1 A CONTENT ANALYSIS O F CONSERVATIVE AND L IBERAL NEWSPAPER COVERAGE OF CLIMATE CHANGE IN SANTIAGO, CHILE By DEVIN M. DOTSON A THESIS PRESENTED TO THE GRADUATE SCHOOL OF THE UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF TH E REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA 2009
2 2009 Devin M. Dotson
3 ACKNOWLEDGMENTS This research was made possible by a grant from the University of Florida Center for Latin American Studies and the Tinker Foundation. Special thanks goes to Rudy Espinoza, Andres Reyes, Dr. Susan Jacobson, Dr. Lynda Kaid, and Dr. Michael Leslie for their help.
4 TABLE OF CONTENTS page ACKNOWLEDGMENTS ................................ ................................ ................................ ............... 3 LIST OF TABLES ................................ ................................ ................................ ........................... 5 ABSTRACT ................................ ................................ ................................ ................................ .... 6 CHAPTER 1 INTRODUCTION ................................ ................................ ................................ .................... 7 Importance of Climate Change and Chile ................................ ................................ ................ 7 Importance of Knowledge and Att itudes in Action ................................ ................................ .. 8 Importance of Media Through Setting Agendas and Framing ................................ ................. 9 Newspapers as a Source of Information and Political Bias ................................ .................... 10 Research Hypothesis ................................ ................................ ................................ .............. 13 2 METHODOLOGY ................................ ................................ ................................ ................. 14 3 RESULTS ................................ ................................ ................................ ............................... 17 Quantitative Comparisons ................................ ................................ ................................ ...... 17 Sources Used ................................ ................................ ................................ .......................... 18 Story Content and Focus ................................ ................................ ................................ ........ 19 Framing Climate Change ................................ ................................ ................................ ........ 19 4 DISCUSSION ................................ ................................ ................................ ......................... 24 APPENDIX A CODING WORKSHEET ................................ ................................ ................................ ....... 29 B CODEBOOK ................................ ................................ ................................ .......................... 31 LIST OF REFERENCES ................................ ................................ ................................ ............... 35 BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH ................................ ................................ ................................ ......... 39
5 LIST OF TABLES Table page 2 1 Categories used for content analysis ................................ ................................ .................. 16 3 1 Average word length of articles a nd number of illustrations published about climate change in 2003, 2005, and 2007 ................................ ................................ ........................ 21 3 2 Type of articles published about climate change ................................ ............................... 21 3 3 Top sections in which articles about climate change were published ............................... 21 3 4 Level of government mentioned in articles published about climate change .................... 21 3 5 Sources used in articles published about climate change ................................ .................. 22 3 6 P rimary focus of articles including "climate change" ................................ ....................... 22 3 7 Overall valence of articles published about climate change ................................ .............. 22 3 8 Problem/Solution focus of articles published about climate change ................................ 22 3 9 People/Science focus of articles published about climate change ................................ ..... 23 3 10 Frames used in articles published about climate change ................................ ................... 23 3 11 Articles including economics published about climate change ................................ ......... 23 3 12 Type of frames used in articles published about climate change ................................ ...... 23 3 13 Content of frames used in articles published about climate change ................................ .. 23
6 Abstract of Thesis Presented to the Graduate School of the University of Florida in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Master of Arts A CONTENT ANALYSIS O F CONSERVATIVE AND L IBERAL NEWSPAPER COVERAGE OF CLIMATE CHANGE I N SANTIAGO, CHILE By Devin M. Dotson May 2009 Chair: Susan Jacobson Major: Latin American Studies This content analysis examines daily newspaper coverage of climate change in Santiago, Chile by two newspapers one conservative, El Mercurio and one liberal, La NaciÂ—n. The analysis explores differing portrayals about climate change dependent on political leaning and the role of newspapers in the acquisition of environmental information. Newspapers can influence public awareness thr ough what is published, how frequently and through what frames. Twenty percent of the 1,628 articles published in 2003, 2005, and 2007 including cambio climÂ‡tico (climate change) or calentamiento global" (global warming) were analyzed. Coverage differed in most areas between the two papers. The liberal newspaper published twice as many articles that were also double the average word length. They published four times as many illustrations and presented more thematic frames than the conservative newspaper Both newspapers were similar in that government sources and conflict frames dominated.
7 CHAPTER 1 INTRODUCTION The main objective of this research is to compare the extent and nature of climate change coverage of two daily newspapers in Santiago, Chil e. This study begins with a general assumption: that conservative newspaper coverage will differ from liberal newspaper coverage (Boykoff, 2007). Since the public receives much of its information from the media, the media determine, to a considerable exte nt, the kind and amount of environmental information that reaches the public. This may, in turn, influence public perception and potentially affect public action. Importance of Climate Change and Chile The UN's Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change pu blished four separate large scale, peer reviewed scientific documents in 2007. With more than 800 authors and 2,500 scientific expert reviewers, these documents show global scientific consensus that the planet's environment is in peril and that climate cha nge is at least partially man made by the increasing release of greenhouse gases such as carbon dioxide into the atmosphere (Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change [IPCC] 2007) Potential outcomes of climate change include a rise in world temperature a nd sea levels, and more than 66% of the authors believe greater drought and severe storms will occur. More than 90% are confident there will be greater heat waves and heavy rainfall (IPCC, 2007). Rising temperatures will affect agriculture and industry wor ldwide from vineyards in Chile to rice paddies in China. Rising sea levels, drought and flooding are major issues, and will affect the poor in developing countries as much or possibly more than developed nations (Thomas et al., 2008).
