Economic Mobility and the Transnational Practices of West Africans in Catalonia, Spain

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Economic Mobility and the Transnational Practices of West Africans in Catalonia, Spain
St Jacques, Ermitte
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[Gainesville, Fla.]
University of Florida
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1 online resource (222 p.)

Thesis/Dissertation Information

Doctorate ( Ph.D.)
Degree Grantor:
University of Florida
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Committee Chair:
Spring, Anita
Committee Members:
Kane, Abdoulaye
McCarty, Christopher
Villalon, Leonardo
Graduation Date:


Subjects / Keywords:
Agriculture ( jstor )
Employment ( jstor )
Immigration ( jstor )
Labor ( jstor )
Labor markets ( jstor )
Men ( jstor )
Transnationalism ( jstor )
Wives ( jstor )
Women ( jstor )
Work permits ( jstor )
Anthropology -- Dissertations, Academic -- UF
africa, gambia, migration, senegal, spain, transnationalism
Electronic Thesis or Dissertation
born-digital ( sobekcm )
Anthropology thesis, Ph.D.


This study investigates the transnational behaviors of Senegalese and Gambian (Senegambian) immigrants in Spain in relation to their employment and immigration status, or economic integration. Contrary to suggestions that transnationalism is a response to the downward mobility that nonwhite immigrants encounter in post-industrial countries, ethnographic data shows that engagement in cross-border activities increases with upward mobility in the labor market. The transnational practices of Senegambian immigrants who do not possess work permits and are involved in low-wage seasonal agricultural work are limited to telephone calls and remittances. Whereas, the transnational activities of immigrants who have work permits and are employed in less-skilled construction or factory work are more developed and include return visits, land purchase and home construction. The acquisition of a work permit is a significant variable for mobility in the labor market and engagement in transnational activities. After obtaining a work permit, immigrants usually abandon agricultural work for less-skilled employment in construction, services and factories that provide higher wages. Length of residence in Spain is also an important variable for economic mobility. With time in Spain, immigrants are able to regularize their status and improve their employment. The transnational activities of immigrants also vary according to the life course. When families are reunited, the transnational practices of couples are curtailed to meet financial demands in Spain. Immigrant men who remain single or maintain their wives and children in Senegal or Gambia show greater transnational activities than those who have their families in Spain. As children become independent, transnational activities increase as immigrants make plans to retire in Senegal or Gambia. Variations in the transnational practices of Senegambian men and women are largely an outcome of their different rates of participation in the labor market. Differences between the economic integration of Senegambian men and women are consequences of the gender composition of migration to Spain, the family reunification policy of Spain, and the lack of opportunities for Senegambian women in the labor market. The case of Senegambian immigrants in Spain illustrates the need to reassess the relationship between transnationalism and integration in host countries. ( en )
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In the series University of Florida Digital Collections.
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Includes vita.
Includes bibliographical references.
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Thesis (Ph.D.)--University of Florida, 2009.
Adviser: Spring, Anita.
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by Ermitte St Jacques.

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University of Florida
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Copyright St Jacques, Ermitte. Permission granted to the University of Florida to digitize, archive and distribute this item for non-profit research and educational purposes. Any reuse of this item in excess of fair use or other copyright exemptions requires permission of the copyright holder.
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2 2009 Ermitte St. Jacques


3 To Wendell A. Narcisse


4 ACKNOWLEDGMENTS I am greatly indebted to Anita Spring for her unwavering support and commitment throughout the process of my graduate education and professional deve lopment. I am truly grateful to Christopher McCarty for exposing me to social netw orks analysis, which has taken my research in a new direction. I also appreciate the support and feedback that Abdoulaye Kane and Leonardo Villaln have given me on my disser tation. I am also indebted to Helen Safa, who has guided me through this process. I cannot count how many times she has invited me to dinner at her house. I thank Russell Bernard for teach ing me about research design and methods, particularly the importance of the research question. I appreciate the assistance of Sue Boinski in writing my dissertation proposal. With the help of Russ and Sue, I received a Doctoral Dissertation Research Improveme nt Grant from the National Sc ience Foundation to fund my project. I thank Maxine Margolis for introducing me to transna tional migration and shaping my formation as a migration scholar. I am also grateful to Brenda Chalfin for all her efforts to help me write and to Willie Baber for the wonderful di scussions over lunch. I am thankful to Kenneth Sassaman for assisting me through a difficult mome nt at UF. I also thank the staff of the Anthropology department, Karen Jones, Patricia Gaither King and Juanita Bagnall, and the Graduate School, Kathy Carroll, Li sa De LaCure and Teresa Gr eer for all support work done on my behalf. This study came about over a cup of coffee w ith Jos Luis Molina when he visited the University of Florida in 2002. Without his invita tion to come and study Africans in Catalonia, this study would not have occurred. I am grateful for the guidance and support that Jos Luis provided me during my fieldwork. I also thank his colleagues in the Departament dAntropologia Social i Cultural at the Universitat Autmo ma de Barcelona, Verena Stolcke and Adriana Kaplan. Although Adriana was busy traveling betw een Gambia and Spain during my fieldwork,


5 she took time out to discuss insights from her research on Senegambian migration to Catalonia with me. Her research has greatly informed this study. Verena gave me valuable advice in the first weeks of my fieldwork and lent me several books that have been helpful to my research. I am appreciative of the friendship and collegial ity that Laura Rota, Laura Hom and Claudia Aguilar offered me. I am indebted to Ferran Moreno who was the di rector of Centre Sant Pau during fieldwork. Ferran permitted me to volunteer at the center, which facilitated my entry into the Senegambian Community. And all the assistance he gave me. I a ppreciate the assistance that I received from Josep Palacios, the commissioner for the Plan of the New Citizen in the city council of Matar, and Saoka Kingolo Luzolo, the resp onsible for the office of the S ecretary for Immigration in the Generalitat de Catalunya. Both Josep and Saoka provided me with statistical data on immigration to Matar and explained recent trends. The contri butions of my interpreter, Augustin Senghor, to this study are immeasurable. I am grateful to Ev a Cham who works as a cultural mediator for the city council of Matar and is a founding member of Musu Kafo. Eva took time out of her busy schedule to discuss gender issu es with me. She put me in c ontact with other Gambian women, who shared their migration experiences with me. I am also grateful to Sheriffo Jarju Sagnia of Jama Kafo, who shared his immigration story w ith me and introduced me to other members of the association. This study would not have b een possible without the cooperation of the Senegambian community of Matar. Many people welcomed me into their homes and offered me their friendship and stories. My friends have been a support system duri ng my graduate education. Sybil Rosado and I spent late nights discussing research and form ulating our ideas. Debra Rodman and Rosana Resende have been my migration buddies. Our stim ulating conversations have shaped this study


6 and my perspectives on migration. Antoinette Jackson, Roos Willems and Denise Yates have been big sisters, giving me di rection and guidance. Deogracia Cornelio has kept me grounded throughout graduate school, remindi ng of the world beyond academia. I have been blessed with a supportive fam ily that has been my rock throughout my endeavors. My mother, Ella St. Jacques, has encouraged me throughout my education providing me with both emotional and financial support. My father, Celse St. Jacques, has bolstered me with his pride. My sisters, brothers, nieces and nephews have been my fan base. I thank them all for all their support. I thank my cousin Claude for all the advice he has given me. The position of number one cheerleader goes to my husband, Fl emming Daugaard-Hansen. He always has words of encouragement and sees my potential even wh en I cannot. I also th ank my mother-in-law, Merethe Daugaard-Hansen fo r all her support and love.


7 TABLE OF CONTENTS page ACKNOWLEDGMENTS ............................................................................................................... 4LIST OF TABLES .........................................................................................................................10LIST OF FIGURES .......................................................................................................................11LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS ........................................................................................................ 12ABSTRACT ...................................................................................................................... .............13 CHAP TER 1 OCCUPATIONAL STATUS AND TR ANSNATIONAL PRACTICES ..............................15Introduction .................................................................................................................. ...........15Recent Studies of Senegalese Transnational Migration ......................................................... 16Bridging Integration and Transnationalism ............................................................................23Outline of Chapters ........................................................................................................... ......322 THEORIZING THE TRANSNAT I ONAL PRACTICES OF SENEGAMBIANS ................ 36Introduction .................................................................................................................. ...........36Definitions and Interpretati ons of Transnationalism .............................................................. 36Interpreting Transnational Ties as Extensions of Urba n-Rural Linkages .............................. 39Conclusion .................................................................................................................... ..........483 RESEARCH DESIGN AND METHODOLOGY .................................................................. 50Introduction .................................................................................................................. ...........50Research Objectives ........................................................................................................... .....50Operationalization of Transnationalism .................................................................................51Operationalization of Economic Integration ..........................................................................55Gender Matters .......................................................................................................................56Ethnographic Methods ............................................................................................................57Entry into the Senegambian Community of Matar ............................................................... 60Conclusion .................................................................................................................... ..........634 RECENT MIGRATION TO SPAIN ...................................................................................... 66Introduction .................................................................................................................. ...........66A Migration Makeover .......................................................................................................... .66The Foreign Resident Population in Spain ............................................................................. 68Catalonia: An Internal and International Destination .............................................................77Matar: Field Site ...................................................................................................................82


8 Senegambian Migration to Matar ......................................................................................... 84Conclusion .................................................................................................................... ..........865 SEARCHING FOR A LIVELIHOOD: SENE GAMBIAN MIGRATION TO SPAIN ......... 87Introduction .................................................................................................................. ...........87Migration ................................................................................................................................87Methods for Entering Spain .................................................................................................... 92Method One: The North African Route ........................................................................... 94Method Two: False Docu ments and Smugglers ............................................................ 100Method Three: Work Permits and Tourist Visas ........................................................... 102Method Four: Family Reunification ..............................................................................103Reception in Spain ............................................................................................................ ....105Senegambian Settlement in Catalonia .................................................................................. 109Gender, Immigration and Work in Spain ...................................................................... 111Employment Opportunities for Senegambia n Men in Catalonias Labor Market 122Employment Opportunities for Senegambian Women .......................................... 129Housing Accommodations: A Place to Rest Your Head ............................................... 132Conclusion .................................................................................................................... ........1406 TRANSNATIONALISM AND ECONOMIC MOBILITY IN SPAIN ............................... 144Introduction .................................................................................................................. .........144Transnational Practices Among Senegambians in Spain ...................................................... 144Private Transnationalism ...............................................................................................145Remittances ............................................................................................................ 147Return Visits ...........................................................................................................154Public Transnationalism ................................................................................................160Economic Transnationalism .......................................................................................... 164Differences between Men and Wome ns Transnational Activities ......................................168Transnational Practices and Econom ic Integration in Matar ..............................................171Citizenship and Transnationalism ......................................................................................... 1817 CONCLUSION .................................................................................................................... .185Introduction .................................................................................................................. .........185Participation in Transnational Activities and Upward Mobility in Sp ains Labor Market .. 185Transnational Practices and Life Course .............................................................................. 189Future Research ....................................................................................................................189APPENDIX: SPAINS IMMIGRATION POLICY ................................................................... 191The Law on the Rights and Li berties of Foreigners ...................................................... 192Regularization Campaigns .............................................................................................194Annual Quota System .................................................................................................... 200


9 REFERENCES CITED ................................................................................................................201BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH .......................................................................................................222


10 LIST OF TABLES Table page 3-1 Gender and Ethnicity of Survey Respondents ................................................................... 603-2 Neighborhood Distribution of African population in Matar ............................................ 644-1 Total Foreign Residents in Spain ....................................................................................... 674-2 Total Foreign Residents in Spain since 2000 ..................................................................... 674-3 Foreign Residents by Country in Spain .............................................................................714-4 Regional Origins of Foreign Residents in Spain ................................................................724-5 Authorized Senega mbian Residents 2005 ......................................................................... 845-1 Authorized Senegambian Reside nt Men and Women in Spain 2005 .............................. 1125-2 Sub-Saharan Registered Me n and Women in Matar 2004 .............................................1135-3 Sub-Saharan Registered Me n and Women in Matar 2006 .............................................113


11 LIST OF FIGURES Figure page 2-1 Map of Senegal ..................................................................................................................492-2 Map of Gambia. ............................................................................................................ .....493-2 Map of the different neighborhoods in Matar. ................................................................. 655-1 Routes to Spain fr om Northwest Africa............................................................................. 955-2 Trajectory of occupational improvement for Senegambian men with at least a work permit ........................................................................................................................ .......1235-2 Cleaning up at Formula One auto racing ......................................................................... 1425-3 Landscaping in a private home. .......................................................................................1425-4 Cleaning the streets of Maresme. .....................................................................................1435-5 Collecting shopping carts at Carrefour. ...........................................................................1436-1 Categorization of transnational activiti es observed in this study according to magnitude. .................................................................................................................... ....1456-2 Locutorio in Barcelona. ................................................................................................... 1466-3 Employment, migration status and transnational activities. ............................................ 172


12 LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS CERES Centre dEstudi s i Recerca Sindicals CCM Consell Comarcal del Maresme DGEI Delegacin del Gobierno para la Extranjera y La Inmigracin (predecessor to OPI) EIU Economist Intelligence Unit IDECAT Intitut dEsta distica de Catalunya IMPE Institut Municipal de Promoc i Econmica (Ajuntament de Matar) INE Instituto Nacional de Estadstica MTAS Ministerio de Trabajo y Asuntos Sociales OPI Observatorio Permanente de la Inmigracin


13 Abstract of Dissertation Pres ented to the Graduate School of the University of Florida in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy ECONOMIC MOBILITY AND THE TRANSNATIONAL PRACTICES OF WEST AFRICANS IN CATALONIA, SPAIN By Ermitte St. Jacques August 2009 Chair: Anita Spring Major: Anthropology This study investigates the transnational behaviors of Senegalese and Gambian (Senegambian) immigrants in Sp ain in relation to th eir employment and immi gration status, or economic integration. Contrary to suggestions that transnationalism is a response to the downward mobility that nonwhite immigrants encounter in post-i ndustrial countries, ethnographic data shows that engagement in cr oss-border activities in creases with upward mobility in the labor market. The transnational practices of Senegambian immigrants who do not possess work permits and are involved in low-wa ge seasonal agricultural work are limited to telephone calls and remittances. Whereas, the transnational activities of immigrants who have work permits and are employed in less-skilled co nstruction or factory wo rk are more developed and include return visits, land purchase and hom e construction. The acquisition of a work permit is a significant variable for mobility in the labor market and engagement in transnational activities. After obtaining a work permit, immigr ants usually abandon agricultural work for lessskilled employment in construction, services and factories that provide higher wages. Length of residence in Spain is also an important variable for economic mobility. With time in Spain, immigrants are able to regularize their status and improve their employment. The transnational activities of immigrants also vary according to the life course. When families are reunited, the


14 transnational practices of couples are curtailed to meet financ ial demands in Spain. Immigrant men who remain single or maintain their wives a nd children in Senegal or Gambia show greater transnational activities than those who have their families in Spain. As children become independent, transnational activities increase as immi grants make plans to retire in Senegal or Gambia. Variations in the transnational practices of Senegambian men and women are largely an outcome of their different rates of participation in the labor market. Differences between the economic integration of Senegambian men a nd women are consequences of the gender composition of migration to Spain, the family reunification policy of Spain, and the lack of opportunities for Senegambian women in the labor market. The case of Senegambian immigrants in Spain illustrates the need to reassess the relationship between transna tionalism and integration in host countries.


15 CHAPTER 1 OCCUPATIONAL STATUS AND TRANSNATIONAL PRACTICES1 Introduction This study of Senegalese and Ga mbian immigrants in Catalonia, Spain examines how engagement in transnational practi ces, including activities that enable migrants to maintain social ties with their countries of orig in, varies according to their economic integration, or type of employment and immigration status in the receiving country. Examining the relationship between economic integration and involvement in transnational pr actices is a departure from recent studies of transnationalism among Senegalese migrants in Europe and North America that largely concern Murid commercial and religious networks. Since th e majority of Senegalese and Gambian immigrants in Catalonia are not trader s, understanding the rela tionship between labor market participation and transnationalism is imperative. Observations on the relationship between integration and pa rticipation in transnational activitie s suggest that transnationalism is partly an adaptive strategy to the hostile reception and downward mobility that nonwhite immigrants experience in post-industrial countrie s. Such suggestions, however, ignore the legal and monetary resources needed to engage in tran snational activities. Given the resources needed to facilitate certain transna tional activities, downw ard mobility in the host country would limit the ability of immigrants to engage in these behaviors. How are the transnational practices of Senegambian immigrants in Spain affected by th eir occupational status in the labor market? Does engagement in transnational practices incr ease with improvement in employment status or upward mobility in the labor market? Questions concerning the incorpora tion of immigrants in the labor market raise the issue of immigration status since regular or legal status increases 1 This study was funded with a Doctoral Dissertation Research Improvement Grant from the National Science Foundation.


16 employment options. The case of Senegalese and Gambian immigrants in Catalonia provides an opportunity to explore how employment and immigra tion status, or economic integration, affects engagement in transnational practices. The introductory chapter include s a summary of the literature on transnational migration among Senegalese populations to put in context the migration of the Mandinka and Jola ethnic groups, which comprise the majority of respondent s in this study. Since this study concerns the labor market participation of Senegalese and Ga mbian immigrants in Catalonia, concepts that pertain to economic incorporation, such as mob ility and integration, are also defined in this chapter. Different approaches to the relationshi p between integration a nd transnationalism are then reviewed, followed by a presentation of the research questions and objectives of the study. Finally this introductory chap ter ends with a summary of the subsequent chapters. Recent Studies of Senegalese Transnational Migration In general, studies of Senegalese transnatio nal m igration deal with the commercial and religious networks of the Muridiyya, an Islami c Sufi order, and the traders and entrepreneurs who compose its membership.2 These studies consider: the ways in which the religious philosophy and organization of the Muridiyya fost er travel and transnat ionalism; the various functions of the dahira (religious association or circle), particularly on maintaining solidarity among followers overseas; the transnational prac tices and entrepreneurial activities of Murid traders; and the lived experiences of Murid traders as migrants aboard.3 Among Murid migrants, 2 In the literature, there are various spelling of the Mu ridiyya and of its followers: Murid, Mourid, Mouride, Mouridism. 3 Studies of transnational migration and the Muridiyya include: Ebin (1995, 1996); Carter (1997); Perry (1997); Diouf (2000); Buggenhagen (2001, 2003, 2009); Riccio (2001, 2002, 2003, 2004); Babou (2002); and Sow (2004). For other Sufi orders, see Soares (2004) and Kane (2008) for Tijaniyya and van Hovens (2003) for the Dahiratoul Khadriya Ibrahimaya. For studies on African transnationa l traders in France and the Un ited States see MacGaffey and Bazenguissa-Ganga (2000) and Stoller (2002, 2003), respectively.


17 transnational processes occur on multiple levels: religious, economic, political and familial. The Muridiyya operates as both a religious organization and an economic community, tied together by a work ethic that promotes migration (E bin 1996; Carter 1997; Perry 1997; Diouf 2000; Babou 2002; Buggenhagen 2003; Riccio 2003, 2004). Invol vement in trade defines recent Murid migrationfirst to Dakar and then to cities around the worldand is a movement away from earlier migration to frontier lands to cult ivate peanuts (Ebin 1995, 1996; Diouf 2000; Babou 2002; Buggenhagen 2003; Riccio 2004). The mobility a nd travel intrinsic to trade allow disciples to identify with the f ounder of the order, Amadou Bamba, who was deported from Senegal twice by French colonial authorities and sent into exile (Ebin 1996; Carter 1997; Diouf 2000). The luggage and suitcases in which Mu rid traders carry their merchandi se is analogous with those of the founder (Ebin 1996; Carter 1997). Dioufs de piction of the mobility of Murid traders articulates transnationalism: he is an Italian, a New Yorker, a Ma rseillais, a Spaniard. He is constantly in movement. His stopover points are hotel rooms or overcrowded apartments in the main cities of the world where merchandise is piled up. He is always just stopping off, always in transit, thus erasing the notion of a fixed residence (2000:695). As traders, Murid entrepreneurs are at the center of transnational processes. Port es et al. (1999) define entrepreneurs and the networks on which the success of their activities depend as transnational. Compared to migrants not engaged in commercial activities, entrepre neurs have greater involvement in cross-border activities (Portes et al. 1999). Beyond the commercia l activities of the Muri d traders, the ritual practices of the Muridiyya foster transnationali sm: followers maintain religious ties to their sheikhs or marabouts through offerings and suppor t religious projects through donations; sheikhs and their entourage tour the Murid circuits to minister to their followers; disciples make pilgrimages to the holy city of Touba; offerings and blessings circulate within the Murid diaspora


18 ((Ebin 1996; Babou 2002; Buggenhagen 2003, 2009; Ri ccio 2004). Transnational practices among Murid migrants also take place at the fa milial level through remitta nces, visits, marriage, and home construction (Buggenhagen 2001, 2003, 2009; Babou 2009). Given that Murid traders are integral members of interc onnected religious, commercial and familial networks based in Senegal, the attention paid to the Murid diaspora in the schol arship on transnationalism among Senegalese migrants is understandable. With the focus of Senegalese transnational mi gration studies on Murid traders, the Wolof ethnic group, which largely makes up the Muridiyya has been at the center of recent research. Current interest in the Wolof marks a shift from earlier preoccupation with the migration of the Soninke who made up the large majority of We st African migrants in France in the postindependence period of the 1960s. The Soninke, theref ore, have largely defined the literature on Senegalese migration although they are a minor ity ethnic group in Senegal (Timera 1996; Manchuelle 1997; Babou 2002; Riccio 2001, 2002). Th e Haal Pulaar comprised the second major ethnic group in the migration to France.4 Both the Soninke and the Haal Pulaar are located primarily in the Senegal River Valley, whic h encompasses Mauritania, Mali and Senegal.5 While migration studies of the Soninke and the Haal Pulaar from the 1970s and 1980s have themes of transnationalism, they are framed within a pe rspective of circular migration (Riccio 2001, 4 The Soninke and Sarahuli are the same ethnic group. Tw o common spellings are Sarahul i and Sarakole. The Haal Pulaar is made up of two ethnic groups, Fulbe and Tukulor that share the same language. Variations in the names and spellings include: Fula, Fulani, Peul, Peulh, Toucouleur, Futa Toro. 5 In a 1982 survey of 1,229 immigrants from the Senegal River Valley in France, 848 were Soninke and 203 were Haal Pulaar (Cond and Diagne 1986:60). In the case of the Senegal immigrants, which totaled 339 respondents, 155 were Soninke and 144 were Haal Pulaar (Cond and Diagne 1986:60). This survey gives an idea of the numbers of Soninke and Haal Pulaar in the po st-independence migration to France. Wh ereas the Wolof is the majority ethnic group in Senegal, they only comprised 11 respondents in the survey. In 1987 Findley and Sow (1998) conducted a follow-up study of a sub-sample of the villages surveyed in 1982 to examine migration trends among the Soninke.


