Wayana calendar. Remarkable is that no single month given by Magaa corresponds with the names of the months provided by Coudreau a century prior. During my 2000 fieldwork (Duin 20 04), I obtained yet again different names, so I had to make sense of these discrepancies. Tw o first months, according to Wayana inau and ipetpn (April and May)corresponded with Coudreaus calendar: Enaou and Petpine respectively (Coudreau 1893:223). Secondly, various names were provide d to me in August and September, among which watau ihku specified by Magaa for Apri l and June. Recurrence of ihku (or as suffix ~ hku ) in the names of the m onths is significant as ihku in Wayana means constellation whereby it can be concluded that the names indi cating months in the work of Magaa (1987:72) are in fact names of constellations; as prev iously pointed out by de Goeje (1941:90). This explains discrepancy in names (Table 4-5), as several constellat ions fall within one month, and one single constellation may be locat ed on the limit between two months. On the sky map (Figure A-5), a wide variety of constellations is depicted between the 9h and 16h meridians. These constellations heliacally set between June and October, i.e., the dry season in which it is good hunting and fishing. Even a barbecue frame is visible in the body of Ursa Major (Dubhe, Merak, Phecda, and Megrez represent four posts). Another framework is

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198 indicated by four stars in Orion (Betelgeuse, Bellatrix, Rigel, and Saiph). Head of Ursa Major is perceived as the head of kulimau ( Agouti paca ; DE-A.60). During the months of July, August, and September, Wayana observe the evening sky fo r constellations to set in order to determine which species will fall on earth. For ex ample, when the constellation of toucan34 ( kiapok ihku ; D-A.23,5) sets in early August: many toucans ( kiapok) are present in treetops. When the constellation watau (DE-F.50) sets, many watau fish ( Myleus pacu ) are present in the rivers. When ololihku (D-A.70) falls, many iguanas ( ololi ; Iguana iguana) come down from the trees to lay their eggs in the sandy riverbanks. Whereas most of the constellations identifie d by Magaa (1987) are located in the dry season section of the sky (Fi gure A-5: 10 hours), not all conste llations are related to hunting and fishing. In Virgo (D-F.0) Wayana see ok ihku (constellation of cassa va beer) represented by a cooking pot ( oha) standing on firewood.138F35 When this constellation of cassava beer sets in September, many gatherings are held among th e Wayana. Cassava be er parties held in anticipation of slashing garden plots that will be burned a month late r. Burning of garden plots is linked with onolehku ; at the tail of Scorpio139F36 Wayana see onole ( Tigrisoma lineatum ), a tigerheron with in front of its beak a fish (in: Lupus).140F37 When this constellation falls, Wayana hang an anapami (fan), opoto (mat), and a katali (backpack) on a cord be tween their house and an isolated pole; for a good wind will blow to burn the garden plots. After burning, the rains begin. Just before the rainy season starts kijawk -ants ( Atta sp.) fly away in December, which event is marked by Kijawkihku (Peacockstar; eye of Pavo). During the months of January, February, and March, there was a period of clouded evening skies. In this time of the year, it was not possibl e to observe the heliacal setting of constellations systematically. However, during the clear midnight skies several constell ations were visible:

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199 namely the world wide known triad of Orion, Hyad es, and Pleiades. Soon after, the Pleiades ( inau) set once again heliacally and a year has passed.38 There are twelve full moons (months) between two events when the migrating Great Crested Flycatcher (wei ; Myiarchus crinitus) sings. Accordingly, a year is named after the Great Crested Flycatcher: wei Nowadays, Wayana also use the Sranantongo term jali (after Dutch: jaar ) to refer to one year. When discussing star gazing in September 2000, Aputu (village leader of Kumakahpan and father of Ronnie Tkaime) bega n to draw several constellatio ns in the sand; beginning by drawing inau (Pleiades) and jalamatatp (the mandible in Hyades) in the sand near him (reproduced as inset in figure A-5) Above these constellations A putu drew a big star and said Tapalukawa (Venus; identified ea rlier during star gazing events ). He said that Silikunku (Jupiter) is the husband of Tapal ukawa. Next to Tapalukawa, Aputu drew a series of stars ki (snake), above which he dr ew two parallel lines kumaka hawalutp (Milky Way; literally: former Ceiba tree burning). Across from the Milky Way, Aputu drew a cluster of stars Wajanahku (Wayana constellation), and two other constellations kaikui (monstrous jaguar) and sipalihke (riverine spine-ray constellation). Although Aputu had been an informant for Magaa, the latter three constellations were not mentioned by Magaa (1987). Another Wayana constellation first publishe d here is the dark cloud constellation of kanawa (canoe) between Cygnus and Aquila (E-A). This dark cloud constellation was pointed out to me by Ronnies mother-in-law Makilu. In exchange for their narratives, Wayana asked me to narrate European myths. While narrating the story of Orpheus and Eurydice at the point where Charonthe ferryman of Hadescrosses th e Styx, grandmother Makilu went outside and indicated that Wayana also have a canoe naviga ting the eternal rivers of the Otherworld. She indicated the dark area of the Milky Way between Scorpio and Ca ssiopeia. This section of the

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200 sky contains several constellations in the shap e of a cross; sign of the malicious spirit jolok Watershed moment of the Otherworld River (Milky Way) is Mitaraka (Cassiopeia; B-A.60)39. 4.4.3 Locating the House in the Sky When drawing the Wayana star map (Figur e A-5)in part based on data published by Magaa (1987)it occurred to me that Sirius (the brightest star), as well as several first and second magnitude stars in the region of Orion were not referred to. Of the twelve first magnitude stars Canopus, Capella, Procyon, and Achernar are located in the vi cinity of Orion, yet were not included in Wayana star-lore.143F40 Of twenty-seven second magnitude stars, Gemini stars Castor and Pollux are located near Orion.144F41 I wondered how it was possible that seven of the brightest stars were not included in Wayana star-lore. When inquiring during th e 2000 field season about these stars, Wayana told me they had forgotten about Wayana star-lore and that Elders who knew about the stars had passed away. These f eelings resonate with Peter Gows (2001) Amazonian Myth and its History wherein the main informant stated I dont know that, my grandfather knew, but he deceased, making Gow belief to be present in a dying tradition. Nevertheless, from the pool of forgotten myths would emerge a renewed myth; making sense in its historical context. Gows (2001) study demonstrated that a narrative is a flexible adaptation to an ever changing environment.145F42 Rather than reconstructing a dead culture, the transformation of myth through time ought to be situated in its proper long-term conjuncti onal processes. Interpretation of these seven of the brightest stars not included in Wayana star -lore, as discussed next, would bring my study of the Wayana life-cri sis ritual to a w hole other level. Several of the brightest star s surrounding the constellation of Orion are included in a constellation recorded by Gra rdo Reichel-Dolmatoff in Northwest Amazonia (Vaups region): It consists of a huge hexagon formed by th e stars Pollux, Procyon, Canopus, Achernar, T3 Eridani, and Capella. The center of this hexagon is said to be Epsilon Orioni s, that is, the central

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201 star in Orions belt (Reichel -Dolmatoff 1982:167). This supe r-constellation (spanning almost 120 and 9h meridians; Figure 4-19) of a huge he xagon with Orion at its center is, according to Reichel-Dolmatoff (1982:172), an architectural blueprint fo r the traditional Northwest Amazonian Desana longhouses. This architectural blueprint is also present in Guiana as on the dust jacket of Beyond the Visible and the Material (Rival and Whitehead 2001) it is written that the Panare word for the major internal house beams is also used to refer to the Orions Belt constellation in reference to the jacket cover photo of the roof construction of a Panare roundhouse (photo by Paul Henley 1989). Furthermore, Stephen Hugh-Jones stated that dancing took place in a house representing the cosm os [whereby] the house, built as a replica of the cosmos, becomes the universe itself a nd the cycle of night and day takes on the proportions of the year. At the same time, the la yers of the cosmos are conjoint and the living united with the dead (Hugh-Jones 1982:199-200 ). As mentioned above, the Wayana roundhouse appears rooted in this notion of a house representing the cosmos. If this celestial house and pl ace of the ancestors centered upon Orion, as recognized in Northwest Amazonia (Hugh-Jones 1982; Reichel-Dolm atoff 1982), is the archetypal blueprint of Amazonian communal houses, then why is this k nowledge lost among the Wayana? I returned to the narrative of the Creator Twin s who first built the community roundhouse tukusipan; it is in the conclusion of Dondons (Wayana-Apalai from Anapuaka, Rio Paru de lEst) 75 minute long narrative on the family of Kujuli ( Kujuli tom ) as recorded on December 17, 1975 (Schoepf 1985), where it is concluded that Okaia [= Kujuli] told his grandmother that they would climb into the sky (Schoepf 1985:132); Pu lupuluapo [= Mopo] would become Inau (Pleiades), and he [Kujuli] would settle after him, right in the center, becoming Yalaka .43 Next Dondon stated that

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202 behind Kujuli will appear Kutumo [= Kulum] as the constellation Iptpen (Orion). Finally, grandmother Frog (sic.: Toad) will take place behind them as Pelelirku [= Pl ihku ]. When mapping this spa tial narrative of Dondon, inau (Pleiades) is the embodiment of the Elder Creator Twin (Mopo) (Fi gure 4-19). Grandmother (Toad) took place behind the Creator Twins. Following the star-lore of this triad (Pleiades, Hyades, and Or ion), it is possible to identify the constellation of the Toad ( Pl ihku ) with the brightest star in the sky: Sirius.44 Dondon stated that behind Kuju li will appear Kutumo [= Ku lum] as the constellation Iptpen (Orion) (Schoepf 1985:132) which ma de Daniel Schoepf conclude th at when Orion is behind the younger Creator Twin, than the latter is embodied as the cons tellation Hyades. As discussed later (Chapter 5.1), the constellations of Kujuli and Kulum are superimposed when gazing at Orion from the ground; one will be positioned behi nd the other. Unaware of the possibility of superposition, Schoepf assumed that these celest ial embodiments were individual constellations and thus identified Yalaka148F45 as Hyades.149F46 Orion is located in the center of the sky map (Figures 4-19 and A-5: CE-A.0) and not merely in the middle of these mythical beings. This super-constellation of the celestial roundhouse centered upon Orion with under its roof the Pleiades and Sirius, i.e., the stella r embodiment of the Cr eator Twins and their grandmother (Kujuli tom ) is entirely visible at midnight ar ound New Years Eve (Figure 4-19). Rather than a celestial marker for New Years Eve150F47 this modelwherein the constellation at zenith is a mirror image of the lay-out of posthole formation of the Amazonian community house on earthechoes the Universal imagery of three interconnecting worlds whereby the Universe is conceived as having three levelssky, eart h, underworldconnected by a central axis (Eliade 1974:259), which idea is present in nort hern South America (e.g., Wilbert 1981, 1993). The question remained, even if this model of the celestial house, resonating with cross-

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203 referenced Universal micro-macrocosm models, then why did the Wayana not recognize this stellar constellation of the House in the Sky? Figure 4-19. House in the sky with Orion in its center (see also figure A-5) (Data: source: Starry background rendered through St arry Night Pro 4.5). On the one hand there was helia cal setting of Scorpio and th e burning of garden plots in October and November (Table 4-5; Figure 4-16), together with other natural-domestic related constellations referred to in August, September, and December. On the other hand there was the heliacal setting of the Pleiades, Hyades, Orion, and Siriusfollowing Dondon (Schoepf < the Pleiades < Hyades < (Belt of) Orion < Sirius Castor > Pollux >

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204 1985:132) the family of the Creator Twins ( Kujuli tom )all located within the archetypal celestial blueprint of the Amazonian house (Reich el-Dolmatoff 1982). As the Wayana are great structuralists (see above with the maluwana), I sensed that the latter had to make sense within the cultural-public domain. When I, once more, refl ected upon the Wayana calendar (Table 4-5), I realized that Wayana had not provided me with a ny names of constellations during the months of January, February, and March. I had simply taken this for granted as the evening skies had been too clouded for star-gazing, and now it all seemed to fall into place. This super-constellation housing the stellar embo diment of the family of the Creator Twins ( Kujuli tom ) was none other than the place of Kujuli ( Kujuli pata ), the land of the ancestors. Following Wayana star-lore, as di scussed above, Kujuli pata falls on earth (i.e., heliacal set) from February ( 3 Eridani48) to late May (Procyon, Castor and Pollux152F49). Ramification of this interpretation is that, according to Wayana logic, the land of the ancestors will no longer be in the sky, but here with us on ear th; and it is in this period that Waya na life-crisis rituals traditionally took place: closing around March-Ap ril. Neophytes thus were initiated when, according to Wayana logic, the ancestors we re among them. For example, Henri Coudreau (1893:202-203) wrote that 1888-1889 was a year of festivities for the Wayana, with dances taking place from September to April.153F50 This is about the same period covered during the 19641965 marak gatherings of the Aletani/L awa (Hurault 1968:102), the 1938 marak held in May (Ahlbrinck 1956:27, 69), and it was Francis Mazire (1953:161) who wrote that it was the short dry season in March announcing the marak ceremony. At this moment in time (around April), a bridge is realized at the crossr oads of the earth and the sky allo wing a gathering the fourfold by a primal oneness the fourearth and sky, divinities and mortals belong together in one (Heidegger 1954:327). One space-time has been realized gathering ancestors and people today

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205 into one collective, realizing Arnold van Genne ps philosophizing conc lusion (quoted in the beginning) that it is a grand idea to connect th e stages of human life w ith those of the grand rhythms of the Universe (Van Gennep 1909:279). However, when it is stated that it was indeed during the mont h of March that, for centuries, the Indians practiced th is painful initiation ritual (M azire 1953:161; my translation), and the timing of the 2004 ritual in Talhuwen was contested by the Elders, as it was not performed in the proper month, this was not a single occurring anomaly. Where it might be concluded that this discrepancy in timing is situated in the modern globalizing world of the Wayana,51 this event does not stand alone. While the 1938 marak was held in May (when Kujuli pata sets on earth), a second marak was held in December (anomalous) (Ahlbrinck 1956:27, 69). Furthermore, in 1889, in At oupi, Coudreau (1893:537 vv.) witnessed a marak on October 30. Rather than dismissing these marak rituals as non-traditional there had to be a secondary pattern which will be discussed later in this study. Before shifting the focus of investigation to these so-called non-traditional marak ritualsbridging between past and the present, ancestors and mortals, sky and earth, when space and time become one in and around the tukusipan and how these are situated in the broader politico-ritual Guiana landscape, I will first discuss local patterns of kinship and affinity, to people the dynamic and constantly emerging Waya na landscape as outlin ed in this chapter. 1 Dans le ciel clair, se dtache au lo in un piton rocheux que je dsigne Yanamal [= Janamale], car nous voulons y aller. Non! pas les hommes. Cest l que loin, loin, da ns le temps, les Oyanas [= Wayana] sont ns; cest l que vit le Serpent plumes [= Kuluwajak ] (Mazire 1953:203). 2 Est un terme significatif du simple et du compos. On ap pelle indifremment Carbet une seule maison de Carabe et un amas de cases formant ensemble une bourgade (Anonymous 1776). 3 Ils ont vne grande place bien dfriche, pour y auoir a ez d'e pace afin d'y dan er & faire d'autres exercices corporels. Au milieu de cette place ils y ont vn grand Carbet [ note in 1896 publication : Cette grande case commune ressemble fort, pour la forme de la construction et pour l'usage qu'en font les sauvages des Antilles, au balei des Malais dans l'archipel Indien.] long quelquefois de plus de cent cinquante pas, c'est comme une forme de halles qui sont dans les places publiques des villes. Ils ont iour de tous co tez, n'y ayant que la couuerture de Palmi te ou tenu de fourches & de pieux. C'est o ils pa ent la iourne tous en emble pour y carbeter; c'est dire s'y

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206 entretenir de leurs affaires, e tant a is ur leurs licts qu'ils appellent Accadots ou Amacs & pour y faire leurs petits ouurages, comme les arcs, flches, boutous & cho es emblables. Enuiron vingt pas de ce Carbet ont les Ca es, o ils e vont coucher pendant la nuict (Biet 1664:37). [ note in 1896 publication : this big community house resembles, in manner of construc tion and use, the ones the savages of the Antilles make, and to balei of Malaysia in the Indian archipelago]. 4 Dans les carbets on ne parle plus dautre chose que de cette nouve lle connaissance de Dieu ils finissent leurs carbets en expriment le dsir de voir baptiser leurs enfants et eux-mmes (1615: second trait, chap.1). 5 leur Carbet qu'ils tiennent tous les oirs emmy la place entoure de leurs loges (Abbeville 1614:329). 6 au milieu de la place des quatre loges, au lieu quils appellent Carb (Thevet 1668:56). 7 Le village [Apok at the upper Aletani] se compose de quatre grands pacolos o vivent plusieurs familles. Ces pacolos sont fort espacs et mnagent entre eux une grande place publique, avec l otomane la maison des htes, au milieu (Coudreau 1893:90). 8 Walter Roth (1924:260) mentioned that the roundhouse was named tkutchpang among the Makusi, Patamona, and Wapishana, and tapui among the Arekuna. Among the Trio, several names are given to this domed building: timakitti (de Goeje 1905:12), uman (Yde 1965:5, 153), and tukxipn (Frikel 1973). 9 When cross-beams are placed onto the inner-circle posts the central post will be slightly off-center. 10 Only reference to hummingbird dancers among Wayana. Possibly Schoepf refers to Tamok dancers (Chapter 8). 11 Jean Hurault (1965:24), without further refere nce, stated that Wayana used to live in maloca s, vast buildings that housed an entire family. Then again, otoman can be interpreted as like an oto, i.e., like an ut hence like a village resonating with a long forgotten single-dwelling settlement structure, as the Trio communal roundhouse. 12 Le shaman possde un refuge dans la fort. Cest une cabane conique, d peu prs 1,50 m de haut, et dune diamtre trs rduit, dans laquelle il peut peine bouger. Elle est fait de feuilles de palmier trs touffues, de sorte que lintrieur est plong dans lobscurit, et est en mme temps labri des insectes. Cest une lieu de tabou, et celui qui entre tombera malade. Le shaman opr e ses gurisons lext rieur (Girard 1963:38). 13 According to de Goeje (1905:12) the tialetakim ( tjalitakem ) is a smaller version of the otoman 14 Literally mekolo wewe means tree (wewe ) of the Maroons ( mekolo ). 15 This chapter will conclude in more detail about Wayana spatial-temporal orientation in Guiana. 16 Claude Lvi-Strauss, after his visit to Leiden in 1973 stated I am now beginning to understand why, besides Paris, Leiden also developed into a centre of structural anthropology. This must have been due to Leiden anthropologists work in Indonesia. It is not the Le iden anthropologists but the Indonesians who are the great structuralists! (Vermeulen 1987:31), and the same goes for my fieldwork among the Wayana in Guiana. 17 This water monster ( ipo ) is replaced by Kaim (monstrous fish), without further identifying specification. 18 Spotting of a similar water monster of the coast of Brazil in 1613 has been interpreted as a phoque or sea elephant by Pierre Clastres (dEvreux 1985:181) other than sea elephants occur on the Pacific coast of South America and not on the Atlantic coast. 19 Mentioned in (0806_030806_ se alkiller.html; web reference 17) was the death of a British marine biologist in Antarctica (Jul y 22, 2003) caused by a leopard seal (Hydrurga leptonyx ). However, this species lives around Antarctica and not near northern South America. 20 Little scientific data was gathered before the Caribbean Mo nk Seal went extinct. As with most seals, the back of adult seals were shiny brown with a grey tinge, and the underside of the Caribbean Monk Seal was pale yellow. Soles and palms were naked, with the na ils on the anterior digits well develope d. Males are thought to have reached a length of between 2.1 to 2.4 meter and a weight up to 200 kg (Grzimek 1973). 21 In French, the maluwana is named ciel-de-case or sky-of-the-house. 22 Aroua means mirror in Tupi (de Lry 1994:231 [1578]). Compare with inselberg Taluwakem (He-who-holds-the-mirror) in the Tumuc Humac range, where it is said that Kailawa entrapped Kuluwajak in stone and placed stones as figures depicted on the maluwana (Duin 2006). 23 Wayana of the upper Maroni basin favor the image of Mulokot and several participants had an ant-shield in the shape of Mulokot during the 2004 ritual at Talhuwen. 24 Not only did Claudius de Goeje provide the museum in Leiden with a maluwana [RMV 2352-189], de Goeje also noted that in similar languages (i.e., Cariban languages) this noun means shield. This mirroring shield painted with the defeated monsters hanging in top of the community house tukusipan protected the Wayana metaphorically from the evil monsters surrounding them. Kailawa had provided the Wayana community with a protected landscape holding the potential for continuous dwelling, and this social memory is materialized in the maluwana 25 Franz Boas (1955 [1927]) advocated that every cultural phenomenon is th e result of historical happenings.

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207 26 As the Amazon River flows eastwards towards the Atlantic Ocean, it mirrors the westward movement of the sun. 27 Claudius de Goeje (1941) wrote that the earth is named ehemanali. 28 Focus of the 1981 conference was the debate on the tropical astronomy thesis; that is, the difference between people who take zenith and nadir as fundamental principle of their star-lore, while other people put emphasis on the horizon azimuths (Aveni and Urton 1982). Concepts of zenithal and solstice passages of the sun in addition to right ascension and declination, had already been postulated some twenty years prior by Claude Lvi-Strauss (1964). 29 Though the significance of the Plei ades throughout Amazonia and Caribbean is commonly recognized, general data concerning the position of stars when they are observ ed is incongruous. Star-lore of various South American Amerindians has been recorded in the early twentieth century (Koch-Grnberg 1909; Roth 1915; Lehmann-Nitsche 1922, 1923, 1924; de Goeje 1941). Among the Caribs (Kalia) of Suriname valuable information has been gathered by Penard and Penard (1907, 1908) and Ahlbrinck (1931). Important contributions to Amazonian star-lore have been made since Reichel-Dolmatoff (1975) (S. Hugh-Jones 1979; Ch. Hugh-Jones 1979; Wilbert 1981). First of all, it must be acknowledged that Amazonia is a va st and diverse region. Star gazing is influenced by the geographical fact that some Amazonian people live near the equator, while Cuba is located near the tropic of Cancer at 23 N. Secondly, meteorological variation is not insignificant, so each group has adapted the standard model (i.e., association between Plei ades-Orion and rainy season) to their local circumstances. Twenty-five years ago it was stated that Carib astronomers seem to have de veloped a complex astronomical system based on the observation of the relative position of the stars with regard to the sun, to other stars, and in connection with the season (Magaa 1984:362), however there wa s little notion on how this complex Carib astronomical system was situated in Wayana social life compared to An dean star-lore (Urton 1981; Zu idema 1982). Rather than charting a summarizing overview of the Carib sky, in past and present (Magaa and Jara 1982), it is necessary to understand how star-gazing makes sense in long-term socio-political processes. 30 In severe cases, a pjai may ask for a specific enclosure to be build in order to treat the patient in full darkness. 31 New Moon is called munim 32 Grandmother Makilu requested to look through my camera with zoom lens so she could clearly see Jenunu. 33 Jenunu is the story of the man who barbequed his wife after she had deceived him (CAWAY 1992; narrated by Alaepa). Meaning of this narrative will be discussed elsewh ere (Duin in prep.) other than I want to mention here that this story illustrates how a man can enter the world below through a hole in the ground, such as via a former ehpa (ground drum used during marak ) (represented in the full Moon disk in Mare Crisium). In this Otherworld below, Jenunu did hide in the Moon. Later, every full Moon, Wayana perceive this man who is hiding in the Moon, climbing up into the sky (compare with figure 4-15). A similar route is taken by the deceased (on hiding / buried see chapter 4-4). Like Jenunu, deceased Wayana climb up into the sky to enter Kujuli pata (place of Kujuli, i.e., the Hereafter). Like Jenunu, Wayana man have attached to their upper arm a pasik i.e., a red tail feather from the scarlet macaw mounted on a wooden stick to be attached unde r a string of beads, in orde r to complete the voyage to the land of the dead in the sky. Th rough metaphor, the scarlet macaw feathers on the upper arm enable mortals to fly high into the sky like Ara macao s (compare with figure 4-11). Scarlet macaw tail feathers represent sun beams at sunrise and sunset. Another key artifact of travelers worn by Jenunu is a pumali i.e., feather crown of red-andyellow toucan ( kijapok ; Ramphastos tucanus ) feathers to which is attached a bird ( wanat; Cotinga nattererii ; Cotingidae are known for their exuberant colors and variety of sounds [Sick 1993:503-505]). Similar feather crowns are present in the Amazonian Collection at the FLMNH (T 2241; T2242) and two objects (T2217; T2218) even have a bird attached to the crown. Rather than referring to Reichel-Dolmatoffs (1968, 1971) general symbolic interpretation of red as (menstrual) blood, and yellow as semen, I posit an alternative symbolic meaning of the feather crown pumali Pumali feather crowns consist of two sections of red vent feathers (of Ramphastos tucanus ; kijapok ) and two sections of yellow rump feathers, separa ted by black feathers. Furthermore, the bird ( wanat ) hanging on the back of the wearer is attached to one of the yellow sections of the feather crown. Therefore, pumali is worn with two opposite yellow sections facing front and back, while opposite red sections are located laterally. Since it is indigenous Guiana travelers (W aiwai, Trio, Wayana, and Waypi) wearing a pumali feather crown, and the rivers in Guiana flow north-south, canoe-travelers wearing a pumali embody the four dialectic directions according to Wayana (Guiana) worldview : Red as rising and setting sun (Eas t and West, respectively); Yellow as sunlight (North and South, respectively). 34 Not the Western constellation Tucana. 35 During the September equinox, the suns path crosses the firewood ( wapot) of the cassava beer constellation. 36 Note that Pleiades and Scorpio ar e distanced at 12 h. in Astronomical Length, or half a year apart. 37 In addition to stars and constellations the Araw aks see in the Milky Way nebulae [near Scorpius (note R.S.Duin)] a tapir being chased by a dog, followed by a jaguar (Roth 1915:260), and the Tukuna see a jaguar after

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208 an anteater (Nimuendaj 1952:143) (in: Magaa 1984:344). These Dark Cloud constellations i.e. head of atoq the fox, and tail of mother llama, are very important in Andean cosmology (Urton 1981). Most significant is that these Dark Cloud constellations opposite the Pleiades by 12 celes tial hours, or 160, or a dist ance in time between heliacal rise of 6 months, i.e., half a year. Th is Pleiades-Scorpio opposition is studied in depth by Lvi-Strauss (1964), Urton (1982) and Magaa (1984). These Dark Cloud constellations are located within the Wayana constellation onolehku When this constellation sets at sunset (circa 18:45 pm in the month of October) this is the month Wayana burn their recently slashed gardens. 38 Correlation between the passing of a year and the Pleiades had been marked in the seventeenth century in the Antilles (Breton 1999:83 [1665, 1666]): chric poussinire ou pliades. Les Sauvages comptent les annes par poussinires (Breton 1999:83 [1665, 1666]). chric Pleiades. The Savages count the years by Pleiades (Breton 1999:83; my translation). 39 Counterpart of the double peaked inselberg named Mitaraka is located in the Tumuc-Humac Mountains. 40 Rigel is a first magnitude star in Orion, and Aldebaran is a first magnitude star in Taurus ( jalamatatp ). 41 Betelgeuze is a second magnitude star in Orion. 42 Similar processes of transformation are described by Jonathan Hill and Robin Wright (1988:93-102) for the historical interpretation in Wakunai narratives about Venancio Camico. 43 In his notes, Daniel Schoepf (1985:137) interpreted, contrary to Magaa, yalaka as the Mygale spider Theraphosa leblondi and identified this constellation as Hyades in Taurus Hyades in Taurus are generally identified among Wayana as jalamatatp (lower jaw; Appendix A: Map 5: CE-A.20), whereas the four bright stars in Orion (Betelgeuse, Bellatrix, Rigel, and Sai ph) are by some Wayana identified as jalaka (frame). 44 During my 2000 fieldwork in the upper Maroni basin, Wayana said that this interpretation was plausible; there was no confirmation, neither denial of this hypothesis. 45 Four stars in Orion (Betelgeuse, Bellatrix, Rige l, and Saiph) are by some Wayana identified as jalaka (frame). 46 Hyades in Taurus is generally identified by Wayana as jalamatatp (lower jaw; Appendix A: Map 5: CE-A.20). 47 Remember that the Wayana New Year starts in April with the heliacal setting of the Pleiades. 48 Dimmest star of this super-constellation. 49 Gemini stars Castor and Pollux possibly mark the twin posts of an entrance door. 50 Concluding in a marak at Peo, located between Aletani and Malani. 51 It was said that Aimawale, one of the initiators, had time restrains. First, Aimawale works for the French Government and had to perform this marak during his summer break. Secondly, Aimawale requested to endure this stinging ritual (for a second time) before he would participate in the Kailawa 2004 expedition that would depart from Talhuwen on October 18, 2004.

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209 CHAPTER 5 LOCAL PATTERNS OF KI NSHIP AND AFFINITY What happens takes place because it happe ns somewhere, in the presence of others, because events become interventions, the subjectivity of different persons the issue. Marilyn Strathern, Partial Connections (2004 [1991]:27). Figure 5-1. Mothers and social Others; author among Wayana. From right to left: Ronnie Tkaime, Renzo Duin (both with cassava beer in the hand), Cevin (with soft drink in his hand), Sihmi, Karmen (front), Kalinalu (back), Kali, Siwanka (sitting), Anita, and Tailu (photo taken by Alipoike, husband of Anita, September 16, 1998). It is time to shift gears and people the s cene, the built environment, and the Guiana landscape, as described hitherto, providing a bac kground of local patterns of kinship and affinity to regional processes as discu ssed in subsequent chapters. As briefly touched upon earlier, kinship ( iwek = my family) grounds the Wayana region of socio-political interaction. Beyond kinship, Amazonian social formations are gr ounded in a difference between consanguinity (insiders) and affinity (outsiders), as discussed in detail in the edited volume titled Beyond the Visible and the Material: th e amerindianization of society in the work of Peter Rivire (Rival and Whitehead 2001). This work brings about four premises, namely that (1) affinity is given (natural) whereas consanguinity is embedded in a notion of affinity and needs affinity to be

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210 defined (Taylor 2001; Viveiros de Castro 2001), a notion further developed on the wikia website A Ona e a Diferena ( to_AmaZone); (2) a wide range of agents (predators) mediating between insiders and outsi ders (Butt-Colson 2001; Henley 2001; Whitehead 2001); (3) a notion of generational continuity, descent, and consanguinity related to the model of a society of social Houses (rhem 2001; Lea 2001); and last but not least (4) embodiment and personhood situated in transforming bodies cutting across most of the thirteen contributions. These four premises ar e fundamental and in this chapter I will explore how these premises of social formations grounded in a difference between insiders (consanguinity) and affinity ( outsiders or social others) play out among the Wayana. An additional dimension of gender relations and perspectives to these premisespublished the same year as Beyond the Visible and the Material can be drawn from the work of Marilyn Strathern on same-sex and cross-sex social re lations wherein she stat ed that each relation [same-sex or cross-sex relations ] can only come from the other [relation] [as an] internal reflexivity (Strathern 2001:240). It is at once a conceptual and a social process as a unified sexual state (same sex) is crea ted through shedding or detachi ng the exogenous (other sex) element from a cross-sex relation (Strathern 2001:226). Beyond the ge nder relations, this exploration of the comparative ra ises the question how to deal with what we perceive as (internal) differences between all those others (Strathern 2004: 48 [1991]; emphasis in original). Philippe Descola stated that certain cultural areas were to be considered as ethnographic totalities within which each different society or community could be treated as a structural variation within an overall patte rn (2001:109). Along similar lines I argue that the Wayana are a structural variation within a Guiana (Amazonian) pattern, and in this chapter I will outline how Wayana perceive and manage local patte rns of kinship, affinity, and alterity.

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211 5.1 Mothers and Social Others In the beginning there were Mopo and Kujuli [the Creator Twins]; on the same day they were like babies in th e eggs of tortoise [ Geochelone denticulata ]. But they were already alive. Then [Mopo and Kujuli] said to their mo ther [Tortoise]: Mama, they said, let us be hidden by our grandmother, they said. Mopo was not like a child, not as a toddler; they were still in the egg. But already he had knowledge. Subs equently they went to their grandmother. Tortoise went to [her mother] Toad. Next [Tor toise] says to [her mother] Toad: Hide my children, the Jaguars are going to eat me, [Tortoise] said to her mother. [Toad] hides the children of Tortoise. Then they are hidden by Toad under a big vessel (Excerpt from Appendix C: Mopo Kujuli; i llustrated by Ronnie Tkaime: Figure 5-2). Figure 5-2. Mopo Kujuli (Drawi ng by Ronnie Tkaime, 2000).

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212 The Creator Twin narrative (Appendix C: Mopo Ku juli) contains fundame ntal principles of Wayana (Guiana) social organization as discussed in this chapter and depicted by the Wayana Ronnie Tkaime in his artistic rende ring of this narrative (Figure 5-2); with Mopo (elder brother) and Kujuli (younger brother) each with a set of bow and arrow, Grandmother Toad (Pl; species name is here used as a proper name),1 Mother Tortoise (Kuliputp),2 the fierce Jaguar (Kaikui eilan ; as the Jaguars are presented as a distinct peopl e rather than a mere reference to the species of jaguar [ Panthera onca ] I will capitalize Jaguar; kaikui [literally: monster] is the general name for jaguar and dog, proper name for jaguar is istaino ), eggs of Mother Tortoise hidden under a big ceramic vessel (oha), a roundhouse (tukusipan) on a cleared plaza, and even a decorated club ( kapalu ; the importance of this flat-b oard club will be discussed in later chapters [7.4 and 8.2]). The narrative of Mopo Kujuli expli cates how the processes of so cial relationships enfold. One of the basic social relationship is between grandparents and grandchildren; creating a social hierarchy of protection through nurtu re. It is at once an ideationa l and a real social process as among Wayana the firstborn child is often rais ed by his or her grandparents. The relation between grandmother Toad and mother Tortoise is a same-sex relationship demonstrating descent and generational continu ity. The same-sex relationship between the two (male) Creator twins is one of consanguinity (as they are from the same egg string of Mother Tortoise). These same-sex relationships (diachronic and synchron ic respectively) are an outcome of cross-sex relationships. Of interest in th is version of the Creator twin na rrative is the absence of a father figure (implied for the same-sex relation between Toad and her daughter Tortoise, as well for the cross-sex relation betwee n mother Tortoise and her children Mopo and Kujuli). The exogenous (other sex) element from the cr oss-sex relation between the Creator Twins and their mother is disconnected by the fierce Jaguars eating mother To rtoise. Next the Creator twinsstill in their

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213 eggsare hidden with grandmother Toad who nurtures the boys (indica tive of a grandmother culture). This second exogenous (other sex) element, this time from the cross-sex relation between the Creator twins and their grandmothe r Toad, is severed through their initiation. Although not entirely transparent, there appears a social relation between Toad and the Jaguars. The Jaguars, as primordial social others, serve as predator agents mediating between insiders and outsiders while there is simu ltaneously a notion of affinity. In this case, consanguinity is defined thr ough affinity. In other words, the nurturing relationship between grandmother and her grandc hildren becomes materia lized though alterity while facing social others ; in this case Jaguars ( kaikui istaino ) that are about to eat the mother of the Creator twins (Table C-1: line 5),3 as materialized in a basketry motif named kaikui ene kuliputp (jaguar is eating the tortoise) (Figure 5-3). Figure 5-3. Basketry motif named: jaguar is eating the tortoise ( kaikui ene kuliputp ). The rectangle represents the tortoi se between the paws of a styl ized jaguar with curly tail. Jaguars as non-human beings are social others, and in essence dangerous killers, as are all non-Wayana ( kalipono ; compare with wtoto in Tlyo). Being a social other depends on ones perspective. To the Jaguars, for instance, Tort oise is a dangerous social other as in several Wayana narratives Tortoise kille d Jaguar (not published in this study). Other social others

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214 discussed in this study, and ther efore dangerous, are the ancestors and the ones responsible for death. Places of these dangerous social others are preferably avoided, but encountered in the cultural process of defining consanguinity, of defining sociability, of defining the self. Terence Turner (1985), in his st ructural analysis of the Kaya po myth on the origin of fire, outlined the role of jaguars as ambivalent mediating agents and source of transformation; becoming socialized, in other words, implies acq uiring the power to rep licate the process one has undergone, which is to socialize others (Tur ner 1985:97). Rather than simply stealing fire (through predation), according to Turner, one must understand how to replicate (transform) fire out of firewood. Among the Wayana, a simila r learning process of k nowledge gathering in the transformative process of the origin of fire was told at the conclusion of the Creator twin narrative (Table C-1: lines 56) wherein grandmother Toad explained, through trickeryin favour of deceit (Basso 1987)to her grandchildren how to make fire: They start to eat what has been cooked on the fire, no longer [cooked] in the sun (Table C-1: line 65), whereby cooking with fire is the cultu ral transformation of raw food (Lvi-Strauss 1964, 1969). Whereas the jaguar leads the boy into ma nhood (Turner 1985:64), the total ab sence of reciprocity between jaguar and man leads to the elimination of th e jaguars wife (Lvi-Strauss 1969:83), which in turn resonates in the Wayana Creator twin myth where the Jaguars are invited to participate in the upcoming initiation ritual to lead the boys into manhood, at which point (when the Creator twins realize that they are the children of the one killed by the Jaguars) they kill the Jaguars by collapsing the roundhouse (tukusipan ). Rather than conducting a st ructural analysis of myth, I will briefly address these and other Wayana na rratives to outline Wayana perspectives on mothers and social others, and how to manage continuity through cha nge and transformation.

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215 Discourse on change, transformation, and jagua rs in Amazonia, evokes the notion of the shaman. Linguistically, the indigenous term for s haman is often similar to the term for jaguar, for example in Tukano both are named yee or ya (Reichel-Dolmatoff 1975:101). The case of the jaguar/shaman is the most ma nifest expression of the fluidity of the body in Amazonia. The shaman embodying the jaguar is twofold: by mean s of jaguar skin body pa inting the body of the shaman becomes a jaguar skin; or the shaman can wear jaguar body pa rts such as jaguar pelt or jaguar teeth incorporated in a n ecklace and thus appropriating jagua r body parts. It has to be mentioned that the Amazonian term paj or piaii (Whitehead and Wright 2004:2), pag (Thvet 1557; Narby and Huxley 2001:13), piay (Biet 1664; Narby and Huxley 2001:16), and pjai in Wayana ( pija = Harpy eagle; Harpia harpyja ), became known to the European audience before the introduction of the term shaman (Petrovich 1672; Narby and Huxley 2001:18). Moreover, when Avvkum Petrovich introducedf rom Siberiathe concept of shaman he stated this notion as a verb: to do the shaman (ibid.). In Wayana tjumkai (root is jum = father; je [mother] is the root in tjei = roasting) can be translated wi th to do the shaman. For these reasons, I am reluctant to use th e term shaman (also because of the ladenness of the term) and advocate, for Amazonia, the use of pjai, piaii (Carib) or paj ( lngua geral of Amazonia). In the second part of this chapter I will di scuss and evaluate the role of the Wayana pjai managing the flow of history, interpreting changes entrenched in conflicting versions of traditional institutions, and hence maintaining th e continuous change or changing continuity generating new meaning in the process. In the first part I will focus on the reproduction of Wayana society, including topics as birth and marriage (taken place out-of-sight of the public), as well as mortuary practices in conjunction with public initiation rituals (performed in overt spaces, facing social others, comparable to the Creator twin myth) as discussed in the next

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216 chapter. Society is not static as life changes continuously for the reason that it is situated in a constant dying and transforming into something else. Wayana have philosophized on these themes and formulated a discourse on reproduction of society in the narratives of Mopo and Kuju li (Creator Twins) and Kulum (King Vulture) in order to make sense of these concepts. Religion as providing a meaningful existence (DeLoria 1992) is coded in social and economic reproduc tion. Reproduction of both social (rites of passage) and economic (manioc production) aspects of society, are at the heart of narratives of Mopo and Kujuli (Creator twins) and Kulum (King vulture). Finding a wife (note the male perspective in these two myths) and giving birthwhich will cau se kinship organization to be reassessed and the kinship system to shift one ge nerationare natural-domestic events rooted in continuous cycles. With regard to Wayana religion, Jean Hurault stated that the spiritual side of Wayana culture cannot be considered to be a religion; its basis is a ki nd of natural science, aiming to control the spirits of nature (Hurault 1968: xiii), then again a great part of the customary way of life is kept up fervently and w ith conviction, especially the initiation rites of adolescents (ibid.: xiv). Before evaluating the cultural-public initia tion rites in the next chapter, I will first outline local natural patterns of kinship and affinity. 5.1.1 Mopo and Kujuli: the Creator Twins Jules Crevaux (1993:129 [1881]) first noted that Wayana do have a God who made everything, and who lived after his death high above the clo uds, and it was Henri Coudreau (1893:548) who first wrote down the name of this God: Couyouri [= Kujuli]. Rather than a single supreme deity, Kujuli, together with his elder brother Mopo, are twins as they are born from the same egg string.4 Discourse on Kujuli was first de scribed in detail by Claudius de Goeje (1941:76-82) who recognized that his series of Creator Twin narratives was far from complete. Additional myths rela ted to the Kujuli cycle are recently published by Jean Chapuis

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217 (Chapuis & Rivire 2003) and together with other versions (e.g., Boven 1999; Schoepf 1985), there exists a wide-ranging variet y of narratives pertaining the Wa yana Creator Twins. Let me recapitulate the main actions of Mopo and Kujuli, part of a larger cycle of myths: Long ago there was Mopo Kujuli. They were s till in the belly of th eir mother Kuliputp when they said Hide us with our grandm other Pl for Mopo and Kujuli were already knowledgeable. Grandmother Toad did hide the children (while they were still in their eggs) under a large ceramic vessel oha. When the jaguars Istai no appear, after they have already eaten mother Tortoise ( kaikui ene kuliputp ), they cannot find Mopo and Kujuli. Then Grandmother Toad raises the twins in her garden where she has a small house. She gives them cooked food, for it is toads who have fire. M opo and Kujuli are playing like children and they make a small tukusipan. Grandmother Toad made some cassava beer. The next morning there had materialized a monumental tukusipan with lots of beer. Then they said to their grandmother they want ed to be initiated. Mopo goes to the village of the Jaguars to invite them for the big ga thering. The Jaguars are invited, and asked to make feather headdresses olok, to play the fl utes waitakala and to sing the songs kalau. Later, when the Jaguars have arrived in the village of Mopo Kujuli, Kujuli starts to play the flute mlaim amohawin and thunder is heard. Mopo plays the same flute and thundering increases. When they dance, raining starts. Kujuli invites the Jaguars to shelter in the tukusipan. Then Mopo and Kujuli remember that the Jaguars had eaten their mother Tortoise and they make collapse the t ukusipan and all the Jaguars were killed. The block text above is a shortened version (a nd translation only) of the Wayana myth of Origin (see Appendix C: Mopo Kujuli). Wayana say Mopo and Kujuli were raised by their grandmother Toad since their mother Tortoise wa s killed by the Jaguars. The social relations mentioned in this narrative have already b een discussed above. That every novice ( tpijem ) is experiencing the social memory of Mopo and Ku juli while dancing and playing the flutes, hence materializing social memory through performance, will be further discussed in the next chapter. In 1999, Kilian Tuwanaik5 elaborated on the story of Mopo Kujuli and told me that after the events discussed above, Kujuli was bitt en in his left breast by a caterpillar ( luk ). This suppurating wound ( lek ) resulted in a womens breast, and ever since Kujuli had cassava to eat. Kilian continued his narrative that Kujuli went sitti ng in the middle of a garden plot that he had cleared.6 When Kujuli died, while sitting in the center of his garden plot, he told his elder

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218 brother Mopo to return in six months. When Mopo returned after six months, all garden products had grown: manioc, banana, sugarcane, pineapple, sweet potato, everything, and Kujuli told Mopo how to process these produce. I asked Kilian if Mopo had a wife to do this work. Indeed, Mopo needed a wife to process the gard en products, replied Kilian, and told me the story how Mopo created his wife (pers. comm. 1999): First Mopo took a calabash tutp ( Lagenaria siceraria ) and put his penis in it. His sperm got in th e calabash and a fetus started to grow inside the calabash.7 However, the calabash was too small and broke. The fetus died. Secondly, Mopo modeled a wife out of beeswax (molopi ), but she melted under the searing sun. Thirdly, a wife was modeled out of rubber ( palakta ), but she would curve under the heavy weight of the backpack ( katali ) filled with manioc tubers. Mopo finally succeeded in copulating with a tapir. Nine months later, a little tapi r girl was born and after some years she was big enough to perform her tasks. In a sense, Wayana are descendents of the Tapir, or Tapir-people (Paiyana in Tlyo). Overhearing our conversation from a nearby hamm ock Elina, Kilians wife, interjected: if you want a wife, you will have to capture a small king vulture and wait till she becomes adult (pers. comm. 1999).8 Linguistically, Wayana relate kin and pets ( ek ; iwek = my kin; jek = my pet). The latter term is also used for the guardian of the tpijem ). In a spatial, yet timeless drawing by Ronnie Tkaim (Figure 5-4), summariz ing the basic elements for reproduction; the Tapir-girl next to the tukusipan with on the other side the King vulture-girl, among others, with in the foreground Mopo straightening his arrow in cooking fire next to whic h also sit his parents and grandmother Toad. Moreover, mo ther Tortoise is depicted (on either side of her husband) in her anthropomorphic as well as in her zoomorphic being.

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219 Figure 5-4. Mopo (left) and Kulum (right) with their family (Ronnie Tkaime 2000). Mopo with his parents and grandmother Toad, surrounde d by the tapir-girl, king vulture-girl, howler monkey-girl, and others in front of the community roundhouse tukusipan. 5.1.2 Kulum: King Vulture and the Man Without a Wife Relationships between a husband and his in-laws (affines) are not discussed in the Creator twin narrative, yet this is a vital theme in, am ong others, the story of the King vulture (Appendix C: Kulum).9 Henri Coudreau (1893:209, 533, 548) refers on three occasions to Kulum. First occasion (ibid.:209) is during a consultation on sham ans, Masters of the Animals, and the evil spirits jolok Coudreau refers to it as catechism (ibi d.). His Wayana informant (Acouli) said that these spirits live like pe ople in a big house, and they have an Elder named Couloun [= Kulum], who is giving rain (i bid.). Second reference on Kulum is more detailed since, as Coudreau stated himself, this information came from a religious author ity with high-quality

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220 theogonic knowledge: Marire [Mari, Masili], a Ouayana pur (true Wayana) (ibid.:544).10 Masili, as repayment for his knowledge, request ed a hammerless-greener rival worth 800 francs and Coudreau was so astounded by this request that he wrote it down in his monograph and never again requested informati on from religious specialists.165F11 Masili stated that jolok is the father of Kulum and that jolok is white, and he went on to say that piayes roucouyennes [= Wayana shamans] go up into the sky, to Kulum, to dance and to eat (Coudreau 1893:533). They do not drink. It is here where pjai go [at night, to consult in order to cure the sick]. The common man does not go to Kulums place. Kulum is white-grey and he has a cousin who is black, named Aouira [= awla ]. Awla is the assistant ( peito ) of Kulum; he hunts for him (ibid.).166F12 Concluding that Kulum is old, does not have hair on his head, is small, and does not work (ibid.). He smells horrible. He devours the bad pjai except for their stomach. Kulum is half Indian (ibid.). This last statement can be perceived in two manners: Kulum is like an Indian, having a house and da ncing like people do, that is, humanity as the common condition of both humans and animals (rhem 1996; Descola 1986:120; Viveiro de Castro 1998). Or, Kulum is actually a human being ( Homo sapiens sapiens) clothing himself with the vultures feather cloak to fly up into th e sky. Wayana tried to explain this narrative on Kulum and the man-without-a-wife to de Goeje (1941:84) who wrotereferring to Coudreauthat in the sky above us are Kulum (very large vulture, Gypapus papa [= Sarcoramphus papa]), Wantingk (smaller vulture) and Aw la (smaller vulture) ; these are Wayana; when they come down to eat they put on their feather cloak. To this sky also belong the stars (my translation).167F13 Complicating the myth analysis is that in the narrative of Kulum and the man-without-a-wife ( Kulum eitoponp Wajana ehet Iptmn ) both modes appear.

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221 Plkas version of the king vulture story (Appe ndix C: Kulum), resonating with de Goeje, indicates that king vultures have a cultural life, similar to human beings, and that king vultures (in order to eat) put on their f eather cloak when they fly down to earth where humans perceive Kulum as bird. Feather cloaks are an instrument to fly in the sky. As the (human) husband does not have the habit ( epamla ) of flying, his king vulture wife first perches on a high branch from where she will subsequently support them in acqui ring this habit by flying under them (Table C2: lines 67). Earlier in this narrative, the (human) husband pr ovided his pet king vulture (his wife-to-be) with food every day to domesticate her, to provide her w ith the domestic habits ( epamthw ). Next the king vulture girl learns how to process cassa va in the manioc squeezer ( tinki ), where the man perceived from afar a beautiful girl as she had left he r feather cloak in the house (ibid.: lines 35). After a qua rrel, the man gave his loincloth (kamisa ) to the girl so the girl was well dressed (ibid.: line 46). This variety of corporeal envelopes (in this case king vulture feather cloak and human loincloth; in ot her narratives howler monkey fur coats, etc.) serve as interchangeable power tools endowing the body with a certain habit. Association between habit (custom) and clothing (costume) is even rooted in our language as a habit is a distinctive set of clothing worn by members of a religious order. This part of the Wayana narrative of Kulum is in line with the notion that the manifest form of each species is a mere envelope (a c lothing) which conceals an internal human form (Vivieros de Castro 1998:470-471), th en again, in the Kulum story it is also stated that the girl resembled a person who had ju st endured her initiation ( tpijem mtp ), as her head was bald (Table C-2: line 37), hence a bodily reference to the natural state of a king vulture (Figure 5-4 right). Embodied knowledge which has become habitual behavior (a second nature) is physically incorporated in the body. This is why Peter Rivire concluded with behaviour is a

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222 better guide than appearances as What You See is Not Necessarily What You Get (Rivire 1994:261, 256),14 but these corporeal envelopes (cloths ) are not covering or masking an internal essence of a human t ype (Viveiros de Cast ro 1998:482). Linguistically, grammar can express truth and knowledge with the suffix ~ me (Carlin 1999), so that what you hear is what you get, for instance at the conclusion of the Kulum narrative when it is said about the (human) husband in a feather cloak that he is Kulumm e (like a king vulture) (Table C-2: line 116). Differentiating between various species (human and non-human) while t he spirit/soul of humanity is a given condition (rhem 1996, Vive iros de Castro 1998), turns inside-out the Western tradition following Linnaeu s, where all species (including Homo sapiens ) are in essence biologically natural. As demonstrated in various Wayana narratives (not all published in this work), difference between dissimilar species (such as human beings, king vultures, howler monkeys, caterpillars, etc.; portray ed as affine relationships), is a dangerous interrelationship that, when mocking the habits of the social other will cause chaos and disorder while rebooting the natural syst em of difference within a so cial field of interaction. 5.1.3 Visible During a Starry Night Interconnectedness between Kujuli and Kulum is best visible at night when gazing at the constellation of Orion. Orion has earlier been identified as the center of the house in the sky (Figure 4-19), and de Goeje (1941:77, note 1) wrote in a footnote that Kujuli is the younger brother of the South Amer ican twin myths, while the elder brot her is possibly related to the first shaman and the man-without-a-thigh, that is: the constellation of Orion (Fi gure 5-5). In Wayana, Orion is named ipetpn (the-man-without-a-leg), similar to the Kalia name Epetembo (Magaa 1988; Jan Stjura pers. comm. 1996).169F15 There appears to be a play of tropes between the names of Ipetpn (the-man-without-a-leg) and Iptmn (the man-without-a-wife) whereby the latter, not insignificantly, had be en shot in the leg by an arrow ( plu ) while wearing the

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223 feather cloak (hence double head ed: one human head and one ki ng vulture head) (Table C-2: lines 94; Figure 5-6). It ha s to be noted that where Iptmn raised a king vulture as his wifeto-be, the information on whether Kuju li had a wife is rather incongruent.16 It goes beyond the present study to conduct an in-depth pan-Amazonian myth analys is, other than I will provide a new perspective that will allow revisiti ng prior ethno-astronomical myth analysis. De Goeje continued his discourse on Wayana worldview in sta ting that above this sky [of Kulum] is a second sky; this is Tukuima-pata, place of the Tukuima s This is also the sky of Kujuli, Mopo and Plikaman (de Goeje 1941:84; all translations of de Goeje are mine).171F17 Next, de Goeje elaborated that Kuju li dwells on a beautiful large rock with many wasps (ibid.:120). Wayana cosmology thus consists of a multilayere d cosmos, wherein above the sky of Kulum is the sky of Kujuli. Wayana today refer to this sky as Kujuli pata (place of Kujuli i.e., the hereafter). Late pjasi Pleike told Chapuis ( 1998:583) that in this land of Kujuli there was no rain, no clouds, no sun, other than it was always bright. In the narrative of the Creator twins, after the roundhouse ( tukusipan ) collapsed, it is stated that M opo was already in the sky (Table C-1: line 51), with Mopo (or Kujuli) embodying the constellation of Orion in the center of Kujuli pata However, the narrative on Kulum and the man called Iptmn (man-without-a-wife) concluded that he leaves forever into the sky (Table C-2: line 113), that is, the man-withouta-wife will forever be perceived in the stars as the constellation of the King vulture, identified as Orion. From an essentialist st andpoint the constellation of Orion can only be identified with one or the other myth, however from a Wayana (Amazonian) perspective the places of Kulum and Kujuli are located one above the other, and when seen from earth below they appear superposed in the constellation of Orion (Figures 5-5 and 5-6). Gazing at Orion, and perceiving

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224 the stories of Mopo and Kujuli (Creator Twins) and Kulum (King vulture), intertwines the reproduction of both social and ec onomic aspects of sociality. Figure 5-5. Orion as Kujuli (background of figure 5-6 at a 90 degree angle). Figure 5-6. Orion as the constellation of Kulum (double headed King vulture). Orion: scientific and vernacular terminology Jalamatatp (= lower jaw) In: Hyades Kujuli In: Orion mmntp (= former shelter) plu (= arrow)

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225 When we perceive Peter Roes (1982)18 considerable study of The Cosmic Zygote to map an Amazonian mythical interaction sphere root ed in a structuralist model; the King vulture (Ancient Eagle [Roe 1982:128]), is mapped in the West together with female, black, and death. King vulture is in opposition to Ha rpy eagle depicted in the East together with, male, white, and birth. Lvi-Straussian structuralism did not sugg est binary oppositions in and of themselves, but rather a series of transformative oppositions amidst all the elements forming a whole. Instead of a cataloguing taxonomy with fixed typological units we need to seek dynamic processes within the structure, say, King vultures do descent for car casses, nevertheless, the main theme of the King vulture discourse is not death, but rather reproduction of society. 5.2 Between Grand-Parents and Grand-Children In the Creator Twin narrative, when Tortoi se gives birth to her children, her mother becomes grandmother to Mopo and Kujuli. It should not be overlooked that once a daughter gives birth to a newborn, the da ughter now becomes a mother a nd the mother of the daughter becomes a grandmother to the newborn, resulti ng in a shift in kinship terminology. In other words, kinship system is not static: the output of the formula (i.e., a grandchild) becomes a new input ( ego self). Hitherto I elaborated upon the inadequacy of maps as maps lack spatial narratives, and in a similar vein, kinship charts render personal historie s motionless. Kinship systems, in practice, will sh ift throughout succeeding generations, resulting in continuous dynamic dialectics, calibrated by the nurtu ring relationship between grandparents ( tamusi and kunumusi ) and grandchildren ( ipa ). 5.2.1 Kinship Terminology Before I continue with an outline of birth and marriage among the Wayana, followed by an exposition on ancestors and eschatol ogy leading into a discussion on the pjai managing change and continuity, I will briefly elaborate on Wayana kinship term inology. Wayana consider other

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226 Wayana as iwek (my family)19 calibrating the structure at the +2 generation with grandparents (term of reference: tamusi and kunumusi or inot for respectively grandfather and grandmother, term of address: tamo and kuni ), and at the -2 generation with grandchildren ( ipa for both genders).174F20 Hurault made a study of the Wayana kinship system wherein he concluded that: until recently, each village corresponded to a distinct group of kin. Wayana reckon their relationships through two lines, the paternal and maternal Marriage is prescribed with one of the classificatory cross-cousins. Results of this marriage system is to combine patrilineal and matrilineal segments in one kin group. The group set up may, at least in theory, live completely endogamously, a principl e which seems to have been until recently the very basis of social life among the Wa yana. The exogamous marriage was admitted only if an endogamous marriage was impossible. In all cases residence was matrilocal (Hurault 1968: xiii). On the next page, Hurault stated that this traditional system declined two generations ago. Endogamous marriage is being increasi ngly abandoned [and] there is no longer a fixed rule of residence, each individual fo llows his personal prefer ences. The kin group, thus dismembered, has ceased to be the basi s of social organization (Hurault 1968: xiv). Whereas Peter Rivire (1984:38) criticized Huraults rather inappropriate use of Africanist terminology (Hurault worked mainly among Maroon populations, i.e., descendents of African slaves), Rivire does not question his statement of deg radation of the Wayana kinship system (Hurault 1968:38) as it was assumed th at the traditional system (assumed endogamy in matrilocal kin groups) declined and became abandoned during the 1950s and 1960s rather than trying to understand a Wayana logi c of their socio-polit ical organization, as explored throughout this study. Jean Hurault (1968:19-39) made an ef fort to describe the social system of the Wayana, concluding that the recently immigrating people of Massili (sociopolitical implications of this immigration have been discussed above [Chapter 3.4]) were most truthful to the traditional endogamic structure with preference to cross-cousin marriage and prohibition of marriage of classificatory sisters, mothers, and daughters based on a parallel patrilineage and matrilineage structure. As example of a contemporary trend to a loose structure of fusion and fission, Hurault (1968:36-38) pres ented the settlement of Touank that is the settlement of

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227 granman Twenke. Today, most Wayana follow th e uxorilocal post-marita l residence structure (for instance the case of Espra nce), however, it is sons and gra ndsons of village leaders (i.e., those who are potential future village leaders in a hereditary system; the powerful) who remain in the village of their parents af ter marriage (patrilocal post-marita l residence structure; such as the case of Aimawale Opoya), as noted elsewh ere in Amazonia (Viveiros de Castro 1992:375). Table 5-1. Wayana age scale age 60 + tamusi (vocative: tamo ) kunumusi (vocative: kuni ) 35 + tamusimanme (vocative: tamo ) kunumusimanme (vocative: kuni ) 30 twantak ikatp (individual [m/f] who knows, who is respectful) 12 + imjata (age to become tpijem ) waluhmame (age to become tpijem ) 10 mule (vocative: kami ) jemsi (vocative: kami ) baby pijukuku pijukuku Village elders are referred to as tamusi (grandfather) and kunumusi (grandmother). A true tamusi or kunumusi is over sixty years of age, yet 35-pl ussers can also be addressed with the vocative tamo (grandpa) or kuni (granny) (Table 5-1). Wayana sa y that a person is fully mature at 30 years of age, when s/he is knowledgeable and respectful. Kami is the general vocative for a child, with as term of reference: peitopt or pitani (plural: peinom ). Children under the age of ten are generally referred to as jemsi (girl) or mule (boy).21 At twelve years of age, i.e., the age to become a tpijem (novice), adolescent boys are referred to as imjata and adolescent girls as waluhmame (maiden). Once a woman has give n birth, she is referred to as tipijutp A parent who has lost a child, even while she stil l has other children, is referred to as jenp (literally: former mother). A boy who has lost his mother is referred to as mulenp (literally: former boy), and imjatame once adopted ( tuwantanphe) by a grandparent.176F22

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228 Figure 5-7. Wayana kinship term inology from a male (left) and female (right) perspective. Wayana kinship terminology (Fi gure 5-7) does not distinguish between brothers and sisters ( akon = similar other), apart from the elder sister who is called tasi As (classificatory) brothers and sisters are akon (other) they refer to their brothers -in-law and sisters-in-law as husband ( mnerum ) and wife ( ipt ). All women in the 0 and -1 generation are referred to as wlsi (girl).

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229 A woman refers to her husband and her brother-in-law as mnerum (husband), and it is not uncommon for Wayana to remarry a first husbands (classificatory) brother. Wayana kinship terminology, based on the classifi catory brothers/sisters and classificatory husbands/wives, breaks down into two basic structures of consanguine and affine relations. The consanguine organization in cludes brothers/sisters ( akon = similar other), children of a classificatory mother ( je ; term of address: mamak ) and a father ( jum ; term of address: papak ) or a potential father (japo = fathers brother [akon to father] and mothers sisters husband [mnerum to mother]). Consanguine kinship terminology is similar in male and female perspectives (Figure 5-7), but kinship terminology differs in the affine relationships. Affine organization (different others) is centered on, from a male perspective, kono (brother-in-law, term of reference for men; term of address: ipam ) who is married to a classificatory sister ( akon or tasi ), and, from a female perspective, jelut (sister-in-law, term of referen ce for woman) who is married to a classificatory brother ( akon = similar other). Parents of the classificatory husband/wife and kono/ jelut are named konko (father-in-law and mothers brother; term of address: wo) and wotp (mother-in-law and fathers sister; term of address: wotp ). The graphs below chart the Wayana kinship system from a male a nd a female perspective (Figure 5-7). This Wayana kinship system is rooted in what Claude Lvi-Strauss (1968 [1943]) called the brother-in-law institution based on his re search among the Nambikuara where the social other must be determined as an affineas a (potential) brother-in-law (materialized when ego marries the alter mans sister)expressing the political dilemma of uniting two groups in kinship terms. Lvi-Strauss never grounded kinshi p in biological reprodu ction (cf. Schneider 2004) and manipulations of kinship taxonomies fu lfill a political functi on (see also Bourdieu 1990: chapter 2). I will therefore focus on th e postulation of political means to produce

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230 reciprocal social relati ons with the social otherrooted in the work by Lvi-Strauss (1949)as identity emerges in the context of alterity, and so cial interaction is therefore politically loaded. When kinship terminology and its manipulations re side in the political predicament of uniting two groups, kinship organization as a whole ought to be situated in the context of socio-politics. Figure 5-8. Cross-cousins a nd extended cross-cousins. Manipulations of kinship taxonom ies are least problematic in cross-cousin relationships, especially when these cross-cousin relations can be extended over more than one generation. As said by Jean Hurault (1968) and Paul Henley (1983/1984:176) Wayana do not marry their crosscousins, nevertheless, according to a Wayana em ic perspective they do. This discrepancy is situated in the notion of a cros s-cousin over a single generation: fathers-sisters-daughter/son or mothers-brothers-daughter/son. Wayana additionally calculate cross-cousin s (as well as parallelcousins, i.e., classificatory brother/sister) over more than one generationwhich I call extended cross-cousinsfor example, a fathers-motherssisters-daughters-daughter /son is, according to Wayana classification, a cross-cous in (Figure 5-8). (Extended) cross-cousins are classificatory husband/wife ( mnerum / pit ),23 which potential relationships ar e sometimes realized, such as when Tasikale married his mothers-mothe rs-sisters-sons-da ughter (Figure 3-13).178F24 That

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231 Anapaike married Janamales sister, and later Janamales daughter (Figure 3-13), facilitated future manipulation of (extended) crosscousin relations for political purposes. This model of extended cross-cousins is rooted in an uxorilocal orga nization where sisters remain with their mother while husbands move in, and children are raised by all women, calling their mother as well as their mothers sister mamak (term of reference: je ). As uxorilocal organization can be overruled in the case of (p otential) village leaders, I posit that there has been no degradation of the Wayana kinship system, other than researchers were not able to fit their data in conventional singular kinship mode ls. Hurault, I argue, had difficulty analyzing these kinship systems as he tried to fit lines of descent of the villages of Touank [= Twenke] and Massili [= Machiri, Alipoya] in matrilineages rather than in patrilineages as these where settlements of a Wayana granman (paramount chief). With regard to Huraults examples, the father of Massili, Anana, had been the most powerful tamusi (granman or chief) of the Jari (Hurault 1968:19), and Granman Twenke was the gr eat-grandson of Twanke (Touank) of whom Coudreau (1893:104) had stated that he was of an old roucouyenne [Wayana] family who since a long time ago provides tamouchis to the Roucouyennes of the Ma rouini and the Aletani (my translation). I will later elaborate on the concept of tamusi as paramount chief, other than I here want to bring to a close this section on kinship terminology with that the same noun tamusi is also the term of reference for grandfather, which led early ethnographers to believe that every village elder ( tamusi ) simply could become a leader ( tamusi ). 5.2.2 Birth and Marriage As the present study focuses on regional aspe cts of Wayana (Guian a) socio-political organization, rather than on local domestic ec onomies, I will only briefly outline how birth and marriage are grounded in the Wayana landscape. Birth and marriage, among the Wayana, occur out-of-sight of the public, without elaborate rites.25 To give birth, the mother-to-be sits on a

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232 wooden bench. Sitting on a wooden bench is a rare occasion for Wayana women as this privilege is conventionally reserved for men of high status. Facing the mother-to-be, the mother or mother-in-law proceeds as mi dwife. Once the child is born ( twkaktai ),26 the umbilical cord ( poni ewa) is cut (traditionally with a kulumuli -bamboo knife [Crevaux 1987:273]). The placenta (uponp ) is buried in a small pit, specifica lly dug for this purpose (Hurault 1968:54). During the day, this pit is dug at some distance from the house, howev er with a delivery at night the placenta might be buried next to a post of the house (e.g., Chapuis 1998:309). Parents have to restrain to a series of proscription ( tehenemai ). Only tiny fish ( opi ) and sun-dried cassava bread (sisiakan) are allowed to be eaten accord ing to Wayana lore; otherwise the child will die. Upon my arrival among the Wa yana in 1999, a Wayana girl was born. To pay respect to my hosts, I obeyed the proscriptions and restrictions. The following data is mainly based on my experience during the 1999 fi eldwork period. Food restriction to opi and sisiakan for parents at birth is similar fo r novices during their initiation, as well as for the next-of-kin in case of a death. Restriction to opi and sisiakan are therefore the quinte ssential rite-of-passage food proscriptions. Moreover, following Waya na lore, new parents are NOT allowed to: Make pottery ( liw ), because of the risk of breaking the pottery wh ich will cause the lower abdomen and female reproductive organs ( li ) to burst. Or boys will grow heavy. Shoot kunolo (scarlet macaw), otherw ise the baby will grasp for air when climbing. Weave basketry (wama ), otherwise the legs of the baby will be weak (as cane shafts). Shoot snakes ( ki ), or you will have a crying baby. Shoot kapau (red brocket deer), or the baby will grow spinning in its head ( lw ). Regurgitate cassava beer, or his child will have to vomit as well, which is not good. These and other restrictions are the reason w hy both parents prefer to stay at home in protection of their child, which habit is at the origin of the infamous couvades of Carib men (e.g., Crevaux 1987:272). Rather than being lazy, th ese new fathers are ac tively protecting their newborn baby. The mother is not allowed to bath the newborn baby ( piukuku) in the creek or river, in fear of water monsters grabbing the ba by and dragging it under water. Even the parents

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233 are not allowed to bath in th e river for several days. Gra ndmothers will bring water from a nearby creek to the house of the young mother, where the latter will sprinkle some water over the new born baby sitting on her knee. After a week, the baby may be bathed in the river. When the remainders of the umbilical cord detach from th e navel, the brothers a nd sisters of the newly born are requested to ea ch burn a piece of the pisa -broom in the hearth fire. The mother squeezes the burned pieces of the pisa -broom into carbon which she applies to the navel and the detaching umbilical cord. Then, feet and hands are massaged, and the head of the baby is massaged: the mother places her left hand to the back of the head, and the right hand on the front of the babies head. This is, Wayana say, to ma ke the babies head beau tifully round and small. Bead strings are tied below the knee and above th e ankles in order to make the calves of the lower leg big and strong. To protect the child, half a koja nut ( Anomospermum chloranthum ) is attached to a cotton string and hangs around the n eck of the baby. This nut resembles a sleeping dog guarding the child, and protecting the baby ag ainst monsters in the water and on land. When a newborn is considered to have a birth defect (e.g., a hare-lip), resembling a caterpillar or taken into the forest by a jolok (malicious spirit), the father or grandfather may decide to carry out infanticid e (for two examples see Chapuis 1998:444-445). The baby will be brought to a remote area (sometimes on an island) where a pit has been dug, and will be killed in its grave. Neither is it good, according to Wayana lore, to give birth to twins ( latome ), because people are not supposed to have a living mirror image. Wayana say it is best to kill both twins, because when only one is killed, th e other twin will constantly be re minded of fact that he is one of a twin (e.g., village leader Palimino is said to be depressed b ecause he is one of a twin). When the woman does not want to give birth, she uses a piece of bamboo to inflict abortus

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234 provocatus The fetus will be buried in the green zone around the settlement (twkaktai ; literally: being born) after which the woman wi ll remain in her hammock for several days. Wayana do not have birthday parties, other than schoolteachers recently introduced the concept of a birthday party. Due to the atten tion and gifts received, some children claim their birthday several times a year. Marriage is related to birth, in thatin the old daysa groom-to-be used a buried placenta to fish for a turtle that he had to present to his future parents-in-law. When a boy intents to marry a girl, he will converse with the parents of the girl. Her father will ask the boy for one of four delicacies:1) kuliputeim (large turtle, unidentified species); 2) ki taun (large snake that glides on the wind from tree to tree, un identified species); 3) crop of the kapauim (giant deer whose crop tastes like honey, unide ntified species); 4) head of atalekale (unidentified species; brain near its ear tastes as honey). Father a nd mother of the girl will consume these engaging sweets in private. There is no public gathering or other festivit y. The father will inquire his future son-in-law whether he has the knowledge of how to build a house, how to cut a canoe, how to slash a garden plot, and the like, and he may request his future son-in-law to build him a new house or a new canoe. A man has to be familiar with these practices, yet may learn these skills during his marriage. Only then, the boy may hang his hammock next to the hammock of the girl. The latter being a sign of marriage. Th ere is no exchange of rings or the like. Neither is there a public wedding ceremony. Marriage a nd birth occurring without elaborate rites out-ofsight of the public, in other wo rds a relation between a man and a woman in the natural-domestic mode, is illustrated in the King vulture narrative mentioned above (Appendix C: Kulum). Divorce is straightforward. Sign of an upcom ing separation is when a woman hangs her hammock in the house of her mother. Husbands may then pack their belongings and return to

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235 the village of their family, as the new couple gene rally resides in the villa ge of the girl (postmarital uxorilocal). With the eas e of divorce in mind, potential village leaders remain in the village of their fathers (post-marital patrilocal). Guiana societies are said to perceive the social other as dangerous, and one means to maintain a high degree of autonomy in a prefer red post-marital uxorilocal residence custom (i.e., safely near mother) is inte rgenerational marriag e (Rivire 1984; Henley 1983/1984), however, according to Paul Henley (1983/1984:174-175), Wayana and Apalai are the only Guiana societies that do not practice institutionalized inte rgenerational marriage. Instead of researching these anomalous Wayana and Apalai kinship systems (Henley 1983/1984), Paul Henley (2001) went to study social reproducti on among West-Guiana peoples in th e context of ritual, above all the ceremonial construction of the individual pers on vis--vis alterity. Possibly Henley did not conduct this study among the Wayana as social reproduction among Wayana (East-Guiana) in the context of ritual appears beyond a ceremonial construction of the individual person. The complexity, supralocality, and multifaceted Wayana initiation rituals will be presented and reassessed in the next chapter, first I will dwell in mortuary practices and eschatology. 5.3 Ancestors and Eschatology Birth and marriage, as briefly outlined above, are taken-for-granted from a Wayana emic perspective, they are, so to say, situated in the natural-domesti c realm. Mortuary practices, on the other hand, are situated in public discourse and performed in overt spaces, in what we may call the cultural-public realm. Among the Wayana it is not only the mourners who take care of the deceased body. As will be illustrated below, it is often the person who is dying influencing mortuary practices, and mortuary practices are situated in the re production of society. As I did not personally witness mortuary practices, I have to base this part of my study on ethno-historical accounts, Wayana discourse and open-ended in terviews conducted during my fieldwork.