8 Chile is positioned t o be affected by climate change in several of these ways. Agriculture is important in the Chilean economy. Net agricultural outputs for 2008 are estimated at US$8.7 billion (CIA, 2009). Temperature change affects plant growth, thus climate change can imp act the economy and thousands of people associated with Chilean agriculture. Chile also stands to be affected by a change in sea levels. The country has 6,435 km of coastline, with several major cities located on the coast. However, possibly the greates t direct threat from climate change is faced by the capital city Santiago. Researchers for Chile's official water authority, DirecciÂ—n General de Aguas de Chile (DGA), reported in November 2008 that the Echaurren glacier that supplies 70% of the city's wa ter is melting and could disappear in the next 50 years (AFP, 2008) Importance of Knowledge and Attitudes in A ction Since climate change affects everyone and both causes and effects continue to grow in magnitude, quick response is necessary. Some people w ill argue it is the government's responsibility to create and enforce environmental programs. However, to date, many countries are not passing sweeping legislation to create higher standards in such areas. Whether or not the government responds, often it i s the role of individuals to instigate change. Action is associated with several factors including knowledge and attitude. Attitudes can be influenced by personal experience in combination with knowledge, which can come from reading newspaper articles abo ut climate change (McCallum, Hammond, & Covello, 1991). While environmental action is dependent on multiple factors, knowledge is a necessary component (Kollmuss & Agyeman, 2002). It is reasonable to expect that someone that understands more about climat e change as a real problem might engage in higher levels of environmental action.
9 Importance of Media Through Setting Agendas and Framing This gives rise to the question of how people form their attitudes. Since most people do not research environmental i ssues first hand, they rely on the media to act as both researcher and presenter of information. Communication is key to public understanding of environmental issues (Ader, 1995; Stamm et al., 2000). Unobtrusive issues like pollution and the environment a re directly affected by media coverage because the public is not directly in contact with these issues and their effects (Zucker, 1978). However, obtrusive issues are not directly dependent on media coverage because readers can see real world conditions a nd interact with other readers to share information (Ader, 1995). The manner in which the information is presented can affect a person's understandings and shape public perception (Boykoff & Rajan, 2007). Through their function as information gatekeeper, the media set the public agenda (Shoemaker & Reese, 1996; White, 1950). Gatekeeping refers to newspapers' importance as a filter since they choose what stories are actually published (going through their gate) out of many potential stories. One of the wa ys in which media set the agenda is through how many stories are published about a topic. Quantity of media coverage is possibly the most important factor in generating public thought and opinion (Mazur, 1998). Many and frequent stories can lead to the pu blic thinking that the issue is very important, whereas few and infrequent stories can cause the article to be ignored. Beyond setting agendas through quantity of coverage, media coverage can affect understanding through how the story is framed. Media fram ing, according to Goffman (1974), refers to "more long term, socialized schemas that are often shared in societies or at least within certain groups in societies" such as political leanings. Also, Goffman writes that short term schemas learned from mass me dia can significantly impact understanding and inference of incoming information.
10 The media can frame an issue in many different ways, such as writing a story from an economic, morality or conflict perspective (Semetko & Valkenburg, 2000). One way that me dia can frame public understanding is through the publication's own political leanings. Political beliefs affect a journalist's writing about a particular topic (Shoemaker & Reese, 1996). Despite a generic media claim to un biased reporting, many publicat ions are categorized into right leaning and left leaning categories. Armitage (2005) explores the "politics of global warming" and shows that the political left, or more liberal view, critiques industrial modernity and capitalism and supports federal inte rventions and environmental issues including climate change. Conservatives place higher regard for individual rights and absolute rights of private property and free enterprise without government intervention. Armitage found that conservatives tend to do ubt climate change and scientific consensus, while liberals tend to believe in the issue and anthropogenic causes. If media coverage affects public opinion by agenda setting (through quantity of coverage) and framing, then it is necessary to analyze what a nd how the media are reporting. Newspapers as a Source of Information and Political Bias Newspapers have been and continue to be an important source for public learning about environmental issues (Wilson, 1995). A 1991 national survey found that 76% of res pondents who had heard something about environmental risks in the past week did so from a newspaper more than from television (72%), radio (19%) and other sources such as interpersonal communication (McCallum et al., 1991). Even with fewer Americans read ing newspapers, this role continues. A 2008 Pew Center report found that 57% of Americans got their news yesterday from television and 34% from newspapers (Pew Research Center, 2008b). However, newspapers are still frequently used to gather environmental news. In 2000, 57% of respondents got environmental news from a newspaper and 59% from television (Roper, 2000). Since then,
11 both sources have fallen, but newspapers remain a large source. The 2007 Gfk Roper Green Gauge reported 49% received environmenta l information from newspaper sources and 59% from television sources (Gfk Roper, 2007). Building on the foundations of agenda settings and framing, one can begin to look at newspaper coverage being different depending on political slant conservative vers us liberal. Public perceptions of and responses to climate change depend on many factors, including ideologies such as political beliefs (Leiserowitz, 2006). Opinions on climate change differ between conservative and liberal respondents, and a 2008 Pew Res earch Center study found that 84% of Democrats believe there is solid evidence of global warming versus only 49% of Republicans (Cameron, 2005; Pew, 2008b). Over the past 20+ years of climate change coverage by the media, conservatives have consistently wo rked to undermine climate change advocates by claiming scientific uncertainty and calling for more research (Armitage, 2005; McCright & Dunlap, 2003). Exploring the affects on public opinion by this conservative/liberal political split in media coverage, a study found that from 1989 to 1997 intense conservative media coverage of climate change deniers actually lowered public concern over climate change (Immerwahr, 1999) This difference in how the media cover climate change is important since viewers choo se and remain loyal to a particular news source depending on their own political beliefs (Pew, 2008b). Depending on what source a reader uses for their information gathering, they might gather a very different understanding and opinion of climate change. In Santiago, El Mercurio is one of the largest newspaper companies (2002 circulation 120,000) and is heralded for its conservative reporting (Chile Media, 2009; Hudson, 1994). It has a long history of conservative coverage in Chile (Egan, 2002). La Nac iÂ—n is a popular left