19 2004).6 Recent studies, however, have explored transnational issues. Kane (2001, 2002) has examined the transnational dime nsions of associations that link Haal Pulaar villagers and migrants in Dakar and abroad, specifically the operation of rotating savings and credit associations and the structural organization of the Thilogne villag e association. With respect to religion, Kane (2008) has researched the transnat ional organization of Gounassianke, a branch of the Tijaniyya, specifically how the sheikhs minist er to their diasporic followers, how followers maintain a religious identity in the diaspora, a nd what types of projects followers finance in Senegal. This study of Senegalese and Gambian (Sen egambian) migration to Catalonia, Spain involves the Mandinka and Jola et hnic groups and, therefore, directs attention away from the Senegal River Valley where the Soninke and th e Haal Pulaar are the dominant groups to the Gambia and Casamance Rivers.7 The Jola and Mandinka have been largely absent in research on transnationalism among Senegalese migrants.8 Both ethnic groups are minorities in Senegal. The Mandinka represents four percent of the Sene galese population and th e Jola five percent; whereas, the Wolof comprises 43 percent of the population and the Hal Pu laar 25 percent (EIU 2008).9 Although both are minority ethnic groups, the Ma ndinka and Jola are not absent in the 6 Migration studies on the Soninke include: Cond and Diagne 1986; Quiminal 1991; Timera 1996; Manchuelle 1997; Findley and Sow 1998. 7Senegambia refers to the region around the Senegalese and Gambian rivers and to the short-lived confederation between Senegal and Gambia from 1982 to 1989 (Merriam-W ebster 2003). Senegambia conveys the shared cultural traditions and ethnic ties that transcend the imposed colonial borders dividing the two countries. As one informant noted, Gambia is in Senegal. 8 The Jola are a separate ethnic group from the Mand-speaking Juula ethnic group. Spelling variations for the Juula include Dioula and Dyula. 9 Research has been conducted on Jola migration from the Casamance region to the capital Dakar (Lambert 1994, 2002, 2007; Linares 2003). For the beginnings of the migration see Mark 1978 and Van Der Klei 1985.


20 migration to North America and Europe.10 For instance, Carter notes the diversity of the Senegalese migrant population in It aly, the community of Senegalese in Turin is not restrictive to the Wolof, who are the most often associated with the Mourid but is, rather, a very diverse community that represents many of the major ethni c groups in Senegal such as the Wolof, Serer, Peul, Toucouleur, Laube, Lebou, Mandinka, and Diola (1997:75). However, Carters study focuses on the Wolof. Riccio also remarks on the multi-ethnic Senegalese community in Italy, Fulani (Peul), Seere, Toucouleur and some Diola from th e Casamance (2004:934). However, he points out that the large majority is Wolof of the Murid Sufi order, which is the topic of this study (Riccio 2004:934). In contrast to the numbers of Wolof in Italy, Mandi nka and Jola are the majority ethnic groups in the migration to the Ma resme coast of Catalonia. Of the 42 Senegalese immigrants interviewed in this study, 25 are from the Casamance region of Senegal. Twenty-one of the respondents are Mandi nka and 18 are Jola. Only two respondents are Wolof. This study also shifts the focus away from groups involved in tr ading and commerce to those participating in the labor market. Mandinka and Jola immigran ts in Catalonia are primarily engaged in the labor market.11 Just as Soninke migrants in Fr ance were at the very bottom of the employment ladder in the post-Independen ce period (McDonald 1969), Mandinka and Jola immigrants in Spain are engaged low-waged and unskilled work. The main jobs that immigrants in Spain perform are low skilled agricultural, construction and service jobs. The service jobs include domestic work and menial jobs in restau rants, hotels, and hospi tals (King et al. 1997; Mendoza 1997; King and Rodrguez-Melguizo 1 999; Baldwin-Edwards 1999; Martnez Veiga 1999; Arango 2000). The concentration of immigran t workers in Spains secondary labor market 10 Of the 60 Senegalese and Gambian immigrants interviewe d for this study, 27 are Mandinka, 18 Jola, 5 Soninke, 5 Hal Pulaar, 2 Wolof, 2 Balanta, and 1 Serer. 11 In fact, there is a stigma for trading among the Jola (Lambert 1994:101). Reboussin observes that Jola migrants in Dakar do not normally engage in commercial activities (1995:129).


21 and the low wages and instability of this sector bring into question the cap acity of immigrants to engage in transnational practices that require monetary resources. Questions of mobility can be explained by the concept of up the down staircase, the situation in which skilled immigr ants take on menial work in th e receiving country to advance their socioeconomic mobility in their countries of origin (M argolis 1994:17-18). Mahler (1995) observes that immigrants with hi gher human capital fall further in status in the United States. Because the large majority of Senegambian immigrants in Spain have limited formal education, their involvement in unskilled work in Spain is not a decline in mobility. At the same time, lowwage and unskilled jobs in Spain allow Senega lese and Gambian immigrants to improve their status in their countries of origin (Ski nner 1985; Goldring 1998; Lambert 1994, 2002; Riccio 2001; Newell 2005). Interpretations of transnationa lism as an adaptive st rategy in the face of downward mobility in the receiv ing country do not consider how economic and legal resources obtained through occupational m obility in the receiving country support the cross-border activities that tie immigr ants to their countries of origin. This study of Senegambian immigrants in Catalonia takes up this neglect by examining how participation in tr ansnational behavior varies across immigration status and type of employment. If th e extent to which immigrants participate in transnational behaviors depends on the resources available to them (Portes 1999; Levitt 2000; Kivisto 2001), then the transnationa l activities of immigrants with increasing economic mobility in the host country will be greater in range and frequency. Conversely, the transnational activities of immigrants with declining mobility will be more constricted. This case study of Senegambians shows how immigrants w ith legal immigration st atus and occupational mobility engage in a greater degree of transnatio nal behavior than those illegally residing in Spain and employed in seas onal low-wage employment.


22 Attention to the participati on of Senegambian immigrants in the Spanish labor market introduces the issue of immigration status. Re gular immigration stat us provides economic benefits not available to immigrants with ir regular status. The possession of a work permit enables immigrants to participate in the labor market without punitive consequences. Regular immigration status also enables travel outside the host country. The acquisition of visas and permits also makes possible the geographical mob ility that traders and entrepreneurs depend on for the success of their ventures. With the example of Amadu Dieng, a Murid trader from Ebins study (1996), Diouf points out that the mobility of Murid traders is solely geographical and adds that territorial mobility is combined with considerable professional mobility (2000:695696). Dieng begins his circuit selling Ouagadougou bracelets in Marseilles and ends up buying beauty products and music cassettes, which are much more profitabl e commodities. Along his circuit, Dieng acquires more profitable mercha ndise as he sells off cheaper goods (Ebin 1996:9798). Diengs multiple-entry visa for the United Stat es facilitates his mobility and enables him to trade on a larger sc ale (Ebin 1996:97-98).12 Likewise, work and resident permits facilitate mobility within the labor market. Powers et al (1998) find that undocumented immigrants in the United States experience upward mobility after re gularizing their status although they remain in unskilled jobs. How does mobility, improvement in employment status and earnings, within the Spanish labor market affect the transnational pract ices of Senegalese and Gambian immigrants in Maresme?13 12 Traders who do not obtain multiple-entry visas are forced to remain in New York because they may not be able to re-enter the United States (Ebin 1996). See also Perry 1997 and Riccio 2001, 2002. 13 In chapter 2, I discuss the mobility as a form of livelihood (De Bruijn et al. 2001; Tacoli 2001; Olwig and Srensen 2002).


23 Bridging Integration and Transnationalism Defining the residence of imm igrants in terms of integration is problematic in that many think of their stay as temporary because the migration is economic. In addition many have no desire to adopt the culture of the receivi ng society, which is implicit in the concept of integration. While immigrants initially intend to stay for a period of time to earn enough money and then return to their countries of orig in, many remain and bring their families. Others return to their countrie s of origin only to migr ate again (Margolis 1994). This is particularly the case of Senegambian immigrants in Spain. As with Senegalese migration to France in the postIndependence period, Soninke and Haal Pulaar me n migrated alone and engaged in a circular migration where they returned to Senegal for an extended period of time (Sargent and Larchanch-Kim 2006). They found unskilled jobs in the indust rial sector (McDonald 1969; Timera 1996; Manchuelle 1997; Riccio 2002). However, the curtailment of immigration in the aftermath of the oil crisis of the 1970s and the passing of the family reunification act of 1976 led to more permanent settlement (Timera 1996; Sargent and Larchanch-Kim 2006; Riccio 2002; Kane 2008). Senegalese and Gamb ian migration to Spain has followed an identical pattern beginning with single men and ending with family reunification in the 1990s (Kaplan 1998; Kaplan Marcusn 2005). The presence of the second and third-generations speak to the permanency of the migration.14 An analysis of the relationship between e ngagement in transnational practices and economic incorporation in the receiving count ry, specifically opportuni ties for upward mobility through improvement in occupational status and in come, calls for clarification of the different 14 Kane (2002) questions the future of the Thilogne village association since the adult children of the Haal Pulaar immigrants do not have the same emotional bonds to the village of their parents.


24 concepts of integration.15 According to Favell (2001), integrat ion is a popular term because it does not express the negativity th at assimilation has come to c onnote. However, as Favell (2001) notes integration and incorpor ation are vague terms. Althou gh assimilation has acquired a negative connotation (Glazer 1993; Alba and Nee 1997; Brubaker 2001), it remains the fundamental concept for understanding the proce ss of sociocultural chan ge that immigrants experience and their incorporat ion in the receiving society.16 Brubaker identifies a general and abstract definition of assimilation that refers to the process of becoming similar or of making similar or treating similar to a reference gr oup (2001:533-534). Brubakers definition specifies a degree of similarity (2001).17 Two aspects of the general mean ing of assimilation that Brubaker (2001) outlines are useful for unde rstanding the integration of firs t-generation Senegambians in Catalonia. First, assimilation is not someth ing done to persons, but rather something accomplished by them (Brubaker 2001: 543). Assimila tion then is not static, but an active and ongoing process. Second, assimilatio n is not opposed to difference but to marginalization, which marks a shift from the cultural to the socioeconomic (Brubaker 2001). Although this second aspect emphasizes a shift to socioeconomic ma rginalization, upward mobility of immigrants continues to be tied to acculturation, or the adopti on of the cultural and social norms of the host society (Alba and Nee 1997). Fo r instance, immigrants who ha ve a proficient command of Spanish and Catalan have better employment opportunities than those who do not. This study adopts Brubakers general meaning of assim ilation to emphasize the economic position of 15 I use the concepts of integration, incorporation and assimilation synonymously. 16 The historiography of the concept of assimilation is beyond the scope of this dissertation. 17 Brubaker (2001) identifies two related meanings of assimilation. The second definition is specific and organic and implies complete absorption (Brubaker 2001:533-534). It stresses the end result and is the definition that has been discredited (Brubaker 2001:534).


25 Senegambian immigrants in Spain and to unde rscore the possibiliti es for both upward and downward mobility in the labor market. The shift from cultural to socioeconomic marginalization expressed in Brubakers definition of assimilation (2001) corresponds wi th the theory of se gmented assimilation. Segmented assimilation attempts to explain the individual and environmental factors that determine into which segments of the host society second-generati on immigrants become incorporated (Zhou 1997). Three distinct outcomes of immigrant adaptation are possible: 1) upward mobility through conventional acculturati on and economic integration into the middle class; 2) upward mobility as a result of economic integration into the middle class while retaining the immigrant groups values and affiliation; 3) downward mobility due to acculturation and economic integration into the underclass (Portes and Zhou 1993; Zhou 1997). Segmented assimilation differs from classical assimilation and multicultural paradigms in its consideration of downward mobility (Porte s and Zhou 1993; Zhou 1997). Although segmented assimilation has been used to describe the possible outcomes of second-generation adaptation (Portes and Zhou 1993; Zhou 1997), with modifications, these outcomes are applicable to the first generation. For example, first-generation immigrants can suffer downward mobility as a result of their economic incorporation in lo w-wage employment while experiencing minimal acculturation. Portes and Zhou (1993) identify three features of the receiving environment that contribute to downward mobility: discrimination, re sidence in impoverished areas, and restricted economic opportunities.18 The environment in which many Senegambian and African immigrants find themselves in Spain presents all of these features. The limited acceptance of African immigrants in Spanish society and th eir economic incorporation into the secondary 18 Each of these factors has played a role in the margina lization of second-generation immigrant Muslim youths in France, which fueled the 2005 riots.


26 sector set conditions for the creat ion of an immigrant underclass. At the same time, opportunities for improvement in employment and earnings exist. With the possible trajectories of immigrant adaptationmainstream, underclass, and ethnic enclavethe question of how transnational behavior varies across the different patterns of adaptation becomes critical. Research on the relationship between inte gration and transnationalism largely offer explanations for the social ties immigrants main tain with their countries of origin. Itzigsohn and Giorguli Saucedo (2002, 2005) identify three explanations for transnational behavior that pertain to integration in the receiving country, reactive, linear and resource-dependent transnationalism. Itzigsohn and Giorguli Sau cedo (2002, 2005) use reactive transnationalism to refer to the common theory that the maintenance of social ties to the community of origin is an adaptive strategy to the discrimination and downw ard mobility nonwhite immigrants experience in the countries to which they have migrated (Basch et al. 1994; Port es 1997, 1999; Waters 1999; Faist 2000; Foner 2000). For example, Basch et al. (1994) suggest that transnational ties enable migrants to circumvent the racial categorizati on of the United States. Waters (1999) observes that for West Indian immigrants in New York City assimilation means becoming black American, a stigmatized minority, whereas a transn ational identity enable s them to skirt this racial classification. Because Mu rid traders try to save money, they live in crime-ridden neighborhoods where they face hostility (Ebin 1996; Carter 1997; Stoller 2002). Buggenhagen indirectly associate the transnati onal activities of Senegalese male migrants to marginalization in the United States and Europe, as male kin experi ence the stigma of race and immigrant class in Europe and America, they strive to build hom es and produce families in Senegal, which they struggle to support through thei r remittances keeping them tie d to their overseas lives


27 (2001:377). Babou suggests that growing hostility in Western Europe towards immigrants was a factor in Murid choosing the United Stat es as a destination in the1980s (2002:158). Itzigsohn and Giorguli Saucedo (2002) find th at experiences of discrimination and a negative perception of the society of reception do increase the likelihood of participating in the transnational social field among Dominicans, Colombians and Salvadorans in metropolitan cities of the United States (2002:785).19 While their findings show a positive relationship, an alternative explanation may account for the association, especially since experiences of racism and discrimination have always been part of the immigrant enc ounter. In her example of Jews and Italians in New York at the turn of the 20th Century, Foner (1997, 2000) reminds us that the rejection of immigrants based on constructions of race has a long history. Moreover, the reactive explanation for engagement in transnational activities assumes that immigrants enjoy a higher status in their countries of or igin, which is not necessarily the case. The Mandinka and Jola, the ethnic groups from which the majority of the re spondents in this study be long, are minorities in Senegal. Moreover, a rebellion to secede the Casamance region from Senegal has been led by members of the Jola ethnic group.20 Similar to the Mandinka and Jola in Spain, immigrants coming from multi-ethic countries where they are the minorities and are susceptible to discrimination raise doubt to the strength of interpretations of transnationalism as a reaction to hostility and downward mobility in the receiving country. 19 While the research of Itzigsohn and Giorguli Saucedo (200 2, 2005) is one of the few studies to critically examine the relationship between immigrant incorporation and partic ipation in transnational activities as well as to analyze gender differences, their focus on only two transnationa l practicesinvolvement in institutions that promote sociocultural ties to the country of orig in and involvement in economic endea vors taking place in both countries of origin and receptionlimits their conclusions considering the breadth of transnational activities immigrants undertake. 20 Lambert (1998) has examined the ethnic aspects of the conflict.


28 This study of Senegambians in Spain modifi es the second explanat ion that Itzigsohn and Giorguli Saucedo (2002, 2005) identify for e ngagement in transnationalism. Linear transnationalism explains involvement in transn ational activities as part of the continued connection immigrants have to their family and community of origin. The presumption is that with time in the receiving country, these ties will diminish (Itzigs ohn and Giorguli Saucedo 2002, 2005). This approach acknowledges the pa rallel course immigran t integration and participation in transnational activities share. Kivisto (2001) notes that at the same time that migrants are maintaining social connections to the sending communities, they are engaging in processes of acculturation to the host community. He stresses the importance of place insofar as the immediate concerns of the place where immigran ts are located take pr iority over the distant needs of the sending community (Kivisto 2001). F oner (2000) also notes the importance of place and the limited resources of immigrants. Pointing to the permanency of migration settlement, Foner (2000) observes that financ ial obligations to relatives le ft behind may drain resources needed for projects in the host country. As fam ily members join migrants, they become more involved with life in the host country, and ties to the homel and lessen over time (Foner 2000). Kivisto (2001) proposes that transnationalism is a form of assimilation. Although such a definition of transnational acknowledges the parallel course that integration and transnationalism share, it does not account for the variations of transnational behaviors among immigrants with comparable social ties in their countries of or igin. Rather than diminishing over time, the ties immigrants maintain with their countries of origin are transformed by the life cycle immigrants and by circumstances in the receiving country and the country of origin (Levitt 2003). The transnational practices of Senegambian immigran ts in Catalonia are defined by their continued membership in their communities of origin. At the same time, their economic integration in


29 Catalonia structures their capacity to engage in transnational practices Integration therefore influences the types of transnational activities in which immigrants partic ipate and the extent of their participation (Itzigsohn and Giorguli Saucedo 2002; Levitt 2003; Morawska 2003). The importance of the local context of the rece iving country in shaping the form and scale of the transnational practices in which immigrants engage has been highlighted in recent research that show how immigrant assimilation in the r eceiving country correlates with participation in transnational activities (Levitt 2003; Morawska 2003). Morawska (2003) suggests that because of the different forms that assimilation and transnationalism take, they produce different combinations that are dependent on the particular configurations of the economic, political and cultural context of the sending and receiving countries and th e local immigrant community (Morawska 2003:162). Levitt also proposes that tran snational practices of immigrants in the United States vary in range and magnitude according to different assimilation trajectories in the United States to produce diverse outcomes ( 2003:178). She further argue s that transnational practices are not incompatible with assimilati on and ascribes the fal se dichotomy between assimilation and transnationalism to a lack of defining transnational practices (Levitt 2003:178). In her exploration of transnational entreprene urship, Landolt (2001) find s that the cross-border economic entrepreneurial activities of Salvadorian immigrants and the process of their settlement in the United States are mutually reinforci ng. She observes how the local contexts of Los Angeles and Washington DC distinctly shape their transnational economic activities and how United States citizenship ensures the physical mo bility necessary their transnational ventures (Landolt 2001). Among West African traders in France, Italy and the United States, the acquisition of resident permits, which usually require specific periods of residence in the country of issue, provides them with greater opportunities that can either reinforce their transnational


30 practices or their integration. Th is is particularly the case wh en trading activities take place within the informal economy. Residency permits facilitate travel, which expands business opportunities, and in some instances, traders are able to move on to salaried employment (Zinn 1994; Carter 1997; Perry 1997; Riccio 2001; Stoller 2002). Stoller observes that deteriorating urban conditions have made the American bush more appealing to many West Africans, luring them away from New York Cityespecially if th ey have what they call papers, namely, an employment authoriz ation permit from the U.S. Immigration and Naturalization Service (INS). This card not only enables them to drive registered cabs, but also allows them, unlike Issifi, to work for wages in factories and stores. (2002:7) For Stollers informants, U.S. residency enables them to improve their occupational status and incomes although the jobs they find are in the same sectors. The West African traders are also able to improve their quality of life with the ac quisition of residency. They are able to leave behind the unfavorable environment of New York for safer neighborhoods and larger apartments in Greensboro, North Carolina. Emphasis on the economic aspect of integra tion introduces the third explanation for participation in transnational activities, which adds a material component. Itzigsohn and Giorguli Saucedo (2002, 2005) refer to this approach as resource-dependent transnationalism because it takes into account the monetary re sources needed to facilitate tr ansnational activities. Migration scholars have noted that the exte nt to which immigrants participate in transnational activities depends on the resources available to them (Portes 1999; Levitt 2000; Kivisto 2001). Itzigsohn and Giorguli Saucedo (2002) find that unemploym ent or nonparticipation in the labor market hinders involvement in transnational activities. In th e resource-dependent explanation, Itzigsohn and Giorguli Saucedo (2002) also in clude perspectives of transnational entrepreneurship as an alternative course of immigran t adaptation to dead-end jobs in the receiving country (Portes 1997; Portes et al. 1999; Faist 2000). For example, in her study of the transnational economic practices of Salvadoran immigrants in the United States, Landolt concludes, the above average


31 earnings of entrepreneurs suggest that transnational resource management and investment can facilitate social mobility and economic advanc ement (2001:237). With such prospects for mobility, the limited number of immi grants involved in transnati onal entrepreneurial projects suggests that this alternative is not open to all immigrants. That Itzi gsohn and Giorguli Saucedo did a purposive selectio n of one third of the insu re that there were enough cases of transnational immigrants in the sample dem onstrates the small size of this subpopulation (2002:774). Studies on migrant traders hint at the particip ation of immigrants in the local labor markets (Zinn 1994; Ebin 1996; Carter 1997; M acGaffey and Bazenguissa-Ganga 2000; Riccio 2001; Stoller 2002). 21 Zinn observes that after Senegalese immigrants in Bari, Italy receive resident permits, a number of Senegalese head for northern Italy, where their social networks have indicated the availability of factory jobs (1 994:56). The fact that only a minority of immigrants are entrepreneurs rais es the critical question of how does participation in the labor market shape transnational practi ces. This study of Senegambian im migrants in Catalonia, Spain answers this question an d addresses other related issues re garding participation in the labor market and engagement in transnationalism. The case of Senegambian immigration to Catalonia illustrates the need to reconcile transnationalism with participati on in the labor market of the receiving country, particularly since the large majority of immigrants are not entrepreneurs or traders. The incorporation of many immigrants in the secondary labor market where low-wages and flexibility characterize jobs, raises the question of th e capacity of immigrants to e ngage in particular kinds of transnational practices th at require substantial monetary resources such as home construction. The case of Senegambians in Spain brings up a second question, how does mobility in the labor 21 Babous study on Senegalese hair braiders is the exception (2002).