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236 Mortuary practices on the whol e are a loaded topic that cannot simply be a topic of research during an initial visit. First opportunity to discuss mort uary practices with Wayana was in 1999. While Ronnie stayed at home to protect his newborn baby, I visited the neighbors of Awalakampu. My ethno-archaeological focus on arch itectural elements made me decide to aid Kilian Tuwanaik in building his new house at Awalakampu. In return Kilian and his wife offered me a meal, from which I was restrain t in the house of Ronnie and his newborn baby. Tnepo (a pjai ; above I explained why I prefer pjai or paj above the term shaman) visited the building site reminding us that an Apalai was buried at the place we were preparing for construction. This was my moment to ask: w hat if we touch the bones of the dead? This question sparked a vivid discussion of mortuary pr actices and eschatology. Another example of death situated in di scourse; November 28, 2000, heavy rain showers and wind gushes soaked many Wayana houses an d blew off some roofs of newly built structures. The day before, someone had di ed on the settlements on the island facing Antecume pata. Since this was the second death in this place, the settlement was abandoned and the houses remained standing. That night, before getting into my hammock, Sihmi (Ronnies wife) asked if I had re d lipstick. Since I did not have lipstick, she went to her niece who lived next-door to borrow red lipstick. Next, she began to draw on the faces of her husband, her children, a nd her proper face: red crosses on the checks and forehead, and a continuous lin e over the ridge of the nose. Similar facial painting was drawn by William Curtis Farab ee (1924: plate XL: A) among th e Waiwai. Reader of this study might understand that I did not wanted to be painted like Farabees Waiwai face painting A, with red lipstick crosses on my ch eeks, forehead, and a red line over the ridge of my nose. That night I ha d the strangest dream: my brother visited me in Leiden, and when we walked from the train station to Ca mpus, he kept but inviting me into diners, pizzerias, McDonald, and other pl aces to eat. My brother is not the person to go out and invite me for a good meal. I never had a dream like this, and it did not make any sense to me. That morning when I woke up, I aske d Sihmi why she had painted red lipstick crosses. She replied that the cross is the sign of jolok the trickster spirit. This facial painting, she continued, was to prevent evil jolok spirits to visit a pe rson at night after a death occurred, in the shape of a good friend and offer food in order to gain power over this person. I was speechless. My deductiv e academic reasoning did not understand how this was possible. Yet it made sense according to Wayana logic. Another day, around 1 AM, hooting of owls could be heard near the village. The owl left only to return around 5 AM. Ronnie went out of bed, took his gun, and fired a shot in the air.

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237 The hooting stopped. He had not killed this owl, merely scared it away. He informed me that pehp (Spectacled owl; Pulsatrix perspic illatta chapmani ) is the announcer of sickness and death, which is why these owls have to be sc ared away; so no death will be brought upon the village. If killed, another ow l will simply replace the one killed to announce imminent death. 5.3.1 Mortuary Practices in Discourse Tasikale Aloupki (brother-in-law of Kilian) con tinued this research of mortuary practices in the past, including what to do when a person t ouches the bones of the dead (Table C-4: line 14). Tasikale stated that when a person touches a skeleton while digging a hole to place a post, a pjai has to be invited immediat ely to mediate with the remains of the deceased person ( kepjetp ). When the pjai concludes there is an evil akuwalinp (invisible spirit ) in the grave, the building project has to be abandoned. Otherw ise the residents of the future house built over the grave will certainly get ill (ibid.: li ne:14-15). When there is no mediating pjai he who touches the skeleton will certainly die (ibid.: line:16). It is possible to build a place on a former settlement, yet the village can become uninhabitable due to the presence of akuwalinp and jolok Better is to found a new village where no people have been buried before (ibid.: line:1213). Let me quote the rest of Tasikales account on burial related affairs ( onamtop) in its integrity (Wayana version is incl uded in Appendix C: Table C-4): Long ago the Wayana buried the dead in the house. One also buried in the tukusipan [community roundhouse], but not anybody. Only th e village chief [can be buried in the tukusipan], because he constructed it. Also those who helped building [the community house], when they are dead, can be buried in the same place [for example, in the tukusipan of Janamale Kawemhakan are buried: Wejuku, Yakuman, Polina, and Wantapn. That is, their ashes had been collected in a cerami c vessel after cremation, and these vessels containing their ashes have been buried inside the community house]. It is only them who have this right. Then, when all chiefs are dead, all other people can move elsewhere. Some will see the chief of another village to ask can I settle here with you? to ask him a place to built houses. Some [former inhabitants] will built a village for themselves. When the deceased is dead, he will not be buried in the ground, but placed outside. But when the body decomposes, the village will sm ell bad. People leave the village because

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238 they do not like this carcassstench. Then, when a pjai (shaman) dies, the Wayana obey his word. The [pjai] dying will request: w hen I am dead you will not burry me, I will remain outside. When you treason with me then I will not agree with that. When I am outside [i.e., above the ground] than it is good. So they respect him and burry his body according to his last wishes; because they are a fraid of him [the pjai]. Because he [the pjai] will otherwise make arrive evil spirits; make arrive the jaguar, and many others. Because people are very fearful for [evil spir its] of he who has been buried (Table C-4: line:17-27). Wayana are frightened by evil sp irits of the dead, then again, Tasikale himself is eager to see the face of his maternal grandfather Tasika li who passed away before Tasikale was born. Based on a tour-like description by Tasikales mother, Tasikale, his sisters and brothers, and I, set out in 1999 to find the former village of Tasikali that had b een abandoned after his death in the mid 1970s. Retracing Tasikales mothers sp atial story (she said to follow the old hunting trail across from Kawemhakan. Left at the palms that must have grown out of the palm fruits Siwanka used to eat at the rim of the village. When arriving at the creek we must have crossed the village), we found the former settlement ( patatp ): several posts were still standing, others had rotten and fallen onto the ground. Amidst the posts, a depression was found in the forest floor where supposedly grandfathe r Tasikali had been buried. However, in 2003, when Tasikale, his father Aloupki, and the rest of his family, had slashed down the trees and subsequently burned this site to make a garden plot, the pr oper location of Tasikalis final resting place was located. Confirmation of the grav e was indicated by a metal trunk fill ed with red beads, just as Tasikales mother had indicated. Tasikalis final resting place became the center of the garden plot and was left untouched. Tasi kale intended to excavate the skull of his grandfather and hang this tamojetp (grandfather bone) it in a basket in his house; for he is eager to see the face of his maternal grandfather Tasikali, of his name-giver However, Tasikales father Aloupki (who is a pjai ) stated that it is not good to p lay with the bones of the dead. Tasikale indicated to wait till his father has passed away to excavate Tasi kalis skull, now that he knows its location.

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239 After conversations with Waya na elders, Tasikale told me about individual wishes requested prior to death (pers. comm. 2000). For instance, Nanuk (brother of Malavat [Kapauwet]) requested to be buried with his head above the ground wh ile facing the Aletani River, as he was fond of the vista over the river. Pjai Aloupki (Tasikales father), however, advocated that it is not good to be seated in a grave: it is bett er to be buried lying in a new hammock. Another example is the late powerful pjai Pleike who passed away between my visits of 1999 and 2000. When I returned in 2000 Tasikale told me th at the late Pleike (actually, Wayana do not name the recent dead, so Tasikale referred to him as he from across the river), had requested to be left alone; lying in his hammock in his house. Then, before he passed away (at the age of 73), Pleike requested all residents of his village to move to neighboring Twenke. I asked if I could see him from across the river as Pleike still appeared to be lying in his hammock. Pleike had said that all Wayana who would land hereand visit his placewould certainly die. Being very frightened of the spir it of the deceased ( akuwalinp ) that remains in the grave, Tasikale told me it was better not to visit that pl ace. So I did not, and was not able to see what Coudreau witnessed over a century ago just south of Pililipu: a skeleton hanging in, and enveloped by, a hammock ro cking in the wind (Coudreau 1893:119-120).27 Thus are the last wishes of Wayana. Seated, suspended in a hammock, or buried othe rwise, the walls of the burial chamber are covered with several opoto (mat woven from kumu palm fronds), so the deceased will not touch earth and sand. Planks from old ca noes served to cover the grave pit. Before the arrival of metal tools (axes, adzes, machetes, knives, and shovels) it was hard to dig a proper size pit to bury a person, so the corpse could be wrapped in a hammock and the enveloped body was placed in a posthole that had been enlarged for th is purpose (Kulijaman 2000. Table 5-2).

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240 Table 5-2. Pakolo etatp jaklken tonamhe (They buried him where used to be a posthole). Wayana omi English 1 Ma uhpakle, Wayana tlmphe aptau, twtawohanmai. 1 A long time ago, when a Wayana had died, they did not know how to burry. 2 kep tlmphe aptau, pakolo etatp jaklken tonamhe. 2 When a person had died, they buried him in a hole where used to be the post of a house. 3 Malal tonohanmai tkepkom tptpmhe ejahe twlmai ejahe pakolo etatp enek the. 3 First they tied up the corps for it would fit into the hole. 4 Malonme ml pakolo etatp tlmi ejahe peptamepsik kep. 4 Next they enlarged the posthole in order to contain the corpse that is a little big. 5 Enek tlmi ejahe anumna hapon lo awatop eitohme. Tohme wanma tkomomna lo awatopomna monkala. Malijamna hapamna ww tomomna hmelmne. 5 They did this for this was less effort. For they did not have tools to dig into the earth. No knifes, no machetes, no axes, nothing [no metal tools] at all. 6 Masike malhkulken kep tkepkom tonamhe ejahe. 6 Thus they buried the corpse like this although this is not ideal. 7 Tahkuken tonamhe holope tomomna esike. 7 But what to do to burry when one does not have shovels? Akuwali(np) and omole Let me briefly elaborate on two (or three) spirit concepts: akuwali ( np ) and omole When discussing mortuary practices with the Waya na, it appeared that characteristics of omole and akuwali ( np ) become apparent after death: omole goes to Kujuli pata, the place of the Creator Kujuli (i.e., the hereafter in the sky), whereas the akuwalinp, i.e., the former akuwali remains in the grave on earth. A corpse ( kep ) or skeleton ( kepjetp ) in the grave can be animated by akuwalinp, the former akuwali (invisible spirit) that has its counterpart in omole (visible spirit). Omole is a reflection, an image, a shadow.28 Wayana say that when one looses omole or if it is taken away, the body will grow cold; it is like a sweater you take off and you will get cold. Omole according to Wayana, leaves the body via the mouth at night as we dream. That is why one feels so cold at dawn, because omole intermingled with other sh adows traveling to far away places while dreaming. Early in the morning Waya na need to warm up slowly near the fire place, in order to let their omole return to their body. Base d upon information provided by the late powerful pjai Pleike, Jean Chapuis (1998:610) drew a processual scheme of the course of omole .183F29 What Pleike described seemed to be a fract al body as the parts of a new visible spirit

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241 is more than one, but less than two: a new omole is provided by Kuju li at conception while another part of omole is originating from an ancestor bearing the same name as the newborn; the good part of omole will rise up to Kujuli pata, where it can be recycled into a new omole provided by Kujuli at concepti on. When there is no more omole left in the body, the person is dead. When someone feels his last part of spir it is leaving him, he mi ght choose to lie in his hammock. The so-called fetusposition of the dead, in my perception, is a result of the body growing cold, and the person dying is naturally taki ng this position trying to keep warm, rather than a symbolic reference to reincarnation or rebirth. Death is accumulated sickness, according to a Wayana emic perspective, that is, during illness the patient loses a piece of his/her omole (shadow spirit). When you have a fever, and you feel cold while your body appears hot, your omole is leaving the body. The body is dead when there is no more omole left. It is not good to take pict ures of sick people, for the reason that omole the visible image, is captured in the pictur e, which this will leave the sick person with even less omole On the other hand, Wayana love to see pictures, for the very same reason that these are the omole of a (deceased) person. Omole goes up to Kujuli pata (place of Kujuli), i.e., the hereafter. Dying, according to Wayana lo gic, is a continuous process of accumulated sickness: la mort est donc un continuum (Chapuis 1998:524). Every time a person is sick, wounded, or beaten up, a part of his soul vanishes. Every time someone is sick he dies a little. When someone suffers a lot, or after a day hard work, Wayana say ilmpjai (he is dying). Evil part of a persons soul will fuse with akuwali (invisible spirit) af ter death, resulting in a good and a bad akuwalinp that will remain with the skeleton in the grave pit. The pjai may send his evil akuwali ( np ) into several animals with the intent to harm a person.30 According to Wayanaafter I mentioned the possibilitythe pjai does not transform in to a jaguar or other

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242 animal, he merely sends his evil spirit. When the jaguar, or any other animal, is killed, the akuwali of the pjai simply changes host to complete its task. Wayana say that if the pjai would become a jaguar, or transform into a jaguar, he would be killed when the jaguar dies. Worst is kutkutuli, the black hawk-eagle (Spizaetus tyrannus) that will seize the akuwali of people and make them slave: they will grow thin a nd eventually die. Powerful shamans ( pjasi) may revenge during their lifetime or after death as their evil akuwalinp remains on earth in the grave. Wayana say that burial of a pjai occurs, so his akuwali will remain in the grave as akuwalinp (former akuwali ) to be visited and consulted if nece ssary. These consulting visits may be conducted by successive pjai tom commoners, and even animals (Crevaux 1993:324).31 When a pjai dies, trickery malevolent spirit jolok, will remain in the grave as well. That a powerful pjai can sent his evil spirit into animals to harm people, resulted in the proscription ( tehenemai ) after life-crisis events to consume merely small fish opi and pasina ( Myleus ternetzi )because these small cold-blooded fish have little omole and akuwali This means that there is the slightest potential for a powerful shaman to send his evil akuwali ( np ) into these tiny fish. Small fish are therefore not dangerous, in contrast to large warm-blooded animals holding the potential to bear the evil akuwali ( np ) of a powerful shaman. Wayana illness, and ensuing death, is as much an individual experience as it is a communal phenomenon. When a person is ai ling, a relative is sent out with cigarettes to invite a knowledgeable pjai After sunset the pjai will arrive in the settleme nt of the patient and ask where the ailment is located. The pjai may blows on the fingers and to es of the patient; if there is a whistling sound, this means akuwali (invisible spirit) is present. By a lack of tone, the pjai makes the diagnosis that this patients akuwali is gone and has to be found. Search for the lost soul is performed at night in the pres ence of close relatives. Removal of a jolok ple (evil spirit

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243 arrow) sent by a powerful shaman, is of another order. When the jolok ple does not want to be removed, the ailing patient may consult a different pjai who owns different songs, and conducts different practices. Differentiati on among Wayana shamans is not grounded in a hierarchy; they are simply in communication wi th different spirits, resulting in a regional complex wherein several pjai are located, each in contact with different spirits. Today there are eight pjai in the upper Maroni basi n, namely one in Anapaike/Kawemhakan (Akoy), two in Talhuwen (Aloupki and Tnepo), one on the is land across from Kumakapan (Tukano), one in Pilima (Pilima), two in Antecume pata (Panapas i and Mekuwanali), and one in Malipahpan/Elae (Tamo), the latter is an Emerillon/Teko from the Ta mpok River. It is deni ed by Wayana that one pjai is better than the other; they are simply different. That pjai practice beyond the boundaries of their proper village is another line of evidence of re gionality in the Wayana social landscape. Healing is not only performed by the pjai There are several Wayana (male and female) who know lemi chants that are performed in curing ceremonies. These lemi chants supports curing of wounds inflicted upon th e carnal body, rather than phys ical illness. Many women know lemi chants and know recipes for herbal cure s, other than they are not considered pjai Many Apalai know lemi chants, and many lemi chants are sung in Apalai, including the ones published by de Goeje (1941) as Wayana. Aputu, father of Ronnie, knows lemi chants, but is not considered a pjai Just as different pjai master different methods to succeed, different lemi chanters know different lemi chants for different cures. Among the Wayana lemi chanters are not ranked hierarchically, other than they simply know different chants. When people have flesh wounds they go to an lemi chanter (male or female) proven to be effective in healing this kind of wounds, which is another line of evidence of regionality in the Wayana social landscape.

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244 Where lemi chanters reduce the carnal wounds (e .g., snake bites, sting ray dart hits, machete cuts), the primary task of a Wayana pjai as I see it, is to materialize the invisible Experiencing stinging pain described as if a knife is stabbed into the body (specifically into chest or leg) can be caused by a heart attack, apoplexy, or nerve problem. According to Wayana this stinging pain is caused by jolok ple the evil spirit arrow sent by a powerful shaman. Steam treatment (a pjai blowing smoke and massaging the indicate d place of stinging pain or the below described tonokai ) enhances blood circulation and a lleviates the pain. Next, the pjai may remove from the patients body (by mean s of an illusionary performance) a jolok ple now materialized as a pebble, bamboo splinter, glass, or other shar p object. As a result, it is concluded by the patient and her/his family that the pjai was successful in removing the jolok ple (evil spirit arrow). Then ag ain, a heart attack, apoplexy, or nerve problem may return, or even cause the patients death in which case the pjai will be accused of killing the patient. For example, when Ronnie had a stinging sensat ion in his right leg, he went to Tukano. Since the pain remained in his leg, he went to see Aloupki four days later. The stinging pain remained, yet shifted from his right thigh to hi s knee. Next, Ronnies mother Kali (Kali is a potter, not a pjai ) tried something else: tonokai Tonokai is the practice of a steam bath while the patient is suspended in a hammo ck: white quartzite river cobbles ( tpu ewu ) are heated in fire and subsequently placed below the place where the pain is situated. Then water is sprinkled over the boiling hot stones, resulting in hot steam circling up to the painful place in the patients body. This case of Ronnie occurred in December when the cold rains had just begun to fall. Particularly Ronnies in dication of a shift of jolok ple from the right thigh to the back of the right knee may indicate a hernia whereby the verteb ral disk is touching nerves to the right leg via the knee. Steam treatment might have supported blood circulation and alleviated the pain.

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245 Where my research focus in 1999, unintentionall y, had shifted towards birth (because of a birth upon my arrival) and mortuary practices (as a grave was indi cated on the site prepared for building a house), the 2000 field season was inte nded to expand on Wayana social memory and oral tradition on the maluwana (painted disk in top of tukusipan ) above all. Kulienp had agreed to narrate on the maluwana and on the motives depicted on it (Duin 2006; Chapter 4.3), but he first told two other stories: the first was about an Upului, and the second on grandfather Alili, who both returned from the dead. Mythstor y of Kailawabeginning with the killing of Kuluwajak, the main motif on the maluwanaappeared to be intrinsi cally grounded in a vital Wayana eschatology of life generated through death. Upului returning from the dead General eschatological prin ciplesand the question of death of an individual in conjunction with continuation of the communitya re stored in social memory by means of exemplary narratives, such as a possible return fro m the land of the dead in the narrative of a man whose name has been forgotten, only that he was an Upului (Wayana subgroup) (Table C-6: line 2). The Upului, whose name has been for gotten, intended to have a great drinking party ( tawokhe ) after which, he said, he would pass away. He declared to return after his death (Table C-6: line 5). He said to his friend not to be afraid, because he would return with their deceased family members (ibid.: line 7). The U pului gave directions on how to wash his body after he had passed away, and how to extinguish the fire that will be in his eye sockets and heart when he returns from the dead (ibid.: line 912). The Upului request ed to be cremated ( twahe ; kwaknai = cremate me) to be certain to return to earth (ibid.: line 22). His friend only replied that many of his friends had died, but they never returned (ibid.: line 14). Then the Upului died from an unknown cause; Kulienp, the narrator, sp eculated that his death might be in discourse ( tkatopke ), due to a natural wound ( tlkhem ), or possibly by an evil spirit arrow ( jolok ple )

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246 (ibid.: line 20). Respecting the last request, maybe out of fear, the deceased Upului was cremated (ibid.: line 27). The deceased Upului did not return that night, or the following morning. Mourners waited for three days and nights. He di d not return, but this is the day, so they return to their house in hiding (Table C-6: line 28-34). The third day,32 the Upului returns in the morning (ibid.: line 35). Nonetheless, the friend is too frightened by his friend returning from the dead that he remains hidden in the house withou t answering the Upului who has re turned from the dead (ibid.: line 35-50). Begging his friend all day long to wash him properly and extinguish the fire in his eyes, the Upului becomes furious that he declared to leave forever as apparently his friend does not love him truly (ibid.: line 51-66). Then he leaves with all the family members that he had brought back from the dead (ibid.: line 65-67). As the Upului had fo retold, people today cry, because they no longer are able to return from th e dead (ibid.: line 68). Based on this narrative, Granman Amapoti has expressed his will to be cremated when he passes away. Alili requests to be buried in the plaza Another exemplary story is that of Alili, grandfather of Kulienp the narrator, who requested to be buried in the plaza (Appendix C: Alili). Alili was a powerful shaman ( pjasi ) from the Jari. His cause of death is unknown. As he was a great shaman, it is suggested he was killed by a revenge action ( toimai ); Table C-7: line 1-2), an evil spirit arrow ( jolok ple ), or kwamai (flu; an epidemic disease incessantly reco rded by Crevaux [1881] and Coudreau [1893]). Alili did not die at once. Alili first requested to be buried in the middle of the village; in the community roundhouse tukusipan. Followed by a discussion with Alilis brother Aluwakali who replied that he would be unhappy in the comm unity house (Table C-7: line 4-7). Then Alili stated that he would not be buried in the tukusipan as there will always be children playing around searching for something (ibid.: line 8). Su bsequently, Alili requested to be buried in the

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247 plaza, and since he felt he is going to die he requested his brother to start digging (ibid.: line 910). Alili walked himself to his grave dug in the plaza (ibid.: line 11-18), yet he requested assistance to aid him in ascending his grave and to place supporting sticks behind his head and to properly place his legs and feet (ibid.: line 19-23), while he sits on his bench (ibid.: line 36). Alili stated he had already left, and asked the grave to be covered with old canoe planks that had been prepared for this purpose (ibid.: line 14, 24-25). Opoto mats are placed along the walls, to prevent the earth to touch the body of the deceased. The planks are covered with sand (ibid.: line 26-28). From within the burial chamber, Alili requests all to leave (i bid.: line 29-30). Three days later, the brothers return to the gr ave (Table C-7: line 3134). When they lift the planks, they witness an empty chamber. Not ev en the backrest or the bench is present, all his belongings were taken. What they see is a hole in the wall (ibid.: line 35-37); a hole similar to a giant armadillo hole which slopes deeper down into the earth (ibid.: line 38-40). Therefore, Alili was truly a powerful pjai (shaman) (ibid.: line 41-43). Then the relatives of Alili fill the empty grave pit with earth. They do not place the planks to maintain an empty chamber, but they fill the grave entirely with earth. That is the st ory of grandfather Alili, who was truly a great pjai 5.3.2 Cremated, Buried, or Abandoned Wayana mortuary practices encompass a wide array from cremation, burial (primary and secondary), and abandonment, with as variable inside or out side the house and/or village (Figure 5-9; Duin 2002). Main dis tinction in mortuary pr actice is based on the cause of death. In the case of an unforeseen deat h (e.g., suicide, tree fall, drowni ng) Wayana expect foul play by a powerful shaman or evil spirit, and the corp se will accordingly be cremated outside the settlement, or simply abandoned outside the village in the forest like an animal. Then again, next-of-kin may decide to bury the corpse. Alternatively, when a person feels his/her end coming (as illustrated in the stories of the Upului a nd grandfather Alili), the last wishes are to be

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248 respected and a person can be buried, cremated within the village, or abandoned within the house or settlement (e.g., the cases of Pleike, Na nuk, and Wempi). Where cremation or abandonment occur inside the village/house based on the last wishes of the deceased, cremation or abandonment occur outside the village (in the forest) in cases of unfores een death caused by dangerous forces (Figure 5-9). Figure 5-9. Mortuary practices among the Wayana. Detailed technical descriptions of Wayana mortuary practices, the grave, and cremation, have been published by Jules Crevaux (1881) Henri Coudreau (1893), Ren Grbert (2001 [expedition in 1937]), Willem Ahlbrinck (1956 [e xpedition in 1938]), Cla udius de Goeje (1941), Jean Hurault (1968), and Andr Cognat (1989). Unique is the 16 mm footage from 1937 depicting in moving images a cremation on the vi llage plaza, and even the soon to be cremated woman landing by canoe and walking up into th e village (de Goeje 1937; 1941:118-119). When I showed this footage to the Wayana it was articulated by elder wome n that this footage demonstrated that in the old days people were not yet truly dead when they were cremated. These accounts are far from complete and provide little insight on how this interrelates with

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249 Wayana religion and cosmology. Conversely, it goe s beyond the present st udy to provide a thick description of each mortuary practice. In most cases, possessions of the recently deceased will be deliberately destroyed; ritual ly killed (Chapman 2001). Prope rty of the recently deceased is broken, burned, or thrown into the river, as witnessed by Crevaux (1987:155 [1881]) and de Goeje (1937, 1941:118-119). In the old days it was undemanding to break pottery vessels, calabashes, bows and arrows of the dead. Nowadays, outboard motors, guns, and metal trade ware, are too valuable to be destroyed. No food is placed in the burial chamber, for Wayana believe that there is an abundance of food and cassava beer in Kujuli pata (place of Kujuli, i.e., the afterlife), though a dying person may ask for a gulp of cassava beer to complete the journey to Kujuli pata.33 Several arrows and a good bow may be placed next to the recently deceased, or jammed into the roof above his grave, with the intenti on that the visible soul omole of the deceased can hunt and fish in Kujuli pata. A dying person may ask for personal ornaments, utensils, and tools, that (s)he intends to bring to Kujuli pata. Tasikales story of an unna med Wayana is exemplary: Than he dies. He awakens: No, I forgot my knife, get me my knife! Than he dies. He awakens again: No I still want to drink a little, get me so me cassava beer! Than he dies (pers. comm. 2000). In this case the person awoke from death to re quest his knife, as he was uncertain if this metal trade ware would be available in Kujuli pata, as knifes and other metal ware were introduced in historical times, more recent than the mythical times of Kujuli. With regard to positioning of the body in burial, Ahlbrinck (1956:62) gave a direction of the head facing the setting sun. Alternatively, Chapuis (1998:620) stated that a good person does not have a prescribed direction of burial, yet a bad person is always faci ng the setting sun, so his omole will not get lost into the labyrinth.188F34 Then again, Wayana confirmed to me (pers. comm.

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250 2000) that the deceased may face his/her direction of choice; except facing the rising sun, since the visible spirit omole will be blinded and the dazzling soul will loose its way up to the afterlife. When the eyes of the deceased are blinde d by rising sun glare, the visible soul (omole ) will get lost and will never find its way to Kujuli pata. Next-of-kin will weep and cut their hair. Close kin will shave their head, while more removed relatives cut only a few centimeters of hair (e.g., Cognat 1989:225). When the hair has reached its normal length, the mourning period is over. Hurault (1968:66) indicated that about a year after interment, a second mourning rite took place named ttanopmei which was also done for those who were not able to a ssist at the initial burial. Elde rs do not like it when adolescents cut their hair short, voluntarily or due to military recruitment, because th is is a sign of mourning. Mortuary practices, as a rite of passage, consist of three phases: prliminaires [separation], liminaires [transition] et postliminaires [re-incorporation] (Van Gennep 1909:14). In his thorough study of rites of passage, Arnold Van Gennep (1909:234236) concluded that separation is often real ized by burning artifacts, house, goods of the deceased, and even the corpse or dead body itself. He went on to say that burial takes place in two stages: provisional and definitive. This margin al state, when a sense of communitas (Turner 1969) emerges, is a transformative in-between state with certain autonomy. Lying in their hammocks the sick and the dead are suspended in an intermediate posi tion between earth and sky, between being alive and true death (compare with Van Gennep 1909:266);35 a similar position (lying in a hammock) is taken by the tpijem (neophytes) after the rite of stinging (Chapter 6.3). Wayana marak and mortuary practiceslike initiati on rites in generalemphasize the marginal state of transition (Van Gennep 1909:272-273). These time-encapsula ted transition events become almost atemporal in their highly temporal contextual reorientation of social dispositions.

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251 Mortuary rites are a recalibration of life as we knew it, as are all life-crisis rituals by definition. During mortuary rituals, and in the case of the Wayana marak (Chapter 6.2, 6.3), arises the question of who inherits the social position of the deceased. During these life-crisis rituals in the cultural-public mode, there is a display of the condensed condition of a social persona as never possible in the natural-domestic mode. Re-incorporation for the next-o f-kin often consists of comm unal meals, whereas the reincorporation for the deceased c onsists of a return to the land of the dead. What better than combining re-incorporation of the living with the re-incorporation of the dead: communal meals wherein the deceased is incorporated by the next-o f-kin; also referred to as endo-cannibalism. Implied by a statement by Claude Tony, Roucouyennes [= Wayana] practiced endo-cannibalism in 1769: after cremation they remove all th e bones, and burn them to ashes on a ceramic griddle. These ashes are crushe d in a wooden mortar. They are passed trough a basketry sifter, and thrown into a large vessel full of common beve rage. They drink this beverage with the ashes during the same day, while they perform the ceremonies that are substantiation of their lament (Tony 1843:230-231; my translation).36 Only other reference to endo-cannibalism among the Wayana is by de Goeje (1941:119) who had h eard from someone who spent a long time among the Wayana (which brings into question th e accurateness of this testimonial), that tamojetp (the bones of the ancestors) were mixe d in a drink as medicine.191F37 Before addressing the bones of the ancestors (tamojetp ) in detail, which in turn is grounded in shamanistic practice, I will first outline, briefly, each mortuary practice, focusing on how these practices leave their footprint in the landscape while creating a place for the dead.

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252 Figure 5-10. Burial of pjiai Macuipi among the Wayana in 1878 (Crevaux 1987:270). Buried within the house Customarily, Wayana are buried within their home. Onamtop can be translated as burial related affairs, however onamtop also means hiding place after its root onam (to hide).38 That is, only the inhabitants of a house and those who a ssisted in building the structure can be buried in this house. After I had lent a hand to Kilian in building his house (see above), it was his wife who told me: Renzo, now you have a place to be buried here (pers. comm. 1999). With regard to the community house tukusipan : only the village leader, i. e., the owner, and those who assisted him in building this structure have the ri ght to be buried in the community house. When someone dies far from home, yet he requests to be buried in his own house, people will return his corpse to his house. Even when a person is buried outside the house, a small structure is erected to protect the grave and the corpse from the elements and scavengers, such as encountered by Jules Crevaux in 1878 (Figure 5-10):

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253 Macuipi, being a pjai that is to say a medical doctor [Crevaux, being a medical doctor himself, referred to shamans as colleagues], was not cremated as were the other mortals. Being lead to the burial place, I [Jules Creva ux] see a small hut [a structure erected to protect the grave] in the middle of which is a large pit of about two meters deep; at the bottom I noticed my former host lying in a hammock where he seemingly sleeps. The dehydrated body, stiff as parchment, is entirely painted red. His h ead is adorned with magnificent colored feathers, his forehead is gi rded with a crown made of caiman scales [symbol of Tamusi ] [macaw feathers are attached to his shoulder s as wings] around his neck is hung a small bone flute [ kapaujetp] and several small bags filled with colors [possibly to paint a maluwana]; I [Crevaux] perceive next to him a large vessel, but it is empty; the Roucouyennes [= Wayana] do not provide food to their dead [as the hereafter is said to be plentiful] (Crevaux 1993:270 [1881] my translation and interpretation).39 This place of burial is named tonamtop Nowadays, Wayana are buried in abandoned villages ( utetp) or graveyards ( tonamtop), a trend already noticed by Hurault (1968:62). Burying in graveyards is without a doubt a re sult of American Protes tant Missionaries who settled at Kawemhakan/Lawa station in the earl y 1960s and subsequent European influences. People from Kawemhakan/Lawa Station are buried in the initial settlement founded by Janamale, just south of the airstrip (Chapter 3.4). Wa yana of Twenke and Talhuwen are buried in the former settlement of Twenke, just south of Tal huwen. No Wayana is buried in the wilderness. Dimensions of the grave inside the house, as encountered in 1938, ar e reported as [long] the size of a human being over a meter deep with steep walls (Ahlbrinck 1956:48; my translation).194F40 Holes in the ground (e.g., postholes, p its, and graves) wereand still arecut into the ground by means of an ax and loose sand is removed using a calabash bowl. Graves are not filled with sand. Walls of the burial chamber are enclosed with opoto mats woven from kumu -palm fronds ( Oenocarpus bacaba ). Burial chambers are covered with sand over planks of tree bark (parts of old canoes as specified by Hurault [1968:64]) supported by several sticks horizontally placed one decimeter below the surf ace (Ahlbrinck 1956:48). Mats and planks are to prevent the corpse be soiled with sand and earth ( lo ). Bottom of the burial chamber may be covered with a floor of split stems onto which th e deceased squats (Grbert 2001:59), or sits on a

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254 little bench ( ahmit, kololo) or stool ( mjele ). With the body half seated, half laying, a wooden rest is placed behind the back (Ahlbrinck 1956:62). Even when buried in a hammock, a supporting plank is placed behind the head to hold the head in place (Hurault 1968:63). When there is a grave in the house, this w ill not have to be a problem, Wayana say. However, when a resident of the house gets sick, this might be the result of bad akuwalnp. A pjai will have to be asked to converse with the akuwalnp of the deceased. When the grave in the house appears to be of a shaman this cause s a problem, for it contai ns also evil spirits jolok. When many people pass away in a village this settlement will be abandonedas was the case with the village of Maipo at the mouth of the Lo where in 1938 five graves were found (Ahlbrinck 1956:48)for evil spirits remain in th is place. Therefore it is unspeakable for Wayana to return to these places where many grav es are located, resulting in avoided spaces in the Wayana landscape. Unless several deaths occur in a short period of time, or if the deceased was a pjai or village leader who had ordered hi s residents to leave, the house in which the tomb is located remains inhabited. Ren Grbert (2001 [1935]) wa s shocked by the fact that not only direct family continued living in this house, but also tr avelers may stay in the place where the grave is located (i.e., in the community roundhouse). Th e 1935 Grbert expedition stayed several days above the grave of the village leader Lavaud w ho had died one week prior (Grbert 2001:59). This confirms, once more, that the deceased is perceived as a traveler to the land of the dead, since it is travelers who stay in th e community roundhouse, and as such the tukusipan is a temporary resting place for the social other ( non-local, non-Wayana, or a deceased Wayana). The pjai will mediate between the living, the ailing, and the dead, in order to heal the sickness. Rather than perceiving illness as an isolated and sheer physical phenomenon, the pjai

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255 treats illness within the context of tensions and anxieties of interfamilial and social relationships. Healing of an individual is more than a mere corporeal healing of the physical being. It is a cerebral healing of the emotional being, the social being, a nd the social web holding the community together. Appalling influences ar e taken away to make place for sociability. Figure 5-11. Cremation among the Wayana October 23, 1876 (Crevaux 1987:153-155). Cremation on the plaza Cremation on the plaza was described and depicted by Jules Crevaux (1987:153-155; Figure 5-11), as witnessed on October 23, 1876, in th e village of Yeleumeu (Jari basin), and such a cremation was even filmed by Claudius de Goeje in the upper Maroni basin (1937, 1941:118119). Between 1952 and 1964, Jean Hurault (1968: 62) noted 13 cremations among 40 adults which is about one third (32.5%) of the adult Wa yana population mortuary practices. According

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256 to pjai Tnepo (pers. comm. 2000), a pjai ) can be cremated, as was the case with the murdered Alemn from the Jari who was cremated in a pyre ( tpihme ) constructed with stems from the kumu -palm (Oenocarpus bacaba).41 Tnepo continued that stems from the kumu -palm scatter in fire (rather than simply burn and break) and a pjai is fond of wood that bursts open during his cremation. According to Grbert (2001:58), a pyre measures about one meter square with a height of 0.8 meter. The body is placed half seate d, half lying, within th e pile of wood; like a bird in his nest (Ahlbrinck 1956:62). Crevaux (1993:324) stated that the spirit of the dead will ascend with the smoke.196F42 Smoke will unswervingly bring the visible soul omole (i.e., skin and soft tissue of the body) up to the land of the dead ( Kujuli pata ). Motivation to return to earth after death, as did the Upului in the above cited narrative, may put into practice the request to be cremated, as is the reque st of granman Amaipot. Secondary burial of the ashes may occur. As hes and cremation remains are collected in a ceramic vessel, which is subsequently buried in the house of the deceased (Grbert 2001:58-59; Cognat 1989:225).197F43 Hurault (1968:63) specified that as hes and bone remains were collected after two days only, and placed inside a cassava squeezer ( tinki ). This basketry cylinder, in its turn, was folded in two and buried horizontal ly. Additionally, crem ation remains may be collected in a canister, cloth, or woven mat, and buried under the house (Ahlbrinck 1956:63). Other than burying, the remainders of a cremati on, collected in a ceramic vessel, may also be guarded at the crossbeams of the house of th e deceased (Crevaux 1987:1 55) or the community roundhouse, or even mixed in a beverage, as men tioned above. Burial of the ashes grounds the dead in the Wayana landscape. Outsiders While dying, the prospective deceased requests what has to be done after his/her death; whether (s)he has to be left sleeping in his/he r hammock, and whether the village has to be left

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257 by all residents; whether (s)he has to be buried, or whether (s)he ha s to be cremated. All depends on individual choice. In general, for Wayana fear evil spirits, th e deceased is treated according to her/his last wishes; especially when the deceased is a powerfu l shaman. When it is no longer possible to ask the deceasedin case of suicide, tree fall, or drowningthe corpse is generally abandoned or cremated in the forest,44 as Wayana conclude that these sudden causes of death are resulting from an intervention by evil spirits (i ndependently or sent by a powerful shaman), the place where the killing occurred is subseque ntly avoided, for people are fearful of evil akuwalinp and malevolent jolok resulting in avoided spaces in the Wayana landscape. 5.3.3 Toimai : Death-Swap Father Ahlbrinck (1956:62-63) wrote down an incident of cremation in the forest: only two or three people were present to build the pyre and to collect the ashes and remains of cremation in order to bury them in the forest. Before cremation, the heart of th e deceased was removed for a special rite (Ahlbrinck 1956:63).199F45 The heart was placed in a cer amic vessel together with kalapa oil, maize, peppers, and a petp bush ( petp is one of the ingredients for urali arrow poison [Geijskes 1957]). This pot was placed on the fire to boil. When the heart started to simmer it was interpreted as the evil spirit jolok grumbling. Eventually the pot broke, at which moment, according to Wayana the pjai responsible for sending jolok to kill will go into a frenzy: he will gasp fire and eat it, bite off his own fingers, etc. (Ahlbrinck 1956:63). Although Ahlbrinck does not name this ritual, it is indisputably what Wayana call toimai. Toimai is performed when a person dies and Wayana speculate whether a pjai passed by and inflicted death.200F46 In such cases the next -of-kin request a powerful pjai to perform toimai (intermingling, death-swap) in order to find the shaman responsible for their loss. Out of fear of being accused of sorcery, many adolescen t Wayana no longer want to become a pjai.

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258 Table 5-3. Causes of death among Wayana between 1952 1964 (source: Hurault 1968:62). Cause of death number percentage Actions by a shaman; Sending his akuwali ( np ) 8 28 % Actions by a shaman; Sending a jolok ( jolok ple) 10 34 % Spontaneous action by a jolok or akuwalinp 3 10 % Poisoning by means of hemt or tamojetp 3 10 % Shaman killed by an adversary 2 8 % Natural death (including su icide and madness) 3 10 % Total: 29 100 % Most significant cause of d eath for the Wayana is the in tervention of a shaman. Of a total of twenty-nine deaths reported between 1952 and 1964 (Hurault 1968:62; Table 5-3), eighteen (62%) were reportedly due to actions of powerful shamans who had send either their akuwali ( np ) or jolok ple (evil spirit arrow) to perform the killing. Referring to Hertzs dramatis personae (corpse, soul, and mourners), the study of Metcalf and Huntington (1991) on mortuary practices, does not include the influenc e of the killer; whethe r in actual assault or situated in discourse. Where Guiana kanaima include actual assassinations by dark shamans (Butt Colson 2001; Whitehead 2001, 2002), Wayana accusations of shamans killing other Wayana is more situated in discourse. Although there is little to no proof of Wayana dark sham ans actually going out to kill others, as in kanaima Wayana do have a ritual named toimai to establish after the fact who is responsible for the killing. Toimai refers to the highly corpor eal ritual of intermingling, exchange, or the swap of the spirit of the dece ased with the person res ponsible for the killing. The wide variety of resources used duri ng this ritual (Table 5-4) offers the pjai who conducts the toimai ritual to influence who might be labeled res ponsible for the killing, as it is only after the rite of toimai that people begin to speculate about the behavior of a certain pjai in correlation with the elements used during toimai. Although toimai and jolok ple are situated in discourse, th ey materialize in performance.47 When a person dies unexpectedly, the killer who presumably sent a jolok ple (evil spirit

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259 arrow) must be held responsible. Therefore, toimai (death-swap) is not so much an act of revenge (as the killer is unknown up to the rite of toimai ; although the pjai conducting a toimai may have his eyes set to a potential killer) as it is to establish w ho is responsible for the killing. Toimai is a rather graphic materialization of social discourse on potential killers. Among the causes of death among the Wayana recorded between 1952 and 1964 (Hurault 1968:62; Table 5-3), poisoning by means of hemt or tamojetp (see below) as well as a shaman killed by an adversary are inflicted by shamans. Therefore it can be conc luded that, according to Wayana logic, almost all causes of death (90%) ar e attributed to a powerful shaman. There will be no toimai when a person dies of natural causes (note that, among others, a heart attack is not perceived as natural but caused by a shamans evil spirit arrow) from a Wayana perspective (Table 5-3: three cases; 10%). Hurault (1968:63) summarized toimai and presented a model, however, the essentialist task of classification is inadequate, as toimai is multifaceted, complex, variable, and deictic in that it requires referential context and meaning emerging from conjunctional interrelationships. Conducting the rite of toimai includes a wide variety of resour ces (Figure 5-12). In order to release evil (cause of deat h)i.e., the final stage in toimai ritesa boiling hot stone ( tpu ke tewahe ), taken out of the fire, is placed onto the stomach of the recently deceased. According to Wayana, this procedure will provoke a stom achache with the sender of evil, and the pjai who grows a stomachache at this moment will be accused of being the sender of evil. Two parts of a bow (broken in two) are driven through the body of the deceased to induce the sender of evil with fever: one part of the bow is driven thr ough the corpse from the right collarbone to the left waist, and the second part of th e bow is driven through the body fr om the left collarbone to his right waist. These two parts of the broken bow form a cross, i.e., the sign of the evil spirit jolok

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260 Table 5-4. Resources used, placement, a nd results to locate the potential killer. Components used Placement in the corpse Result for the potential killer mpu resin ( Hymenea courbaril) Burning the copal smoke into the eyes. Blindness. kalipo (ceramic bowl) Attached to the head, in front of eyes. Heavy head and blinding vision. anekatop (oar to stir cassava beer) Under the collarbone, akin a jolok ple that smashes everywhere. Overall significant pain. sihkwtop (piece of a bow) Driven crosswise from the collarbone to the waist. Fever. feathers of kunolo ( Ara macao ) In the anus. Digestive hemorrhage. bone of meku ( Cebus olivaceus ) Stuck in the corpse. The killer will tear out his hair on his head and his pubic hair. bone of mamhali ( Psophia crepitans ) Stuck in between the ribs. Forever haunting scratching at the ribcage. bone of kuliputp ( Geochelone denticulata ) In the throat. General contractions of the throat. bone of kapau ( Mazama americana ) In the palms of the hands, feet, and in the throat. lw spasm, convulsion. bone of maipuli ( Tapirus terrestris) In stomach and chest. Howling and bellowing like a tapir. bone of ihtaino ( Panthera onca ) In the throat. Getting out of breath. bone of aliwe ( Palaeosuchus palpebrosus ) Nape of the neck and loins. Generic contractions. bone of pija ( Harpia harpyja ) In the throat. Whistling like a harpy eagle, scratching oneself, and clawing others. serpent teeth In the lower jaw under the tongue. Makes it impossible to swallow and drink. teeth of pne ( Serr esalmus piraya ) Un de r the tongue. Bloody saliva. fishhook To pull out the tongue to cut it. Biting in ones tongue. Figure 5-12. Elements of conduct of a toimai (death-swap).

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261 During a rite of toimai the throat of the deceased person is stuffed while wrists and ankles are tied together to prevent jolok from leaving the body through ha nds or feet touching the ground. A pjai can harm the potential killer thr ough a variety of resources (Appendix C: toimai and tamojetp; Table 5-4).48 For example, a pjai may stick bones of a meku monkey (Weeping capuchin monkey, Cebus olivaceus) into the corpse. After toimai (death-swap exchange ritual), the potential killer will scratch and pull out his pubic-hair akin capuchin monkeys. All kinds of animal bones can be stuck into the corpse, in or der to make the killer mimic the behavior of animals whose bones were placed in side the corpse. Placement of a konoto shell ( Asolena sinamarica Ampullariidae) at the genita ls of the deceased (testicle s will be placed inside the shell).203F49 Genitals of the potential killer will hurt and swell (similar to a growing prostate). In other cases, the tongue of the recently deceased can be pulled out of the mouth by means of a large (fish) hook and cut off with a (bamboo) knife. This will cause the sender of the jolok ple biting his own tongue. Furthermore, a ceramic bowl can be placed covering the face of the deceased. After the rite of exchange ( toimai ) the person responsible for the jolok ple will get lost as his vision is now blocked. The potential killer will no l onger know how to return from the forest and will eventually die. To bli nd the potential killer, smoke from burning mpu resin ( Hymenea courbaril ) can be blown into the eyes of the deceased directly. Toimai is finalized with the breaking of the stomach ( iwe tpu tpklpoi) to release the jolok ple (evil spirit arrow) and return it to its sender: the powerful shaman ( pjasi ).204F50 On three occasions (10%), the cause of death among Wayana between 1952 and 1964 was defined as poisoning by means of hemt or tamojetp (Hurault 1968:62; Table 5-3). Pjai Tnepo declared that a long time ago, the Wayana did not speak of hemt ; they only spoke of tamojetp (bones of the ancesto rs). They cremated th e bones of their ancestors and crushed them into

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262 powder, to empoison other people (Appendix C: toimai and tamojetp : lines 39). Tnepo continued that tamojetp is also named taphem (ibid.: line 42) and that Wayana in the old days removed the bones of the ancestors ( tamo jetp) and placed them in the handle for the olok feather headdress: handle of the taphem tamo or tamo (ibid.: lines 49). This was all made very beautifully. Therefore th ey are imitated during the tradit ional dances, for people to see them. A calabash ( tutp ; Lagenaria siceraria ) is placed as head. Then feathers are placed on the basketry body of the olok Then they dance with this. There are thus two kinds of tamojetp; for empoisoning other people, and as the handle of the taphem (ibid.: lines 39). In the context of Wayana eschatology and the continuity of community after death of an individual, it is remarkable that the bones of the ancestors (tamojetp ) also play a crucial role in the Wayana ritual known as marak where they materialize in th e body of the feather headdress olok ( taphem ). Taphem or tamojetp (the bones of the ancestors ) mediating between the dead and the living, ancestors and c ontemporary generations, hold ances tral agency effecting kinship and community, while managing change and continuity of Wayana sociality. 5.4 Managing Transformation and Continuity Mortuary practices and eschatology are intr insically interwoven w ith the actions and agency of the pjai (shaman) managing proces ses of change and continuity. Traditionally, studies on shamanism have focused on the curing and healing aspects of shamans and it is only recently that the dark side of shamans, i.e., th e potential to kill through witchcraft and sorcery, has been studied in detail (Whitehead 2002; Wh itehead and Wright 2004). The dark side of Amazonian shamans has been mentioned in other st udies, for example, Grard Girard wrote that the favorite technique of the sorcerer exists of launching invisible magic darts that provoke sickness or death. He can transform himself into an animal and in this shape he can kill human beings (1963:63; my translation). Dark sham ans were included in Johannes Wilberts study of

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263 the shamanic order among the Warao (Wilbert 1 993:92-125; Wilbert 2004). What transpires in the edited volume by Neil Whitehead and Robin Wri ght (2004) is the ambi valent position of the shaman. At one moment in time this person can be a healer, but when the shaman becomes too powerful, or when his patient does not heal a nd eventually dies, the shaman can be held responsible for the death of the patient. Killing power of powerful dark shamans is mostly situated in discourse rather than the phys ical explanation for sickness, although active assassination does occur (Whitehead 2002). Boundaries between curing and killing (light an d dark shamanism respectively) are fluid and constantly emerging in powerful shamans. Because of his conduct of a toimai in the Tapanahoni basin, Tnepo aroused suspicions whether or not he actually was a powerful dark shaman, which caused him to flee to the upper Maroni basin. Tnepo was adopted by Twenke and receded in the satellite village of Talhuwen for several years.51 By merely focusing on healing capacities the complementary dark side is silenced. Furthermore the ritual practice of curing can only be und erstood in a context of assault so rcery by powerful dark shamans situated in historical processes and the cultu ral production of history (Whitehead and Wright 2004)as dark shamans are held responsible for sending the sickness to the patient. Some pjai and great lemi chanters joined the Mission at Lawa Station (Anapaike, Kawemhakan) and these former pjai now lead the church among Wayana and Trio of Suriname. The latter are most certainly former vertical shamans as coined by Stephen Hugh-Jones (1994) exploring the difference between horizontal sh amans and vertical shamans based on dual shamans introduced by David Crocker (1985). Horizontal shamanism is space-based, i.e., relations with social others among us on earth, whereas vertical shamanism is time-based, i.e., the higher is space, the more distant in time (which is different from our western linear concept

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264 of time). According to Crocker and Hugh-Jones, the horizontal sh aman is constantly becoming. The horizontal shaman practices outside the house, w ith direct contact with his clients. On the other hand, the vertical shaman is the essence of being, a stabile master of ceremonies, and peaceful guardian of esoteric knowledge. The la tter is responsible for the reproduction of internal relations within the group. Robin Wright (2004) stated that when the horizontal shaman acquires knowledge of the verticality they can become prophets, as was the case with Pilima in opposition to Lawa Station missionary activi ties (Butt Colson 1964, Hurault 1965:147). David Crocker (1985) began defining aroe as soul, a totemic essenc e, and ancestral souls. In the second half of his book on Vital Souls among the Bororo, Crocker has difficulty in defining bope .52 Bope and aroe not merely opposites, they complement each other; they are a deictic antithetical dyad. Indigenous Amazonian religions engage with dialectic between order and disorder. Order is aesthetic ally pleasing, un-hairy, and ethica lly correct, whereas disorder is aesthetically distas teful, hairy, and ethically incorrect. Disorder among the Wayana is embodied in jolok (materialized as Tamok jolok as discussed in chapter 7) and offset by Kulum, the King vulture. King vultures, as discussed in the beginn ing of this chapter, are a dyadic par excellence: embodying the dialectic in a single body. King vultures are scavengers; thus death is necessary to produce new life. Head of King vulture is bald, not hairy; as the head of Kulum is bald like a novice of the life-crisis ritual putop (Figure 5-4 right). Last, but not least, feathers of King vultures are black and white. King vultures are t hus a perfect symbol for reproduction of society in indigenous Amazonian religions embodying the dialectic between order and disorder. In reflection, relatedness and interconnectedne ss are key elements to indigenous religions. Myth cycles of Kujuli and Kulum intersect in the fields of rite s of passage, manioc production, and reproduction of society. When Coudreau asked the subordinates ( peito ) of Atoupi (at the

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265 Jari) about their religion, they stated (Coudreau 1893:548) that there was a Couyouri [= Kujuli] who made White people, Black people, Indians, the waters, and the sky. He lives in the East and has a wife and a son named Coulicamane [Plik aman, according to de Goeje 1941:84]. He has no father. He is good. He is older th an Couroum [= Kulum] and Yolock [= jolok ] (my translation). Next, subordinate s of Atoupi made a statement crucial in the understanding of Wayana space-time: He [Kulum] lives less far than Couyouri [= Kujuli] (Coudreau 1893:549; emphasis added; all translations are mine). Less far, vertically, that is; resonating with a more recent statement by Jean Chapuis (1998:583) that above the sky of Kulum is the sky of Kujuli. Differentiation in time and space situates th e relation between Kujuli and Kulum. As mentioned above, vertical shamanism is time-ba sed. Time-based is not grounded in our linear concept of time. Time-based means that the high er in space, the more distant in time. Where Kujuli is older than Kulum, he is also higher in the sky. This doe s, from a Wayana perspective, not mean that people today can no longer visit th ese ancient places, on the contrary. Powerful shamans Pilima and the late Pleike informed Chapuis (1998:583) that it is only shamans who can visit these lands of Kulum and Kujuli. Pjai can access these lands vi a a certain liana vine resembling a ladder (identified as Kujuli hanuktop ; Kujulis ladder; Bauhinia guianensis). I have to adjust this statement by stating that it is only the pjai who can visit these lands while being alive. When a person diesany person, not just the pjai the omole (shadow or visible soul) of the deceased will go to Kujuli pata (place of Kujuli); i.e., the land of the ancestors. Along similar lines, the father removed horiz ontally, the farther removed in time. For example, the Tumuc-Humac range at several da ys removed from contemporary settlements implies the presence of a far removed past, includingbut not restrict ed tothe times of Kailawa, founding father of the Wayana confederati on. It is in these far removed places (Kujuli

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266 pata, or the Tumuc-Humac range) that a sense of history beyond a kinship centered worldview can be experienced through dwe lling in the temporality of the landscape, and it is during marak rituals that these other times and other pl aces become foregrounded in performance. 1 Pl is the generic term for toad (Bufonidae sp .). Wayana say that toads have fire in their anus. Burning fluid is projected by some toads as protection. 2 Kuliputp is a tortoise ( Geochelone denticulata ). William Bale (2000:410-414) found a relation between this species of tortoise (Geochelone denticulata ) and menstruating women among the Kaapor. Bale even went so far to state that this ritual complex seems to be uniquely Kaapor (Balee 1984b:228), until Eduardo Viveiros de Castro (1992:361, n. 6) wrote that there appears to be a Tupi-Guarani system of tortoise transformations at work and research has proven that the complex is indeed shared, albeit unevenly, among diverse Tupi-Guarani societies of the Amazon Basin (Bale 2000:410-414). Is this forgotten myth in the sense of Peter Gow (2000) of the tortoise and menstruating women indicative that Wayana discourse on social reproduction is grounded in Tupi cosmology? 3 This theme can be found throughout Guiana, e.g., among the Waiwai (Mentore 2005:94-95). 4 Kujuli is also known among Wayana as Umale or Okaia, and his elder brother Mopo as Kumawale. This variety in names of the Creator Twins is another indication that the Wayana are a confederation of different Peoples, who initially had proper names for their Creator Twins; today commonly known as Mopo Kujuli. 5 Kilian Tuwanaik is the son of Toetanaike [= Tuwanaik] mentioned by Schmidt (1942:52) residing along the Tapanahoni in the village of Alakaliwak. Kilian is a brother-in-law of Tasikali Aloupki. 6 Garden is ihm ; my garden is itupi Note also the resemblance with ihmo which means both egg and pregnant. 7 Kulum is the name for a piece of pottery in the shape of a calabash tutp decorated with dots. 8 Vital in the Kulum narrative is that the man-without-a-wi fe raises a pet king vulture that will become his wife. This is narrated in the second kalau song performed during the marak (Hurault 1968:124; Chapuis and Rivire 2003:950-959; Appendix C; Kalau songs: 2nd song kalau raising the king vulture wife). Slightly different is the Trio version (Koelewijn and Rivire 1987:37-44) of the ki ng vulture myth. Iconic actions are similar though, and the overall theme is reproduction of society. Among the Trio there was a man named Warapaen whose wife could not get pregnant. He shot a tapir and left the dead animal behind. When it was rotten the vultures came. Warapaen caught a king vulture. The couple held the king vulture as a pet, but considered it their child. The couple went visiting a shaman who contacted the father of the child Kurumu (compare with kulum ) and mediated between the father and the couple. Kurumu told how to raise his child. When Akaraman grew up he wanted real feathers for his arrows, he wanted king vulture feathers Then Akaraman found out that his father was a king vulture, and so was he. Therefore the boy wanted to go up into the sky. Warapaen wanted to go after his adoptive son, but after climbing into the tree, he dropped dead on the ground. Akaraman intended to stay but now his adoptive father had died because he did not listen to him, he decided to return to his biological father the king vulture. Soon after Akaraman had taken off, his adoptive mother fell ill and died. In this case the king vulture Akaraman is a boy. 9 Jean Chapuis (1998:582), in his substantial dissertation, only makes one single reference to Kulum, which is not included in his Wayana stories (Chapuis and Rivire 2003). Kulijaman told Chapuis (1998:582) that there were two women Manailupn and Anailukun with a man named Tlineik, who were brought there by Kulum. Another man, Lomonoale (Lomonaik, Chapuis and Rivire 2003:955), came next. 10 Marire [= Masili] is the great-grandfather of Machiri (A lipoya) who moved in 1951 from the Jari to the Aletani. 11 Telle est la thogonie de Marire. Pour prix de ses renseignements il me demande un fusil comme le mien, un hamerless-greener. Ce joujou ne ma cot que 800 francs! Penser donc! (Coudreau 1893:548). 12 This account by Masili is an accurate interpretation of the natural world as king vultures ( kulum ; Sarcoramphus papa ) have a white-and-black feather coat, whereas turkey vultures ( awla ; Cathartes aura ) and lesser yellowheaded vultures ( watnk ; Cathartes burrovianus ) are black. Furthermore, it is scientifically known (Grzimek 1973; Ridgely and Gwynne 1989) that becaus e of their better sense of smell, Cathartes aura and Cathartes burrovianus will arrive at carcasses before Sarcoramphus papa does. It is the sense of vision that distinguishes and enables king vultures to spot other vultures from afar. King vulture s arrive last, yet start eating first. In this sense awla (turkey vulture) and watnk (lesser yellow-headed vulture) are indeed peito (subordinate) to the king vulture. Even in our vernacular languages, the mere root king in king vulture indicates a superior rank in social hierarchy.