12 leaning daily and is the highest circulated independent, left leaning newspaper (2002 circulation 45,000) (Chile Media, 2009). Newspaper coverage can also be affected by what sources are used. Sources in climate change coverage fu nction as claims makers, helping to construct the definition of a social problem (Spector & Kitsuse, 1977; Trumbo, 1996). S ocial groups such as government, protest groups professional organizations, and media prompt social activ ity surrounding a problem (Spector & Kitsuse, 1977). Since the media function as a gateway for these various claims makers, it is important to see what sources (claims makers) they are using. The groups quoted most frequently will have more direct access to framing the issue of c limate change to meet their own desires, which could be different depending on the group involved. Furthermore, research shows that as climate change coverage matures, primary sources change from scientists to government sources (Trumbo, 1996; Wilkins, 19 93). Since climate change is not a new issue, this study will analyze if coverage is maturing according to Trumbo (1996), with government sources now dominating. Both media framing and climate change continue to grow in awareness and study. However, diffe rences in opinion on both issues allow room for fluctuation in how a newspaper reader will respond. Climate change in particular is not a subject about which the average reader is an expert, thus they rely heavily on media coverage. If framing does occur, readers will be affected according to how the coverage is delivered. Because of these externalities, research into whether differences in political stance affect coverage of climate change is a relevant topic. There is currently little scholarly research t hat examines climate change coverage in Chile or South America. Concomitantly, little research has been conducted about how political leanings are affecting climate change coverage. This research examines both of these areas.
13 Research Hypothesis Hypothesis I: Climate change coverage will differ between El Mercurio and La NaciÂ—n specifically in quantitative categories (total number and length of stories and quantity of illustrations being used), because of different political leanings. Hypothesis II: La Na ciÂ—n will have greater amounts of climate change coverage. Hypothesis III: L iberal leaning La NaciÂ—n will frame climate change differently than conservative leaning El Mercurio Hypothesis IV: Both newspapers will use more government sources than science sources.
14 CHAPTER 2 METHODOLOGY The newspapers were studied through content analysis. The unit of analysis was stories published in two major daily newspapers in Santiago, Chile: El Mercurio and La NaciÂ—n Since the newspapers are not chronicled in LexisN exis or other academic research portals, the article search and gathering was conducted using each newspaper's online archives. All articles were gathered that were published in 2007, 2005 and 2003 that included the phrases cambio climÂ‡tico (climate chang e) or calentamiento global (global warming). Total articles gathered were 1,628. In 2007, El Mercurio (EM) published 468 stories, while La NaciÂ—n (LN) published 835. For 2005, total articles were 73 EM and 201 LN; and 2003 was 22 EM and 29 LN. Following standard content analysis procedure (Kaid & Wadsworth, 1989), a random sample of 20 percent of each year's articles from each newspaper was used in 2007 and 2005. In 2003, due to the small number of articles, 50 percent were used. The total sample of 269 articles was split between two coders. Seven percent of articles (19 articles) were shared by both coders to test intercoder reliability that both coders are coding the articles in the same manner. A codesheet with the 17 research questions and a detail ed codebook that explains the questions and possible answers were created (Table 1) To eliminate potential errors in transferring hand coded articles into a computer file, coders input their responses into a formatted Excel spreadsheet The framing categ ories used in question 17 are derived from prior research that identifies several generic framing categories such as conflict, human i nterest, and economic consequences ( Entman, 1993; Semetko & Valkenburg, 2000 ). The frames used were economic consequences conflict, episodic/thematic, and substantive/ambiguous. The economic consequences frame was defined as articles focused on monetary/economic consequences of climate change problems or
15 solutions. The conflict frame was defined as articles focused on con flict between two or more subjects such as government and business or people versus nature. Episodic frames were defined as articles focused on a specific event (episode) such as a specific act of Congress or individual. A thematic frame was defined as a rticles focused on a theme, such as climate change in general or changes of the automobile over time. A substantive frame was defined as using specific information such as specific effects of climate change ("temperature will rise 3 degrees") or specific costs ("the program will cost $3 million dollars and will be funded by the government"). The ambiguous frame was defined as an article that did not include specific information, such as "global warming is bad" or "change will be expensive" without provid ing detailed information. For this study, a positive valence was defined as an overall focus on solutions, action taken, resolutions passed or progress toward change. A negative valence could be indicated by focus on problems, lack of action, blame, lack of funding, finger pointing, or fear. Neutral valence was defined as having neither a positive and negative valence or a balance of both. Two college educated, native Spanish speakers were selecte d as coders in Chile. Coders were trained in two training sessions and completed the 7 percent of the articles in common. An additional 5 percent of common articles were also coded to establish inter coder reliability. The Holsti formula for inter coder reliability resulted in an intercoder reliability level of 0.94. All 269 articles were coded and the data were converted into a SPSS file for statistical analysis using nonparametric Chi square tests.