32 market in terms of occupational improvement affect participation in transnationalism. The third question that emerges from the case study is how do different employment opportunities available to Senegambian men and women and variations in their pa rticipation rates in the labor market inform their involvement in transnationa l activities. Answering these questions requires several more specific research objectives: ope rationalizing transnati onalism for purposes of measurement; constructing an occupational index that consid ers pay and immigration status, all of which represent economic integration; and comp aring transnational and integration scores to determine the relationship between them. Explai ning the differences between the transnational practices of Senegambian men and women involves an analysis of structural and cultural factors such as Spains family reunification po licy and marriage practices, respectively. Outline of Chapters The second chapter reviews the various definiti ons of transnationalism Transnational ties are then compared with urban-ru ral linkages to demonstrate that the behaviors that sustain them are the same, and therefore, transnational ties ar e extensions of urban-ru ral linkages. Approaches to urban-rural linkages are applied to transnatio nal to introduce alternative perspectives for understanding transnationalism. Th e chapter concludes with a summ ary of migration history of the Jola of the Casamance to illustrate that migration is an integral part of life for many Senegalese and Gambians and to emphasize the con tinuity of migrants engagement in behaviors that connect them to their communities of origin. The third chapter presents th e research design and methodolog ical approach of this study. The research objectives of the study are outlined in the first section: to operationalize transnationalism; to construct an occupational index; to compare involvement in transnationalism and occupational status; and to explain the factors that contribute to differences between the transnational activities of Senegambian men a nd women. A summary of the critiques of the


33 various interpretations of transnationalism follows the research objectiv es to support the studys operationalization of transnationalism, which is based on Itzigsohn et al.s model (1999) of broad and narrow transnationalism. Engagement in transnationalism is measured as low, medium or high. Occupational status is scaled according to contract le ngth and salary since improvement in employment usually takes place within the same labor sector. To account for differences between men and womens participation in transnational acti vities, this study adopts the gendered geographies of power framework (Pessar and Mahler 2003). The ethnographic methods used to analyze the relationship between participa tion in the labor market and involvement in transnational practi ces are also described in the ch apter. The chapter ends with a discussion of entry into the Senegambian community of Matar. The fourth chapter describes th e transition of Spain from a country of emigration to one of immigration. The features of r ecent immigration to Spain are exam ined: the sex distribution of the different immigrant groups; the role of immigr ant labor in the Spains labor market; and the geographical concentration of th e immigrant population. The historic al internal migration from Southern Spain to Catalonia is presented to in terpret recent foreign im migration to the region, specifically the role of migrant workers in Cata lonias labor market and their integration in Catalonia. A brief description of Matar reveal s the work opportunities av ailable to immigrants in the area. The chapter ends with a short history of Sene gambian migration to Matar. The fifth chapter presents the ethnographic data collected. The first section explores the factors that have contributed to growing migration to Spain from Senegal and Gambia such as the deepening relationship between the two countries and Spain and the combined effects of migration. The second section describes the vari ous ways of entering Spain. The third section relates each method of entry to th e resources available to migrants, the type of reception that they


34 receive, and the immigration status that they acquire. Most of the chapter focuses on Senegambian settlement in Catalonia, specifically the challenges they encounter in securing employment, housing and work permits. How these problems are interrelated are also explained, particularly the acquisition of work permits for m obility within Spains labor market, in terms of improved employment status. Disp arities between the labor market participation of Senegambian men and women are interpreted as a consequence of factors such as Spains family reunification policy, childcare and household responsibilities of Senegambian women, and limited work opportunities for Senegambian women as a result of racial and religious preference in domestic service. The last section of the chapter examines housing arrangements among Senegambian immigrants and delineates the different strategies to afford accommodations. The sixth chapter examines the transnational activities of Senegambian immigrants in relation to their economic integration in Catalo nia, Spain. The first sections of the chapter identify and describe the transnational practic es according to private, public and economic domains. Although some Senegambian immigrants maintain ties with relatives abroad in countries in Africa, Europe and North Amer ica, which reflect an additional level of transnationalism, this study only c onsiders transnati onal practices that link th e countries of origin and reception. Factors that account for differe nces between Senegambian men and womens transnational practices are explor ed. An examination of the relati onship between participation in the labor market and involvement in transnationa l activities follows the discussion of gender and transnationalism. Immigration status and type of employment are used to measure economic integration. The transnational scor es of a selected group of res pondents are compared with their economic integration scores. Life cycle is take n into account as it corresponds to both labor


35 market participation and involvement in transnational practices. The chapter ends with a discussion of the significance of citizenship for transnational practices. The conclusion summarizes the main thesis of this study, social and economic mobility in Spain supports the transnational pr actices of immigrants. The rele vance of the projects findings to this study of transnational mi gration is presented. Aspects of this study that warrant further research, specifically the transnational practices a nd lifestyle of retired migrants, cultural factors that account for the divergent tr ansnational practices of migrant couples, and the advantages a social network approach to the study of transnational migr ation provide are discussed.


36 CHAPTER 2 THEORIZING THE TRANSNATIONAL PR ACTICES OF SENEGAMBIANS Introduction This chapter presents the theoretical a nd em pirical support for understanding how the transnational practices of Senegambian immigr ants in Spain is determined by both their continued membership in their communities of or igin and their integration in Catalonia. An outline the various definitions of transnationalism is given followed by a description of the different activities that comprise urban-rural linkages to show that transnational ties are constituted by essentially the same activities. The parallels drawn demonstrate that transnational ties are extensions of urban-rural linkages.1 A review of the theoretica l approaches to urban-rural linkages gives additional perspectives for unde rstanding the transnational ties immigrants maintain. The review also presents conditions in both sending and receiving locations that foster and constrain migrants participa tion in activities that bind them to their communities of origin. The chapter ends with a summary of historical migration tren ds in Senegal and Gambia. The summary illuminates how migration developed into a well-established cultural institution, which represents a more recent approach to migration. Definitions and Interpretat ions o f Transnationalism Since their emergence in the early 1990s, tran snational migration studies have grown more cohesive despite the conceptual problems that have threatened to splinter the field into divergent directions. The major challenges have been the numerous definitions of transnationalism that have led to related methodological issues for st udying the phenomenon, as well as varying units 1Manchuelle (1997) has argued that Soninke migration to France is a continuation of their earlier migration to the urban centers of Senegal, primarily Dakar.


37 and levels of analysis.2 A single definition, however, is in consistent with the inherent multidisciplinary nature of transnational migratio n studies, which is expressed in the different approaches to transnational research. The critical reviews of transnationa l migration studies have only strengthened the field, particularly the importance of setting parameters given the diverse and interrelated components of transnational processes. The succession of definitions marking the evolution of transnational migration as a social field derives largely from the framework of Glic k Schiller et al. (1992) and Basch et al. (1994).3 They define transnationalism as the practices that enable immigrants to maintain multiple crossborder social relations that range from individual to collective ties encompassing familial, economic, organizational, political and religious connecti ons that bind immigrants in countries of settlement and nonmigrants in countries of orig in (Basch et al. 1994). Transnational practices encompass a range of behaviors: sending remittances and goods, investing in land and housing, traveling, sponsoring family me mbers through reunification programs, marrying someone from the home village, investing in entrepreneurial ventures, belonging to hometown associations, and participating in the electoral pro cess in the country of origin (B asch et al. 1994; Itzigsohn et al. 1999; Levitt 2001; Portes 1996). While the transna tional framework of G lick Schiller et al. identifies the cross-border practices and social relations migrants maintain, their definition has methodological shortcomings (1992 ; Basch et al. 1994). For exampl e, Mahler (1998) points out 2 See Guarnizo and Smith 1998, Mahler 1998, Portes et al. 1999, Vertovec 1999 and Kivisto 2001 for the definitional and methodological reviews of transnationalism. 3 Nina Glick Schiller, Linda Basch and Cristina Szanton Bl anc first presented their framework in an article entitled Transnationalism: A New Analytic Fram ework for Understanding Migration (1992). Later in 1994, they elaborated their framework in the book Nations Unbounds: Tran snational Projects, Postco lonial Predicaments and Deterritorialized Nation-States under the authorship of Linda Basch, Nina Glick Schiller and Cristina Szanton Blanc.


38 two weaknesses in Basch et al.s definition of tr ansnationalism: procedures are not provided for measuring the social ties or classifying the units of analysis. Subsequent definitions have sought to refine th e definition of Glick Sc hiller et al. (1992) and Basch et al. (1994), particular ly the inclusion of levels of analysis. Elaborating on their definition, Guarnizo (1997) defines transnati onalism as the interconne cting sociocultural, economic and political relationships that transcen d the authority of the nation-state, including the behaviors that sustain these c onnections and the identities that emerge from them. Guarnizo (1997) differentiates two levels of transnationalism, group and individual, which he and Smith later clarify as transn ationalism from above and from be low respectivel y (Guarnizo and Smith 1998). Transnationalism from above invol ves sociocultural, economic and political relationships that transcend the authority of the nation-state, such as global systems of capital, media and political organizations; whereas, tran snationalism from below includes the ordinary common practices of individuals for instance remittances, visi ts and hometown associations (Guarnizo 1997; Guarnizo and Smith 1998). While Faists definition (2000) of transnational social spaces parallels Guarnizo s in that it introduces levels of analysis, his interpretation stresses the cross-border ties. Transnational social spaces are sets of ties, including their composition and location in networks, and organizational networks sustained across different nation-states in which exchange takes place (Fai st 2000). Faist (2000) iden tifies three types of transnational social spaces: kinship groups, transn ational circuits, and transnational communities. Exchanges based on reciprocity, such as remittances, take place within kinship groups (Faist 2000). Constant flows of people, resources and information largely invol ving entrepreneurs and businesses comprise transnational circuits, whic h Faist (2000) adopts from Rouses definition of transnational migrant circuit (1991). Strong social and symbolic ties based on solidarity not


39 defined by kinship characterize transnational co mmunities, for example diaporas (Faist 2000). Analogous to Faists transnational social spaces (2000), Levitts defini tion of transnational village represents a social sp ace (2001). Recognizing an interm ediate level between Smith and Guarnizos conceptualization of transnationalism from a bove and below (1998), Levitts definition of transnational village, or communit y, considers the cross-border practices of both migrants and nonmigrants within the social sp aces in which these activities are performed and defined (2001). In considering th e impact of transnationalism for nonmigrants, Levitts definition takes into account that nonmigrant s also adapt to the va lues and practices of migrants, which she refers to as social remittances (1998, 2001). Moreover, transnatio nal social organizations such as civic, political and religious organizations allow the partic ipation of members in both the sending and receiving areas (Levitt 2001). A lthough these definitions elaborate on the framework of Glick Schiller et al. (1992) and Basch et al. (1994) the varied inte rpretations of transnationalism create more ambiguity. These inte rpretations involve diffe rent types of crossborder social relationships, practices and spaces, as well as the identities formed and maintained through these connections and activ ities and within these domains.4 Interpreting Transnational Ties as Extensions of Urban-Rural Linkages5 The transnational ties that Senegambian immigr ants in Spain actively nurture to anchor themselves to their communities of origin are best understood as continuities of the urban-rural linkages that have defined rura l-urban migration in West Africa. The diverse activities that encompass transnational ties and urban-rural linkages are identical. The minor differences 4 In addition, these various interpretations of transnationalism indicate the persistence of methodological shortcomings, specifically measurement and unit of analysis (Mahler1998; Portes et al. 1999). These major shortcomings of the different interpretations of transnationalism are discussed in Chapter 3 Research Design and Methodology. 5 The sub-heading refers to Manchuelles interpretation of Soninke migration to France as an extension of urban migration in Africa (1997).


40 between transnational and urban-rural ties arise from the exigencies invol ved in crossing national borders. The differences between transnational a nd urban-rural ties lessen further considering that rural-urban migration in West Africa also involves international movements. Migrants regularly and readily cross national borders in se arch of livelihoods in re gional urban centers in neighboring countries. For instance, the historian Manchuelle relate s the migration of Soninke to France in the early part of the 20th century to previous migrati ons to Dakar and other urban centers (1997).6 The Soninke industrial workers who mi grated to France in the early 1960s previously had migrated to Dakar (Manchuelle 1997). Migration to France was initially the continuation of the urban migration that had begun among the Soninke in the interwar period (Manchuelle 1997:216).7 Accordingly, how rural-urban migr ation and urban-rural linkages have been theorized and researched ha ve significance for this study of transnational migration and consequently for understanding the transnational pr actices of Senegambian immigrants in Spain. Comparable to transnational ties, urban -rural linkages involve multiple commitments encompassing familial, social, economic and political dimensions that span geographical distances to bind urban migrants and rural nonmi grants together. Researchers have extensively documented the active and strong ties urban residents, who are first generation migrants in West African cities, maintain with their communitie s of origin (Adepoju 1974; Byerlee 1972; Cond 1973; Findley 1997; Gugler 1971, 1991, 2002; Gugl er and Flanagan 1978; Lambert 1994, 2002; Potts 1997; Trager 1995).8 Lambert observes that appeals for multi-local studies of migration 6 Urban migration to Dakar and other cities evolved from earlier migration to cultivate groundnuts on plantations and frontier lands under the navetanat system. Navetant is a Wolof word that indicates migration during the rainy season (Soumah 1981). 7 Emphasis is Manchuelle (1997). 8 The recognition of urban migrants as urban residents em phasizes the duality of establishing oneself in the city while sustaining ties with ones rural community of origin As with permanent urban residents, temporary migrants are subject to the exigencies of the c ity for the duration of their sojourn.


41 that linked urban and rural areas began in the 1970s (1994:9).9 Migration studies from the 1960s and 1970s show that the numerous practices constituting urban-rural linkages are the same activities comprising transnational ties. Data from a survey of the types of social and economic ties migrants in Oshogbo, Nigeria, which was carried out in 1971 and 1972, indicates that 78 percent of migrants regu larly visited their communities of or igin, 60 percent of migrants sent remittances, and of those remitting, 51 percent did so very often (Adepoju 1974:132). From a 1961 study of Eastern Nigerian migrants in Enug u, Gugler and Flanagan describe strong ties involving more elaborate activitie s than visits and remittances: marriage, home construction, retirement plans, and funeral arrangements (1978: 64-65). At the village level, migrants in Enugu organized hometown associations that financed development project s in and lobbied on behalf of their communities of origin (G ugler and Flanagan 1978). Migran ts in Enugu also supported migration from their communities of origin by hosting visitors and assisting new arrivals (Gugler and Flanagan 1978). The engagement of urban re sidents in activities that support urban-rural linkages illustrates their concurrent membersh ip in their rural communities of origin and residence in West African cities. Gugler and Flan agans observation that urban migrants operate in geographically separate but culturally and economically integrated system emphasizes the articulation of urban destinations and rural comm unities of origin through the different activities migrants practice to maintain urban-rural ties (1978:64). This articu lation culminates in a phenomenon Gugler calls life in a dual system that emerges when families take advantage of opportunities in both communities of origin and ur ban destinations thereby creating scattered 9 Urban-rural linkages suggest initiatives arising from the urban centers, and rural-urban linkages indicate from the rural location. In this study urban-rural is used to reflect initiatives arising from either location.


42 households as spouses, children or parents remain behind (1971, 1991, 2002).10 These studies on urban-rural connections in West Africa demonstrate that the activities in which urban residents engage to maintain connections to their rural communities of origin are the same that support transnational ties. Moreover, the activities urban re sidents practice to anchor themselves to their communities of origin while simultaneously establis hing themselves in the cities to which they have migrated bridge these two locations. Studying urban-rural linkages then enable a multilocal approach (Lambert 1994, 2002), or a tr ansnational perspective in the case of international migration. Studies of rural-urban linkages from the 1960s and 1970s remind us that migrants have long maintained multiple social relations across nati onal borders, particularly in the case of West Africa where rural-urban migrati on has also involved internati onal movements to urban centers of neighboring countries. Although G lick Schiller et al. (1992) a nd Basch et al. (1994) have developed the transnational framework to distin guish current migration trends from former conceptualizations of migration that evoked r upture with the homeland and adaptation in the receiving country, migration scholars have questioned the newness of transnationalism as a phenomenon (Foner 2000; Kivisto 2001). Foner (1997, 2000) argues that Russian Jews and Italians in New York at the turn of the century sustai ned social relations that connected them to their communities of origin at the same time as they developed roots to the United States. Along the same line, Riccio contends th at the literature on what was called circular labour migration in sub-Saharan Africa during and after the colonial period dealt extensively with what would now be called transnational migration (2001:583-584). Studies of urban-rural linkages that 10 Lamberts use of a multilocal approach that transcen ds the division between urban and rural locations in migration studies is consistent with Guglers concept of life in a dual system (1994, 2002). He extensively quotes Gugler and Flanagan (1978) in the call for a multilocal approach to the study of migration since the 1970s (Lambert 1994:10; 2002:XXIII).


43 predate transnational migration research lead in to Portes discussion of adumbration in which the observance of a phenomenon precedes its coinage (2001:183-184). With the development of the concept, scholars are able to point to precedents and cate gorize them; whereas without the discovery of the concept, the scholars hip remains disparate (Portes 2001:184).11 As studies of the urban-rural linkages African migrants maintain precede transnational migration research, these studies can inform and advance the current multi disciplinary field of tr ansnational migration. For instance, the observed characteristics a nd properties of urban-rural linkages also pertain to transnational ties. Urban-rural ties are dynamic adaptations to macroeconomic and political conditions (Potts 1997). Moreover they evolve over the life course to reflect the particular needs and circumstances of individual migrants and their families at specific points in time (Gugler 2002; Lambert 2002). Young or recent mi grants who are dependent on relatives in urban centers may not have the resources to vi sit their communities of origin or to send remittances (Gugler 2002; Lambert 1994, 2002). Ch anges in urban-rural linkages may result from changes in the composition of the migran ts households where spouses remain behind to cultivate or children are sent to school in the rural communities of origin creating dualhouseholds (Adepoju 2004; Gugl er 1971, 1991, 2002; Potts 1997). Ties may decrease with the death of parents in the community of origin (Gugler 2002). Involvement in rural investments may increase as retirement approaches (Gugler 2 002). Urban residents planning to retire in their communities of origin prepare by building hom es, investing in land, making agricultural improvements, and participating in the village ritu als, such as initiation ceremonies and funerals, in addition to sending remittances to support ru ral households (Findley 1997; Gugler 2002; 11 The difference between migration at the turn of the century and now is the cumu lative effects of advanced technologies in communication and transportation that co mpress space and time enabling a far larger number of people to sustain multiple social relations across borders (Portes 1997:813; Portes et al. 1999:219).