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267 13 In den hemel boven ons zijn Kulum (de zeer grote gier, Gypapus papa), Wantingk (kleinere gier) en Awla (kleinere gier) (op iets dergelijks doelt C 209, 533, 549; ook 1G 26 2G 12, Sp 222 en zie 50); deze zijn Oayana; als ze naar beneden komen om te eten, hangen ze hun vederkleed om. Tot dien hemel behooren ook de sterren ( 12) (De Goeje 1941:84). 14 A pun on WYSIWYG (pronounced wizzy-wig or wuzzy-wig), an acronym for What You See Is What You Get as used in computing to describe seamlessness between the appearance of edited content and final product. Today this is expected for word processors but in other situations, like web (HTML) authoring, this is not always the case. Or in other words: it allows the user to concentrat e entirely on how the content shou ld appear, e.g., a user can see on screen how a document will look when printed. Related acronyms are: WYCIWYG: What You Cache is What You Get (wyciwyg:// turns up occasionally in th e address bar of Gecko-based Web browsers like Mozilla Firefox when the browser is retrieving cached information) What You Create Is What You Get, What You Click Is What You Get; WYGIWYGAINUC: What You Get Is What Youre Given And Its No Use Complaining. WYSIMOLWYG: What You See Is More Or Less What You Get; and my preferred one: WYTYSIWYTYG: What You Think You See Is What You Think You Get when a program claims to be WYSIWYG but isnt. 15 Myth of Epetembo, alternatively resonates with the Wayana narrative of Jenunu the-man-in-the-moon who barbequed his wife (Caway 1992). The proper name of Jenunu was Tompowale, and today his image can be seen in the full moon. Every full moon Wayana narrate the story of Jenunu. 16 The same goes for Kailawa, the founder of the Wayana Conf ederation, of whom it is said that he did not have a wife ( ipt tmna ), but maybe he had a wife somewhere far away (A ppendix C; Kailawa: line 19) as it has been said (ibid.: line 158) Kailawa had a (possibly an adoptive) son. Common theme in these discourses is social reproduction; paramount task in order to keep the cultural transmission of Guiana traditio ns alive and re-emerge in a historical place situated in incessant demise and death. 17 Boven dezen hemel is een tweede hemel; deze is Tukuima -pata, de plaats der Tukuima s (zeer groote ooievaar, Mycteria americana). Dat is ook de hemel van Kuyuli, Mope en Plikam an (De Goeje 1941:84). Where de Goeje identifies Tukusim as a very large stork ( Mycteria americana ). Wayana today, when we were discussing the birds of the Guyanas, named several bird species tukusim (stork and pelican, among others). All species had the same key features of a bl ack-and-white feather cloak, they were large birds, and they had a long bill. The lattera long billrefers to its name tukuseim which literally means: giant hummingbird ( tukui is the general name for hummingbirds, Trochilideae). De Goej e (1941:85) mentioned that he was told that the hummingbird is the shaman and that the tukusim helped the hummingbird to fetch tobacco. 18 Peter Roe (1982:128) based his map of The Cosmic Zygote on his analysis of over 800 myths from more than 100 Amazonian language groups. 19 Remark the similar root for pets and relatives who are both referred to as ek Difference is only discernible with the personal pronoun, i.e., iwek (my kin) versus jek (my pet animal). Furthermore, ek ( np) is the name for the supporter of the momai and tepijem during the marak and k is also a synonym for peito (worker, subordinate). 20 Mark that the root / pa / is also the root in pahe (daughter-in-law) and patum (son-in-law) resonating with Guiana intergenerational marriage (Rivire 1984; Henley 1983/1984). 21 As mule also means womb, this is a play of tropes indicative of the relationship between a boy and his mother. 22 A child who has no father present, that is, an illegitimate child (anolitp ), is referred to with the same term for food that has been thrown away ( anolitp ). 23 Mothers-mothers-sisters-daughters-daughter/son is a parallel-cousin, hence a classificatory brother/sister. 24 This type of cross-cousin marriage was not found among the coastal Maroni River Caribs (Kloos 1971:136). 25 The natural-domestic perspective is enforced by mere Wayana terminology, e.g., ihmo for both the pregnant woman as for egg, and uponp (placenta) literally meaning former nest ( upo), bridging between the natural world and Wayana society. 26 Twkaktai is also the root in twkaktaimtiwhe which refers to the act of jumping into the and being born as a human being (e.g., the walek -frogs in the narrative of Jenunu [man-in-the-moon]). 27 Jean Hurault (1968:64) wrote that in 1964 Toulissima [= Tulisime], a powerful pjai as well, had been left in his hammock under the tukusipan of a recently abandoned village at the mouth of the Tampok [village of Wempi]. 28 Concept of omole equals wakan among the Achuar [Jivaro]: Le wakan entretient en effet avec le corps une relation en miroir, comme entmoignent les significations du terme dans dautres contextes o il peut dsigner l ombre porte ou le reflet dans leau Indissociab le par nature de ce quelle reprsente, lme est donc moins un double ou une copie quun envers ou une projection, (Descola 1993:260). This idea can also be found among the Arawakan Wayu [Guajiro]: To each of us is attached a soul [ ain ]. Everywhere our soul follows us like our shadow. Some even say that the shadow is the form of the soul and to the soul they give the name of shadow. Our

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268 soul leaves us only when we sleep or when we are si ck, when we have been pi erced by the arrow of a wanl (Perrin 1987:7). 29 Although illness was the research to pic of Jean Chapuiss (1998), after sixty pages he lacked to properly distinguish between omole (Chapuis 1998:589-612) and akuwali ( np ) (ibid.:613-619). Chapuis merely followed the reasoning of Claudius de Goeje (1941) some sixty years prior. 30 A pjai can send his evil akuwali ( np ) into the red brocket deer ( kapau ) to eat manioc from the garden plot of the targeted person; into an agouti ( akuli ) to eat sweet potatoes ( napi ); into bats (lele) to eat bananas; into capybara ( kapiwala ) to eat all produce from the garden plot. Even worse is when the dark shaman sends his evil akuwali into an anaconda (kijuim ) or jaguar (istaino ) to kill people. Wayana enlightened me that these harmful attacks will happen when a person refuses or declines to provide gifts to a pjai. 31 Les piays, qui ne sont jamais livrs la crmation, ga rdent lme attache au corps. Lesprit et la matire restent dans la fosse, o ils sont visits par les piays qui leur succdent, et par des btes et des hommes qui viennent les consulter (Crevaux 1993:324). 32 Later, when I discussed this story with other Wayana, particularly with those who resided before in Anapaike Kawemhakan/Lawa Station (settlement of the American protestant missionaries), Wayana interjected that this is analogous to Jesus, but that this Upului story is part of Wayana social memory from before missionaries arrived. They reaffirmed that the story of the Upului is a true Wayana narrative. 33 When entering Kujuli pata (p lace of Kujuli, i.e., th e land of the dead), the deceased has to be well dressed. As mentioned above, it is the visible shadow spirit omole who goes up to the land of the dead. Following Ahlbrinck (1956:62), Wayana men may wear their pumali feather crown (a travelers headdress), several cotton strings ( akawale ), bead strings, cotton leg fringes ( waipu ), and pasik (red tail feathers of the scarlet macaw [kunolo ; Ara macao], attached to a small stick, stuck in the upper arm band) to travel to Kujuli pata. The body is washed, hair is oiled and combed, and the body is painted with onot (red dye from Bixa orellana [synonyms: roukou, urucu, annatto, koesoewe]. Wayana mix red grains of onot with kalapa oil ( Carapa guianensis ). This substance is used to grease the body by life, as protection against irritating insects. Ea ch third day the red dye is washed off, and after bathing, the body is greased again. Dying the body red (hence the derogative red-skin) used to be habitual procedure before visiting another village, reinforcing the notion of the deceased as a traveler. 34 Sil sagit dune personne bonne, on lenterra soit sans orientation prcise soit le visage tourn vers le soleil levant. Sil sagit dune mauvaise personne on lenterra toujours le visage tourn vers le couchant, afin que son amole ( sic) se perde jamais dans le labyrinthe (Chapuis 1998:620). 35 Une position intermdiaire, on le soutient entre ciel et te rre, de mme que le mort est suspendu entre la vie et la mort vraie (Van Gennep 1909:266). 36 On retire tous les os, on les fait calciner sur un platine de terre cuite, on les pile dans un mortier de bois, on passe ces cendres dans un mortier de bois, on passe ces cendres dans un tamis fait darrouma et on les jette dans un grande vase plein de leur boisson ordinaire. Ils boivent cette boisson avec les cendres dans le courant de la mme journe, en faisant des crmonies pour tmoigner leur regret (Tony 1843:230-231). 37 Endo-cannibalism will result in a lower number, and possibly an absence of human remains, including cremation remains, in the archaeological context. 38 Mopo and Kujuli, the Creator Twins, were hidden by their grandmother Toad under a vessel ( oha ) as protection against the Jaguars. As they were still in their eggs when hidden under the womb-shaped vessel, this play of tropes links burial with birth in discourse. Alternatively, their grandmother was hiding herself under a ceramic bowl ( kalipo ) as protection against the rains. Although I did no t encounter the practice of covering the grave with a ceramic among the Wayana, this practice of protective covering by a ceramic vessel seems logic within Wayana tradition. Pottery is regarded the ultimate protective cover; even the community roundhouse tukusipan is covered with a ceramic vessel (actually three ne sted vessels) to protect it from incoming rains. According to some Wayana, the ceramic vessels (due to their weight) prevent the roof of the roundhouse to be blown away. Additionally, the root onam is also present in p tonam toponp (hill of hiding/burial of a long time ago), with which Wayana designate the so-called montagne couronnes (hills with a moat on top). Undetermined is whether indigenous people used these fortified hills to hide from raids, or whether these moats prevented the invisible and evil spirits of the deceased buried here from leaving this place, preventing them to roam th e world of the living. 39 Macuipi, en sa qualit de piay, cest--dire de mdeci n, na pas t brul comme le reste des mortels. Conduit sur les lieux de la spulture, je vois une petite hutte au milieu de laquelle se trouve un large trou ayant deux mtres de profondeur; au fond japerois mon ancien hte couch dans un hamac o il semble dormir. Le corps dessch, dur comme un parchemin, est compltement peint en rouge. La tte est pare de plumes aux couleurs les plus clatantes, le front est ceint dune couronne faite des cailles de caman Au cou est attache une petite flte en os

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269 [ kapaujetp ] et plusieurs sachets qui renferment des couleurs; Je vois prs de lui un grand vase, mais il est vide; les Roucouyennes [Wayana] ne donnent pas manger leurs morts (Crevaux [1881] 1993:270). This impression, along with Wayana burial practices in ge neral, resonates with a description by La Borde on the Carib in the Lesser Antilles. Even the idea of omole leaving the body that grows the body cold is present. That the body is completely colored in red (La Borde wrote: roucoent ) is not a specific embalming practice, but a former habituated daily life practice. Si-tot quun Carabe et mort les femmes le lavent, le roucoent, le peignent, lajutent dans on Amac, & luy mettent du vermillon aux jous & aux lvres, comme sil etoit vivant, & le laientl; un peu de temps aprs lenveloppent dans ce meme lit pour lenterrer. Ils font la foe dans la Cae, car ils nenterrent jamais leurs morts dcouvert; ils le poent dedans ais ur es talons acould ur es genoux ou bien les mains crois ur a poitrine, la face en haut ayant deux petits Canaris ur es yeux, afin quil ne voye es parens, & ne les rende malades: un homme le couvre dun bout de planche, & les femmes jettent la terre deus: ils font du feu au tour pour purifier lair, & de crainte quil nait froid (La Borde 1674:37). 40 Data based on five graves in the village of Maipo along the Lo, affluent of the Aletani (Ahlbrinck 1956:48). 41 Note that the pjai hut ( mmne ) is made of kumu-palm fronds ( Oenocarpus bacaba ). 42 Si lon brle le corps aussitt aprs la mort, cest p our que lme senvole avec la fume (Crevaux 1993:324). When Kali fired her vessels she said that this smoking wood pile is akin a cremation pyre (film by Duin 2008). In both cases, the pyre ( tpihme ) is a transitory stage from something moldable (clay or corporeal body) to something lasting (pottery or eternal body). 43 In the tukusipan of Janamale Kawemhakan, according to Kali, are buried: Wejuku, Yakuman, Polina, and Wantapn. That is, their ashes had been collected in a cer amic vessel after cremation, and these vessels containing their ashes have been buried inside the community roundhouse. 44 Mourners, on the other hand, may decide to bury their loved ones. 45 Cause of death was established by Wayana as a fall out of a tree inflicted by a powerful pjasi (dark shaman) from the Jari roaming the forests invisibly with his tiny bow ( tawioma ) and tiny arrow ( wamaim ) (Ahlbrinck 1956:62); resonating kanaima practice (Whitehead 2002). 46 For example, Tukano (an Upului) had been accused to murder an individual from Anapaike. Later, according to Wayana, Tukano was killed at the Oelemari with a blow of a machete between the eye and the nose (at the bridge of the nose) and a blow in the neck. Tukano, the dark shaman, survived this revenge assassination attempt. 47 Toimai and therefore shaman activities, holds archaeological signatures, other than archaeologists by and large discern these as natural inclusions or at best odd featur es in the grave. 48 This table was initially created in the 1980s by Britta Veth during her interviews with pjai Pilima. Jean Chapuis reproduced this unpublished table in his dissertation (1998:552) without contacting Veth (pers. comm. Veth and Boven 2000). Additional modifications have been made. This table is a mere example of the wide range of possibilities in a multifaceted ka leidoscopic performance of toimai, rather than an inclusive database. 49 This action is situated in a Wayana play of tropes, as konoto refers to a thump (to ) thrust by a brother-in-law ( kono ). By means of synecdoche, konoto shells imply a firm blow by a brother-in-law ( kono to ) in the private parts of the person who has the murder on his conscious. 50 Of interest to archaeology is that material elements used during toimai will remain in the grave of the deceased. Though these material elements may be animal bones and other natural resources, they are (rather than ecofacts) undeniably cultural sedimented remains. 51 In 2000 Tnepo began developing his proper settlement just east of Talhuwen, soon after joined by Anamaila from Kulumuli pata (Twenke) (Anamaila: son of second marriage of Kuli, who was a grand-daughter of Twanke). 52 Bope is defined as nonaroe and appears to be a dyad in itself, which makes it difficult for Crocker to define. Bope causes disaster, yet these disasters are always followed by new life. Bope is manifested in rain. Bope is continuous transformation, it is constantly emerging. The bad bope ( maereboe ) live upon the earth and in the inner sky or white sky. Bad bope are the ones that are hairy, are believed to live in constant association with man. Where bope is black, aroe is black and white. Crocker (1985:314-315) explained the table by Hugh-Jones (1994:37) with a structuralist formula embodying the dialectic: bope ure : marege mori-xe :: aroe etawa-are : bari In other words, each sh aman becomes in the most essential metamorphoses, a tapir and a jaguar, respectively. This metaphor makes the aroe shaman (vertical) food of the bope : a tapir. The bope shaman (horizontal) becomes the prot otypical revenge animal: a jaguar.

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270 CHAPTER 6 INITIATION RITES AND SUPRALOCAL SOCIALITY In conclusion, the cycle of human passages is linked among some peoples with those of the cosmic passages, with the phases of the moon, with the revolving of the planets. And it is a grand idea to connect the stages of human life with those of the life of animals and plants, as well as, by a kind of pre-sc ientific divination, with the gr and rhythms of the Universe.1 Arnold Van Gennep, Les Rites de Passage (1909:279; my translation). A. B. Figure 6-1. Bones of the ancestors ( tamojetp, or taphem ). A. Collections of the Anthropology Division of the Florida Museum of Natural History, FLMNH Temp. No. T 2125. B. Marak at Talhuwen, August 28, 2004 ( photo by Daniel Saint-Jean). Initiation rituals, along w ith the ritual known as marak, were not discussed in the previous chapter on reproduction of society as it deemed n ecessary to dedicate an entire chapter on the transformative rite of stinging ( twtepuhe) emblematic for Wayana society; generating Wayana sociality and revitalizing Wayana identity. Clau dius de Goeje wrote that a man may do that [stinging rite], for example, when he fails to sh oot often or when the game is shy, and he will especially have his left armthat is holding the bowbeing stung; a woman does it, because her child has died and she wants to have another ch ild (1941:109; my translation). Additionally, [ marak] is the occasion to regroup the men and, in the presence of the spiritual leader, to

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271 revive the epical Tradition and br ing it to life again: this is what teaches the Wayana the history of their race, and, in the isolation of the fore st, to protect their unity (Mazire 1953:162; my translation). These two quotes desc ribe rather different aspect of the very same ritual and this chapter aims in understanding this most important ritual in becoming Wayana while generating a sense of belonging to Wayana sociality. In line of thought with Arnold Van Gennep (1909:279), the Wayana succeeded avant la lettre in connecting the stages of human life with those of the life of animals and plants, as well as w ith the grand rhythms of the Universe. Initially I anticipated devel oping a standard model of the marak, but soon I ran into several predicaments. First and foremost, Ju les Crevaux wrote that Roucouyennes [= Wayana] named this ceremony marak (1892:97), whereas the mere name marak is strange to Wayana today. Wayana today refer to this stinging ritual as putop (related to tepuhe = being stung by an insect, and twtepuhe = stinging oneself with an inse ct). Henri Coudreau called it la grande fte nationale, le marak annuel des Roucouyennes (the grand national festival, the annual marak of the Wayana) (Coudreau 1893:537; translati ons of Coudreau and Crevaux are mine). Since the term marak is commonly used in the literature, I will use this name, however, based on the fact that one series of events leading up to putop lasts about half a year, it is highly improbable that marak was ever an annual event. Moreover, since most of the travelers visited the Wayana (or specific settlements) only once, there is no evidence to su pport this claim of an annual event.2 Without critical evaluation of these pred icaments it is however concluded that the Wayana are loosing their tradition. Reproduction of Wayana society through marak cuts across time and space, myth and history, and in due process allows for an intersubjective social field of supralocal sociality, beyond the boundari es of a single village, as Wayana become of tukusipan.

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272 6.1 Initiation Rites and Beyond Experiencing Wayana history is epitomized in the stinging ritual commonly glossed as marak or ant/wasp test, and conventionally interpreted as initiation rite for marriage candidates following Crevaux (1892:97-100; recently by Chapuis 2006:526), yet contested by Coudreau (1893:228; also Ahlbrinck 1956:90). In the present study I will use the term marak when referring to the spectacular cultural-public performances lasting for several months, and putop for the ultimate corporeal spectacle of th e stinging rite performed during such a marak. The act of stinging is also referred to as twtepuhe. Though the stinging ceremony is a key event in this life-crisis ritual, it is but one link in the chain of events lasting to up to six months of reciprocal dances performed in different villages. Next to the elaborate marak rituals there are gatherings lasting for three da ys in a single village during wh ich occur stinging ceremonies referred to as wlipan (full of girls) since these are basically initiation rites for girls ( wli = girl). These wlipan take place soon after a girl has her first menses.3 Nevertheless, wlipan are not exclusively for girls, as boys may also participat e in this initiation rite.4 Alternatively, girls may participate in an upcoming marak, and may even delay their initiation to participate in an upcoming public marak (de Goeje 1941:109).5 Nowadays, out-of-sight of the public and in the privacy of the domestic domain, wlipan ceremonies are still pe rformed among Wayana of the upper Maroni basin (e.g., Boven 2006:151-153). Th ese true initiation ceremonies are said to endow adolescent girls and boys with the force needed for married life. This ritual, by means of endurance of stimulus of pain, hunger, and thirst, is a proof of passive self-discipline.6 Rooted in the lumping together of the latter natural-domestic wlipan and the former cultural-public putop under the same name of marak is what instigated c onclusions (such as Boven 2006:154-155) that the rite of stinging no longer takes place in its traditional elaborateness.

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273 In the summer of 2004, a cultural-public stingi ng ritual took place at Talhuwen, initiated by Aimawale Opoya and Tasikale Aloupki (for b ackground information see chapter 3.3). This 2004 ritual has been dismissed by anthropologists as non-traditional, stating that the last truly traditional marak took place in 1989 at Kawemhakan / Lawa Station (Boven 2006:147-156; Chapuis 2006:526). I argue that the 2004 marak was a traditional cer emony; not the least supported by the fact that one of the initiators Tasikale, had expressed to be initiated the traditional way, and joined me in the study for a standard model of the marak. During my 2002/2003 field season I discussed a general outline based on the comprehensivehour-by-hour, day-by-daydescription by Jean Hurault (1968:87-106, 122-131) of this Wayana ritual lasting for one-hundred and three da ys in total in 1964-1965,7 complemented with descriptions from explorers, ethnographers, and other researchers that at times conf irm, on occasion contradict, or indicating an alternative. Tasikale showed more than average interest in this historical material. Reaching thirty years of age, and never initiated, he was eager to be initiated, but only in the traditional way; we thus had found a common res earch agenda. Kilian Tuwanaik (Tasikales brother-in-law) granted to comment on the general outline and inform us about these rites, under the condition that I promised NOT to request to be initiated, as th e venom of the ants ( ilak ; bullet ant; Paraponera clavata ) is strong and I would certainly die.8 The other initiator of the 2004 marak, Aimawale, had been initiated at the age of 14 during the 1989 marak at Kawemhakan / Lawa Station, and is also exceptionally interested in Wayana history. Aimawale had requested Eric Pellet if he knew somebody who could film his putop Pellet contacted Jean-Philippe Isel who woul d film the ritual (see also Pellet and SaintJean 2006:17-34). My discussion of the 2004 ritual is based on this film and personal communication with Isel, as well as persona l communication with Ai mawale during the 2004

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274 Kailawa expedition. The 2004 ritual included traditio nal and innovative elements; indicative that this ritual marak in generalis more complex than a customary male initiation ceremony. Some fifty years ago, Father Ahlbrinck (1956:90) had conc luded that, whatever its meaning, Wayana marak is not an initiation rite leading children into adulthood, because indifference of relation between ma rriage and stinging ritu al, and if this is an initiation ritual, than why do adults endure this st inging, in fact, more adults than adolescents are present. I argue that the 2004 ritual is ke y in understanding the Wayana marak; a complex and multifaceted ritual that typically has been summarized as a mere initiation ritual. Before addressing the political power of this ritual (C hapter 8), I will first outline the conventional course of events grounded in a ritual economy producing beverage and regalia with th e sole purpose to be consumed during these ritual gatheri ngs in and around the community roundhouse tukusipan 6.2 Standard Model of th e Wayana Initiation Ritual Participants in the putop are named tpijem which name, according to Claudius de Goeje (1941:108), is related to epit meaning cure (possibly a play of tropes with ipt wife). I posit that tpijem is related to the verb tupijem (searching, looking for something), as in tupijemi (they looked for something), as these neophytes are searching for knowledge. In due process of such an initiation ritual, the Creator twins came to realize that they were the children of the one killed by the Jaguars (Table C-1: lines 37, 48). Mopo (elder brother) went into the forest to invite the Jaguars (i.e., the dangerous archetypa l social Other) for their upcoming initiation (ibid.: line 43). Leader of the Jaguars ( Kaikui umtn ) accepts the invitation with a straightforward (okay) and tells his peito (subordinates) that they are all invited (ibid.: line 44). This first day thus generates vital f undamentals of indigenous religion; namely the distinction between self (those who initiate the ritu al) and social others (t hose residing in other settlements who have specific knowledge),9 while inviting them to eat and drink.

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275 Jean Hurault (1968:87) stated that the hosts are thereafter named Tipatakem ( Tipatakem = those-of-the-place), whereas those who answer ar e named Tiyulem (this term is indecisive and might refer to those-of-the-living as ul = living).10 Hurault (1968:88) named the villages of the 1964 marak and grouped them as Tipatakem (Tiliw, Touank, Aloi k, lah; as several settlements join the host village we can speak of a multi-local Self) and Tiyulem (Tipiti, Malavate, Yaloukana), whereby the former were re ferred to as the peo ple of below and the latter as the people from above referring to their relative geographical position; respectively downstream or upstream of th e cataract of the Aletani ( Saut de lItany ) near present-day Antecume pata. During the first day of the marak, the distinction made between Selfhost village(s) of the tpijem and social Othersthose from other Wayana villages who have the knowledgeis laid-out geographically as downstream ( ametak ) versus upstream (atuhpono). Third binary opposition with which Wayana orient themselves in their landscape (Chapter 4.4), the place where the sun appears (sisi mektopoin ) and the place where the sun goes to sleep ( sisi eniktopoja ), will play a role in the closing dance of the marak. 6.2.1 Cultural Transmission Through Alterity Leading up to putop a series of reciprocal dances are performed in the village(s) of the invited as well as in the host village(s) during which gatherings are sung the kalau chants which are teachings of Wayana history. In the cour se of the night, the singer of the kalahou [= kalau ] will recall the life of the ancestors, the origin of the world, and stories of a variation on familiar animals (Cognat 1989:33; my translation).217F11 Song and dance named kalau is one of the most important and most original cu ltural traits of the Wayana. While it is an initiation ritual for adolescents, it is also a compilation of myths upon which their system of representing the Universe is based. The kalau is sung in a secret language, incomprehensible (sic.) to the Wayana, of wh ich a part of the words are distorted from Wayana by inversion or adjuncti on of syllables, but of which most [words] are loaned from apparent vanished languages. Some words, as yakal caiman, are from Tupi-Guarani (Hurault 1968:122).218F12

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276 Each kalau gathering lasts for three days, and kalau gatherings are separated in time by about three weeks, as described by Jean Huraul t from the first week of October 1964 until the stinging ritual on Janua ry 6, 1965 (translating kalau songs into French [Hurault 1968:122-131]). It is beyond the present study to make a detaile d ethno-musicological study of each song in the kalau series, other then I will briefly discuss th e themes of several chants (Table 6-1).13 Other chants describe what to expect during the ceremonies and what to expect in life in general. Finally, kalau songs instruct for the final ordeal on where to find, how to approach ants and wasps, and what will be the result of their sting (eleventh kalau; Hurault 1968:127). In sum, these chants educate on how to become Wayana. Table 6-1. Themes of several kalau songs (first, second, seve nth, eight, and ninth). Kalau chant Theme. English translations with a dditional notes are to be found in Appendix C. First kalau : Tricksters This song describes dancers entering the village showing novices their dances. As can be heard in the first kalau these dancers mock the proper Wayana dress code. That the dancers are mocking is also clear in the ve rsion recorded by Herv Rivire, though not recognized as such in the analysis (Cha puis and Rivire 2003). I posit that these dancers are Tricksters wherein their mockery im itation of deceit is the visual version of the speech-act of the practical-joke (compare with Ellen Basso 1987 ). It is through deceit in this first kalau that the path to order can occur. In analogy, and equivalent the Kalapalo studied by Ellen Basso (1987), it is in the myth of Mopo Kujuli (Chapter 5.1) that the present order came in to being through deceiving, above all through deceptive speech. Principle of creation through deception, as rooted in the first kalau situates our thinking in a different perspective. Second kalau : Kulum the King Vulture This song narrates about raising a King vultu re wife. In the myth of Kulum, the King vulture is perceived as a pet of the one-without-a-wife; later Kulum becomes his wife (Chapter 5.1). Jean Hurault (1968:124) published a French translation of the second kalau Jean Chapuis (Chapuis and Rivire 2003:950-959) published a version in Wayana with a French translation. Jean Chapuis, focusing on Kailawa and assuming all kalau songs concern Kailawa, noted on the proper names mentioned in this second kalau that these men are not warriors of Kailawa. Indeed, the second kalau does not refer to Kailawa, instead refers to th e myth of the King vulture Kulum ( Sarcoramphus papa ), who was raised by a Wayana man to become his wife. In this chant Wayana sing about the King vulture feathers used as f eathers for arrows, just as in the narrative. A metaphorical relation is established between the King vulture and neophytes; head of the girl was bald because the head of a King vulture is bald, just as the heads of tpijem in their house are shaved bald (Table C-2: line 37). It is said in the song to place King vulture girl in a cage like the house of the tpijem that is to say a house with an enclosing roof till the ground. Also in 1964 Kulijaman (Hurault 1968:124) sung in the second chant that one had to capture a young King vulture to keep in a hut like the ones build for the novices tpijem Chapuis and Rivire (2003:952-953) call this type of house maita (= maite by de Goeje 1906: plate IX, 6).

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277 Table 6-1. continued. King vulture Kulum and the tpijem are hence in a similar position; merely perceived from a different gender perspective. Hurault (1968:90) noted that it is during this chant that the 12 and 13 year old girls go around and distribute manioc bread. Hurault noted, without further explanation, that this perfo rmance of a symbolic meal lasted for 55 minutes (ibid.:90-91). Symbolism of this meal is situated in the performative enactment of King vulture girl who processed cassava for the man-without-a-wife (chapter 5.1). Mark that bitter manioc ( Manihot utilissima ) is named ulu which is the root of the proper name of kulum and the myth of Kulum. To conclude, during kalau ii:32 (chanted by Kulijaman; Chapuis and Rivire 2003:953) w-ek j-apik mall kuluml {a}pik mala is repeated three times; translated as Capture le vautour kulum (ibid.) (capture the vulture kulum ). To be more specific, I call attention to the fact that w-ek means your pet whereas w-ek means my family. Ek holds a double meaning of kin and pet. This song teases that one has to capture a pet King vulture to raise a family (Chapter 5.1). Seventh and eight kalau : bringing the past into the present Seventh chant (Chapuis and Rivire 2003:994-999; in Wayana and French) catalogues the charms hmit but it also manages the powerful social Others who have arrived to help the novices to prepare key objects for their rite of passage. In these songs, past and present are blurred; time is obliterated, only materiality exists, as do proper names that are handed down through the social hous es as symbolic capital. This play of tropes leads up to the eighth kalau centered around the inselberg Tukusipan, where past and present, mythical past, and historical past, the earth and the sky all are gathered and materialized; a perfect example of gathe ring the fourfold in the sense of Martin Heidegger (1977:327 [1954]). Eighth kalau will be discussed in detail below (Ch. 8). Ninth kalau : speech-act of the Jaguars This chant (Chapuis and Rivire 2003:1006-1011; in Wayana and French) is about the Jaguars, and brings to mind the story of Creator Twins Mopo Kujuli (Appendix C; chapter 5.1). By means of speech-act, Mopo and Kujuli deceived the Jaguars, and have them killed under the collapsing tukusipan. Thus this song bridges between the myth of origin (Mopo Kujuli) and the history of Kailawa as venerated in the eighth kalau As in the narrative of Mopo Kujuli, the (grand) parents of the Jaguars, i.e., klpuk (= taira ; Eira barbara ), were not tricked and went out into the forest to create todays jaguars. Central question in the ninth Kalau is who hums tll? (lines: IX-16, IX-17, IX-21, IX-27, IX-28, IX-59). Is it the Jaguars kaikusi ? First answer says: it is not the jaguar, it is the hummingbird tukusi (IX-18), hereby establishing a relation with the mere name of the community roundhouse tukusipan: place of hummingbirds ( tukusi). Maybe it is the water source (IX-22, IX-23), or is it the hummingbirds after all? (IX-29 to IX-31). Is it the Jaguar (IX-32), or maybe the grandfather of Monsters: Tulupere ? (IX-37). It is the Jaguar kaikusi that hums (IX-58 to IX-60), go out and kill that monster kaikusi to make it your club design (kapalu anon [IX-54 to IX-57]; compare with the ceremonial club with figures repr esenting mythical forest monsters [Farabee 1924; plate XXII], see also chapter 7.4). Ceremonial clubs kapalu with their distinct jaguar motif serve as mnemonics to evoke memories of the past. These kalau chants, according to Hurault, were only known by two men (Yaliim and Kouliamann [= Kulijaman]). In 1996, Herv Rivire recorded twelve kalau songs from Kulijaman (that is, the very same kalau singer cited by Hurault). Twelve kalau songs were transcribed, translated, and published (in Wayana and French) after the unf ortunate death of the

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278 ethno-musicologist Herv Rivire in 2001 (Cha puis and Rivire 2003:933-1035); the very same year Kulijaman passed awa y. During the 2004 ritual, kalau chants were sung by Kailawa. The latter may be an indication that these kalau chants are not dying altoge ther with their performers, but that singing these kalau chants is a matter of prerogatives. Kalau gatherings differentiate hosts from guests in a multi-local setting, which is emphasized during the dancing and singing of kanawa and maipuli alternating with kalau chants.14 Where kanawa means canoe, and maipuli means tapir (Tapirus terrestris ), singers are not referring to actual vehicles (canoe) and animals (tapir), but i nvoking the cassava beer recipients of the other group. In the old days a canoe shaped trough full of cassava beer was placed in the village of the inviting hosts, wherea s waterproof baskets, massive as a tapir, were brought into the host village by responding gue sts. Even though these wooden troughs and basketry containers are today replaced by plastic containers, guests still sing kanawa, requesting cassava beer from the hosts, whereas hosts sing maipuli, requesting cassava beer brought in by the guests. This reciprocal que stion-and-answer dance does have a competitive aspect built in. Rather than from an existing surplus, ex cess quantities of cassava beer are produced specifically to be consumed, and, above all, regurgitated, during th ese ritual gatherings. Large quantities of cassava beer distributed during th ese gatherings result in regurgitating, more drinking, and more regurgitati ng, as the ground becomes an o ff-white puddle of regurgitated cassava beer. Hassoldt Davis wrote a more seri ous investigator than I would take off his glasses, wipe them, reflectively fill his pipe, and st ate that this was Ritual Degurgitation; for they stood, the red Indians, in a row, and simultaneous ly opened their mouths and spewed, not as you and I, sporadically, but in a series of thic k golden streams across the moon (1952:209). A distinctive Wayana trait is that it is not merely required to drink in large quantities, as it is highly

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279 requested to regurgitate the cassava beer in a nice 90-degree arch. Claudius de Goeje wrote on regurgitating of cassava beer among the Wayana that it is not simply a repulsive misfortune, but a kind of fine art (de Goeje 1908:146), which I can underscore from my proper experience. Kanawa dances end, only to be followed by a kalau dance. When the kalau song ends, dancers ask once more for kanawa and maipuli respectively. This altern ation continues all night long, for three straight days and nights (hour -by-hour notes published by Hurault 1968:88-92). Guests have tied their hammocks inside houses, ea ting houses, kitchens, and other structures, one next to the other, and sometimes even simply between two poles that are jammed into the ground only for this purpose (e.g., Cognat 1989:34). Elde rs retire in their hammocks while the youth continues singing for kanawa and maipuli Sokia (son of Kulienp; and maternal grandson of Masili) stated during the 2004 ritual that before, the youth lived their tradition. Today, with the school and all that, [the children] have other things to do than submit themselves to the marak. Before, every body knew how to organize the kalau gatherings. There were many kalau singers. It was enough to inform them and the party be gan (Source: film by Isel; my translation). Although the world of the Wayana is rapidly changi ng, cultural transmission still takes place as a series of songs and dances named kalau. During the last dance of the tpijem as discussed below, some songs are performed in the rhythm of kalau These chants, translated by Hurault (1968:130-131), describe the state of the tpijem their dancing on the ehpa with the flutes mlaim amohawin their adornments including halikt and olok their bodies rubbed with al l kinds of hunting charms ( hemt ).15 This chant also narrates what awaits the tpijem the following morning, namely th e stinging ritual with the kunana. A warning is made not to leave the tpijem pakolon or else the neophyte will remain ill for the rest of his life. In this chant the tpijem are counseled, after their beads and other regalia

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280 are taken from them, to endure the stings alike the bird pajakwa (yellow-rumped cacique; Cacicus cela vitellinus ). Oral tradition narra tes how Alalikaman was lo st, and during his journey saw the pajakwa perform the stinging r itual (Hurault 1968:118-119). Pajakwa is said to be the original singer of kalau (Yellow-rumped caciques name in the kalau chant is kalau ).16 The song of this bird is so varied that it gives the impr ession of a chorus of va rious birds; wild birds commonly produce perfect imitations of birds and mammals, e.g., toucans, aracaris, parrots, parakeets, hawks, kingfishers, otter (Sick 1993:624). Pajakwa demonstrated how ants sting their chicks. Association with the yellow-rumped cacique is entire ly appropriate, since this bird nests in colonies in trees at th e edge of gallery forest, often on branches covered with ant and wasp nests (Sick 1993:624). When Alalikaman retu rned home, he imitated the observed stinging ritual. Village leader Tipoikali requested Alalikaman to sing the kalau chant as he had learned from the yellow-rumped cacique (a bi rd, hence a non-human social other). These flamboyant marak rituals and the interconnected body of oral tradition demonstrate a consumption of the Other yet different from Eduardo Viveiro de Castros model of social reproduction of economia da predao (economy of predation) (1986, 1992; compare with Fausto 1999, 2000), as Wayana do not obtain the know ledge of the social other in a predatorily manner, but rather engage with the difficult proc ess of learning how to reproduce the knowledge of the social other. For inst ance, the Creator twins obtained fire from their grandmother Toad and learned, in favor of deceit, how to reprodu ce fire with the proper firewood, and that water and sand will extinguish the flames (Table C-1: lines:56). As discu ssed below, during their seclusion, male Wayana initiates ( momai ; that is before they return to their village and are named tpijem ) learn, as in school, how to (re)produce woodwork and a bove all basketry weaving.

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281 Cultural transmission, next to kalau chants, takes place during the period of reclusion in the village of the social others (other Wayana) where neophytes become habitualacquire embodied knowledgewith basketry weaving, woodwork, and other male practices. Some Wayana say this seclusion is like school. Knowledge transmission is situated in alterity, whereby the neophyte will learn new cultural crafts from the social other (other Wayana, nonWayana [Dutch and French schools], and non-huma n [animals] as in the case of Alalikaman cited above). At this moment neophytes are called momai and will only be called tpijem upon returning in their home village. After the third kalau has finished, the momai will build a house for the tpijem ( tpijem pakolon ), in which they will retreat immedi ately after the stinging ritual ( putop ). This temporary structure is about three meter wi de, two meter high, and five meter long and approximately oriented east-wes t (Hurault 1968:93). Hurault me ntioned that only the east side was open (Hurault 1968:93), nevertheless, Wayana told me that an opening towards the setting sun is best, as not to be blinded by the rising sun the day after the stinging ritual.17 This hut is entirely covert, till the ground, with kumu palm fronds ( Oenocarpus bacaba ) (this kind of palm is also used for the pjai sance hut mmne ). Once the house for the tpijem is built, the momai will leave their home village to obt ain their education in the village of the responders (Tpiti in 1964 [Hurault 1968:95]; Twenke in 2004). It is about a month before the s tinging ritual that in the village of the responders (as social Others) boys will be instructed in basket ry and woodwork, e.g., to weave basketry ( wama ), and carve spindle axes ( ekumtop ). During this preliminary period of seclusion, which will last for about a week or two, girls are be ing instructed in th e processing of cotton, e.g., to manufacture hammocks ( tat ) and knee fringes ( waipu ), yet girls do not need to l eave their home village. For

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282 the most part, momai learn to weave large waterproof baskets ( maipuli ) that they will have to carry back, full of cassava beer paste, to their home village.18 Wayana boys have been commonly cared for, nurtured, and raised by women in this mainly uxorilocal society. This prescribed time during th e initiation process is the first formal occasions for boys to learn to act and speak like men. Separated from their home vill age, and above all from their mothers, they are, formally and informally, taught male skills; including the kinds of speeches, rituals, jokes, bragging, or recounting of hist ory and mythology which are the cultural prerogatives of men. Therefore Wayana say that this reclusion of the momai is like school. During the week of seclusion of the momai in the village of Twenke in 2004, no resident from Talhuwen did visit Twenke, or even passed by in canoe, fearful of being captured and taken into custody with the momai A miniature whip is attach ed to the upper arm of the momai preventing them from leaving; Ronnie said this miniature whip se rves as a police force (pers. comm. 2003). 6.2.2 Bones of the Ancestors During reclusion for learning the habits of th e social other, each boy selects a supporter. This supporter (referred to as ek = pet animal) will follow the novice wherever he goes (including going to the river to relief oneself). While momai getting skilled in their tasks, Elders prepare vital regalia including the bones of the ancestors; namely feathered flutes mlaim amohawin and taphem dance shields. In 1964, Kulijaman and Palanaewa225F19 manufactured the mlaim amohawin : flutes with the nail of the giant ar madillo (Hurault 1968:93; also: de Goeje 1908: tafel I, upper righ t; Ahlbrinck 1956:72).226F20 This feathered flute is analogous the decorated flute blown by Mopo and Kujuli made from the claws of their mother Tortoise (Kuliputp) that were carefully conserved by grandmother Toad ( Pl ) after being discarded by the Jaguars ( Ihtaino ). Nails of the giant armadillo (Priodontes maximus ) are comparable to nails of the tortoise ( Geochelone denticulata ), in that both serve to dig into the ground. While Mopo and

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283 Kujulichildren of the one who is eaten by th e Jaguarsblow this ex ceptional flute; thunder approaches. Then Mopo requests the Jaguars to shelter inside the tukusipan (Table C-1: line 46). This is the beginning of the end for the Jaguars who will be crushed to death under the collapsing roundhouse (ibid.: line 48-50). Performa tive blowing of the feathered flute mlaim amohawin revives the myth of the Creator Twins; foregrou nding the mythic background in the present. As the marak ideally takes place in the month of March, blowing flutes by the tpijem undeniably causes rainfall since it is in April that the bi g rainy season begins (Figure 4-16). The culture / nature dichotomy becomes obsolete during this ritual performance. Second ceremonial regalia with the bones of the ancestors specifically produced for the upcoming ritual by specialists is the taphem (Figure 6-1).21 Jean Hurault (1968:93) wrote that he did not ascertain the meaning of this object, as this sense had va nished in time. Nevertheless, Hurault continued that this object was sometimes referred to as tamo yetp (bones of the ancestors), and that this might indicate an ancestor cult, but nothing is certain as the term tamo jetp is also applied to designate the bones of the dead looked for in pyres to fabricate poisons (ibid.; compare with chapter 5.3). Meaning is multifaceted. Taphem consists basically of two elements: a flamboyant feather headdress ( olok ), and a wooden board. The olok feather headdress will be discussed in a moment. The board, i.e., the handle of the taphem is key in understanding the meaning of this object refe rred to as the bones of the ancestors or taphem The rectangular wooden board is about 50 cm hi gh, with a protruding oval part at the top. At the back of this board are attached two horizontal rods, join t by a vertical rod serving as handle. Drawing of the wooden board, and handle of the taphem by de Goeje (1908:8 figure 13), is almost identical to the (rev ersed) drawing by Hurault (1968:95), and taphem in the collection of the FLMNH.228F22 Boards in the Amazonian Collection at the FLMNH are painted

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284 with traditional Wayana motifs.23 To the 1964 board was attached a stem representing the vertebral column and two perpendicular stems in lieu of shoulders and hi ps respectively (Hurault 1968:93), so that taphem symbolizes a skeleton dressed with a dance hat olok (ibid.; my translation).230F24 Hurault wrote that this board was named kunik (ibid.; not mentioned by Hurault is that kunike literally means with grandmother). That the taphem is not simply a symbol of a skeleton wearing the olok is unambiguous in the na rrative by de Goeje, who stated that he was told a story of an old man ( tamusi-wet ; possibly paramount chief Wet [Out named by Coudreau 1881:237, 565]) who requested to be killed: They killed him with a club, cut all the flesh from the cadaver, and ate the fles h. The skeleton was broken at its knees; they attached it [the skeleton] to a wooden board and da nced with it (the skull was cut off and guarded in a basket). That with which they danced was named tamo-yetpe (bones of the grandfather) (de Goeje 1941:119; my translation)231F25 Tamojetp thus literally refers to the bones of the ancestors ( tamo = grandfather; jetp = bone). Covering the protr uding part of the otherwise rectangular board is a calabash. This calabash is hidden inside th e basketry framework, analogous a human head wearing the feather headdress olok That the taphem stands for the bones of the ancestors (synecdochecal as tamo jetp), might be the reason why Wayana did not want to be se parated from this object when de Goeje tried to include this object in his et hnographic collection; other than it was needed for upcoming festivities as explained de Goeje (1905:11). Later, de Goeje (1908:144) described how a man stood in the middle of an arch of dancing men, each with the hand on the shoulder of the preceding dancer and in the other hand a green twig. The man in the middle was holding a taphem with an old olok (ibid.). When dancers dance with taphem they metonymically dance with ancestors. When I asked Tnepo, a renowned pjai about tamojetp he told the following:

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285 A long time ago, Wayana did not speak of hemt (charm). They only spoke of tamojetp (the bones of the ancestors). They cremated the bones of their ancestors, and crushed them into powder, to empoison other people. The tamojetp is also named taphem (line 42). They removed the bones of the ancestors and placed them as a handle for the olok feather headdress. The handle of the taphem tamo or tamo (lines 49). This was all made very beautifully. Therefore they are imitated during the traditi onal dances, for people to see them. A calabash ( tutp ; Lagenaria siceraria ) is placed as head. Then the feathers are placed on the basketry body of the olok Then they dance with this. There are thus two kinds of tamojetp ; (1) for empoisoning other people, and (2) as the handle of the taphem (line 59) (Tnepo 2000; excerpt from: Appendix C: Toimai and Tamojetp: lines 39). Meticulous notes by Hurault (1968) i ndicate there were in fact two taphem manufactured. Rearticulating the course of events related to the taphem the true sense of the taphem emerges. Palanaewa, advised by his paternal grandfather Twenke, made the taphem in Tiliwe, while at the same time Opoya (paternal grandfather of Aimawale), made another taphem in the village of Tpiti. Hurault stated that these two taphem were symbolically exchanged during the course of a dance named tapsem twetkai (presentation of taphem ) (Hurault 1968:93). Symbolically does not cover the full significan ce of this exchange of taphem Jean Hurault (1968:93-95) described how the Downstream People (i.e., inviters from T iliw) arrived at 18:30 PM in the village of Tpiti, led by Palanaewa with the taphem in his hand, circling around the tukusipan : 18:40 PM. Rite of dry pepper. What Huraul t did not explain, is that burning of black roasted peppers ( takupi ) produces an eye tearing smoke. Wayana today use takupi smoke to scare away evil spirits jolok Since taphem is the embodiment of the ancestors, Wayana make sure no evil spirits will come along into their village. 18:45 Upstream People (i.e., responders from Ti piti) circle around the Downstream People. Led by Alifolo, son of Opoya, they seize the taphem from Palanaewa after a mock battle (ibid.:94). The taphem from the Downstream People is secured in the house of Opoya. 18:50:30 Rites of the symbo lic meal, exchange of cassa va bread and beer. Next, another night of kanawamaipuli dances. 23:00 Alifolo stands in the middle of the ci rcles of dancers, holding in his hand the taphem of the Upstream People. Now it is the turn to Palanaewa to get hold of the taphem of the Upstream People. Both men dance and jump, while holding the taphem one after the other. Alternating struggle for the taphem continues the following day (December 14).

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286 09:00 AM the next morning (December 15), the Upstream People led by Opoya, place next to their tukusipan a load of bananas, papayas, and s ugarcane. Alifolo, who redressed the olok of the taphem brings the taphem at the foot of this cargo of provisions. Hurault stated that this is an offer to the taphem (ibid.:95), yet Palanaewa and his wife are given the load of provisions (over 80 kg) to be taken to th eir village of Tiliw where only preadolescent children and elder people of over 45 years of age may nourish them of this food. 12:00 departure of the dancers. The Down stream People, bring with them the two taphem The taphem of the Downstream People is deconstructed, whereas the taphem of the Upstream People will be placed inside the tukusipan of Tiliw. (Jean Hurault, 1968:93-95; my translation). Drawing on Huraults exhaustive notes I posit that in itiators of the marak set out to the village of the invited pe ople to recuperate their ancestral orig ins incarnated in the form of the taphem In the film of the 2004 marak the taphem is driven to the background and we see only for a few seconds village leader Talhuwen dancing with a taphem in the tukusipan of his village. Later, Kailawa (the kalau chanter) is dancing with this object The film by Isel does not show the exchange of taphem as the filmmaker was focused on the elaborate feather headdresses olok Taphem olok as mentioned by Coudreau, is the feather headdress worn by jolok [ Tamok Jolok ] when encountered in the forest (1893:552; Figure 7-13).26 Multicolored feather headdresses ( olok )233F27 are a key cultural trait of the Wayana (and Apalai), and portrayed almost with ecstasy in every ethnographic study. Placed on a wooden cross (atptetop ) topped with a calabash kalapi ( Crescentia cujete ), the basketry frame ( olok ahmit ) is layered with bands of featherwork. First care fully arranged on a mat ( opoto ), these composite featherwork pieces have a prefixed order on the headdr ess, as meticulously drawn by Ronnie Tkaime (Figure 6-2 A). Henri Coudreau (1893:554) philosophized that Wayana do not kill many birds to obtain the multitude of feathers necessary to manufacture the required objects for upcoming ritual performances as the provenience of most of these feathers is from pet birds that were taken out of their nest and raised in the village to be plucked from time to time. Travelers (e.g., Coudreau 1893:112-113, 141, 554-555; de Goeje 1905a:122) describe d, next to the presence of dogs and

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287 monkeys, the cacophony of pet birds in Wayana settlements, including parrots, macaws, curassows, kami-kami ( Psophia crepitans), toucans, roosters and chickens. With regard to the latter (kulasi ; Gallus gallus domesticus ) it is emphasized that the fowl were, if at all possible, perfectly white and that these white feathers where necessary for dancing ornaments (Coudreau 1893:113, 541; de Goeje 1905a:122). Shin ing jewel beetle wing cases ( siliapenp ) for jingling adornments attached at the end of red tail feathers ( spsp ), positioned at the back, are gathered from gardens. First Wayana slash a clearing. Jewel beetles ( Euchroma gigantea ) are attracted to these sunlit clearings. When burning the slashed trees, jewel bee tles are burned in the fires. After the rains following the burning of the gard ens, shiny wing cases shimmer in sun rays. Jules Crevaux (1987:274) wrote th at it took over a year to manuf acture these composite feathers. Not only do Wayana not kill many wild birds to obtain feathersand if they shoot wild birds for feathers it is wi th a flat headed arrow ( kamata with a blunt head from hardwood, or a piece of tortoise plastron) to prevent blood staini ng the featherswhat is more important is that polychrome composite featherwork is curated in boxes ( olok en [specific]; pakala [general]), only to be aired for an upcoming ritual performance. Feather boxes filled with composite feathers are shown in the photos by Dominique Darbois (Mazire and Darbois 1953) and Daniel Schoepf (1971:39). Overlooked, or not emphasized enough, is the ancestr al origin of this wealth of composite featherwork handed down from generation to generation. Coudreau (1893:174) was amazed to see several hundreds of preci ous feathers curated in the family pakala (storage box; more specifically: olok en ) of Touank (see also Crevaux 1881:98). Resonating with when on November 8, 1903, Pontoetoe had a box (pakala) filled with composite featherwork, from which he assembled an olok (de Goeje 1905:967). De Goeje gave Pontoetoe an ax and some beads, and left the following day for Paramaribo with the olok (de Goeje 1906:146, Plate III).

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288 Figure 6-2. Various material aspe cts of the life-crisis ritual (Ronnie Tkaime, 2000). A. lay-out of elements used to build an olok B. Tpijem wearing olok and blowing the flute mlaim amohawin with a mulokot kunana in the background. C. kanawa dancers. D. sketch of dancing with taphem E. Games of temptation following putop. Throughout are dancing arrows ( tukui upo tpiem ple ) and stinging shields (kunana ). Table 6-2. Layering of feathers on olok headdress (from top to bottom; Figure 6-2 top). Wayana name28 General description of layer (main color and species) kunolowatk Fan of red tail feathers of scarlet macaw ( kunolo ; Ara macao) mounted on a shaft. spsp Composite feathers at the front and back of the kunolowatk ; back piece ending in jingling adornments with shining wing cases from the jewel beetle ( sili; Euchroma gigantea ). pija umot White lower belly down of harpy eagle ( pija; Harpia harpyja ). kijapok Black tail feathers of toucan ( kijapok ; Ramphastos tucanus ) cut at equal length. kulima Yellow feathers of crested oropendola (kulima ; Psarocolius decumanus melanterus) cut at equal length with two sideway protruding composite red feathers at the front. kulaikulai Green feathers of non-identified parrot ( Amazona sp.), set off with two red feathers kulasi emhulun White tail feathers of chicken ( kulasi ; Gallus gallus domesticus ); also attached one kijapokwatk (toucan tail feather) papona / ksipot Mosaic from rectangles cut from bill of a collared aracari toucan (ksi ; Pteroglossus frantzii ). hapika Band of small red and blue feathers (unidentified species).

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289 These genuine treasure chests are curated by the head of families (Twanke and Pontoetoe in the examples mentioned above). These feathe r boxes are material property, symbolic capital charged through history as they are handed down from generation to generation. In an essay on, amongst others, stylistic aspects of Wayana featherwork, Daniel Sc hoepf (1971) stated that there was a kind of hesitation at the moment of choice in the assembly process, as some feathers were tied with cotton thread to a wooden shaft or woven belt, whereas other feathers were simply glued to their foundation.29 This choice, I argue, is not a kind of hesitation (Schoepf 1971:38), but inherent in the origin and use of each partic ular object. For example, feather mosaics glued to the ant/wasp shields kunana (Figure 6-2 upper right) are tr ansient objects made by the tpijem to serve exclusively during his st inging rite. Stinging shields (kunana) are personal objects only to be used once; first and foremost serving the tpijem who made it. Quite the opposite, precious polychromous composite featherwork for olok headdress were made by the ancestors, curated by Elders, and worn by the tpijem during their final dance be fore the stinging rite.236F30 The latter featherwork holds secondary agency in the sense of Alfred Gell (1998), as these objects hold the capacity to cause events to happen, not as prim ary agents, as this featherwork is not selfsufficient with intentionality, bu t this featherwork is without doubt imbued with secondary agencywith what I would call ancestral agencyin conjuncti on with human associates or patients who undergo the event caused by the ag ent (Gell 1998:16-23). In his study, Gell shifts the analysis from meaning to effect; especially the effect to impress. We can deduct a meaning as Wayana (and Apal ai) layer feathers of scarlet macaw (red) and harpy eagle (white)living in the uppermos t canopy of the rainfore st, toucan (black), crested oropendola (yellow), and Amazon parrot (blue-green)from the lower branches of trees, and chickens (white)liv ing on the earths surface, to stand for the levels of the

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290 universe while covering primary colors (red, yellow, and blue), white and black (Table 6-2). Alternatively, meaning emerges from social ac tion (interrelationship between artifact and people) as this featherwork is s ituated in the effect to impress, during which process meanings and values are accumulated and transformed th rough time; the object accumulates a biography (Kopytoff 1986; Gosden and Marshall 1999). Thes e feather headdresses are what John Robb called extended artefacts whereby we have to see not their nake d skeleton, the thing itself, but the extended artefact, the artefact with its ex tension into social space and time (2004:133). Within this theoretical framework, the artifact is no longer an object studi ed for its function, dating and style. These artifacts are not simply objects providing a stage setting for human action, but they are integral to it and, on occasio n, these artifacts are even active participants. According to Kopytoff (1986) objects have a constantly emerging cultural biography in which non-commodities can become commodities, and later on a non-commodity again. Such is the case of the featherwork for the olok headdress that was in possession of Pontoetoe before November 8, 1903 (non-commodity), when it was acqui sitioned by Claudius de Goeje for an ax and some beads (de Goeje 1905:967; de Go eje 1906:146, Plate III) (commodity), and upon return in the Netherlands donated to the museum of the Royal Institut e of the Tropics in Amsterdam (inventory number: KIT 402-40) wher e it became a non-commodity once more, but this time with a different cultural value. Figure 6-3. Black-and-white mosaic at the base of the headdress signifying tpijem Drawn after the olok curated in Leiden (inve ntory number: RMV 2352-1).

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291 Signifying the novice ( tpijem ) is papona, a black-and-white mosaic (rectangles cut from the bill of a collared aracari toucan; ksipot ); a band absent in most olok headdresses in museum collections; de Goeje brought one to Leiden (F igure 6-3), and Creva ux brought one to Paris (1881:98). 31 Arabesque arrangements (Creva ux 1892:97) of the black-and-white238F32 scales are in the shape of mekuwom an exceptionally long caterpillar (u nidentified species; possibly tapeworm). Ronnie Tkaime (Fi gure 6-2 B) literally wrote tupihem instead of drawing this meandering mosaic of the ksipot emphasizing that this arabesque reads tpijem Ahlbrinck (1956:28), based on a drawing by Dr. Rombouts, stat ed that at this place was a spotted jaguar skin. Crevaux (1987:274) wrote that it was the tamouchy who carried this mosaic on the front of his headdress, or a similar woven base on whic h are attached the scales of a caiman. On the latter, he had stated earlier that a crown with the scales of a caiman is the emblem of sovereignty (Crevaux 1987:270). On the diad em with caiman scales, Creva ux further stated that it was Taliman, chief of Talimapo (upper Paru) and an im portant authority, had obtained such a crown with caiman scales when he married the daught er of the chief, even though she had elder brothers (1987:311). These objects endowed with ancestral agency are social valuables and inalienable property (charged by accumulation of cultural biography), which may be exchanged with other members of a social unit during cerem onies, legitimizing the owners identity, as will be central in the discussion of the ritu al economy of political power (Chapter 8.2). These olok feather headdresses hold agency in that they move people. The feather boxes and featherwork are portable objects, however, th e power and use value of this featherwork is more dynamic and lies in its effect to impress and attract people; people have to visit the closing dance of the marak in order to perceive this monumental headdress in state. Meaning of such artifacts cannot be deducted from the mere object alone; its meaning as impressive effect must be

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292 enacted, it must be performed and witnessed (Gosden 2001:165; Gosden and Marshall 1999), as will be further discussed in a moment. 6.2.3 Return of the Momai Momai will be named tpijem upon returning in their village; they are now endowed with embodied knowledge of cultural qua lities, basketry making above all, learned in reclusion in another Wayana village (in the vill age of those invited; the social others). Several days before the stinging ritual, the momai return to their village, crowned with hamile to which are attached in the front two long cotton strings, and dressed u nder a heavy load of red and blue bead strings (replacements of olukla ; sash from grounded shell from the Paru),33 several feather adornments such as pasik (long red macaw tail feather decorations at tached by the bead strings on the upper arm [ appata ]), and draped on their back halikt (feather mosaic representing, on a red backdrop, a yellow-golden men w ith his legs spread as a fr og [Crevaux 1892:97] and his upper arms reaching each other above his head). C oudreau, who brought such a feather mosaic to Paris, described this dorsal ornament as Sacred Star (Coudreau 1893:555; MQB inventory number: 71.1890.93.184).240F34 This beautiful piece of feathe rwork on the back is mirrored on the chest by a shiny mirror (aluwa ).241F35 Crevaux (1892:98) and Ahlbrinck (1956:76) noted that the abdomens of the tpijem were girded with a large number of belts ( akawale ): some of black spider monkey fur, others of white cotton242F36 (see also de Goeje 1908:147; absent today). Around the hip is tied a panti (belt woven from glass beads). They wear a long red loincloth ( kamisa ), and their body is covered with designs painted with black kup ( Genipa americana ). To make the traditional kup designs even more radiant, Tasikale (in 2004) had applied some sparkling golden stars around them. He had also glued some downy white cotton to hi s cheeks and chin, as a sign of old age, as someone who knows and who is respectful ( twantak ikatp ; Table 5-1).

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293 Before the momai return, several men and boys from th e host village imitate the return of the momai ; dressed under a heavy load of red and blue bead string s, though mockingly crowned with tpapo (white chicken feathers attached to a string), and on the back a weju (beaded womens apron; not insignificant is that the second meaning of weju is flame) (Pellet and Saint-Jean 2006:29 upper right). In the evening of 2004, five momai led by Tasikale, arrive from the side of the tpijem pakolon (Figure 6-6: path ; east side), turn counterclockwise around the community roundhouse, to enter the tukusipan from the west side. When they sit inside the tukusipan village leader Talhuwen asked Tasikale how many maipuli (cassava beer containers) they had made during their s eclusion at Twenke. Subsequently, the momai return and carry these heavy loads on their back from Twenke to Talhuw en. Villagers from Talhuwen went along with the momai to help them collect the maipuli full of cassava beer paste. Hurault added that in 1964 the Downstream People went to collect, in addition, several maipuli that were left halfway by the Upstream People (1968:98).37 Upon returning, the momai are each assigned a section under the roof of the community roundhouse. Hurault (1968:98) further noticed that in 1964 the momai danced under the tukusipan whereby the eldest was holding the taphem of the Upstream People (social others), which had been seized during a nocturnal mock batt le two weeks prior and placed inside the tukusipan of Tiliw (host village) (see above; Hurault 1968:95). Momai (originally from the host village) are now perceived as social others and faced by the Downstream People (from the host village) who sing maipuli evoking the large cassava be er containers to be brought into the host village. In a sense, the initiates now are the social others and in each di stinct section under the roof it is the Upstream People (the invited social others) who mount the olok (the Creator Twins invited the Jaguars, the quintessential social Other, for this task). It is the guardians ( eknp ) who have

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294 each their proper section under the tukusipan where they mount the olok with layers of feathers ( olok tatpti [ olok takiptei (Hurault 1968:98)]; see also de Goeje 1908:146), guided by Elders. To mount the monumental feather headdress olok its basketry frame ( olok ahmit ) is placed on a wooden cross ( atptetop ) (Figure 6-2 A).38 When the monumental feather headdresses are finished, the guardians walk around the tukusipan and hang the olok in the tpijem pakolon, where they will remain till the next morning. Momai sit on their benches and are relieved from their load of bead strings whic h are returned to their owners. While mounting the olok headdresses, Aloupki,245F39 next to an olok -stand ( atptetop ), is sitting on a wooden stool facing the center of the tukusipan applying to the back of Franoise (encouraged by Sokia) a belt woven from green palm shoots into which ants are locked. Franoise will endure the stinging ritual, and this preliminary test is to assess whether she can withstand the venom of bullet ants ( ilak ; Paraponera clavata ) released during the ordeal. Next, children are brought forward to also endure the ant sti ngs. Rather than the extremely painful ilak bullet ants ( Paraponera clavata ), other black ants ( ijuk ; possibly Cryptocercus atratus), with a less painful sting are fixed into a miniature ant-shield ( kunana upsik ). Women and children try to flee the scene, unwilling to endure this premarak, while some boys laugh triumphantly tolerating the stings (compa re with Cognat 1989:34; Coudreau 1893:233; de Goeje 1908:146). Rather than concluding that th e Wayana undergo this stinging ritual from the age of four,246F40 I argue that, supported by the agency of Aloupki, who is a frequent joker (it was comedian Pontoetoe who performed this premarak in 1907 [de Goeje 1908:146]), this witty preliminary stinging with a provisional ant-belt is simply to joke and trick. For the upcoming event, next to th e monumental feather headdresses olok and the wide array of regalia as the flute mlaim amohawin is produced a dancing arrow ( tukui upo [litt.:

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295 nest of hummingbird]; tepiem pile [Hurault 1968:93]) specifically prepared for the tpijem ( tpijem ple ). This ornamented arrow is not fitted with an arrowhead. Stabilizing feathers at the end of the arrow ( plu ale) are framed in by a web of thread s (de Goeje 1908: tafel I). In 2003, Ronnie Tkaime, without visual mnemonics, drew se veral sketches of this dancing arrow (Figure 6-2). It was Ronnies father Aputu who in 2004 manufactured these dancing arrows. Another component for the final dance, the tpijem have to build themselves: the ground drum ( ehpa ). In 2004, the trench for the ehpa (about 8 meter long, 32 cm wide, 3 degree east of due north)41 was dug in between tpijem pakolon and tukusipan (Figure 6-5: location B). In 1964 (Hurault 1968:100), the ground drum was made from the base of an old canoe (about 5 meter long, 50 cm wide). Crevaux (1892:98) and Mazire (1953:170) wrote that the trench was covered with a long bark strip. It has to be noted that canoes used to be made from the circa five centimeter thick bark of mpu trees ( Hymenea courbaril ). The plank was placed over a circa 10 to 20 centimeter deep trench, which was filled with leaves of the wapu palm ( Euterpe oleracea ). This trench is dug out by the tpijem after they have collected th e wasps (de Goeje 1908:147), or sometimes before (Hurault 1968:100). The tpijem have to carry the plank for the ground drum above their head into the plaza. During this exercise, the tpijem are being whipped with palm fronds (Ahlbrinck 1956:31; Hurault 1968:100). According to Ahlbrinck (1956:31), when in place, the plank is covered with sand. When the ritual has passed, the plank is removed. Not to be left unmentionedneither described in detailis that the week before the stinging ritual women begin to produce large quantities of sisiakan (sun dried cassava bead), kasli and umani (cassava beer) (e.g., Cognat 1989:30, 43; Mazire 1953:166). Production and consumption of cassava beer has been describe d in detail elsewhere, including some Wayana recipes (Daniel Schoepf 1979), as well as how Guiana peoples endow their landscape with social

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296 meaning in planting manioc (Heckler 2004). Andr Cognat (1989:37-39) provided an inside glimpse on the orgy of beverage ta king place in different villages. In order to harvest and produce these large qu antities of cassava bread and beer, I like to emphasize, the manioc stalks ought to have been planted six to twelve mo nths earlier. This surplus is produced intentionally for the approach ing gatherings, rather than an amassed surplus of food is distributed by a paramount chief. This ritual economy has often been taken for granted, such as when in 1888 Twank took off fo r a grand hunting party at a branch of the Malani in the Tumuc-Humac area (Coudreau 1893:224) Coudreau interprete d this hunting party as one of the customs of the primitive life of the Indians. Such as this noble practice of the grand familial hunting parties (ibid.; my transl ation), rather than a necessary economic means for the upcoming ritual festivities. Soon afte r Twank returned from his hunting party, the 1888 marak took place. Coudreau most likely did not make a connection as he had left the village of Twank (Pililipu) in order to witness the marak at Peo (1893:227), wh ich Coudreau perceived as two autonomous settlements. He does neve rtheless go on to say that the food production is one of delicate prepar ations and that the marak is always an opportunity for a big party (Coudreau 1893:229). It is the upcoming ritual that requires a surplus production to be redistributed among guests visiting from neighbor ing villages. Upcoming rituals not only generate a surplus of crops and protein, they also request larger vessels to brew and store cassava beer, along with elaborate vesse ls to distribute and serve ca ssava beer to guests. 6.2.4 Tpijem presenting their Kunana Kunana, is another object that is exclusively produced for the upcoming stinging ritual; a unique zoomorphic mat woven from jaujale ( Bactris hirta ) onto which mainly red and white down feathers, offset with black feather strips, are glued with palakta resin (Figure 6-2 B upper right; E upper central). Center plaiting is left undecorated to hold ants or wasps during the

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297 stinging rite putop ; hence the common reference to ant/wa sp ritual. Few days before the stinging ritual (putop), the tpijem present the kunana they made to the public. Feathered kunanas are attached by means of a cotton string to a baton that is colored red with onot ( Bixa orellana ) and crosshatched with soot black lines. In 2004, while the tpijem dance in line, holding their kunana, it was Kailawa (standing in the mi ddle of this dance line) who sung the kalau chants that were answered by the tpijem dancers. It was full moon, and the central plaza was reflecting the clear moonlight.42 That night, kalau chants and maipuli kanawa dances continue in alternation. People of Talhuwen sung maipuli while beating the rhythm with rods to which were attached kawai noise makers. Visiting guests were dressed with okalat and hamile crowns, and held a white feathere d shaft in their hands, singing kanawa. The two women (Franoise and Assen) that would endure the stin ging ritual in 2004 did not present their kunana ; women and girls ( wli ) have a square non-d ecorated ant-shield (wli katop ). Shape of the kunana, representing mythical animals, is historically described as (1) quadrupeds or fantasy birds249F43 (Crevaux 1892:98) while sketches of these instruments (ibid.:100; reproduced by Coudreau 1893:244) support id entification of the former as kaikui or apuweika and the latter as mulokot ; (2) fish named macas [ watau ] and birds named yaouis (Coudreau 1893:230); (3) fish or double headed serpents (Mazire 1953:164); (4) fish or game (Cognat 1989:48); (5) wataw fish [= watau], molokot [= mulokot ], sipalad crab [= sipalat ], meli squirrel, ipo water monster, palite [= plit caterpillar species] (Ahl brinck 1956:29-31), all are representing a monster on land or in the water, real or mythological (Ahlbrinck 1956:89). Janamale made one kunana especially for Dirk Geijskes. While Geijskes thought this resembled a fish (a koemaroe [ Myleus pacu ] or piranha [Serresalmus piraya ]), Janamale assured him that

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298 this was a moelokot [= mulokot ] a watradagoe-brara (Sranantongo for brother of the otter) (Geijskes 1957:282). Besides a gender distinction, there is anothe r important di stinction reflected in the kunana: tpijem who will endure this test for the firs t time (i.e., true initiation) will have a kunana in the shape of the watau fish ( Myleus pacu ) set with bullet ants ( ilak ; Paraponera clavata), in contrast to men who already have experien ced this ordeal at least once. Wayana told me that the tpijem after his true initiation is free to choo se one of the monsters depicted on the maluwana to shape his wasp-shield, e.g., kaikui, mulokot kuluwajak makwatili, matawat and apuweika Shape of kunana favored for the second marak is mulokot (monstrous fish with one arm; discussed above). After true initiation, tpijem set with their kunana with wasps of their choosing, e.g., okomjot kapheu, kuloklo, elinatwale muklawale kuluklu or apala (these species have not yet been identified). Wayana say that elinatwale muklawale, and kuluklu are incredibly agonizing. Hurault (1968:105) stated that th e name of the former, i.e., a true initiate, in Wayana is ipotka ( iptke ; literally: with wife), whereas the latter are named umnplin Furthermore, in the kalau songs, true initiates are referred to as alimijapo (literally: uncle of the spider monkey), the second time tpijem are tpulusem third time ikajali, fourth time ijotome and those w ho have endured four stinging rituals are referred to as ekajaleime The last stinging ritual a person endures in his lifetime is with a kunana in the shape of a tukusi (gray dolphin; Sotalia fluviatilis ) set with about five squares in a row filled with okom wasps.44 Distinction between ants during true initiation, and wasps dur ing consecutive ordeals, as previously noticed by Coudreau (1893:228), confused ethnographers not recognizing the distincti on between ants and wasps in the shields, and who did not differentiate be tween true initiates a nd other stinging rite participants.