16 Table 2 1. Categories used for content analysis 1. Article Number 2. Newspaper Name 3. Publication Date 4. W ord Count 5. Section Name 6. Article type (News, Feature, Opinion/Editorial, Other) 7. How many sources from each category appear in the article: A. Non scientific Government Organization or Person, B. Scientific Organization or Non University S cientist C. University Affiliated Educator or Scientist D. Individuals (Non government, Non scientist, Non business) E. IPCC (International Panel on Climate Change) F. Business G. Environmental Organization (non scientist) H. Other 8. Focus on problems or solutions (or balanced) 9. Focus on people or science 10. Does the article include any mention of economic issues 11. Does the article include Al Gore or An Inconvenient Truth ? 12. Is the article's focus global warming or clima te change 13. What is the focus if not climate change ? 14. Overall valence (Positive : focus on solutions, advancements, progress toward change; Negative : focus on problems, lack of action, blame; or Neutral /Balanced ) 15. Level of government mentioned (L ocal, Regional, National, International, None) 16. Does the article include an illustration? 17. Which frames are used: A. Economic Consequences B. Conflict C. Episodic versus Thematic D. Substantive (Specific) versus Ambiguous (Vague)
17 CHAPTER 3 RESULTS The study goal was to analyze what and how Chilean newspapers are covering climate change, and compare the results between the conservative newspaper and the liberal newspaper. Quantitative C omparisons Quantitative differences tested bet ween the two newspapers were total articles published, average number of words per story, and number of illustrations published. La NaciÂ—n published 1065 articles about climate change in 2003, 2005, and 2007 almost double the 563 articles published by El Mercurio Climate change coverage increased in both newspapers in 2005 and again in 2007 ( La NaciÂ—n published 29 articles in 2003, 201 in 2005 and 835 in 2007; El Mercurio published 22 in 2003, 73 in 2005 and 468 in 2007). However, for both 2005 and 200 7, La NaciÂ—n published almost roughly twice as many stories including this topic. Similarly, average word count was significantly different between the two newspapers, with articles published in La NaciÂ—n averaging almost twice the number of words (606 wor ds) per article as published by El Mercurio (Table 3 1). The third quantitative test shows the total number of illustrations published. Like the previous two quantitative areas, La NaciÂ—n published illustrations with 57% of their articles, significantly more than El Mercurio which published only 14% (Table 3 1). In addition to the total number of stories and illustrations published by the two newspapers, the newspapers also differ in the type of stories they publish about climate change. Almost every st ory published in El Mercurio (99%) was a hard news story (Table 3 2). Coverage was more varied in La NaciÂ—n which published 73% of their stories as News stories and 20% as Opinion and Editorial stories.
18 Most stories (60%) about climate change published in El Mercurio ran in the International section (Table 3 3), with the second highest number of stories (16%) published in the National section. La NaciÂ—n published only 10% of climate change stories in the International section of their newspaper. The most prominent section for climate change for them was Society (28%). However, this information is different than what might be expected when analyzing the levels of government involved in the story. The majority of times the two newspapers mentioned governme nt in a story, it was at the International level (63% of El Mercurio and 49% of La NaciÂ—n) more than at the National level or below (13% of El Mercurio and 21% of La NaciÂ—n ) (Table 3 4). Sources Used When analyzing sources the newspapers used in stories a bout climate change, the largest category of sources used in both newspapers were government sources (Table 3 5). El Mercurio used government officials as sources 57% of the time and La NaciÂ—n used government officials for 40% of the sources used. Despite climate change being a science based story, scientist sources (including IPCC sources) were used only 22% of the time in El Mercurio and 21% of the time in La NaciÂ—n Government sources were used more than sciences sources in El Mercurio ( 2 = 32.95, df=2, p = 0.001), and La NaciÂ—n ( 2 = 25.72, df=2, p = 0.001). Another question researched a specific source: Al Gore or his movie An Inconvenient Truth Gore's advocacy and movie has made him a celebrity name and figure. While not statistica lly significant, 16% of stories (15 articles) in El Mercurio did include Gore or his movie, which would have placed Gore third by number of references cited by El Mercurio in the sources list (Table 3 5). In La NaciÂ—n, Gore was cited 20 times (12%) seve nth as source cited.
19 Story Content and Focus Many articles did not have to focus on climate change for the topic or at least the words to be included (Table 3 6). For just under half of the articles including the phrase climate change 45% for El Me rcurio and 43% for La NaciÂ—n, the article's primary focus was not climate change. The newspapers did not write about climate change with the same valence (Table 3 7). La NaciÂ—n was more likely to write about climate change negatively (52%) or positively (34%) than to equally balance the two (14%). However, El Mercurio published about the same number of stories with a neutral balance (31%) as those with a positive valence (28%). Both newspapers published more stories with an overall negative valence than positive or neutral. In a similar manner, both newspapers were most likely to report about climate change issues with a focus on the problems associated with climate change (40% for El Mercurio and 55% for La NaciÂ—n ) than to focus on solutions active or possible (23% for El Mercurio and 26% for La NaciÂ—n ) (Table 3 8). El Mercurio published more stories with an overall neutral balance of problems and solutions (37%) than La NaciÂ—n (19%). A fourth area shows that both newspapers focused more heavily on t he affects of climate change on people (77% El Mercurio and 79% La NaciÂ—n) than the scientific causes and effects of climate change alone (23% El Mercurio and 21% La NaciÂ—n) (Table 3 9). Framing Climate Change A final analysis focuses on the frames used in covering climate change. An economic frame was found more often in La NaciÂ—n (30%) than in articles published by El Mercurio (20%) (Table 3 10).