44 Tacoli 2001). Urban residents desire to be buried in their ancestral home creates a final tie to their communities of origin (T acoli 2001). Emphasizing the dynami c and evolving properties of urban-rural linkages calls attention to identify ing changes in the transnational behavior of immigrants over the span of settlement in the receiving country. For example, Foners assumption that ties to the country of origin diminish over time as family members join immigrants and as immigrants become more involved in the r eceiving country need to be reconsidered especially as immi grants weigh retirement options in the country of origin (2000). Insofar as the behaviors and act ivities that support urban-ru ral linkages and transnational ties are essentially the same, the motives of urban migrants for sustaining ties to their communities of origin can be extended to the maintenance of transnational ties. In fact, some of the reasons researchers have given for the mainte nance of urban-rural linkages and transnational ties are identical. While economic and social co nnections between urban and rural areas arise from conditions in both locations, circumstances at the household level pa rtly shape urban-rural linkages and transnational ties.12 At the household level, ties jo ining members separated between rural and urban locations form an economic strategy. Rural-urban migration in Africa is primarily economically driven, a means of secu ring cash and a livelihood (Colvin 1981; Gugler and Flanagan 1978).13 The culmination of natural disaster s, environmental degradation, and structural adjustment policies has undermined agricultural production forcing African farmers to 12 Tacoli (2001) argues that declining opportunities in th e urban centers and narrowing rural-urban income gaps influence the direction of the flow of resources. 13 More recent approaches view migrati on in Africa as a cultural institution and livelihood strategy (De Bruijn et al. 2001; Lambert 1994, 2002, 2007; Linares 2003; Hahn and Klute 2007). As a cultural institution, migration is considered part of the life course and is comparable to transformative moments such as initiation, marriage or childbirth (Lambert 1994, 2002, 2007; Friedman 1994; Riccio 2001; Linares 2003; Newell 2005). Hahn and Klute refer to Cohens concept of culture of migration (2004) to emphasize how migration is fuelled by locally defined valuations of lifecycles and patterns of preferential stra tegies (2007:13). Although Hahn and Klute (2007) cite Cohen (2004), the culture of migration approach has been presented in earlier studies. Thomas-Hope (1998) describes the development of migration in the Caribbean as a migration culture. Ka ndel and Massey use culture of migration to interpret Mexican migration to the United States (2002).


45 supplement their incomes or search for alte rnative livelihood s (Adepoju 1995, 2004; Findley et al. 1995).14 For example, because agriculture does not m eet the subsistence needs of residents in the Senegal River Valley, households must rely on income provided by migrant labor (Findley and Sow 1998). Under these precarious conditi ons, labor migration becomes a livelihood strategy. A family may sponsor one or more members to engage in labor migration with the expectation that the migrant will send re mittances (Adepoju 1995, 2004; Adepoju and Mbugua 1997). In some areas remittances are the most im portant source of income for many households (Tall 2005). In a 1987 survey of 75 households in the Senegal River Valley, migrant remittance comprised one source of household income (Findley and Sow 1998). According to Reboussin (1995), Jola women of the Casamance region of Senegal meet thei r obligations to their families through migration. Women leave th e village where access to cash generating activities is limited for urban areas where they find wage employme nt to provide for their families (Reboussin 1995). The use of remittances for consumption n eeds, medical care, school fees, and other activities demonstrates the critical contribution of remittances to rural household incomes (Adepoju 2004; Tall 2005). Remittances also enab le migrant households to hire replacement labor for agricultural produc tion (Tall 2005). The economic motiv ations behind migration in Africa and the importance of remittances to th e household economies emphasize the urgency of maintaining rural linkages.15 14 Bouillon (1998) and Adepoju (1995) depict migration as a survival strategy. Because all the migrants interviewed were not refugees but economic migrants, migra tion as a livelihood strategy is more appropriate, see Srensen and Olwig (2002). 15 Migration in West Africa is not only about securing a livelihood. Among many ethnic groups, migration has become entrenched in the culture and is a rite of passage to adulthood. This is particularly the case in the urban migration of the Jola of the Casamance region of Senegal (Lambert 1994, 2002; Reboussin 1995; Linares 2003). However, because Senegambian migration to Spain is largely economic as found in the survey of Senegambians in Catalonia, the discussion focuses on the economic motives for maintaining urban-rural linkages.


46 The economic benefits of urban-rural linkage s do not only contribute to rural households, but also offer advantages to urban residents. Recent research has examined urban-rural ties as a strategy to guard against the deteriorating conditions of the urban centers as an outcome of structural adjustment policies and economi c downturn of the 1980s and 1990s (Adepoju 1995, 2004; Findley 1997; Potts 1997).16 The economic crisis has made dependence on rural incomes in the form of agricultural produce as urban residents turn to farming or access goods through family members in rural areas necessary (F indley 1997; Potts 1997). Lambert observes that among Jola migrants in Dakar, husbands and fath ers send their wives and children to the village when they encounter economic difficulties in the city (1994:140). While Findley (1997) argues that urban migrants have less se curity compared to long-term re sidents in this environment of economic crisis, and therefore maintain contact w ith rural relatives, studies show that even longterm residents are maintaining ties with rural locat ions to offset the deteriorating situation in the cities (Ferguson 1999; Potts 1997). In such a criti cal environment, urban re sidents are retiring in their rural communities of origin and other rural locations in response to structural adjustment policies and economic crisis that have made life in the urban areas fragile (Ferguson 1999). Maintaining urban-rural linkages as a strategy in times of econom ic crisis, however, is not a phenomenon of structural adjustment policies or economic crisis. Gugler and Flanagan (1978) have long pointed out the importance of urban-rura l linkages as insurance in difficult time. They observe that rural incomes complement urban earn ings and that land in the rural community of origin assures security for migrants facing widespread underemployment and unemployment in 16 Structural adjustment policies have targeted the public sector reducing government expenditure and removing subsidies on social services, healthcare, education and re sidential development, retrenching civil servants, cutting official salaries and removing subsidies (Adepoju 1995, 2004; Potts 1997). All of which has increased unemployment, expanded the informal sector, and reduced the living standards and welfare of urban residents (Adepoju 1995, 2004; Potts 1997).


47 urban centers (Gugler and Flanagan 1978).17 The benefits of maintaining ties to the community of origin are not limited to urban migrants but also extend to interna tional migrants who may encounter difficulties in the receiving countr y. According to Landolt (2001), Salvadorian migrants who work in low-wage and informal service jobs remit and invest in El Salvador to secure their assets in light of the legal and ec onomic uncertainties they face in the United States. In addition to investments, transnational ties pr ovide a social safety net for immigrants, which the example of Dominican parents in the Unite d States sending delinquent children to the Dominican Republic shows (Guarnizo 1997; Levitt 2003 ). These examples show that urban-rural and transnational ties offer similar advantages to urban residents and international immigrants. Beyond the economic reasons for maintaining ur ban-rural linkages, social motives are equally important to urban resident s. The desire of urban residents to be buried in their ancestral communities shows how essential co nnections to the community of origin are to their identities (Tacoli 2001). In a sample of 200 re sidents in greater Dakar, Senega l, 74 percent visited relatives or attended family ceremonies consisting of funerals, baptisms and marriages (Sow 1981). Sow (1981) concludes that these pr actices show urban residents commitment to both the rural communities of origin and to the cities to which they have migrated. In addition these practices reveal the strength of linkages between greate r Dakar and other regions (Sow 1981). Along this line, Skinner (1985) argues that West Africans us e rural-urban labor migration to enhance their status in their communities of orig in. Successful migrants enhance th eir prestige and that of their village through contributions ai med at rural development (Ski nner 1985). At the transnational level, Skinners observation is reiterated in Go ldrings argument that transnational migrants maintain an orientation to their countries of origin to enhance their social status (1998). The 17 Chapter four discusses some of the economic benefits Senegambian immigrants in Catalonia secure from the transnational ties that they maintain.


48 Mexican migrants in Goldrings study acquire material possessions, build homes and invest in property and business to improve th eir social status in their ho metown (1998). Definitions of how status is acquired can be altered through migration as transnati onal communities provide avenues for the formation of alternative power hierarchies (Goldri ng 1998). For example, migrants gain prestige through participati on in hometown associations that sponsor infrastructural projects: paving roads, buildin g wells, and constructing schools (Goldring 1998). The identity of Murid traders in It aly is similarly tied to social st atus in the country of origin as most of their investments are directed to the ho ly city of Touba (Ricci o 2002). Not only are these houses symbols of the migrants go al of returning, but also a sign of status and success. Riccio (2002) observes that for Murid traders in Italy also gain status through participation in transnational village-based organizations that sponsor development projects in Senegal. Conclusion The studies and exam ples detailed in this section support the positi on that current West African migration to Europe and North America are extensions of past migrations to urban centers in Africa. As the comparison of transna tional ties and urban-ru ral linkages shows, the social and economic motives that drive these connections and the practices that maintain them are fundamentally the same. In addition, as demo nstrated in the examples given, transnational ties and urban-rural linkages shar e the same properties. The appr oaches to studying urban-rural linkages are therefore useful for understanding transnational ties. Of particular importance to this study of the transnational practices of Senegambian immigrants in Spain is how conditions in the urban centers or destinations affect migrants pa rticipation in activities that enable them to maintain ties with their communities of origin and the activities themselves.


49 Figure 2-1. Map of Senegal (EIU 2009b). Figure 2-2. Map of Gambia (EIU 2009a).


50 CHAPTER 3 RESEARCH DESIGN AND METHODOLOGY Introduction This chapter presents the research design and m ethodology for analyzing the relationship between immigrant economic integration and participation in transnational activities.1 The first section states the research objectives. The second section presents the methodological approach to this study. The methodologica l section reviews some of th e critiques of the different interpretations of transnationa lism in order to explain the a pproach adopted to operationalize transnationalism for this study. The third section of this chapter details the ethnographic methods used to collect data and the construction of th e questionnaire. The last section of the chapter details entry into the Senegambian community of Matar in order to disclose issues of rapport with informants and positionality in the community. Research Objectives To answer the central question of this study, how does the econom ic integration of Senegalese and Gambian immigrants in Cataloni a affect their participation in transnational activities, requires several research objectives: The first objective is to operationalize transnationalism, which entails defining transnationalism and developing a scale to m easure the phenomena. This is done in the following section. The second objective is the construction of an occupational index that takes into account wages and immigration status. Occupation and immigration st atus are variables that indicate economic integra tion. The index is formulated in chapter five. The third objective is to compare transnatio nal scores with economic integration, defined by occupational and immigration status, to assess the relationship between them. The 1 The term immigrant is used instead of migrant to emphasize that Senegalese and Gambian nationals are in the process of settlement in Spain. Moreover, because the daily lives of the vast majority of Senegalese and Gambian immigrants do not depend on multiple and constant inte rconnections with their countries of origin, the term transmigrant is not used (Glick Schille r et al. 1992, 1995; Basch et al. 1994).


51 analysis of the relationship between economic in tegration and participat ion in transnational activities is contained in chapter six. The fourth objective explains differences between the transna tional practices of Senegambian men and women in relation to disp arities in their economic integration as an outcome of Spains family reunification policy, the gende red opportunities available in Spains labor market, and gendered expecta tions of childcare re sponsibilities. The consideration of gender in the migrati on process occurs throughout the study. Operationalization of Transnationalism Analyzing the relationship betw een occupational stat us and p articipation in transnational activities requires a consideration of the differe nt criticisms against cu rrent approaches to transnationalism, both theoretica l and methodological. These cri ticisms include: the different interpretations of transnationalism; the diverse le vels and units of analys is; and the absence of procedures for measurement.2 Mahler (1998) attributes the definitional confusion to the numerous metaphors researchers use for transnationalism. To avoid ambiguity, Mahler (1998) promotes the use of Basch et al.s concept of transnational social field (1994). Beyond the metaphors, Vertovecs categorization of the six assumptions on which definitions of transnationalism have been based highlights th e broadness of transnational perspectives and conveys the confusion that su ch a scope generates (1999).3 Kivisto (2001) furt her attributes the ambiguity surrounding transnationalism to differing definitions that do not provide temporal and spatial qualifications. He identifies three versions of transnationalism in the research: anthropological, middle-range theoretical, and so cial spatial perspectiv es (Kivisto 2001). Besides theoretical concerns, scholars have ra ised methodological issues. Citing a need for a methodological framework for transnational studi es, Portes et al. (1999) identify individual entrepreneurs and their support networks as tr ansnational. Transnational entrepreneurs are 2 I outline the different definitions of transnationalism in Chapter 1. 3 The six assumptions Vertovec examin es are: social morphology, types of consciousness, mode of cultural reproduction, avenue of capital, site of political engagement, and construction of locality (1999:448-456).


52 involved in a higher intensity of cross-border activities that de pend on the modern transportation and communication technologies th at compress time and distance (Portes et al. 1999). However, Kivistos observation that this definition is too restrictive and leaves out significant groups of people, such as labor migrants, illustrates the need for a more inclusive interpretation (2001). The different critiques of transnationalism clearly underscore the need to formulate operational definitions for measuring transnationalism. With these critiques in mind and for the purpose of this study, transnational practices refer to the activities and behavior s in which immigrants engage to sustain diverse social ties in their count ries of origin (Glick Sch iller et al. 1992; Basch et al. 1994; Itzigsohn et al. 1999; Levitt 2001). Taking into account the intricacy and diversity of transnational pro cesses, Guarnizo and Smith (1998) suggest establishing th e level of analysis in order to set parameters and define suitable research methods. Following their suggesti on, three levels of anal ysis are discerned in this study: individual behaviors, social ties and social spaces. For instance, the varied behaviors that comprise transnational activities maintain cross-border social ties and create specific social spaces involving migrants and nonmigrants alike. These are not simply different metaphors as Mahler (1998) suggests, but specific domains of study. Because each of these areas requires particular methodological approach es, confusion arises when they are used interchangeably. If the area of interest is cross-border social ties or re lations, then such a study requires social networks analysis. Such an approach reverts back to Glick Schiller et al.s definition involving cross-border practices, social rela tions and social fields (1992; Basch et al 1994). As these areas widely overlap, they need to be specified to minimize confusion and address theoretical and methodological concerns. Weighing the need to identif y the level of analysis this study concerns the types of activities and behaviors Senegambians in Catalonia e ngage in to maintain social ties


53 to their communities of origin in Senegal and Gambia. While the study examines a range of behaviors and account for variation through economic integration in Catalonia, the participation of Senegambians in transnational activities also reflects the social ties they maintain with their communities and countries of origin. Because the study concerns engagement in tran snational activities and behaviors, a scale based on Itzigsohn et al.s model (1999) to measure the degree of involvement in transnational activities is used. Itzigsohn et al. (1999) scale transnational pr actices into four categories: economic, political, civil-societal and cultural. Each of the categories forms a continuum of transnational activities ranging from broad to narrow.4 Three parallel scales determine the dimensions of broad and narrow for each of the categories of practices: the degree of involvement in the activities; the magnitude of cross-border movements; and the extent of institutionalization of the activities. The sum of th ese continua constitutes the transnational social field (Itzigsohn et al. 1999). The model is not restrictive and in cludes a spectrum of different behaviors and activities for comparing diverse gr oups, such as labor migrants, entrepreneurs and second-generation immigrants (Itzi gsohn et al. 1999). Itzigsohn et al.s model is an appropriate tool for measuring involvement in transnational be haviors in that it satisfi es Mahlers call (1998) for categorizing transnational practices and distinguishing between people who travel frequently and those who travel occasionally (1999). Whereas Itzigsohn et al. (1999) measure four cat egories of behaviors, this study measures three types of activities: private, economic and public.5 Private transnationalism recognizes that 4 Narrow transnationalism indicates habitual participation in economic, political or sociocultural practices involving frequent cross-border move ment and a high degree of institutionali zation. Broad transnationalism involves infrequent participation in material or symbolic practices comprising intermittent cross-border movements and a low degree of institutionalization (Itzigsohn et al. 1999:323). 5 Because the population of this study comprise of firs t-generation immigrants, cultu ral transnationalism is not considered in the analysis. As first generation immigran ts, Senegambians are oriented toward their ethnic and


54 migration is a livelihood strategy for African families and households facing economic crisis and that immigrant women are more engaged in tr ansnational behaviors pertaining to household subsistence (Pessar 1999; Itzi gsohn and Giorguli Saucedo 2002, 2005).6 Public transnationalism is based on Itzigsohn et al.s c ivil-societal category, which refers to those community practicesin the religious, sports, or mutual-help fieldsthat are not mainly political or market oriented (1999:324). The economic category recogni zes that immigrants combine employment in the receiving country with income generating projects in th e country of origin. These projects supplement the incomes of immigrants, generate income for family members in the country of origin, and support the future return plans of immigrants. The dime nsions of Itzigsohn et al.s model (1999) are also modified. Since activities at th e household level are not institutionalized, the institutionalization of the practices is not considered, only the level of participation and frequency of cross-border movement. This study considers only the degree of involvement in transnational practices and the magnitude of transnationalism In addition to degree of participation in transnational activities and magnitude of cross-border movement, transnational activities are weighed according to the income a nd the legal resource needed to carry out each activity. Income is indicated by occupation and the legal resource is denoted by immigration status. For example, calls to relatives in the country of origin demand much less monetary resources than visits, which in turn require mu ch more funds and regularized status in Spain. These three criteria combine to produce a tr ansnational score of high, medium or low. national identities and engaged in reproducing these norms in Spain. Chapter six deals with some of the cultural practices, such as female circumcision and polygyny, which have come into conflict with Spanish and Catalan norms. In fact, transnationalism has enabled immigrants to circumvent prohibition to these practices in Spain. 6 Itzigsohn and Giorguli Saucedo (2002, 2005) observe that immigrant men are more engaged in transnational activities that are institutionalized and civic oriented than women. They conclude that women are more engaged in practices pertaining to household subsistence (Itzigsohn and Giorguli Saucedo 2002, 2005).


55 Operationalization of Economic Integration To exam ine the relationship between enga gement in transnational activities and integration, the transnational scor e of the respondents are compared with variables that indicate economic incorporation: immigration status and em ployment. As the discussion of integration in chapter one demonstrates, there are numerous definitions of in tegration. This study interprets integration in relation to Bruba kers emphasis on the socioeconomi c position of immigrants in host countries. Migration status and employment are two variable s that indicate socioeconomic integration. Legal or regular immi gration status is an essentia l variable in the process of integration (Massey et al. 1987). Legal status offers economic and social welfare opportunities that encourage integration and that are unavailable to immigrants with undocumented or irregular status. Powers et al. (1998) found that Mexican immigrants in the United States experienced occupational improvement after legalizing their immigration stat us. Moreover, residency and naturalization confer rights that facil itate particular tran snational behaviors.7 For example, regularization of status allows for trav el between receiving and sending countries.8 In consideration of the different immigration statuses and the different rights each confers, immigration status is ranked according to four categories: irregular, work permit, permanent resident, and citizen.9 Irregular status is the lowest rank of immigration status, and citizenship is 7 Manuh (1998) observes that Canadian citizenship allows Ghanaians to work in gover nment jobs, provides them with social security and other benefits in old age, and f acilitates travel in foreign ai rports, allowing for increased mobility between Ghana and Canada. For returnees, Canadian citizenship provides security in case future crisis in Ghana (Manuh 1998). 8 African immigration to Spain is largely clandestine. Ma ny Africans have legalized thei r immigration status through regularization campaigns. Several campaig ns have been held si nce the 1980s. Th e most recent campaign took place in the spring of 2005. 9 Irregular is used to refer to the status of immigrants who are in Spain without proper authorization rather than undocumented Immigrants with irregular status usually register ( empadronarse ) in their local municipality; therefore, they are not un documented. A requirement of the 2005 regularization program was registration in a municipality at least since August 2004.


56 the highest level. With regards to employment, work in the primary and secondary sectors and self-employment are distinguished in this study.10 Employment in the primary labor market indicates higher integration compared to em ployment in the secondary labor market. Selfemployment, described as an alternative to less desirable work in the s econdary sector (Portes and Zhou 1992), scores equally with work in the formal sector. However if the business involves transnational movement, then the score is hi gher than employment in the formal sector. Gender Matters The research design for this study applie s Pessar and Mahler' s (2003) gendered geographies of power framework to explain the transnational practices of Senegambian immigrant men and women in relation to their ec onomic integration in Spain (Mahler and Pessar 2001, 2006). The first component, geographic scales, refers to how gender operates on various spatial and social levels si multaneously. For Senegambian i mmigrants, gender functions on several levels: in migration selectivity to Spain; in Spain's family reunification policy; and in the gendered work immigrant men and women perform in Spain. The second component, social location, represents positionality within intercon nected power hierarchies that involve social classifications such as race, re ligion, class and gender. Gender id eologies and relations within ethnic Senegambian populations and within Spanis h society coalesce with migration to inform the economic integration and transnational pract ices of Senegambian men and women (Anthias 1998). Where race and religion inte rsect in Spain's labor market, Senegambian women lose out to Latin American women for domestic work. The third component involves expressions of agency. Senegambian women empower themselves through their position as mothers and wives. Because the gendered geographies of power framew ork considers the multiple dimensions of an 10 Dual labor market theory (Piore 1979) has been the foremost perspective for understanding the economic incorporation of immigrants in industrial countries.


57 individuals social position, it is applicable for understanding the different trajectories of Senegambian men and women's economic incor poration in Spain and their transnational practices. Ethnographic Methods I used several ethnographic m ethods, such as participant observation, st ructured interviews and in-depth interviews, to analyze the relationship between the economic integration of Senegambian immigrants in Catalonia and their participation in transnational activities. The ethnographic approach captures th e lived experiences, beliefs a nd identities of those studied (Foner 2003; Mahler and Pessar 2006). Participant observation, the principal method of ethnography, involves observing and interacting with people and their activities in different social situations (Spradley 1980). Participant obs ervation provided the information needed to develop the interview guide for this study. The in-depth interviews include the migration histories of a small sub-sample of informants who are long-term residents, which permits an examination of change occurring over time (Marshall and Rossman 1995). The migration histories document the different stages of the mi gration process, from the decision to migration to eventual settlement in the host country. The migration histories of the individual respondents capture changes in transnati onal behaviors occurring alongsid e the integration process. While transnational migration involves multisited ethnography, I conducted fieldwork in the Senegambian community of Matar, Spain and did not travel to the communities of Senegal and Gambia where my informants are from.11 Although I did not follow the people, a strategy Marcus (1995) suggests for conducting multi-site d ethnography, I strategically situated my research within the wider context of the transn ational activities of my informants (Marcus 1995). 11 In terms of anthropological methods for the study of tr ansnationalism, Marcus multi-sited ethnography approach (1995) encompasses the transformations taking place across sending and receiving countries.