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299 This distinction can also be observed in the height of the olok Where true initiates have a single olok tpijem who previously endured a stinging ritual may choose for a double olok meaning that the basic basketry cylinder will be twice as high allowing for twice the layering of featherwork series. Another distinction is that after the actual stinging by the kunana, the true initiates will retreat without delay into the tpijem pakolon, whereas the other tpijem will first circle the village plaza. In the 2004 marak, Paiwali and Roberto Kilian had, as true initiates a kunana in the shape of a watau fish. Roberto Kilian, fearful of the stings, had made a relatively small kunana. Both were adorned with white and red down feathers, a nd a black feathered tail. Red down is from the scarlet macaw (kunolo ; Ara macao ), white down is from chicken ( kulasi ; Gallus gallus domesticus ), and black is from curassow ( wok ; Crax alector). These feathers are glued onto the basketry from palm leave (jaujale ; Bactris hirta ) with palakta ( Manilkara bidendata ). Sylvain, although a true initiate, yet French (non-Wayana), had chosen for mulokot covered entirely with black feathers. Although Pajakwali and Tasikale had never endured a stinging ritual before, yet were no longer adolescents, they choose for respectively matawat (mainly black, red bottom, red-yellow-blue midsection) and mulokot (white with red outline, w ith yellow and blue at the joint of the arm),. Aimawale, who had endured hi s initiation in 1989 at the age of 14, had chosen for an unusual kunana: apuweika (black panther), which he had a dorned in the remarkable hue of white down (bring in mind the sign ificance of black-and-white in one object [Chapter 7.4]). Moreover, Aimawale had a second kunana adorned with black down: Kailawa, founding father of the Wayana confederation (Figure 6-4). This was the first time in history that an anthropomorphic kunana had been presented. Aimawale intended to be fully prepared when exploring the Tumuc-Humac region, in search of the tracks of Kailawa (Pellet and Saint-Jean

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300 2006), thus his choice of a wasp-shield in the shape of Kailawa, in order to be able to read the tracks of his ancestors. A. B. Figure 6-4. Aimawales anthropomorphic kunana : Kailawa (A. Saint-Jean, August 2004), and, on the right, a more traditional kunana : makwatili (B. Duin, May 2003). 6.3 Closing Dance and Stinging Ritual In the early morning of the day before the stinging ritual ( putop), the tpijem together with several men set out into the forest in search for ants or wasps needed for the stinging ritual. These men are not allowed to drink any ca ssava beer, no cachiri from manioc [= kasli ], no chacola [= sakula ], no omani [= umani ]. Otherwise the Manioc-Shaman, who is very strong, will kill all the ants and wasps within 24-hours. They are allowed to drink banana juice [= palu ewku ] without danger to the insects (Coudreau 1893:229; my translation).45 The kunana is brought into the forest, and placed horizontally on to three (Geijskes 1957:283) or four (Mazire 1953:165) sticks next to the nest. Anesthetic met hods and setting of the ants or wasps into the kunana is described in detail elsewhere (Ahl brinck 1956:31-32, 68-70; Mazire 1953:165).

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301 After having pushed a plug of cotton, drenched with an anesthetic,46 into the opening of the nest, the nest will be fumigated and the wasps will fall out of the nest. No sound is made during this procedure. Ants or wasps are secured by their abdomen between the mesh in the center of the kunana, following the hourglass motif of wakawakatp (see for details Geijskes 1957:283). Tpijem return from the forest with in their hand, attached to a baton, their kunana filled with up to 300 ants or wasps that begin to awaken from their anesthesia. Each tpijem is assigned a place around the plaza where they have their bench ( kololo ) and where they will be dressed for their closing dance that will last the entire night. While sitting silently and immovably on their be nches, others dress them with heavy loads of bead strings and other adornments, including the monumental feather headdress olok Their body is not painted red with onot ( Bixa orellana ), on the contrary, all the remainin g red dye has been washed off. Not mentioned by Hurault, but seen in the film of the 2004 marak, is that Anamaila and Siksili demonstrate the dance to the tpijem ; that is, how to move, how to play the flute, how to dance with an olok Including, how to leave the ground drum circle around, and return to the ground drum. Sokia is giving additional directions. Fri nges on the forehead are cut and the rest of the hair is tied into a ponytail (Ahlbrinck 1956:78) Next there is a re hearsal dance for the tpijem to feel if their olok needs further adjustments in order to have a secure fit as it would be catastrophic if the monumental feather headdress falls onto the ground during the closing dance. 6.3.1 From Dusk till Dawn At dusk ( tametei ), fires and lamps are lit and the tpijem dancers enter the village plaza.253F47 Tpijem cannot enter the stage effortlessly, as others obstruct their access a nd try to drive them back with palm fronds and opoto mats (de Goeje 1908:146). In 2004 at sunset, just as over 120 years ago (Crevaux 1892:98), each tpijem approached the ehpa (ground drum), onto which the tpijem will dance the entire night (see also figure 6-5).254F48 By baton, Siksili pointed out the place

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302 to each tpijem Tpijem stand side-by-side on the ground drum facing sunset (the 2004 ehpa trench was dug north-south, with an angle of only three degrees eas t of due north; Figure 6-6 B). Each male tpijem holds the above described flute mlaim amohawin in the left hand, and dancing arrow tukui upo in the right hand. Granman Amaipoti49 and Siksili256F50 direct the flute play by blowing on an undecorated flute with gi ant armadillo claw. Participating women and girls do not have such a flute. Women and girls dance side-by-side the men whereby the men often support the girl with their right arm. At times, dancers leave the ehpa, to dance in a circular movement around the plaza, only to return to their fixed place on the ground drum (Ahlbrinck 1956:76-77).257F51 Figure 6-5. Marak: dance of the tpijem at Antecume pata (courtesy: Daryl P. Miller, 1973).

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303 A) Community roundhouse tukusipan ; B) ground drum ehpa ; C) tpijem pakolon; D) place of the theatrical plays during the closing dance; E and F) visitors from Talhuw en and other villages; G) shamans hut for the farce of jolok ; H) place of the stinging rite putop; i) and j) place of gourd bowl with cass ava beer. General layout, compare with figure 3-12: 2) house of Pajakwali Aloupki; 6) house of Tasikale Aloupki; path to village leader Talhuwens place; road to Esprance (ward of Talhuwen) from where the momai returned; path to Awara kampu; path to Aimawales place (formerly Opoya); pa th to Aliminas place; path to Ronnies place. Figure 6-6. Plan view of the 2004 closing dan ce and stinging ritual at Talhuwen (right) compared with the si tuation in 2003 (left). In 2004, about a thousand Wayana, that is most Wayana from the upper Maroni basin, had gathered at the plaza of Talhuwen to view this ritual spectacle (Figure 6-6: E and F are locations from where the visitors viewed the spectacle; B is the location of the ehpa). People from other settlements thus become part of Wayana space-time by being in the village plaza and participating in the rituals held in and around the community roundhouse. Aimawale and Anamaila were surprised to see that so ma ny Wayana had gathered; a sign that many young Wayana support traditional Wayana culture. To cite Anamaila: Some tr y to live our culture; others can care less about it, but they are wrong. Nonetheless, they have come too. All the villages have been deserted to gather at this ev ent, because it is very beautiful to see (Anamaila 2004; my translation from the film by Isel 2006).52

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304 While tpijem are dancing on the ground drum, several plays take place. These theatrical farces take place behind the backs of the tpijem (Figure 6-6; location D), whereas the tpijem are not allowed to turn their hea d, laugh, or show any other signs of emotion; they must continue to dance, beat the ground drum with th eir legs (under the knee are attached kawai noise makers) and blowing the flute simultaneously, without showing reaction to what is happening behind them. Adults and children partake in th e imitation of a hunting game of capybara ( kapiwala ) eating sugarcane while being attacked by dogs played by jumping lads (Ahlbrinck 1956:80; Hurault 1968:101; Isel 2006). Other deceitful imita tions are the game of the toads and anteaters (Ahlbrinck 1956:80-81; Hurault 1968: 102; Miller in prep.). Not only animals are imitated, In 1938, Maifat (Malavat)53 entered the stage disguised as a nd in perfect imitation of an old woman: Namijei (Awali) posed the question W ho are you woman? Reply: I am a woman of the Wajarikul. Question: I came to see whether the Wayana can dance well (Ahlbrinck 1956:81; my translation). This kind of humor deliberately provokes anxiety, as well as laughter. Practical joking is visual and in speech-act, and not unique in Amazonia (e.g., Basso 1987:293-295). It has to be noted that Wajarikul are considered wild Indians, even from a Wayana perspective, so the answer from the tr ickster imitator Maifat (Malavat) to see whether the Wayana can dance well is ridiculous to Wa yana who consider themselves more civilized and therefore better da ncers without question.260F54 Later, the same impersonator (Malavat) entered the stage with white cotton glued to his cheeks and chin, and this old man was provided with a seat as a sign of his power and commented on the dance (Ahlbr inck 1956:81). All spectators laugh, so his joke was a success, however Ahlbri nck did not understand the words, neither was given an interpretation by Wayana. We might wa nder whether this was a farce of the White Man (maybe even of Ahlbrinck himself); in 2004 such theater plays were held by Wayana imitating

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305 the arrival of the French (Isel pers. comm. 2008; unfortunately the video tapes of these farces got lost). During the 1973 ritual, Andr Cognat cam e out in a skit-like performance as an old crippled man on crutches with one leg tied up behind him (Miller pers. comm. 2008, in prep.). Next to the skit-like farc es, there are plays of wm (penis) and evil trickster spirits jolok In the former, adolescents have attached a cir ca 50 centimeter long basketry cylinder to their lower abdomen imitating an enormous penis. Chasing after women and making them touch the end of this mock penis (Hurault 1968:102; compare with Northwest Amazonia [Oyuela-Caycedo 2004] and Xinguano erotic trickste rs described by Ellen Basso 1987:295). Last play mentioned by Hurault (1968:102; from 19:30 to 21:30), as well as the last play during the 1973 marak (Miller in pre p.) and the 2004 marak, was the mocking of the evil trickster spirits jolok At the edge of the plaza, a shamans hut ( mmn ) is erected from kumu palm fronts (Figure 6-6. location: G). Hurault wrote that children enter this hut, mimicking a fight between good and evil spirits; a struggle that is taken out to the plaza (1968:102) Isel filmed this performance in 2004. Rather than children mimicking a fight between good and evil spirits, one individual embodied the evil trickster ( jolok ) inside the shamans hut. From the audience, a Wayana at the age to pass the stinging rite is chosen to fight this jolok This obligated voluntee r is trying to get a look inside the shelter while appro aching it. The incarnation of jolok protrudes his head (covered with a black bandana) through the palm front shelter, once and again. Than, suddenly, jolok (dressed in a white shirt and white pants with black stripe s at the side) leaps out of the shamans shelter and begins to wrestle his adversary from the audi ence out in the plaza. After some wrestling, the obligated volunteer lifted jolok (while facing him) and walked him into the spectator crowd. This is another example that the Wayana marak is a conceptual event demanding the viewers participation and forces them to get involved.

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306 Ad infinitum, and without showing emotion, tpijem continue their monotonous dancing on the ground drum, while blowing th eir flute. There is no singing. Tpijem are permitted to take short breaks and sit on their bench, re-adjust their olok have a little sip of cassava beer to prevent dehydration, only to take stand on the ehpa once more. While spectators go to sleep, tpijem continue their ordeal.55 Tpijem are not allowed to wipe the sweat from their forehead, under the forewarning that they otherwise will develop skin co mplaint on their face.262F56 Dancers continue to beat the ground drum with their legs and to blow the flute (for an animated description see Ahlbrinck 1956:33-34). After midnight tpijem are offered some more cassava beer. Around 2:30 AM a row of benches is placed next to the dancing ground. Dancers take place on these benches with their back toward s the ground drum, and are offered some more cassava beer, which is regurgita ted immediately (Ahlbrinck 1956:8384), leaving the plaza filled with fawn tinted pools (see also Coudreau 1893:231).263F57 With regard to music, dance, and beer, Vict or Fuks (1988:178) wrot e that enjoying music, dance, and beer not only permits individual a nd group needs to be mediated but goes further, indicating pleasures and emotions. Making music, drinking caxiri ( sic .), and dancing in particular ways are, above all, indicators of what it means to be a Waiapi ( sic .) and the same goes for their Wayana neighbors. Beyond indica tors of what it means to be Waypior Wayanamusic, dance, and cassava beer are unique forces in major transformations mediating potential conflicts in a subtle way, with the result of intense emotional experiences (Fuks 1988:178). Then again, the Wayana marak is far from a subtle way of mediating potential conflicts during major transformations. These are intense emotional experiences, which, incidentally, are not allowed to be revealed by the tpijem

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307 6.3.2 Stinging Ritual ( putop) After some twelve hours of dancing, many g aze at the eastern horizon longing for the rising son ( sisi mektopoin). At dawn ( kokopsik ), Elders play kului with the bamboo flute titilu ( momai wu ). Tpijem reply with flute plays resembling the kului (marbled wood-quail; Odontophorus gujanensis ). The Elder in charge (Malaita wa in 1938; see Ahlbrinck 1956:85) monitors the eastern horizon. Everything is brou ght to a halt when the oldest grandmother ( kuni ) grasps the ant-shield and strides towards the dancers (Mazire 1953:170), at times aided by the tamusi who Cognat (1989:54) even refers to as doyen (Touloucim [= Toulisima]58 ibid.:56). At the break of dawn, tpijem return to their benches where th ey are being stripped from their outfit (Ahlbrinck 1956:34, 70-71; Crevaux 1892:98; de Goeje 1908:148; Hurault 1968:102).265F59 This is an abstract commentary on discarding materialism (dis guises) for the natural (the real) underneath. Coudreau (1893:231) wrote that it were the tamouchi [= tamusi] Peo and the old Enoua, the Couni [= kuni ] who were about to apply the kunanas to the tpijem Acamali, Courapo (son of Peo), Ariu et Iri (Coudreau 1893:231). Hence another constituent necessary for proper conduct of this rite: one needs a grandmother, because the grandmother is in charge (Ahlbrinck 1956:28). Wayana are a grandm other culture whereby cultu ral transmission skips one generation. Wayana assured me that when your grandmother is deceased, you can hire one, or ask a grandfather (tamo ). In the past, payments were arra nged with an ax, iron file, a metal canteen, and glass beads, among others. Toda y, payments mainly take place in Euro. Grandparents are required, because it is them placing the kunana on the body of the tpijem As Mazire emphasized (1953:166-167): during the placi ng of the ants, the initiate is not allowed to show the slightest indication of suffering (my translation).266F60 Daryl Miller, based on shadows

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308 on his pictures of the 1973 ritual (pers. comm. 2009; Figure 66) noted that the tpijem face west, while the Elders and kunana face the rising sun in the east while applying the kunana Figure 6-7. Stinging ritual putop at Antecume pata (courtesy: Daryl P. Miller, 1973). Moloko is applying the kunana ( mulokot ) while Pilima stands behind the tpijem In 2004, following tradition, it we re first the girls who, afte r being stripped from their beads and other adornmentsexcept for their beaded apron ( weju )would walk back to the ground drum (Figure 6-5: location B), where at its northern end was the pl ace of the stinging rite (location H). Assen, wife of Aima wale, was first to endure this or deal. Her paternal grandfather held the undecorated female kunana in both hands, and first applie d it to his own upper legs and chest, before applying it to his granddaughter. Kali (2003 pers. comm.) added that with the girls they forcefully press the kunana to the hands and chest, then say som kaik! and apply the kunana to the sole of the feet. Second in line wa s Franoise. Third in line was Roberto Kilian, who was so frightened by the thought of the st ings of the bullet-ants that he had made a miniature watao kunana The ant-shield was applied by pjai Aloupki.61 In order to make Roberto Kilian a good hunter and (therefore) a good Wayana, he had to hold a gun in his right

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309 hand (barrel in the hand while th e shoulder piece rested on the ground) while blowing the flute in his left hand. After his body is stung by ants, he returned the gun, and walked counterclockwise, along the crowd of spectators, via some bowls of cassava beer (l ocation i and j)the last sip before fastingto the tpijem pakolo (Figure 6-5: location C). Then Paiwali, who held in his right hand an arrow cane, while Siksili is blowing the flute. Not included in the film are the stinging rites of Pajakwali, and of the organize rs Tasikali and Aimawale who would endure this ordeal last of all. Video casse tte of the ordeal of Aimawale a nd Tasikale disappeared before the cinematographer Jean-Philippe Isel departed from Talhuwen, whereby he stated satirically that this was more painful than the ant-stings (Isel pers. comm. 2008). Stinger of the bullet ant ( ilak ; Paraponera clavata ), rather than its enormous jaws, will be placed onto the body penetrating the skin delivering its venom.62 After being stung by venomous stings of respectively bullet-ants or wasps, each tpijem makes his round counterclockwise along the visito rs around the plaza (Figure 6-6. Dotted line from H alongside the visitors E and F), towards the tpijem pakolon (C) where each can finally rest in a brand new hammock (Cognat 1989:54; de Goeje 1941:110; Hurault 1968:102). Sometimes the tpijem has to be carried to his hammock where he will la y, tied in, like a dead body with a little fire underneath (Crevaux 1892:98; Coudreau 1893:233). Sometimes the tpijem will sit in his hammock rocking back and forward, because of the pain inflicted by the venom. Tpijem will at this point, laying in his hammock alike a corpse is figuratively as well as literally floating between two worlds, enduring the venom released by the stingers. 6.3.3 Games of Temptation and Return to Society Hair of the tpijem is cut ( tetupukhe) at noon (Hurault 1968:104), or at night (Coudreau 1893:233).269F63 True initiates are shaven bald, starting at the crown of the head and around in growing loops, while those who have previously passed their initiation are only cut some hair

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310 (Cognat 1989:57). Shaving of the head also occu rs in other occasions (e.g., mortuary rites) serving a pseudo-calendar purpose as length of hair indicates the time-span of prohibitions. Novices are in silence, only allowed to sp eak in a soft voice (De Goeje 1941:110). For five days they will be in reclusion (Hurault 1968; 2004 ritual), without eating and drinking, they become thin. As narrated in the kalau song their face becomes somber as that of a red howler monkey ( alawata). Their stomach becomes flat like that of a weeping capuchin monkey ( meku ). Their arms grow thin (Hurault 1968:131; my translation). Their silence, fasting, and stoicism will be tested during their stay in the tpijem pakolon. Wayana told me in addition that the individual personality of the tpijem grows during this reclusion a nd successive temptations. For example, when a tpijem turns his head around, he will remain easily frightened for the rest of his life. When the tpijem laughs out loud, he will giggle for the rest of his life. When the tpijem expresses emotions of anger or is crying, he will remain angry or a crybaby for the rest of his life. In the afternoon the tpijem are allowed to drink tigwa [= tikwa] some warm water in which cassava bread is dissolved (Cognat 1989: 58). At night the doo r is closed and the tpijem are guarded by an Elder ( tamusi or kunumusi ). When you have a home in this village where the tpijem pakolon is located, then you may sleep at home, only to return the next morning to spend the day in seclusion with the other tpijem As the theatrical corporeal sp ectacle has ended, most visitors return to their respective settlements. However, the marak has not ended and the ordeals will continue for the tpijem Hurault (1968:102-103) named three games that ta ke place in the afternoon. Each performed by a specific village. First, there is the game of the spider monkeys, which was already witnessed by Crevaux (1892:98) and Coudreau (1893:233). This spectacle of the spider monkeys ( alimi ; Ateles paniscus ) is described in more detail by de Goeje (1908:149) and Ahlbrinck (1956:88-89,

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311 91, photos of the spider monkey attack betw een pages:144-145 and 160-161). While the tpijem were trying to sleep of their pain in the tpijem pakolon several men imitate a troop of spider monkeys attacking the hut. While climbi ng onto the rafters and b eams they relentlessly make the hut shudder. Although Crevaux does not name the imitation of the spider monkeys, he does state that they shake the hut so stoutly that it is about to collapse (Crevaux 1892:98). As a result, all hammocks in which the tpijem are laying will move in all directions. This is extremely painful for the tpijem who still suffer from the stin gs. During the attack, Coudreau wrote, a liana vine was grated into a pot: this is the alimi-piaye [= alimi hemt], that will make the tpijem good spider monkey hunters. Tamusi takes the pot in his hand and sings around the virtue of the alimi hemt [i.e., charm to attract spider monkeys ]. Next he sprinkles this drug onto the patients who sleep in their hammocks (1893:234; my translation). Then those who play a hunting group, track down the monkeys and subj ugate them (Ahlbrinck 1956:88-89; de Goeje 1908:149). Ahlbrinck (1956:89) stated that this is not a game as there are no spectators, yet may be in analogy to the Carib takini-piai who, as a novice, has to endure attacks of evil spirits. In the meantime, the kuliputp dance takes place (Coudreau 1893:234).64 Later that afternoon a tug-of-war takes place, named srire (Coudreau 1893:234) [ silili related to wililin = round going]; children versus adults, men vers us women, without the prior distinction of Upstream versus Downstream People (Hurault 1968:104). Similar tugs-of-war took place in 1973 (Miller pers. comm. 2008), and 2004, especia lly between men and women (Isel pers. comm. 2008). In 1965 a game of a pack of white-lipped peccaries (pink ) was performed (Hurault 1968:102), and the day was concluded with the farce of trading tr avelers; six men from the village of Tipiti (social Others) had left by canoe a little earlier, only to return at the canoe landing place of the host village imitating Apalai from the Jari river. Benches were prepared,

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312 and they played a customary arrival scene. Th ey mock a trading exchange of dogs against old hammocks and pots full of holes (Hurault (1968:103). While nontpijem amuse themselves with theatrical farces, the tpijem are not allowed to show any emotion. People will enter the tpijem pakolon and bring food, yet the tpijem must resist these temptations (see for animated descriptions Ahlbrinck 1956:37 and Cognat 1989:56). Bananas may be hung above the hammock to lure the tpijem as they did to Ronnie (pers. comm. 2003). Later the tpijem (all holding on to an arrow cane (tapuju ) to keep them in line) are guided to the tukusipan where are set delicious dishes for their temptation trial ( tpijem ttawokhe ).65 Also the Elders who applied the kunana, as well as relatives of the tpijem are restricted to a diet of warm water and some cassava bread (Hurault 1968:103-104). Whereas manioc production is normally a task of women, it is at night, the men [ tpijem ] set out to search for manioc, that they grate, and they make cassava bread [ ulalakan ] and chakola [= sakula ]272F66 beer without the aid of any woman (Coudreau 1893:234; my translation). This cassava bread and beverages are presented to the tpijem the following day. At that moment, an artist cuts out of cassava bread the silhouette of a deer that will be hang in the tukusipan and remain there till the following marak (Coudreau 1893:234). The morning after the stinging ritual, while the tpijem rest in their hut, Elders from the invited village (social Others) (in 1965 Tpiti and Opoya [Hurau lt 1968:103]) will cut duplicates of each kunana out of cassava bread made by the women from the invited village. Then each cassava bread silhouette is tied to the kunana and hung in top of the tukusipan (Ahlbrinck 1956:90). De Goeje (1941:111) referre d to Ahlbrinck who saw how every kunana had its mirror image in cassava bread (briefly visible in the film of the 2004 ritual). Next to the kunana are

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313 hung the olok basketry frames stripped from their f eather adornments. Geijskes (1957:220) noted that after some time, these preserved kunana are turned brown due to the smoke. On the third day, small pieces of cassava are placed, from behind, on the shoulders of the tpijem by means of a split bamboo stick (Cognat 1989: 56; Hurault 1968:103). Then pieces of ulalakan cassava are given, still by means of a stick, to the tpijem These pieces have to be held in the right hand between thumb and index finger, and aimed from under the left arm at a target ( takalamatp ) that is held by the eknp at some distance behind the back of the tpijem Each has three attempts (Figure 6-2 E). On the fifth day of thei r seclusion, i.e., halfway,67 tpijem are submitted to a shooting proof (Hurault 1968:104). This is the begi nning of their return to society (tpijem twtakimai ; whereby takima refers to the beginning). The day be fore, they have been preparing their arrows. With bow and arrow they have to hit a target resembling a sp ider monkey (Ahlbrinck 1956:37; Hurault 1968:104). Targets were built from leftovers of dancing costumes after a night of dancing (in particular pieces of okalat -bark and some feat her down) and tied to a branch at the edge of the village (Hur ault 1968:104) at about thirty meters distance (Cognat 1989:58). Cognat (1989:58) declared about the two-ti ered shooting target (prepared by Aputu) symbolized a spider monkey ( alimi ) surrounded by the three-toed sloth ( ili ). Afterwards tpijem go from house to house and shoot at smoked game and fish (Coudreau 1893:235) The following day, tpijem are guided to the tukusipan where outside on the ground are laid-out several banana leaves (Hurault 1968:104). In front of each leave is set a bench for the men (in 2004, Assen also requested a bench but was not given one). First, the tpijem are offered a small quantity of cassava beer. Andr Cognat (1989:58-59) vivi dly described how he found a thick white co leopteran larva ( supuli ; non-identified), on the botto m of this calabash cup.

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314 Then the tpijem are offered large quantities of cassava beer. They ar e requested to regurgitate ( wenatatop ) the cassava beer onto their ba nana leave to demonstrate that their stomach is empty; hence that they did not break the fast. Only thing to be found on the banana leave among the regurgitated cassava beer is the fat larva (Cognat 1989:59). Subsequently the tpijem are guided to the river where they are allowed taking a bath with roucou leaves ( onot ; Bixa orellana ). Next, and finally, the male tpijem will go shoot a nest of alama ( mlipones wasps; flies according to Hurault 1968:105; wasps according to Coudreau 1893: 235). In top of an isolated tree in the midst of a garden, circa 20 meter from the ground. Then the tpijem may go fishing or return to their home. Their ordeal has ended and they have returned to Wayana society. Nevertheless, from now on the tpijem will have to submit to alimentary taboos (tehenemai etukula ), depending on their hair length (Hurault 1968:105-106). Till the hair reaches the ears, a Wayana is not allowed to eat any animal, except for the fish opi (generic term for tiny fish), jaike ( Mylesinus pacou ) and talani ( Leporinus friderici ). Further prohibited are salt, oil, and tobacco. Till the hair reaches the cheekbones, a Wa yana is not allowed to eat the fish aimala ( Hoplias aimara ), asitau ( Myleus rhombodalis ), mulokoime ( Brycon falcatus ), matawale ( Cichla ocelaris ), caiman, and bananas. Till the hair reaches the shoulders, a Wayana is not allowed to eat mammals as tapir, white-lipped peccary, co llared peccary, spider monkey, howler monkey, coumarou fish ( Myleus pacu ), sweet potatoes, and sugarcane. Taboo till the retiring age of about 50 years old is the brown capuchin monkey, thr ee-toad and two-toed sloth, tortoise, fish hului (catfish species; Silurus sp.), alimina ( Electrophorus electricus ), curassow, and all eggs. It is said that chicken eggs gi ve a person bad eyesight.68 Wayana are encouraged to shoot tinamou birds ( hololo ) for food, but never to eat the red brocket deer ( kapau) or the southern tamandua ( alisipsik ) because they are consid ered to be porters of jolok (Hurault 1968:106). Neither are

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315 Wayana allowed to eat the jaguar ( Panthera onca). Hurault (1968:105) stated that it is to guard the newly acquired virtues that the tpijem are prohibited to shoot ta pir, peccary, anteater, red brocket dear, red howler monkey, curassow, turkey vulture, and the fish catfish kunoloim Numerous travelers, geographers, ethnographers and others, have described or published photos on this emblematic Wayana ritual (e.g., Ahlbrinck 1956; Cognat 1977, 1989; Coudreau 1893; Crevaux 1881; Darbois 1956; de Goeje 1908, 1941; Hurault 1968; Mazire 1953; Miller in prep.; Van Velthem 1995) which provided the platform of the above description. Empirical generalization on marak and inference from data about even ts observed at a specific time and a specific place have to be treated carefully. Continual reference in 2004 to Kailawa (founding father of the Wayana confederation) seems to have added a new layer to the meaning of this communal rite of passage; a layer that is currently being modified to give sense to the current situation of the Wayana. By definition, and in co ntrast to common assumption, this ritual (often glossed as marak ) is not an initiation ritual, and I posit th at these public corpor al spectacles are not simply socio-cultural events but true political plays. Grou nded in concepts of need and interest, strategy and tactics, th ese rites are situated in hist ory making. These rituals bear resemblance to revitalization rites, in that th e whole community gather s and revives traditions from a deep past in conjunction with current historical conditions. The 2004 ritual, including the anthropomorphic kunana of Aimawale, is unique but not to be disregarded as non-traditional. Some elements, though, appear r ooted in forgotten legendary times, such as when Mazire (1953:164) posits that its sour ce is a Sun Cult. When tpijem dancers stand side-by-side on the ground drum (with the 2004 ehpa trench dug north-south, with an angle of only three degrees east of due north), dancers are facing sunset a nd sunrise. Fanning out macaw tail feathers, elaborately displayed in olok feather headdresses, mirror red s un beams at sunrise and sunset.

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316 Alternatively, it can be speculated that its source is a Rain Dance as these rituals terminate just before the rainy season commences in April. The closing dance of the tpijem and the stinging ritual putop is held at the transition from dry to ra iny season. A transformation of boys into men is thus linked with the change from dry to rainy season and the grand rhythms of the Universe are in conjunction with the renovation of society. Furthermore, these universal rhythms are cyclical, as are the inalienable properties as olok headdress feathers and other regalia as the giant armadillo claw for the feathe red flute. The last dance of the Wayana marak, embodying the myth of the Creator Twins through performance, followed by the stinging ritual, takes place on the plaza outside of the community roundhouse ( tukusipan ). This transitory corporeal spectacle, performed on the central pla za where it is highly visible to the social body, reveals knowledge/power to insi ders. It is creating a soci al body among those who identify themselves with the very same social body. Afte r death, there will be rebirth. This life-crisis ritual is recurrent birth, not simply of individual Wayana, but cu ltural birth of Wa yana sociality. 6.4 Regionality and Temporality of a Ritual Economy As previously concluded by Father W. Ahlbrinck, and I concur, whatever its sense, this [ marak ritual] is not an initiation rite to lead chil dren into adulthood, becaus e; 1) indifference of the relation between marriage and sti nging ritual, and 2) if this is an initiation ritual, than why do adults endure this stinging, in fact, more adults are present than adolescents (Ahlbrinck 1956:90; my translation). For analytical purposes, I suggest a di stinction between (a) a true initiation ritual, and (b) rituals following the ha bitual grammar of a true initiation ritual.69 The first time a neophyte endures this rite (i.e., a true initiation ri tual) s/he is stung by ilak -ants ( Paraponera clavata ) set in a kunana (ant-shield) in the shape of the fish watau ( Myleus pacu). Both boys and girls stand this ordeal of the stinging rite (putop ). Whereas a true initiation ritual for girls is called wlipan (full of girls), boys may particip ate as well. Ant shields (for

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317 both girls and boys) during wlipan are plain and und ecorated and called wli katop (thing of girls). Both boys and girl s wear simple headdresses hamile This gender neutra l initiation ritual is different from the public marak when boys and men wear monu mental feather headdresses ( olok ) and have elaborate feather-adorned kunana shields. Girls may participate in the latter public corporeal theatrical spec tacles, other than they are on ly allowed to wear simple headdresses ( hamile ) and have a simple plaited ant shield ( wli katop ). The public corporeal theatrical spectacles ( marak), are beyond true initiation rituals as true initiates dance in line with Wayana who will perform the stinging ritual ( putop) for a second, third, fourth, etc. time (as can be seen in figure 6-5). The latter participants have a double layered olok and are not stung by ilak -ants, but rather by a species of wasp of choice. Although the difference between ants and wasps applied during such s tinging rites has been noted (e.g., Coudreau 1893:228; Hurault 1968:105), th e model of initiation rituals with as explicit aim to produce marriageable adults is default (most recently by Chapuis 2006:526). Philosophizing on the motivation of the marak, Ahlbrinck (1956:90) st ated that one must observe many maraks in different places in order to gain full insight into its significance. Unlike true initiation rituals that recurrently take place in all Wayana settlements, the marak only takes place in Wayana villag es with a community roundhouse (tukusipan ) and, unlike some say, not every year. Based on the last six recorded maraks in the upper Maroni basin, it can be concluded that rather than being an annual event, the marak appears to occur about every 13 to 15 years (number: 5; mean average: 13.2; standa rd deviation: 2.48) (Table 6-3). Thirty-one years lapsed between the 1938 ritual and the 1907 ritual (de Goeje 1908), which equals two periods of about fifteen years till and from 1922. Unfortunate ly there is no written record whether or not a marak took place around 1922. Similarly, no written record of a marak in the

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318 upper Maroni basin exists from around 1892, so me fifteen years prior to 1907, other than Coudreau (1893:537) described a marak about that time (in 1889) in the upper Jari basin. Table 6-3. Time and place of recorded marak rituals in the upper Maroni basin. year time-lapse putop place reference 2004 August Talhuwen Pellet and Saint-Jean 2006 15 1989 ? Anapaike/Kawemhakan (no written reference) 16 1973 November Antecume pata Cognat 1977, Miller in prep. 9 1964 January Tiliwe (joined by Twenke) Hurault 1968 12 1952 April Janamale/Kawemhakan Darbois 1956 14 1938 December Janamale/Luwe Ahlbrinck 1956:71-93 1938 May Taponte (son of Twanke) Ahlbrinck 1956:27, 69 16 1922 (no reference) 15 1907 November Popokai (Tapanahoni) De Goeje 1908:143-149 18 1889 October Atoupi (Jari) Coudreau 1893:537 1888 April Peo (joined by Twanke) Coudreau 1893:227-237 This series of recorded maraks suggests that, instead of Wayana loosing their tradition, the time-lapse between the 1989 and the 2004 ritual (mean average: 14.38; standard deviation: 2.595) appears customary. The November 1973 marak (Miller in prep.), requires an exceptional contextualization as this marak took place in Antecume patathe new village of the Metropolitan Andr Cognat (compare with chapter 3.4) facing a growing influence of American evangelical missionaries at Lawa Stati on (Anapaike/Kawemhakan), yet is indicative of socio-political tactics played out regionally rather than it merely being a local initiation ritual. This series (Table 6-3) demonstrates another trend, namely the 2004, 1964, 1938, and 1889 did not occur in the proper months of March-May, and time-lapse of these odd rituals is respectively forty, twenty-six, and forty-nine; ab out two generations. As will be discussed in detail below (Chapter 8), this latter trend places these public marak rituals in the socio-political

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319 realm, given that the December 1938 marak in the village of Janamale took place after the death of Taponte (son of granman Touank [Twanke]) earlier that year ( on February 14, 1938 [de Goeje 1941:71]), and the September 2004 marak initiated by Aimawale (paternal grandson of Janamale) took place after the dead of granman Anapake (successor of Janamale) in 2002. The January 1965 ritual took place some years after granman Janamale, the face of the Wayana nation, passed away in 1958. Although the 2004 marak took place in the village of Talhuwen, Aimawale, one of the initiators of the 2004 marak, is the paternal grandson of Janamale in whose villages the December 1938, 1952, and 1989 rituals took place. During the 2004 marak the momai were in reclusion in Kulumuli pata, the village of Twenke (the village of the soci al others). Mark that Twenke and his maternal grandfathers father Twanke joined the host villages duri ng the 1888, May 1938, and 1964 rituals. Asen, the wife of Aimawale, who also endured the 2004 putop is a maternal granddaughter of Anapaike, and according to Karin Boven also a paternal great-granddaughter of Taponte (son of Twanke). Where Boven (2006:145) situated the 1992 marriages of Aimawale with Asen and Aimawales brother Akama with Asens sister Aniwa in the reproduction of the core-g roup of the village of Kawemhakan / Lawa Station as well as in acce ss to French citizenship, I posit that these marriages go beyond a mere prospect of French ID papers and reproducti on of the core-group of Kawemhakan / Lawa Station; Aimawale is on th e pathway of supremacy through socio-political tactics of marriage and the unifi cation of Wayana, above all the descendants of Janamale while facing the descendants of Twanke during the 2004 marak. Ramifications for a supravillage organization, is that, during such marak rituals, not every Wayana village is an autonomous unit as the host village is joined by people from other Wayana settlements who also want to participate in the upcoming putop ; resulting in multilocality.

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320 Moreover, people from settlements WITHOUT tukusipan visit to host village (with tukusipan) to witness the spectacular closing dance and stinging ritual, and become in the process incorporated into the socio-political field managed by the community roundhouse. While emphasizing the basic nurturing relation between grandparent s and grandchildren, these roundhouses ( tukusipan ) and monumental feat her headdresses ( olok ) engender the effect to im press and are endowed to move people, or what I have called ancestral agency. Ahlbrinck declared that there is no secrecy with regard to the marak, yet there is no need for questioning because Wayana have familiarize d themselves with these practices; and since these have become habit, Wayana do not know how to explain their performance (1956:90). Then again, understanding ritual practice is not a question of d ecoding the intern al logic of a symbolism, but of restoring its practical necessi ty by relating it to the real conditions of its genesis, that is, to the conditions in which it fu nctions, and the means it uses to attain them, are defined (Bourdieu 1977:114). Rather than be ing merely a phenomenological experience, or possibly a medical prac tice against arthritis, marak is situated in the ritual economy of political power, as large quantities of cassava beer are being produced consumed, and regurgitated. Discussion of the real conditions of this political power play, rest oring the practical necessity of two social subgroupsdescendants of Janamale ve rsus the descendants of Twankerequire a chapter in and of itself (Chapter 8). Rather th an decoding the internal logic of symbolism (as rooted in Creator twin narrative) apprehension of this vital Waya na ritual must begin from a recognition of its temporality. Rather than defining a meaning, I have explor ed how continuation and change are situated in a continuous process of reassessing a multifaceted Self while facing social Others, a process that will be continued to be expl ored in subsequent chapters. Fi rst I will critically asses the

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321 performance of a masked whip-dance where Wayana imitate Tamok, the evil spirit of the forest. That these dangerous evil spirits Tamok (social others) emerge out of the forest from where they bring the gift of basketry, echoes the momai (as social others) returning to the host village with the knowledge of basketry weaving. Moreover, the costume of the tpijem is similar to Tamok wearing a cloak of dark okalat streamers topped with a bright colorful olok feather headdress. These chapters on performative rituals differentiati ng between Self and social Others will lead to a critical evaluation of Wayana (Guiana) sociality, medium and out come of a ritual economy of political power where the meaning of marak emerges in conjunction with tukusipan 1 Enfin la srie des passages humains se relie mme chez quelques peuples celle des passages cosmiques, aux phases de la lune, aux rvolutions des plantes. Et cest une ide grandiose, de rattacher les tapes de la vie humaine celles de la vie animale et vgtale, puis, par une sorte de divination prscientifique, aux grands rythmes de lUnivers (Van Gennep 1909:279). 2 Henri Coudreau, during his voyage along the Jari River, in late October 1889, stopped at the Wayana village of Atoupi (who was born Apalai [Coudreau 1 893:546]) and wrote that it was the time for la grande fte nationale, le marak annuel des Roucouyennes (the grand national festival, the annual marak of the Wayana) (ibid.:537), in which partook seven villages. When the festivities had e nded, Atoupi and his men guided Coudreau back to the Boni (Maroons) of the Lawa (ibid.:543). 3 Coudreau (1893:233) stated th at initiation rites for girls neve r take place at the moment of marak 4 Boys and girls wear a hamile feather crown with tail feathers of white roosters. During wlipan boys are not allowed to wear the elaborat e ornate feather headdress olok 5 As Arnold van Gennep (1909) recognized, these kind of life-crisis rituals demonstrate a social puberty ( pubert sociale ) rather than a mere physical puberty ( pubert physique ) 6 Alternatively, flute play while dancing during the night before the stinging ritual, as well as blowing the flute during putop is proof of active willpower. 7 This ritual would be held a year after Audrey Butt Colson conducted fieldwork in the upper Maroni basin intending to study series of traditional dance and song perfor mances (Butt 1964; fieldwork: AprilOctober 1963). 8 One non-Wayana, Sylvain Hervout de Forges (member of the 2004 Kailawa expedition), did participate in the 2004 ritual. It was Sylvains guardian Barbosa (who was to apply the ant-shield), who publicly and explicitly stated that this was the voluntary choice of Sy lvain, and that he was not to be held accountable in case Sylvain would die. 9 Importance of the presence of social others was mentioned by Jules Crevaux in the beginning of his expose on the marak based on his visit of the village of Namaoli (located where the Mapahoni mout hs into the Jari) (1892:97) 10 In 1964, it was Palanawa (son-in-law of Tiliwe; son of Taponte and father of Siksili and Barbosa) who initiated the marak to have his eleven year old son Akayouli (Siksili) initiated (Hurault 1968:88). 11 Au cours de la nuit, le chanteur de kalahou rappellera la vie des anctres, la naissance du monde et lhistoire des divers animaux familiers (Cognat 1989:33). 12 Le chant kalau, associ la danse du mme nom, est un des traits culturels le plus importants et les plus originaux des Wayana. Cest en mme temps quun rituel de linitiation des adolescents une compilation des mythes sur lesquels sont bass leurs systmes de reprsentation de lunivers. Le kalau est chant dans une langue secrte, incomprhensible aux Wayana, dont une partie des mots so nt du Wayana dform par inversion ou adjonction de syllabes, mais dont beaucoup sont emprunts des langues probablement disparues. Quelques mots comme yakal, caiman, sont du Tupi-Guarani(Hurault 1968:122). 13 Various recorded versions of kalau songs demonstrate variation, meaning there are no predetermined song texts.

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322 14 Kanawa dancers are in a semi-circle with the right hand on the shoulder of the preceding dancer and a baton ( enep ) in the left hand, and dance counterclockwise. A second line of dancers (in the same formation) is dancing around the kanawa dancers. This second group of dancers, maipuli dancers, is singing a different song (on the very same rhythm of the kanawa singers) (Cognat 1989:33; Hurault 1968:89). 15 Although the Wayana do not use the maraca (hand rattle), in this chant is narrated that Ephaita found the maraca; when he had killed the giant serpent ( kijuim; i.e., kijuim plakl tropical rattlesnake [ Crotalus durissus ]), he found the maraca at the tip of hi s tail (i.e., the rattle of the rattlesnake) (Hur ault 1968:130). 16 According to Wayana, kalau is not related to kalao (red-throated caracara; Daptrius americanus ). 17 Tpijem pakolon for the 2004 ritual (which had already been torn down when I arrived in Talhuwen in 2004), had about the same dimensions and was build circa 30 meter northeast of the tukusipan (see figure 6-5: A) tukusipan ; C) tpijem pakolon ). Entrance opening of the house for the tpijem was towards the tukusipan i.e., facing south-west. It is indecisive whether a cardinal direction or a relative direction towards the community house is preferred in building the tpijem pakolon 18 Momai asked for the support of the residents of Talhuwen to collect their maipuli (Isel, pers. comm. 2008). 19 In 2004, Siksili, son of Palanaewa, manufactured these flutes. 20 Ethnographic museum in Leiden (RMV) holds a similar complete and a partial flute mlaim amohawin in their collection (inventory numbers: 2352-190; 7006-438a), as does the Geneva Museum (inventory number:34381). The Peabody Museum in Harvard has a nail of the giant armadillo that could have been part of a similar flute among the Waiwai (inventory number:10-58-30/82743). 21 Eliane Camargo (Camargo and Rivire 2001/2002:112 ) noted the difference in writing by Coudreau between tapsem (Coudreau 1893:187) and tapehem (ibid.:552). What she did not recogn ize was that the latter was recorded during the marak at the Jari (home of the Upului and Wayana), whereas the former was recorded in the village of Pililipu between the Aletani and Malani (home of Trio subgro ups). This is in accordance with Apalai and Trio nouns demonstrating [s], whereas Upului and Wayana nouns favor [h] (compare with Appendix B). 22 Florida Museum of Natural History (FLMNH) holds four taphem in their collection (inventory number T 2125 is fully mounted (Figure 6-1. A); taphem frames without feathers: inventory numbers: T 2126; T 2127; T 2488). 23 Inventory numbers T 2125 and T 2488 are painted with a double Kuluwajak, main motif on the maluwana ; Inventory numbers T 2126 and T 2127 are painted with a monstrous Kuweim and additional smaller images. 24 le tapsem qui symbolise un squelette coiff dun chapeau de danse olok (Hurault 1968:93). 25 Men doodde hem met een knots, sneed al het vleesch van het geraamte en at het vleesch. Het geraamte werd bij de knien afgebroken; men bevestigde het op hout en danst ermede (de schedel werd afgesneden en in een mandje bewaard). Datgene waarmede werd gedanst, heette tamo-ye tpe (grootvader-gebeente) (de Goeje 1941:119). 26 tapehem cest le chapeau que po rte Yolock quand on le rencontre dans la fort (Coudreau 1893:552). 27 Several such feather headdresses are located in muse um collections (inventory numbers: Leiden RMV 2352-1; Amsterdam KIT 402-40; Geneva:34386; Cambridge Peabody Museum PMAE 71-11-30/4715.1, 71-11-30/4715.2; Gainesville FLMNH T0221; basketry frames for olok with okalat (Apalai): T0172, T0248, T0249, T0320, T2332). 28 Compare with collected data among Wayana-Apalai in Brazil: Kinor watk ; xip-xip ; Pia umot ; Klu watk or kapok watk ; Kurima watk ; Koroh watk ; Tpap or kuraxi takion ; Hapink (van Velthem 2003:202-205). 29 Daniel Schoepf (1971:38-40, 54-57) described in detail Wayana objects curated in the ethnographic museum in Geneva, expressing the baroque beauty of these polychrome works of art. 30 In Wayana, there is no linguistic difference betwee n feathers and hair as both are referred to as pupot. Olok is thus metonymically the hair of the ancestors. 31 Another element of the olok headdress often absent in museum collections is the hama. Hama is a strip of woven palm shoots onto which are glued white chicken feathers by the momai This strip arches 180 degrees over the olok and is held in place by three rods decorated with monkey tail ( makuiwatk ). Two rods depart from the top of the cylindrical frame of the olok in a 45 to 90 degree angle in the same direction of the kunolowatk (macaw tail feather fan), i.e., towards the front and back. One rod goes straight up. On top of th e latter is attached a three-fold macaw tail feather ornament panapot (literally: ear feather). 32 Remark the significance of black-and-w hite in one object (Chapter 7-4). 33 This species of shell is apparently only found south of the Tumuk-Humak watershed. These shells are ground down on stone till they receive their r ectangular shape (Ahl brinck 1956:23). 34 Compare its similarity with inventory numbers: KIT 403-67 (Leiden); PMAE 99-12-30/53170 (Cambridge, MA). Halikt brings forward the hypothesis that the Golden Man (El Dorado ) is the sun itself; as the flaming golden sun rises against a red background, to set in the waters of the west, only to rise again from the waters in the east. 35 Aroua means mirror in Tupi (de Lry 1994:231 [1578]).

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323 36 Remark the importance of black-and-white in one body or object (Chapter 7.4). 37 Andr Cognat (1989:46-47) wrote a vivid description of the return of the momai in the 1970s. 38 On the film by Isel, it can be seen that Anamaila (son of Kuli who was a paternal granddaughter of Twanke), Sokia (son of Kulienp and maternal grandson of Machiri), and Alu (Romeo) are building up the monumental headdresses, whereas Aimawale and Tasikale are descendents of Janamale and Maipo (Figure 3-13; Chapter 8.3). Sokias hands are black, demonstrating that he had prepared black genipap dye ( kup ) for body painting. 39 Aloupki, a peccary-shaman, is the father of Tasikale. 40 Data on the age of novices is incongruent, ranging from four years of age (Mazire 1953:163-164), eight to twelve years (Crevaux 1892:97), or eleven to twelve years of age (Hurault 1968:87). 41 In 1973, the ground drum at Antecume pata was also placed north-south (Daryl Miller pers. comm. 2009). 42 In 1965, the pr esentation of the kunana took place two days after new Moon. 43 Interpretation of kunana as fantasy bird (Crevaux 1892:98; Coudreau 1893:230) is not out of the ordinary as these instruments are decorated with feathers. Furthermore, the bird has forever aroused human imagination; to be able to fly and go against the laws of gravity, to migrate to othe r places (and maybe even times), to observe the world from above. To be decorated with such flam boyant feather coats, to sing, to parade to seduce, to protect once offspring. Fish is another animal that has aroused human imagination; to be able to swim and enter the underwater world. It appears that the Wayana, by creating the feathered fish, have brought together the best of two intermediary worlds. Introductory yell at the beginning of each kalau goes Kajajamanane Although Jean Hurault (1968), Jean Chapuis and Herb Rivire (2003), and Eliane Camargo (Camargo and Rivire 2001/2002) have not translated or interpreted this initial yell, Lucia van Velthem (1995:169) translated it as So como os peixes (They are like fish). Feathered outfit of tpijem thus brings into question, whether initiates are embodying birds (compare with the infamous quote by Karl von den St einen [1894:352] that the Bororo stated that they are macaws. See also Turner 1991) or feathered fish. 44 Data challenging the interpretation as initiation rite is that Wayana during their lifetime undergo this stinging ritual seven times (Mazire 1953:161), whereby only a few have exceeded more than four (Hurault 1968:87). 45 In preparation to the concluding stinging ritual, novi ces are submitted to several prohibitions, e.g., abstinence from intercourse, not to approach fire, not to eat hot food, not to throw pebbles into the water. Breaking these proscriptions will result in the departure of wasps from their nest before the final ordeal, and thus to make the stinging rite impassibl e (Hurault 1968:105). 46 Mazire (1953:165) named as anesthetic roucou leaves ( Bixa orellana ) crushed in water. Another anesthetic is the juice of crushed bark of kulekle ( Cecropia shreberiana ) (Geijskes 1957:282) or ptum ( Apeiba tibourbou ). 47 Ahlbrinck (1956:32-33) already mentioned that due to their contact with civilization they by now have lamps. 48 When tpijem dancers arrived at the ground drum in 1938, they were led by the tamusi Janamale and Wapotumt, who would perform the dance of the lost fish katutatse (Ahlbrinck 1956:67). On the plank of the ehpa was lying a 30 centimeter long fish cut out of the st alk of a banana stem, with at its head and tail end attached lines leading to two fishing rods. Eight dancers with olok headdresses split into two groups, circling the ground drum, led by Janamale and Wapotumt respectively. Both Elders take up the fishing rods and begin to haul in the fish, from opposite sides, while circling the ehpa Eyes of all dancers are focused on the banana stem fish. After a while of this fishing tug-of-war, a Wayana moves into the scene with a miniature bow ( tawijoma), with which he will eventually shoot the mock fish. This unique lively perfor mance was filmed by Claudius de Goeje (West Indie nr 3). 49 Granman Amaipoti is the son of former Granman Twenke, who was the great-grand-child of Twanke. 50 Siksili, is the son of Palana ewa, who was the son of Taponte, who was the son of Twanke. 51 Ahlbrinck (1956:79) is the only ethnographer who noted that tpijem dancers (1938 at Janamale) were given their kunana (hanging on a cotton string from a baton) and left the ground drum to dance towards the riverbank where they, facing the river, danced for a while alike on the ground drum, with their kunana attached to a baton in the right hand and the mlaim amohawin in the left hand, only to return to the ground drum. Later that night, the dancers return a second time to the river to dance with the kunana along the river. Ahlbrinck (1956:79-80) philosophized about its meaning, yet concluded that he does not know its true sense. 52 Jean-Philippe Isel (pers. comm. 2008), the cinematographer of the 2004 ritual, had difficulty to follow the course of events, first of all, because his main informant (Aimawal e) underwent this ordeal himself. Secondly, it was often that the Elders did not agree on the course of events, the main issue being the timing of the putop in the incorrect season (Sylvain pers. comm. 2004). 53 Malavat [Kapauwet red brocket deer shit], resided in 1940 in the village of Taponaike (Schmidt 1942:51).

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324 54 Note that a year earlier, during the expedition in 1937, a Wajarikul woman named Malawni was taken to Paramaribo, and a new expedition was send to encounter these uncontacted people once more (Ahlbrinck 1956; film by de Goeje: West Indie nr 3). 55 Spectators had tied their hammocks between two poles that were jammed into the ground at the periphery of the plaza, so that nothing of this spectacle was left out of sigh t, while resting (Ahlbrinck 1956:82; de Goeje 1908:147). 56 It goes without saying that adolescents will grow pimples, and that it will be blamed on the fact that they wiped off sweat from their forehead during this ordeal. 57 In 1938, while dancers were drinking and regurgitating, their supporters or family (e.g., Tpputse, father of Toepiep) took their olok and dancing arrow and joined Janamale who remained dancing on the ehpa When the dancers returned, their supporters ( eknp ) took of the olok while dancing and danced with the olok in the hand to subsequently return it to their tpijem who will continue his dance (Ahlbrinck 1956:84). 58 Toulisima is related to Epihpo, father of Twenke (Hurault 1968:37). 59 According to Mazire (1953:170) this oc curred when the sun reached its zenith. 60 In 1907, village leader Pontoetoe took a kunana and placed this on the body of Makot, who circled once around the torture place to enter the jew el-hut where a new hammock awaited him (de Goeje 1908 :148). In the meantime, Sili was undressed, and with a new kunana he also endured the test, followed by Ololi (ibid.). In 1965, when it dawns at 5 AM they begin the singing ritual with the girls, followed by the young boys. Tiliw, the village leader, and the old woman Tawalipn (second marri age with Machiri) (Hurault 1968:102) apply the kunana to the stomach, chest, face, thighs, lo wer legs, arms, and then the tpijem turns around to receive the stings on his back, which lasts for several seconds to about some minutes. Two twelve year old girls have to endure this stinging ritual; kal from the village of Touank and Makali from the village of Tipiti. Three adolescents pass the test; Omiyo, 16 years old, from Tiliwe (2nd marak ), Palipen, 18 years, from Tiliwe (3rd marak ), and Sipikili, 16 years, from Touank (3rd marak ) (Hurault 1968:88). 61 In 1973, Moloko, the feared powerful sorcerer, applied most of the kunana s (Daryl Miller pers. comm. 2009). 62 On the Schmidt Sting Pain Index (Schmidt 1984, 1990; see also Weber 1939), Paraponera clavata ranks top among Hymenoptera with a 4.0+ described by Schmidt as inducing immediate, excruciating pain and numbness to pencil-point pressure, as well as trembling in the form of a totally uncontrollable urge to shake the affected part. And pure, intense, brilliant pain, like fi re-walking over flaming charcoal with a 3-inch rusty nail in your heel. Francis Mazire (1953:171) ph ilosophized that these ant-stings releasing venom is a medication to relieve rheumatism. William Bale (2000:410-414) perceived this ant-sting ritual also in the context of traditional ecological knowledge and medicine to treat rheumatoid arthritis (Schultz and Arno ld 1977, cited in Hogue 1993:454; Schultz and Arnold 1978). Bale (2000:410-414) focused on the female menstruation rites, and stated that the application of stinging ants to men (i.e., hunters) was as a fetish for good hunting among the Makusis (Roth 1924:178), the Arekunas, and the Akawaio (Im Thurn 1883:229, cited in Roth 1915:280). Whether or not the source is situated in the treatment of rheumatoid arthritis, is of lesser importance than the relationships Bale creates between different Tupi-Guarani peoples. For example, the Satere-Mawes of the Central Amazon are perhaps most famous for letting lesser giant hunter ants ( Paraponera clavata) sting boys in virility ordeals (Spix and von Martius 1938 [1831]:297). Bale (2000:413-414) suggested a relation between the stinging rituals of Kaapor and Waypi, and consequently posited (2000:140) that the Wayana (non-Tupi-Guarani people) have borrowed the use of these ants in this practice from the neighboring Waypi. As some of the specific manifestations, such as these among contemporary Tupi-Guarani societies, indicate something unique to them, and probably to their forebears (Bale 2000:412) this logic implies that the source of the Wayana marak is to be found among Tupi-Guarani Peoples. 63 Head-shaving is found in numerous Tupi-Guarani societies, e.g., Kaapor (Bale 2000:410), Sirion (Holmberg 1985 [1950]:212), Waypi (Campbell 1989:85-86. 1995:56), and the Tupinamba (Metraux 1979 [1950]:100; Staden 1974 [1557]:171). William Balle (2000:410) posits that this practice of head-shaving is perhaps not specifically of Tupi-Guarani origin, but it may be characteristic of Amazonia. In contrast to Wayana novices, Kaapor initiates hair is shaven before she will be stung with ants ( Pachycondyla commutata ) tied into a cord that is wrapped around her forehead and chest (Bale 2000:140). 64 Dance of the tortoise where by two dancers face each other. Kuliputp is the mother of the Creator Twins. Other imitative dances may be performed, as akomeu (= okom ; wasp. The dance of the wasp wherein the dancers wear okalat and sing without flute play [De Goeje 1941:113]); mamsali [= mamhali ; common trumpeter, kami-kami]; assisala (Coudreau 1893:230); Jenunu, the dance of the man in the moon (Coudreau 1893:555). 65 Jean Hurault (1968:103-104) described this event as follows: Several children wind between them and fall onto the ground in convulsion, i.e., the play of lw (see for an insiders perspective: Cognat 1989:56). Tpijem are to keep in line devoid of expression. Tpijem are guided into the tukusipan where they are set on their benches. In

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325 front of them are set tasty foods, which they are not allowed to touch, including the best parts of smoked and boiled monkeys, tortoise, peccary, and a wide variety of fish (see for an inside rs perspective: Cognat 1989:56). Furthermore, on a stick is placed an animal skull (black spider monkey [ alimi ] according to Ronnie; Figure 6-2 E) painted with roucou ( onot ; Bixa orellana ) and feathers. Ronnie further tells, from his personal experience in 1989, that each tpijem wants to look around, but that is prohibited. Neither is the tpijem allowed to laugh. A man from the Upstream People arrived with grimace, presenting a plate holding the head of a tortoise that had been eaten that morning. Tpijem have to remain serious during this comical spectacle. What Hurault does not confirm, is whether or not this is a mocking performance of the vital scene wh ere the Jaguars (i.e., the Others) have eaten the tortoise (i.e., the mother of Mopo and Kujuli), as represented in the basketry motif Kaikui ene Kuliputp or the Jaguar is eating the Tortoise. More food is offered to the tpijem They have to resist. Sugarcane juice ( asikalu ewku) is being prepared, which is nicknamed tpijem ok (beverage of the novices). Others, including supporters of the tpijem ( eknp ) will eat and drink the entire afternoon in front of the tpijem who will have to endure watching without participating in the meal. 66 Sakula is a type of cassava beer made from ulalakan (thick cassava bread) submerged in water. In contrast to other beverages that have to be ready before sunset, it is with sakula that sweet potato ( napi ; Ipomoea batatus ) is added after sunset. Wayana told me that at that moment the women sing wok isusu pak lele (Bat, help us make the beverage sweet [ isusu is breast milk]) (pers. comm. 2000). 67 Tpijem remained in reclusion for two weeks (Crevaux 1892:98), or ten days (Coudreau 1893:233). 68 Wayana say that in the months from April to June the following monkeys are fat ( ikat ) and thus good to eat: alimi (black spider monkey), alawata (red howler monkey), and meku (weeping capuchin monkey). Siwanka, the wife of Aloupki added that one may only eat alimina (electric eel), ili (three-toed sloth), and kuliputp (tortoise), when your mother has died, otherwise you will grow old soon. This according to the Law of Resemblance (Ahbrinck undated), as these animals are slow, have bent legs, and a wrinkled skin. Tpijem are only allowed to eat warm water (not cold water, which the Wayana fancy) and cassava bread with tiny fish opi for several months (Cognat 1989:58). Usually, cassava bread has an H-shaped facial drawing ( ulu epijate), parallel lines (ulu okotp ), or radiating parallel lines (maipuli otkalan; litt.: tapir ribs). Cassava bread for the tpijem ( kumiman) does not have its usual motifs that are drawn by the fingers while the manioc is toasted. 69 The latter resonates with rites functioning in Revitalization Movements (Wallace 1956, 1966) or Utopian Renewal (Brown 1991) (see also Wright 1998).