20 The presence and difference of the economic frame was not statistically significantly between the two newspa pers, but both newspapers published more stories in which economics was mentioned, even if economics was not a dominant frame (Table 3 11). A second common frame conflict was used more often in both newspapers than the economic frame (Table 3 10). La NaciÂ—n published more stories using a conflict frame (53%) than El Mercurio (40%). The third frame focuses on whether newspapers write about climate change in the context of a single issue (episodic) or an ongoing topic (thematic). In this analysis, E l Mercurio published significantly more stories with an episodic frame (71%) than as thematic (29%) (Table 3 12). La NaciÂ—n published similar amounts of articles using both frames (51% Episodic, 49% Thematic). Overall, both newspapers published more arti cles using an episodic frame. The fourth frame focuses on the specificity of information provided through the article. Both articles published about half of their articles with substantive information (Table 3 13). More stories included detailed, specifi c information in both newspapers, but the difference was not statistically significant.
21 Table 3 1. Average word length of articles and number of illustrations published about climate change in 2003, 2005, and 2007 El Mercurio n=96 La NaciÂ—n n=173 t 266 1 2 p Average word count (S.D.) 323 ( 147 ) 6 06 ( 344 ) 7.67 0.001 Articles with illustration 13 (14%) 99 (57 %) 48.48 0.001 Table 3 2. Type of articles published about climate change El Mercurio n=96 La NaciÂ—n n=173 3 2 p News 95 (99%) 126 (73%) 29. 09 0.001 Feature 1 (1 %) 9 (5%) Opinion/Editorial 0 (0 %) 35 (20%) Other 0 (0%) 3 (2%) Table 3 3. T op sections in which articles about climate change were published El Mercurio n=96 La NaciÂ—n n=17 3 23 2 p International 58 (60%) 17 (10%) 207.9 1 0.001 National 15 (16 %) 0 (0%) Society 0 (0%) 49 (28%) Last Minute 0 (0%) 25 (15%) Opinion 0 (0%) 26 (15%) Table 3 4. Level of government mentioned in articles published about climate change El Mercurio La NaciÂ—n Local 2 (2%) 0 (0%) Reg ional 0 (0%) 3 (2%) National 11 (10 %) 37 (19 %) International 66 (63 %) 93 (49 %) None 26 (25%) 57 (30%) Total 105 (100%) 190 (100%)
22 Table 3 5. Sources used in articles published about climate change El Mercurio n=96 La NaciÂ—n n=173 Government 92 (57 %) 128 (40%) Science 26 (16 %) 55 (17%) Other 44 (27%) 140 (43%) University 8 (5 %) 31 (10 %) Individuals 10 (6%) 13 (4%) IPCC 9 (6 %) 14 (4%) Business 5 (3%) 21 (7 %) Environmental Org 10 (6%) 33 (10%) Other 2 (1%) 28 (9%) Total 162 (100%) 323 (100%) Table 3 6. Primary focus of articles including "climate change El Mercurio n= 96 La NaciÂ—n n=173 1 2 p Climate Change 51 (53 %) 98 (57 %) 0.31 0.578 Other topic 45 (47 %) 75 (43 %) Table 3 7. Overall valence of articles published about climate change El Mercurio n=96 La NaciÂ—n n=173 2 2 p Positive 27 (28 %) 59 (34 %) 10.73 0.005 Negative 39 (41 %) 89 (52 %) Neutral 30 (31 %) 25 (14%) Table 3 8. Problem/Solution focus of articles published about climate change El Mercurio n=96 La NaciÂ—n n=173 2 2 p Problems 38 (40 %) 95 (55 %) 11.34 0.003 Solutions 22 (23 %) 45 (26 %) Neutral 36 (37 %) 33 (19%)
23 Table 3 9. People/Science focus of articles published about climate change El Mercurio n=96 La NaciÂ—n n=173 1 2 p People 74 (77 %) 137 (79%) 0.16 0.687 Science 22 (23 %) 36 (21%) Table 3 10. Frames used in articles published about climate change El Mercurio n=96 La NaciÂ—n n=173 1 2 p Economic 19 (20%) 51 (30%) 3.01 0.083 Conflict 38 (40 %) 92 (53%) 4.57 0.033 Table 3 11. Articles including economics published about climate change El Mercurio n=96 La NaciÂ—n n=173 1 2 p Includes ec onomics 29 (30 %) 79 (46 %) 6.14 0.013 Does not include 67 (70 %) 94 (54 %) Table 3 12. Type of frames used in articles published about climate change El Mercurio n=96 La NaciÂ—n n=173 1 2 p Episodic 68 (71 %) 88 (51 %) 10.10 0.001 Thematic 28 (29 %) 85 (49 %) Table 3 13. Content of frames used in articles published about climate change El Mercurio n=96 La NaciÂ—n n=173 1 2 p Substantive 54 (56 %) 93 (54 %) 0.155 0.694 Ambiguous 42 (44 %) 80 (46 %)
24 CHAPTER 4 DISCUSSION Overall, the coverage of climate change in Chile supports previous research and theory from the U.S. and Europe about difference in beliefs and publication about climate change by political leaning (e.g. Armitage, 2005), the use of common frames and primary citation of government sources (e.g. Trumbo, 1996). This study indicates that there is a difference in quantitative coverage of climate change between the conservative El Mercurio and the liberal La NaciÂ—n newspapers supporting hypothesis I. More articles with a higher average number of words per story and more illustrations were published by La NaciÂ—n, as proposed in hypothesis II. The difference was roughly double the number of articles and average word length and four times more illustrations. Following the reasoning that q uantity is indeed a major factor in media agenda setting of an issue set forth by Mazur (1998), readers of La NaciÂ—n would be exposed to twice the amount of coverage of climate change, which could lead them to believe that climate change is a more importan t issue to face than readers of El Mercurio In Chile, the political leaning of a newspaper might not only attract readers with similar beliefs, but it can also be an indicator of how climate change will be covered, just as it was in a study of U.S. newspa per coverage (Armitage, 2005). The use of illustrations is important. Graphics attract attention and pull the eye of readers to stories that they might not otherwise see or be interested in reading ( Garcia & Stark, 1991; Stone, 1987). Readers register th e basic issue when seeing the illustration. Conservatives have tended to have a general disposition to doubt climate change and not support action to solve it (Armitage, 2005). A photograph or graphic might attract a reader's interest enough to convey the article's key message, even when a headline might not.