58 The transnational activities of my informants inform my ethnography. For example, I accompanied informants to the locutorios (internet and telecommunication centers) where I observed them make international calls and wire money to relatives in Senegal or Gambia.12 I assisted an informant in preparing for vacation to Gambia. I attended wedd ing parties of grooms who were married in absentia to brides in Senegal or Gambia. As Hannerz (1998) argues, anthropological methods such as participant observ ation, life histories and su rveys are relevant to transnational studies. My fieldwork involved two stages of data co llection. I collected da ta through participant observation and informal interviews with immigrants. Studies of groups who live on the margins of society, such as immigrants with irregular st atus, show that particip ant observation is more suited than quantitative methods for docum enting their life experi ences (Bourgois 1995; MacGaffey and Bazenguissa-Ganga 2000). Participant observation involves not only observing people and their activities in diffe rent social situations, but al so interacting with people and engaging in their activities (Spradley 1980). My level of participation in the daily activities of the Senegambian immigrants in Matar was mode rate, a balance between participation and observation, or outsider and insider (Pa tton 2002; Dewalt et al. 1998; Spradley 1980).13 The activities in which I participated were di verse: visiting people in their homes where I usually ate lunch or dinner with them; attending parties (baptisms and weddings); and accompanying informants to work including la ndscaping and cleaning jobs. Not only did I participate in the activities of my informants, but I also assisted them in numerous ways. I helped 12 Locutorios are parlors that provide various communication services: telephone booths for international calls, computers with Internet access, facsim ile machines and money transfers. 13 The continuum of participation ranges from nonparticip ation, no involvement with people or activities, to complete participation, becoming a member of the group being studied (Patton 2002; Dewalt et al. 1998; Spradley 1980).


59 my informants fill out applications for regularization and employment. I typed letters for family reunification purposes and bank transactions in Sene gal. I drove my informants to visit relatives living in other regions of Catalonia. I took informan ts on trips to Barcelona to visit tourist sites as well as buy hair products. These ac tivities further won my inform ants over and gave me greater insight into their lives. By building rapport, I formed comfortable relationships with my informants, which encouraged them to talk as they normally do and eventually to confide in me (Bogdan and Biklen 1998). Only through relati onships based on trust was I able to ask provocative personal questions and exp ect serious answers (Bourgois 1995). The second stage of my fieldwork involved de veloping the interview guide and conducting the interviews. Data gathered from participant observation and interviews with my informants and staff members of orga nizations dealing with immigrants, such as the comissionat per al Pla de la nova ciutadania (commissioner for the plan of the new citizen) and the responsable (responsible) of the Secretaria per a la Immigraci (Secretary for Immigration), informed the construction of the interview guide.14 I also interviewed and consu lted with key informants from the immigrant community who were cultural me diators and leaders of different immigrant associations. The interview guide solicited demographic and socioeconomic data, including employment history, previous migration experience, and reasons for migrating to Spain. During construction of the interview guide I hired a Senegalese male assi stant to help with recruitment of informants and to interpret for those who did not speak Spanis h. My assistant spoke most of the languages of the different ethnic groups th at comprised the Senegambian community of Matar: Mandinka, Jola, and Wolof. He also review ed the interview guide and gave me feedback 14 The comissionat per al Pla de la nova ciutadania is the commissioner for the Plan of the New Citizen in the municipality of Mataro. The responsable for Secretaria per a la Immigraci is the head of the Secretary for Immigration in the regional Catalonian government, Generalitat de Catalunya


60 on some of the sensitive questions. I conducted 60 interviews with immigrants from Senegal and Gambia living in Matar. Table 3-1 lists the nati onality, ethnicity, and gender of the respondents. Table 3-1. Gender and Ethnici ty of Survey Respondents Country Male Female Mandinka Jola Serahule* Haal Pular Wolof Balanta Serer Senegal 33 9 21 12 1 5 2 1 Gambia 12 6 6 6 4 1 1 Total 45 15 27 18 5 5 2 2 1 *Although Serahule and Soninke are the same ethnic group, the respondents refer to themselves as Serahule. A few of the respondents did not live in Matar but their ties to relatives and friends in Matar made them available. All the interviews were digitally recorded with the permission of each informant. The large number of Senegambians with irregular status prohibited a systematic random sample. Snowball sampling was the method for building a sampling frame, which is appropriate for small populations that are difficult to find such as irregular immigrants (Johnson 1990; Bernard 2002). Entry into the Senegambian Community of Matar Fieldwork for this project took place ove r a 14-m onth period from March 2004 to May 2005. I arrived in Barcelona on the fourth of March 2004, a week before the terrorist train bombings in Madrid, which occurred on March 11th.15 In the beginning of my fieldwork, I interacted with different West African im migrant communities, primarily the Nigerian community in Hospitalet and the Senegambian community of Matar. However, because of budget limitations due to the deva luation of the U.S. dollar, ti me constraints, and safety 15The Islamic terrorists were mainly Moroccans, and the back lash of the train bombings mostly targeted immigrants from North Africa. Sub-Saharan Africans, which are the population of this study, were not associated with the train bombings or with terrorism in general.


61 concerns, I decided to focus my research on the Senegambian community of Matar.16 The three residential moves I made during my fieldwork symbolize the stages of my entry into the Senegambian community of Matar. For the first five months of my stay, I re nted a room in Barcelona from a woman who migrated to Barcelona from Sout hern Spain. Her apartment was in the neighborhood of Pueblo Sec, which was the destination of earlier genera tions of migrants from Andalusia, but which currently has a large concentration of Dominican immigrants. Gaining entry into the Senegambian community of Matar began when a colleague at the Universitat Autnoma de Barcelona gave me the contact information of a social worker in the central Critas office in Barcelona who worked with Nigerian commercial se x workers. After informing me that most of the Senegalese and Gambian immigrants do not li ve in Barcelona but the surrounding cities, the social worker gave me the contact information of the director of the C ritas branch in Matar, Centre Sant Pau.17 (Figure 3-1 is a map of the coast of Barcelona and Maresme and illustrates the distance between Barcelona and Matar.) I made a rrangements with the director to volunteer at Sant Pau on weekdays to become acquainted with the immigrants who were taking Castilian and Catalan language and adu lt literacy courses in th e mornings and evenings.18 The director provided me with a list of the different Sene galese and Gambian immigrant organizations in Matar and the names and telephone numbers of the executive members, who were contacted 16 A number of Nigerian immigrants whom I encountered were involved in sex work which dissuaded me from further interactions with the community. 17 Critas is a Catholic charity that administers diverse social programs. 18 In Spain the principle language is referred to as Castilian and not Spanish. To accommodate the largely Muslim population that Sant Pau serves, morning classes are restri cted to women. Men attend the evening classes, however, there are a few young Muslim wo men in the evening courses.


62 and interviewed.19 My volunteer activities at Sant Pau facilitated my entry into the Senegambian community. As I built rapport with th e students and clients, they invi ted me to their homes and to social events, where I began to meet other immi grants who were not affiliated with Sant Pau. In the fall of 2004, I ended my commute and move d to Matar to share an apartment with a single Catalonian woman in the neighborhood of Ll ntia, located on the hill above Cerdanyola, a neighborhood with one of the highest number of foreign-born residents (Ajuntament de Matar 2004, 2006; IMPE 2006). I began teaching the morning beginning Castilian class at Sant Pau in place of the instructor who unexpectedly had hip surgery. At this time, I had built enough rapport and trust among my network of Senegambian in formants to begin conducting structured interviews with the help of my Senegalese assi stant. The director of Sant Pau recommended my gregarious and popular Senegalese research assistant whom he noted knew practically everyone. My assistant aided me in recrui ting respondents and interpreted fo r those informants who did not speak Castilian. My entry into the community was solidified when I rented a room from a Senegalese Mandinka couple with two small children in February 2005. Their apartment was located on a narrow street off the pedestrian boulevard in the commercial center of Cerdanyola, a neighborhood with the largest sub-Saharan immigrant popula tion. Table 3-2 provides the residential distribution of immigrants in Mata r neighborhoods, and Figure 3-2 is a map of Matar that shows the different neighborhoods (inserted at the e nd of the chapter). Living with the Senegalese family enabled me to observe and pa rticipate in their everyd ay activities, and also 19 While community leaders were polite, they expressed fa tigue from interviews for studies on Senegalese and Gambian immigration and related topics. For example, anthropologists from the Universitat Autnoma de Barcelona had previously carried out research among the Senegambian community of Matar. While I was conducting fieldwork, I met a Belgian geographer who was also conducting dissertation research. Several weeks after I left Spain, an American anthropologist contacted me through the director of Sant Pau with questions about the Gambian community in Matar.


63 provided me with access to more intimate events than baptism celebrations. For example, I was invited to accompany the family to a wake wh ere I not only observed grieving family members and friends, but also preliminary arrangements to send the body back to Gambia. The intimacy and familiarity I shared with my Senegambian informants enhanced and informed my analysis of the relationship between immigrant integration and participation in transnational activities. Conclusion The analytical review of the approaches to m easure transnationalism and this studys adoption of Itzigsohn et al.s m odel (1999) to assess involvement in transnational practices provide the framework to evaluate the cross-bord er activities of Senegambian men and women in relation to their economic integration in Spain. This study defines transnational practices, crossborder behaviors that enable immigrants to main tain ties with their count ries of origin (Glick Schiller et al. 1992), as the unit of analysis. Econ omic integration is inte rpreted as occupational and immigration status. The gendered geographi es of power framework (Mahler and Pessar 2001, 2006) is applied to account for variations between the transnat ional activities of Senegambian men and women a nd to explain disparities in their economic integration, particularly the low participati on rates of Senegambian women in Spains labor market. In order to examine the economic integration of Senegamb ian immigrants in Spain and the employment opportunities available to them, a an alysis of immigration trends and the role immigrants play in the labor market in the labor polic y at the national and regional le vels of Spain and Catalonia is presented in the following chapter. A critical summary of Spains immigration policy, particularly the challenges immi grants face to regularize and main tain their status, is given in Appendix A.


64 Table 3-2. Neighborhood Di stribution of African population in Matar Population Matar Total Palau Escorxador Rocafunda Cerdanyola North Africans 7,085 1,329 1,877 2,695 Sub-Saharan 3,176 578 535 1,373 These figures represent the population numerated on January 1, 2006. In Spain, North Africans are referred to as Maghre b, which includes Moroccans Algerians, Tunisians and Libyans. Africans are generally distinguished between Maghreb and sub-Saharan. Of the foreign population in Matar, Moroccans are the majority comprising 41 percent (IMPE 2006). Source: IMPE 2006 Figure 3-1. Map of the coast of Barcelona and Maresme. Source Google Maps (2009).


65 Figure 3-2. Map of the differe nt neighborhoods in Matar (M odified from Google Map 2009).


66 CHAPTER 4 RECENT MIGRATION TO SPAIN Introduction This chapter presents the m ajor characteristics of contemporary immigration to Spain and Catalonia to locate Senegambian migration within wider national and regional trends. The first section describes Spains transformation from a country of emigration to one of immigration in the 1980s. The second section lists the major characteristics of the foreign population in Spain, specifically the diversity of the immigrants in relation to nationa lity, sex distribution, labor niche participation, and geographic concentration and ex amines how these features coalesce to make each migration stream unique. After the summary of migration trends at the national level, the third section outlines migration patterns at the regional level of Catalonia. Parallels are drawn between previous internal migration and curr ent foreign immigration to Catalonia, which provides the context for understa nding the economic incorporati on of Senegambian immigrants in Matar.1 The last two sections of the chapter provide a short description of Matar, the field site, and a summary of Senega mbian migration to the city. A Migration Makeover Since the 1980s, Spain has transformed fr om a country of emigration to one of immigration. The growth of Spains foreign resident population from 241,971 to 2,738,932 between the two decades of 1985 and 2005 demons trates the countrys transformation to a country of immigration (INE 1987; OPI 2005, 2006). The year before Spain joined the European Community, 1985, defines the turning point in the countrys migrati on scheme (Huntoon 1998; MTAS 2006). Immigration grew steadily befo re Spains membership in the European 1 Appendix A offers a critical summary of immigration laws and opportunities for regularization on account of the unauthorized nature of immigration to Spain, particularly from Africa. The summary describes the problems immigrants face in maintaining their status.


67 Communitythe foreign resident populati on increased from 165,039 to 241,971 between 1975 and 1985 (INE 1980, 1987).2 Table 4-1 lists the authorized fo reign resident population of Spain from 1980 to 2005. The late 1980s marks the accel eration of immigration to Spain with an exponential growth rate after 2000.3 Table 4-2 gives the total re sident population figures for 2000 to 2005. Table 4-1. Total Foreig n Residents in Spain 1980 1985 1990 1995 2000 2005 183,422 241,971 407,647 499,773 895,720 2,738,932 Source: Data for 1985-2000 obtained from INE (1985, 1987, 1997, 2001). Data for 2005 taken from OPI (2005, 2006). Table 4-2. Total Foreign Re sidents in Spain since 2000 2001 2002 2003 2004 2005 1,109,060 1,324,001 1,647,011 1,977,291 2,738,932 Source: Source: Data for 2001 obtained from DGEI (2001). Data for 2002-2005 taken from OPI (2004, 2005, 2006). Along side the escalation of foreign im migration, Spanish emigration decreased considerably and emigrants who had left in the 1950s and 1960s to work in Northern Europe and the Americas returned to Spain in large numbers (King and Rodrguez-Me lguizo 1999; Calavita 1998; King 2000, 2001; Surez-Navaz 2004). The politic al factors that ac count for Spains transformation include the end of the Franco di ctatorship with his death in 1975 and Spains membership in the European Community in 1986 (King and Rodrguez-Melguizo 1999; Martnez Veiga 1999; King 2000, 2001; Surez-Navaz 2004) In conjunction with these political changes, Spain experienced economic growth and restructuring of its economy, particularly the 2 The Ministerio de Trabajo y Asuntos Sociales quotes the number of foreign residents at 165,289 in 1975 as recorded by the Observatorio Permanente de la Inmigracin (MTAS 2006:39). 3 Dez Nicols four-year survey of immigrants, covering 2000, 2001, 2002 and 2004, indicates that the majority of immigrants came 1999 (2005:51-52). Thirty-five percent of the respondents in the 2000 sample had arrived in Spain less than a year. The portion of respondents with less than a year in Spain increased to 44 percent in the 2001 sample. For the 2002 and 2004 samples, the number of respondents who were in Spain for less than a year was reduced, 27 percent and 15 percent respectively. The number of respondents who were in Spain between one and five years was 54 percent in 2002 and 66 percent in 2004.


68 growth of the informal sector and undergr ound economy (King et al. 1997; King and RodrguezMelguizo 1999; Baldwin-Edwards 1999; Mar tnez Veiga 1999; King 2000, 2001; Surez-Navaz 2004). At the same time, Northern European co untries that had tradit ionally attracted and recruited labor migrants restrict ed immigration sharply after the energy crisis of the 1970s (King and Rodrguez-Melguizo 1999; King 2000, 2001). In addition to these political and economic changes, Spains geographic prox imity to Africa and porous border, specifically the coastline of Andalusia and the Canary Islands has facilitated migration from and through Africa (King et al. 1997; King and Rodrguez-Melguizo 1999; Ki ng 2000, 2001; Surez-Navaz 2004). The ease of entry turned Spain into a trans it point or waiting room for mi grants en route to Northern European countries where immigration was re stricted (Apap 1997; Ki ng et al. 1997; King and Rodrguez-Melguizo 1999; King 2000, 2001; RibasMateos 2000). However, as Ribas-Mateos describes, Spain has become a destination or a new home for migrants, making possible the formation of immigrant communities (2000:36). In order words, as Surez-Navaz (2008) explains, membership in the European Community brought the French Pyrenees to the border of Spain and Africa. The Foreign Resident Population in Spain Before describing the characteri stics of the foreign population in Spain, an explanation of different categories and enum erations is nece ssary to grasp the unauthorized nature of immigration to Spain and the varied dime nsions of the diverse migration flows.4 First, the number of foreigner residents in Spain indicates the number of fo reigners with authorization to 4 As King (2000) notes, because of the unauthorized nature of immigration to Spain, enumerating the foreign population is problematic. Moreover, depending on the cr iteria of the calculation, enumerations of the foreign population vary considerably, which is evident in the tables at the end of the chapter.


69 reside in Spain and does not include foreigners residing in Spain without authorization.5 A more accurate count of foreigners with regular and irregular immigration status in Spain is the foreign population as enumerated fr om the municipal registry.6 The Ley Orgnica 4/2000, the law that permitted the regularization campaign of 2000, re quires all persons to register with the municipality in which they i nhabit with valid identification and verification of residence (Gortzar 2002; MTAS 2006).7 The municipal registry, theref ore, represents the number of inhabitants, regular and irregular residing in a municipality and functions as a population census of the municipalities (MTAS 2006; Gortzar 2002).8 Before the spring 2005 regularization campaign, the municipal registry enumerated the foreign population at 3,730,610 on January 1, 2005 (INE 2006). By the next year, 4,144,166 foreigners were registered in the municipalities, an increase of 413,556 (INE 2007). At the same time, only 2,738,932 foreigners had authorization to reside in Spain on December 31, 2005 (OPI 2005, 2006). At the end of the following year, 3,021,808 foreigners were authorized to reside in Spain, an increase of 282,876 (OPI 2007). These figures show the considerable discrepancy between authorized foreign residents and 5 As Aparicio and Tornos (2003) note, the number of foreign residents does not include those who have become naturalized Spanish citizens nor European Union citizens, mainly pensioners from the United Kingdom, Germany and the Netherlands, who live in Spain most of the year without registering with their local municipality. 6 The municipal registry is called el padrn in Spanish. 7 I registered with the municipality of Matar with my passport as identification and a letter signed by the tenant from whom I rented a room as proof of domicile. 8 The Ley Orgnica 4/2000 gives immigrants with irregular status incentives to regist er in their municipality, for example, public health care under equal conditions as Spanish nationals and access to free basic education for minors under 18 years of age (Ajuntament de Barcelon a 2002; Gortzar 2002; MTAS 2006). Immigr ants with irregular status who are not registered in their municipality have the right to emergency health care, with pregnant women have the right to prenatal and postnatal care (Ajuntament de Barcelona 2002). In addition to the social benefits registration provides irregular immigrants, it serves as evidence of presence in Spain for regularization purposes (MTAS 2006).


70 foreigners not authorized to reside in Spain. While there are some problems with the municipal registry, it gives a reliable count of the irregular foreign population in Spain.9 Four major features of the fo reign population in Spain are di scussed in this section: the heterogeneous nature of the population; the enormous variation in the sex distribution of the different groups; the incorpor ation of foreign workers in Spains labor market; and the geographic concentration of the fo reign population. The first feature of migration to Spain is its heterogeneity. Current migration to Spain is highly diverse and compri sed of citizens from developed countries, largely European Union me mber states, and nationals from developing countries, primarily Latin America and Africa (A pap 1997; King et al. 1997; Colectivo Io 2000; Ribas-Mateos 2000; King 2000, 2001; Rodrguez et al. 2001; Rigau i Oliver 2003; Salv Tomas 2003).10 The migration of both European Union citi zens and third country nationals underscores the complexity of migration trends. Rodrgu ez et al. (2001) descri be Southern Europe, specifically the Baleares Islands of Spain, as the Nueva Florida of Europe to emphasize the substantial migration of pensione rs and retirees from northern Eu ropean Union states, primarily Germany, the United Kingdom and the Netherlands.11 Along with the migration of retirees, there is a smaller number of northe rn European Union citizens who are either skilled workers or professionals employed in the tourist industr y and multinational corp orations or who are entrepreneurs engaged in busin essesbars, restaurants and real-estate agenciesproviding 9 The discrepancies involve cases where individuals are regi stered in more than one municipality, registered but no longer living in Spain, and are living in Spain but not registered (MTAS 2006). 10 Apap (1997) refers to Northern Europeans who retire in Spain as elite immigrants and distinguishes them from Africans whom she describes as marginalized. She includes immigrants from former Spanish colonies in the elite group; however, a differentiation must be made between immigrants of European descent from the former colonies and those of indigenous or African heritage (1997:144). For example, immigrants from the Dominican Republic or Ecuador will have vastly different racialized en counters in Spain than those from Argentina. 11 In addition to retirement migration, the Florida comparison highlights the importance of tourism for the Spanish economy and role of immigrant labor in the tourist industry (Rodrguez et al. 2001). See also Salv Toms 2003.


71 services to the referred retirement community and to tourists (Colecti vo Io 2000; Rodrguez et al. 2001; Pumares Fernndez 2003; Salv Toms 2003). With the large number of retirees plus the smaller number of professionals and entr epreneurs, Northern Europeans comprised the majority of immigrants in the 1980s and 1990s (Calavita 1998).12 Table 4-3 provides the number of authorized foreign resident s in Spain from 1980 to 2005 acco rding to country of origin. Table 4-3. Foreign Reside nts by Country in Spain Region Country 1980 1985 1990 1995 2000 2005 European Union Germany 20,878 28,485 45,576 41,942 60,575 71,513 United Kingdom 22,678 39,052 78,210 65,251 73,983 149,071 Europe Romania 38 89 179 1,208 10,983 192,134 Latin America Argentina 7,665 9,706 17,679 18,426 16,610 82,412 Dominican Republic 775 1,249 2,224 14,470 26,481 50,765 Ecuador 590 700 1,043 1,963 30,878 357,065 Peru 1,569 1,739 3,832 15,092 27,888 82,533 Africa Equatorial Guinea ------1,879 4,507 7,616 Gambia ------4,219 8,840 15,830 Morocco 2,964 5,817 16,665 74,886 199,782 493,114 Senegal ------3,856 11,051 27,678 Romania joined the European Union in 2007. Source: Data for 1985-2000 taken from INE (1985, 1987, 1997, 2001). Data for 2005 obtained from OPI (2005, 2006). While the retirement migration of European Union citizens has continued to increase steadily in recent years, public concerns about immigration and integration revolve around the 12 Immigrants from Latin America, Af rica and Asia also provide services to retired expatriates and tourists (Rodrguez et al. 2001).