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326 CHAPTER 7 MATERIALIZING SOCIAL MEMORY Cultural forms of consciousness and meaning, in cluding their abstracted elements such as individual tropes or symbols, must be understood and analyzed primarily as constituents of contextually and historically situated social interaction. Terence Turner, We Are parrots, Twins Are Birds : Play of tropes as Operational Structure (1991:123). Figure 7-1. Whip-dance among the Wayana performed in 1877 (Crevaux 1881:105, 258). Next to the marak ritual discussed in the preceding ch apter, another ritual performance is said no longer to be performed among Wayana today, namely the whip-dance wherein dancers wear a costume comparable to the tpijem dancers ( okalat streamer cloaks and olok feather headdresses; Figure 7-1). The present chapter cr itically evaluates this whip-dance, assumed to be a mortuary ritual (Crevaux 1987:285; G illin 1948:852; Roth 1924:664), whereas Wayana situate it in the context of exchange (o f basketry items) and construction (of a tukusipan ). This chapter is a true memory work in the sense of Barbara Mills and William Walker (2008), as it

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327 demonstrates the authoring of the past in the pres ent as it situates materiality of social life (for Amazonian examples see Fausto and Heckenberger 2007). Wayana do not simply experience memory, they create social memory through mate riality in communal practices. They make (and made) social memories through repe ated, patterned, and engaged soci al and material practices of recalling, reviving, reforming, harmonizing, transm itting, and forgetting. Moreover, the present study is a memory work in that it constructs ne w interpretations about the Wayana in Guiana; making sense from a different perspective of the ma terialization of social memory in present and past Amazonian communities. Not only archaeologists make interpre tations about past societies, also past and contemporary Amazonian societies make their interpretations about their past. The whip-dance is a Wayana (Upului) interpreta tion of the encounter in the past with the Evil Spirit of the forest, which imitation was vi vidly described by Jules Crevaux in 1877. A decade later, Henri Coudreau described this Waya na whip-dance as well, with additional detail that the dancers were now wearing masked costum es. Despite the fact that the whip-dance is no longer performed, discourse on Tamok is still very much alive in Wayana social memory. Or should I say, Upului social memory, as Tukano (who made Tamok masks) and Kulienp (who narrated the Tamok stories) are both Upului descendents. Both Tukano and Kulienp originate from the upper Jari River;1 homeland of the Upului (Figure A3). As discussed above, Upului are one of the groups incorporated in the Wa yana confederation (e.g., Coudreau 1893). At the time of Crevauxs exploration (l ate 1870s), the Upului homeland was still considered to be French territory; all Wayana were located in Fren ch Guiana. It is in this region that Crevaux witnessed what he called the pono-dance as is discussed comprehensively in this chapter. Augusto Oyuela-Caycedo (2004) wrote a comprehensive article on The Ecology of a Masked Dance: Negotiating at the frontie r of Identity in the Northwest Amazon providing an

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328 Amazonian perspective on the role of masked dances in the c ontext of exchanges of gifts, balanced reciprocity, and native Amazonian relig ions. Practice of ma sked dances based on reciprocal animism may go back, according to O yuela-Caycedo (2004:57), to the first arrival of inhabitants of the Americas some 11,000 years ago. This long-term history accounts for similarities as well as differences among masked dances in Amazonia. Where it has been repetitively claimed that Wa yana are loosing their tradition in no longer performing this and other dances and rituals, I posit that this whip-dance (along with the Tamok costume) emerged from a context of historical epidemics. Wayana refer to this epidemic disease as kwamai i.e., a disease with flu-like symptoms th at killed many Wayana, as was reported by Europeans in late nineteenth and ea rly twentieth century (Crevaux 1881; [ couamaye ] Coudreau 1893:543; de Goeje 1935). Tamok dances, I argue, are situated in death brought upon Wayana by Europeans (dangerous social Others) and subs equent renewal of Wayana (Guiana) sociality emerging out of temporary chaos. While this whip-dance is no longer performed today, Tamokmasks are produced for the global market of indige nous art; representing the dangerous Other. This chapter concludes with a hypothesis on the origin of the evil thundering spirit that the Wayana (Upului) imitate during their Tamok wh ip-dance, and how these thundering powers are harnessed in the flat-board club carried by the (w ar-) chief, while wearing an outfit similar to Tamok dancers (see Farabee 1924, plate XIX; Figure 7-17); powers that will be put into play by Wayana chiefs in the socio-political landscape as will be discussed in the succeeding chapter. 7.1 Dwelling in a Landscape Saturated with Social Memory Landscape approaches, and the discourse on place emerged out of research on rootedness, uprootedness, and transrootedness (Feld and Basso 1996). In this chapter I will elaborate on how sickness and germs made Wayana (Upului specif ically) flee their homeland and migrate north, and how they recall these series of events, follo wed by a reflection on the birth of the Wayana

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329 confederation in the succeeding chapter. Questioning where [we are] now and where are we from requires a historical approach to situate the experience of Diaspora (Bender 2001). When people are displaced and/or experience considerable culture change, the risk is that these places will no longer be visited. Hence the sense of space will no longer be performed. Then again, these places of origin will remain vivid in soci al memory, as it is not merely important how one dwells in a place, as where one is originati ng from (Blu 1996). Karen Blu (1996) posed the question Where Do You Stay At? The title question not simply means where are you living? but above all: Who are your people? Where do you come from? Thus allowing for a rootedness of identity in a particular place (a home place), even when uprooted or transrooted. As a result, place has a vital center, yet its bor ders are blurred. This vital center may consist of a landmark as (1) physical features, (2) built features, or (3) less discernible a reas, the latter being vaguely defined lacking the firm boundaries of black lin ed cartographies (Blu 1996:200); a vital center that among Wayana is materiali zed as the community roundhouse (tukusipan ) in conjunction with mount Tukusipan at the center of the symbolically dense region of the Tumuc-Humac. In this complex multilocal, multivocal, and multilayered rhizoid maze of constantly emerging landscapes the question of the reliabili ty of peoples testimonies yields a complex answer. We may attempt peeling back layers of modernity and coloniza tion, as Eva Hunt (1977) demonstrated for the Zinacantecan poem of the hummingbird, whereby the deep-structure remained lucid and coherent without being corr oded by the passage of history. Peter Gows (2001) analysis of An Amazonian Myth and its History (see also Hill 1988; Wright 1998, 2002) appeared more complex than merely peeling back layers, as new meanings continuously emerge during this dynamic process of layering. Jan Va nsina (1965, 1985) stated th at the contribution of archaeology is the verification of oral tradition, and especially to provide a time frame for the

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330 events; to peel back layers through excavation. Archaeology is more than a handmaiden of history to find material remain s verifying historical events; interactions between archaeology, history, and social memory are complex (e.g., Heckenberger, 2005; Schmidt 2006). Archaeology can reveal hidden and silenced hi stories, correct inaccuracies, and reexamine history at large. Instead of pursuing a quest for the truth, the multivocality and discrepancies in testimonies will have to be analyz ed to gain insight into this co mplex process of social memory, as processes of generating a collective social memory involve remembering, as well as forgetting; creating multiple and conflicting versi ons of the past (Van Dyke and Alcock 2003). Social memory is not situated in the i ndividual mind, and Ruth van Dyke and Susan Alcock (2003:4-5) presented a list of mnem onic devices for creating and perceiving social memory: (1) Ritual behavior, or re-enacting a past and venerating the ancestors; (2) Narratives, transmitted as oral tradition or textual records; (3 ) Representations as paintings, masks, rock art, human bones. Seemingly contradictory, these repres entations are often brought into play in the process of forgetting; and (4) places, includ ing buildings, monuments, landscapes, natural features, mountain peaks, caves, tombs, shrines, trees, etc. Cross-refere ncing between different kinds of mnemonic devices can reduce the friabil ity in individual and collective memory. For example, ritual performance can be referred to in oral tradition, which can be supported by representations, that in its turn corresponds with landscape features. Since landscape (and/or place) as a social construct is rooted in history, this is part of the process of generating a collective social memo ry trough practice. Whereas people learn about their ancestral past by moving thro ugh the landscape; ritual provides a contex t for the ordering of the social landscape as well (Mor phy 1995). In both cases, the ances tral past is continuously recreated, or in other words, experiencing (consum ing) the landscape is transforming (producing)

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331 the ancestral past. This conti nuous interaction between past a nd present, whereby the landscape holds potential for encoding meaning, has also be en described, in similar fashion, for Amazonia (Santos-Granero 1998). Past landscapes are mult ivocal and multilocal, and archaeologists must be aware of their own practice, as well of the presence of the pa st in the past, because not only archaeologists but also other people, including peopl e in the past, were interested in their past (Van Dyke and Alcock 2003). In this discourse on meaning of place, excluded spaces must not be forgotten. Excluded places emerge th rough avoidance in spatia l practice (Munn 1996). There exist dangerous spaces where ancestors once traveled and where spirits roam; in avoiding these dangerous places (excluded spaces), boundaries come into place. As these boundaries are result of bodily movements, they are not fi xed, yet emerge out of constantly changing movements of people dwelling in a lived world (Munn 1996). Dwelling in a landscape saturated with social memory is thus more complex than depicting a panorama frozen in time and space. 7.1.1 Hot and Cold Societies History and myth are good to rethink our pe rspective on Wayana society and landscape on the frontier of contemporary na tion states Suriname, French Gu iana, and Brazil. Discourse on history and myth was sparked by the distinction between hot a nd cold societies by Claude Lvi-Strauss. It is evident fo r Lvi-Strauss (1962:280) that all societies are embedded in history and that this changes. Levi-Strauss suggested that the distinction be tween hot and cold societies be more useful than the distinction between the people without history and the others [ with written history] (Lvi-Strauss 1962:279; emphasis added) In this exercise, Lvi-Strauss did not abridge the complex relation between Indigenous and Western societies by simplistic polarities, nor did he formulate that people without history : Western society :: cold societies : hot societies. Hot societies were defined as so cieties having internalized the historical process through writing, and made it the moving power of their progression. Cold societies,

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332 conversely, were described as having as aim to make that the sequence of temporal succession should have as little influence as possible on th eir content; and therefore primitive but not equated with non-Western societies. Outline between hot and cold societies was written in a chapter called time regained, following the question how, if it exists, do classi ficatory systems succeed in eliminating history, or when that is impossible, integrating it? (Lvi-Strauss 1962:279); criticizing ahistorical taxonomic cataloguing systems of nomenclature, wh ether Western scientific or non-Western. As the botanist knows his (secret) Latin words and rules of taxonomy in order to name a newfound species, so do native people know their (se cret) words and rules of arrangement in order to name a new-member of the social group. In both cases proper names are descriptive, and in both cases a second, vernacular, name is employe d in daily life. Lvi-Strauss (1962:262-264) criticized the totemic system as perceived by Co mpte and his followers, as, according to LviStrauss, totemism, or the totemic system, is always lived because it is a total system for internal organization of the group, it is an hereditary system of classification which clarifies the poverty of totemic myths because th e function is merely to establish a difference as a difference within the constitutive units of the system, like a scientific taxonomic system (ibid:277; italics in original). Dialectic oppositionsstructural relationalare not made equal in the union of contraries, neither are they separated; they manifest the dynamic duality between them. This discourse is regained more recentl y when Pierre Bourdieu (1998:9) stated that one has to differ, to be different to facilitate existence in a soci al space because what exists, according to Pierre Bourdieu (1998), is a social space of differences in which classes are constructed, resonating with Jones who argued that ethnicity involve s the objectification of cultural difference vis vis others in the context of social interaction (Jones 2000:453 [1996]). Danger of this logic of

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333 classes (Bourdieu 1998:10) is that a scientist can compose fictitious regroupings that will only exist on paper as real classes, whereby, once more, reducing the relationship between the different social agencies will be to the essentialist ahistorical logical formula. Overall, this is the problem of cataloging and taxonomic classification. Title of Claude Lvi-Strausss work (1962) re ferred to above, has been translated as The Savage Mind (1966), herein eradicati ng the second meaning of la pense sauvage, namely the vernacular French name for the wild pansy ( Viola tricolor ), as depicted on the cover of the original French edition. This cover illustration is reminiscent to the reader that this work is about the savage mind as well as it is about the essentialist taxonomic cataloging system whereby each vernacular name has its secret Latin name in the taxonomic system, such as the wild pansy ( la pense sauvage ) is the Viola tricolor, which is different than other Viola species, and different from other genus. Result ing from this taxonomy is that every Viola tricolor bears this name, regardless space and time. Time is eliminat ed in the process of the essentialist taxonomic cataloging system, and no two objects can be addr essed the same proper name. Time will be regained, he continued, in living the myth, in performance, or practice of the structure (LviStrauss1962:283). Beyond performance, e.g., in oral tradition or writing, the past can be equated to the present, therefore a crossing of domains, play of tropes, as is essential to metaphor. Process of naming is a kind of metaphor (namel y: metonymy) blurring boundaries. Mythical history presents the paradox of being both disjoi ned from and conjoined with the present. Original Beings were Creators, whereas ritual performers are merely imitators. Myth will be relived and the past is set in motion in the presen t. Nevertheless, the past is different from the present; hence time regained.

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334 History includes totality of processes wher eby individuals experience, interpret, and create changes within social orders and both i ndividuals and groups change over time as they actively participate in changing objective conditions (Hill 1988:2-3), resona ting with the current concept of memory work (Mills and Walker 2 008). Myths challenged in the edited volume by Jonathan Hill (1988) are:1) assumed objectivity of the researcher; and 2) that writings are more objective than oral tradition. In other words, every bit of data, whether from written documents or oral tradition, needs to be cr itically reviewed in its proper historical context. Indigenous mythical formulations try to make as much sense of their existence as do Western scientific researchers; both apply a range of tropes that are put into pl ay to bridge from one domain to another, in order to interpret the unknown. Myth is historically situ ated as the narration is pe rformed (Basso 1985, 1987, 1989; Vansina 1985: chapter 2) and dynamics between narrator and audience (in most cases familiar with the story) are creating the tale together Performances are not produced at random times and in random places. Every performance is new, but every performance presupposes something old: the story itself. Frequenc y of repetition aids memory, but the frequency by itself is not enough for evaluating the authenticity. Memory is recalled through mnemonic devices as objects, music, and landscapes. These mnemoni c devices provide simultaneously proof, whether or not the event actually took place as re membered: All the visitor asks is to be shown it (Lvi-Strauss 1962:291). Mnemonic devices, therefore, are high ly powerful socio-political components engaged in memory work. While conducting my fieldwork, illustrations from ethnographical and historical sources served to elicit discussions, and the engraving of the whipdance by Crevaux (Figure 7-1) facilitated the discussion on Tamok and the whip-dance.

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335 7.1.2 Social Memory in Time and Place Remembering is an active process, but not simply a re-creation of what once was. Remembering is at once Remembrance of Things Past and In Search of Lost Time ; as grounded in the dual sense of Marcel Prousts work A la Recherche du Temps Remembering is a process of people, in the present as well as in the past, of connecting their pr esent world to the past. It is Archaeologies of Memory (Van Dyke and Alcock 2003) and Memory Work (Mills and Walker 2008). From this dynamic process a new meaning emerges to both the material from the past and the present actors. Social memory is intimately linked to place. Human action is intertwined with the environment in a process which Keith Basso (1996:107) named interanimation : As humans create, modify, and move through a spatial milieu, the mediation between spatial experience and perception reflexively creates, legitimates, and re inforces social relation ships and ideas (Dyke and Alcock 2003:5). In the proc ess of generating a co llective social memory this involves not only remembering, but also forgetting, creating mu ltiple and conflicting versions of the past. Mnemonic devices for creating and perceiving soci al memory are, following Ruth Van Dyke and Susan Alcock (2003:4-5):1) Ritual behavior, or re-enacting a past and venerating the ancestors. 2) Narratives, transmitted as oral tradition or text ual records. 3) Representations as paintings, masks, rock art, human bones. Sounding contradi ctory, these objects often are brought into play in the process of forgetting. 4) Places, as used space, including buildings, monuments, landscapes, natural features, mountai n peaks, caves, tombs, shrines, trees, etc. Throughout the present study, I elaborate upon mn emonic devices, such as the marak ritual with olok and tapsem (the bones of the ancestors), vari ous narratives, the painted disk maluwana, tukusipan and Mount Tukusipan, and how these are at once medium and outcome of belonging to Wayana

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336 sociality. In this chapter I will cut across some mnemonic devices ( tukusipan and olok feather headdresses) wile adding to this series the mn emonic devices incorporated in the Tamok mask. Social memory is a collective and a constantly reorganizing of data it co ntains. It is more than what a single person remembers, neither is it a single collective brain at work. Social memory is common knowledge adjusted to the present worldview of reality. Interpretation alters data and provides new m eaning through a selective process from a pool of past memories, but this does not mean that every generation invents a brand new past. Constant input of new itemswhich ought to coexist with older materialmake social memory change over time. Peter Gow (2001) elaborated on this process in detail in An Amazonian Myth and its History wherein he analyzed the Piro myth called A Man who went under the Earth. First, this myth is analyzed in the context of that January evening in 1982 when it was narrated. Secondly, this myth is placed in the context of ot her versions of this Piro myth. Furthermore, this book is a positive contribu tion to ethnographers who are gi ven the response I dont know that, my grandfather knew, but he deceased, beli eving to be present in a dying tradition. Vital in Gows study is the notion of transformation; the Piro myth does not demonstrate a system falling apart, neither is Gows book about reconstructing a dead culture; it is about a flexible adaptation to an ever changing environment. Similar process is described by Jonathan Hill and Robin Wright (1988:93-102) for the historical interpretation in Wakunai narratives about Venancio Camico. This study is another example of transformative intertwining histories of (1) the Amazonian myth of the Crea tor twins building the first roundhouse for their initiation; (2) Mythstory on Kailawa, the founding father of the Wayana confederation, represented by a painted disk hanging in top of the community roundhouse; (3) Ritual performativity of renewal and reform situated in historical c ontext of community building; (4) Tamok.

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337 7.2 Wayana Imitating Tamok On the afternoon of October 3, 2000, Tnepo (a Wayana pjai ) visited me and asked for the uhpak aptau pampilan (long time ago papers i.e., my collection of photocopies from book illustrations, objects in musea, and other mnemonic devices of the Wayana past). Tnepo took a seat in a hammock and started commenting on the illustrations. When he saw the Crevauxs illustration of the pono-dance (Figure 7-1), Tnepo called out Tamok and pointed out that this whip ( itain ) produced a loud bang. At that moment, the cord that held his hammock broke near his head and Tnepo fell on the sand floor. All bystanders awed and were in shock. Tnepo laughed and said Tamok! while making the gesture of falling; as if Tamok had caused the cord to break. Then Tnepo grasped a wooden stool ( kololo ) and continued reading the illustrations. Figure 7-2. Tamok masks and whip made by Tu kano in the hands of Ronnie Tkaime (2000).

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338 Later I was informed that there was one Wayana (to be precise an Upului from the Jari River) who could make a Tamok mask. This man, named Tukano (a powerful pjai ), lived with his wife on an island across from Kumakahpan. When Tukano had finished the Tamok masks, he had also made an accompanying whip (Figure 72). Ronnie Tkaime tried the whip. After a few attempts he produced a loud banging clack. Coudreau (1893:182) claimed that these whip cracks carried over a distance of ten kilometers. Upon returning in the village of Kumakahpan (across the river) several Elders greeted us and immediately asked whether we had heard that loud bang; it has been a very long time that we havent heard that sound they said in low voice. Several years later, Kulienp (whose mothers fa ther was Upului) said to me that I had to visit him in his village if I wanted to record th e story of Tamok, because he knew that story well (Appendix C: Tamok narratives). When I asked Kulienp to narrate the Tamok story, it was his son Sokia who inquired: which story? The story of Tamok jolok (Evil Spirit Tamok), or the account of Wayana imitating Tamok? Then Sokia briefly described these two narratives.2 Evil Spirit Tamok story tells us that first there was a small Tamok, followed by a big one who killed people and ate them. Tamok was beautiful. With reference to this mythical Evil Spirit Tamok, Wayana say that it is hard to see his eyes becau se fringes covered his forehead. Over his nose and mouth he had a sort of basket; like a long nose without a mouth. On his cheeks he had beautiful drawings. Second narrative tells us abou t Wayana (actually Upului) dancing as Tamok; imitating while mocking the Evil Spirit Tamok. Wh en I showed to Sokia the illustration of a pono-dance (Figure 7-1), he confirmed: Yes, it was exactly like that! After my fieldwork I realized that German ethnographer Manfred Rauschert (1982:201207) had conducted a study on the Tamok whip-d ance in 1969, yet Ren Dehnhardt (2000:126) questioned whether the Tamok-dance studied by Rauschert, was identical to Crevauxs pono-

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339 dance. Manfred Rauschert (1963:188) duri ng his 1955/56 expedition al ong the Rio Maicur (Figure A-3) heard a myth of men-eating water-monsters named Tamokoimo (compare with van Velthem 2003:425). In 1969, Rauschert (1982 :201-207), in the village of Anakalemo3 (or Maschipurimo) along the Rio Paru in Brazil, heard once more about these mythical Tamoko [= Tamok] monsters that almost exterminated the Apalai (sic.; U pului). A powerful Zauberer (shaman) made his spirit communi cate with the spirit of Tamok and forced them back. This brief German summary of the Tamok myth resonates with Jolok Tamok eitoponp (including the intervention of a powerful pjai [Table C-15: line 24-27]; a story that was narrated to me without me being aware of Rauscherts work at the time) Moreover, Rauschert heard there was also a Tamoko -feast where people danced as Tamok; resonating with Wayana Tamok ukuknanom (Table C-16: beginning at line 36). Figure 7-3. Tamok whip-dancers (source: Manfred Rauschert 1982; cover photo).

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340 Rauschert requested his friend Araiba to gath er as much information as possible on this masked dance. Thirty kilometers upstream, acco rding to Rauschert, resided an old woman who had experienced the whip-dance as a little girl. According to my calculations this place must have been near the abandoned vi llage of Canapo where, nine ty-one years earlier, Crevaux (1987:285) had made the first ethno graphic observations of this wh ip-dance (Figure 7-1). It was the old woman who gave further instructions on the facial painting and emphasized the protruding wax nose. Even a whip was produced (Figure 7-3).4 A drawing was made on the Tamoko feast (Dehnhardt 2000:126). Rauschert requested a Tamoko -dance to be held during the construction of his proper roundhouse, but this was not real ized (Rauschert 1982:207). While preparing an exhibition on the Rausch ert collection, Ren Dehnhardt interviewed Manfred Rauschert (Cipolletti und Schreiner 200 0:137-142). The intervie w states that the protocol for the Tamok-dance had been entirely forgotten, and it was onl y due to this one old woman that Rauschert could recons truct this forgotten dance costume. Rauschert questions the relation with the pono-dance as described by Crevaux, because the dancers did not wear masks. Rauschert does not refer to Coudreau who (ten y ears after Crevaux) did observe this dance being performed with full-face masks. Then Rauscher t stated that he disliked the idea that these Tamok masks are produced today for the global ar t market. Tamok masks for wholesale are to nice and smoothin contrast to the rough dance costumesand eyeholes are not in the proper place. Later during the interview Rauschert is asked whether festivities during construction of the roundhouse have anything to do with Tamoko -feasts. Rauschert replied with a firm German Nein (no) and that Tamoko is much older and was only da nced during special occasions.

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341 7.2.1 Voice of Tamok in the 19th century On October 28, 1878, Jules Crevaux (1987:285 [1881])5 was the first European to witness a whip-dance. The Crevaux expedition, after cro ssing the watershed between the Jari and Paru de Este, arrived in the village of Canapo (Figur e A-4). Chief Canea had sent out two canoes to bring the expedition members to his village. Crevaux did not intend to stay long in this village, because he was on a mission to explore the sources of the Paru de Este. After a long journey across the Amazonian rainforest, Crevaux arrived at the village of Canea in the midst of a festival.6 In this village he noted that all men w ear long bark streamers beginning at the neck, and a kind of robe similar to that used by judge s (Crevaux 1987:285; my translation). Prior to departure, Crevaux purchased one of the dance-costumes.7 On November 22, 1878, Crevaux took some re st in the village of Yaripofollowing a month of pedestrian exploration at the sources of the Paru de Este in the Tumuc-Humac (Figure A-2)and noted that at four oclock in the evening, twenty men are aligned in a single row and head towards the village plaza (Crevaux 1987:322).8 Similar to a month earlier, Crevaux witnessed a Wayana dance but he could hardly have gathered contextual information on what went on, because he had just arrived after a long journey. Wayana today do not recognize the term pono given by Crevaux (other than the affix ~ pono means inhabitants of .). Most likely pono is a combination of upo and ~no ; whereby upo (nest) refers to the bark strip cloak of th e dance-costume, combined with the nominaliser suffix ~ no, resulting in: a nest on e. In the Tamok stor y (Table C-16: line 62) upo is affixed with t--ke (with ) meaning they [Tamok dancers] were dressed up. Toul, second feast to honor the dead, as mentioned by Crevaux (1987: 285 [footnote], 322), is not identified as such by Wayana either. Wayana say tule is the name of a certain kind of simple step dance pattern: tnklu (Table C-16: line 91).

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342 Without discourse analysis, contextualization, or reference that Creva ux had just arrived in the village, Walter Roth translated Crevauxs description of this fe stivalin the chapter Death and Mourningas follows: the men are covered with long bark strips, starting from the neck, and a kind of toque similar to that used by [F rench] magistrates. One man alone stands up, holding in his hand a whip 8 meters long, which w ith a swirling motion he cracks like a pistol. Each one takes it in turn to get up and crack the whip. The other Indians, seated on their heels, applaud, etc. (Roth 1924:664-665).9 In this short description, there are no sustainable grounds for an interpretation as feas t to honor the dead of a tamouchy [Elder] who passed away a month ago (Crevaux 1987:285; without exp lication to how this informa tion, and the interpretation as mortuary feast, was obtained) or for Roth s classification as mourning ritual. Without explanation that a month of expl oration intervened be tween the two dance performances (pono and tule respectively) and that these dan ces were conducted in two different villages (Canapo and Yaripo respectively) Roth (1924:665) wrote transl ations of Crevauxs pono-dance and toul (= tule ) one after the other as an homogenized model of idealized type dances representative for all Wayana at all times; eradicating local hist ory, geography, and sociopolitics. Although there existed only two descriptions of these whip-dancesnamely Crevaux (1881) and Coudreau (1893) [the la tter not even being cited by Roth]Roth (1924) considered both dances as typical for norther n Amazonian festivals in honor of the dead stating that the Oyana (Roucouyenne) [= Wayana], Apouroui [= Upului], and other Indians celebrated two festivals in honor of the dead, the Pono a nd the Toul (Roth 1924:664-665). Walter Roth treated the Wayana as a peopl e without history, annulling possible effects of geographic and historical factors. Along similar lines John Gillin (1948:852) categorized these dances under final mourning ceremonies noting that they may have borrowed Arawak makuari features, in

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343 that the makuari ceremonies drove away evil spirits by syst ematic whipping of the participants with sacred whips (on makuari see also Roth 1924:645-651). In stead of a proper Arawakan makuari illustration, Gillin (1948; plate 120 bot tom) reproduced, once again, Crevauxs 1881 illustration of a pono-dance. Neither Roth nor Gillin cite C oudreau who also described this pono-dance and stated that these dances (pono and tule respectively) are not at all festivities to honor the dead, but a simple occasion to use up the entire manioc surplus from the garden (Coudreau 1893:174).10 Wayana oral tradition regarding Tamok does not mention any reference to mourning for a particular deceased member of society. Unclear is why Crevaux (1987:323 [1881]) closed his description of the tule with the seemingly unrelated statement that the death of a woman is not followed by any kind of festival as was translated wit hout critique by Roth (1924:665), even though the preceding passage does not refer to any kind of mourning situation (female or male). Roth objectified these homogenized models by leaving out specific su bjective sections of Crevauxs ethnographic account, such as when th e dancers are blowing large bamboo flutes. Translating that, upon arriving in th e center of the village, they form a circle around which they start circling, while playing the same tune and lightly beating the ground rhythmically with the right foot. It is a living wheel, in motion all night. However not translating that the tooting annoyed Crevaux in that he could not close his eyes that night, a nd that he even called this living wheel a machine diabolique (diabolical machine) (Crevaux 1987:322). Secondary sources describing the respective dances i.e., Walter Roth (1924) and John Gillin (1948)did not question why there is no me ntion of close relatives shedding tears over their loved one that had passed away; why the da ncers bring out gifts; and why most of the dancers are strangers. That the dancers are strangers (social Othe rs) bringing gifts, appears vital

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344 to the Tamok story. Kulienps narrative of Wa yana dancing as Tamok repeatedly points out that Tamok dancers were building a community roundhouse tukusipan (Table C-16: line 43-47, 71, 77-78, 90). Tamok dancers were Wayana from other villages (ibid.: line 42, 53, 59) aiding in construction of a tukusipan ; digging holes for posts, debarking st ems, cutting leaves for roofing. These construction workers subsequently danced as Tamok. In other villages, before building a tukusipan, they also danced as Tamok (ibid.: line 78). In the recorded history of Wayana dances discussed above, the important association betw een Tamok dancers and the construction of a community roundhouse ( tukusipan ) is never mentioned. In all probability, Jules Crevaux did not describe this building process as he arrived in Wayana villages when festivities were underway, and he left the village soon after. Kulienp stated that it were his Upului ancesto rs of the Jari who were dancing as Tamok. Not only the geographical area, but also qualitative detail in Kulienps narrative correlates with the account by Crevaux. For example, the very same objects listed by Crevaux (1987:323) are listed in Kulienps narrative (Table C-16: line 86) and more: baskets ( plasi ), carrying baskets ( katali [Crevaux: catouri ]), manioc sifters (pamkali ), plates ( lut ), decorated baskets ( plasi tmilikhem ), also mats ( mapitu [= opoto ]), fans ( anapam ), beverage sifters ( manale [Crevaux: manar ]). Oars to steer manioc beer ( Anekatop ok top [Crevaux: anicato ]), oars for canoes ( anekatop akupuita ), and spinning tops ( mawu ekumtop). Kulienp (ibid.: line 88-89) answered his own question about the role of dancers im itating Tamok; responding that they were no longer like Tamok, as they were bringing basketry items, resonating with Crevaux stating that the dancers were no longer wear ing their great headdresses. Kulienp (ibid.: line 94) even mentioned the living wheel of dancers play ing the flutes as describedand despisedby Crevaux, affirming that this spectacle took place before the dancers brought out their gifts.

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345 Return of the dancers, and envy of the wome n wanting these objects, is vividly narrated by Kulienp and positively confirmed (line 81-84). Most likely Kulienps Upului ancestors are the so-called strangers mentioned in Crevauxs acc ount, and therefore the Ta mok dancers were not strangers to the tribe (Crevaux 1987:322; Roth 1924, 665), but rather inhabitants of another Wayana village; at most they were Upului. Masked dances in Amazonia are performed in a context of exchanges of gifts and balanced reciprocity; to negotiate with th e social Other through a ritual of incorporation and to secure the continual supply of resources (Oyuela-Caycedo 2004). Tam ok dances are no exception: The owner of the baskets sits in the middle of the place with a stick be hind his back. A girl comes to seize the object, but instead rece ives a heavy whack on her fingers amid the laughter and plaudits of the audience. A second, more dexterous, avoids the blow and carries off the basket. This distribution of th e presents and the blows occupies more than an hour. The women respond to the generosity of the guests by bringing them three large jars of cassava beer of an even better qua lity than that of the day before (Crevaux 1987:322-323 [1881]; translated by Roth 1924:665). Lucia Hussak van Velthem (1995:174-175; 2001), among the Wayana in Brazil, made a reference to Wayana dressed in Tamok masks; or iginating from other villages and representing the archetype enemy. Context is vital, in th at Tamok dancers were helping in roofing the community roundhouse tukusipan. Although Van Velthem does not mention the whip-dance, her understanding of Tamok rela ted to building activities at the community roundhouse ( tukusipan ) resonates with Kulienps narrative, as opposed to Cr evauxs interpretation. Exchange of basketry, central in the stories of both Creva ux and Kulienp, become profoundly foregrounded in van Velthems distinction of domain s: female domain of utilization of basketry (1998:166); whereas confection of ba sketry is the male domain ( 1998:178). In the language of Kopytoff (1986) it is men who produce basketry while women consume basketry, and in turn men consume products (cassava bread and beer) made by women using these basketry items. Exchange of basketry is bonding the whole proc ess of production, exchan ge, and consumption.

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346 Since it is Tamok dancers (social Others) who bring basketry items, it may be concluded that the social Other is essential in the pro cess of production, exchange, and consumption. Construction of a community roundhouse ( tukusipan), I posit, is key in understanding the Tamok dance. As discussed earlier in this study, the community roundhouse is a pathway to unite Wayana, and reproduce vital elements of sociality. During the marak ritual, theatrical plays and farces were performed in front of the tukusipan Likewise, the imitation of Tamok in dance was simply to party, to mock, and to show trickery, and the dancers were mocked by the hosts (Table C-16: line 58, 68-69). During the constructi on period of the community roundhouse, it was not unification and reproduction that was mock ed, rather its opposite: Death, embodied as Evil Spirit Tamok. Through Tamo k dance performance, Wayana created a temporary chaos from which would emerge order (compare with Basso 1987). In his historical reflection (Table C-16: line 57-58) narrator Kulienp stated that the first [Tamok] were like evil spirits jolok and therefore there was death, and childre n died. But this [dance] was simply to party. Because these imitators were not evil spirits jolok they did not have the heat and people did not have fever. Likewise, nobody died b ecause they were not the evil spirits (ibid.: line 55-56). When the imitators arrived in the village, they we re dressed-up like evil spirits Tamok (ibid.: line 62-65); with dark streamers of okalat -bark, with painted faces that were hidden, and with a whip as their weapon. Cent ral in these dynamic Tamok dances is the reproduction of life materialized through basketry embodying in terwovenness. Nonetheless, production of Life, i.e., building a new community house and bringi ng the gift of basketry, is situated in the milieu of Death: Evil Spirit Tamok causing epidemic diseases. As Kulienp concluded (ibid.: line 76): thi s is the story of the people who imitated Tamok, a story that has long been silenced in Guiana history making.

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347 7.2.2 Head of Tamok and Tamok Facial Painting In March 1888, Henri Coudreau (1893:174185) was the second Europeanabout ten years after Crevauxto witness and describe a whip-dance performed among the Wayana, as well as the dance costumes, including how the inner bark okalat is blackened by submerging it for about twenty-four hours in th e mud of swamps (ibid.:178-179). At the wrist and elbow the dancer has 60 centimeter long skeins of white cotton attached. Headdress is sometimes a simple crown of white feathers. Headdr ess for the dance is the complex olok Additionally, the dancer is wearing on his back a rectangular plastron ( alikt ), which according to Coudreau is the most beautiful piece of feather work that he has ever seen among the Wayana. Mo st significant part of Coudreaus description is that in contrast to Crevaux, the headdress is a mask ( Le chapeau forme masque) (Coudreau 1893:178; emphasis added), completely covering the head. Unfortunately, Coudreau does not provide a drawi ng or photograph of this mask that is as a long and straight visor ( longue et troite visire ). Coudreau (ibid.:185) concluded that he did not know the origin of this pono-dance. The whip-dance ended at sunset. Without whip, yet still in their okalat cloak, dancers may be dancing acomeu [= okom -wasp dance] or toul [= tule ] (Coudreau 1893:184). As prologue to the description of these th ree Wayana dances, Coudreau stat ed that Touank displayed his family box containing several hundreds of precious feathers.11 Other preparations for the upcoming festivities were burning and clearing of grassland around the village and of the grand alee (la grande alle; Coudreau 1893:177). At the end of this road, near the woods, was constructed a small housing for the dancers, wh ere they had their costumes and changed. Coudreau reaffirms that it is never young people of the village who dance the pono; dancers have to be strangers (ibid.; all translations of Coudreau are mine).287F12 Then Coudreau described the course of events: All of a sudden, [at noon] at the other end of the road [from the house of

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348 the pono-dancers], appears a dark shape that slowly advances, under an enormous hat adorned with feathers [ olok ], masked, and holding in his right hand a two meter long baton on which is winded a cord in front of th e house of the travelers [i.e., tukusipan ] the dark shape crouches down the dark being remains unknown, we have not seen his face, we have not heard his voice (ibid.). At intervals, other dancers arrive. In the engraving by Crevaux (Figure 7-1), it can be perceived that Wayana imitating Tamok have a cloak and feather headdress, but no tangible mask. As recounted in oral tradition (Table C-16: line 63), faces of Wayana dancers we re painted like Tamok. Tamok facial painting ( Tamok pata melikut ) is unique, and a specific basketry motif is named after it (Figure 7-4).13 This basketry motif of Tamok f acial painting should not be confused with the basketry weaving289F14 technique specifically applied in manufacturing the Tamok mask proper, or head of Tamok ( Tamok uputp)290F15 (Figure 7-5). Figure 7-4 (left). Basketry motif named Tamok facial painting ( Tamok pata melikut). Figure 7-5 (right). Frame for Tamok mask ( Tamok uputp; head of Tamok).

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349 Two Tamok masks were made in 2000 by Tukano (Figures 7-2 and 77: Lawa 1 and 2; Table 7-1). Thirteen Tamok ma sks are present in the Amazonian Collection of the Florida Museum of Natural History (FLMNH) (Figure 7-7; Table 7-1). Araiba had made several cane Tamok-heads while Rauschert was in Belem wher e he purchased beeswax to recreate Tamok masks (Rauschert 1982:203-205, plates 38, 39; Figure 7-6 A). Tamok masks can be analytically divided into four types (M1, M2, F1, and F2; Fi gure 7-8): Tamok heads may be shaped as a deep reversed basket (M1) or as a shallow reversed basket (about 10 cm deep) with one side dropping down (about 25 cm long) providing the basis for the facial painting (F1). Latter type can be shaped more naturally following facial contours (F2). Former type may serve as the foundation for a protruding cylindrical frame serving as base for the olok feather headdress (M2). Since it is men who wear olok feather headdresses, the M2-type is interpreted as male ( eluwa ), while the F-type is interpreted as female ( wli ) (Figure 7.2-7). None of the male Tamok masks (T1596, T2150, and T2152) in the FLMNH came with such a feather headdress16 (artist impression in figure 7-7). The female Tamok masks (T2149, T2153, and T2151) have a simple feather crown of white chicken feathers ( tpapo), or no feathers at all. Although T2330 and T2331 consist of an M-type mask, they do not have the base for an olok feather headdress. Instead a two centimeter wide strip of ch icken feathers is glued with resin ( palakta ) above and below the face of Tamok. Since the M1-type does not include an olok feather headdress its gender is inconclusive (FLMNH inventory num bers T2330, T2331). Two Tamok masks from the Rauschert collection in Bonn (BASA invent ory numbers 3321 and 3322; Figure 7-6 A) are of the F1-type with an additional okalat Mohawk in which red macaw tail feathers are set.

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350 A. B. Figure 7-6. Tamok masks. A. Collected by Rauschert in 1969 (BASA, Bonn inv. nr. 03321). B. Collections of the Anthropology Divi sion of the Florida Museum of Natural History, FLMNH Temp. Nos. T2153 and T2150) Figure 7-7. Variety of Tamok ma sks and facial paintings (T nu mbers refer to the temporary inventory numbers of the Amazonian Collect ion at the FLMNH; Lawa numbers refer to the two Tamok masks made by Tukano in 2000, see figure 7-2). Feather headdress olok is an artists interpretation

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351 Table 7-1. Variety of Tamok masks in the Am azonian Collection of the Collections of the Anthropology Division of the Florida Museum of Natural History, FLMNH. FLMNH # gender total length in cm. length of face in cm. type of head (Figure 7-8) diameter in cm. (at eye level) facial color (Munsell) 1 T0169 female 146 31 F1 19 10 R 5/8 2 T0170 female 108 26 F1 21 10 R 5/6 3 T0171 female 133 30 F1 20 10 R 5/4 4 T0377 female 141 30 F1 18 10 R 5/6 5 T0378 indet. 177 20 M1 19 10 R 4/4 6 T1596 male 155 15 M2 25 10 R 5/6 7 T2149 female 151 23 F2 21 10 R 4/6 8 T2150 male 197 21 M2 25 10 R 4/4 9 T2151 female 171 25 F2 23 10 R 4/6 10 T2152 male 194 20 M2 25 10 R 4/4 11 T2153 female 169 27 F2 23 10 R 4/6 12 T2330 indet. 159 16 M1 21 5 YR 5/6 13 T2331 indet. 178 17 M1 21 5 YR 4/6 In comparison: two Tamok masks made by Tukano along the Lawa in 2000. 14 Lawa 1 female 150 32 F1 22 10 R 5/6 15 Lawa 2 female 151 33 F1 23 10 R 5/6 T numbers refer to the temporary inventory numbers of the Amazonian Collection at the FLMNH. Munsell colors (1990): 5 YR 4/6; 5 YR 5/6 = yellowish red 10 R 5/6; 10 R 5/8; 10 R 4/6 = red 10 R 5/4; 10 R 5/3; 10 R 4/4 = weak red Figure 7-8. Typology of Tamok masks (M = male and F = female).

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352 Figure 7-9. Tamok head and faci al painting (Collections of the Anthropology Division of the Florida Museum of Natural Hi story, FLMNH Temp. No. T2330). At eye level, two holes are cu t out of this basket ry frame. At eye level M2-type masks have the largest diameter (25 cm) (Table 7-1). F2-type masks have a diameter between 21 and 23 cm. F1-type masks made by Tukano in 2000 (Law a 1 and 2) were prepared to wear and have a diameter of 22 and 23 cm. M1and F1-type masks from the Amazonian Collection vary in diameter between 18 and 21 cm. Since these diamet ers are too constricted to fit over a persons head, it is doubtful whether these masks were designed for wearing as performance-mask. Beeswax ( molopi ) was molded over the facial part of the Tamok head, and a protruding nose modeled. A mouth is absent in the Tamok masks that Tukano made in 2000 (Lawa 1 and 2), whereas only one mask in the Amazonian Co llection of the FLMNH lacks a mouth (T0171). Other masks in the Amazonian Collection of the FLMNH do have modeled mouths (T0169, T0170, T0377, T1596, T2149, 2151, T2153, T2330, T2331) or a mouth cut out of the basketry frame (T2150, T2152). Over the modeled beeswax face, a reddish paste was applied, as was it a human face painted with onot ( Bixa orellana ) mixed with kalapa-oil (Carapa guianensis ).17

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353 Linear incisions were made creating a z one filled in with white kaolin clay (nenuw ). Three Tamok masks (T2149, T2153, and T2151) have black f acial paintings resembling genuine facial paintings with kup ( Genipa americana). Facial painting will be discussed in a moment. To complete the dance-costume, streamers of okalat inner bark ( Couratari guianensis )18 are knitted to the lower rim of the mask to fully c over the body from neck to feet. A separate set of bark strips covers the head a nd falls down laterally and posterior.294F19 Okalat inner-bark strips (naturally tan-yellow colored) are blackened by m eans of a resist-dye technique in an anaerobic environment; usually in a swampy bend of the river.295F20 Next streamers are hung out to dry and tie strips are removed. Sections wher e bark strips were tied have re tained their original tan-yellow color, whereas parts which had not been tied, ha ve obtained a bluish-bl ack color by exposure to swamp water. This bluish-black color is resistant and does not fade or run. Most prominent is the Tamok facial painting which seems arbitrary at face value, but appears rooted in a deep-time and broad geograp hical Amazonian tradition of transformation. Tamok facial painting is analogous to the Yekuana (Carib-speak ing people in Western Guiana) facial painting of the Owner of the Basketry or Mask of Death (Guss 1989: chapter 5). According to David Guss (1989:106), th e primary basketry design is Woroto sakedi or the Devils joints (Figure 7-10 A),296F21 encountered in several varia tions, depending on the number of joints (ibid.:107; Figure 7-10). Last variation of Woroto sakedi ( simiasa or the thin one; Figure 7-10 B) is before the patt ern curls up into itself: into Awidi (coral snake; Figure 7-10 C). Awidi the most complex line drawing in perpetuation of the Devils Joint motif was interpreted by Wayana as Tamok pata milikut (facial painting of Tamok).

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354 A. B. C. Figure 7-10. Yekuana basketry moti fs (source: after: Guss 1989). A. Woroto sakedi (Devils joints). B. Woroto sakedi simiasa (the thin one). C. Awidi (coral snake); interpreted by Wayana as Tamok pata milikut (facial painting of Tamok). Woroto sakedi simiasa (the thin one) is similar to th e basic line drawing I used in the transformational analysis of Ta mok facial paintings (Figure 7-11), albeit Wayana named this motif Apuweika or taliliman istaino (panther or black jaguar).22 To make sense, life must contain death and Guss (1989:125) concluded that to weave is to conquer death. It is this essential cosmological element of indigenous Amazonian religion that is rooted in the facial paintings on the basketry head of Tamok ma sks. Constant shifts between background and foreground, variations, and interchangeability are ke y to the struggle between the context of life and death, as well as interrelationships between self and social others. Figure 7-11. Variations of Tamok facial paintings.

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355 When the thin version of the D evils Joint motif (Guss 1989) ( Apuweika [panther] according to Wayana) is placed ove r the face of Tamok masks, ther e is an interruption of the vertical style at mouth level (F igure 7-11: lower sequence from le ft to right); leaving a small vertical style between the mouth and the chin. Lowest bar (on ma ndible) is continuous. Last version of this sequence (Figure 711: lower right) is partly in ne gative (lower half), and partly off-set, with a dark bar over th e ridge of the nose (upper half). Latter versi on is the basis of the three female Tamok masks at the FLM NH (T2149, T2151, and T2153). Meandering cheek motifs have been applied in genuine Wayana facial paintings (e.g., van Velthem 1995:270). A. B Figure 7-12. Wayana facial painting. A. photo by Darbois, 1953; B. artist rendering. Three female Tamok masks in the Amaz onian Collection at the FLMNH (T2149, T2151, and T2153) are not only painted in black like genuine Wayana facial paintings (Figure 7-12), they also hold another element absent in other Tamok masks: L-shaped outlines above the eyes. It has to be mentioned that Wayana epilate f acial hair (eyebrows and eyelashes) and these Lshaped outlines are painted above the eye (Darbois 1965; Mazire and Darbois 1953, 1959; Hurault 1965, 1968; Van Velthem 1995:270; Figure 712). Also the line over the ridge of the nose is visible. A variety of motifs may be painted on the cheek, in real life as well as on the

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356 Tamok masks. Cheek motifs are analogous rectilin ear motifs in basketry plait work, suggestive of a relation between the human body and bask etry. The three female Tamok masks (T2149, T2153, and T2151) have black facial paintings that are dotted white, whereas their male counterparts (T2150 and T2152) have white facial paintings and the white dots are applied on the red face outside of the motifs. In all aspects, the three r ealistic female Tamok masks are complete opposites of their grotesque male Tamok companions. When the sequence of Tamok facial painting variations is condensed (Figure 7-11: upper right-hand corner) this motif equals the Yekuana Woroto sakedi ohokomo (large Devils Joint) (Guss 1989:107). This compact version is painted on the cheeks of Tamok mask T2331 (Figure 7-7). With intent I placed this motif at a 45 degree angle, because when it is rotated another 45 degrees, we perceive the bracketed fa cial painting applied by Tukano (Lawa 1 and 2; figure 7-2). Therefore, I conclude that all Tamok facial paintings are but variations on a single theme. Origin of this theme emerges from a pool of forgotten Amazonian myths. For example, both bracketed and compact vers ions (Figure 7-11: upper right pair) were mentioned by Raphal Girard (1963:210) for the Shipibo in the Peruvian Amazon where he placed these motifs alongside an outline resembling the Tamok facial painting (Figure 7-4). These motifs are all said to be Shipibo variants of the serpent related to rain (Girard 1963). Complex essence of this repository of forgotten myths is portrayed in the facial painting of Tamok, and performed during the whip-dance: huma n beings must gain control over secret weapons of mass destruction that provide the Others with powerin this case thunder and rainand incorporate it into their very existence if they are to survive, as it is not enough to merely vanquish death. Such a detoxifying duel between humans and the anti-cultural monsters

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357 from the forest is materialized among the Yekua na in weaving painted baskets (Guss 1989). This clash involving dangerous powers along with its integrative process is embodied in Tamok. 7.3 Evil Spirit of the Forest Preceding the narrative of Wayana imitating Tamok (analyzed above), Kulienp told the story of the evil thundering sp irits; malicious spirits ( jolok ) that were imitated by his ancestors (Appendix C: Tamok narratives: Jolok Tamok eitoponp ). Claudius de Goeje during his longterm ethnographic research among the Wayana ne ver witnessed a whip-d ance, however, in his brief cross-cultural analysis of the whip-dance, de Goeje (1941:111-113) is the first to associate the name Tamok to the whip-dance described by Crevaux (1881:105, 258). He went on to say that the [Tamok-] dancer represents the ghost of Tamoktamok (that is a tuna-kaikui [= water monster] and an iyum [jum = father, origin, mast er], which also is the name of the big blue Morpho butterfly that dwells in the dark woods (de Goeje 1941:111; my translation).23 When I discussed this with Wayana, they told me that Tamok had no relation with either tamoktamok (blue Morpho-butterfly) or tamo (grandfather, ancestor) and th at Tamok was a proper name.299F24 This story of Tamok is taking place between mythical time of the Creator Twins and personal eyewitness accounts. To fully understand the mythstory of Tamok Jolok we need to understand the language in which it is narrated. Not only do we need to understand Wayana language, we need to understand the play of tropes used to make se nse of the sequence of events. Reversed process, yet similar explanation though metaphor, can be seen in Crevauxs (1987:285 [1881]) description of Tamok dance as translated by Roth (1924:664): the men are covered with long bark strips, starting from the neck, and a kind of toque similar to that used by [French] magistrates One man alone stands up, holding in hi s hand a whip 8 meters long, which with a swirling motion he cracks like a pistol Each one takes it in turn to get up and crack the whip (emphasis added). Crevaux described the cr acking of the whip sounding like detonations

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358 (Crevaux 1987:285). Also Kulienp (Table C-16 : line 67) described th e sound of the cracking whip like a gun (alakapuha katp ). Of interest is that the Wayana term alakapuha derived from harquebus or arcabusa in Spanish.25 So if Wayana, familiar with firearms, refer to the clacking of the whip as sounding as a gunshot, then how w ould Wayana unfamiliar with firearms describe a gunshot? Wayana imitating Tamok did not have the evil powers of the origin al Tamok spirits who brought death; and no person died during the pe rformance by Wayana imitating Tamok. Tamok whip-dance was simply a party to mock (Tab le C-16: line 55-58), in favor of deceit (sensu Basso 1987). The whipweapon of Tamokis named itain or Tamok tain Its root / tai / is also the root in taitkai; literally it does tai referring to thundering. Ev il spirits were carrying a thunder whip (Table C-15: line 10) causing th under strikes so powerful that they slashed down trees akin opening a garden pl ot (ibid.: line 16), breaking the t op of a big tree (ibid.: line 18), and shattering houses in pieces thereby destroying and collapsing them (ibid.: line 23). These thundering sounds and their effects were so frightening that the Wayana abandoned their village (ibid.: line 21). Cracking whip, thunder strike, and gun shot all stand for similar phenomenological experiences; and each of these th ree metaphors can be interchangeably referred to in order to make sense of the other experience. This association between thunder an d harquebus/guns is not new in South America; in Andean South Americ a this connection has been studied by Irene Silverblatt (1988) and Peter Roe (1988). The follo wing analysis will be more complex than the above evaluation of Wayana imitating Tamok descri bed in early ethnographies. Narrative of the evil spirits Tamok has to be perceived as making sense of the sudden arrival of a new entity holding a power to kill people. If indeed Tamok thundering whips refer to fire arms (described

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359 by people who have no previous experience with fire arms), than the story of evil spirits Tamok may refer to a first encounter with Europeans in Guiana. 7.3.1 First Encounter of the Lower Amazon Setting of the story of the evil spirits Tamok in time and place is embedded within Wayana logic, beginning with a reference in time: the hiding place ( mmn ) is made in order to shoot and scare off birds that are feeding on garden produce, implying that this event happened at ripening of garden produce after the rainy season; thus ab out July August (Table C-15: line 1-2; Figure 7-13). Place of this event is less evident. It is said that Wayana (Upului) got so terrified that they never returned to this rive r (ibid.: line 33), but this river is left unnamed. Since Upului are historically known to be from the upper Jari Rive r, they most likely migrated upriver from the lower Jari or adjacent tributaries of the Lower Amazon. Figure 7-13. Evil Spirit Tamok ( Tamok Jolok) (drawing by Ronnie Tkaime, 2000). First Europeans arrived at the Lower Amazon in the sixteenth century, yet documents are rare and not very detailed. Father Acua (repri nted in Markham 1859) described the rivers Jutai [= Curupatuba; ibid:128] and Paru de Este [= Ginipape; ibid:128-129], but then crossed to the

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360 south bank of the Amazon and mouth of Xingu [= Paranaiba; ibid:129-130], continuing his journey along the south bank of the Amazon; bypassi ng Jari and other tribut aries mouthing at the north bank. In 1541, a Spanish expedition in sear ch on the land of Cinnamon stranded in Peru, Franisco de Orellana left in search of food for the expedition, and he would be the first sailing down the Amazon. Historians have scrutinized the sixteenth centu ry journal of this voyage by Dominican friar Gaspar de Carvaj al to gain insight into more complex cultures of the upper and central Amazon or Solimes (Sweet 1974; Whitehead 1994, 1998, 1999; Porro 1994), other than the passage after departing the L and of the Black People and just before arriving at the delta of the Amazon) has been silenced in the historical process. Whereas Neil Whitehead warned for a very negative and incomplete r eading of the historic al literature (1994:46), Betty Meggers (2003) continues to reject these early chronicles claiming they present a distorted vision as a result of preconceived ideas, and therefore entirely inadequate for archaeological use.26 A short passage on the Lower Amazon in 1542 (de Carv ajal 1992:268-269), skipped by John Hemming (1978:194), among others, ought to be critic ally evaluated in this context. To contextualize this passage it is necessary to point out that Fran isco Orellana and his men had just been attacked by black painted people (Carvajal 1992:264-265).302F27 Gaspar de Carvajal was shot in his eye on June 24, 1542, and it goes without sa ying that this affected his perception and writing in the following months. N ear the Rio Trombetas, Carvajal was shot in his side as well; his cloak save d him. That Carvajal did not cease writing implies the importance of what followed. These lands were under the reign of a lord, cacique, named Arripuna, or Caripuna. Downstream, the Spaniards were at tacked once more, but this time the arrows contained curare poison, and one of the Spania rds died within the day (Carvajal 1992:266-267; all translations of Carvajal are mine). Span iards decided no longer to go ashore in populated

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361 areas. Their fear is heard in the citation of the birdsong hui hui hui corresponding to the imperative of the Spanish verb fuger ; to flea. Though Carvajal must have been tormented by his wounded eye, he mentioned several times the lack of food and constant preparedness for battle on the side of the Spaniards. At the mouth of the Xingu the Spanish brigantine was attacked by two squadrons of canoes. Another Spaniard, hit by a curare poisoned arrow, died (ibid.:268269). Carvajal described two remarkable shot s fired by their arquebusiers: two Indians were killed by a single round, and the t hundering of arquebus shots made the Indians jump into the water of fear, whereby he wrote thunder ( trueno ) to describe the sound of the harquebus shot (ibid.:269). Subsequently, the Spaniards follow the left or north bank of the Lower Amazon ( la banda siniestra del ro [ibid.]). No settlements were lo cated along the river bank, and Carvajal wrote that the villages were located in the interior. On July 1542, in lack of food, the Spaniards st opped for several days on the north bank of the Lower Amazon, and Orella na sent a patrol ashore.28 No leader is mentioned for this patrol in the lower Jari area (Carvajal 1992:269), however, mid-April, Orellana had send out a patrol to search for provisions and that patrol was led by a hidalgo named Alonso de Robles (Carvajal noted that this man was very capable for this task ). A month later, two other patrols were sent out to chase down Indians, whereby the last patrol was led by a chevalier named Cristbal Enrquez. The July 1542 patrol explored the interior for about four kilometer ( una legua ), reporting to Captain Orellana th at the lands become more and more beautiful, that there are savannas and hills. Furthermore, the patrol reported numerous traces of people who are hunting here and stated that it is better not to penetrate further (ibid.). When the Spaniards set sail again, they leave good lands and high banks ; only to enter the labyrinth of islands at the mouth of the Amazon (plus de tierra firme and muchos isles ; ibid.:269). Although hist orians have thoroughly

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362 studied Carvajals journal, it was never addresse d what exactly happened during the last patrol (July 1542) on the north bank of the lower Amazon, n ear the mouth of the Ja ri in the lands that became more and more beautiful. From the account alone this area seems a great place to settle, so why did the Spanish patrol mention it wa s better not to pene trate any further? 7.3.2 Wayana Tradition Related to Spanish Sources In order to make sense of the Wayana narrative on the evil spirit of Tamok (Appendix C: Tamok narratives: Jolok Tamok eitoponp ), as well as the enigmatic last Spanish patrol of 1542, I will set the main events discussed in the Waya na narrative (W) alongside a context of sixteenth century Spanish presence (S) at the lower Amazon (Table 7-2). Wayana pl ay of tropes in order to describe newly encountered fierce creatures, validates Wayana social memory as a unique eyewitness account of th e first encounter with Europeans; describing, I argue, the Spanish foot patrol on the Lower Amazon in July 1542 from a native point of view (Figure 7-14). Figure 7-14. Evil spirits of the forest; a Spanish patrol in July 1542 (Duin 2007).

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363 Table 7-2. Comparing Wayana narrative on Tamok Jolok with a Spanish patrol in 1542. (W) While the Wayana is waiting in his shelter, an unkn own being arrives in his garden (Figure 7-13). This being is like a child and as if painted black (Table C-15: line 5). (S) On a single occasion Gaspar de Carvajal (1994:71) mentioned the presence of two Africans, which are excluded from his list of 57 followers. Presence of black children (or Africans of short stature) in the Spanish expedition is neither confirmed, nor excluded. (W) After the child is shot by the Wayana from his hunting shelter, another being arrives. Both wear decorations at their upper arms ( appata; line 9). Then others arrive who carry a thunder whip that does ton ton (line 10). With their thunder they slash branch es, the crest of the tree ( line 12), and even entire trees (line 16, 18). And the loud thundering sounds were awfully frightening (line 21). (S) A blasting thunder cutting down trees leaves little room for an interpretation other than a harquebus (Figure 7-14). Are these the harquebusiers of Franisco de Orellanas patrol? Even Carvajal used trueno (thunder) to describe the sound of these arquebus shots (Carvajal 1992:269). (W) They had a long cloak and were w earing a feather headdress (line 15). (S) Was it fear for curare tipped arrows and the effectiven ess of Carvajals cloak that saved his life that made patrol members decide to wear such a protective cloak? Following sixteenth century fashion; hats (and helmets) of Spaniards were deco rated with flamboyant feathers. (W) To make sense of this new kind of headdress, Wayana described these head coverings in familiar terms of the feather headdress olok (Chapter 6.2). When the big leader arrived (line 17) he not only brings the biggest weapon along; he also arrived with an onomatopoeic ilesoman ilesoman ilesoman echoing the sound of kawai noise makers tied below the knee of Wayana dancers. (S) Since leaders of prior Orellana patrols were a hidalgo and a chevalier these men of standing might have had metal body armor; resulting in clinging sounds. If so, than this leader most certainly also had a metal helmet. Sixteenth century helmets had a visor that could be lowered when necessary to protect the face. Such a visor makes the eyes nearly invisible, and completely covers nose and mouth; analogous the fullface Tamok head covering. (W) Various Tamok suddenly arrived out of the green zone surrounding the village (line 22). (S) Previous patrols by Orellana had fifteen to twenty-five men; explaining the sudden arrival of a lot of unknown beings. Furthermore, as villages were inland in this area, Wayana did not see the brigantine with which the Spaniards had arrived. This explains why Tamok were thought to originate from the ground, not from the water. Nevertheless, Claudius de Goeje (1941:111) noted that Tamok dancers represented spirits of water monsters, and when Jean Hurault listed the water spirits (ipo), he noted that the Tamok spirits are dwarfs living in the river (1968:17). Also the return of Tamok was invisible (line 23), as the patrol returned to the brigantine and continued their voyage downstream; never to return again. (W) Never again were these fierce monstrous beings seen at the north bank of the north canal of the mouth of the Amazon. Wayana villagers went to a powerful pjai (shaman) and asked him to bring these evil beings to a standstill (lines 2426). The shaman could not control these beings without a Master (line 27). Later, Wayana were struck by epidemics of fever and headaches. Children and pregnant woman died (lines 290). (S) Intervention by the powerful shaman was effective enough to make the Spanish patrol return to Orellana. The Spanish foot patrol had left something behind: germs. (W) These Tamok were considered to be without Mast er, since the powerful shaman could not request the Master of Tamok to contain this feverish epidemic (line 31). (W) = Wayana version (S) = Spanish version (line #) = reference to Appendix C: Tamok narratives (Table C-15). If this reading is indeed a native perspective on the first encounter with Europeans; then what to make of the ending stating that the Wayana was eaten by these monstrous beings (Table

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364 C-15: line 19, 34-35). Did Orella nas men practice cannibalism? Or is this statement merely according to an Amazonian Logic to complete the narrative of such man-killing monsters from a native point of view ( sensu Viveiro de Castro 1992); as the anthropophagic Tamok represents the archetype enemy (Van Velthem 2003:425). In more general terminology (following Turner 1988:241): possibly the cannibalistic ending of the Tamok narrative was obligatory to describe the social Other contrary to the Self. 7.4 Pool of Forgotten Myths When Wayana perceived these fierce creatures, it is said these beings resembled Tamok, hence applying an already existing name to iden tify these fierce, yet beautiful, beings through synecdoche (Table C-15: line 25: ~ hapon = likewise; ibid.: line 26: ~ me = other-world reality facsimile marker [Carlin 1999]). Acco rding to Eithne Carlin (1999:236) ~ me indicates that the narrator knows that an object is not what it seems, or refers to an object that was taken to be something else, or to indicate the uncertain ty as to the identity of an object. Tamokme (Table C15: line 26), indicates that Wayana knew they were dealing with an entity merely bearing a resemblance to Tamok. These entities rese mbling Tamok did not have a Master, as had genuine Tamok, so the powerful shaman could not communicate with them; they were of their own creation (ibid.: line 27). The pjai could not prevent the powers of evil Tamok spirits causing many Wayana to die (ibid.: line 29-30). In concluding this chapter I will explore the sources of Tamok as related to rain-making pr actices (invoking the rain s), and in turn this exploration results in an illumination of the pow er of decorated ceremonial flat board clubs ( kapalu ) as potential thunder club of the Tamusi 7.4.1 Invoking the Rains Wayana say that long ago there were powerful pjasi (shamans) who could invoke the rains like Mopo and Kujuli. When Claudius de Goeje discussed Kujuli, he wrote that Wayana told

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365 him that Kujuli was an iyumiyumiyumi-enma ( i-yum father being, spiritual power, ~ enma very) and that Kujuli is an exceptional powerful pjai (medicine man, magician) (de Goeje 1941:76).29 The Creator twins, as discussed in chapter 4.1, invoked the rains dur ing their initia tion, as they were beating the ground drum and blowing feathered flute outside on the plaza. Then the rains arrived. Mopo and Kujuli asked the Jaguars (who at e their mother Tortoise) to shelter in the community roundhouse tukusipan (Table C-1: line 46-47). Then the community house collapsed, locking in and killing all jaguars (ibi d.: line 49-50, 52). Bad rains, invoked directly, caused death to the social others embodi ed as jaguars (Table 7-3). Every tpijem is experiencing this social memory of Mopo and Kujuli as ra inmakers while dancing on the ground drum and playing the flutes before the bi g rainy season begins. In the st ory Sintaman told Karin Boven (1999) it was further mentioned that Mopo asked Sik (God of Thunder) his thunder club ( kapalu ) to create lightning and thun der, returning the club wh en all the land was flooded. Today Wayana attempt to stop incoming clouds by blowing against the wind and by waving the rain clouds away with ones hand while shooing away the dark rain clouds packed together over the hills on the ri ver bank. While in a canoe, I saw Wayana enforcing the power of the hand by taking ones cap and waving against th e incoming clouds towards the direction where they wanted them to go. One year in November, I was among the Wayana when it started raining, while normally the rainy season only star ts in December with the big rainy season in April. I asked Wayana (in Talhuwen) why it wa s raining and they answered it was due to the fact that in Kayod, a village located northeasterly along the Ta mpok River, people were burning garden plots. Relation between cloud and s moke is enforced metonymically as both are named eklot in Wayana ( ekuluwato in Apalai). Similar act of blowing away rain clouds was described in Northwest Amazonia by Theodore Koch-Grnberg (1909:195, II 24), whereby he

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366 noted that Witoto say Rain leave! Go away! in Tarina and Tukno (as if the clouds are sent by these neighboring groups). Re lation between clouds and smok e is elaborated upon by Raphal Girard (1963)30 as rains can be invoked by smoking a special cigarette and blowing tobacco smoke into the sky. When Girard (1963:39) wrote about provoking rain caused by tobacco smoke among the Yagua, he used the term sorcer er, and among the Witoto he emphasized that the Huitoto sorcier provokes bad rains bringing sickne ss (Girard 1963:63). Girard also described another method of rain-making practices in Northwest Amazonia: Their [Bora] rites to make the rain drop, th ey practice inside their own house, invoking as among the Witotothe water boa. To make his prayer he [the shaman, or aima306F31] turns towards the east, slapping his chest; then he turns towards the west, and to end towards zenith, where roars thunder, for it is there the Thunder spirit, chijchi307F32, master of the clouds, dwells. As among the Witoto, th e God of Thunder is also the God of the Forest, and in his quality of master of the clouds he receives the name illap308F33 (Girard 1963:87; my translation).309F34 Thus in order to bring good rains, the sh aman must communicate with the Masters of Thunder and Rain (water boa [= anaconda]) (Tab le 7-3: indirect method of invoking rain). Alternatively, dark shamans can invoke bad rain s, without interventi on of the Masters of Thunder and Rain, by blowing smoke, beating an d drumming (table 73: direct method). Table 7-3. Difference between dire ct and indirect rain makers. practitioner: pjai (shaman) (healer or medicine man) pjasi (powerful dark shaman) (sorcerer) method: indirect direct location: inside a building outside on the plaza aimed at: community of the practitioner social others technique: communication blowing smoke, beating and drumming medium: Master of Thunder result: good rains (causing growth and prosperity) bad rains (causing sickness and death)

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367 Good rains for crops, hence prosperous life, ar e offset against bad rains bringing sickness and death. In Northwest Amazonia, Bora35 say first [good rains] are asked for by the magician, good doer of the community; latter [bad rains] are produced by Tsem Tschm or Chemey Tsem or Chemey signifying sickness (Girard 1963:87-88; my translation).311F36 Gnter Tessmann (1930:272)312F37 also noted among the Bora the relation between ts m (God) and sickness, separating sickness given by tsem and sickness given by sorcerer s, whereby he stated that Tsem is a kind of sorcerer. Further proof, Tessmann continued, is that the medicine man can speak with God and ask him to remove th e sickness (ibid:273; my translation).313F38 Shamans ( Medizinmnner ) try to remove the sickness given by a sorcerer ( Zauberer ) to prevent his patient from dieing. Death by other sicknesses, accid ents and dieing of old age is given by ts m (ibid:273).314F39 Bad rains produced by Tsem Tschm or Chemey (Girard 1963:87-88), Tsem (Tessmann 1930:272), whereby Tsem or Chemey (Girard 1963:87-88), ts m (Tessmann 1930:272), [phonetically: / emi/ ] is directly related to sickness and even death. The Amazonian concept of emi causing bad rains resonates w ith the Caribbean notion of zemi (or cemes as Ramn Pan (1974 [1493]:42-43) wrot e it in 1493 in the Greater Antilles): Also they say the Sun and the Moon come out a cave that is in the land of the cacique named Mautiatihuel, this cave is named Iguanabona, and this one they keep in great estimation And in th is cave there are two cemes made out of stone, small, the size between the arms, with the hands hold, and it seemed it sweated.315F40 These cemes were highly valued; and when there was no rain, saying they entered here to pay a visit to them and to be followed by rain. And these cemes, one is named Bonayel76 and the other one Mrohu77 (Pan 1974 [1493]:42-43; my translation).316F41 Notes in Pan 1974: 76) Ulloa: Bonayel ; Anglera: Binthaitel () Bona-y-el is the son of Bona the Sly Serpent, metaphor of the clouds charged with rain. 77) Ulloa: Maroio ; Anglera: Mrohu The reading of Pedro Mrtir clearly registers three syllables: prefix of privation ma -; root arothat appears in the Arawak languages or-aro ur-aro ul-aro cloud, and the suffix of nominalization hu (). Hence signifying, Without-Clouds ().

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368 Breton (1999:69[1665]) translated chemjn or emjn as God, with the observation that most Savages pronounce the as ch chemijn chemeignum: God, Gods, the other emijn, emeignum (ibid:50; my translation). Different ways of writing down emi results in the following comparative table: Table 7-4. Amazonian and Caribbean synonyms of emi or zemi. Amazonia reference: ts m (Tessmann 1930:273-4) Tsem Tschm or Chemey Tsem or Chemey Sumi or Sume Zumi or Zume (Girard 1963) (Girard 1963:158) Caribbean reference: Cem (Pan 1974 [1493] Captulo XI) Chemeen (La Borde 1674) Chemjn or emjn (Breton [1665] 1999:69) Note: alternation of /i/ // /e/, and / / pronounced as /ts/ or /ch/ as in church. Tessmann and Breton, although working in different areas (Northwest Amazonia and Caribbean respectively) and different eras (1905 and 1645), both translate this term with God. 7.4.2 Materializing Zemi in the Tumuc-Humac Notion of emi generating bad rains creating sick ness and death appears widespread throughout Amazonia and the Caribbean; wherea s materialization of zemi has only been recorded archaeologically from the Caribbean (see for a summary: Boomert 2000:486-490). There is, however, a single indication that emi might have been materialized in Guiana. In 1609, Robert Harcourt (1613) traveled up the river Wiapoco [= Oyapock] during his Voyage to Guiana, where he encountered an Indian named Comarian who told Harcourt that vpon the borders of Wiapoco [= at the source of the Oyapock Rive r], there is a Nati of Charibes hauing eares of an extraordinary bignes [= th ere is a Carib nation with long earlobes]42 whom hee called Marhewaccas (Harcourt 1613:41). Of these so-called Marhewaccas, Comarian told Harcourt that they hold an Idole of tone, which they worship as their God; they haue placed it in a hou e made of purpo e for the greater honour of it, wh ich they keepe very cleane and

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369 han ome (ibid.). This is the only descriptions of a temple in the interior of Guiana, and the worship of a stone idol. Robert Harcourt descri bed this stone idol in rather precise detail: This Idole is fa hioned like a man sitting vpon his heeles, holding open his knees, and re ting his elbows vpon them, holding vp his hand s with the palmes forwards, looking vpwards, and gaping with his mouth wide open (Harcourt 1613:41). Although Harcourt stated that the meaning of this proportion [i.e., position] could not be declared by his informant. This description co rrelates with anthropomorphic three-pointer stones known from the Greater Antilles (Figure 7-15). The stone idol from Guiana described by Harcourt has never been recovered. Figure 7-15. Outline drawing of a three-pointer stone from the Greater Antilles. Harcourt visited the interior of Guiana in 1609; that is about sixty y ears after Orellana and his men drifted down the Amazon in 1542. Only if th is stone idol describe d by Harcourt will be recovered, petrographic analysis, and stylistic studies may concl ude whether this zemi-like stone idol was introduced from the Caribbean after the traumatic events of the Summer of 1542, or whether this stone idol was alre ady present in Guiana before 1542. Harcourt (1613:41) situated the stone zemi-like idol near a mountain (named Cowob ) on top of which a great lake, full of different species of fish (ibid.:15). This lake might be associated with the only identified lake by Coudreau during his expeditions; a lake (3 kilometer long by 500 meter wide) in the mountain range of Tacouandewe (1892:8; 1893:327-329), eastern offshoot of the Tumuc-Humac range.