25 Coverage between the two newspapers also differed in the frames used, supporting hypothesis III. La NaciÂ—n coverage more frequently framed climate change with economic, conflict frame, and thematic frames. El Mercurio primarily used an episodic frame. The economic frame itself was used 10% more frequently (in 30% of coverage) by La NaciÂ—n and the newspaper mentioned economics in some way in almost half of the articles published. Framing through a conflict paradigm was the most utilized frame by La NaciÂ—n occurring in 53% of their coverage. However, both newspapers used a conflict frame more frequently than an economic frame. Many issues associated with climate change can be viewed as conflict people versus nature, business versus environmentalists or government regulation, parties clashing over actions or regulations. Because of this, climate change coverage easily lends itself to reporting using the various levels of confrontation as focus. Other research has found that as coverage of an environmental issue grows and reaches a maintenance stage, it focuses on conflict such as scientific uncertainty (Mazur & Lee, 1993). As the issue matures, peaks and begins to decline in coverage and salien ce, an economic focus rises. Another study claimed that climate change coverage would not peak past late 1980's coverage without using some form of drama to capture media attention, such as people versus nature conflict (Ungar, 1995). This study mirrors the focus and coverage of papers studied in the U.S. (Mazur & Lee, 1993; Ungar, 1995). Coverage of climate change in Chile continues to rise, and conflict is being used more frequently as a frame than economics. Climate change is not a topic that can be c overed in a short story, as one would cover a house fire or bank robbery. The two newspapers treated the issue differently, with El Mercurio heavily framing climate change in a shorter term, episodic focus 71% of the time. La NaciÂ—n balanced coverage with almost half each of episodic or thematic frames. Showing climate change
26 through a thematic frame not only helps readers view the multiple related articles as connected, but shows the liberal newspaper views the topic as an issue that is not a one time eve nt and will be an ongoing situation. Research suggests that thematic coverage is more likely to cause citizens to see an issue as one appropriate for collective action (Iyengar, 1991). Following Iyengar's reasoning, readers of El Mercurio would be less li kely to expect action on climate change because of the episodic framing used. Coverage is not different between the two newspapers in regards to specificity of information. Both newspapers provided only slightly more substantive coverage (such as tempera ture can increase 3 degrees) than ambiguous (such as businesses worry addressing climate change will be too expensive). While La NaciÂ—n might be providing twice the coverage of climate change as an issue, the newspaper is not providing double the specific information for readers to form concrete, educated opinions. In the use of this frame, Chilean newspapers are different than those in Germany, which have tended to publish climate change articles with substantive information such as detailed scientific c ertainties, even when ahead of scientific consensus (Weingart et al., 2000). Scientists are not the primary sources used in climate change coverage, despite the topic being a science topic, as predicted in hypothesis IV. Government sources are the most f requently cited and are used more than twice as frequently as scientists by both newspapers. This follows research about coverage of the greenhouse effect from 1987 1990 which found that scientists dominated early coverage, but by the last two years studi ed, government sources dominated, followed by scientists (Wilkins, 1993). A 1996 study found that scientists were quoted more frequently in early climate change coverage (Trumbo, 1996). However, as the topic matured, government sources were expected to r eplace scientific sources. While government
27 sources now dominate in Chile, a second concurrent change with maturation has not occurred. Trumbo (1996) expected climate change articles to focus more on solutions than problems when the issue had matured and scientists were no longer necessary to explain the science of climate change. However, the results of this study show that 10 years later, problems (and negative valence) continue to dominate more stories than either solutions or even an equal balance of both problems and solutions. Overall, coverage of climate change in Chile seems to be more at an early growing or maintenance stage as described by Trumbo (1996) and Mazur and Lee (1993), despite government sources dominating as outlined in Wilkins (1993) and Trumbo (1996). The quantity of articles published continues to rise, a conflict frame is used frequently, and problems and a negative valence are dominant article foci. Other research shows that celebrities are being used successfully to raise aware ness about climate change. Boykoff (2008) found Al Gore is the top individual celebrity associated with climate change from the U.S. to Australia. Even in Chilean coverage, Gore was mentioned more frequently than university, business, or environmental or ganization sources. Gore was included even more than the International Panel on Climate Change on which climate change consensus is based. Putting a consistent face with the issue might draw more immediate recognition of climate change or make the topic m ore salient by creating a celebrity hook (Boykoff, 2008; Meyer, 1995). Further research could examine Chilean climate change coverage using all criteria of the stages put forth by Trumbo (1996) and Mazur and Lee (1993) to see if climate change coverage a decade later has really changed overall or if the maturation is occurring only in some areas. This study shows a newspaper's political leaning affects coverage of climate change in Chile. The differences expose readers of the more liberal newspaper to m ore and longer articles
28 and illustrations that balance articles between episodic and thematic frames. This combination sets forth climate change as a more prominent topic in the public agenda.