72 exponential growth of migrati on from developing countries outside the European Union, primarily Africa and Latin America.13 For example, in 2001 citizens from European Union member states comprised 30 percent of the auth orized foreign population in Spain while African accounted for 27 percent, Latin Americans 26 pe rcent, Asians eight percent, and nonunion Europeans seven percent (DGEI 2001). By 2005, the year of the last regularization campaign, citizens of European Union member states made up 21 percent of the authorized foreign residents, whereas, Africans constituted 24 perc ent, Latin Americans 36 percent, Asians six percent and nonunion Europeans 12 percent (OPI 2005, 2006). Tabl e 4-4 lists the number of foreign residents by continent from 2000 to 2005. Table 4-4. Regional Origins of Foreign Residents in Spain Region 2001 2002 2003 2004 2005 Africa 304,149 366,518 432,662 498,507 649,251 Asia 91,552 104,665 121,455 142,762 177,423 Europe (non-EU) 81,170 107,574 154,001 168,900 337,177 European Union 331,352 362,858 406,199 498,875 569,284 Latin America 283,778 364,569 514,485 649,122 986,178 North America 15,020 15,774 16,163 16,964 17,052 Oceania 944 1,024 1,018 1,112 1,466 Stateless/No Answer 1095 1,019 1,028 1,049 1,101 Source: Data for 2001 obtained from DGEI (2001). Data for 2002-2005 taken from OPI (2004, 2005, 2006). 13 Calavita and Surez-Navaz point out that the o fficial term for foreign resident in Spain is extranjero yet in public discourse extranjeros is reserved for foreigners from developed countries and inmigrantes for those from developing countries (2003:110; Calavita 1998:539).


73 As Table 4-3 indicates, in 2005 Moroccans were the largest group of authorized resident foreigners numbering 493,114 and comprising 18 percent of this population. Ecuadorians came in second at 357,065, or 13 percent of the author ized foreign resident population. Columbians totaled 204,348 (seven percent), Rumanians 192,134 (seven percent), and British 149,071 (five percent). These numbers reveal the smallne ss of the West African population. Authorized resident Gambians numbered 15,830 in 2005, and Senegalese residents totaled 27,678 (OPI 2005, 2006). In terms of the authorized African residents, data from 2005 indicates that Moroccans comprise 76 percent of the population in Spain followed by Algerians at five percent (35,437) and Senegalese at four percent (O PI 2005, 2006). Moroccans overwhelming represent the African resident population in Spain.14 The second major characteristic is the varia tion of the sex distribution among the different immigrant populations (King 2000; Escriv 2000; Ribas-Mateos 2000).15 Overall, a slim majority of men represent the im migrant population as enumerated bo th in the municipal registry and from the number of authorized residents. In terms of the number of authorized residents in 2005, men comprised 54 percent of the popul ation and women 46 percent (OPI 2005, 2006; MTAS 2006). Comparably, of the number of fore igners recorded in the municipal registry 53 percent were men (INE 2006, 2007). While a slim majo rity of the foreign population are men at the aggregate level, the sex composition differs gr eatly depending on the region of origin. In the case of the Latin American authorized foreign residents, women constituted a slim majority, 54 percent, whereas among the African authori zed foreign population, men made up a larger 14 Framing the migration of Senegambians within the larger context of migration in Spain gives an important perspective on the contrast between the actual size of the sub-Saharan population and the extensive attention their migration has generated in the public discourse on immigration and integration. 15 For the structural and sociocultural explanations for the gender distribution of various immigrant populations in Spain, see Ribas-Mateos 2000and Escriv 2000.


74 majority, 68 percent (OPI 2005, 2006). These figure s correspond to the number of foreigners recorded in the municipal registry for 2005. Am ong Latin Americans, women likewise formed 54 percent of the registered population, and with the African population, men constituted 69 percent (INE 2006). Moreover, at th e national level, the sex distri bution of the foreign population is further skewed. For example, among the author ized Senegalese residents, men accounted for 82 percent of the population while among Brazili ans, females made up 68 percent (OPI 2005, 2006). The variations in the sex distribution betw een the different migran t populations allude to the distinct gender norms and expectations held among the different groups. For instance, Latin American women pioneered the migration to Spain, a fact that is verified by their participation in the labor market. Of the Latin Americans regi stered as employed in 2005, 52 percent were women. In comparison, only 17 percent of African women were registered as employed in 2005 (MTAS 2006). The low participation rate of African women in the labor ma rket is indicative of their migration through family reunification. The third major feature of the foreign population in Spain is the concentration of foreign workers in the secondary labor market. The divers ity of Spains migration flows from developing countries is partly an outcome of the count rys economic transfor mation, specifically the segmentation or bifurcation of its labor market and labor demands in the secondary labor market and informal sector (King et al. 1997; Mendo za 1997; Calavita 1998; King and RodrguezMelguizo 1999; Baldwin-Edwards 1999; Martn ez Veiga 1999; Arango 2000; Colectivo Io 2000; King 2000; Pascual de Sans et al. 2000; Surez-Nava 2004). The demand for low skilled migrant labor at a time when Sp ain is experiencing high unemployment supports the principles of dual labor market theory, whic h describes the fragmentation of the labor market into primary and secondary sectors (Piore 1979; King et al. 1997; Mendoza 1997; Martnez Veiga 1999;


75 Arango 2000; Colectivo Io 2000; Surez-Nav az 2004). The secondary labor market, characterized by arduous manual labor, low wages, instability, loose regulations, and menial status, does not attract native workers and depends on the flexib le and casual labor migrants supply (Piore 1979; Massey et al. 1993; King an d Rodrguez-Melguizo 1999; Baldwin-Edwards 1999; Arango 2000; Colectivo Io 2000; Hoggart and Mendoza 2000; King 2000; Pascual de Sans et al. 2000). Corkills description of work conditions of in the plastic greenhouse illustrates some of the onerous circumstances unde r which immigrants work in agriculture. More often than not they [immigrant workers] are prepared to endure conditions that native workers find unacceptable. In the invernederos the plastic-covered gr owing areas used for intensive agriculture in southe rn Spain, which can double or tr iple the annual harvest of watermelons, peppers, cucumbers etc., temper atures can soar to 50 degrees centigrade. [2001:836] The main jobs immigrants perform are low skille d construction, agricultura l, industrial, domestic and service jobs. The service jobs immigrants do in clude menial jobs in re staurants, hotels, and hospitals (King et al. 1997; Mendoza 1997; H untoon 1998; King and Rodr guez-Melguizo 1999; Baldwin-Edwards 1999; Martnez Veiga 1999; Ki ng 2000; Pascual de Sans et al. 2000).16 In 2005, of the 1,688,598 foreign workers registered working, 19 percent were engaged in construction and 11 percent were involved in ag riculture including lives tock, forestry, fishing and aquaculture (MTAS 2006). The large majority, 63 percent, was involved in service including domestic work in homes and hotel and cateri ng, which accounted for 45 percent of the service sector (MTAS 2006).17 The role of immigrant labor in agriculture and domestic service is further 16 At the same time, these jobs in the secondary sectorconstruction, agricu lture, domestic service, tourism and catering, and factory workcan be informal depending on whether workers are legally authorized to work and employers are paying workers social security (Baldwin-Edwards 1999). 17 Overall, 15 percent of foreign work ers registered were engaged in domestic work in private homes comprised and 13 percent were involved in hotel and catering (MTAS 2006).


76 highlighted in the distribution of work permits through the quota system, which is discussed in the last section of this chapter (Cornelius 2004). The fourth major feature of the foreign popul ation in Spain is the concentration of particular groups in specific ge ographical areas as an outcome of the articulation of gender, nationality, labor niche, and de stination (King et al. 1997). For instance, women comprise the majority of the Latin American population. They Dominicans, Peruvians and Colombiansare primarily employed in domestic service, and 44 percent of the Latin American population is concentrated in Madrid and Barcelona, cities with high demands for domestic and service labor that immigrant women supply (Sassen 1998; Salv Toms 2003; OPI 2005, 2006). The high concentration of immigrants with identical nati onalities in the same o ccupations and geographic areas reveal the geographical dist ribution of labor market demands as well as the role of social networks in facilitating migr ation (Massey et al. 1993; King et al. 1997; Martnez Veiga 1999; King and Rodrguez-Melguizo 1999; Corkill 2001). Pumares Fernndez (2003) observes that migrants usually have family, friends and compat riots in the country of destination, who help them secure employment and other resources as well as maintain social relations to support cultural practices. In terms of ge ographical dispersal, the immigran t population is concentrated in four autonomous communities: Catalonia, Madrid, Andalusia and the Valencian Community. In 2005, these four autonomous communities accounted fo r about 67 percent of the foreign resident population, with Catalonia at 21 pe rcent, Madrid at 20 percent, and Andalusia and the Valencian Community at 13 percent each (OPI 2005, 2006; MTAS 2006:57). Migrants from developing countries have settled in Catalonia and Madr id, autonomous communities with opportunities in the service work, construction a nd agriculture, whereas those fr om developed countries have established themselves in Andalusia, Valencia the Canary and Balear ic Islands, communities


77 where the climate and environment supports re tirement and tourism (Colectivo Io 2000). Madrid had the highest number of Latin American authorized re sidents with 28 percent of the population, followed by Catalonia with 20 percent, living primarily in the province of Barcelona (OPI 2005, 2006). In contrast, African authorized re sidents were residing largely in Catalonia with 32 percent of the populati on, half of whom were also co ncentrated in the province of Barcelona (OPI 2005, 2006). Andalusia had the second largest concentration of African authorized residents, 14 percen t, with Madrid a close third, 12 percent (IPO 2005, 2006; MTAS 2006). The geographical dist ribution figures of the Latin American and African foreign resident population correspond to the employment sectors in which they are concentrated. For example, Latin Americans were overwhelmingly involved in the service sector; 71 percent of Latin American authorized residents employed were work ing in the service sector and only six percent in agriculture (MTAS 2006). Among the African au thorized resident employed, 38 percent were engaged in the service sector and 27 percen t in agriculture (MTAS 2006). These figures correspond with the concentration of Latin Americans in Madrid and Catalonia, primarily the province of Barcelona, and of Africa ns in Catalonia and Andalusia. The four trends described in this section occur both at the national le vel and at the regional levels of the autonomous communities. In th e case of Catalonia, the diverse economic configuration of the communitya global center, intensive agricultural areas, and coastal tourist zonessets conditions that mirror migration to Sp ain at the national level. The following section details important trends at the regional level of Catalonia. Catalonia: An Internal and International Destination While the prevailing features of contem porar y immigration to Spain mirror trends taking place in Catalonia, there are patte rns particular to the province. As mentioned in the previous section, until the 1980s Spain was a country of emigration; howeve r, emigration was only part of


78 the picture.18 At the same time as Spain experienced emigration in the 1950s to the early 1970s, the country underwent tremendous internal migrati on largely of peasants from the poorer rural regions of Andalusia, Extremadura and Galicia to the more developed regions of Basque Country, Catalonia, and Madrid (Calavita 1998; Pascual de Sans et al. 2000; Calavita and Surez-Navaz 2003; Surez-Navaz 2004).19 This post war migration was actually the second internal population movement of the 20th Century. The first internal migration, which began during World War I and ended with the Civil War, attracted migrants fr om regions nearer to Catalonia compared with the di stance of the second migrati on (Martn Daz 1992; Pascual de Sans et al. 2000). As one of the most industria lized regions of Spain, Cataloniaalong with the Basque Countryhas a history of migration from less-developed re gions of Spain (Pascual de Sans et al. 2000). Migrants supported the indus trialization of Cataloni a (Martn Daz 1992). In addition to labor demands of the industrial sector, preparations for the Universal Exposition of Barcelona in 1929 and the construc tion of the metro system generated migration to Catalonia before the Civil War (Martn Daz 1992:14). That immigrants have followe d the earlier internal migrations to Barcelona and Madr id is not surprising. As noted a bove, 41 percent of the foreign population is located in the autonomous commun ities of Catalonia a nd Madrid (OPI 2005, 2006; MTAS 2006:57). Between 2000 and 2005 the authorized foreign population in Catalonia increased from four percent to seven percent of the total population. The pe rcentage is much higher for foreigners registered in the munici pal registry, 12 percent of the total population (Generalitat de Catalunya 2006:14-15). The foreign population in Catalonia is concentrated largely in the province of Barcelona (Generalitat de Cataluny a 2006). Sixty-eight percent of 18 King (2000) draws attention to how internal migration in southern European countr iesGreece, Italy, Spain and Portugalhave been important in shaping current immigration into these countries. 19 This internal migration supported to the industrialization of Barcelona and Madrid (Calavita 1998).


79 foreigners with residency permit in Cataloni a resided in Barcelona in 2005 (IDESCAT 2005).20 Moreover, the foreign population in Catalonia represents 180 nationa lities with Moroccans comprising the largest group.21 However, the largest populatio n growth in recent years has occurred among the Ecuadorian and Romanian populations (Generalita t de Catalunya 2006). Parallels exist between the internal migr ants of the post World War II period and immigrants from developing countries arrivi ng after 1985 (King 2000). Two similarities that pertain to socioeconomic integration are labor market participation a nd residential location. Economic pressures have driven internal migr ation and foreign immigration. Both internal migrants and foreign immigrants have filled the demand for less-skilled and low-waged labor (Sol 1981, 1982; Martn Daz 1992; King 2000). A 1978 st udy of migrants in metropolitan area of Barcelona indicates that inte rnal migrants occupied the lowe st occupational tiers in larger proportion than the Catalan population (Sol 1982) Identical to foreign immigrants, internal migrants were largely concentrated in construction work and serv ice jobs, such as cleaning, food preparation, and transportation (Sol 1982:28).22 For example, one of informants in this study, Babacar, worked on a farm in Sant Andreu de Llavaneres where both Andalusians and Africans were employed when he arrived in Matar in 1 970. Babacar witnessed the transition of unskilled agricultural labor from internal migrants to foreign immigrants. 20 In the regularization campaign of 2005, Catalonia repr esented 21 percent of the total 575,827 applications approved across Spain. A total of 119,518 foreigners were regularized in Catalonia (CERES 2006:23). Moreover, the province of Barcelona had the highest number of applications approved in Catalonia, 72 percent. The largest number of approved applicants in Barcelona province was from Latin American, 59 percent (CERES 2006:24). 21 Recent increase in the Moroc can population has to do with family reunification in the last few years (Generalitat de Catalunya 2006). See also Ribas-Mateos 2000. 22 Although internal migrants and foreign immigrants in Catalonia have filled similar labor market demands, significant numbers of internal migrants were involved in in dustrial factory work, such as textiles, that have largely been exported or sub-contracted. Inst ead of industrial factory work, foreign immigrants support the labor demands of small manufacturing and artisan firms (Pascual de Sans et al. 2000; King 2000).


80 Immigrants from developing countries also re side in the neighborhoods in which internal migrants initially settled.23 For instance, Andalusians comprise by far the largest internal migrant population in the Sants-Montjuc dist rict in the city of Barcelona.24 Residents born in Andalusia made up eight percent of the district populati on in 1991 and six percent in 2004 (Ajuntament de Barcelona 2006). At the same time, foreigners co mprised three percent of the district population in 1991 and increased to 15 percent in 2004. Ho wever, Andalusians ou tnumbered all other immigrant groups aggregated by nationality. Of the total 176,027 residents registered in the district in 2004, the largest immigrant populations were Ecuadorians (three percent), Moroccans (one percent) and Colombians (one pe rcent) (Ajuntament de Barcelona 2006).25 As in the case of Spain overall, the geographical loca tions in which immigrants have settled in Catalonia reflect their social networks and the economic sectors in which they are incorporated. For example, generally Latin Americans are found in urban locations while Africans are in mid-range and less urbanized cities (Rigau i Oliver 2003; Generalitat de Catal unya 2006). As discussed in the previous section describing the foreign population, women comprise the majority of the Latin American population and are involv ed in service and domestic work in the cities (Generalitat de Catalunya 2006). Whereas, men constitute the ma jority of the African population and are involved in agricultural work in the less urban areas and constr uction. For example, the largest registered immigrant groups in the city of Ba rcelona in 2004 were Ecuadorians, Colombians, Peruvians and Moroccans, in descending order of size. In contrast, the largest registered 23 In describing the recent migration of Moroccans to Cata lonia, King and Rodrguez-Me lguizo observe that they concentrate in the low-rent apartment blocks which former ly housed the earlier waves of poor internal migrants (1999:67). 24 In Catalonia, Andalusians are concentrated in Barcelona and adjacent ar eas (Martn Daz 1992). 25 Latin Americans including Brazilians collectively comprised the largest immigrant population in Sants-Montjuc (Ajuntament de Barcelona 2006).


81 immigrant groups in Matar in 2004 were Moroccans, Gambians, Chinese and Senegalese.26 In the case of the sub-Saharan populati on in Catalonia, they are con centrated in agricultural areas with the largest numbers in pr ovince of Girona, which is espe cially the case of Gambians (Generalitat de Catalunya 2006:19). Beyond the parallels that the two migrations share, recent immigr ation to Catalonia diverges from the post World War II internal migrat ion in the distribution of sex. In the internal migration, men and women migrated in similar numbers (Sol 1981).27 Foreign immigration to Catalonia has increasingly become feminized due to women migrating alone and through family reunification, as is the trend at the national level (Ribas-Mateos 2000; Escriv 2000; Generalitat de Catalunya 2006). Latin American and African immigrant women illustrate both these trends. As described above, Latin American women have in itiated the migration to Spain and as a result participate in the labor market in much highe r numbers than African women who largely come through family reunification (Gen eralitat de Catalunya 2006).28 Within the African population, major differences exist in the gender composition of the different groups, particularly between Moroccans and sub-Saharan immigrants. In the Mo roccan case, because men were migrating to Catalonia since the 1960s, the 1970s were characterized by family reunification (Rigau i Oliver 2003). 29 As a result migration from Morocco is in the process of shifting from largely a 26 Unpublished registration statistics from the Se rvei dEstudis i Planificaci of Maresme. 27 Among respondents who self-identified as upper class, men migrated in higher numbers than women; however, those who self-identified as working class migr ated in comparable nu mbers (Sol 1981:147). 28 Reunited spouses initially receive permission to reside in Spain without work authorization. 29 Although Moroccans have a long histor y of migration to Spain, they only migrated in significant numbers after 1985 (Rigau i Oliver 2003). King and Rodrguez-Melguizo (1999) point out that Moroccans largely migrated to Northern Europe for work in the 1960s and 1970s just as Spanish peasants did. As Northern European countries tightened immigration and with the entry of Southern European countries into the European Community, Moroccan migration shifted to Spain and Italy which had been transit points for the previous migration to Northern Europe (King and RodrguezMelguizo 1999).


82 masculine to a feminine migration as increa sing numbers of Moroccan women arrive on their own or come through family reunification (Ribas -Mateos 2000; Generali tat de Catalunya 2006). The more recent migration from Senegal and Gamb ia continues to be primarily of men (RibasMateos 2000; Rigau i Oliver 2003; Kaplan Marcusn 2005). The numbers of approved applications for regularization in 2005 reveals the feminization of migration from Latin America. Women made up 57 percent of the approved ap plications in Catalonia (CERES 2006:25). Among the African population, women made up 15 per cent of the approved application. If we look at the case of Gambians and Senegalese, 59 (three percent) and 132 (five percent) women were regularized respectively in the Catalonia in 2005 (CERES 2006:25). Given that conditions for regularization were based on securing a work c ontract and paying social security taxes, the difference between the number of Latin American and African women applying for regularization indicate the varyi ng levels of participation in the labor market for these two groups. Comparing the numbers of approved ap plications with the figures for family reunification shows that African women largel y arrive through fam ily reunification. For example, in the province of Barcelona, 102 Gambians and 166 Senegalese came through family reunification, including spouses and children, in 2005 (CERES 2006:36). In 2004, the number of West Africans coming through family reunificat ion was slightly higher, 233 Gambians and 317 Senegalese (CERES 2006:36). Matar: Field Site The following synopsis of the local econom y of Matar gives a picture of the types of employment available to immigran ts. Matar is the county seat of Maresme, an agricultural and industrial area bordering the Med iterranean Sea. The city was one of the first regions in Catalonia to industrialize, with a specialization in te xtiles (Lope et al. 2002). As noted in the analysis of internal migration to Catalonia, work in the garment industry attracted internal


83 migrants to the region. In recent years, the text ile industry has declined and been supplanted by small garment firms. The service industry has expanded as the local economy undergoes tertiarization (Lope et al. 2002). Co mpared to other regions of Cata lonia, Matar has a high rate of businesses operating in the unde rground economy (Lope et al. 2002). Matars size and location provides labor opportunities for migrant men and women. 30 From Matar migrant men can easily travel to the surrounding agri cultural fields and greenhouses to work. The proximity of Barcelona, a 40-minute train ride southwest of Matar, puts construction, domestic, and service work within commuting reach of migrants (Figure 4-1 at the end of the chapter is a map of the coast of Maresme that s hows the distance between Matar and Barcelona).31 Major cities such as Barcelona ep itomize what Sassen (1998) identifies as global cities, where immigrants, mainly women, service the strategic sectors, the professional class. Of the total number of Africans residi ng legally in Spain, including Moroccans and Equatorial Guineans who both have historical ties to Spain, 30 pe rcent live in the province of Catalonia and of that porti on, 62 percent live in the pr ovince of Barcelona (INE 2005).32 These figures show that immigrants are geographically concentrated in areas where greater job opportunities in the secondary sector exists, primarily the autonomous communities of Catalonia, Madrid and Valencia (King and Rodrguez-Melguizo 1999). In addition to labor market demands, social networks account for increasing immigration to Spain (Massey et al. 1993). The high concentr ation of people of the same ethnicity and 30 Catalonia is one of the 17 autonomous communities of Spain and is divided into four provinces: Barcelona, Girona, Lleida and Tarragona (I use the Catalonian spellings of the provinces). Each province is subdivided into regions or counties known as comarca. Matar is the county seat of Maresme in the province of Barcelona. 31Matars location to Barcelona supported the robust growth of the construction industry in the 1990s (Lope et al. 2002). However, with the worldwide ba nking crisis of 2008, the construction industry has come to a standstill. 32 The Instituto Nacional de Estadstica records 663,156 regi stered foreigners from Africa in 2005. Of that number, 200,536 were registered in Catalonia and 123,466 in the province of Barcelona.