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370 Tumuc-Humac has been an enigmatic name (synonyms: Toemoek Hoemak [Dutch], and Tumucumaque [Portuguese]). Di rk Geijskes, during the 1939 e xpedition, noted the Wayana pronunciation of some of the toponymes, and so is our Toemoek-Hoemak mountainrange named Tjimi-Tjimak (Geijskes 1957:234; my transl ation). Pl mit, an Akulio originating from this region, said he lived in Tsmi Tschmk (pers. comm. 1999), a pronunciation similar to Geijskess Tjimi-Tjimak. Previous ly, de Goeje (1910) stated that / / is pronounced as /ts/, or as /ch/ as in church.43 Pronounced as mi mk, Tumuc-Humac resonates with Tsem Tschm (Girard 1963:87) as recorded near the western watershed of Amazonia. Watershed of Tumuc-Humac is a my thical place where rains emerge.319F44 In 2000, when arriving at the circa 730 meter high summit of mount Taluwakem we were overtaken by several heavy rain showers. When I asked why it was ra ining, Wayana replied wi th a counter question: did you touch Tamok jolok ? During our way up, we saw a dark termite hill, shaped as an old man wandering through the forest le aning on his stick. I took a photo (Figure 7-16), and Elina told me this was Tamok jolok; it is alive, since white foam surfaces, she said.320F45 It had been Elinas son who barely dared to admit that he was the one causi ng rain due to his beating of this Tamok jolok. I thus experienced, from the pool of forgotten myths, the essence of TumucHumac (Tsmi Tschmk ) that is still very much alive. Figure 7-16. Tamok Jolok encountered in the forest at the foot of Taluwakem, 2000.

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371 7.4.3 Impossible Imitation: Tamok, Bringer of Sickness and Death This Amazonian pool of forgotten myths ( sensu Gow 2001), served as potential source for the name Tamok for the fierce creatures, as we ll as to launch the dance where Wayana-Upului imitated Tamok. That the Tamok whip-dance is no longer performed today is not a sign that Wayana are loosing their tradition; on the cont rary, I argue that the Tamok whip-dance, as witnessed in the late nineteen th century, was a Wayana innovati on, emerging from a historically rooted context of epidemics of a disease locally named kwamai. Kwamai epidemics with flu-like symptoms killed many Wayana, as reported by Europeans in the late nineteenth and early twenteeth century (Crevaux 1881; [ couamaye ] Coudreau 1893:543; de Goeje 1935). Tamok is the impossible imitation; Tamok is at once beautiful and horrific. Tamok is analogous the Xinguano cannibal forest monsters Afasa (Basso 1987: ch. 5); not only is this powerful being associated with serious illness, these old grandparental sort of powerful beings are at once beautiful and horrible in their distorted and exces sive voice and physical ch aracteristics that are molded in beeswax onto the gourd-mask painted red, white, and black. Afasa imitators wear burity-palm skirts to cover their body, and carry a staff while they slowly hobble along. Afasa can also be called upon to affect a cure. Among the Wayana it appears that fear for kwamai epidemics with flu-like symptoms replaced the fear for rainy s eason sickness, and the Tamok whip-dance emerged out of this Amazonian pool of forgotten myths of invoking th e rains. One featur e that needs to be reassessed from this viewpoint is the associat ing thunder-whip. Thunder in Wayana is called tlntkai or taitkai whereby tkai means saying or doing; onomatopoeic of doing tln or doing tai. Of interest is that the root tai46 is also present in istaino (jaguar)322F47 and itain (whip/weapon of Tamok). Common flash of lightning is named kapauwatk (deer antler) after its resemblance with the antlers of kapau (red brocket deer; Mazama americana ).323F48 Yet, it is not

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372 deer that causes thunder. Acco rding to Wayana, thunder is caused by kaikusimeru ; a jaguar monster running across the clouds, spouting summer lightning out of its beak. This thunder jaguar is also present in Northwest Amazonia, where among the Desana it is named Buxpu-yee or Buhpu yee. When Reichel-Dolmatoff (1973:102, 123) di scussed the symbolism of the jaguar, he wrote that the growling of the jaguar is comparable with the rolling thunder and therefore it is not surprising that this animal is associated with rain. The sound tai echoes in Northwest Amazonia as TAYYNN! the sound of thunder! The sun was straight above, straight above (Wright 1998:54) where it is perceived as the most powerful sound of the sky (sky and thunder are the same word, eenu ) and one of various powerful sounds that opens the worl d and that are associated with cosmic creation (Wright 1998:61; notes and emphasis in original). This monstrous yet beautiful outfit of Tamok (dark okalat streamers with a colorful feather headdress) is also materialized in the cost ume collected by Curt Nimuendaj Unckle in 1915 (Farabee 1919) and depicted by William C. Fara bee (1924: plate XIX; Figure 7-17); interpreted as a war chiefs ceremonial dress attributed to the Apalai. This so-called war-chief is holding in his right hand a wooden flat-board club ( kapalu ). This club is depi cted in detail with the subtitle: ceremonial club with figures representing mythical forest monsters (Farabee 1924: plate XXII; Figure 7-17). Th is photo was reproduced in a study on Guiana clubs titled one blow scatters the brains in which Warwick Bray (2001) leaves no room for alternative interpretations of such ceremonial clubs. Bray (2001:262) conc luded that all lines of evidence suggest that by the close of the century war clubs were going out of use among the more acculturated Indian groups, though the artefact maintained its place in rituals and ceremonies. Rather than a mere cultural relic, I will posit an alternative reading of this flat-board club in the hands of a war-chief.

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373 Figure 7-17. Apalai war chiefs ceremonial dress (source: Farabee 1924: plates XIX and XXII). Next to flat-board clubs ( kapalu ), Wayana have another type of club ( siwalapa). The latter is cylindrical (as a baseball bat) with in top an inset of peccary canines or a small whetted stone. From a functional standpoint, siwalapa appears better suited to sca tter the brain than the flatboarded kapalu Flat-board clubs, or rather bats, allow for a larger surface for figurative designs, such as mythical forest monsters (Farabee 1924: plate XXII). The double (mirror-image) motif central in the ceremonial club published by Farabee were interpreted by Wayana in 2000 as kaikui (monstrous jaguars). Two flat-board clubs ( kapalu ) present in the Amazonian collection of the FLMNH (inventory numbers: T2489, T2490) also depict the kaikui motif, and the flat-board club of the Ethnographic Museum in Leiden (inv. number: RMV 2352-183_a) has

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374 a variant on the kaikui motif. A less angular version of this kaikui motif is carved in the wooden club in the collection of the Peabody museum, Harvard (inventory number: 71-11-30/47131871). Other motifs ( anon) may be carved into, or pain ted on, clubs; among which are luk (caterpillar), twtapihem (see inventory number: RMV 7021745; depicting a caterpillar, a cross, fishhook-like motifs, and a rooster), kalaipu or sipalat (crab), mamak telele (mother of trembling), mekuwom (long caterpillar), matawat and meliim (four-legged forest monsters). Jean Hurault (1968:73) wrote with regard to these decorated ceremonial flat-board clubs ( kapalu ) that traditionall y the function of tamusi (Elder) was accompanied by certain decorum. The tamusi kept, stuck in the ground, next to his hammock, the kapalu club, and symbol of his power. During ceremonies, one of his peito (subordinate) always followed, bearing the kapalu on his shoulders (ibid.:73). I pos it that these flat-board club s are thunder clubs into which thunder jaguars are carved. As such, these clubs are not merely ceremonial in that they allow a powerful shaman (potentially in his manifestation of war chief) to discharge thunder as this club holds synecdochecal powers of Thunder Jaguars In the context of thunder clubs and the thunder jaguars invoking deadly illn ess through rain, it is hitherto not so difficult to envision the deadly powerful reign of Wayana paramount ch iefs, constantly displaying their powerful kapalu (thunder club) as a constant mnemonic device. More effective th an actual man-to-man combat, is to bring these weapon s of mass destruction in to play leading to an entirely different kind of warfare (comparable to the nucl ear war race); fear in discourse for the lethal outcome if these weapons of mass destruction would to be brought into play. Jean Hurault stated that the institution of Tamusi was a mere survival and that it is difficult to imagine what the nature of authority of the village chief was, and how this was executed (Hurault 1968:73). Now that we have an understanding of the pow ers harnessed in the

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375 flat-board club, a decorum of the chief, as well as an understanding of the temporality of rituals and how these are grounded in the landscape, in conjunction with in terrelationships between self and social others (Wayana and non-Wayana), will engage in the following chapter in a study on the nature of authority of Wayana chiefs, and how this was executed. 1 In 1940, Kulienp resided in Moelepaneimi, of which his father (Talumale) was village leader (Schmidt 1942:52). 2 None of the prior research by Claudius H. de Goeje (1941), Walter Roth (1924), and John Gillin (1948) mentioned the fact that there is more than one Tamok narrative. 3 Rauschert does not mention that Anakalemo (or Maschipurim o) is just north of the former village of Yaripo where Crevaux on November 22, 1878, had made observations of the Toul dance (see below). 4 In a personal communication Ren Dehnhardt (December 18, 2007) stated that in the Bonner AltamerikaSammlung (BASA), there are at least six Tamok masks. The Rauschert collection is not completely inventoried. 5 Crevaux 1987 is a verbatim transcriptio n of the 1881 publication. All transla tions from Crevaux and Coudreau are mine. 6 Jules Crevaux described the feast at the village of Canea on October 28, 1878 as follows: il sagit de clbrer la mort dun tamouchy qui a succomb il y a un mois. Tous les homes arborent de longues lanires de toque semblable celles de nos magistrates. Un seul home est debout, tenant la main un fouet dont la corde a huit metres de long; il tourney sur lui-mme en frappant la terre avec le pied droit, puis, soulevant son fouet, il penche le corps en arrire, et, dun movement brusque, projette la corde qui claque comme un coup de pistolet. A chacun son tour de produire ces detonations. Cette danse sappelle la danse du pono (Crevaux 1987:285) 7 At present in the collection of Muse du Quai Branly, Paris (inventory number: 71.1881.34.389). 8 Crevaux (1987:321-323) described the feast at the village of Yaripo on November 22, 1878 as follows: Jassiste enfin un fte appele toul Ils nont plus leurs grands chapeaux, mais de petits couronnes en plume ( pomaris ) Le chef du bande, qui est droite, tient la bouche une grosse flute de bamboo do il tire des sons graves et tristes Arrivs au milieu du village, ils forment un cercle et se mettent tourner en jouant toujours le mme air et en frappant lgrement le sol en cadence avec le pied droit. Cest une rou vivante qui reste en movement toute la nuit, en sifflant Les danceurs, presque tous trangeres la tribu, se proposent de rcompenser les femmes montrent lun un catouri (hotte), lautre un manar (tamis), un troisime une cuiller ( anikato ) pour remuer la bouillie. Les femmes brlent denvie de possder ces obje ts qui sont tout neufs et artistement travaills. 9 Crevaux concluded that every one has his turn to produce these detonations. This dance is called the dance of the pono The other Indians, seated on their heels, applaud while shouting: H!... h!... (Crevaux 1987:285). 10 This is once again an example of reversed reasonin g of a ritual mode of production wherein surplus is intentionally produced to support such a lavish feast. 11 Touank y fera lexhibition de son pagara de famille contenant plusieurs centaines de plumes prcieuses (Coudreau 1893:174). 12 Ce ne sont jamais les jeunes gens du village qui dansent le pono, les danseurs doivent tre trangers (Coudreau 1893:177). 13 This motif is absent in Van Ve lthems (1998) Iconographic Catalogue. 14 For basketry weaving Wayana use cane ( wama ; Ischnosiphon arouma ). 15 Tamkuputp tomuputp ; head of the supernatural tamk (Van Velthem 1998:88, 89; my translation). 16 Reason that some (only 3 out of 13) male Tamok mask s in the Amazonian Collection of the Florida Museum of Natural History (FLMNH), have a base for the olok feather headdress, is to be found in legislation: CITES16 legislation prohibits, among others, the export of Ara macao feathers essential to olok feather headdresses. Basic material from which Tamok masks are made (cane, beeswax, clay, inner bark, cotton) are not mentioned under CITES, and thus legal to import. However, these masks were part of a collection that was seized by US Fish and Wildlife. This collection of Brazilian indigenous artifacts c ontains feathers and other parts (e.g., bone, teeth, claws and possibly antler) of endangered animal species. These objects were confiscated by the United States Fish & Wildlife Service (USFWS) in violation of CITES, U.S. Enda ngered Species Act, the Lacey Act, the Migratory Bird Treaty Act and U.S. Customs. Over 2500 objects (including the thirteen Tamok masks) in the Amazonian Collection of the Florida Museum of Natural History (FLMNH) were donated to the University of Florida in 2005 by the United States Fish and Wildlife Service under authority of USFWS Investigation number 305 000 215 and

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376 case name: Macaw Feathers (Transfer order surplus personal property, USFWS form 3090-0014. March 29th 2005). FLMNH is the repository of the Amazonian Collection. There is confusion over the legal terminology in the paperwork transmitting the collection to the FLMNH as the definition of donation and repository in the form 3090-0014 remains unclear to the registrar (Lecompte, pers. comm. 2007). 17 Masks range from yellowish red 5YR 4/6 to red 10R 5/6 (Munsell 1990). 18 Costume in Muse du Quai Branly Paris (71.1881.34.389) is erroneously catalogued as made from liana vines 19 Note that FLMNH T1596 does not have headdress bark streamers; glued to the basketry frame are black down feathers at the sides of the head. At the back of the head are bands of respectively white, red, light blue, red and white down feathers. 20 This process of resist-dying is described in detail for the bark cloaks of Waiwai Ymo and Shodowko dances (Yde 1965:273-276); though the dances itself were not witn essed. Waiwai are located at the border between British Guyana and Brazil (Yde 1965), which situates the distribution of this resist-dye technique for bark cloth from the Waiwai to the Wayana-Apalai, i.e., frontier between Brazil and the Guyanas from British to French Guiana. 21 David Guss refers to Roth 1924 for a similar motif, although he did not mention that Roth (1924:354, 356) interpreted this motif as wild nutmeg among Arawak a nd Warrau, whereas certain Carib groups recognized this motif as famous mythical snake which originally supplied them with their vegetable charms (Roth 1924:355; see also Roth 1915:283-284). Guss did not account for this incongruity. 22 This motif is absent in Van Ve lthems (1998) Iconogr aphic Catalogue. Among the Yekuana, Mado fedi (Jaguar face) is nearly identical to that of the Devils Joint motif (Guss 1989:111). 23 de [Tamok-] danser stelt den geest Tamoktamok voor (die een tuna-kaikui [watermonster] is en een iyum [ jum = a) vader -referentie-; b) begin; c) meester]), wat ook de naam is van de grote blauwe Morpho-vlinders die in het duistere woud leven (de Goeje 1941:111). 24 Butterfly-mask-dancers play a central role in Northwes t Amazonian dances (Oyuel a-Caycedo 2004:65 ff.). Preliminary dances are performed to honor the memory of the recently dec eased (Oyuela-Caycedo 2004:60-61), which is in support of Crevauxs interpretation of the pono-dance. Noted by Oyuela-Caycedo (ibid.) was that the preliminary dance was to prevent that spirits of the diseased would interf ere with masked dances. 25 Arquebus or arcabusa : interchange of the alveolar liquid/flap r/l; c/k; b/p; and s/h leads to alakapuha 26 With regard to the present study, Betty Meggers con ducted (with her husband Clifford Evans) archaeological investigations at the mouth of the Amazon (Meggers and Evans 1957). She included in her analysis material excavated by Curt Nimuendaj in the 1920s at Alto Alegre, Bom Destino and Uxy (locations mapped by Meggers [1957:35]). This area in the lower Jari Basin was incorpor ated in the extractive area of Jos Jlio de Andrade (18991948) and the Jari Project (1967-1999) (Little 2001); hence little archaeological evidence may remains. 27 Note that Wayana distinguish Pijanokoto as painted black when going to war. Pijanokoto are historically situated between the upper Trombetas and upper Paru de Este. 28 Yendo caminando, mand el Capitn que saltsemos en tierra por tomar alguna recreacin de aquella tierra que tanto nuestras agradaba; y as paramos [...] das en este dicho asiento, de donde el Capitn mand que se feusse a ver la tierra adentro en una legua [about 4 km], por ver y saber qu tierra era; y as fueron y no caminaron una legua cuando los que iban dan la vuelta, dicen al Capitn como la tierra iba siempre mejorando porque era todo abanas y los montes como dicho habemos, y par eca mucho rastro de gente que vena por all a caza, y que no era cosa de pasar adelante; y as de la vuelta el Capitn se holg (Carvajal 1992:269). 29 Men zeide mij (de Go eje), dat hij (Kujuli) iyumiyumiyumi-enma ( i-yum vaderwezen, geestelijke macht, enma zr) is en dat hij een buitengewoon sterke piai (medicijnman, magir) is De Goeje (1941:76). 30 For example, among the Yagua (Girard 1963:38-39), Ocaina (ibid:116) and Omagua (ibid:160). 31 Tessmann (1930:322) wrote on the Witoto: Der bse Zauberer heit ama, or the evil sorcerer is named ama. Aimawales name is thus rooted in an old tradition of shamanism. 32 sisi in Wayana means sun. 33 In Quechua, thunder is named illapa 34 Ses [Bora] rites pour faire tomber la pluie, ils les pratique dans sa propre case, invoquant -comme chez les Huitotole boa des eaux Pour faire sa prire il [the shaman, or aima] se tourne vers lorient, se frappant la poitrine; ensuite il se tourne vers loccident, et pour finir vers le znith, o gronde le tonnerre car cest l que se tient lesprit du Tonnerre, chijchi chef des nuages. Comme chez les Huito to, le Dieu du Tonnerre est galement ici le Dieu de la Fort, et en sa qualit de chef des nuages il reoit le nom de illap (Girard 1963:87). 35 This idea is also present among the Yagua, Witoto, and others (Girard 1963).

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377 36 Il fait une distinction entre les vents et les pluies favorables, et les mauvais vents et mauvais pluies (les vents tant toujours associs la pluie). Les premiers sont ceux demands par le mage, bienfaiteur de la communaut; les autres sont produits par Tsem Tschm ou Chemey Tsem ou Chemey signifie maladie (Girard 1963:87-88). 37 Als Gott wurde ts m bezeignet. Er lebt unter der Erde und gibt den Menschen die Krankheiten (Tessmann 1930:272). 38 Tseme hat alle Krankheiten, auer den Zauberkrankheite n, gegeben. Man sieht, Tseme ist eigentlich eine Art Zauberer. Ein weiteres Beweis dafr ist, da der Medizinm ann mit Gott sprechen kann und ihn bitten, die Krankheit fortzunehmen und bei Zauberkrankheiten das Zauber wesen aus dem Kranken hinauszuwerfen (Tessmann 1930:273). 39 Der Tod durch alle andere Krankheiten (other th an Zaubertod), durch Unflle and Alterstod ist von ts m gegeben (Tessmann 1930:273). 40 Note that among the Desana (Reichel-Dolmatoff 1997:102) the paca (Coelogynis paca) is called sem related to sum which signifies the white foam and bubbles that float on the dark waters near waterfalls and deep pools; these spots always have marked fertility associations, and the Indians speak of foaming and bubbling as procreative and live giving process. 41 Y tambin dicen que el Sol y la luna sa lieron de una cueva, que est en el pas de un cacique llamado Ma utiatihuel, la cual cueva se llama Iguanabona, y ellos la tienen en mucha estimacin (...). Y en dicha cueva haba dos cemes, hechos de piedra, pequeos, del tamao de medio brazo, con las manos atadas, y pareca que sudaban. Los cuales cemes estimaban mucho; y cuando no llova, dicen que entraban all a visitarlos y en seguida llova. Y de dich os cemes, al uno le llamaban Bonayel 76 y al otro Mrohu.77 Notas: 76) Ulloa: Bonayel ; Anglera: Binthaitel (...) Bona-y-el es el hijo de Bona la Serpiente Parda, metaforizacin de las nubes cargadas de lluvia. 77) Ulloa: Maroio; Anglera: Mrohu La lectura de Pedro Mrtir claramente registra tres semantemas: el prefijo privativo ma -; la raz aro que aparece en las voces arahuacas or-aro ur-aro ul-aro nube, y el sufijo nominalizador hu, (...). Significara, pues, Sin-Nubes (...). 42 Long-eared Indians were also later reported by Harcourt s cousin Unton Fisher (1613:52) during his excursion upstream the Maroni River. Not known at the time was that the sources of Oyapock as well as the sources of Tampok (or Aroua; tributary of the Maroni River. Named by Fisher in 1609: Arroua ) originate from the same watershed at about N 220 W 530 where as well Cuc (Kouc, tributary of the Jari River) has its source. It is in this area that is located the Amikwan, which in Tupi means long ears. I co nclude thereforecontrary to Harcourt (1613:41) who concluded that there be many nations of long-eared peoplethat long-eared Indians reported both at the sources of Oyapock (Harcour t 1613:41) as well as at the sources of Maroni (Fisher in Harcourt 1613:52) are one and the same people. 43 Another example of this sound / / can be found in the indigenous name for sand fleas. Kappler, even in one volume, has different ways of writing tsjicas of zandvlooijen ( Pulex penetrans ) (Kappler 1983:68), tschika (idem:86), chique, ook wel si cca genoemd (ibid.:117). / / can thus be written as [tsj], [tsch], [ch] and [s]. 44 Potentiality for precipitation is exceedingly great; north eastern trade winds bring immense quantities of moisture into the atmosphere, a feature which is eloquently expressed by the very high absolute and relative humidity. Some atmospheric cooling is required before precipitation is induced. Cooling may occur by means of a very common orographic effect; resulting in plumes of clouds and associated rainfall. 45 Compare with Ramn Pan (1974 [1493]:42): and it seem ed it sweated. Pan does not mention whether this cemes was black-and-white, although zemis (as well as stone beads) from black-and-white stone (diorite) have been recorded in Caribbean archaeology (Knippenbe rg 2006). Furthermore, Desana call paca (Coelogynis paca ) sem related to sum which signifies white foam and bubbles floating on dark waters near waterfalls and deep pools; these spots always have marked fertility associations, and Indians speak of foaming and bubbling as procreative and live giving process (Reichel-Dolmatoff (1997:102). 46 Note the resemblance between tai and tayn of the Arawak speaking Baniwa refered to above. 47 Mark the linguistical resemblance between istaino (jaguar) and Taino (People of the Greater Antilles who greeted Columbus [Rouse 1992]). 48 In Wayana, lightning is called by onomatopoeia: ppptkai or talala Summer lightning is called wapot or wapotkatp (literally: like wapot ; after hearth, fireplace, or fire in general).

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378 CHAPTER 8 RITUAL ECONOMY OF POLITICAL POWER This is the quest of Kailawa; on how they dw elled. Here is the story of the explorers from a long time ago. The names of the e xplorers were: their leader Kailawa, also sihalala, their leader, his follower Kuluwa pot, their leader, and also Weweamat. There were a lot of [leaders], but that was no hindrance. So the expl orers went into the forest. There were a lot of fierce creatures there. So they do not go swift, [they went] like the people who do not see. Maybe there were monsters there. [Kailawa] shot at everything. He shot all kinds of animals. [Later] they arrived at a place where there were lots of manioc stems [ kuhelap patatp ]. This is not far from the Aletani. So they [Kailawa and his men] go up the hill [i.e., th e watershed], and desce nd till the mouth of Kule kule [affluent of the Aletani, south bank]. There used to be a path there. It was his [Kailawas] road. So they stopped there. There was no canoe there to descend; maybe there were no people there yet. There were pe ople [at the Aletani] but not there [, not at the Kule kule]. It is like this. Well, the na rrative ends about here. There are still other things to say, but that will be long. excerpts from Kulienps stor y of Kailawa (Table C-14). A. B. Figure 8-1. Kailawa spatial narratives painte d by (A) Aimawale Opoya during the 2004 Kailawa expedition, and (B) by Ronnie Tkaime at his house in Esprance (2000).

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379 In the late nineteenth century, Henri Coudreau wrote on Wayana socio-political organization that this small pe ople has, actually, no leaders, who recognize only one authority, namely that of the father of the family (1893:204; all translations of Coudreau are mine),1 and that each village gave rise to its autonomous tamusi (village leader) not dependent on any chief or any confederation (ibid.:237), providing historical grounds for the statement that in the absence of any overarching, hierarchically orde red institution each settl ement is master unto itself, and its internal political structure is safely studied in isolation (Rivire 1984:72). In his historical review, however, Coudreau (1893:237, 564) wrote that the Wayana military institutionparticularly the ro le of the paramount chief, named yapotoli who commanded directly all village leadersfell in disuse after the wa rs with the Waypi.2 Coudreau (1893:237) stated that Ouanin ika [Waninika, Wane] was the last yapotoli of a long line of paramount chiefs, beginning w ith Caraoua [= Kailawa], Sarara, Torop, Out, and Tamoui, who were downright little tyrants, according to Coudreau (ibid.).3 Then again, he concluded that the Roucouyennes [= Wayana] today [1880s] are a tribe without organization, completely disintegrated, without federa tive bond and without local autho rity: it is the regression Tamouchis or village leaders hold, that is most of them, no genuine authority; there are sometimes several in one villag e, and there are vill ages who have none. The youth no longer obeys and mock the chiefs and the elders (Coudreau 1893:237-238; emphasis added). These statements give the impression that regional so cio-political organizati on was no longer present among the Wayana in the late nineteenth century and question the political power of local chiefs. Nevertheless, Coudreau presented ethnographi c data supporting a regional, overarching, hierarchically ordered institution during the desc ription of the village named Pililipu (between Aletani and Marouini; Figure 8-3). Pililipu was founded by Toumtoum (Coudreau 1893:108),

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380 but when Touank [Twanke] moved to this village after the death of his father Ouan [Wane], he became tamusi of Pililipu, as Twanke was of a greater race than Toumtoum (ibid.).4 This greater race was earlier de scribed by Coudreau (1893:104) as an old roucouyenne [Wayana] family who since a long time ago provides tamouchis to the Roucouyennes of the Marouini and the Aletani (ibid.).5 Later in this chapter I will focus on such continuous socio-political units, as well as critically evaluate the chiefly terms tamusi yapotoli and granman. Rather than defining these terms, or categorizing what things mean, this chapter explores how things mean, and how chieftaincy plays out in a ritual economy. First I will set the st age of regional sociopolitical organization with the story of Kailawa as history. Though preceding chapters may have given the impression of rather local events, becoming Wayana in Guiana is a multi-scalar process in which the sacred landscape of Tumu c-Humac and the culture hero Kailawa take a prominent place; ensuing a Wayana region centered upon mount Tukusipan. 8.1 Kailawa: His Story as History Henri Coudreau (1893:237) stated that Caraoua [= Kailawa] was the first of a long line of paramount chiefs. In the context of Kailawa find ing a path across the watershed to unite Wayana in search of a safe place to liv e, it is noteworthy that his na me seems a play of tropes of Karai Caraiva (H. Clastres 1995)Caraibes (e.g., de Lry 1994:396 [1578])i.e., Tupi prophets, religious and often political lead ers. Discourse on Kailawa res onates with Robert Carneiros (1998) model of a successful war chief becoming paramount leader of a collectivity of settlements based on merit. As mentioned in or al tradition, Wayana went to Kailawa as he was already significantl y knowledgeable ( uwantatp ) as he knew ( tuwal ) powerful hemt (charms, poisons) (Table C-3: lines 13). Kailawa was not simply the first of a long line of chiefs; he was the founding father of the Wayana confederation.

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381 Although Crevaux (1881), Coudreau (1893), Hu rault (1965, 1968), Ahlbrinck (1956), and de Goeje (1906, 1941, 1943) wrote extensively on th e Wayana, Kailawas story remained silent to history until recently (Chapuis 2001; Chapuis a nd Rivire 2003; Duin 2006; Pellet and SaintJean 2006). Wayana history of Kailawa was voiced by Aimawale Opoya (main informant of Jean Chapuis; cousin of Ronnie Tkaime hosti ng Renzo Duin; member of Association Alabama headed by Eric Pellet). Not only is he named af ter his maternal great-grandfather, Aimawale was also the name of one of the peito of Kailawa, a lieutenant, as Ai mawale repeatedly recites. Many mythical elements are included in the stor ies of Kailawa, yet the narrative appears to be situated in historical times (possibly eighteenth century). Wars with the Waypi, mentioned above, are one time indicator. Epoch between th e arrival of the first Europeans around 1500 and the mid-eighteenth century, i.e., the most dread ful period of Guiana history, remains largely unknown (Hemming 1978, 1987; Whitehead 1999). It is commonly assumed that remnants of Guiana peoples regrouped in the in terior of Guiana. Rather than simply dismissing the discourse on Kailawa as legendary, this study attempts to ma ke sense of this as history; as mythstory. Rather than fixed in time, Kailawas story is grounded in space, and this spatial narrative can be traced with a finger on the map (Appendi x C: Kailawa; Figure 82). During the last stages, from kuhelap patatp (former place of manioc stems), Kailawa and his men go up the hill and descend into the valley of Kule kule, afflue nt of the Aletani (Tab le C-14: lines 189). This experiential tour of crossing the watershed is an altern ative description of mapping the three-junction between Brazil, Suriname, and Fren ch Guiana. This chapter, drawing on mapped places and historically recorded events, mainly focuses on the interrelations between named places and peoples through time, to gain a sense of its socio-political complexity.

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382 Kailawa is portrayed as a powerful warrior-shama n, situated at the closing stages of the era of the old wars (Chapuis and Rivire 2003). From an indigenous Amazonian perspective, it appears that generic cosmic mythical time begins its drama with a catast rophic event, and it is probable that in oral tradition war is a cosm ological necessity that might not have taken place in reality (Wright 1998:128). In discourse, the Amazonian warrior is a glorified peacemaker trained to kill (Basso 1989, 1995:91-104), yet responsible for reproduction of society (Clastres 1994c, 1994d). Simone Dreyfus (1983/1984) posited that the disa ppearance of warfare in Guiana might be responsible for the shattering of hierarchi cal and intertwined macro-polities of the past and the rise of egalitarian, atomistic, and often small and fleeting settlements. The research question is therefore whether hierarchical supravillage organizations indeed ceased to exist, or whether the absence of war basically made these interrelations less visible (and what processes make these interrelations situated in su bjectivity more visible). Next to warfare, this research question needs to be situated hist orically in population m ovements, and a rapid demographic decline from an estimate of over 4000 in 1787 (Coudreau 1893:565), 2 in 1878 (Crevaux 1987:303), to 1000 people in 1890 (Coudreau 1893:547). Rather than determining whether or not these eternal wars actu ally took place at the exte nt described in oral tradition, it may be concluded that war is a primordial Amazonian model defining identity though alterity while ordering the social landscape and opening up the potential for exchange. Defining identity though alterity is at the heart of social reproduction, as no community is [capable] of self-reproduction in isolation (Fausto 2000:94 8; Lvi-Strauss 1949; Overing 1983/1984:333; Viveiros de Castro 1986). Focused on social rela tions, social anthropological models such as the moral economy of intimacy by Joanna Overing Kaplan (1983/1984), Peter Rivires political economy of control (1983/1984), and the symbolic economy of alterity

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383 ( economia da predao) by Eduardo Viveiros de Castro (1986, 1992, 1996) and Carlos Fausto (1999, 2000), often underemphasize the regional socio-political aspects at the origin of producing reciprocal relations with other social groups (cf. Lvi-Strauss 1943, 1949; Heckenberger 2005). Established in the present study is how po litical aspects of producing reciprocal relations with other so cial groups, along with characterist ics of sociality, are present in Guiana, including regional levels of socio-po litical reproduction of supralocal sociality. Reproduction of Wayana sociality appears grounde d in a desire of bringing social others (ancestors, Trio subgroups and other indigenous groups, and non-indigen ous people) into the heart of Wayana society, as demonstrated in the outline of the marak in a previous chapter, to become skilled at their knowledge. Wayana appropriation and familiarization of social others during festivals seems in line with Carlos Faustos (1999) variati on of the symbolic economy of alterity where shaman and warri or, each in his own manner, me diate this dialectic interplay between master and pet, interiority and exteriority, identity and alterity, while guarding the risk of enemies becoming too friendly and kin becoming a lleged rivals. Rather than opting for one or another paradigm for social re production, I will critically asse ss how Wayana manage such hierarchical power relations at various scales, and how these interrelations are in history. Warrior-shaman Kailawa embodies the historical mediation of identity and alterity among Wayana. The focus of investigation here is on the role of roundhouses (tukusipan ) where ritual gatherings take place in this process of symbolic and social repr oduction situated in alterity, in conjunction with the mythical lands cape traversed by Kailawa and his men; in particular the role of mount Tukusipan, which Kailawa climbed to sing lemi chants to become immortal. Acknowledging the symbolic density of the Guiana roundhouse, this study is not to determine what its meaning is, but rather how tukusipan means. Tumuc-Humac Mountains, according to

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384 geographers (Hurault 2000; Lzy 2000), is a mythical place that does not exist, nonetheless, this landscape is a place of symbolic density and in th at sense mythical, and this chapter outlines how this landscape has meaning for Wayana. It was in the Tumuc-Humac that Francis Mazire in the early 1950s saw a rocky outcrop emerging from the green canopy against a clear blue sky, which he pointed out to his guide Janamale who answered that it is there wher e, long ago, the Wayana were born (Mazire 1953:203; my translation);6 a statement silenced by the Amazonian rainforest in the history writing in Brazil, Suriname, and French Guiana. Against a backdrop of globalizing change in eighteenth century Guiana, manifestation of Wayanaat the time known as Roucouyenne (Tony 1835, 1843; Crevaux 1882:17)occurred along the lines of Jonathan H ills notion of ethnogenesis as concept encompassing peoples simultaneous cultural and political struggles to create enduring iden tities in general contexts of radical change and discontinuity (Hill 1996:1). Demographic decline and raids by Waypi and Kalia (Taira), were a result of respectively Eu ropean introduced diseases and guns. In due process, the Wayana confederation emerged ( the Wayana were born) in the Tumuc-Humac region, simultaneously a historical and mythical place.7 Expressed in the narratives on Kailawa as he moved from west (Taluwakem He-who-holds-the-mirror [ aluwa ]; Figure 8-3: F) to east (Tmomailem / T1; near Borne 1), is the symbo lic density of this legendary, even sacred, landscape of Kailawas Wayana. The identity of the new Wayana nation was in reference to men-killing monsters and fierce people (i.e., dangerous social others). A coherent story on the trail founded by Kailawa as Kulienp narrated to me (Table C-14; Figure 8-2), was not provided by Kulijaman to Jean Chapuis. Kulijamans narratives on the events related to Kailawa leap from Mawu ekumtp to Paluluim enp (Chapuis and Rivire 2003:797-813), without Ch apuis properly explaining the context.

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385 Where Kulienps story on Kailawa endsstating that there ar e still other things to say, but that will be long too (Table C-14: line 193)Kulijamans story continues as follows: while Kailawa and his men tried to get rid of the monsters dwelling in the Tumuc-Humac mountain range, they visited inselberg Pmpmuli, lair of the bumblebee pmu (Chapuis and Rivire 2003:804-805).8 From here they went to Mtalaka [= M itaraka Nord], which is not invested with monsters (Figure 8-2: #7; Kailawa had during an d earlier visit establis hed that there were no caves, and no people at this inselberg). Nearby they encountered the fierce bee Alama and they called this place Alama patatp (former place of the bee alama).9 Next, Kailawa and his men perceived shadows at which they shoot, and named this shadow place Twalunem (ibid.:808807). Then they went to the place of oklai birds, and they continued. It appears that Kailawa and his men followed the watershed from Massif du Mitaraka to T1/ Tmotakem, coincidently the very same trajectory we followed during the 2004 expedition (Pellet and Saint-Jean 2006; Figure 8-3: triple dotted line). Only after dwelling in this region, and getting a feel of the landscap e, I was able to locate named places in Kulijamans narrative. Kailawa and his men encountered at the next inselberg the fierce Wayarikule (which ethnonym will be discussed in the last part of this ch apter; Chapuis noted that these Wayarikule were monstrous spirits, not real peopl e). Then follows the inselberg with a plateau, recited in the kalau chant, as emphasized by Kulijaman (Chapu is and Rivire 2003:808-809), wherein it is named Tukusipan and nicknamed Tmotakem (as di scussed below, I identify this inselberg as T1). At the foot of this inselberg, Kailawa and his men found lifeles s bodies of people, and Kailawa asked himself who might have killed them (ibid.:808-809). These events are recounted in kalau songs (Hurault 1968:126; Chapuis and Ri vire 2003:1000-1005) performed during the Wayana marak ritual, at the foot of a community roundhouse ( tukusipan ).

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386 Figure 8-2. Kailawas trail bri dging the Tumuc-Humac watershed. Footsteps indicate Kailawas journey, whereas the dotted line indicates the corollary trail.

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387 Figure 8-3. Reference map of the my thical landscape of Tumuc-Humac.

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388 Rather than attempting to locate Kailawa as a historical figure in time and space (as typical in western historiography), the role of Kailawa is situated in becoming Wayana, as recently foregrounded during the 2004 marak ritual where Aimawale had requested Kailawa (bearing the same name, and thus descendent of, the historical leader) to sing the kalau songs. Ground for his second marak is unique in Wayana history as Aimawa le sought to be fully prepared for the 2004 Kailawa Expedition (Pellet and Saint-J ean 2006). By bringing an anthropomorphic kunana (stinging shield; Aimawale said this was Kailawa ) into play, Aimawale materialized a direct relationship between him and the founding father of the Wayana confederation: Kailawa. A few months after the 2004 marak, Aimawale and Pajakwali [nep hew of Tasikale]both were tpijem and had endured the stinging ritual, as had Sylvain Hervout de Forgesparticipated in the 2004 Kailawa expedition to explore the Tumuc-Humac Mountains where once roamed Kailawa according to Wayana oral tradition (Pellet and Saint-Jean 2006). Several isolated mountaintops (inselberg; tpu ) in the Tumuc-Humac range are named after proper names related to th e Wayana ritual; for instance, Kailawas hideout Temomairem (He-who-ismomai ) is in reference to momai (neophyte in retreat before becoming tpijem ). Most significant is Toukouchipann as stone embodiment of the roundhouse ( tukusipan). Initiallyin reference to other mythical st one roundhouses in Guiana (e.g., Guss 1989:21)I thought this to be the mythical place where once the Creator twins had enclosed the jaguars (Duin 1998, 2002/2003). During the 2004 expedition, while I was wayfinding and dwelling in this symbolically dense landscape with Wayana, an alternative sense emerged: the Wayana confederation was founded under leadership of Kailawa at Mount Tukusipan

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389 8.2 Political Tactics During Communal Rituals And thus are the strange manners and cust oms of the noble nation of the Wayana, the only [people] who, in central Guiana, still practice the marak concluded Henri Coudreau (1893:235; my translation)10 without further explanation and grounds for these odd rituals. These flamboyant life-crisis rituals, as discussed in deta il earlier, have gene rally been interpreted as initiation rite, whereby regali a, songs, and dances have by a nd large been taken for granted (Ahlbrinck 1956; Cognat 1977, 198 9; Coudreau 1893; Crevaux 1881; Darbois 1956; de Goeje 1908; Hurault 1968; Mazire 1953; van Velthem 1995). This communal ritual at the heart of the Wayana ritual economy, I argue, is r ooted in the habitual grammar of an initiation ritual (first performed by the Creator twins) as the political means to tactica lly produce reciprocal relations with other social groups. In other words, Wayana communal rituals are situ ated in the culturalpublic mode of sociality producing a social body, which is truncated by a common assumption of a natural-domestic mode of initiation rites for adolescents producing a socialized body. To gain apprehension of the cultural-public dimension of this ritual, temporality of the sociopolitical landscape ought to be recognized. Today, in times when Wayana are under pr essure of gold mini ng and global politics, Aimawale Opoya and his brother-in-law Tasikale Aloupki succeeded in re uniting Wayana of the upper Maroni basin. In doing so, they revitalized the tradition of Kailawa who, in reaction to similar outside pressures, unified a wide range of peoples (tribes) under the name Wayana. The marak goes beyond a mere initiation ritual, or a sheer recital and performan ce of the acts of the Creator twins. The 2004 marak, I posit, is traditional as well as innovative in some aspects. Modern influences range within habitual customs.334F11 Cultural continuity along with innovation is demonstrated by comparing the 2004 marak with similar rituals described in detail by, amongst others, Ahlbrinck (1956 [ritual in 1 938]), Hurault (1968 [ritual in 1965]), and Miller

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390 (in prep. [ritual in 1973]). Where Aimawale is drawing legitimization from Kailawa, it appears that Kailawa was drawing legitimization from Cr eator twin Kujuli; draw ing together mortals, divine ancestors, eart h, and sky, or what Martin He idegger (1977:327 [1954]) called the gathering of the fourfold in one space-time. These communal gatherings are revitalizing rituals embodying and materializing collectiv e social memory within performing participants. Wayana society is at time performer and audience, from which emerges a Wayana space-time. 8.2.1 Historical Demographics Before elaborating upon the socio-political Guiana landscape, Wayana sociality, and how political tactics play out during the ritual economy, I have to gr ound this process in historical demographics, as these socio-political proces ses depend on a sheer number of people. When discussing the socio-political Gu iana landscape, one factor not taken into considerationor not stressed enoughis the historical demographic effect of shri nking and growing. Considering demographic data, Henri Coudreau (1892a:8) stated that nothing is more variable than the total of the indigenous population ( Rien nest plus variable dailleu rs, que le total dune population indienne ) because the entire popul ation moved along so that he could not make a distinction between hosts and guests of a given village. So metimes women and children left the village and fled into the woods. On occasion, a single house contained thirty people, at times merely a single couple (ibid.). In the late nineteenth century there were thirty-six settlements; some only counted three to four houses, ot hers had up to six houses (Coudr eau 1893:565). Coudreau (ibid.) estimated an average of 100 reside nts per settlement, including tw enty archers (i.e., adult men), and acknowledged that the total Wayana population was extremely variable, depending on either intelligent chiefs (population growth), or epid emics such as smallpox (population decline).

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391 Figure 8-4. Historical demogra phic data on Wayana (in Suriname, French Guiana, and Brazil). Diachronic demographic data dem onstrates that the number of Wa yana today is rising after a turbulent time of rapid d ecline from an estimated 4000+ in 1787 (Coudreau 1893:565), 2 in 1878 (Crevaux 1987:303), 1000 people in 1890 (Coudreau 1893:547), to reach a demographic nadir in the 1940s of 338 Wayana to tal; of which only 72 individuals (of which only 58 adults) in five village s in the research area (Schmidt 1942:50) (Figure 8-4).12 After World War II, medical aid in the interior of Suriname (via Medische Zending) and French Guiana would prevent the Wayana from extingui shing. Western medication against European diseases would establish a heal thy foundation for a dramatic hist oric effect of demographic growth. In 1999, ISA estimated 1,615 Wayana (total in Suriname, French Guiana, and Brazil), which is a remarkable increase of the numbers of the 1940s, nevertheless far below the lowest population estimates of Crevaux in 1878.

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392 Historical demographic data on th e Wayana is not without discrepa ncies. First of all, there is no demographic census before 1940, only rough estimates. Where Lodewijk Schmidt (1942) during the first census noted 72 individuals in fi ve villages in the research area in 1940, Ahlbrinck (1965) had estimated about 150 individuals in four villages in the research area in 1938. This discrepancy might be rooted in ep hemeral Wayana settlements and rollercoaster demographics. Then again, in 1948 a French medical doctor (Andr Sausse) and a French geographer (Jean Hurault) made census in the research area. According to Andr Sausse (1951) the number of villages in 1948 had been reduced to four (three on the French bank, and one on the Surinamese bank), of which only 61 Wayana dwell on the French bankhis estimate of 150 Wayana total implies that there are about 89 Wayana in the one village on the Surinamese bank(Sausse 1951:100). Conversely, Jean Hurault (1965:25) located six Wayana settlements in 1948 (three on the French bank, and three on the Surinamese bank). One explanation is that Sausse did not go far enough upriver to observe the last two Wayana settlements. With regard to the research area, movements of Wayana from the Surinamese Bank to the French Bank, as well as movements to and from Brazil and south-centr al Suriname, did not facilitate demographic census or even estimates. Two conclusions can be drawn from the above outline of Wayana demographics. First, estimating population averages does not address that Wayana settle ments, today and in the past, range from farmsteads with only about 15 inhabitant s to villages with over 100 residents. This considerable demographic variability has not been a concern for ethnographers coping with average population estimates. Secondly, it is during the demographic nadir (1920s 1960s) that ethnographic fieldwork was conducted in Guiana, pr oviding the image of th e standard model of tropical forest cultures. Such demographic dec line caused a sheer lack of a people to sustain

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393 potential for a complex society. Based on a paradi gm of a political economy of control, Peter Rivire (1983/1984, 1984) conc ludeddrawing on Terence Tu rner (1979, 1984)that the political economy of Guiana is concerned with the management of people, not of goods, but people were few in number when Peter Ri vire conducted his research in Guiana. Before I continue my qualitative analysis of Wayana (Guiana) chiefs in general, and two chiefs in particular, I will, as an aside, conduc t in the next few paragraphs a brief quantitative exercise in sheer population numbers and how this effect potential for Wayana socio-political complexity. In the context of foundations of social inequality, Garry Feinman advocated considering population as a category rather th an as a variable (1995:259-261), inspired by a social science study by Russell Bernard and Peter Killworth On the Social Structure of an Ocean-Going Research Vesse l and Other Important Things (1973). Derived from empirical evidence, Feinman concluded that communities (or tightly integr ated political groups) larger than 2,500 500 do seem to be associated w ith significant organizational complexity (1995:260). Bernard and Killworth (1973), disc uss, amongst others, the psychological and mathematical limitations on interpersonal relati ons between elements of subgroups in larger units. It is concluded that the maximu m group size which can be handled by random elements carrying the ps ychological restriction E (x) 7 is therefore 2460, achieved by 30 subgroups of 85 elements (ibid.:183). Furtherm ore, they hypothesize in conclusion that any group of more than at most 140 elements must form its own subgroups, and in so doing produce its own formalized hierarchy to deal w ith this (Bernard and Killworth 1973:184). Considering the Wayana case, it is Feinmans magical number of 2,500 500 that is the estimate provided by Crevaux for 1878 (Figure 8-4) Hurault (1989:168) stated that Patris had estimated the same numbers (2,000) for the Wayana in 1766. Exact numbers of Wayana

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394 before 1900 period will never be known, nevert heless, demographic estimates before 1900 indicate a sufficient number of Wayana to reach 2,460 individuals resulting in more complex hierarchical societies; a hier archical Wayana society as en countered in 1769 (Tony 1835, 1843). As the Wayana population is growing (Figure 84), I posit that once the Wayana population will reach the 2,500 500 range (i.e., the demographi c foundation of social inequality) Wayana society will materialize a more hierarchical socio-pol itical structure. To continue this exercise, the number of subgroups hypothesized in the soci al science study (30; Bernard and Killworth 1973:183) is approximately the number of settle ments in the Wayana region in a given time period, e.g., 36 villages in 1890 (Coudreau 1893:547). Following this line of thought, the ideal number of inhabitants of a Waya na settlement would be 85, and when the number of inhabitants reaches 140, fission will most likely occur to produce its proper formalized hierarchical subgroups in order to manage interpersonal relations. No complete census is available for the Waya na region. In March 1997, a French research team conducted a demographic survey in four Wayana villages (Kayode, Twenke, Talhuwen, and Antecume pata) during their study on the impact of mercury on the health of the Wayana of the upper Maroni River, counting a total of 521 individuals, consisting of 286 men and 235 women (Table 8-1; web reference 18). Of the total of 521 individuals, 54.3% was below the age of 20, and only 5.4% was over 60 years of age. Following the hypothesis of Bernard and Killworth (1973), the village of Twenke (home of Amaipot, Wayana granman of the French Bank), with 88 inhabitants, is near the ideal number of 85, and th e settlements of Talhuwen (146 inhabitants) and Antecume pata (175 inhabitants) should have formed subgroups as they have crossed the critical number of 140. Even when this census is incomp lete (only four of the largest villages out of about twenty settlements in th e region) it raises some inspiring questions.

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395 Table 8-1. Demographic numbers of four Waya na villages (data sour ce: web reference 18). 1997 Antecume pata Twenke Talhuwen Kayode men women men women men women men women 75 79 1 1 1 0 1 1 1 0 70 74 1 0 1 1 0 1 0 0 65 69 1 1 1 1 0 1 1 1 60 64 5 2 0 0 1 2 1 0 55 59 4 1 1 2 4 1 0 0 50 54 2 4 3 1 2 1 2 3 45 49 6 3 2 1 3 0 1 0 40 44 5 2 4 1 4 0 1 1 35 39 5 2 1 1 1 5 5 2 30 34 8 5 2 5 1 8 3 6 25 29 7 9 0 3 6 6 3 5 20 24 8 6 5 7 9 5 3 3 15 19 10 16 6 3 16 11 7 4 10 14 6 13 7 4 7 7 11 8 5 9 13 13 11 6 10 9 14 7 0 4 9 6 6 1 14 9 12 7 n = 91 84 51 37 79 67 65 47 Total: 175 88 146 112 As I began this exercise, I have to explain why the Wayana villages of Antecume pata and Talhuwen did not comply with the hypothesis Bernard and Killworth (1973), or do they? The anomalous data of Antecume pata can be explai ned mainly as this is the settlement of the Frenchman Andr Antk Cognat who founded this village in the 1970s at the location of the former habitation of Boni Granman Tolinga. Antecume pata is unique in that it is the settlement of a Frenchman who chose the Wa yana lifestyle (Cognat 1977, 1989),13 yet built in his village a dispensary, school, store, touris t lodge, and surrounded himself with other European luxuries. On the plan view of Antecume pata various wards with cleared grounds can be distinguished (Figure 8-5). Andr Cognat, as village leader, bonds the various subgroups in his settlement. Future developments, after Cognat leaves this place, will demonstrate how these different subgroups will be played out, as some have al ready began to built houses across the river.

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396 Figure 8-5. Planview of Antecume pata the village of Andr Antk Cognat. Talhuwen, the second anomalous village (146 inhabitants in 1997) also had crossed the critical number of 140 for the break-up of a s ubgroup. Undetermined is whether the critical number includes children or merely adults pa rticipating in the process of socio-political communication. The layout of the village of Talh uwen has been discussed earlier (Chapter 3.3), and this was the site for the 2004 putop (Chapter 6). The social science study by Bernard and Killworth indicate that the time and location of the 2004 marak at Talhuwen is more than likely rooted in mechanisms to manage historical demographic effect of growing populations.

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397 Twenke (with 88 inhabitants near the ideal num ber to manage interp ersonal relations) and Talhuwen (with 146 inhabitants crossed the cri tical number of 140, which must form its own subgroups and in so doing produce its own formaliz ed hierarchy to deal with interpersonal relations) go beyond the typi cal Wayana settlement. Twenke is named after its founder, the late Wayana granman from the French bank and gr eat-grandson of Touank [= Twanke] of who Coudreau said he was of a greater race an old roucouyenne [Wayana] family who since a long time ago provides tamouchis to the Roucouyennes of the Marouini and the Aletani (Coudreau 1893:104). Talhuwen, located across the river from Twenke, is built on the former garden fields of Twenke and ther efore belongs to Twenke. The 2004 marak at Talhuwen was organized by Aimawale Opoya, paternal grandson of Janamale (late Wayana granman from the Surinamese Bank). Before further analyzing th is tale of two Wayana granman, Twenke and Janamale, I will first critically evaluate the position and role of Wayana chiefs. 8.2.2 On Wayana (Guiana) Chiefs and their Supporters Tamusi (synonyms: tamouchi tamouchy tamoutchi and tamoesji ) is the term used by early Europeans to indicate Wayana village leaders. Tamusi is the general term of reference for village elder ( tamusi = grandfather; term of address: tamo ). As the village leader often is a village elder, he is referr ed to as grandfather ( tamusi ). Tamusi is a deictic concept in that it does not exist without its complement: peito ( poito in Carib). That the position of a tamusi is referenced to other aspects in life is illustrated by Toewolis reply to de Goeje that Apoteki is only a little bit tamoesji [= tamusi ]; he does not have any pito s, nor a village or garden plot (de Goeje 1905a:934; my translation). Crevaux (1987:264 [1881]) translated peito as warrior ( guerrier). Other translations of peito are vassal (Hurault 1968:74), s on-in-law, helper, assistant, servant, and even slave (Butt Colson 1983/1984: 10; Henley 1983/1984; Whitehead 1999:404). These interpretations are rooted in the Carib inst itution of bride service, whereby the son-in-law

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398 has an inferior position and has to perform labor for his parents-in-law. As such the relationship between tamusi and peito is one of hierarchy in the so cial use of kinship in practice.14 This relationship is at the foundation of the political economy of contro l (Rivire 1983/1984). This paradigm of social reproduction is however lim ited in understanding symbolic capital and the ritual phase of political econom y, critical in a ritual economy. Being tamusi consist of more than a sheer title. Yacouman [Jakuman] stated that qualities of a leader are not only in war, [the leader] mu st show [his qualities] in time of peace in giving intelligent orders for fishing, hunting, and mani oc [agri-] culture (Crevaux 1987:311 [1881]; my translation). Intelligent orders for a sustainable development are only to be given based on a proper knowledge of the environment, weather cond itions, and expertise of the star-calendar. Yacouman, an Upului, was the most influential chief, and resided for over twenty years in his village along the upper Jari, south of the Tumuc-Humac watershed (Coudreau 1893:235; Crevaux 1987:311). Yacouman acknowledged to Cr evaux (1987:311) that Taliman (leader of the village Talimapo along the Paru dEste) was a great authority and that his peito the soldiers of Taliman, were all fat (indicative that they were well provided for). However, Taliman is not the son of a tamouchy, he went on to say, he is not a here ditary prince; he obtained the diadem with caiman scales by marrying the daughter of the leader (ibid.).338F15 This diadem with caiman scales is part of the material wealth that makes up the esta te of the corporate body by which means the transmission of the title tamusi is transmitted; legitimatizing continuity of the social house as expressed in the language of kinship or of affinity and, most often, of both, following the definition of a social House by Claude Lvi-Strauss (1982:174, 1987).

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399 Although there appear to be families that do provide more tamusis than other families, tamusi and peito are not routinized into fixed cast system s. Let the interrelatedness and fluidity of relationships between tamusi and peito be illustrated by a short novella presented by Crevaux: Yeleumeu, one of the last survivors of th e Apouroui tribe [= Upului] (Crevaux 1987:265), showed affection for the widow of the powerful pjai (shaman) Macuipi, who had just been buried (ibid.:270; Figure 5-10). In effect, Yele umeu showed his affection to the mother of two children who addressed Yeleumeu not as papa but as classificatory husband (ibid.:271). In exchange of these benefits, Yeleumeu gave up his title of tamusi and became a peito ; allocated to be commanded by the s on of the late Macuipi who was only a child (Crevaux 1987:265; all tran slations of Crevaux, Coudreau, and Hurault are mine). Hereditary tamusi s, such as Ouanica [Wanika] the 15 year old son of Yacouman, have the right to sit on a stool ( kololo ) during meals alike the ruling leader (Crevaux 1987:278, 312). Such seats of power can be considered material wealth, yet immaterial wealth is located in the proper act of sitting on a stool while eating, as peito have to sit on their heels during meals. Another example of material weal th engendering immaterial wealth is the ceremonial flat-board club kapalu a thunder club (Chapter 7.4). Jean Hurault (1968:73) stated tha t: traditionally, the function of tamusi was accompanied by certain decorum. The tamusi kept, stuck in the ground, next to his hammock, the kapalu club, symbol of his power. During ceremonies one of his peito followed constantly bearing the kapalu on his shoulders (ibid.). Wh ile Hurault presented data and anecdotes allowing for an understanding of Wayana supravillage organization he sought after the traditional model of autonomous Guia na socio-political organization, following, among others, Niels Focks 1963 study among the Waiwai Hurault concluded that in the present social state of the Wayana, the function of tamusi is a simple survival. It is difficult to imagine what the nature of authority of the village chief was, and how this was executed (Hurault 1968:73; my translation). In concluding the present study I will focus on the nature of authority, not simply of the village chief but also of th e Wayana paramount chief, how this was executed, and how this authority was grounded in the Guiana landscape.

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400 Leader of the entire Wayana region, was what Yacouman [Jakuman] intended to become: instead of being a simple tamouchy [ tamusi ] who commands a village, he intended to become a yapotari [= yapotoli ], that is, leader of the entire region (Crevaux 1987:283; my translation). In order to do so, Yacouman asked Crevaux (1987:283) to be sprinkled with salt water under the plea to acquire more prestige among the Wayana of the Jari.16 Akin the stool and flat-board club mentioned above, salt water is a material wealth that can be applied to engender immaterial wealth. Apatou (Boni translator for Crevaux a nd Coudreau) explained that there was no more salt left in their provisions, but that they would bring more salt next time. Yacouman, according to Crevaux, displayed remarkable self-centeredne ss in this occasion in recommending Apatou to bring only two bottles of salt: one for him and one for his heir. Crevaux concluded that the prestige of this exclusive practice of sprinkli ng salt water as reserved for paramount chiefs vanished when all peitos gained the opportunity to be spri nkled with holy water by missioners to become brothers in Jesus Christ (Crevaux 1987: 283 [1878]), providing another explanation for the current absence of regiona l socio-political organization along with paramount chiefs. Whereas Coudreau (1893:237, 564) stated that the chief who commanded directly all village leaders was named yapotoli ( yapotari [Crevaux 1987:283]), Wayana today do not recognize this term. Possibly the term yapotoli is of Kalia origin: i-abutu-li (my clubber which is a suitable name for a war-chief; abutu in Carib, kapalu in Wayana). Function of yapotoli resonates with the function of granman, whereby granman (after: grand man) is a Maroon term used in the interior of Suriname a nd French Guiana for the paramount chief. Most significant Wayana in the 1940s and s was Jana male. Ahlbrinck (1956:47) wrote that it were the Wayana who told him that it was Admira l C. C. Kyser who had made Janamale tamoesji [ tamusi ]. In opposition to the Dutch, French Captain Sangnier had made Taponaike tamoesji

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401 [ tamusi ] (Ahlbrinck 1956:47). That the term granman is a Maroon term, and Dutch and French appointed Wayana as tamusi to facilitate communication from the capitals to the interior, and therefore intrinsically interwoven with global politics, does not automatically imply that the concept of a paramount chief is not a local indigenous development, as advocated by Karin Boven (2006:127) who wrote th at the office of granman is a rather recent development in Wayana history due to political authority from Suriname and French Guiana. Demonstrated in the present study is that some Wayana are more significant than other Wayanaas Orwell would say: some are more equal than othersand th eir power reaches beyond their village boundaries. Wayana terminology of chieftai ncy is the best venue to ga in a proper understanding for power relations among the Wayana. Whereas in early ethnographic source s village leaders are often referred to as tamusi (grandfather, elder) the proper term for a village chief in Wayana is ut umtn (the-one-in-charge-of the-village [ ut = village; umt = big, creating force]). An alternative term is tipatakem (he-who-owns-the-place [ pata = place of ]), as his settlement is named after him (e.g., Antecume pata: place of An tk [Wayana nickname for Andr Cognat]). While discussing these terminologies of leadersh ip with Wayana during my fieldwork in 2000, I asked for the Wayana term for granman, and Wayana replied: twitkem With suffixes of possession ti -kem (compare with tipatakem = he-who-owns-the-place) the Wayana paramount chief ( twitkem ) is the person who owns iwit Next inquiry was on iwit root of twitkem (paramount chief), which is also the root in iwetkaimi tti. Iwetkaimi tti (also referred to as tawokhe ) are feasts held as repayment for gifts presented during takai as no gift can be left without counter-gif t (Mauss 1990 [1950]); iwit is also the root of the months of August and Septembernamed Siouet and Siwit by Coudreau (1893:223; Table 4-5)when many cassava beer parties are held and many people fight (Duin 2004:476). There are several kinds of takai

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402 presentation themes, such as wama takai (presentation of basketry; film by Duin in prep.), kumu takai (presentation of kumu palm fruits), maja takai (presentation of mango fruits), heli takai (presentation of edible heli ants), and kololo takai (presentation of benches [in film by Duin 2008]), to name but a few. Hurault (1968:78-77) described the course of events of such a takai, concluding that this was a mere symbolic excha nge. Rather than a mere symbolic exchange, these ritualized exchanges are at the heart of a ritual economy wh erein the prospective gathering generates a demand of increased production. Once the gifts have been presentedoften on request by the receiversa date is set for a rep ayment feast wherein the receivers will provide large quantities of cassava beer, meat, and rice17 to those who brought the gifts. Time-lapse between a takai presentation and a repayment feast ( iwetkaimi tti tawokhe) is on average a week (minimum period necessary to prepare cassava beer), yet may be as short as immediately after presentation of the gifts, or lasting up to several weeks. Role of a Wayana twitkem (paramount chief) is therefore in the realm of ritual; managing a ritual economy, rather than supervising a sh eer techno-economic or na tural-domestic mode of production. Rather th an war-chiefs ( yapotoli ), Wayana paramount chiefs ( twitkem ) are persons in charge of iwit (counter-gift festivities). Ultimate ritualized series of gift and counter-gift, presenting and receiving (and in due process identifying Self a nd social Others), is the marak ritual. Rather than grounded in warfare, regional Wayana leadership and supravillage political power emerges within the social field of a ritual economy. 8.2.3 Tale of Two Chiefs: Janamale and Twanke Whereas the late Twanke (Touank) and Janamale were portrayed as typical Wayana, they were unique paramount chiefs, and in this section I will situate their presence in the context of marak rituals and how this is medium and outcome of their authority. Rather than decoding the internal logic of symbolism (as rooted in the Cr eator twin narrative), apprehension of this vital

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403 Wayana ritual must begin from a recognition of its socio-political temporality. Instead of focusing on similarities in Wayana maraks and generating a standard model for the course of events, I will here focus on the discrepancies betw een so-called traditional initiation rituals and anomalous events such as the Dece mber 1938 (Ahlbrinck 1956), and the 2004 marak. Uniformity between different marak s through time is indicative of habituated performances grounded in rhythmic mythological times; with feather headdresse s rooted in mythological times (van Velthem 1995:169-182, 198-218). Typical recurring patterns, appealingly static through time, demonstrated incongruity in odd divertive events such as the 2004 marak which has been designated as non-traditional by anthropologists (Boven 2006:147-156; Chapuis 2006:526). Even when I can only refer to three rather co mprehensively recorded ritual gatherings (all located in the upper Maroni basin)namely, December 1938 (Ahlbrinck 1956), January 1965 (Hurault 1968), and September 2004the socio-political contexts of these ri tual events are so similar that there appears to be a pattern. Ther e is not enough contextual data to definitively conclude that the 1889 marak in Atoupi was a ritual-political tactical play of the Apalai to materialize a socio-political bond with true Wayana, in opposition to Upului (Coudreau 1893:537-547).18 Wayana marak is a unique, yet far from subtle implement (cf. Fuks 1988), during major transformations to mediate potential conflicts. Conditions in which this communal gathering functions is socio-political and goes beyond the techno-economic means of the autonomous villa ge, as comes into view from the question posed by Ahlbrinck (1956:80); namely that as the four leaders of the Alet ani are all present. Who among them is in charge? (All transl ations of Ahlbrinck are mine). Janamale, tamusi of his village where the marak took place, participated in the ordeal himself. Namijei (Awali), tamusi of the village of Taponte and successor of Ta ponte, is the guardian of Toepiep (Anapake)

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404 who is in his turn the brother of Namijeis wife (Alahu). Wapotumt, tamusi of the village with the same name, is the oldest, yet Malaitawa,19 tamusi of the neighboring village, was said to be more skilled. Malaitawa is thus in charge of the 1938 marak (Ahlbrinck 1956:80), and will sing the kalau songs (Ahlbrinck 1956:83). It is this complexity of name s and kinship relations that has not facilitated thorough analysis of these Wayana rituals. Next to the presence of proper names, it is in the striking absence of people from Anapake du ring the 1965 ritual (Hurault 1968), from which an alternative meaning of these ritual gatherings emerges. In December 1938, in the village of Janamale Luwe (also known as Granmanponsoe which is Sranantongo for Heavy Big Man) near Feti-kreek a marak ritual was performed (Ahlbrinck 1956:71-93, illustrated with numerous photos).343F20 Earlier that year, in May 1938, a ritual gathering was held in the village of Taponte. Taponte was the son of Touank [Twanke] of whom Coudreau claimed that he was of a gr eater race and of an ol d roucouyenne [Wayana] family who since a long time ago provides tamouchis to the Roucouyennes of the Marouini and the Aletani (1893:104; my translation). Taponte died on February 14, 1938 (de Goeje 1941:71) and later that year, in December 1938, there would be a marak in the village of Janamale (Ahlbrinck 1956:27, 69). This ritual gathering took place at the all-time low of Wayana demography, and one would assume that Wayana were more concerned with their proper survival than competition for power. Where the 1938 marak in the village of Janamale took place after Taponte had passed away, it was the 2004 marak at Talhuwen that took place afte r the dead of Anapake in 2002.344F21 The 2004 marak was initiated by Aimawale Opoya and Tasikale Aloupki. The socio-political position of Aimawale has been discussed earlier, and his brother-in-law (classificatory through kinship terminology and actual through marriage) Tasikale345F22 is a descendent of Maipo.