29 APPENDIX A CODING WORKSHEET 1. Article number: 2. Newsp aper name : El Mercurio = 1 La Nacion = 2 3 Publication date : __ / ___ / 2007 4. Word count : ___________ 5 Section Name : ____________ 6 Article type : News = 1 Feature = 2 Opinion/Editorial = 3 Other = 4 7 Whi ch sources appear in the article: (total per category) _____ Any non scientific Government Organization or person _____ Scientific Organization/ Non University Scientist _____ University Affiliated Scientist or Educator _____ Individuals (non governme nt, non scientist, non business) _____ IPCC (International Panel on Climate Change) _____ Business _____ Environmental Organization (not scientist) _____ Other 8. Is the focus on problems or solutions : Problems = 1 OR Solutions = 2 OR Neutra l = 3 9 Is the focus on people or science : People = 1 OR Science = 2 1 0 Does the article include business : Yes = 1 OR No = 0 1 1 Does the article mention Al Gore or the film An Inconvenient Truth ( Una verdad incÂ—moda) ? Yes = 1 OR No = 0 1 2 Is the article about global warming or climate change : Yes = 1 OR No = 0
30 1 3 If the article is not about climate change, what is the focus of the article? 1 4 What is the overall vale nce of the article: Negative = 0 OR Positive = 1 OR Neutral = 2 15 What level of government in involved or implicated: (mark "1" if yes, and "0" if no) Local ____ Region ____ National ____ International ____ None ____ 1 6 Does the article include an illustration ? 1 7 What frames are used? (Can be more than one) _____ Economic Consequences _____ Conflict _____ Episodic _____ vs. Thematic _____ Substantive (Specific) _____ or Ambiguous (vs. Vague)
31 APPENDIX B CODEBOOK Coding Guidelines 1. Article Number Input hand written number th at appears at the beginning of each article. 2. Newspaper name Input number that corresponds to correct newspaper. 3. Publication date enter as three catgories: day (22), month (8), year (2007). 4. Word count Enter word count as provided by article. If no word count is provided, enter "0". 5. Section Name Input section name if given. For example: "sociedad" or "internacional." If not given, enter "0". 6. Article Type Input number that corresponds to correct article type. Article type can frequently be identified from the section name. If not, opinion/editorial articles tend to take a position on the topic. Features tend to give a broad historical overview of this topic, and could be published within any timeframe without affecting the context of the story. New s articles are timely and their validity is reliant on current events. Any article that does not fall into one of these categories should be counted as "4" (other). Article types are: News = 1, Feature = 2, Opinion/Editorial = 3, and Other = 4. 7. Wh ich s ources appear in the article: (total per category) Enter total number of sources in each category If there are no sources for a category, enter "0" for that category. If there are multiple direct or paraphrased quotes from the same individual or organiz ation, count that source only one time. A single sentence may contain multiple sources and should be coded as such. Example: "Harvard professor and NASA scientist Jerry Gove.." should be counted as two sources one for "university affiliated" and one fo r "scientific organization." The following categories and definitions should be used: Any Government Organization or person (non scientific) : can be state, local, national, or international. Includes any elected government official senators, mayors, go vernors, city council people, sheriff, etc. Examples include Presidente Bachelet, Congress Chile, U.S. or any country, or UN/ONU. Scientific organizations or people even if they are government scientific organizations such as the NASA or El Ministerio de Agricultura should be marked as "Scientific Organization". Scientific Organization/ Non University Scientist : refers to those within environmental, wildlife, climate change, or any other scientifically related organizations, including government organ izations. Examples include the EPA (Environmental Protection Agency), WWF (World Wildlife Federation), NASA, USDA
32 (US Department of Agriculture), or El Ministerio de Agricultura, as well as scientists, climatologists, climate change specialists. These DO NOT include people affiliated with a University or the IPCC, which are separate categories. University Affiliated Scientist or Educator: Any source that is listed as being affiliated with a university or educational institution. Individuals (non governme n t, non scientist non business ) : This refers to "person on street" sources, or anyone not affiliated with a scientific, business, government, or university organization. IPCC (Int ernational Panel on Climate Change): This refers to any representative of the IPCC or any quote, paraphrased quote, or publication summary attributed to the IPCC. Business: This refers to any representative of a corporation or a local, non government business. Environmental Organization: This refers to any representative o f a organization (business, etc.) that deals with environmental issues but are not actually scientists. This could include the Natural Resource Defense Council (lawyers that specialize in environmental issues), Greenpeace, etc. If the organization has empl oyed an actual scientist, the source should be marked as "Scientific Organization/Non University Scientist ." Other: Use if source does not fit into any category above. 8. Is the focus on problems or solutions Problems would be defined as a focus on the ne gative effects on people, businesses, or the environment as a result or climate change. Solutions would be defined as a focus on the bills passed, laws instated, actions taken, organization intervention, policy changes, corporate initiatives, or any othe r related actions or ideas intended to alleviate the problems associated with global warming and climate change. 9. Is the focus on people or science Climate change involves two catalysts: people and the environment People refers to any issues that affe ct people directly or indirectly such as anything related to policy, business, funding, or the political campaign. This also includes how climate change will affect people (i.e., increased disease, loss of agriculture, fishing, etc.). Science refers t o issues about the environment and the effects of people on the environment, including both positive and negative effects (i.e., fish migration, human carbon emissions, recycling, etc).