84 nationality in the same occupations and geographic area reveal the fundame ntal role of social networks in facilitating migr ation (Martnez Veiga 1999; King and Rodrguez-Melguizo 1999). Social networks further sustain migration by mu tually connecting migrants and nonmigrants in relationships through which information and assistance are transmitted (Boyd 1989; Massey et al. 1993). For example, the Gambian population in Catalonia consists 84 percent of the total Gambian population in Spain (IMPE 2006). In additi on, 87 percent of the registered sub-Saharan African population residing in Matar comprise of Gambians, Senegalese and Malians (IMPE 2006).33 Table 4-5 gives the number of authorized residents from Senegal and Gambia at the national, regional and municipal levels. Table 4-5. Authorized Senegambian Residents 2005 Country Spain Catalonia Barcelona (Province) Matar Senegal 27,678 9,576 4,732 985 Gambia 15,830 13,235 4,335 1,208 Source: Data for Spain, Catalonia and Barcelona obtained from OPI (2006) and IMPE (2006). Data for Matar taken from IMPE (2006). Senegambian Migration to Matar As early as the 1960s, Gam bian men pioneered Senegambian migration to Matar, and Catalonia in general. At the time, most of the i mmigrants had the intention of moving on to their preferred destination of France or Britain. Babacar, a 58-year old Gambian who arrived in Matar in 1970, intended to earn money working in Spain and then moving on to continue his studies in France.34 However, 35 years later, he is a Spanish national married to a Catalan woman and has a grown daughter. When Babacar arrived in 1970, his uncle, who had spent some 33 The foreign national population from sub-Saharan African comprised 2.67 percent of the total population in Matar in 2006. The population of Matar was 118,891 in 2006 (IMPE 2006). 34 To protect the anonymity of respondents in this study, all names have been substituted with pseudonyms. Babacar lived in a border town in Gambia, where one road separate d Gambia and Senegal. Because of proximity, he attended a Senegalese school where he learned French, which helps explain his desire to migrate to France instead of Britain. Babacar does not speak English as formally educated Gambians do.


85 time in Maresme, was preparing to move to Fran ce. Babacars uncle delaye d his trip for a month to assist Babacar in settling in the area. During th e interview, Babacar, who is of the Jola ethnic group, joked that he had to perfect his Mandink a because the majority of the sub-Saharan Africans he encountered were Gambians of the Mandinka ethnic group. According to Babacar, when he arrived in 1970, there we re practically no sub-Saharan immigrants. He explained that the Jola started arriving in the mid-1980s a nd in larger numbers after 1991. Babacars observation is confirmed by different studies of Senegalese and Gambians in Catalonia. Kaplan Marcusn distinguishes three peri ods, starting at the end of the 1970s, then increasing with new contingents in the 1980s, and finally consolid ating through family reunification in the 1990s (2005:52).35 Because Gambian men migrated in the 1970s and started bringing their wives as early as the mid-1980s, there is a presence of young adults of the s econd-generation among Gambians that is absent among the Senegale se population. In addition, based on fieldwork conducted by Jabardo Velasco, the Senegalese who arrived during the 1970s and 1980s were from southern Senegal (2006:28). Since they were largely Haal Pulaar, Mandinka and Serahuli, they had more in common with their ethnic Gambian counterparts than with their fellow Senegalese compatriots from the north who were of different ethnic groups, such as the Wolof (Jabardo Velasco 2006:28). The Wolof began migrat ing to Spain in the 1990s, and in comparison to earlier migrants from Gambia and the Casa mance region of southern Senegal who have largely settled in Catalonia, they reside in dive rse locations, mainly Madrid and the coastal zones where they engage in commerc ial activities (Jabardo Velasco 2006:28). They are the Muride traders whom researchers have focused on (Carter 1997; Perry 1997; Diouf 2000; Riccio 2002, 35 The stages of settlement that Kaplan Marcusn distinguishes are similar to the phases that Timera (1996) and Sargent and Larchanch-Kim (2006) identify for Soninke migration to France.


86 2003; Stoller 2002, 2003; Papa Sow 2004). As the Senegalese respondents in this study demonstrate, the Senegalese migrati on experience is much more diverse. Conclusion This chapters summ ary of national and regiona l migration trends provides the context for interpreting Senegambian economic integration in Spain. Senegambian immigration follows previous internal migration to Catalonia. The majority of Senegambian immigrants reside in Catalonia, with half of the re gional population living in province of Barcelona where the country of Maresme is located. As the case with immigr ant from developing countries, Senegambians are incorporated in the secondary labor market wh ere they find unskilled, temporary and low-wage jobs. Senegambian men are primarily engage d in agricultural a nd construction work. Senegambian women are less active in the labor market partially as a result of their immigration status as reunited spouses. The following chapter analyzes the integration of Senegambians in Matar: migration and arrival to Catalonia; participation in the labor market; immigration status; and housing arrangements.


87 CHAPTER 5 SEARCHING FOR A LIVELIHOOD: SE NEGAMBIAN MIGRATION TO SP AIN Introduction The first section exp lores the factors that ha ve contributed to grow ing migration to Spain from Senegal and Gambia such as the deepen ing relationship between the two countries and Spain and the combined effects of migration. The second section describes the various ways of entering Spain. The third section relates each me thod of entry to the resources available to migrants, the type of reception th at they receive, and the immigr ation status that they acquire. Most of the chapter focuses on Se negambian settlement in Catalonia, specifically the challenges they encounter in securing em ployment, housing and work permits. How these problems are interrelated are also explained, particularly the acquisition of work permits for mobility within Spains labor market, in terms of improved empl oyment status. Dispari ties between the labor market participation of Senegambian men and wome n are interpreted as a consequence of factors such as Spains family reunification policy, childcare and household responsibilities of Senegambian women, and limited work opportunities for Senegambian women as a result of racial and religious preference in domestic serv ice. The last section of the chapter examines housing arrangements among Senegambian immigrants and delineates the different strategies to afford accommodations. Migration As discusse d in chapter four, some of the economic and political changes that have transformed Spain from a country of emigration to one of immigration include: the end of the Franco dictatorship; Spains membership in th e European Community; and the restructuring of Spains economy. Geographical factors such as Spains porous border and proximity to Africa also account for increasing migr ation from West Africa. At the same time, however, Spain


88 became one of several alternativ e destinations that arose in the 1990s as Northern European countriesin the case of Senegalese and Gambian migration, countries such as France and the United Kingdom, respectivelyc losed their borders to immi gration. The tightening of immigration control through the adoption of the Schengen Convention in 1990 made immigration to former European colonial metr opolises extremely difficult for Africans. In response to migration restrictions to traditional destinations in Northern Europe, West Africans sought alternative destinations (Bouillon 1998, 2001; Findley and Sow 1998; MacGaffey and Bazenguissa-Ganga 2000; Babou 2001; Adepoju 2004) For West Africans, Spain became one possible alternative among a handf ul of new destinations that included South Africa, the United States, and Italy.1 The migration history of Lamine, a 37-year-old Mandinka from Kolda in southern Senegal, illustrates the different destinations open to West African migrants. Lamine lived in the Ivory Coast for six years before migrating to Spain in 1994. I left Senegal in 1988 and went to the Ivory Co ast. From there [the Ivory Coast], I visited Senegal. My uncle told me that people were passing through Morocco to enter Spain. But I returned to the Ivory Coast. My brother later came to the Ivory Coast. He asked me to help him because he had nothing. He was only a stud ent and didnt have anything. I helped him come to Spain. So my brother was the first to come [to Spain]. After one year, he sent me a ticket, and I also came. [Why did you migrate to Spain?] Well, at first I didnt want to come because I didnt know anything about Spain. I was in the Ivory Coast. I was living well because I was working for a French woman. The woman was very good. We got along well and didnt have any problems. I didnt have work or money problem s in the Ivory Coast. I lived well. I also took in many immigrants in my house. I lived we ll there. As I had helped my brother come to Spain, he wanted to help me. He told me, Come here. Here is better than there. You 1 In the case of South Africa, the closing of European borders coincided with the demise of apartheid, which ended the country's isolation. MacGaffey an d Bazenguissa-Ganga observe that as visas for Belgium and France became increasingly difficult to secure, trader s from Congo-Kinshasa and Congo-Brazzaville shifted their activities to South Africa (2000). In fact, the Central Afri can traders were attracted to South Af rica because the products they traded were cheaper there than in Europe (MacGaffey and Baze nguissa-Ganga 2000). The ease of entry to South Africa also made it a favorable destination, and by the mi d-1990s, the fastest-growi ng Congo-Kinshasa migrant community was in Johannesburg (MacGaffey and Bazengui ssa-Ganga 2000:48-49). See also Bouillon (1998, 2001).


89 think that you are making money there, but here is better. So I told my boss that I was going on vacation to Senegal. She believed that I went to Senegal. I returned to Senegal and applied for a visa to come here. I got a visa for Lisbon, Portugal. I was in Portugal for one week, yes. Lamines economic success in the Ivory Coast is illu strated by his ability to sponsor his brothers migration to Spain, his admittance that he lived well, and his initial reluctance to migrate to Spain. His economic mobility in the Ivory Coast suggests that migration in Africa can be as fruitful as migration to traditional destinations such as France. In the Ivory Coast, Lamine was able to find work in his profession as a tailor. However, in Spain, Lamine has not been able to work full-time as a tailor, which is his aspirati on, and has labored agriculture, construction and textile work. He supplements is income tailoring on his days off. In this context, Spain then is one option of various opportunitie s for West African migrants. In addition to the cutting off of traditiona l European destinations, the expansion of capitalism in developing countries also create s ideological and cultural linkages between sending and receiving areas (Massey et al. 1993). The implications of such global cultural linkages can be understood using Appadurais (1996) concep t of ethnoscape and mediascape. Ethnoscape is moving groups and individuals, of which tour ists and migrants are part mediascape refer both to the distribution of the electronic capab ilities to produce and disseminate information (Appadurai 1996:33-35). International sports, pa rticularly soccer, have engendered a global following and have opened alterna tive destinations for Senegalese and Gambian migrants. For example, two male informants, who did not know anyone in Spain before their migration, decided to come to Barcelona on account of the Ftbol Club Barcelona. They were Bara fans in Senegal and Gambia for years. One of the inform ants, a 33-year-old Senegalese named Idrissa, explained: [How did you know about Catalonia?] I liked the Ftbol Club Barcelona for a long time. And I knew a lot about Barcelona because my boss in Mauritania, his son also liked the


90 Ftbol Club Barcelona. He woul d always buy Barcelona things. He gave me a Barcelona shirt and other things. But before that, I li ked the Ftbol Club Ba rcelona.... I knew that Barcelona, the Ftbol Club Barcelona was in Ca talonia. So when I left, I headed for the direction of Catalonia. For Idrissa, who is the only member of his family to migrate, his knowledge of Catalonia and his desire to migrate to Barcel ona were based on his following of Bara. Although Idrissas migration is economically driven, his choice of Spain as a destination is part of larger global processes related to the marketing and following of European soccer leagues. Similarly, Carter (1997) explains the decision of Sene galese traders to migrate to It aly in relation to the presence of Italian enterprises (for example, construction and fashion designs) in Se negal. At the start of the migration, the number of Italia n enterprises came third after American and French businesses in Senegal. Although Italy is not a former col onial power, the country has a strong presence in Senegal. In terms of the linkages between Sp ain and Senegal, Lacomba Vzquez and Moncusi Ferr point to the deepening of the relationshi p between the two countries through the growing presence of Spanish tourists, Spanish nongovernme ntal organizations, and cooperative projects between Spanish and Senegalese cities (2006:78-79 ). As a female Gambian informant, Bintou, explained, the biggest industry in Gambia is tourism from Europe, especially from the Scandinavian countries (Ebron 1997). Linkages creat ed from the growing relationship Spain has developed with Senegal and Gambia have helped potential migrants to conceive of Spain as a possible destination. In addition to the growing presence of Spai n in the form of tourists, nongovernmental organizations and sister city project in Senegal and Gambia, the cumulative effect of people migrating, sending remittances, returning for vacation, and building homes has made the migration self-sustaining (Ma ssey et al. 1993). Prospective mi grants are influenced by the


91 migration of others, especially successful migrants. This was th e case for Souleymane, a 27-yearold Gambian from Brikama. My friend, who studied with me in Gambia, would come with a new car. He would come and go to a bar. If you met him there at the bar, he would buy everyone a drink. He would take out money. Sometimes he would give out money saying take, take, take. He would go with his car and girlfriend. Where did this gu y get this money? He went to Europe to get money. Why should I sit here? I also decided to go look for money like him. He bought a nice house. He moved his family there. He had everything. For Souleymane, his migration was inspired by the success of his school friend. The impression his friend made on Souleymane was considerable considering that Souleymane did not have a job in Gambia and assisted his father in farm ing. As Newell observes in his analysis of the relationship between identity and migration to France among youths in Abidjan, explanations for migration based solely on economics are incomp lete without an understanding of consumption theory (2005:165). Through the elab orate consumption that migrati on enable migrants such as Souleymanes friend to undertake during short v acations to Gambia, migrants are able to reconstruct their identities based on their displays of wealth and elevate their social status among peer (Newell 2005).2 Considering that the majority of Senegalese and Gambians in Spain are engaged in low-wage and menial work in agricu lture and construction, the transnational practices and ties enable migrants to improve their social status in their communities of origin (Skinner 1985; Goldring 1998). 3 Lambert (1994, 2002, 2007) and Reboussin (1995) also describe how Jola migrants show the success of their migratio n to Dakar by their clothing and adoption of an urban attitude. Along the same line, Riccio observes that The return of migrants when it is characteris ed by ostentation, plays on the imagination of the people staying home, forming a symbolic push factor underlying the emigration from 2 See Friedman (1994) and MacGaffey and Bazenguissa-Ganga (2000) fo r a discussion on consumption and selfidentity among Congolese migrants. 3 Chapter three summarizes the types of jobs available to immigrants in Spain. The fifth section of this chapter describes the occupations of the respondents in this study.


92 Senegal. A striking example is a new house built in the middle of nowhere in the countryside yet having two floor s.... These houses are becoming a status symbol and even a symbol of identity. (2001:585) Riccios observation highlights the social aspects of migration a nd the sociocultural motivations for maintaining transnational ties. At the same time Buggenhagen (2003) calls attention to the unfinished home construction proj ects that litter the Senegale se landscape. These unfinished homes represent competing gender goals (B uggenhagen 2003) and stretched commitments abroad and in Senegal (discussed in chapter 6). While the rewards of migrat ionwealth, two-story homes, a nd statusare persuasive, many potential migrants are aware of the difficultie s and risks involved. In fact some are warned of the problems that they will encounter. A ssane, a 24-year-old from Kdougou, Senegal, was warned of the difficulties of life in Spain from returning migrants. In my town, there are many people who have migrated to Spain and come back for vacation. I would always visit them and ask ho w is it in Spain. They would explain to me how it is, what happens here. I would say well I also want to go. I di dnt know how to get a visa to visit Spain. I wanted to see if I could get work and earn money too.... They [returning migrants] would say that Spain is good. Yes, very good but also bad because finding work is very difficult. When you find work, you earn very little. The information Assane received from the re turning migrants of his town includes both encouragements and cautions of life in Spain. Ho wever, these warnings did not stop Assane from coming to Spain. The return of successful migran ts and their displays of wealth evoke the possibilities of migration in te rms of the potential rewards a nd make migration tangible for nonmigrants. As Souleymane asked himself, Why should I stay here? Souleymanes questions leads to a second question, how to get to Spain. Methods for Entering Spain This section outlin es the author ized and unauthorized methods migrants use to enter Spain. Authorized methods consist of diffe rent visas that define a migrants presence in Spain: tourist,


93 worker, family member and student.4 Contrary to public impressi on, the number of sub-Saharan Africans who enter Spain without authorization is equivalent to those who enter on tourist and work visas. Data from a four-year survey (2000-2004) of 3,048 immigrants, published by the Ministerio de Trabajo y Asuntos Sociales (Department of Labor and So cial Affairs) found that in the case of sub-Saharan Africans, 40 percent entered Spain without authorization. At the same time, 21 percent of sub-Saharan Africans entere d Spain on work visas, 17 percent on tourist visas, and 5 percent on residency visas without permission to work (Dez Nicols 2005:57).5 Those who enter as tourists usually overstay thei r visas and loss their status, which increases the number of sub-Saharan immigrants without authorization to reside in Spain. Those who come to Spain on residency without work authorization are spouses, usually wives, and children who come through family reunification. As the data fro m the four-year survey i ndicates, a significant number of sub-Saharan Africans enter Spain without authorization. The large majority Senegalese and Gambians who enter Spain w ithout authorization come through Morocco and arrive in the Canary Islands or the enclaves of Melilla and Ceuta. Less commonly, they enter Spain unlawfully through a transit EU member c ountry, primarily Portugal or France. Migrants usually have legitimate visas for entering Portugal but false documents for France, which usually involves a trafficker. Unauthorized methods entail the use of traffickers and smugglers at various points of the migration process. The overview of the different methods of entry focuses on unlawful means because large numbers of Sene galese and Gambians enter Spain without authorization. 4 None of the 65 Senegambian immigrants in terviewed entered Spain on a tourist visa. 5 The study includes a total of 443 sub-Saharan African respondents. I also refer to this study in chapter four.


94 Method One: The North African Route As highlighted in the news m edia and pub lic discourse, the most common means of entering Spain without authorization is by fishing boats, called pateras or cayucos, and Zodiacs off the coast of Morocco, Mauritania and Senegal.6 Before the increased fortification of the borders of the enclave cities of Ceuta and Melilla, migrants also walked across the border. Since the late 1990s, arrival by fishing boats has ev olved along side the inte nsification of border surveillance off the coast of North and West Afri ca. Before increased border control, migrants entered the Spanish enclaves on the coast of Moro cco or crossed the Straits of Gibraltar. As border surveillance intensified, migrants began sailing from Morocco to the Canary Islands (Figure 5-1 shows the different travel routes).7 While migrants shared similar stories of setting off on pateras for the Canary Islands or the en claves, or walking acros s the border into the enclaves, how they got to the departure points in Morocco and the length of time taken to arrive there were diverse and reflected their economic situation in Sene gal. For those with financial means, getting to Morocco involved a short plane ri de; but for those with fewer resources, their trip took years.8 6 Pateras are small fishing boats in the form of open dugouts that carry about 10 to 15 occupants. Larger pateras have been designed for trafficking. These pateras have be tween 15 to 22 horsepower engines and can carry between 40 to 45 occupants. Cayucos are colorful Senegalese fishin g boats that have come into use with the shift of the embarkation point to the coast of Senegal and Gambia. They can hold between 40-70 occupants and usually have 40-horse power Enduro-Yamaha engines. Zodiacs inflatable boats are also common vessels used by traffickers. They can carry as many occupants and cayucos, but they have engines with more horsepower, up to 60 (El Pas 2007). 7 The departure points have shifted from Morocco to the coast of Senegal and Gambia. This shift occurred after fieldwork was completed; and therefore, none of the respondents in this study sailed from Gambia or Senegal. All went through Morocco. See Carling 2007) for details on the routes taken. 8 The North African route that West Africans take to reach Spain follow the same path as earlier migration to France. Cond and Diagne (1986) describe migration in stages where migrants stop in different countries of transit to earn money to continue on their journey to France. Migran ts took an average of two years to reach France (Cond and Diagne 1986:84).