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405 Malaitawa, who was in charge of the 1938 marak in the village of Janamale (Ahlbrinck 1956:80), and sung the kalau songs (Ahlbrinck 1956:83), was the son of Maipo.23 Moreover, in 2004, the flutes with the nail of the giant armadillo ( mlaim amohawin ) were manufactured by Siksili, son of Palanaewa who manufactured these flutes in 1964 (Hurault 1968:93).347F24 In 2004, during the concluding dance of the tpijem the mlaim amohawin flute play was directed by Siksili (paternal great-grandson of Twanke) a nd granman Amaipoti (son of former granman Twenk, who was the great-grandson of Twanke). Recurrence of kin is more than incidental. Another aspect of the stinging ritual, and most important in the context of Janamale as a paramount chief policing other Wayana, was publis hed in the most unusual of ways. During his honeymoon, Hassoldt Davis with his wife Ruth (a professional photographe r), went to French Guiana, backed by, amongst others, the Explor ers Club (flag number 127 [Davis 1952:238]). During World War II this Bostonian explorer had been fighting in the French army where he must have heard the myths of the Tumuc-Humac, and soon after the war ended this adventurer set out to El Dorado which he assumed was loca ted in the Tumuc-Humac. His travelogue was published as the Jungle & the Damned (Davis 1952; republished in 2000), and the film shot during this voyage was edited by Ruth to a 20 minute movie released as Jungle Terror by Warner Brothers (Davis 1949). This adventurous travelogue conc ludes with a Wayana stinging ritual that is not classified as an initiation ritual. Accompanying photos an d film by Ruth Davis demonstrate an undecorated square kunana, and a headdress without the elaborate featherwork described earlier. Ruth asked Yana Mali [= Ja namale] what they are going to do with these wasp-mats, and the chief replied that every boy of the Roucouyennes at the age of puberty must undergo the test of manhood, before he could be accepted as a warrior but now we prepare the wasps for a different matter, which is very much the same (Davis 1952:295-296).

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406 And he went on to talk of warriors who sometimes were thought craven by their fellows in the battles with the Oyaricoulets. These were few, he said proudly, but when the case was proven against them, they were shamefully forced to submit again to the test of their pubic youth, to prove them men and warriors. There was such a person among them now. Malfatti [= Malavate] was his name (Davis 1952:296). This punishment, as Ruth Davis (1952:297) ca lled it, of Malavate, who was their guide during the Tumuc Humac expedition, was not so much punishment as it was simply necessary that Malfatti prove, by courage, his right to reinstatement in the trib e, for he had been, in his time a respectable warrior and a fine bus h citizen (ibid.). This undecorated kunana was donated to the American Museum of Natural History (A MNH; catalogue number 40.0/6352), where it is erroneously labeled as initiation mat (web refe rence 19). A decade later, Malavate would have his proper village at pau pepta, joined by people from Janamale after the latter passed away in 1958 (Table 3-3.). Hassoldt con tinued describing the scene which his wife Ruth continued filming (Davis 1952:293-306), and before they left in canoe, Janamale asked them to suggest to the prfet [ de Guyane] that he, Yana Mali [= Janamale] should be considered chief of Malfattis [= Malavate] village as well as his own. Malfatti he said, could not last much longer beneath the test. He had once cried out as a warrior never should (ibid.:305). And so, concluding his adventurous explorers honeymoon in French Gu iana, Davis provided the potential for a sociopolitical supravillage organization whereby Ja namale has policing power over other Wayana, including other village leaders such as Malavate. Policing power in the Wayana region has been replaced by French Gendarmes. However, with a growing number of Wayana, competition for power becomes more foregrounded today. It had been at Janamales second settlement na med Kawemhakan (High place) where American Protestant Baptist missionaries stationed in the 1960s and renamed the place Lawa Station. After the death of Janamale in 1958, Anapake would become granman of the Surinamese Bank; succeeding Janamale, his brother-in-law and father-in-law by his second marriage.25 Son of

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407 Janamale, Paranam (leading person in the childrens photo book Parana, boy of the Amazon by Mazire and Darbois 1953, 1959), was a young boy when his father passed away. Later Paranam married Melidu, daughter of village lead er Opoya (todays Talhuwen, but still labeled Opoya on the map: IGN 1995), and descendent of Masili (Mari, Mazire; the Ouayana pur mentioned by Coudreau 1893:544). That Talhuwen (brother-in-law of Paranam) succeeded Opoya as village leaderand named the village af ter himremains an issue for Paranam, son of former paramount chief Janamale (Figure 8-6) Today, Aimawale, son of Paranam and Melidu, appears tacitly heading forward on a pathway to supremacy; managed by the roundhouse where the marak takes place. The tukusipan at Talhuwen, built under the guidance of Aimawale in 1995, is with its diameter of about fourteen meter diameter larger than th e other three community roundhouses in the upper Maroni basin (Twenkes tukusipan is about 10 meters in diameter, Pilimas is about 11 meters diameter, and the one at Antecume pata measures about 12 meters in diameter). It was at this largest tukusipan that the 2004 marak took place. Figure 8-6. Breakfast at Wapahpan. Talhuwen sitting in th e foreground (with striped shirt), while Paranam (in the background) noticea bly distanced himself (Sept. 17, 2000).

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408 Beyond the question whether or not the 2004 marak was traditionaland I argue against the statement that the 2004 ritual was a non-traditional marakthe question arises how to interpret the relationships between the hosts (r elatives of Janamale) and the invited guests (descendants of Twanke). In 1997 it had been R onnie Tkaime who invited me to stay at his house. At that moment Ronnie said that he was a Wayana, as say all Wayana. Later, as I became more familiar with the Wayana way of life, Ronnie told me that he, as well as his mother Kali and her father Janamale, were actually Okomy ana. Ronnie added that he was married to a Wajanahle (true Wayana). Being an Okomy ana explained why Ronnie was so aggressive, other Wayana told me; aggressive as the okom -wasp. Takwali Kulisa told me later that he was actually a Kukuiyana (Takwali pers. comm. 2000); that he was of the yana (people) of the kukui (glowworm; Lampyris noctiluca Elateridae). Additionally, Takwali told me that this is the reason why he is short of stature. In the list by Chapuis (2006) and taken-for-granted in prior listings, is the particularity reta ined for denomination. It appears that physical appearance and attitude are determining a people.26 Wayana told me that Ok omjana were aggressive as okom wasps; Opakjana were small and pale like opak -toads; Upului can be recognized by their nose and their fatness; Apalai have curly hair; and Kukuijana are short of stature. However, in Leiden, during conversations with linguist Eithne Carlin, she stat ed that this was impossible, because the Okomyana had vanished, and since Ok omyana were a Trio (Tlyo) subgroup they could not be Wayana (Carlin pers. comm. 2000). The Trio s ubgroup, interpreted as Kokoyana or the people of the night ( koko ) (Carlin and Boven 2002:20, 33), are in fact Kukuiyana (Glowworm People) that have light at night, and also at the hear t of Wayana sociality. The 2004 gatherings were utmost public materializati ons of power over social memory grounded in competitive feastings in a ritualpolitical tactical play between rival social groups in Guiana:

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409 Okomyana (represented by the descendants of Janamale) versus Kukuiyana (represented by the descendants of Twanke). Next I will explore how Okomyana and Kukuiyana, otherwise known as Trio subgroups, have become incor porated in the Wayana confederation. 8.3 Tribes, Totemic Ancestor Clans, and a Society of Social Houses Okomyana and Kukuiyana, located in the upper Maroni basin, have been categorized as Trio subgroups (Frikel 1957:541-562 ; Rivire 1969:18-17), but rather than perceiving Trio and Wayana as two distinct socio-linguistic units (as is the default approach in Guiana studies), I will perceive these subunits (often glossed as tribe s or clans) as re lational and constantly generating Guiana social organization in the pr ocess of interaction. Peter Rivire praised Protsio Frikel for his conscientious and methodol ogical attempt to order and classify the tribes of the whole region [i.e., Eastern Guiana] (Riv ire 1969:16), beyond a mere listing of real and imagined peoples (cf. de Goeje 1941, 1943b), a nd he stated in the section on historical identification of Trio subgroups that they appear to be as definite as anything can be in this ethnographic chaos (Rivire 1969:21). Based on Rivires historical outline (1969:17-26; see also Bos 1998; Frikel 1957:541-562, 1960:2), and cross-referenced w ith the original sources, a ma p can be sketched with the approximate location of named Trio subgroups around 1900 (Figure A-3). When mapping out the wide range of Trio subgroups a much more complicated image emerged than the simplistic general overview of Guiana tribes. C. A. van Sijpesteyn (1854: xv), in his Description of Suriname, historical, geographical, and statis tical report collected from official sources ( Beschrijving van Suriname, historisch-, geograp hischen statistisch overzigt uit officieele bronnen bijeengebragt ), stated that the interior of Su riname was largely unknown, with the exception of the naming of Trio (Tarno or Tlyo)27 and Accourirs [= Akurio]:351F28

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410 Nothing has been conducted in Suriname to learn about the interior: henc e this is to a large extent unknown. Although the tribes dwelling in the interior of Suriname, are mostly unknown, mentioned among those are the tribes of the Trio and Accourirs (van Sijpesteyn 1854: xv; my translation).29 One and a halve century later, the list of trib es in the interior of Guiana has expanded exponentially (e.g., Chapuis 2006:532-542), yet i ndigenous social orga nization in Eastern Guiana remains largely unknown. Jean Chapuis ( 2006) advocated for a dynamic approach to the social organization of the Cari b-speaking peoples of Eastern Gu iana. Instead, he essentially defined a social organization among the Wayana based on totemic ancestor clans or tribes (Chapuis 2006; Chapuis and Rivire 2003:428), an idea previously elaborated upon by Claudius de Goeje in the first half of the twentieth century (de Goeje 1925, 1941, 1943b). De Goeje based his hypothesis mainly on data collected in 1904 among the Wayana of the Aletani (de Goeje 1905a). This hypothesis of totemic ancestor clans or tribes persisted in the dissertations by Gerrit Bos (1998:203) and Karin Boven (2006:61), re gardless of the critique by Claude LviStrauss (1962) on the totemizi ng reading of Amazonian socio-cosmologies (also Viveiro de Castro 1992, 1996, 1998). Categorical taxonomic classi fication is essential to the individualizing process, and will thus not provide a dynamic regional approach to the social organization of the Carib-speaking peoples of (Eastern) Guiana. Wayana and Trio subgroups as Okomyana and Kukuiyana are groups of people united by kinship and descent, other than they do not claim descentstipulated or otherwisefrom non-human ancestors as the okom -wasp or kukui glowworm. Rather than debating over classify ing definitions and whether or not these sociopolitical units are clans or tribes I will outline how these social units (referred to as yana by Wayana) play out amongst each other in the socio-political landscape of (Eastern) Guiana, and in due process I will provide a regional and supr avillage approach to sociality in Guiana.

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411 8.3.1 Social Units Nested in Larger Political Units Claudius de Goeje (1925:470, 1943: 18-20) pointed out that most of the names of Carib tribes end with either ~koto ~ goto ~ ghoto e.g., Pijanokoto, or ~ ana, ~ yana, ~ yenne, e.g., Yekuana, Kaikusiyana, a nd Roucouyenne. The suffix ~yene can also be found among Arawak speaking groups as the Palikur (living along the coast of Amapa and French Guiana) meaning people and interpreted as tribe s or clans (van den Bel 1995, 2009: tables 3 and 4). Both suffixes ( ~koto and ~yana ) have conventionally been interp reted as People, e.g., Pijanokoto, the Harpy eagle People,30 and Kaikusiyana, the Jaguar People or People of the Dog.354F31 De Goeje (1943:20) translated ~koto with to conjure up the spirit i ndicated by the preceding word from ~ ko (respectful attention) and ~ to (to cause). The suffix ~ yana (~ jana, ~ jene )355F32 appeared related to the referential term for mother ( je in Wayana; and ~ ne as an agency suffix meaning (s)he who does the preceding word), therefore, according to Gilij (cited in de Goeje 1943:19), indicating matrilineal descent. De Goeje (1925 :471) concluded (echoed in Chapuis 2006) that similarities in characteristics in tribal namese.g., reference to flora and faunamost likely demonstrate the genesis of contemporary distinct tr ibes from families of clans of a single people; If that be so, these tribes represent clans of the former Karipona-people (de Goeje 1943:19). Historical sources (Carvajal 1992:264-265) indicate in 1542 a macro-polity named Kalipono along the lower Amazon (Whitehead 1989, 1994, 1999), i. e., at the southern peripheries of the Wayana region.356F33 This hypothesis posited by de Goeje implies that Carib peoples of Eastern Guiana, instead of independent tribes, are smaller social units nested in larger political units. It is generally assumed that the Wayana mi grated into this regi on during the eighteenth century, as did the neighboring Waypi (G renand 1971; Gallois 1986, 2005; Figure A-3). Concurrently, it is assumed that tribes residi ng in this region prior to Wayana and Waypi migration, have vanished. The Tumuc-Humac heartland of the Wayana regionaccording to

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412 Rivire has been an area of intertribal mixing, and the vital question is how important are these sub-groups or tribal remnants in the present co mposition of the Trio and whether there is any advantage to be gained in disti nguishing them. It is possible to say with assurance that whatever the distinction may have been pr eviously it is now virtually n on-existent (Rivire 1969:27). The complex socio-political organization in the Wayana region has kept anthropologists from continuing their research on this topic. Quandary of individual and society among Wayana and Trio socio-political organizati on, is situated in the mapping of Guiana subgroups. Conventional linguistic classifications (e.g., Tr io and Wayana) must be overcom e in researching interrelations in (Eastern) Guiana; clas sification of spatio-temporal variation in language groups is intricate as multilingualism was (and is) the norm among the Indian tribes of Amazonia (Dixon and Aikhenvald 1999:8).34 The research question that surfaces is how to go from individualized tribes to larger social units as Trio and Wayana, or, how to create a unified social body. During the past thirty years, more fluid, multifaceted, and contesting models of identity and personhood were explored in anthropological theory, overcoming essentialist definitions of tribe, clan, lineage, and the like, which may ai d our understanding of Waya na (Guiana) sociality; what Westerners distinguished as a substanc e-body was perceived by indigenous people as relationship-body (Seeger, da Matta, and Viveiros de Castro 1979; Turner 1980, 1995). Marilyn Strathern (1988, 1992), e ngaged with this dilemma of the relation between individual and society from a socio-anthropological pe rspective of plural personhood whereby the intersubjectivity, emerging in soci al interaction, is twofold: it is a particular partible body in interaction with other bodies; and it is a collective dividual body encompassing multiple bodies. These two analytical modes of plural body and singular body are com ponents of a whole in continuous process rather than disconnect m eans. Personhood (cultural identity) of the

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413 individual body and the social body (consanguine versus affine likewise) are not static but nested in an open matrix of implied integral re lationships, or what Edua rdo Viveiros de Castro (2001) called the Grand Unified Theory or GUT f eeling. Concepts of individual and sociality are subjectively situated in inte rnal relationships w ithout preexistence; instead of objectively defined and identified, they are conti nuously in the process of reassessment. Along similar lines of thought, Trio and Wayana are social bodies constantly emerging through interrelationships. Medical doctor Je an Chapuis (1998) conducted an ethnographic study in French Guiana on the corporeality of the Wayana body. Then again, the body of an individual is not so much defined by its physic al boundary, as this bodily interface is situated within a fluid matrix of social relations: body refers to corp oreality of an individual human body, as well as it denotes a larger social body as society, community, a nd various other sociocultural groupings, mediated through the bodily in terface as social skin (Turner 1980). Social organization in Guiana seems more complex and multivocal than a simple categorizing dichotomy of Trio versus Wayana, amongst others and this intertwining historical organization of social kinship relations can only be fu lly understood by means of a non-dichotomizing, dynamic, and open unit of analysis. To demonstrate how it is possible that contem porary Wayana claim to be part of social groups of which some have been identified as Trio subgroups (e.g., Okomyana and Kukuiyana), I will draw on Marilyn Stratherns 1988 model of plural bodies encompassing multiple partible dividual bodies. The case of Okomyana and K ukuiyana is analogous to Pierre Bourdieus 1977 treatise on Union and Separation whereby the union of cont raries does not destroy the opposition (which it presupposes), the reunited contra ries are just as much opposed, but now in a quite different way, thereby manifesting the dual ity of the relationship between them, at once

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414 antagonistic and complementary (1977:125). In the process of Wa yana confederation (Wayanafication), composite in ternal relations between former Trio subunits as Okomyana and Kukuiyana were eclipsed (Figure 8-7). Fractal ity of Guiana societies consists therein that the effect (output) of taxonomic classifica tion (e.g., Okomyana and Kukuiyana as Trio subgroups) can become an input of rendering th ese (in)dividual bodies into a collective, whereas the effect (output) of suppressing composite internal relations can become input of taxonomic classification (e.g., the Wayana). Form Relations Action Effect (1) Trio / Tlyo speakers > taxonomic classification Friendly / Wild Pijanokoto / Akurio Okomyana / Kukuiyana Particular singular body (in)dividual, partible person in interaction (2) non-Trio taken-for-granted (3) allies vs. enemies taken-for-granted Collective plural body encompassing multiple persons (4) Wayanahle, Upului, Kukuiyana, Okomyana > rendering into Collective Wayana confederation (1) Dual internal relations, which must be detached to affect one of a pair. (2) Taken-for-granted composite external relations. (3) Taken-for-granted dual external relations. (4) Composite internal relations, which must be suppressed (eclipsed) to affect one Collective. Figure 8-7. Plural Personhood: th e case of Trio and Wayana. The collective of Trio people has been rendere d into (in)dividual uni ts through scientific taxonomic classification by Prots io Frikel (1957:541-562, 1960:2) Peter Rivire (1969:18-17), Jean Chapuis (2006:532-542), and others. The inte rnal Trio relations were disconnected and Trio subgroups were divided into friendly or wild to affect one of a pair (Figure 8-7: effect [1]); summarized by van Sijpesteyn (1854: xv) as Trio and Accourirs [= Akurio]. Before revisiting the friendly versus wild dichot omy, I will juxtapose this model with a similar rendering of the myth of the Creator twins. It was duri ng the playful building of the tukusipan

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415 that Mopo and Kujuli became distinc tively divided as one of a pair (Figure 8-8: [1]). Parents of the Creator twins (particular ly the unnamedunknownfather) are taken for granted. In collapsing the tukusipan Mopo and Kujuli enclosed the Jaguars (dangerous social others). This action at tukusipan is the unquestioned means to manage socio-political processes of Wayana confederation while (re)producing Wa yana (Guiana) sociality. Rath er than simply situating the Creator twin narrative at Mount Tukusipan (T1), I posit that in naming this inselberg after the community roundhouse ( tukusipan ), Kailawa made a synecdochecal association with the first tukusipan destroying the dangerous social others; in due process dual ex ternal relations (allies vs. enemies) were taken for granted and composite in ternal relations were su ppressed to affect one Collective: Wayana (Figure 8-8). These actions were mediated through tukusipan and while a single community roundhouse may be ephemera l, this deep structure is enduring. Form Relations Action Effect (1) Mythical twins > divide @ tukusipan Mopo / Kujuli Particular singular body (in)dividual, partible person in interaction (2) parents taken-for-granted (3) allies vs. enemies taken-for-granted Collective plural body encompassing multiple persons (4) Wayanahle, Upului, Kukuiyana, Okomyana > Kailawa confederation @ Tukusipan / Tmotakem Wayana confederation (1) Dual internal relations, which must be detached to affect one of a pair. (2) Taken-for-granted composite external relations. (3) Taken-for-granted dual external relations. (4) Composite internal relations, which must be suppressed (eclipsed) to affect one Collective. Figure 8-8. Plural Personhood: the Wayana case and managing role of tukusipan.

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416 Figure 8-9. Tukusipan mediating the gathering the fourfold in one space-time; mortals, define ancestors, earth, and sky: roundhouse in the sky centered upon Orion, a constellation resembling the posthole formation of a roundhou se in the ground, and materialized in stone as Mount Tukusipan (T 1) in the Tumuc-Humac. 8.3.2 It happened at Mount Tukusipan, Nicknamed Tmotakem, and Labeled T1 To accentuate the role of community roundhouses the role of Mount Tukusipan in the ethnogenesis of the Wayana confederation need s to be acknowledged. The Creator twins transformed their tukusipan into stone, after Mopo remembered the story of their mother being eaten by the Jaguars: Moloin, tje kom itoponp tpohnepm i Mopoja. Moloin pepta tpu. Tukusipan tanuktanphe eja tpume (Table C-1: line 48, 49). This theme echoes the Yekuana myth on the origin of the first house and today th is [first] house can be seen in the form of a mountain located in the center of the Yekuana homeland (Guss 1989:21). Jean Hurault (1968:152) noted that an inselberg of this name (Tukusipan) is lo cated in the upper basin of the Alama creek, and that one can see from here the Indian trail (i.e., the way of Kailawa) between

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417 Aletani and Mapahoni (Figure 8-3). Nonetheless, in his annotations of the Creator twin myths, Jean Chapuis declared that I [Chapuis] do not know whether there exis t a link between this story [Mopo and Kujuli transforming their tukusipan into stone] and the inselberg named Tukusipan (Chapuis and Rivire 20 03:141, note 326; my translation).35 Even in the Wayana narrative the narrator used tpume whereby the suffix ~ me indicates that the narrator recognized that a building cannot transform into stone literally, only meta phorically (see Carlin 1999). Before the meaning of inselberg Tukusip an (and its synecdochecal relationship with community roundhouse tukusipan ) can be revealed, it is nece ssary to first determine the geographic location and historical context of this inselberg. In the hearth of the Wayana homeland is lo cated an isolated m ountaintop (inselberg; tpu) with the name Toukouchipann. On the map at scale 1:200.000 (IGN 1958, feuille 10) the label Toukouchipann is placed between two inselbergs in the Tumuc-Humac range. Upper-left inselberg seems to be indicated by the label T oukouchipann and it was of this inselberg that Jean Chapuis showed his main informant Aimawa le a picture taken by a botanist who had visited Massif du Mitaraka for botanical research (Cha puis and Riviere 2003: c over photo lower-left). Aimawale stated that this inselberg does not rese mble a community roundhouse tukusipan and therefore was not the deemed mountaintop. Lowe r-right inselberg was labeled T1 during the 2004 expedition as this inselber g did not have a mapped name (T refers to the zone Toukouchipann). During the 2004 expedition I saw that the two inselbergs between which the label Toukouchipann had been placed were al igned from the point of view from Massif Mitaraka (Figure 8-10). To a void confusion by re-labeling T1 as Tukusipan, I refer to this inselberg as Tmotakem; the Wayana nickname as it resembles a shoulder ( mota ).

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418 Figure 8-10. Mount Tukusipan: foregroundi ng the background. Toukouchipann, Tmotakem (T1), Borne 1, and T0, a vista from Massif du Mitaraka. That T1 resembles a shoulder can be seen from the east (Borne 1; Figure 8-11; Pellet and Saint-Jean 2008:77). On his map of the region, Coudreau (1893) did plot inselberg Timotakem in the area of Toukouchipann and wrote below it le pacolo (the house). Most compelling visual evidence of a synecdochecal relation be tween this inselberg (T1, Tmotakem) and a community roundhouse ( tukusipan ) is the vista from the south (Figure 8-12). Figure 8-11. Mount Tmotakem (T1) seen from the east (from Borne 1).

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419 Figure 8-12. Mount Tmotakem (T1) seen from the south (inset: tukusipan of Talhuwen). During the 2004 expedition we explored the re gion of Tukusipan and climbed T1, which provided me with a dwelling expe rience (Pellet and Saint-Jean 2006) ; neither Jean Chapuis, Jean Hurault, Henri Coudreau, Jules Crevaux, nor any other European had ascended this inselberg. We climbed the steep sloping inselberg; holding on to grass and shrubs, arriving at the top to witness a magnificent panorama. Such a panoramic view over the Guiana landscape is unique. From its summit we could see far into French Guiana, Suriname, and Brazil. We made base camp halve way the plateau of T1 and creek Alama at its foot. We made base camp next to a water stream that emerged from between the rocks, which was exceptional as it was the dry season. I could put this phenomenological expe rience into play while examining the eight kalau song performed during the marak in which inselberg Toukousipann [= Tukusipan] is ascended in speech-act (Hur ault 1968:126; Appendix C: kalau songs).36 Proper names mentioned in the eight kalau are, according to Hura ult (1968:152), leaders of two by now vanished tribes, namely Alatipoik, Alamiso, as well as Mayamayali from a Waypi faction. Hurault on no account mentioned the name Kailawa. Jean Chapuis (Chapuis and Rivire 2003:1003) is exceedingly pleased to fi nally find some of the names of Kailawas

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420 warriors, namely Alatpoik, Alimamhe, Upsewei. Although Chapuis made a detailed study with Kulijaman on the war of the Wayana with surrounding tribes, Chapuis does not, in contrast to Hurault, mention that we are dealing here with members of vanished tribes. Furthermore, not only men, also women climbed this inselberg. Where Hurault did not na me women, four women (Kulunepn, Kinepn,37 Imokipn, and Mkineu) encounter ed by Kailawa and his men while exploring the road to bridge between Jari and Aletani, are all named here. Chapuis does not elaborate on the importance of these family names. On Upsewei and the others, Chapuis refers to a narrative from the times of Kailawa (ibid.:805-813) wherein, in its turn, th e narrator Kulijaman refers back to the kalau songs. At some point in this narrative, Kulijaman made a statement that was left unmentioned in the kalau song, yet ubiquitously present in the essence of Wayana marak as a whole: It is to become immortal that we are here! they (Kailawa and his men) say that we have climbed this rock [Tukusipan/ T1/ Tmotakem]! (Chapuis and Rivire 2003:808-809). Kailawa made this announcement to a grandmother who resided at th e plateau, and announced that he had arrived: Umkjahe, kuni! (ibid.). Kailawa assured this gra ndmother that they had not arrived to frighten her, only to sing lemi songs. Kailawa did not kill them, because they were his family, and he knew they were his family, because they carried the same names (ibid.). One of the women living on the plateau below the peak of th e inselberg (compare with figure 8-4-3) was named Kinepn (Table C-13: line 55), just like Kailawas sister (as well as Pajakwalis sister-inlaw, who, therefore, is family too). On the east side of T1 is an access to the pl ateau, corresponding with Kulijamans narrative that behind, there is a road leading to the top (Chapuis and Rivire 2003:808-809). When arriving from Mitaraka in the west behind can be interpreted as at the eastside of the plateau.

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421 Kailawa and his men climbed this inselberg, and on the plateau they found four women: Imokipn, Kulunepn, Kinepn, and Mkineu. Thes e women lived here with their husbands Puklupo and Upsewei. These names are equal to the proper names recited in the eighth kalau song. Continuity of proper names is important in House societies. Novel in this narrativ e is that these people were already residing on this inselberg when Kailawa and his men arrived. Furthermore, Wayana social memory indicates th at Kailawa and his followe rs did not settle in virgin territory; Kailawa settled among lost family. Back in contact with lost family while declaring having to sing lemi songs at the top of the inselbergto go high, in order to become i mmortalis vital in the sense of super-local cosmologic sociality. Kailawa came to bring pe ace, he was not their enemy. When Kailawa intended to return to the Elders, following Kulijama n, his men told him that they had already left towards the sky (Chapuis and Rivire 2003:808-809) That is, the ancestors had already departed. This resonates with the story of the Upului who asked to be cremated, in order to bring his family back from heaven and to become immortal Table C-6; Chapter 4.4). Quest for immortality is at the heart of so cial houses. Departed souls (omole ) leave for Kujuli pata (Kujulis place; the Here after). This symbolically dense place gathers mortals, divine ancestors, earth, and skywhat Heidegger called the Fou rfold (1977:327 [1954])in one space-time. As an aside, on top of T1 (Tmotakem), Ai mawale declared that the large amount of broken pottery found here was because many peop le were cremated here. The 2004 expedition was a reconnaissance pedestrian survey (Duin 2006). Only a sample of surface finds were collected (Figure 8-13; Table 82). With regard to Toukouchipann (n = 29) and T1 (n = 71), a total of 100 pottery fragments was collected. Only from one of the rock shelters at Toukouchipann was collected a singl e decorated rim shard (n = 1; 12%). Alternatively, a

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422 significant number of decorated sherds (n = 23; 32%; rim, shoulder, and body) were collected from two locations at the summit of T1. Deco rated pottery includes; incision (Parallel Line Incision, Zoned Incised Cross-hatch, composite parallel line incision: solids and dashes), impression (armadillo carapace),38 engraving (broad vertical lines), and possibly the attachment of an a pplication on the rim.362F39 Future phase II archaeologica l test units will have to determine the dimensions of this site (horizontal and vertical distribution) as well as if the percentage of decorated pottery is consistent throughout this site. Large percentage of decorated pottery points towards ritual ki lling of pottery during mort uary practices (Chapman 2001; Chapter 4.4). Cremation of leaders and killing of their distinctive decora ted vessels indicate an ending of autonomous subgroups and unifi cation into a Wayana confederation. Figure 8-13. Pottery collected during th e 2004 pedestrian survey (summit T1).

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423 Table 8-2. Initial analysis of pottery collected at Toukouchipann and T1 in 2004. Site rim shoulder body base griddle undetermined total S D S D S D S D body rim # T r. 1 4 / 44 % 0 / 0 % 0 0 6 0 0 0 0 1 0 11 r. 2 2 / 22 % 0 / 0 % 0 0 1 0 3 0 2 2 2 12 r. 3 2 / 22 % 1 / 12 % 1 0 1 0 0 0 0 0 1 6 total 8 / 88 % 1 / 12 % 1 0 8 0 3 0 2 3 3 29 9 / 31 % 1 / 3 % 8 / 28 % 3 / 10 % 5 / 18 % 3 / 10 % T1 s. 1 7 / 29 % 8 / 33% 1 2 21 10 2 0 0 1 0 52 s. 2 8 / 33 % 1 / 5 % 0 0 3 2 2 0 2 1 0 19 total 15 / 62.5 % 9 / 37.5 % 1 2 24 12 4 0 2 2 0 71 24 / 34 % 3 / 4 % 36 / 50 % 4 / 6 % 4 / 6 % 0 / 0 % T = Toukouchipann (site) T1 = T1 / Tmotakem (site) r. # = rock shelters 1, 2, and 3. s. # = summit locations 1 and 2. S = simple (non-decorated). D = decorated. Potentiality of this particular inselberg (naturally resembling tukusipan ) provided Kailawa with means of an intertwining conjunc tion between his person al quest of reuniting Guiana peoples and the myth of origin. By adjusting the narrative of the Creator twinsthe community roundhouse collapsed and turned into stoneKailawa had legitimized his quest, and his story now became history. Analogous Mopo and Kujuli, Kailawa had created a sense of belonging mediated through alterity (through dangerous social others ) who at times were almost de-humanized. In its synecdochecal relationship with tukusipan, inselberg Tukusipan is central in managing the socio-political processes of re producing the Wayana social body in the process of materializing Wayana social memory in a constantly emerging Wayana (Guiana) landscape. 8.4 Becoming Wayana at Tukusipan Explored throughout this study is how the Wayana confederation took shape under leadership of warrior-shaman Kailawa, and how Wa yana sociality is reproduced since. Now we have come to a point to critic ally evaluate how uprooted soci al groups as Wayanahle (true Wayana) and Upului from the south (from the rive rs Jari and Paru de Este respectively), led by

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424 Kailawa, had to compete with local Trio subgro ups for a place to sett le; particularly with Okomyana and Kukuiyana who resided in the u pper Maroni basin (Figure A-3). Assumed as common knowledge, and reiterated time and agai n, is that the Wayana migrated in the eighteenth century from Brazil across the TumucHumac mountain range into French Guiana and Suriname (Figure A-3: black arrow). I posit th at the Wayana did not migrate as a whole, instead I will further explore the statement by Janamale that here in the Tumuc-Humac Mountains that the Wayana were born (Mazire 1953:203). Paul Henley (2001)drawing on Anne-Chr istine Taylors (1998, 2001) work on the construction of the social bodystated that there are no important marriage rituals in Guiana because ceremonial events are focused on d econstruction and construction (consumption and production; decomposition and composition) of persons than constitution of social groups as such (Henley 2001:200; emphasis added). The Wayana marak is recurrently interpreted as an initiation rite, yet I argue that this ritual goes beyond a customary initiation ritual focused on the deconstruction and construction of individual persons; Wayana marak is about the constitution of social groups as such; revitalizing Wayana sociality. Most outst anding occasion among the Wayana where individual bodies are needed to pr oduce social bodies is du ring the Wayana ritual known as marak. This is not simply a ritual, it is the Wayana ritual (as discussed in detail earlier); it is a total social fact (Mauss 1990 [1950]) made visible for all to witness. In order to understand and make sense of ritual practice, beyond decoding the internal logic of symbolism rooted in the Wayana my th of the Creator Twins Mopo Kujuli, it is necessary, following Bourdieu, to [restore] its practical necessity by relating it to the real conditions of its genesis, that is to the conditions in which it f unctions, and the means it uses to attain them, are defined (Bourdieu 1977:114). Although Chapuis stated that main primary,

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425 explicit goal is to produce [m arriageable] adults (2006:526), he continued that on this occasion, kalau songs allusively call up the past while splendid olok headdresses, the only good transmissible between generations in this society, manifest of what I [Jean Chapuis] have called lines. Each line has a single headdress; it is transmitted to the eldest son or, if he is not considered worthy, to another son or to the si sters eldest son (Chapuis 2006:526). In other words, feather headdresses ( olok ), or rather the olok en (container of composite featherwork used to adorn the ephemeral basketry framew ork)which have been taken-for-granted by ethnographersare inalienable prop erty in the sense of Annette Weiner (1992) as these feather boxes are given to keep within social groups (lin es according to Chapuis). In the process of performance and transmission, the assembly of co mposite featherwork curated in special feather boxes ( olok en ) accumulates a biography adding to their intangible value. Rather than by a line (Chapuis 2006), or by a single individual or paramount chief, I posit that symbolic capital (Bour dieu 1977, 1990)including, but not restricted to, curatorial feather boxesis accumulated by a social house in the sense of Claude Lvi-Strauss (1979:47, 1982, 1987), i.e., kin-based units maintaining property over generations that often form the basis for hierarchical social difference (Gillespie 2007 ; Heckenberger 2005:273-290). I argue that this symbolic capital, including inalie nable property, is played out dur ing public ceremonies in the village plaza where is loca ted the community roundhouse tukusipan Personal names truncating the historical cases of ritual performance in dicate a transmission of proper names designating a continuation of immaterial property. Ritual itself appears to be the place of legitimating, in a contesting manner, by means of transmission of ma terial and immaterial property as required for the continuity of social houses. Ritual objects and their biographical histories, foregrounded in performance, are recognizable e nduring property, despit e the ephemeral nature of people and

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426 villages. Through ritual performa nce, especially with the gift of inalienable possessions, these olok headdresses demonstrate beautifully the line of transmission, fictive or real. Differentiation in maintaining symbolic capital and the riva lry among social houses, played out during the communal rituals in the central plaza, will help reveal ranking and supravillage hierarchy. These embodied practices create their own sp atio-temporal locales and endow them with meaning as they create or transform individua l and group identities; they produce a regional and temporal space-time in the sense of Nancy Munn ( 1986) through the circulation of people, social valuables, and symbolic capital. Beyond sheer economics, material and immaterial capital is situated in social relation s bonding people while generating honor and prestige. Prerogatives transmitted inalienably through the social house constitute a background of ideal, imagined existence. Through ritual performance these pr erogatives will become foregrounded in concrete socio-political actuality ; a ritual phase of po litical economy (Southall 1999), or a ritual economy of political power, as ritual drives the econom y from which derives regional political power. Although it has been stated that the last tradi tional Wayana initiation ritual was held in 1989 (Boven 2006:147-156; Chapuis 2006:526), a sim ilar Wayana ritual took place in 2004 (Pellet and Saint-Jean 2006:17-34) Preparations for the 2004 ritu al began after the death of Granman Anapake in 2002. Recently, Miep Ipom ali has been elected by the Trio and Wayana communities in Suriname to succeed Granman Anapake. Miep Ipomali has been selected by his descent40 as well as for his relations with non-Wayana, in particular through his personal relation with anthropologist Karin Bove n, with whom he has a daughter. As this election process took place in Kawemhakan / Lawa Station, facing the flag of Suriname, it may be concluded that this process was grounded in global po litical processes (Figure 8-14) Anapake, as mentioned earlier, had become Wayana Granman of the Surinamese Bank succeeding Janamale after his

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427 death in 1958. Init iators of the 2004 marak were Aimawale (paternal grandson of Janamale) and his brother-in-law Tasikale. Therefore the 20 04 ritual appears to be a traditional Wayana means of the family (social house) of former paramount chief Janamale, to engage in sociopolitical reorganization after the passing of Granman Anapake in 2002. Novices are in silence, only allowed to speak in a soft voice (e.g., de Goeje 1941:110), yet what is expressed through these series of public spect acles is screamingly loud: belonging to the Wayana Nation a sense of Wayana sociability. Figure 8-14. Miep Ipomali (left center, in wh ite shirt) facing Surinamese Trio and Wayana kapiteins (village leaders) and granman, in the process of becoming a granman (photo by Renzo Duin: January 2, 2003 at Anapake Kawemhakan). 8.4.1 Revisiting the Friendly versus Wild Trio Dichotomy Kailawa had created a sense of belonging, of Wayana sociality, mediated through alterity (through dangerous social others) who at times were almost de-humanized, which brings me to a critical evaluation of the dichotomy between f riendly and wild Trio subgroups (Frikel 1957) that have troubled anthropologist s ever since. As Gerrit Bos ( 1998:253) recapitulated, Protaso

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428 Frikel (1957:541-562; Rivire 1969:1 8-17) applied the term wild to indicate that these people are stone-age Indians; indicati ng that they still use stone ax es and ceramic pots instead of metal ware. Classification as wild is not related to anthropopha gic practices, as Bos (1998:253) criticized Edmundo Maga as (1982:230) interpretation. Taken for granted is that these wild tribes were in reference to frie ndly Trio subgroups, and before concluding this study with a reflection on individual and sociality in Guiana, I will first re-assess this predicament of wild or Stone Age I ndians who, parentheti callypotentially not insignificantlyreside in the very same regi on described above of Wayana confederation. Table 8-3. Trio/Tlyo subgr oups (source: after Frikel 1957 :541-562; Rivire 1969:18-17). Friendly (Civilized People) Wild (Forest People) 1. (Maracho) Pianokoto 7. Akuriyo 2. Okomoyana (Maipuridjana, Waripi) 8. Wayarikule 3. Prouyana 9. Wama 4. Arimihoto 10. Kukuyana 5. Aramagoto 11. Pianoi 6. Aramicho 12. Tiriyometesem 13. Kirikirigoto (added by Frikel in a later version) Wayana confederation, described above as a process of symbolic and social reproduction, is situated in the context of rela tionships of alterity whereby the dangerous social other is almost de-humanized. Narratives of wars between Wayana and social others are ample, particularly with Trio subgroups; Pijanakoto/Pijanokoto abov e all (e.g., Bos 1998; Chapuis and Rivire 2003; Koelewijn and Rivire 1989). The Tumuc-Humac where Wayana confederation took place is the region of Kukuiyana, Akurio, Wayarikule, Wama, Tlyometesem, and Pijanai; the so-called wild tribes. Distinction between friendly and wild Trio subgroups (Table 8-3; Frikel 1957:541562; Rivire 1969:18-17), resonate s with the distinction between civilized people and forest people made by Peter Gow (1991:265-266) elsewhere in Amazonia. This duality is neither

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429 based on kinship nor on a distinction between native people and white people (Gow 1991). Civilized people reside in cleare d settlements and eat real food in contrast to people from the forest who consumes nothing which circulates in habilitacin and who is ignorant of civilized knowledge (Gow 1991:266). In Guiana, Wayana pe rceive themselves as civilized whereas they refer to Akulio as people from the forest ( itutan ). Akuriyo (table 8-3 [7]) [= Akurio or Akulio]41 are named after the agouti ( Dasyprocta agouti ); a rodent known to ravage garden plots. The name Akurio is a generic term for savage Indians dw elling in the forest (itutan). Table 8-4. Comparative list of East Guiana People / tribes / subgroups / clans / nations. Unton Fisher 1609 (Harcourt 1613:52) Protsio Frikel (1957:541-562) (f) = friendly; (w) = wild Carlin and Boven (2002:20) Renzo Duin present study signification / interpretation/ identification Craweanna Pawmeeanna 3. Prouyana (f) Plumeyana Arrow cane People Quikeanna Sikiyana Sihkyana Sand flee People Peewattere Aramee o 6. Aramicho (f) Aramiso Aramiso Pigeon (People) Acaw-reanno 2. Okomoyana (f) Akuriyo Okomyana Wasp People Acooreo 7. Akuriyo (w) Akuriyo Akulio Agouti (People) Tareepeeanna Taripiyana Capuchin monkey P. Corecorickado 13. Kirikirigoto Kirikirikoto Green parrot People Peeauncado 1. Pianokoto (f) Pijana koto Pijanokoto Harpy eagle People Cocoanno 10. Kukuyana (w) Kukuyana Kukuiyana Glowworm People It ura Itutan Those of the forest Waremi o 4. Arimihoto (f) Aramiso Alimikoto Spider monkey P. 5. Aramagoto (f) Alamakoto Sweat bee People 8. Wayarikule (w) Wayarikule 9. Wama (w) Wama Basketry (People) 11. Pianoi (w) Pijanakoto Pijanai Harpy eagle (P.) 12. Tiriyometesem (w) Tlyometesem ones as the Trio Kaikusiyana Jaguar P. / Dog P. Tunayana Tunayana Water People Paragoto Parukoto River People In 1609, Unton Fisher mentioned Acooreo [= Akurio] in this region (Harcourt 1613:52), and I argue that Fishers It ura (ibid.) can be interpreted as itutan.365F42 Kukuyana [= Kukuiyana], the only wild subgroup with the suffix ~yana (or ~koto ), will be discussed in detail in a moment. The other four (out of six) wild tr ibes mentioned by Frikel are not mentioned in

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430 Fishers 1609 list (Harcourt 1613: 52), yet they are among the vanishing groups that were mentioned in a footnote by de Go eje (1941:73), i.e., Oayarikul [= Wayarikule], Tliometesem [= Tlyometesem], and Wama, whose cultural distinction is ambi guous (Ahlbrinck 1956:95-178). Malauwni [last of the Wayarikule] objected to the name Way(ri)kul; she said: this is a denigrating name given to us by the Wayana; we call ourselves Triometesem, [which] according to her would mean friends of the Trio (de Goeje 1943:345). In July 1938, following the 1935 border expe ditions (discussed in chapter 2.3), Father Ahlbrinck would return to make contact with these wild yet noble savages (Ahlbrinck 1956:95-178; de Goeje 1943a; Geijskes 1957; van Amst el 1946). The process to civilize these wild Indians was by bringing them out of the forest and to the ri ver, as Lapo (Lavaud) told de Goeje that his father Panapi (who had been made granman by the Boni [Franssen Herderschee 1905a:126]) had moved all Wayakul [= Wayarikule] fr om the interior to the Aletani (that is, out of the forest to the river) (de Goeje 1943:345; my translation), re sonating with a later statement by missionary Claude Leavitt who st ated that they are really ch ildren of the forest. May God grant that they will soon become childre n of light (Findlay 1969:6). In his Report on the Second Contact with the Akurio (Wama) Stone Axe Tribe, Surinam, September 1968 Ivan Schoen (Interior Coordinator West Indies Mission), wrote that whereas Ahlbrinck (1956) called them Wama, the name we heard most, for these people whom we have been calling the Wayarekule, is Akuri.43 This is after the rodent Agouti [and] it would seem more correct for us to refer to these people in the future as the Akuri or Akurio Indians (Schoen 1969:9). October 1, 1999, during a party at Malipahpan, Pl mit (toad face) offered me a ladle of cassava beer. A Wayana told me in French th at he did not properly speak French as he is an Akulio found in the forest. Pl mit, the Akul io, concurred: found in the forest, be careful!

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431 and he lifted his shirt showing the tattoos wr itten on his body by the military who removed him from the forest, and in his best Wayana he said he was from Tsmi Tschmk pointing towards the Tumuc-Humac in the south. After an initia l contact in the Tumuc-Humac range in 1937 and Oelemari River area in 1938 (Ahlbrinck 1956: 95-178; de Goeje 1943a; Geijskes 1957), it was only some thirty years later (on June 8, 1968) that a canoe with eight Wayana, some returning to the Jari River, encountered at the Walemapan five strange Indian men peering out from the bush (Schoen 1969; cf. Cognat 1977:91; Approximat e location of encounter is marked with a star in figure 8-3). Based on these accounts, Andr Cognat an d several Wayana set out to find these wild Indians named Akulio (Cognat 1977:127-132), and upon his return, Cognat runs into the expedition of the American missionari es assisted by Surinamese police officers (ibid.:133-135). From June 1968 to October 1970 eight contacts wi th the Akurijos were made by the missionaries (mainly by Ivan Schoen, Claude Leavitt, and Art Yohner, assisted by Trio and Wayana) (Yohner 1970:16). In June 1973 an expedition lead by Roy Little together with five Wayana, two Trio, and two Akulio, set ou t to contact Akulio ro aming around between the rivers Oelemari and Tapanahoni desiring to shar e with them the Gospel of Jesus Christ and wanting to help them in other ways, such as with medicine and simple tools, etc. (Lytle 1973:1), as prior Claude [Leavitt] and [Art Yohner] ha d opportunities to minister the Word of God a number of times to the Akurijos. They were eag er to listen (Yohner 1970:11) In the scientific world these encounters were perceived as Contact with the Stone Age (Carneiro 1969; Schoen 1969) with a focus on the primitive technology of stone axes without knowledge of agriculture thus they appear to rank as the most primitive Indian culture left in the New World (Carneiro 1969:10), and the reports of these primitive, stone ag e, Indians in the interior of Suriname filled several dozen of pages in the Surinamese newspaper De West (Findlay1969). Just as after the

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432 first encounters with Stone Age Indians in 1937 (van Lynden 1939:853; Meuldijk 1939:873876), it was some thirty years later that the sear chlight in the jungle of Suriname was on these primitive people, rather than trying to gain an understanding of the symbolically dense landscape of Wayana confederati on located in the very same region of Tumuc-Humac in the interior of Guiana. In order to make sense of Wayana confedera tion, I will include a brief analysis of the friendly tribes. First friendly subgroup is the Pijanokoto (Harpy eag le People), who were sometimes even equaled to the Trio as a w hole (Frikel 1964; Rivire 1969:19). Moreover, Pijanokoto are the main (Western) Trio subgroup, hi storically settled along the rivers Coeroeni (upper-Corantyne) (Schomburgk 1845) and Cumi n (Paru de Oeste) (Coudreau 1901). Pijanokoto are not merely name d after the harpy eagle (pija ; Harpia harpyja Accipitridae), i.e., most important predatory bird in Amazonian cosmology (Roe 1982). Pijanokoto become Harpy eagles, in the sense that Bororo become s carlet macaws (Turner 1991); visibly enforced by gluing Harpy eagle down on their head (pers. comm. Wayana 2000). Wa yana oral tradition recounts fierce battles between th e Wayana and Pijanai/Pijanokoto44 (see also Chapuis et Rivire 2003: part III), however Chapuis does not differentiate between P ijanai and Pijanakoto. Carlin and Boven (2002:33) correlated Frikel s Pianokoto as well as the Pi anoi (table 8-3:1 and 11), that is, a wild and a friendly tribe, to Fishers Peeauncado (Harcourt 1613:52; table 8.4-3).368F45 Since Pijanokoto appear to be the most pow erful Trio subgroup in Eastern Guiana (and probably considered themselves as most civiliz ed), if any, the newly arriving Wayana should become subjected to the Pijanokoto, rather than vise versa. In the historical process of Wayanafication as described above, the neigh boring Pijanokoto/Trio have been rendered into enemies of the Wayana; in due process, the Pijanokoto/Trio enemies were taken-for-granted.

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433 Thus in remembering the ethnogenesis of the Waya na, the particular Pija nokoto/Trio history is rendered silent and in its doxic quality is pron e to be forgotten. Pijanokoto are outstandingly absent in the list by Chapuis (2006), maybe becau se he had the Wayana Aimawale Opoya as main informant during his fieldwork (Chapuis 1998). Drawing on table 8-3 (after Frikel 1957:541562; Rivire 1969:18-17), I posit that the suffixes ~( y ) ana and ~( k ) oto indicate social houses. Suffixes ~yana and ~koto hold potential for societies of social houses in Guia na: in Carib languages the house is glossed with a variation of auto tt or oto preceded with the indicative suffix ~ k ( e ) (with), and the central cleared space/plaza is glossed anna (Trio), or annaka (Yekuana) with th e possessive prefix y~ (my). Accordingly, subgroups without these suffixes (i .e., Frikels wild subgroups) are houseless people. This does not mean that these people are homeless; rather that th ey do not belong to one of the social houses competing for power. Peopl e of a social house are considered civilized, whereas people that do not belong to a social house are regarded as lower ranking, less sophisticated, uncontrollable and wild therefore. Possibly the Pijanai in the east have become detached in history from the social house of the Harpy eagle (Pijanokoto). Second friendly subgroup (tab le 8-3: Okomoyana), i.e., Okomyana, was mapped by Coudreau (1893) along the Lo [= Luwe] in the upper Maroni basin where their presence had already been recorded in 1609 (Fishers Acaw-reanno; Harcourt 1613:52; table 8.4-3).46 While discussing the Wars and Diasporas, Kulijaman answered Aimawale (Chapuis et Rivire 2003:893), with regard to the ques tion on the arrival of his grandparents, that Janamale and his people are here for a long time, a long time that they are here! They came a long time ago! It is because of them that the others came to dance (my translation). Janamale, as mentioned above, had been the face of the Wayana Nation, yet was identified by Wayana as Okomyana.

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434 Civilized friendly subgroups have as indexical suffix ~ ( k ) oto (e.g., Pijanakoto) or ~ ( y ) ana (e.g., Okomyana) (table 8-3). Conversel y, the Kukuiyana (Fishers Cocoanno) are the only wild subgroup from Frikels lis t (table 8-3) with the suffix ~yana. When Takwali Kulisa told me that he was actually a Kukuiyana (pers. comm. 2000), that he was of the yana (people) of the kukui (glowworm; Lampyris noctiluca Elateridae), as was th e late Wayana granman (paramount chief) Twenke, I realized that I had discovered a member of a vanished wild tribe in Guiana; or better, the Kukuiyana were ne ver lost! Kukuiyana, in the person of the late Granman Twenke and his kin, appear to be at th e heart of Wayana society. This raises the question to why Kukuiyana were classified as a wild Trio subgroup. In th e process of Wayanafication it makes sense that Kukuiyana apparent adversary to the main friendly subgroups Pijanokoto and Okomyanajoined the collective of immigrating Wayanahle (true Wayana) and Upului to create an enduring identity in their common cultural and political struggles in the land of the Trio. Tension between the two Wayana paramount ch iefs, Janamale and Twenke, in the early twentieth centuryas well as between their resp ective successors, Anapake and Amaipot, in the late twentieth cen turygoes beyond the pressure inflicted by Surinamese and French governmental institutions as suggested by Karin Boven (2006). Emerging from this critical evaluation is that the soci o-political tension between the social house of the okom -wasp (Okomyana represented by Janamale and Anapake) vis--vis the people of the kukui glowworm (Kukuiyana represented by Twenke a nd Amaipot) goes back at least 400 years when these proper names were first recorded (Harc ourt 1613:52). Wayana soci ety can now trace its written history back four hundred years to the first account of 1609 when Unton Fisher (Harcourt 1613:52) mentioned, among others, the Coco anno [= Kukuiyana] and Acaw-reanno [=

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435 Okomyana] along the Arretowenne [= Aletani] and Wanoune [= Malani], tributaries of the Marrawini [= Maroni], in the upper Maroni basin. 8.4.2 Individual and Societ y in Guiana Revisited Whereas a true Wayana initiation ritual ( wli katop = thing of girls) can be performed in the private domain in the context of ki nship, corporeal theatr ical spectacles (marak) performed in the public domain in and around the tukusipan are in the context of community. Not every Wayana settlementcontrary to popul ar believeowns a community roundhouse ( tukusipan ). In fact, today in the upper Maroni basin, only fo ur out of about twenty Wayana settlements hold a community roundhouse. In order to understand the role of Wayana community roundhouses the scene needs to be peopled, because bodies ar e needed to reproduce bodies. Apprehension of this vital Wayana ritual must begin from a recognition of its tem porality beyond the common assumption that Wayana are loosing their tradition. The total spatial arrangement becomes a complex network of communication through tim e wherein socio-politics are situated. Space and time become one during marak, i.e., the Wayana ritual. Boundaries between now-here (at the community roundhouses tukusipan) and then-there (at inselberg Tukusipan / Tmotakem / T1) become blurred through a play of synecdoche. Foundation of social memory, is embodiment (Bourdieu 1977), creating a perf ormative memory that is bodily (Connerton 1989). Even though Wayana do not have a written hi story, they will never forget the historical course of events, as memories of unification are created through and within the body (compare with Eves 1996). Stinging rite ( putop) is the culminating event in the Wayana ritual. At dawn, all spectators gather once more around the flamboyant dancers on the plaza, and at sunrise, the first tpijem is called upon. It is time for putop the stinging rite, whereby the entire body has to endure the painful stings of hundreds of ants or wasp s of choice. This pub lic theatrical corporeal

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436 spectacle is a sight never to be forgotten by those who witnessed it. In performance, Wayana are not merely present at the community roundhouse, Wayana become of tukusipan Rather than reiterating the traditional theme of totemic clans or vanishing tribes in the interior of Guiana, this study outlines a dynamic, multimodal, transdisciplinary, and open model rooted in a society of social hous es. Whereas typical fe atures of social or ganization in Guiana are ethnographically defined as small, ideally autonomous (in the natural-social mode), selfsufficient (in techno-economic means), relatively ephemeral, dispersed settlements mainly composed of close kin; a model of a society of social houses will also allow for supravillage hierarchical organization in the ritual-hierarchi cal mode. Proper names of socio-political units were first written down four hundred years ago, after Fishers 1609 test imony. Persistence in time and space of proper names of socio-polit ical subgroups throughout one of the most atrocious periods in Guiana history is indicative of a society of so cial houses. Inalienable gifts brought onto the stage during the di stinctive Wayana ritual, demons trate legitimatization of an individual belonging to a cer tain social house, by m eans of kinship terminology. Wayana are, by definition, not a tribe but a mid-range society, regional and moderately hierarchical, between autonomous villages and bu reaucratic states, with tremendous variability through time and space. It is roundhouses that manage socio-po litical power struggles between social houses in Guiana, formerly identified as t otemic clans or tribes. Nodes in the lines connecting various social units, managing identities, and in due process materializing social memory, are the Wayana community roundhouses tukusipan. Wayana identity cuts across linguistic boundaries as former Trio (Tlyo) subgroups, are now at the core of Wayana sociality. Wayana identity is not classified by its boundaries, but rather its cent er of origin: locally this is the community roundhouse, representing mount tukusipan central in the Wayana landscape,

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437 which is in turn a reference to the first tukusipan turned into stone by the Cr eator twins, or so it is recited in social memory of the descendents of Kailawa. 1 Ce petit people qui na, en ralit, pas de chefs, qui ne reconnait quune autorit, celle du pre de famille (Coudreau 1893:204). 2 In the early eighteenth century the Portuguese armed Waypi to raid the contested area between France and Portugal (todays Amapa), whereby the Waypi raided the Tumuc-Humac region around 1760 and the wars would last till about the 1820s (Grenand 1971: 112-113, 1982; Tilkin-G allois 1986:121). 3 With regard to Kailawas successor, it is said that Sara ra [Salala] was an Upului child assigned by the principal assistants of Kailawa to succeed him in his function of pa ramount chief, stating that he will be the new Kailawa! (Chapuis and Rivire 2003:745-747). Torop [Tolopt; tolopt = bird] was paramount chief at the time of the voyages by Patris (1768-1769) (Coudreau 1893:557). Rela tion between Salala and Tolopt (residing east of Pililipu at the creek Carapahetp [ibid.]) is indecisive. With regard to kinship relations between succeeding paramount chiefs Coudreau (1893:561) wrote:Out [Wet; wet = shit], the next paramount chief, was the brother of Tolopt (ibid.), and Tamoui [Tamusi; Elder], his successor, was the son of Wet, and led the war against the Oyampis [= Waypi] (Coudreau 1893:557); Enoua [Eniwa], the old kuni residing at Peo (Enoua and Peo apply the kunana during the 1888 marak at Peo [Coudreau 1893:231]),3 was a maternal granddaughter of Tolopt; and Ouan [Wane], father of Touank [= Twank], was the principal tamouchi to Tamoui. Touank [= Twank] is the greatgrandfather of Twenke, who in turn is the father of the current Wayana Granman Amaipot. 4 Touank comme tant de plus grande race que Toumtoum (Coudreau 1893:108). 5 Touank appartient une vieille famille roucouyenne qui depuis longtemps donne des tamouchis aux Roucouyennes du Marouini et de lItany (Coudreau 1893:104). 6 Cest l que loin, loin, dans le temps, les Oyanas sont ns (Mazire 1953:203). 7 In February 1888, during his tour in the Tumuc-Humac, Henri Coudreau (1893:159-164) went from the savanne roche near Borne 1 (Figure 8-3:G) to Kule kule via Saranau uputp hereby circumventing the symbolically dense sacred landscape. It rained during Coudreaus tour and Wayana guides were eager to return to their village (Pililipu). Coudreau (1893:160-164) persis ted and completed his tour via Kule kule. Most likely the Wayana guides were content during these pouring rains (on dangerous rain s see chapter 7-4) to avoid the mythical Tumuc-Humac. 8 This inselberg is a plateau, and I posit it can be identified as Mitaraka Sud due to its long plateau below its summit. Panoramic photo of figure 8-2 is taken from this plateau (Duin 2004). 9 Chapuis (ibid.:807) related this to an unidentified inselberg named Alama I argue that this name alama is referring to creek Alama (tributary of Aletani). Also I posit that this is remembered in the mnemonic of alamaponp the former place of alama a basketry motif resembling a meandering creek with villages along side. 10 Et telles sont les murs et coutumes bizarres de la noble nation Ouayana, la seule qui, dans la Guyane Centrale, pratique encore le marak (Coudreau 1893:235). 11 Tasikale acknowledged that he had never been initiated, and his desire to be initiated during a full-blown lifecrisis ritual as in the old days, instigated a co mmon focus of research during the 2000 field season. 12 Crevaux (1881) and Coudreau (1893) encountered recurrently European diseases causing epidemic death ( kwamai ) among the Wayana. Together they might have been partially responsible for introducing these diseases in the Wayana region in the late nineteenth century. Full extend of European diseases causing epidemic death among the indigenous populations in Guiana from the fifteenth century onward is unknown. 13 A marak was held in 1973 concluding with an putop on November 2 (Miller in prep.). 14 Peter Rivire (1984) in Individual and Society in Guiana does not name tamusi or peito ; as his focus of investigation was on intergenerational marriage (Rivire 1969). Intergenerational marriage was reviewed by Paul Henley (1983/1984) amongst all Carib-spea king peoples of the Guianas, wherei n he concluded that this institution of intergenerational marriage is a strategy to avoid bride service for the in-laws; the husband can now work for his natal family. Neither Wayana nor Apalai practice interg enerational marriage (Henley 1983/1984:159), but Henley did not explain this anomaly. 15 On the socio-political power of a diadem with caiman scales see Crevaux 1987:270, 274. 16 In the village of Pililipu, Coudreau (1893:187) found salt th at was produced at the Paru de Este from a process of burning maripa palms ( Attalea maripa ) and pressing the ashes in a cassava press while pouring water in the top orifice. The compressed salt residue was subsequently heated.

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438 17 Rice, off course, is a relatively recent product in Guiana. When I asked Wayana what the side dish consisted of in the past, they answered me that maize used to be the side dish. Use of maize in this process of repayment feasts is indicative of more complex societies, although different than the traditional manioc/maize debate in Amazonia. 18 Atoupi, an Apalai (Coudreau 1893:546), had organized a marak in October 1889 (Coudreau 1893:537-547) where he had invited Marire [Mari = Masili], a ouayana pur (true Wayana) (Coudreau 1893:544), and his subordinates ( peito ). In 1889, Yacouman [Jakuman], an Upului, was the most influential chief, and resided for over twenty years in his village along the upper Jari (Coudreau 1893:235; Crevaux [1881] 1987:311). 19 Malaitawa is the son of Maipo and Tailu. Malaitawa is the brother of Kumakau who is married to Janamale, and brother of Ekinau who is married to Tasikali (i.e., matern al grandfather of Tasikale who initiated the 2004 marake). 20 In December 1938, eight Wayana surrendered to the stingi ng ritual, i.e., four men, two boys, one elder woman and her younger daughter, apart form the youngest boy (Kaitawale) who was stung with ants, all would be stung with wasps (indicative that these participants had previously endu red a stinging ritual with ants) (Ahlbrinck 1956:71). Tpijem in December 1938 in the village of Janamale were: 1) Janamale himself; stung by kaphew wasps, by his own mother Kumakapn (the oldest women). Janamale will only leave the ground drum after everybody else (A hlbrinck 1956:87). His wife Kumakau hands him his bow and a bundle of arrows. He holds these bow and arrows in his left hand that is stretched out, while the bow and arrows rest on the ground. Ahlbrinck (ibid.:88) is surprised by the endurance, determination, and selfrespect of Janamale. Following the stinging ritual, he will not join the others in the tpijem pakolon (ibid.:71). 2) Atoe, brother of Janamale; explained as reason for this putop that game is shy for him. 3) Meli (no further info). 4) Painawali (not the pjai Painawali [Awelisi] half-brother of Janamale ). After the stinging ritual, he requests the kunana to be tied to his chest and he returns to the ground drum (Ahlbrinck 1956:88-87). 5) Wahulu with her daughter. Since her youngest baby died, Wahulu wishes that this marak will allow her to have another child. She did not own any bead strings, merely borrowed some from others who had marked their proper bead string (Ahlbrinck 1956:82). Wahulu is married to Ilikwa, who is a son of Al. In 1940 they reside in Edikaimeini along the Paru River (Schmidt 1942:52), while in 1957 they reside in Twenk to move to Pleike in 1964 (Hurault 1968:37). 6) Wanalu, 15 year old daughter of Wahulu. Second to endure the stinging rite in 1938. 7) Toepiep (Anapaike, son of Tpputse), brother-in-law as well as son-in-law by a second marriage of Janamale. Third to undergo putop in 1938 (Ahlbrinck 1956:86). 8) Kaitawale, one-eyed brother of Anapaike. 11 years old and only tpijem to receive ants, all the others including the woman and girl are being stung with wasps. Sant from the Jari is his supporter (ibid.:83). Alituwa is his friend and waves him some air during the concluding dance (ibid.:81). Kaitawale, who will be the first to receive the ant-shield, w ill not remain his composure when the kunana is applied by kuni Kumakapn; he is crying and screaming (Ahlbrinck 1956:85). 21 Granman Anapaike has been succeeded by Miep Ipoma li, maternal grandson of Mokolepka, half-sister of Janamale by his father Tokos second marriage. 22 Tasikale, one of the initiators of the 2004 marak is named after his late maternal grandfather. Janamale had been married to Kumakau, daughter of Maipo and Tailu. The sister of Kumakau, Ekinau, had been married to Tasikali. Aimawale and Tasikale thus are relatives by two lines:1) Tasikale married the younger sister of Aimawale, hence became his brother-in-law, 2) Tasikales maternal grandmother was a sister to Aimawales paternal grandmother, hence they are second degree cross-cousins or potential brothers-in-law. Pajakwali, is the son of Tasikales eldest brother Soko, who is currently married to Kuliman. Asse n (Aimawales wife) and Paiwali are children for the first marriage of Kuliman. Furthermore, Kuliman is the daughter of the third marriage of Anapake, who had been married before to Janamales sister Alijam, and Janamales daughter Maleu. 23 Malaitawa was the brother of Kumakau who is married to Janamale, and brother of Ekinau who is married to Tasikali (i.e., maternal grandfather of Tasikale who initia ted the 2004 marake). Ahlbrinck (1956:28) was told that the next marak would be held in Wapotimiet [= Wapotumt]. Wapotumt, tamusi of the village with the same name, is the senior, yet Malaitawa, tamusi of the neighboring village, was said to be more skilled. 24 The 1964 ritual that took place in Tiliwe was instigated by Palanaewa (Hurault 1968:87-106). Palanaewa was the son-in-law of Tiliwe, though more importantly, and taken-for-granted by Hurault, Pala naewa was the son of Taponte (who was the son of Touank [Twanke]). 25 Anapaike was a paternal grandson of Ouptoli, who in 1880 resided along the Jari where he participated in the marak at Atoupi (Coudreau 1893:537). Anapake had endured the stinging ritual in December 1938 in the village of Janamale Luwe (Ahlbrinck 1956:86)

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439 26 Long-eared Amikwan / Upului (mentioned by Claude Tony 1835) are not mentioned in the list by Chapuis (2006). 27 The more commonly known orthography Trio will be used in this study, rather than the more correct Tarno or Tlyo referring to the language. W ith regard to all indigenous names mentioned, I will write the most commonly accepted orthography, unles s it concerns quotes from historical sources. 28 Name between square brackets [= ] refers to the currently most accepted orthography. 29 In Suriname is tot het leeren kennen der binnenlanden niets verricht: zodat die dan ook zeer weinig bekend zijn. Hoewel dus de volksstammen, die de binnenlanden van Suriname bewonen, veelal onbekend zijn, zoo worden evenwel onder hen genoemd de stammen der Trios en Accourirs (van Sijpesteyn 1854:xv). 30 Pija is the Harpy eagle ( Harpia harpyja). 31 Kaikusi has a multiple meaning of both jaguar and dog, as we ll as for the giant, men eating caterpillars. I posit to translate kaikusi / kaikui with the generic term monster The proper Wayana name for jaguar (Panthera onca ) is istaino, by some pronounced as ihtaino. It is thus unclear whether these people were fierce as monstrous jaguars, or that these people were dog traders (see also Bos 1998; Chapuis 2006:533). 32 Though the Wayana write ~ jana I made the compromise in the present article to write the commonly used ~ yana with a /y/, as well as Wayana, instea d of the more correct transcription: Waijana 33 Generic term for a non-Wayana human being is kalipono in Wayana, and wtoto in Tlyo. 34 Linguistics determined that the Upul ui and Wayana languages are more recent than Apalai and Tlyo / Trio. Where for instance, Wayana use kaikui tukui or taphem Apalai and Trio use older versions of kaikusi, tukusi or tapsem (s > h > ). Nevertheless, the Wayana are known to sometimes include more archaic forms in their language (pers. comm. Sergio Meira 2000). 35 Je ne sais sil existe un lien entre cette histoire [Mopo and Kujuli transforming tukusipan in stone] et linselberg nomm Tukusipan (Chapuis and Rivire 2003:141, note 326). 36 Where Hurault names Toukousipann, no proper name is given in the kalau by Chapuis and Rivire (2003:10001005). Though it is stated that I climbed the inselberg in the sh ape of a shoulder (= tmotakem ) Chapuis (ibid.:1003), placed a question mark af ter this appealingly enigmatic line. When dwelling in this region, and actually climbing this inselberg, it is clear that the profile of inselberg T1 is in the shape of a shoulder (figure 8-4-3). 37 Kinepn is also the name of Kailawas sister, but th is is a different person (Chapuis and Rivire 2003:809). Furthermore, Kinepn is also the name of Pajakwalis sister-in-law. Pajakwali climed T1 with us in 2004. 38 Aimawale stated that his grandmother, who is a po tter, named this type of decoration armadillo carapace. 39 A preliminary analysis (Boomert pers. comm.) points toward the Taruma Phase, above all Kanashen Incised (Evans and Meggers 1960:216), Kassikaityu Punctate (ibid.:218), and Yoch Plain (ibid.:227). Kanashen Incised and Kassikaityu Punctate are predominantly found on Yoch Plain. Kanashen Incised is characterized by zoned parallel lines, (zoned incised) crosshatch, broad scrapings, and Kassikaityu Punctate holds a wide variety of decoration modes on the upper outside wall produced by punching, poking or jabbing with a wide variety of tools. T0-Alabama holds even an example of the distinctive orange surface color of the Taruma Phase. A few rims and profile shapes, however, are to general to make conclusions, especially since the Taruma Phase is rather problematic. Some parts of the notebook of Farabee, who visited the Taruma in 1914, are published in Evans and Meggers (1960:243-245). Further temper and texture study on the pottery sample collected during the Kailawa expedition 2004 and additional archaeological research in th e region is necessary to determine whether or not this sample can be associated with the Taruma Phase. 40 Miep Ipomali is a maternal grandson of Mokolepka, half-s ister of Janamale by his father Tokos second marriage. 41 Fricative flap / / is transcribed in Suriname as [r] and in French Guiana as [l]. 42 Compare these people from the forest ( itutan ) with the so-called Itutan tribe in Brazilian Amapa. 43 Another name given to the missionaries by the Akulio was Tula, which is also their word for a small brown monkey (Schoen 1969:9). 44 In his list, Chapuis (2006) mentioned related groups, though it is not specified whether these are allies or enemies. 45 Written as Pijanokoto or Pijanakoto; sounding as Pijan koto (compare with Peeauncado Harcourt 1613:52). 46 Dash in Acaw-reanno indicates a hard re turn at the right margin. At the left margin /r/ might originally have been written as /m/. Identified as Akuriyo by Carlin and Boven (2002:20).