33 Example: Fishing industry = people "; Fish biodiversity = science ". 10. Does the article include business State whether the article include s a mention o f business which includes any monetary, funding, or corporate interests, economy, or other business topics. Indicate "1" (yes) for this item even if it is not the pr imary focus of the article but is included. Enter "0" if it is not mentioned. 11. Does the article mention Al Gore or the film An Inconvenient Truth ( Una verdad incÂ—moda) ? Indicate "1" for yes or "0" for no. 12. Is the article about global warming or climate ch ange Is global warming or climate change a focus (indicate "1" for yes) or just briefly mentioned (indicate "0" for no). Example: If the article is an interview with a celebrity who discusses global warming in response to one interview question, this wo uld be considered only a mention, not a focus. (Indicate "0.") 13. If the article is not about climate change, what is the focus of the article Use one word to describe the theme of the article. For example, if the article is an interview with a celebri ty, you could enter "Entertainment." When possible, use the same word to describe similar categories (celebrities, movies, plays = entertainment). If the article was about climate change or global warming, enter "0". 14. What is the overall valence of the art icle as a whole A positive valence may focus more on solutions, resolutions, advancements and progress towards change, etc. A negative valence may be indicated by a focus on problems, lack of action, blame, lack of funding, finger pointing, fear, loss of resources, etc. Indicate neutral if article appears to have neither a positive or negative valence. 15. What level of government is involved or implicated Mark a "1" for each level of government that is involved or implicated within the article. Mark a "0" for a listed level that is not mentioned in the article. Example: "John Gove, Mayor of Smallville, discussed new recycling programs with Congressman Terry Tammy during her visit last week." Local __1_ Regional _0_ National _1__ International _0_ None __0__ 16. Does the article include an illustration Mark a "1" if there is some form of illustration photograph, chart, graph, etc. used with the article. Mark a "0" if none are used. 17. What frames are used? (Can be more than one) Mark a "1" for each frame that is used in the article, and "0" if the frame is not used. An article can have multiple frames. Economic Consequences In this frame, the article has a focus on monetary/economic consequences associated with climate change (as a probl em or for solutions).
34 Conflict This frame focuses on conflict between two (or more) items. This could be conflict between government and business, environmental organization and state legislature, people and laws, man versus nature, etc. Episodic T his frame shows the articule focusining on a specific event (episode). This could be coverage of a specific action of the Congress or a person, or any specific one time event. This usually mirrors the "news" type of article. vs. Thematic This frame is t he opposite of "episodic" in that the article focuses on a theme such as climate change in general or the automobile over time. This article sometimes is similar to the "feature" type of article, although it may be present in any article type. Substanti ve (Specific) This frame describes the article that (as a whole) uses lots of information including specific information about the issue at hand. This could be specific effects of climate change (the temperature will rise 3 degrees, etc.), specific infor mation about a new recycling program (the program will cost $3 million dollars and be funded by the government), or specific information about whatever is the article's focus. or Ambiguous (vs. Vague) This frame is the opposite of "Substantive (specific )" in that this type of article does not provide specific information. Instead, it might say "global warming is bad" or "climate change is not a real problem" without providing detailed information to support either focus.
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39 BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH Devin was born in Sheffield, Alabama, in 1983. He grew up with parents and sister Lana in Red Bay, Alabama, and attended Red Bay High School. While there, Devin was active in the Nation al FFA Organization, serving as State Vice President 2001 2002. He sang in the FFA Quartet, winning state competitions four times, and was a state winner and national finalist in public speaking. In 1998, Devin joined The Red Bay News as a staff writer a nd designer, where he still writes a weekly column. Upon graduation, Devin pursued an undergraduate degree at Auburn University in Auburn, Alabama. While there, he worked as an Ag Ambassador for the College of Agriculture and for the Office of Sustainabil ity. Devin interned in Washington, D.C., as a speechwriter for the Natural Resources Conservation Service at USDA, in communications for USDA Security, and in the communications office of the Office of the Trade Representative under the Office of the Pres ident. Devin worked for Natural Capital Solutions, where he researched and wrote a chapter for the Climate Protection Manual for Businesses on best environmental practices for small retail businesses. He spent six months studying the Spanish language and culture in Chile and Argentina. Devin graduated from Auburn University having received a Bachelor of Science degree with a major in agricultural communications and a Bachelor of Arts degree with a major in Spanish. In 2007, Devin moved to Gainesville, Florida, to pursue a Master of Arts in Latin American Studies focusing on environmental communication at the University of Florida. While researching climate change coverage in Santiago, Chile, he worked to stop fisheries subsidies in the South American office of Oceana. After completing his master's degree, Devin plans to work for an environmental organization.