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440 CHAPTER 9 CONCLUSION: TEMPORALITY OF THE WAYANA (GUIANA) LANDSCAPE Reading early sources on the Caribs I was usually struck by two, quite opposed, facts. It appeared that certain sociocultural elements had changed enormously, while others had remained remarkably stable. Peter Kloos, The Maroni River Ca ribs of Suriname (1971:259-260). Figure 9-1. Central place of Twenke ( kulumuli pata ) where tradition and globalization come together. The community roundhouse ( tukusipan) is located between the pole with a French flag (left) and the French school and dispensary (in background). This study is situated in the current debate on socio-political comple xity in Amazonia. Understanding socio-political la ndscapes is complex and its complexity can only be understood from an acknowledging of an integrated regiona lity; a multi-scalar regionality situated in cosmology as well as settlement patterning: from st ars falling on earth (i.e., heliacal setting) to the landscape itself. Understa nding the social landscape is to acknowledge its temporality. Mythical times become foregrounded during histori cal events, and historic al events, over time, become legendary. This multitude of temporal and spatial dimensions is mediated in Guiana through the roundhouse. Then again, such round houses are more than a mere backdrop, more than a stage to re-enact mythical times. In Guiana, thus far, indigenous settlements are by

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441 default perceived as socio-poli tically autonomous. Neverthe less, essential in understanding rankedhierarchicalsupravillage organization, grounded in an unrecognized political-ritual landscape, the unit of analysis has to extend beyond the boundaries of a single settlement. 9.1 Complexity in South America Complex societies in South America are, wit hout doubt, the Andean irrigation civilizations as well as the theocratic and militaristic chie fdoms of the Greater Antilles and the CircumCaribbean. The Handbook of South American Indian s, of which Julian Steward was the editor, defined the greater part of Sout h America, Amazonia primarily, as tropical forest tribes, with here and there bands of nomadic hunter/gathere rs. Compliant with the standard model of tropical forest cultures, Wayana villages deem ed small, ephemeral, and socio-politically autonomous. The Island of Guiana is surrounded by the Atlantic Ocean, Amazon River, Rio Negro, Casiquiare Channel, and Orinoco Ri ver. The Wayana are located in the frontier zone contested between Suriname, French Guiana, and Brazil. Typically, Dutch and English-speaking researchers focus on the Wayana (and Trio) in Suriname, French researchers focus on the Lawa area, border between French Guiana and Suriname (my research area, sensu stricto), whereas Brazilian, German, and Swiss researchers focuse d on the Wayana of the upper Jari and Paru basins, now located in Brazil, but I have to note that prior to 1900 this ar ea was French territory. This area, as well as the south east of Suriname was lost by Fran ce in the context of gold mining potential. It was, a nd still is, the gold rush that dete rmined boundaries cutting through the Wayana region. Early explorers, in their search for gold, made the first descriptions of the Wayana, at the time known as Roucouyennes, as di scussed in chapter 2. Other Carib-speaking people in eastern Guiana are the Caribs and Kalia along the Atlant ic coast, Trio neighboring the Wayana and Waiwai, and south of th e Wayana region reside the Apalai.

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442 The Guiana landscape appears as a sea of green tropical rain forestnonetheless, as I have argued, far from pristine, that has been mapp ed (particularly the boun dary rivers and the watershed, that is, the northern border of Brazil), along with intraand inter-settlement patterning. First plan view of a Wayana settlement was first published by the French geographer Jean Hurault in 1965 (Figure 3-3). In fact, this was the only published plan view, and it became representative for all Wayana villages. Rather than working on different scales, a true multiscalar approach focuses on the re lations between the various scal es, as well as on the relations between the units. In this case, the relations between the settlements, relations between the dots on the map. A decade prior to Jean Hurault, a French photographer made a photo book of the village of Janamale. This photo book, I discussed with the son and daughter of the late Janamale and we reconstructed a planview based on the photographs along with pers onal Wayana histories (Figure 3-2). The result was similar to Huraults typical vill age plan: i.e., a public roundhouse to receive guests (foreign and other indige nous people) surrounded by privat e dwellings housing the local inhabitants. Similar settlement organization had been de scribed, and depicted, in the late 1800s, by Jules Crevaux and Henry Coudreau. Overall, these settlements were small and dispersed throughout the landscape of Guiana. Although this brief diachronic exercise appears to depict a standard Wayana settlement patterning, I ha ve demonstrated in the present study why the villages of Janamale in the 1950s and the vi llage of Pililipou headed by Touank in the 1880s, with their community roundhouses, were unique ra ther than typical Wayana settlements. Roundhouses are archetypal in Guiana (Chapt er 4). Case studies among other Carib speaking people in the interior of Guiana, as there are the Yekuana, Waiwai, and Trio,

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443 demonstrate the very same model: namely, a cen ter for public gathering and ritual ceremonies surrounded by private dwelling compartments. Even the non-Carib Warao at the mouth of the Orinoco River demonstrate a similar layout, and J ohannes Wilbert during his decades of research refined the micro/macro-cosmos model wherein the roundhouse is built after the Universe. Intended or not, this model emphasizes the autono my of each Guiana village, consisting of a single roundhouse representing th e Universe in its totality. Case studies among the Yekuana, Waiwai, and Trio, acknowledge the influence of missionaries from the 1950s onward. Due to these and other global influenc es, the traditional communal roundhouse model exploded into a settlement patterning where dwelling compartments of the communal roundhouse be came private dwellings surrounding the community roundhouse. The community roundhouse, in turn, was a reduced version of the communal roundhouse (maloca) that housed the entire community. This model of a post1950s Guiana village with a community roundhouse in its center was congruent with the literature and recent studies on the Wayana, exemplified by the village of Twenke (founded by Twenke, great-grandson of Touank mentioned aboveafter the passi ng of Twenke, Wayana today refer to this village as kulumuli pata i.e., the place of kulumuli -bamboo), located on an island in the Lawa in the upper Maroni basin. Due to modern influences we see in this village a French flag, corrugated iron roofs, rectangul ar houses on stilts, a French school, and a dispensary. It is remarkable that under al l these modern influen ces, the community roundhouse retained its traditional form. Wayana narrate how the roundhouse, named tukusipan, was first built by the Creator twins for their initiation, and how this first roundhouse was transformed into stone. Even non-Wayana are easily convinced that a dom ed inselberg in the Tumuc-Humac range bears resemblance with

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444 a tukusipan However, when dwelling in this lands cape and visiting this mountaintop with Wayana, a different story emerged (discussed in detail in Chapter 8.3.2). The summit is full of potsherds, and it is this mountain that oral history recounts as th e place where the historical hero Kailawa went to become immortal. Instead of a myth analysis, or merely rendering the area into a map, I realized that my dwelling in the region (what Tim Ingold called mapping) was necessary in order to make sense of it. 9.2 Dwelling in a Social Field The village of Twenke, referred to above, demonstrates the typical Wayana intrasettlement patterning of a roundhouse surrounde d by private dwellings. Other Wayana settlements, however, are divergent from this model (Chapter 3-3). Nearby the village of Twenke are several farmsteads with one or a few houses and a dozen or so inhabitants. These small farmsteads are techno-economically self -sufficient (manioc pr oduction, fishing and hunting), nevertheless they are c onnected to the villages with a roundhouse by river and overland roads. My home base since 1996 was in the midst of this; Esprance, a ward of Talhuwen. This village has grown rapidly during th e past decades, not the least due to the French school. A community roundhouse ( tukusipan ), the largest of the region, was built near the school in 1995. When I first began to map out Esprance, it act ually did comply with the standard model of tropical forest cultures: uxorilocal about 17 inhabitants, and technoeconomically self-sufficient. However, when I did visit and map other parts of Talhuwen and beyond, the collected data, at times, did not fit the standard model. Most of the inhabitants of the farmsteads in this area originate from Anapaike, the missionary stati on at the Surinamese ba nk (about five minutes downstream by canoe). Due to these modern de velopments anthropologists working in the region discouraged me to continue my ethnoarchaeological research on architecture and

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445 settlement patterning. These anth ropologists stated that the only traditional structure remaining among the Wayana is the tukusipan At first I took for granted that the tukusipan was the only traditiona l structure, until I broadened my unit of analysis and realized that only four out of about twenty settlements in the research area own a community roundhouse, namely the above discussed v illages of Twenke and Talhuwen, along with Antecume pata and Pilima. P ilima is the most southern village (located in the contested zone between Suriname and French Guiana) and about 20 km north of Janamales village discussed earlier (not insignificantly is that Pilima is a son of the late Janamale, and known to have initiated hist hough short-livedpropheti c movement in the early 1960s). Antecume pata is a story in and of itself. Andr Antk Cognat, a Frenchman from Lyon, visited the Wayana in the 1960s and chose to beco me an Indian (in his own words). His village and its history are unique rather th an typical. It is Cognat himself and the modern facilities in his village that accommodate researchers. It goes wi thout saying that research conducted solely in this village is biased. Furthermore I posit that research conducted solely in the village of Tw enke is biased. In 2003 paramount chief Amaipot, son of the late Twenke, brought ceramic vessels to protect the newly roofed roundhouse of his village (Figure 4-14) These vessels are w ithout bottom as they will be penetrated by the central pole of the community roundhouse. Unique among the Wayana is that, on the inside of the roof, the central pole penetrat es a wooden disk ( maluwana) onto which are painted men-killing monsters (Chapter 4-3). Main motif on the maluwana is the two men-killing caterpillars Kuluwajak, defeated by the legendary Kailawa at the watershed; a watershed moment after which this historical he ro defined his path across the watershed from

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446 Brazil to French Guiana, essential to Wayana confederation (as discussed in detail in the previous chapter). These roundhousesand the maluwana above allare exemplary of how Wayana manage their history, today and in the past. These round houses play a central role in the complex sociopolitical organization of the Wayana. First, it takes (female) specialists to produce the bottomless vessels, as well as other (male) specialists to cut and paint the maluwana. Not insignificant is that only a paramount chief holds the power to request people to gather and manufacture the 40.000-plus palm fronds needed to r oof this domed structur e (Table 4-4). Note that roofing of the tukusipan is not a basic necessity as thes e are public buildings instead of a communal dwelling that houses th e entire village or community. These roundhouses come into play during comm unity gatherings, ritual festivities and dances as discussed in chapters 6 and 7. Peopl e from other villages jo in the host village to dance. Actually, competitive dances are performed wherein hosts and guests (the social others), consecutively, request in song for more cassava beer from th e other. I argue that, rather than that such gatherings are a result of a fortuitous manioc ha rvest, these excessive amounts of cassava beer are intentionally produced for upcoming events, to be consumed and, above all, regurgitated. This is an economy driven by upcomi ng gatherings situated in the context of ritual performance. Dancing with the social other is epitomized in the Tamok whip -dance (Chapter 7-2). It will take too long to discuss all the multiple facets of Tamok and these whip-dances (Chapter 7), other than I would like to men tion that the Handbook of South American Indians interpreted these events as mortuary practice while, accordi ng to Wayana oral history, these performances,

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447 mocking the deathly evil spirits, take place du ring the period of roofing community roundhouses; hence no mortuary practice. Another typical Wayana ritual is the so-called marak paramount event in becoming Wayana. This ritual is generally interpreted as initiation ritual but as I argued in chapter 6, it is more complex. For about six months, several re ciprocal dances, lasting each about three days, are performed in the villages of the hosts as well as in the villages of the officially invited guests, concluding with the final dance of the tpijem followed by the stinging ritual ( putop ) (as described in detail in chapter 6-3). The host village clears the central plaza in front of the tukusipan to make a place where the guests can gather and witness the upcoming spectacle. In due process a social field is generated drawing people residing in smaller settlements (without community roundhouse) to this village with a tukusipan Wayana are not merely present at the community roundhouse, in due process they become of the tukusipan Being Wayana is being of the tukusipan A trench, positioned almost due north-south, is dug for the concluding dance, and on this ground drum, the initiates dance with their monu mental feather headdresses, while blowing a sacred flute, from dusk till dawn. True initiate s dance side by side with Wayana who endured this ritual, one, two, three, or even more times (up to 7 times). Furthermore, this concluding dance is not exclusive for boys and men, as also women and girls may dance on the ground drum, however, women and girls are not allowed to wear elaborate feather headdresses. The composite featherwork for these monumental headdresses ( olok ) are stored in special containers ( olok en ) and guarded by village elders from one ritu al to the next, and as such, these feather headdresses demonstrate legitimization through an cestral agency. Such boxes with featherwork,

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448 beads, and other regalia, among others, demonstrate continuity of socio-political groupings, hitherto assumed absent in Guiana. Unfortunately few such elaborate rituals are de scribed in detail, too few to provide a solid statistical base, nonetheless there appears to be a pattern (Table 6-3). The 2004 ritual has been disregarded by anthropologists as being non-traditional. This 2004 ritual, however, seems to fit the pattern. Rather than that this event takes pl ace every year, as generally assumed in the past (nor are Wayana loosing their tradition), there appears to be an interval of about 15 years. The nine year interval prior to 1973 ritual may be e xplained by the mere fact that this ritual took place at Antecume pata, the village of Andr Cognat discussed above. Nonetheless, these apparent modern-influenced ri tuals support my hypothesis of a regionally integrated heterarchical socio-political organization among the Wayana. Rituals performed at odd timesi.e., not around th e month of April, that is before the big rainy season begins, corresponding with the heliacal setting of the Pleiades and Orion, the center of the house in the sky, the land of the ancestors (Fi gure 4-19)occurred af ter the death of a Wayana paramount chief, e.g., Taponte, son of Tw anke, passed away in 1938; Janamale in 1958; and his successor Anapaike passed away in 2001. In 2003, Trio and Wayana leaders from Suriname, in their uniforms provided by the Du tch government, were still in debate on Anapaikes successor (Figure 8-14). The 2004 ri tual, I posit, was a traditional Wayana manner to manage the socio-political in stability caused by the death of one of their paramount chiefs. Next to the date of the highlight of this mara k ritual, the names of the organizing villages appear more than random: host villages are lead by Twanke or Janamale, or their respective descendants. The 2004 ritual was organized by Ai mawale, grandson of Janamale together with Tasikale, whose grandmother was th e sister-in-law of Janamale. Genealogy supports a pattern of

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449 continuity and supravillage organization previously unrecognized in Guiana. Ancestors are identified with peoples and places named in th e late 1800s, providing a time depth of about 125 years, or about six ge nerations (Figure 3-12). 9.3 Revisiting the Tropical Forest Cultures of Guiana When discussing genealogy, marriage, and social organization in Guiana, this inherently brings us to Peter Rivire, th e now retired social anthropologist from Oxford. In his 2001 introduction to the Brazilian edition of his classic Individual and Society in Guiana he stated that this work should be situated in the debate of the social house then again, Rivire defined the social house as a single build ing, housing the entire community that makes up a Guiana settlement. This definition deviat es from Claude Lvi-Strausss c oncept of a society of social houses which actually does correspond with the Wayana case. Such social units competing for political power becomes foregrounded during marak rituals, I argue. Insight into such ranked yet heterarchical c ontinuous social units can be perceived from Rivires historical introducti on, when perceived from a different perspective. When mapping out this apparent chaotically co mplex history of Trio subgroups, an image emerges that spatially distinguishes friendly from the so-called wild Trio subgroups (Figure A-3). The wild tribes correspond with a spatially rather restrict area in the my thical Tumuc-Humac range where nomadic hunter/gatherers have been encountered, as I will discuss briefly in a moment. Instead of defining people and freezing them in time and space, we have to focus on interrelationships. The Wayana have beautiful narratives on such interrelationships, exemplified by the story of Tulupere (Chapter 3.4.2). After killing this m onster, Wayana and Apalai were united. The patterned reptilian skin was divided between Wayana and Apalai and served as a template for their basketry motifs; and that is why Wayana and Apalai basketry motifs look alike. This event is said to have occurred at creek Achiki, th e old frontier between Apal ai and Wayana/Upului.

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450 With regard to the latter, although it is commonl y acknowledged that the Tamok masks are made by the Wayana-Apalai, Tamok mask s are actually made by the Upului (Chapter 7.2.2). Another unique sighting of Tulupere (this time the skin wa s entirely black), occurred at the Aletani, and well at the latitude of the frontier between Okomyana a nd Kukuiyana (see figure A-3). When discussing these Trio subgroups with Wayana, they told me that, actually, Janamale was an Okomyana, and Twenke was a Kukuiyana. I thus had to rethink the conventional linguistic categories as Tlyo (Trio) and Waya na; some Trio subgroups, assumed extinct, now appeared at the heart of Wayana society. Ther efore I argue that the Wayana did not migrate en bloc from Brazil to Suriname and French Guiana as generally assumed, but rather Wayana ethnogenesis occurred when Wajanahle and Upul ui (south of the watershed) encountered Kukuiyana and Okomyana (north of the watershed), and they esta blished common grounds under the leadership of Kailawa; the Waya na confederation was born (Chapter 8). So how is it that this Wayana history is unknown? Well the Wayana, surely, know their own history, but for non-Wayana it was in the very same area that the Dutch boundary expedition encountered nomadic hunt er/gatherers in 1937, and thirty years later a second first contact was made with these Stone Age Indi ans which set off a true hype among scientists, adventurers, and missionaries (Chapter 8.4.1). Several expeditions were made in 1967 and 1968 to meet these wild Indians. Remarkable is that these stories of c ontact with Stone Age Indians (indicated by red stars in figure 8-3), took place in the very same region where the Wayana confederation was born; after Kailawa ha d killed the monstrous caterpillar Kuluwajak (main motif on the maluwana), after Kailawa had established a path across the watershed, and after he had climbed the mountain resembling a roundhouse.

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451 Moreover, not far from this mythical landscap e is located the former village of Pililipou, headed by Touank in 1881 as mentioned in th e beginning of this chapter, and about 50 km farther to the east is located the former village of the Roucouyennes visited in 1769, which anthropologists refer to (but do not locate) in order to demonstr ate that more complex societies did exist in Guiana in the historic al past. Of this village, Claude Tony said that four triple roads arrive at a perpendicular angle in the middle of the village, where, in a kind of public place, an elevated tower is located, [this tower] ends in a dome, holding four windows, one facing each road the carbets [= houses] are along the roads (Tony 1835, 1843), and he continued that the Roucouyennes [= Wayana] communicate with other allied nations via, a beautiful path (linking a series of village), and they also say that thes e united nations have established a chief, a kind of general captain [cacique], who lives in the last of these [series of] villages, who is also the most important (ibid. Chapters 2.2 and 3.2.1). In conc lusion, supravillage organization in Guiana is not only something from the past, as I have dem onstrated, other than we have to perceive the recorded data from a different perspective. Furthermore, we have to be aware of histor ical demographics (Fi gure 8-4). Claude Tony does not provide an estimate of the number of Wayana, but the rollerc oaster decline of the population from the late 1800s till the mid-twen tieth century is shocking. In 1940 the first demographic census was conducted among the Waya na and Trio, counting only 338 Wayana in 20 villages, in Suriname, French Guiana and Brazil ; of which barely 72 indi viduals in 5 villages in the research area sensu stricto. Not insignificant is that it is during this demographic nadir that the ethnographic studies were c onducted supporting the standard m odel of the tropical forest cultures.

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452 From the 1950s onward, missi onaries brought medication ag ainst European introduced diseases and the Wayana population began to gr ow. The growing population together with the fusion and fissioning of settlements, partiall y drawn on the maps produced by Europeans in conjunction with Wayana oral histories, provides insight in how complex regional socio-political processes play out spatially and through time (Chapter 3.4). As I have demonstrated throughout this study, a regional inte gration materializes through a ritual economy of political power that extends beyond the boundaries of a single village. We have barely scratched the surface of Wayana sociality, and socio-political organi zation in Guiana beyond the boundaries of a single village; and the role of a ritual economy therein. The village visited by Claude Tony in 1769 is located near the place where the Wayana confederation materialized, yet th e encounter with Stone Age Indi ans drew more attention than the history of the Wayana and their legendary leader Kailawa. A lthough this landscape, a mythical and sacred landscape, is saturated w ith Wayana social memory written in stone, today this very landscape is classified by non-Wayana map-ma kers as pristine forest. My research among the Wayana would not ha ve been possible without Ronnie Tkaime, grandson of Janamale. Other Wayana, who had worked with anthropologists, told me that Ronnie did not know anything about Wayana hi story, and therefore he would not be a good informant to me. We thus had found a common re search agenda. In due process Ronnie learned about his Wayana history, and (as Wa yana love to mock and play pr actical jokes) I knew that the stories that were told to us were tr ue. To conclude in a Wayana manner: Tuwale lken Kohlenma lep lome kuhpime tthe malal Ma, huwalken (This I know. There is much more to tell, but that will be very l ong indeed. Well, it is like this).

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453 APPENDIX A MAPS Figure A-1. General overview of Wayana in Guiana (all maps in Appendix A are by the author). Renzo Duin

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454 Figure A-2. French Guiana explored.

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455 Figure A-3. Subgroups in the interior of Guiana (after Rivire 1969:17-26; Bos 1998).

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456 Figure A-4. Wayana region and the locati on of important (former) settlements.

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457 Figure A-5. Wayana star map.

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458 APPENDIX B WAYANA LANGUAGE AND VOCABULA RY USED IN RUNNING TEXT Wayana vocabularies and grammars date back to the end of the nineteenth century. Indians of the upper-Maroni, Jari and Paru, w ho are known in French Guiana under the name Roucouyenne, name themselves Ouayanas [= Wayana] (Crevaux 1882:17; my translation). This is an entry in the first Wayana vocabulary ( Vocabulaire Franais-Roucouyenne ), published by Jules Crevaux (1882) counting 364 entries on 21 pages. This vocabulary is followed by 11 pages on Wayana grammar (Adam 1882). Ten years after the publication by Crevaux and Adams, Henri Coudreau (1892) published his Vocabulaires Methodiques of Wayana. Alike the publications of their voyages in French Guiana, Coudreau aimed to be more scientific in approach than his predecesso r Crevaux. Coudreau doubled the number of entries to about 700 on 23 pages, followed by 11 pages grammar and 15 pages verbs and example phrases. Claudius Henricus de Goeje published the firs t volume of his linguistic studies of Carib languages in 1910. This volume included an introduc tion of three pages on the Wayana history and language, followed by 19 pages on Oyana [= Wayana] grammar and subsequently a vocabulary collected in 1907 (de Goeje 1908). De Goeje (1910:266) even pointed out loanwords from Arawak language in Wayana, e.g., si = pepper, and enu = Pleiades, as well as loanwords from Tupi, e.g., apik = small bench, and arua = mirror. It was only in 1946 that the second volume appeared of his Carib Linguistic Studies ( tudes Linguistiques Caribes ) with 37 pages on Wayana grammar, and 43 pages with about 40 entries per page of Wayana vocabulary collected during his stay along the upper Maroni / Aletani in 1937. This vocabulary was followed by 48 pages with about 25 verbs and ex ample phrases per page, followed by 11 pages with about 30 example phrases per page like a Waya na pocket travel dictionary. Claudius H. de Goeje, as well as Jules Crevaux and Henri Coudreau, did not have an education as linguist.

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459 However, as orated during the acceptance of th e position as Exceptional Professor at the Leiden University on October 18, 1946, de Goeje said th at during such voyages [i.e., cartography in the interior of Suriname] one needs the help of the Natives and has, for starters, to be able to communicate with them; this led to the collection, processing and pub lication of data at the fields of language and ethnography of thes e areas (my translation). Another Wayana grammar was published by the Summer Institute of Linguistics (SIL) (Jackson 1972; see also Ford 1970). Walter Ja ckson provided 30 pages of Wayana grammar with de Goeje 1946 as only reference. Shortly after, the New Testament ( Hel Kan Pampilan, Kan Nimoipotom Ihjan) had been translated into Wayana by Ivan and Doris Schoen (1979). This was the first book published in Wayana, but not a book of the Wayana. First book in Wayana and of the Wayana was Wayana eitoponp, (Une) histoire (orale) des Indiens Wayana (Wayana Stories, [an oral] history of the Wayana Indian s) (Chapuis and Rivire 2003). Wayana Phonology Wayana language is a Carib dialect, as are the neighboring languages of Apalai and Tlyo. Wayana is the youngest dialect of Carib languages. Furthermor e, Wayana today state that Wayana of the Paru de Leste in Brazil speak slig htly different from Wayana of the Aletani/Lawa in Suriname and French Guiana. On aspect s of Wayana phonology and grammar of the Wayana of the Paru de Leste (Brazil) see Eliane Camargo (1996), and Petronila da Silva Tavares (2005). Eithne Carlin is currently researching the phonology of the Wayana in Suriname and French Guiana. Tables B-1 and B-2 are on how to pronounce Wayana consonants and vowels.

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460 Table B-1. Minimal set of consonant phonemes and phonetic symbols for Wayana. bilabial alveolar palatal velar glottal stop / plosive voiceless p t k voiced d nasal m n [k]1 fricative, voiceless s [Tlyo: ] [s] h2 affricative [Tlyo: ] glide j [j or y]3 liquid / flap w [r or l]4, 5 Table B-2. Classification of vowels [and Phonetic symbols for Wayana]. position of tongue FRONT CENTRAL BACK (rounded) HIGH i u (Dutch: /oe/ hoed) [i] [] (Dutch: /u/ hut) MID e o [e] [] [o] LOW a Comparing this classification of vowels with the Wayana lexicon by de Goeje (1910, 1946), it can be discerned that de Goeje wrote [ui] for [], [] for [], and [] for []. Vocabulary used in running text This vocabulary lists Wayana terms used in th e running text; this is not intended to be an exhaustive Wayana dictionary. Not included is Wayana vocabulary from stories in Appendix C. This list does include flora and fauna, yet is no t extensive. Wayana vocabulary in the running text is placed in italics and its translation (or the Wayana word) is placed between brackets. 1 The velar voiceless stop /k/ sounds nasal / / before /m/ and /n/. 2 The glottal fricative /h/ sounds as /s/ or / / before /i/ and /t/. Fergusson (1990) described the historical trend of turning [s] into [h]. Apalai and Trio nouns demonstrate [s], whereas Upului and Wayana nouns favor [h], indicating that Wayana is a more recent dialect than Trio and Apalai The [s] / [h] can finally turn into Examples of variation in fricatives are kaikusi > kaikui and tukusi > tukui 3 The phonetic symbols [j] and [y] represent the same phoneme /j/. Depending of the native language of the researcher (Dutch, French, or Portuguese) a preference is made for [j] (Dutch) or [y] (French, Portuguese). Jolok (evil spirit) and yolok is thus pronounced the same. 4 The / / is a flap with lateral opening, meaning that the so und falls between /l/ and /r/, like the Portuguese /r/ in Par. The difference between [l] (French) and [r] (Dutch, Portuguese) in lexicons of Crevaux, Coudreau, de Goeje, and present-day researchers is, again, a matter of the nativ e language of the researcher (Dutch, French, Portuguese). 5 Liquid /l/ sounds as a voiced stop between two /i/s, such as, Pilima sounds as /Pidima/.

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461 Concepts of time:24 hours in Wayana ankomhak (very hot; between 11 AM and 1 PM) twai ikathw (descending by now; about 3 PM) walunak (late afternoon; about 4 5 PM) tametei (twilight at dusk; 6:30 7 PM) petoh (evening; around 7:30 PM) kokolepsik (a little night; about 7 8 PM) kokole (midnight; 12 AM) tkohmamhe (starry night; 1 2 AM) tkohmamhmi (dark night; 1 2 AM) kokopsik (a little night, i.e., dawn; 5 6 AM) hawele (morning; 7 8 AM) sisi hanukthwpsik (the sun has by now c limbed a little; 9 10 AM) julu : hour (loanword from Dutch: uur ) River synonymes Aletani: LItani, Litani Lawa: Aoua, upper Maroni, boven Marowijne Malani: Marouini Maroni: Marowijne Mapahoni: Mapaoni, Apaoni Tampok: Arroua Waki: Ouaqui Wayana English dictionary aikom : Lets go! ahmit: bench, support akawale : thick girdles of white cotton and bl ack spider monkey tail, respectively. akuwali : invisible spirit, soul akuwalinp: former invisible spirit akon: 1) other. 2) brother / sister alakapuha : gun (loanword derived from arcabusa; Spanish for harquebus) Alama: Affluent of the Aletani River with its source near peak Tukusipan. Alama: wasp species ( mlipones ). alawata : red howler monkey (Alouatta seniculus). Aletani : LItani or Litani River, upper course of the Maroni or Marowijne River. alimi : black spider monkey ( Ateles paniscus). alimina : electric eel ( Electrophorus electricus ). alisipsik : southern tamandua; anteater ( Tamandua tetradactyla ). aliwe: dwarf caiman ( Palaeosuchus palpebrosus ). aluwa : mirror; loanword from Tupi origin (de Lry [1578] 1994:231). ametak : downstream anapami: fire fan anekatop : oar to stir cassava beer

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462 anolitp : 1) thrown away food. 2) illegitimate child. anon: design appata : bead strings on upper arm (to hold pasik ). apuweika : black panther ( Panthera onca black individual). asikalu : sugarcane asikalu ewku : sugarcane juice atptetop : wooden cross to support olok when mounted with feather adornments. atuhpono: upstream awawa : giant otter ( Pteronura brasiliensis ); neotropical otter ( Lutra longicaudis ). awla : turkey vulture ( Cathartes aura ). awo : dog (Canis domesticus ); see also kaikui ehpa: ground drum, used during marak. ek: 1) relatives. 2) pet animal. 3) supporter to momai during marak. iwek = my relatives jek = my pet animal eluwa : male epulu : stinging putop : stinging ritual, of ten referred to as marak epit : cure enep : dance baton; with feathers or noise makers ( kawai ) ewku : 1) juice. 2) sperm. : okay, confirmation. kep : skeleton kepjetp : bones of the dead kijuim : giant snake: in particular 1) anaconda, and 2) rattle snake jumuli: Eunectes deschauensis Boidae (anaconda) ulamali : Eunectes murinus, Boidae (anaconda) plakl : Bothrops atrox and Bothrops brazili Crotalidae kijuim plakl : Crotalus durissus Crotalidae (tropical rattlesnake) kilapoja : a plank to which are attached three feathered cane shafts, repr esenting wings. lek : suppurating wound lemi : 1) song. 2) healing song. li : female reproductive organs liw : pottery popata : cotton strings, attached to hamele or arms. takima : 1) beginning. 2) first isoli takima = first fall (counting from Tumuk Humak) tonamtop : burial place ut : village, settlement wm : 1) penis. 2) stamen. 3) sprout of banana leave (still rolled up). wo: father-in-law and mothers brother, te rm of address. Term of reference: konko wok : curassow ( Crax alector) wotp : mother-in-law and fathers sister, te rm of reference. Term of address: wotp granman: paramount chief (loanword from Sranantongo: granman)

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463 halikt : dorsal adornment for marak hama : woven arch adorned with white down encircling the olok. hamile : feather crown with tail fe athers of white roosters. hemt : charm. Often herbal, sometimes from animal brains. hololo : tinamou ( Tinamus major castaneiceps ). hulu : feather cloth at lower back as ta il of dancer, with bird of choice. ihm : garden plot. My garden is itupi ihmo : 1) egg. 2) pregnant. ihtaino : jaguar ( Panthera onca ); see also kaikui ijuk : black ant (possibly Cryptocercus atratus). ikat : fat ilak : bullet ant, or -hour ant (Paraponera clavata). During the stinging ritual ( putop ) these ants are placed in the central maze of the kunana. Not the enormous jaws, but the stinger penetra ting the skin to deliver its venom will be placed onto the body of the initiate. On the Schmidt Sting Pain Index (Schmidt 1984, 1990; see also Weber 1939), Paraponera clavata ranks top among Hymenoptera with a 4.0+ described by Schmidt as inducing immediate, excruciating pain and num bness to pencil-point pressure, as well as trembling in the form of a totally uncontrollable urge to shake the affected part: pure, intense, brilliant pain. Like fire-walking over flaming charcoal with a 3-inch rusty nail in your heel. imjata : adolescent boy inau: Pleiades ipam : brother-in-law, term of addr ess for men. Term of reference: kono ipt : 1) wife. 2) sister-in-law, term of reference for men. iptke : first time tpijem (novices) ipo : monstrous water spirit. isoli : 1) waterfall. 2) rapid. itain : whip itupi : my garden; ihm is a slash-and-burn garden plot. iwek: my relatives mnerum : 1) husband. 2) brother-in-law, term of reference for women jala : 1) rack. 2) house on stilts Jali : Jari River in Brazilian Amapa. Home of the Wayana and Upului. jalita : hip japo: fathers brother ( akon to f ather) and mothe rs sisters husband ( mnerum to mother), thus a potential father. je : 1) mother, term of reference. Term of address: mamak 2) live-giving-force. jek : my pet animal jelut : sister-in-law, term of reference for woman jemsi : girl jepe: friend jetp : bone (literally: former mother).

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464 jolok : ambivalent deceitful spirit of the forest. jolok ple : evil spirit arrow, causing pain. juju : gland jum : 1) father, term of reference. Term of address: papak 2) origin. 3) master juphak : shiny ka : fish (generic term). kahulu : bead (loanword from Dutch: kraal) kaikui : 1) jaguar (see ihtaino ). 2) dog (see awo ). 3) monstrous being. kaikusi : see kaikui Kaikusimeru : monster running across the clouds, spewi ng summer lightning out of its beak. Kailawa : historical leader, founding father of the Wayana confederation. kalakuli : 1) money. 2) gold / silver. kalao : Red-throated caracara ( Daptrius americanus ). kalapa : oil from the nuts of Carapa guianensis Used for onot body paint. kalapi : 1) calabash ( Crescentia cujete ). 2) drinking bowl. kalau : series of song performed during marak. kami : child (vocative). kamisa : red loincloth (loanword from Portuguese: camisa) kanawa: 1) canoe. 2) dance of reciprocity (cf. maipuli ). kanp : smoked fish / meat kapalu : flat board club (see also siwalapa) kapalu anon : club design kapau: red brocket deer ( Mazama americana ). kapaujetp : bone flute (without mouthpiece, with th ree finger holes) made from a tibia of a red brocket deer ( Mazama americana ). kapitp : scales (fish-skin) kapiwala : capybara ( Hydrochaeris hydrochaeris ). kasli : cassava beer, cachiri. katali : backpack katp : likewise, resembling katop : thing, artifact kawai : noise m akers, made from the seeds of the Thevetia ahouai ~ke : with (instrumental suffix). kijapok : toucan ( Ramphastos tucanus) ksi : collared aracari ( Pteroglossus t. torquatus ) koja : half a koja nut ( Anomospermum chloranthum ) is protective charm for babies. kololo : rectangular bench (see also ahmit and mjele ). konko : father-in-law and mothers brother, term of reference. Term of address: wo kono: brother-in-law, term of refere nce for men. Term of address: ipam konoto : shell ( Asolena sinamarica, Ampullariidae) kop : rain ( konopo in Tlyo and Apalai). Kukuiyana : Glow-worm people, most ancient Nation along the Aletani River. See yana. kulasi : chicken ( Gallus gallus domesticus ) (preferably white). kulekle : Cecropia shreberiana kulima : crested oropendola ( Psarocolius decumanus melanterus ).

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465 kuliputp: 1) tortoise ( Geochelone denticulata ). 2) mother of the Creator Twins kulu : Wedgehead Caiman ( Palaeosuchus trigonatus ). kului : marbled wood-quail ( Odontophorus gujanensis ). kulum : king vulture ( Sarcoramphus papa) Kuluwajak: principal caterpillar monster; depicted on the maluwana. kumu : Oenocarpus bacaba palm kunana: feathered basketry mat to hold ants or wasps during putop kuni : grandmother (term of address). kunolo : scarlet macaw ( Ara macao). kunumusi : grandmother (term of reference). kup : Genipa americana ; black dye for body painting. kutkutuli : black hawk-eagle ( Spizaetus tyrannus). kwamai : epidemic sickness with flu-like or bronchitis symptoms killing many Wayana. kwelap: bitter manioc stem ( Manihot utilissima ). Lawa : upper course of the Maroni or Marow ijne River. Located between the mouth of the Tapanahoni and the confluence of Aletani and Malani lw : spasm, convulsion (lw of mirror is worst as it blinds), (see lw ). lw : whirlwind, tornado (see lw ). lo : 1) ground. 2) earth. luwe : 1) bamboo ( Olyra latifolia ). 2) bamboo flute. 3) [ Lu ] tributary of Aletani. maipo: little tinamou ( Crypturellus soui poliocephalus ). maipuli : 1) tapir ( Tapirus terrestris). 2) dance of reciprocity (cf. kanawa). Malani : Marouini, upper course of th e Maroni or Marowijne River. maluwana: wooden disc, painted with mythi cal monsters, hanging in top of tukusipan mamhali : common trumpeter ( Psophia crepitans). marak: Wayana ritual performa nce. See also putop Maroni : Maroni or Marowijne. Border river between Suriname and French Guiana. meku : weeping capuchin monkey ( Cebus olivaceus ). mekuwom : an exceptionally long caterpi llar (unidentif ied species). mlaim : giant armadillo ( Priodontes maximus ) mlaim amohawin : marak flute with a nail of the giant armadillo ( Priodontes maximus). mpu: copal resin ( Hymenea courbaril ) mjele : bench with curved oval seat (see also ahmit and kololo ). mko : gill mmn : 1) hiding place to shoot animals. 2) shamans hut. molopi : beeswax momai : neophyte in marak. monta: roundhouse (see tukusipan ) Mopo Kujuli : Mopo and Kujuli, the mythical Creato r Twins. Mopo is the elder brother. They are named Umale and Kumawale in Upului. mule : 1) boy. 2) womb Mulokot: monstrous fish with one arm. Motive on maluwana; embodied as kunana. okalat : inner bark streamers (Couratari guianensis ) for dance costume.

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466 ok : beverage (including cassava beer, bu t not restricted to cassava beer). olok : ornate flamboyant feather headdress. olok en : basketry box to curate composite feathers for olok headdress (see pakala ). olok tatpti : mounting the olok with feather adornments. olukla : sash of grounded shell (unidentifie d species; from Paru or Maicuru). omohawi : 1) nail. 2) claw omole : 1) shadow. 2) visible spirit onamtop: burial related affair tonamhe : hiding onot : 1) red dye from Bixa orellana. 2) Bixa orellana plant (roukou, urucu, annato). opi : 1) tiny fish (generic term). 2) Pseudopristella simulata and Phenacogaster sp. opoto : mat woven from palm fronts. pajakwa : yellow-rumped cacique ( Cacicus cela vitellinus ). palakta : rubber panti : belt with beads woven into various images. papona: black-and-white mosaic signifying the tpijem pasik : red tail feathers of the scarlet macaw ( kunolo Ara macao ), attached to a small stick, stuck in the upper arm band ( appata ). pasina : fish, Myleus ternetzi pata : place of patatp : 1) former place of 2) abandoned settlement. pakala : box to store objects (see also olok en ). palakta : 1) glue. 2) resin from Manilkara bidendata palasisi : White Man (traditionally used for the French) pakila : collared peccary ( Tayassu tajacu ). pakolo : house. General term for a house structure. pakolo etatp : posthole pehp : spectacled owl ( Pulsatrix perspic illatta chapmani ); announcer of death. peito : worker, servant, vassal, soldier, subordinate. peitop t: child (term of reference). penatonp: abandoned village [in Tlyo] pink : white-lipped peccary ( Tayassu pecari ). pne : piranha ( Serresalmus piraya ) pl : 1) toad (generic name; Bufonidae). 2) Grandmother of the Creator Twins ptum : Apeiba tibourbou Tiliaceae pija : harpy eagle ( Harpia harpyja ). pisa : broom pitp : 1) skin. 2) hide. 3) bark. piukuku : baby pjai : shaman, medicine man pjasi : shaman, witchdoctor plu : 1) arrow. 2) straight as an arrow. plu ale: stabilizing feather at end of an arrow (literally: arrow leave). pot : 1) bill. 2) beak. poni : navel

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467 poni ewa: umbilical cord pulolop: plaza pumali : feather crown:2 red and 2 yellow toucan feather segments offset with black. pupot : 1) hair. 2) feather. sakula : cassava beer made on basis of ulalakan sili : jewel beetle ( Euchroma gigantea ) siliape : jewel beetle wing case siliapenp : wing case from sili (jewel beetle) as tinkling ornament of olok sin : this, this is sisi : sun sisi eniktopoija : where the sun goes to sleep (West) sisi mektopoin : where the sun is appearing from (East) sisiakan : sun dried cassava bread siwalapa: cylindrical wooden club (see also kapalu) taitkai : thundering (literally: it does tai ). takupi : black roasted peppers. When burned in fire they produce an eye tearing smoke. The evil spirits jolok do not like this smoke and stay away. Taluwakem : He-who-holds-the-mirror inselber g in the Tumuc Humac mountain range. tamo : 1) grandfather (term of address). 2) Elder. Tamok : Evil spirit from the forest. His weapon to kill people was a thundering whip. tamok pata melikut : Tamok facial painting, i.e., a specific basketry motif. tamok uputp : Tamok head, i.e., a specific basketry weaving technique. Tamok tain : weapon (whip) of Tamok. tamusi : grandfather (term of reference). tamusi tom : the Elders Tamusi : Chief, honorary title. Synonyms: Tamoutchy Tuschau. tapakula : 1) sweet manioc (Manihot escu lenta). 2) sweet cassava beer. taphem : dance shield with olok Pronounced as tapsem by Trio descendents. tasi : elder sister taun: 1) wind. 2) large snake that sails on the wind. tawioma: tiny bow for A) childrens play ; B) fishing armored catfish ( ple ; Ancistrus sp.); C) dark shamanistic kanaima killings. tehenemai : proscriptions tpijem : novice. See putop and marak. tpijem pakolon : house of the novices tepuhe: being stung (by an insect). tpu : 1) stone. 2) inselberg, granite outcro p floating in the Amazonian canopy as an island (hence its name). 3) h earing stones in ear of fish. tpu ewu : quartzite river cobbles (literally: stone eye). twahe : 1) burning. 2) firing pott ery. 3) cremating a body twkaktai: 1) being born. 2) green zone around the settlement. twkaktaimtiwhe : to jump into water an being reborn as human being twtepuhe : rite of passage. See marak and putop. tijulem : those-of-the-living/womb, i.e., responders of the marak.

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468 tjumkai : to do shamanism (root: jum ). tipatakem : those-of-the-village, i.e., the initiators of the marak. tipijutp : woman who has given birth. tikwa : warm water in which cassava bread is dissolved. tinki: cassava squeezing tube (elsewhere in Amazonia known as tipiti ). tpihmo : pyre tolopt : bird (generic term). tonokai : steam bath with boiling hot stones sprinkled with water. tukui : 1) hummingbird. 2) bamboo-tipped arrow for big game (and humans). tukui upo : 1) nest of hummingbir d. 2) dancing arrow of tpijem ( tpijem plew ). tukusi : see tukui tukusime : gray dolphin ( Sotalia fluviatilis ) tukusipan : community roundhouse. Literally: place of the tukusi Tukusipan: Toukouchipann Inselberg in the Tumuc Humac Mountain range. Tumuc Humac: Watershed between Brazil and the Guia na plateau; border between Brazil and Suriname/French Guiana. tuma : pepper-pot tuma en pepper-pot container; i.e., cooking vessel tuna: water tunaton: large body of water (e.g., Atlantic Ocean). tupijem : searching; looking for something. tutp : 1) calabash ( Lagenaria siceraria ). 2) water container. tuwahamo: dancers tuwantanphe: adoption, childcare ulalakan : thick cassava bread ulali : arrow poison ul: living ulu : bitter maniok root ( Manihot utilissima ). Stem is kwelap. umani : cassava beer made from ulalakan umnplin : tpijem (novice) who already endured the initial s tinging ritual. umtn : leader umot : 1) pubic hair. 2) lower belly feathers of bird. 3) mai ze hair. 4) tassel at lower rim of female skirt; 5) fri nge at lower ridge of roof. upo: nest uponp : placenta waipu : cotton leg fringes tied below the knee. wakawakatp : hourglass-shaped motif (literally: waka and former waka ; whereby waka possibly refers to azimuth location at horizon of star rise / star set.). walisim: giant anteater (Myrmecophaga tridactyla ). waluhmame : adolescent girl wama : basketry wapot : 1) fire. 2) fire wood. 3) summer lightning wapu: palm (Euterpe oleracea ) wasi : leg

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469 watau : coumarou ( Myleus pacu ). Shape of kunana during first putop watnk: lesser yellow-headed vulture ( Cathartes burrovianus). watk : tail Wayana: confederation founded by Kailawa, presum ably in the eighteenth century. Main social Houses at the heart of the Wayana Confederation are the Kukuiyana, Okomyana, Upului, and Wayanahle. Wayanahle : real Wayana, originating from the Jari River. weji / wei : 1) year. 2) great crested flycatcher (Myi archus crinitus). This bird sings once a year, namely during the dry season. weju : 1) apron. 2) flaming candle. wet : shit, droppings wewe : tree wlipan : initiation for girls. Boys may also participate (cf. marak). wli : 1) girl. 2) spouse. 3) female. wlsi : male term of address for women and girls in 0 and -1 generation. ww : 1) ax. 2) clitoris. yana: 1) People, Nation, and often glosse d as Tribe. 2) social House. Yapotoli : Paramount chief (most likely a Kalia-Carib term).

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470 APPENDIX C WAYANA ORAL TRADITION Original and never before published Wayana narratives referred to in the running text are included in this appendix; ordered following thei r occurrence in respective chapters. On Wayana phonology and how to pronounce Wayana consonants and vowels: see Appendix B (Tables B-1 and B-2). For the most part narratives were processed following the same methodology. Most historical stories were narrate d by Kulienp at Alawateim en (unless mentioned otherwise). Being a Wayana who migrated from the Jari some thirty years ago, Kulienp was considered (by other Wayana) to know stories from a time long ago. Mythical stories as Mopo Kujuli and Kulum were narrated by Sihmi in the house wh ere I stayed during my fieldwork. These narratives were transcribed from audiotape by Ronnie Tkaime, my host. Ronnie Tkaime illustrated several of these narratives with his gr eat artistic skills. Shaman stories and mortuary practices were narrated by Tnepo to Tasikale. I had discussed my questions prior with Tasikale and he asked Tnepo to elaborate on these topics. Tasikale tr anscribed Tnepos narratives. Transcribed narratives were translated into French by Takwali Kulisa (unless mentioned otherwise). Editing the narratives and translation into English was done by Renzo Duin. Notes and additions between square brack ets are by the author. And to cl ose in a Wayana manner: This is how it was told to me. Well, it is like this ( Ekaltoponp ponahle lken wai. Ma, huwalken ). Mopo Kujuli (Creator Twins) Mopo Kujuli (recording time:11 minutes), as narrated by Plka Makilu in 1997 at Esprance (Talhuwen), transcribed in Wayana by Carme, translated to Dutch by Ronnie Tkaime. Edited and translated to English by Renzo Duin. Notes and additions between brackets are by the author.

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471 Table C-1. Mopo Kujuli Wayana omi English 1 Akename tkai Mopo Kujuli male; mlltau muleme ihmome kuliputpjau tot. Ul tot lome upakl. 1 In the beginning there were Mopo and Kujuli [Creator Twins]; on the same day they were like babies in the eggs of the tortoise [ Geochelene denticulata ]. But they were already alive. note Mopo and Kujuli are tw ins, because they originate from the very same tortoise egg string. Although born from a tortoise mother, they are as humans (compare with Teenage Mutant Ninja Turtles). 2 Moloin tkai tje kom moja: Mama, tkai, emna ona mpok Kunija, tkai. 2 Then [Mopo and Kujuli] said to their mother: Mama, they said, let us be hidden by our grandmother, they say. 3 Mopo mulemela henel a, pijukukum lahle ihmom. Lome uhpakl tuwal inl. 3 Mopo was not like a child, not as a toddler; they were still in the egg. But already had he knowledge. 4 Moloin kunumusipona titi. Kuliputp Plpona. 4 Subsequently they went to their grandmother. Tortoise went to (her mother) Toad ( Bufo sp.). note Tortoise is the mother of Mopo and Kujuli. Since Kuliputp / Tortoise is used as a proper name, rather than a reference to a certain species, I translated Tortoise capitalized; the same goes for grandmother Toad. 5 Moloin Plja tkai: munku mhen onamk, Kaikui istaino jja tkai. 5 Next [Tortoise] says to [her mother] Toad: Hide my children, the Jaguars are going to eat me, [Tortoise] says to her mother. note Kaikui (Jaguar, dog, monster) is here specified as istaino (jaguar). These monsters kaikui are the real Jaguars. 6 Tonamhe Kuliputp mumk. Moloin Plja oha opikai. 6 [Toad] hides the children of Tortoise. Then they are hidden by Toad under a big vessel. note Oha is a big ceramic vessel to prepare and store manioc beer. 7 Moloin tkai ije kom tl. Moloin ihmo enp tnimi, tpenajau iwetepujau ihmo enphle lken. 7 Then their mother [Tortoise] says it is good. Subsequently she leaves the eggshells behind, with in her stomach just the egg pouch. note tpena is thingy, an interjection while the narrator is searching for the proper term (compare with note on line 12). note Not explicitly mentioned in this version, but implied in the rest of this narrative, is that at this point mother Tortoise has been eaten by the Jaguars. This event is represented in the basketry motif Kaikui ne Kuliputp or Jaguar eating the Tortoise. 8 Tnma ne ipeinom? tkai. Moloin tnma ne ipeinom, tne? tkai moloin kunumusija. 8 Where are her children? he [the Jaguar] asks. Then Where are her children, where are they? he asks subsequently to the grandmother. 9 Kh, nenelanma wai. Kuliputp peinom nenelanma. Tuwal lanma wai, mkja kom moja. 9 What, I dont see them. I dont see the children of Tortoise at all, I dont know them, she [Toad] answers him. 10 Tanman! tkai inl, Kaikui, tanman tanna mpo! tkai. 10 They are here! the Jaguar says, they are here, you did hide them here! he says. 11 Ee! jeliwn nai, hakulika wohan nai hakulika, wok top tom! Peitopt nenela wai. Tanman munku kala neha nkpena Kuliputp, tkai inl, 11 [Toad replies:] H! Dont break my pottery, dont break my oha, I need that to make my cassava beer! I havent seen the children. Tortoise didnt say she

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472 nenelanma wai! would leave her children here, she [grandmother Toad] says, I dont see them! [Because Mopo and Kujuli are hidden under the vessel oha!]. 12 Talnma man. Enek! Ihmohpn mam neha iwetepujau, tkai nkpena Kaikui. 12 They are here. Look! She had the egg pouch in her stomach, says Jaguar. note nkpena is an interjection meaning such-andsuch while the narrator is searching for the proper name. 13 Mkapa? tkai moloin kunu musi. 13 Did you eat her? the grandmother asks next. 14 h tkai, ihmo enp weneim esike hemal upijm jai. Tpokne man pakolon! tkai kunumusija. 14 Yes, [Jaguar] says, and because I saw the egg pouch Im now searching for them. Your house smells, he says to the grandmother [Toad]. 15 Kh, imnanmam wai, imna wai nenelanma wai, tkai kunumusi. 15 I dont know, not at all, I dont see them at all, the grandmother says. 16 Moloin upijm kephein aptau maka tthe, moloin ttapkli mi lken mekl. Moloin, tupijm kephe eja esike maka. 16 Then when they [the Jaguars] have finished searching, subsequently he drops everything. Next, since he [Jaguar] has been searching everywhere he is ready. note In another version (not recorded), the Jaguars find the tortoise and her eggs, and it is only now that Toad requests two eggs to be left behind with her. Instead of eating these two eggs, she places them in cotton under a vessel. Th en the Jaguars return home and throw the remains of Tortoise, including her shell and claws, at th e midden along the road at the rim of the village. At this point the tape recorder was briefly st opped. When the recording continued, the narrator carried on from the point where she had left the narrative. note In another version (not recorded) it is narrated that Toad protects these eggs with love. The children ask her, while still in their eggs, to be transferred to the garden house, because th ey sense they soon will leave their eggs. Toad tells the Jaguars that she will work in the garden for a while, and they let her go, as they are lazy. Toad placed the children unde r a shelter and cleared the surroundings. Then she hears screaming: Granny! Come quickly, we are hungry! Give us food! Grandmother Toad provides the children with bananas The bananas are cooked, since it is Toad who holds fire (in her anus). The children go bathing in the river and ask grandmother to make them bows and arrows. Grandmother Toad provides the children (Mopo and Kujuli) with little bows and arrows, with which they immediately know how to shoot. They hear the pidgin (pti ) and ask grandmother whether they can eat it. The pidgin says: It is not me who ate your mother but the twins shoot. They miss, and the pidgin flies away. 17 Moloin, want, tuwal lanma ttlmi inl. 17 Then, much later, he [Mopo Kujuli] remembers very well.

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473 18 Moloin inll wok ttapamhe. wok kutuwta, tkai inl. 18 Next the curassow [wok ; Crax alector ] was singing. Lets kill the curassow, he says. 19 Upak towonaitot tapuwaimi kunumusija. 19 They are already alive since they are opened by their grandmother. [Their eggs are hatched by their grandmother.] 20 Moloin wok ttapamhe. Thali tot tokon mal opikai. Tupihe ejahe, henelanma wok. Tnmapane? tkai inl tokonoja. 20 Next the curassow was singing. They are leaving [Mopo] with his brother [Kujuli] underneath [the curassow]. They search but they do not the curassow at all. Where is he? he says to his brother. 21 Tapa nka? u tapek je wene Kaikusi, nkanmam wok. 21 What is he saying? u tapek je wene Kaikusi as the currassow sais. note Three times three syllables, just like the song of the curassow. This is an example of sinc-wave speech (Pinker 1994:154), where the sound physically is nothing at all like speech, but the human brain can hear speech content in sounds that have only the remotest resemblance to speech. See also chapter 7.3 on Orellana and his men hearing Spanish in a bird song. 22 Mk! Tapa, nk pa mamak ne? tkai tokonoja. 22 What! How, who has eaten my mother? He says to his brother. 23 Kh! Ipanakmak pit pa ptuku, maka, hesi wok nuwla, tka i tokonoja. 23 I dont know! Please, listen well, stop, we will no longer kill the curassow, he says to his brother. 24 Tpanakmai hemele ptuhku. u tapekje wne Kaikusi (song of wok) 24 This time they listen very well. u tapekje wne Kaikusi [Literally: Its not me who ate your mom Jaguars, sing the curassow.] 25 Mah, mamak ne kapa Kaikui! tkai inl Mopo. 25 What, the Jaguars have eaten my mother! he says Mopo [says]. note This is the first time Mopo is individually named, separate from his brother Kujuli, yet they still perform together. note When Mopo repeats the phase by the curassow, he says kaikui instead of kaikusi. Through time /s/ became /h/ and even //; kaikusi > kaikuhi > kaikui. 26 M, aile kunija. 26 Ok, lets go to granny [they say.] 27 Thalimi tot tnot komojaPlja. 27 They return to their grandmother to Toad. 28 Kuni, mamak ne kapa Kaikui? 28 Grann y, is it the Jaguars who ate my mother? [they say.] 29 Kken tuwalla wai, tipa mipanakma? tkai inl. 29 I dont know that, where have you heard that? she says. 30 Nkanmam wok: u tapek je wene Kaikusi, nkanmam tkai. 30 It is the tongue of the curassow: Its not me who ate your mom its the Jaguars, he did as if he was speaking. 31 Ma iwal, ipanakma tatk ptuhku! Moloine thali tot ipanakmai mjal, tokon mal. 31 Maybe, return to listen very well! Subsequently they return to listen another time, with his brother. 32 Opikahehle hemele, tpanakmai: u tapek je wene Kaikusi, tkai. 32 They go till under [the curassow], and listen well: Its not me who ate your mom its the Jaguars, [curassow] says. 33 Mk, mamak man the mala aptau Kaikusija! tkai tokonoja. 33 What, my mother is really being eaten by the jaguars! he says to his brother.

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474 34 Moloin ttimi tot kunumusija. 34 Next they return to their grandmother. 35 Kuni, ahpelahle kapa mamak ne Kaikusi? 35 Granny, is it truly the Jaguars who have eaten our mom? 36 na, mlam kom toma manati Kaikui otonp peinom monp tom. Onamk peinom, Kaikui jja kunka toma je kom, tkai inl. 36 Yes, you are the children of the one who is eaten by the Jaguars. hide my children, because the Jaguars are about to eat me has your mother said, she [Toad] says. 37 Moloin Mk, emna mhen kapane Kaikui ottp peinom monp. 37 So Oh, we are the children of the one who is eaten by the Jaguars. 38 Hawele, mala aptau ko emna Tukusipan nupsik jai. The ejahe Tukusipan apsik kanupsik ehetamika top haponken tokon mal. 38 That morning, as custom, they are building a little Tukusipan [domed, centrally located, community house]. He builds a very small Tukusipan with his brother [as children like to play]. 39 Kuni, ok tk emna ok? tkai. 39 Granny, can you make our ok [common name for beverage, among which manioc beer or kasseri ]? he says. 40 Moloin ok the kunumusija. Moloin Kujulija the tukusipantak. 40 So drinks are made by grandmother. Next they are placed in the tukusipan by Kujuli. note In this line we have a first distinction between Mopo and Kujuli, as it is the latter who placed the beverage in the roundhouse. Where Mopo is the talker (line 25),Kujuli is the doer. 41 Hawele tneimi upak pepta tukusipan. hmel, maluwanahpe itau, kumaka ltp lken. 41 The next morning they see an immense community house tukusipan Everything, there even is a maluwana in there, made by the buttress of a kumaka tree ( Ceiba pentandra ). note During the night the roundhouse they had made had become gigantic. No longer a childrens construction, but a real community house. Inclusive a decorated wooden disk maluwana (Duin 2006c). 42 Moloin, hawele, ok the inot tja. Thepsik apsikpsik lken, lome kole mwihn tukusipantau ok. 42 Then, that morning, their grandmother had made their beverage. She had made just a little bit, but now there was a lot of manioc beer in the community house. note Mopo and Kujuli tell their grandmother Toad that they want to be initiated. They ask grandmother to make a lot of manioc beer, a lot of kasseri and umani for those who prefer that drink. 43 Hawele momaim tti Mopo ituhtak Kaikui umtn pona. tawokta tk tukta tk, tkai Kaikui umtn nuja. 43 That morning Mopo goes into the forest as a momai (novice) to the leader of the Jaguars. I invite you to drink and to eat, says [Mopo] to the leader of the Jaguars. note The Jaguars are invited to participate in a marak (chapter 6.2) and are asked to make the feather headdress olok play the flutes, and sing the song kalau The village leader, though surprised that Toad did not eat the eggs, provides Mopo with a stool kololo a meal of invitation, some calabashes with cassava beer and a long cigarette. 44 tkai Kaikui umtn, tpeito towomikai eja hmel. 44 Ok, says the leader of the Jaguars, and he says to his vassals they are all invited. note In this line the hierarchy is transparent. A stranger arrives and converses with the village leader. Subsequently, the leader distributes the message to his peito his people (see also chapter 8.2).

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475 45 Moloin twemekhe Mopo patak, tukusipantak twehenmai tot. hmel twtawokhe mwihn, twhnamepti tot. 45 Next they arrive in the village of Mopo and enter the tukusipan All drink a lot and all laugh a lot. note Unspoken, but implied in the following sequence, as well as embodied during the rites-of-passage, Mopo and Kujuli blow the decorated flute ( mlaim amohawin) made of the claws of their mother Tortoise (This flute actually contains the nail of the Giant armadillo; Priodontes maximus) that were carefully conserved by grandmother Toad after discarded by the Jaguars. While they are blowing this magical flute, it begins thundering. When Mopo blows the flute, thundering increases, and Kujuli state that it seems that thunder approaches. The dancing and singing of kalau begins, and it starts to rain heavily. Note that the rite-of-passage marak takes place when the rainy season approaches. 46 henmatk jeknomo, henmatk, tkai Mopo. 46 G o shelter, shelter! Mopo says [to the Jaguars]. 47 Walik henmala Klpuk tpt male. henmak tkailep, henmak tkai uwa lken. 47 Just Klpuk [tayra; Eira barbara ] with his wife do not shelter. He says he will shelter, but they never does shelter. note The Tayra, perceived as the grandparents of the Jaguars, later return to the forest (line 50) and will be create the jaguars that are in the forest today. Because the Jaguars from the past died (line 52). 48 Moloin, tje kom itoponp tpohnepmi Mopoja. 48 Subsequently, Mopo remembers the story of their mother being eaten by them [Their mother Tortoise eaten by the Jaguars]. 49 Moloin pepta tpu. Tukusipan tanuktanphe eja tpume. 49 Then there is a big stone. The tukusipan is transformed into a stone. note The suffix -me means that the narrator knows a house cannot transform into stone literally, only metaphorically. 50 Tapupoi tapunehpoi ejahe petop maka. Klpuk thali itehtak. 50 [The Jaguars] are all locked in and it has ended. The Klpuk return both into the forest. 51 Mopo uhpak kaw, inot uhpak htle. 51 Mopo was already in the sky [a constellation] and their grandmother was already somewhere [in the ground]. 52 Kunkulu tkai Kaikui tom tpujak, upak tapunehpoi Mopoja. 52 The Jaguars are decaying in the rock, because they were enclosed by Mopo. note After this chaotic event, Toad asks herself where her grandchildren are. 53 Wantlpsik. Tlenma pa pajamntm? tkai Pl. 53 A little later, Toad asks: Where are my little children? 54 Upak ttwln ta tot. Elelemnanom me lken tot twthe kunkun tkai, walamame, pehpeme, kulume, leleptn kom me. 54 [The twins] do not worry at all. They merely scare her while they are doing as Walama as Pehpe als Kulu like all the spirits of the forest. note Walama (Asio clamator forbesi ), Pehpe ( Pulsatrix perspicillatta chapmani), Kulu ( Lophostrix cristata wedeli ) are different species of owls feared by the Wayana as forebode of death. 55 Ee Mopo, klelep jai, Mopo penaji. 55 H Mopo, you scare me, that must be Mopo. [Toad says]. note Next, Mopo and Kujuli want to eat cooked food, but they do not have fire. According to another

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476 version, grandmother Toad holds fire in her anus. 56 Sin wapt umt alkle, tamkane. Kuni kuwapt ipnanpk mkanenmam ja, tameha ken mlme, tkai Mopo. 56 Here is firewood, take it. What did granny say, she said to keep our fire, what are you doing, says Mopo. 57 Moloin kunumusija talimai iphala. 57 Next fire is thrown into the air by the grandmother. 58 Ulk ml hamutke epkak tunake upk lon ikalhtau, tkai. 58 Make it alive with sand or with water when there are flames. [Grandmother Toad says]. note Grandmother Toad intentionally mocks fire making, and tells the Twins to fire it up with sand or water. Everybody knows this will result in killing the fire, hence grandmother is a trickster. Later (line 61) she tells the twins how to increase the fire with proper firewood, and order is created out of chaos, in favor of deceit. 59 Moloin, Mopoja tuphe soh tunake twepjmi. Hamutke tpolo, lmai. 59 Subsequently, Mopo sprinkles water but it dies. When he throws sand, it is the same. 60 Mjal tnot kom tlelepmi ejahe. 60 Once more he [Mopo Kujuli] starts to scare their grandmother. 61 Tamanatu, tamkane ja: wapte umt pak luweluweke, maukke, kalipoimeke, tkai. Ml kom man epla mkane toma ja, tkai kunumusi Pl. 61 What is happening to you, what I told you is: enlarge your fire with luwe-luwe with mauk with kalipoime she says. That is what I have said, says grandmother Toad. no