95 Figure 5-1. Routes to Spai n from Northwest Africa (Modi fied from El Pas 2003). Abdoulayes short trip to Spain from Senegal is representative of migrants who have enough money to complete the journey in a s hort time. Abdoulaye was a professional soccer player in Senegal. Although he had a good life in Senegal, Abdoulaye was curious about life in Spain. He went with his team to play a match in Morocco and took the opportunity to come to Spain. [How did you arrive in Mata r?] I came on the patera with many people through Ceuta. We arrived in Morocco at Tangier. They help ed us. We paid the money and then boarded the boat. We headed for Ceuta. When we arri ved in Ceuta, we were taken to a Red Cross camp. We stayed there for two months. Not all trips are as short as A bdoulayes. Setting out from Gambia in 2000 and arriving in the Canary Island of Fuerteventura in 2001, Alious j ourney lasted over a year because he ran out of


96 money and had to work in Libya to earn e nough money to continue his journey. Aliou left Gambia and traveled by bus and train for three months through Mali, Burkina Faso, and Niger to get to Libya. By the time Aliou arrived in Libya his money had run out. He spent nine month in Libya working as a bricklayer to earn e nough money to resume his journey to Europe. I worked in Libya. [How long did you work in Libya?] Nine months as a bricklayer. [How did you find this work?] In Libya there are pl aces where foreigners go. In the mornings you go and wait there. People who are looking for workers pass there in cars looking for foreigner who want work. In the afternoons they return us there... [How did you know about this place? Did someone tell you?] In Libya there are people [foreigners] established there. Theyve lived there for a long time, many years. When I arrived, they told me, Tomorrow I will accompany you there. There is a place, you have to sit there and look for work. [Did you have friends in Libya?] No. In Libya I didnt know anyone before arriving there. I didnt know anyone th ere. What money I had in my hands could only get me to Libya because I knew that when I arrived in Libya I could work a little to move on to the next place. After saving enough money in Libya, Aliou conti nued his journey to Europe. Aliou did not set out for Spain, but for Europe, whatever possible count ry he could enter, whic h is why he traveled to several countries looking for a way. His fi rst opportunity to enter Europe was Malta. His attempt to enter Malta, however, was not successful. From Libya, I left with a man fo r Malta. I arrived in Malta. Three days later I returned to Libya in a boat. [What happened in Malta?] Wh en I arrived in Malta, I was told that I didnt have permission to enter. The hotel where we stayed called the police. The police arrested me and sent me back to Libya. After returning from Malta, Aliou remained in Libya for a month before attempting to enter Morocco. His first attempt to enter Morocco was blocked as a result of the terrorist attacks in the United States on September 11, 2001. The bus on whic h he was riding was not permitted to leave the Libyan border and enter Algeria: I left Libya in September 2001. We were on th e bus for Morocco. There was a problem in the United States, the terrorist attacks. We didnt leave Libya because the bus could not leave the border. We arrived at the border and we were told, In America there are problems. Today the cars arent leaving the bo rder in Africa or Europe. We stayed there for one week. We spent two days without eat ing or drinking. On the third day, this guy


97 brought some water, nothing else. At one o clock at night, he brought us a lot of hamburgers. Later we returned to Libya. Finally in December, Aliou was able to en ter Algeria and continue on to Morocco. On the first of December 2001, I left Libya. I arrived in Algeria on the third day. On the fifth day I arrived in Morocco, Rabat and Dar Caid Zem. There were two or three routes for entering Spain. The first route was clos ed. The Moroccans knew the new route to Spain. But I didnt know where I was going. When we arrived in Morocco, the Moroccans said that we didnt have a pate ra. Each of us, we were ten, had to pay 700 dollars for a new patera with a motor. With a motor, we c ould cross 3,000 kilometers in 24 hours. When I arrived on the beach, I saw this small patera with a Yamaha 35. I didnt know it was be a small patera. I thought it would be a big boat. Because I know these things, they are in Gambia, Senegal. Its all there. I never crosse d the sea, only the rive r. In Africa I never went to the beach. We left Morocco on the 26t h of December. I arrived on the 27th day at night around 12:30. The police wa s had arrived when we landed. The police asked me how did I arrive. I replied that we had co me from Morocco. The police took me to Fuerteventura. The journeys of Aliou and Abdoulaye contrast c onsiderably. Abdoulayes tr ip lasted less than a few days, the time taken to arrive in Tangier, make arrangements w ith traffickers, and travel by patera to Ceuta. Alious journey, however, was fill ed with setbacks: he ran out of money; he was deported from Malta; and the September 11, 2001 terro rist attack in the U.S. delayed his entry into Algeria. The different poi nts of departure for Abdoulaye w ho traveled in 1998 from Tangier and for Aliou who set off at the end of 2001 from Da r Caid Zem, reflects the shift in routes from the North coast of Morocco in the direction of the enclaves or the Strait of Gibraltar to the southwestern coast of Morocco on course to the Canary Islands. At the time of fieldwork in 2004 and 2005, the large number of Afri can migrants entering Spain w ithout authorization by boat or patera passed through Morocco where they embarked for Spain (Carling 2007). While Alious journey lasted over a year, the long est journey among my informants lasted four years. Idrissa left Senegal in 1996 and ar rived in Spain at the end of 2000 in November. Idrissa spent over four years on his journey. Compar ed to Aliou who ran out of funds, Idrissa did


98 not start out his journey with a ny money and had to work all along the way. Idrissa left Senegal in 1996 for Mauritania where he hoped to make enough money to migrate to Europe. I arrived in Mauritania in 1996. [How many years did you stay in Mauritania?] Three years. I stayed there a long time. Because I arrived without any money, I stayed there for some time to find a solution. I knew no one in Europe. I worked little by little to earn some money. When I earned enough, I left Mauritania. I returned to the crossroad of Senegal and then went to Mali. [How long were you in Ma li?] I stayed in Mali for two weeks because I still had the money that I had earned in Maur itania. Then I moved on to Burkina Faso. I was there for two days. I also went through Nige r. I spent one week th ere. [Was this the route to Spain?] Yes, for Europe. [So you want ed to come to Europe but you didnt know which country?] I didnt know in which country I would find the luck to enter Europe. [Was there someone helping you?] No one. I used the money that I had earned in Mauritania to pay and to continue on, to through country after country. When I arrived in Algeria, I ran out of mone y. I arrived with nothing. So I stayed there for eight months searching for more money. Since I had no one helping me, I had to look for money. I had to work. In Algeria, I painte d. I found an Algerian man who was very good to me. He had one house after another. Today we painted here tomorrow there. So he took me and I worked for him. [How did you find th is man?] Over there is a place the people go to look for work. So, this man went ther e and saw me. [How did you know about this place?] I met people who were living in Algeri a for some time. They knew where to go to find work. [People from Senegal?] From Senega l, from Mali, from all over Africa. So I went with them. I went there, met this man who had work. He took me and I worked with him for eight months. After I had earned e nough money to travel on, I moved on. [How did you move on?] From Algeria I arrived in Morocc o. Then I traveled on to arrive here. [Did you have to pay someone for the voyage?] Ye s. [How did you find this person?] I met Moroccans who wanted to come here also. There was a man who was a guide. He guided people. I paid him and passed through. [You pa ssed through one of the enclaves of Spain?] No, I came through a Moroccan town. I didnt come by boat, I walked to Spain. [Which city did you enter?] Ceuta, Ceuta is Spain. We walked all night. I dont know which towns we passed during the night. But we walked through some towns before we arrived. Carling describes the lengthy journey of Idrissa, his time in Maurit ania and Libya, as a de facto immigration (2007:10). Although mi grants like Idrissa are pa ssing through on their way to Europe, they must work in the transit countries to earn money both to sustain themselves and to continue their journey, and therefore spend a c onsiderable amount of tim e in transit countries (Carling 2007:10). Moreover, the manner in whic h Aliou and Idrissa found work in Lybia and Algeria indicates a market for cheap migrant labo r. One informant worked in a bakery in Libya for two years before arriving in Spain. From th e ethnographic data collect ed, Mauritania, Algeria


99 and Libya are countries where migr ants can find work to finance their journey to Europe. When asked about Morocco, informants generally repl ied that there was no work in Morocco. Only when migrants had sufficient funds to pay traffick ers and smugglers for the trip to Spain did they enter Morocco. Two strategies for surviving the journey to Spain that arise from the interviews are looking for your people and knowing a little Fren ch. When migrants arrive in Algeria and Libya, they look for their people. For many West Africans, their people are members of their ethnic group, as well as their compatriots. For example, while Abdoulaye and Idrissa are Senegalese and Aliou is Gambian, all are Mand inka and could draw on their ethnic ties for assistance. With respect to communicating with locals and other migrants encountered on the journey, language is not a barrier. As Idrissa points out, all the countries on the route to Spain have a French legacy. Idrissa, who has no form al education, only instruction on the Koran, learned French while working in Mauritania. His ab ility to speak French facilitated his journey. In addition to the strategies for surviving the North African route, family members left behind do not expect remittance or support from mi grants while they are on their journey even though the passage can last several years. Although Idrissas journey lasted four years, he did not send money home when he worked in Mauritan ia and Libya. The money he earned was for his journey. Idrissa has only started se nding money to his family in Senegal after he found work in Spain, which took him a year. For five years, Idrissa did not sent money to his family in Senegal. Aliou also did not send money to support his fam ily in Gambia during his journey, which lasted over a year. In comparison to Idrissa who has no wi fe or children, Aliou has two children in the care of his mother in Gambia. During their travel s, migrants may contact their family members

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100 by telephone to alleviate their worries. However, there is no expectation of remittances or support from the migrant. Method Two: False Documents and Smugglers A second means of entering Spain without authorization is with false docum ents or genuine documents of other people provided by smugglers and traffickers. Respondents who used false documents and traffickers were much better off economically in Africa than those who arrived in fishing boats as they co uld afford to pay the exorbitant co sts of the traffickers service, the documents and the travel expenses. The use of false and genuine documents also involves official ports of entry, usually airports, which entails interaction defined in legal terms with authorities than via fishing boats. For example, wh en migrants arrive on the Canary Islands, the Red Cross receives them. When migrants with false documents are stopped in airports, the immigration authorities or police arrest them. Ibrahima, a 29-year-old Jola from Gambia, came to Spain via France where he was arrested at the ai rport for entering the country with a false visa. Ibrahima took a train to Mali were he boarded an Air France flight for Paris with false documents. The police took all the papers I had in the airpor t. I was given a lawyer. I was in a hotel for two weeks. Afterward, I appeared in court before a judge to work things out. With the help of this lawyer, everything turned out well. I was released. [They didnt put you in prison?] No, it was like a prison. They took me to a hot el where people are held. If things didnt work out I would have been sent back to my Senegal. [Why did the judge let you go?] I dont know. Maybe the lawyer paid him. It wa s the lawyer who helped me leave. [Who paid this lawyer?] The businessman who arranged my trip to France paid the lawyer. Ibrahima was smuggled into France through a traffi cking ring. He paid a total of 4,070 euros, money he saved from working as a chauffer in Ga mbia. After his release, Ibrahima moved on to Spain where he had friends. Whereas Ibrahima used false documents to enter France, Fatou, a 41 year-old Wolof woman, traveled to France on authentic documents of another woman provided by a trafficker.

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101 The trafficker accompanied Fatou on the trip. Fa tou is one of two female respondents who did not come to Spain through family reunification. I didnt want to come here. My plan was to go to France. I paid a man that brought people here. I paid him a lot of money. I got a loan from the bank with my fathers help. I put up my house as a guarantee with the bank. We bo rrowed the money. We paid a trafficker to bring me here. Before coming I wasnt divo rced, but my husband treated me badly. I didnt have anything, food, clothes, nothing. I have four children. I wasnt able to take care of them. People told me, If you have the possibility to go to Europe, you could earn a living. You could help my children. For this reason I came to Europe. [You wanted to go to France. What happened that made you come to Spain?] I was told that France does give people papers. Over there [France] its very difficult. Considering Fatous difficult mar ital situation in Senegal and her parental responsibilities, her independent migration to Spain is not surprising Fatou is part of a gr owing number of West African women who have begun to migrate to Spain independently of spouses and family. In terms of migration to Spain, Fatous case shows how migrants with greater resources can finance their travel. In comparison to Aliou and Idrissa, who had to wo rk throughout their travel to finance their journey, Fatou mortgaged her house. Not only did Fatou have a house to mortgage for her trip, she was one of the few informants who owned a house in Dakar before migration, which indicated her higher economic status. Fatous case also illustrate s how the opportunity to obtain residency and work permits encourage migration to Spain.9 The prospect of gaining pape rs is also a motivation for immigrants who reside in other European Un ion member countries. Demba, a 35-year-old Gambian, came to Spain in 1985 because he heard that Spain was preparing to give out papers to immigrants. 9 Carling argues that the opportunities for regularization of status in Spain are essential to the migration (2007:7). Critics of the regularization campai gns, specifically the conservative Partido Popular have defined these programs as an attraction to unauthorized migration, efecto llamada (call effect).

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102 I left Gambia and arrived in Paris. I was in Paris for one year. I didnt have papers. I arrived here [Spain] in 1985 when they were about to give out papers. I came here to obtain papers. Demba spent a year in France living with his brot her. It is not surprisi ng that Fatou and Demba came to Spain from France, where it is difficult to gain work or residency permits. Cheikh, a 25year-old Wolof, came to Spain on his way to Germany. He had a tourist visa for Germany. During his transit in Madrid, he called his fr iends living in the city who convinced him to disembark because Spain was about to give out pa pers. Cheikh had to wait four years to obtain his papers. He arrived in 2001 and did not receive his papers until the re gularization campaign of 2005. Demba, however, received his papers the same year he arrived in Spain, 1985. Fatou obtained her papers in 2002, a year after her arrival. Method Three: Work Permits and Tourist Visas As outlined in the introd uction of this secti on, the authorized methods for entering Spain or another EU member country invo lve obtaining a visa that define s the holders status in the country. The three types granted to respondents of this study incl ude work, tourist and family reunification visas. For migrants who are lucky, securing an employ ment contract provides legal entry into Spain through a work visa. For Mousta pha, a Pular from Dakar, a friend of his father arranged a work contract for him. Moustapha explained to his fathers friend who was on vacation from Spain that he wanted to come to Spain. Moustapha lamented that he did not have a job in Senegal although he had a chauffer licen se. Because his father was 70 years old and retired, Moustapha had to help support his fa mily. He decided to migrate to Spain to buscar la vida (search for life), which signifies a search for a livelihood. His fathers friend arranged for a work contract for Moustapha. With the savings fro m his father and older brother, Moustapha was able to pay for his trip.

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103 While Moustapha had a direct f light from Senegal to Spain, Samba arrived in Spain in a roundabout way. Samba, a 42-year-old Mandinka from Dakar who has a residency permit in Portugal, lived in Lisbon for nine years befo re moving to Matar. Samba describes life in Portugal as difficult because he could not find employment. For years he traveled between Lisbon and Seville trading. He worked a little in Seville in the black economy since he did not have a work permit for Spain. Finally Sambas br other persuaded him to come to Matar where there was work. Sambas case was an exception. Most immigrants who come to Spain via a European Union member country do not have reside ncy in those countries, at best a tourist visa, which was the case for Lamine. As described in th e previous section, Lamine came to Spain via a tourist visa for Portugal. He stayed in Port ugal for only one week before moving on to Spain. The open borders between EU member countries permit migrants to move on to their final destination after arrivi ng in a transit country. Method Four: Family Reunification W ith respect to family reunification visas, Senegambian women primarily arrive in Spain through this process. As discussed in Chapter 2, in the case of Senegal and Gambian migration to Spain, men are the pioneers a nd the large majority of wo men migrate through family reunification (Kaplan 1998; Ribas-Mateos 2000 ; Kaplan Marcusn 2005). For married women coming to Spain to join their husbands, the trip is more of a thrill, as many have not flown in a plane before traveling to Spain. Fatima, a 25-ye ar-old from Kdougou in Southwestern Senegal, came to Spain in 2001 through family reunification. All she knew about Spain was that her husband was there. Her husband paid for the expe nses of the trip. From Kdougou, she traveled to Dakar where she flew to Madrid and then Barcelona where her husband was waiting for her. Often marriage ceremonies are ca rried out in absentia of the husband who is in Spain. Frequently, many of the brides do not know th eir husbands, which was the case for Fatima.

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104 However, the arrival of a wife is marked by celebration, which is discussed in the following section. In addition to spouses, children arrive th rough family reunification. Mame came through family reunification at the age of seventeen in 2001. Mames older sister was unable to come as she turned eighteen during the a pplication process. Mames pa rents were petitioning for her sisters visa. Mames description of the visa process reveals that although migrants coming through family reunification have planned trips with minimal risks, the process of getting a visa is onerous. [Can you explain the process of getting a visa ?] Normally I would take a bus to Dakar almost every month. [Why every month?] I had to visit the embassy to find out about my visa. In Dakar, I would get up at four in th e morning to go to the embassy because there were a lot of people waiting. [Did you have an appointment with someone?] No. [What would happen at the embassy when you arrive d?] I would wait my turn. When my turn came, I would enter, see the o fficial and then return home. At an association meeting with an official fr om the Senegalese consulate, members of the association complained about the sale of places in the line to enter the embassy and see an official and other instances of corruption. With such corruption, Ma me was never sure if her turn would come to enter the embassy and speak with Spanish officials about her visa. Otherwise, she would have to return to Gambia without an interview since the embassy in Dakar serves both countries. With respect to Spanish policy, applicants must prove that they can financially support the reunited family members and provide adequate housing accommodations. The economic stability these requirements represents can take years for app licants to achieve, particularly if they arrived in Spain without authorization. As some of the accounts in the following section indicate separation between spouses and parents and their children can last for years. Lamine had been trying to bring his wife to Spain for four years.

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105 I want to bring my wife here. Its been almost four years si nce Ive bought this flat in order to bring my wife. Ive applied for the visa many times, but they wont give it to her. The consulate in Dakar refuses to give the visa. I never had any problems with anyone here, not the police, no one. I am always working. I have a flat. I have no problems. I dont know why they wont give her the visa. Lamine has been applying for a visa for four year to no avail. At the same time, Lamine is lucky because he can travel to Senegal to visit his wife and family. The predi cament of Mames sister also attests to bureaucratic delays of immigra tion procedures. Not only did Mames sister turn eighteen during the visa applicati on process, Mames parents were stuck in a petition process for about three years. Although the a pplication procedures for both work and family reunification visas can be burdensome, these visas are the onl y legal means of economic migrants have of entering Spain and reuniting with their families. As depicted in the narratives of Abdoulaye, Aliou and Idrissa, the majority of migrants who do not have suffi cient monetary resources or the right social contact are forced to enter Spain without au thorization through Africa. Reception in Spain The recep tion migrants receive in Spain depends on the manner in which they enter Spain and whether they have relatives or contacts in Spain. This section outlines the different reception migrants receive upon arrival in Spain. Many migran ts have relatives or friends in Spain whom they can rely on for support. However, although migrants expect support from relatives and friends, assistance is not guaranteed. Migrants w ho are the first in their personal networks to migrate draw on ethnic ties for support, primar ily for initial housing and work. The range of reception varies from migrants sleeping on the streets to reunited spouses welcomed with celebrations. For those who cross the border by boat or walk across to the enclaves, their first encounter with Spain is through the Red Cross. For Abdoulay e, he spent two month in the Red Cross camp in Ceuta before being released, at which time he went to Matar to stay with a friend of his

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106 father. Aliou also spent about the same time in the Red Cross camp on the island of Fuerteventura. After he was rele ased he lived on the streets of Las Palmas before making his way to Matar. I was in Las Palmas for three months. I met this girl from Senegal. She worked in a very big restaurant. I was sleeping in the Bilbao bank at night.10 She passed there all the time on her way to Mercadona [supermarket]. I saw he r one morning at about 7:15. We talked a little. She took me to the market I bought two shoes, some pant s and a shirt. She took me to her house. A month later she gave me 150 to buy a ticket to come here to Matar. Unlike Abdoulaye, Aliou did not have any contacts in Spain and as a result was homeless for two months after his release from the Red Cross cam p. Aliou finally received assistance from a Senegalese woman who helped him move on to Matar. Although Aliou spent several weeks homeless in Las Palmas, he was able to find temporary housing with members of his ethnic group immediately after arriving in Matar. I arrived at the Matar train station. I got off the train and saw a Gambian guy. We spoke the same language. He told me, Okay, I w ill take you to my house for one week. You look for your people. I told him okay. The same day there was a meeting like the ones we have in the church. He took me there. I saw all of my compatriots there. They were all Gambians. When we returned to his house, he told me, In the morning I will take you to this guy. He will take you to where there are many fields. He told me, You can go there. If you know those roads, you will always be able to look for work. There are people who take persons with no papers. But here [Spain] is very easy to get papers. If you dont have papers you cant work. There are peop le who take people to help them. I said okay, no problem. In the morning, this guy took me to the fields. Every morning I went there. Then one day a Catalan took me to wo rk for a month. And that was it. Now I can arrange my things little by little. For those individuals who are the first within th eir social network to migrate, drawing on ethnic ties is essential for meeting their initial subsis tence needs in Spain. Aliou was able to draw on ethnic ties for temporary shelter and to find work. 10 Aliou was sleeping in the ATM (automatic teller machine) booth of the bank. Once inside the booth, he locked himself in to sleep.

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107 In comparison to Aliou who did not know anyone in Spain, Idrissa knew someone from his village who took in him. I didnt know the guy well in my hometown. I f ound him here [Spain], and he took me to his house. [On the first day that you arrived? ] Yes. [How did you find this guy?] He was here. I knew him before I came here. [Did you call him before you arrived?] I called him when I was in Ceuta. I met someone in Ceuta who told me that this guy was here and then gave me his phone number. I called him. And wh en I arrived here, he took me to his house. Not only did this person from Idrissas village we lcome him into his home, but he also supported Idrissa for a year while Idrissa looked for work without success. I spent a year without work. The guy who t ook me in supported me. I lived with him without paying. He has helped me until now, until the day that I found work. He helped me a lot when I came here. I arrived without wor k, and he helped me. I didnt have to pay anything. I remained at his house. I slept ther e. He didnt ask me any questions, nothing. Well, I stayed there for a year. Although he was not a friend of Idrissa when they were in the village together, village ties gave Idrissa more support than the et hnic ties that Aliou drew on fo r assistance. The strength of village ties is evident in the numerous hometown and village associations that immigrants have formed in Matar, which will be discussed in the following chapter. Immigrants who come on work contracts do no t necessarily have a better reception than those who come through Morocco. Although Mous tapha came with a work contract, his reception was not as good as Idrissas. Moustapha s reception was better than Aliou in that he had a place to go when he arrived in Spain. However the conditions in which Moustapha found himself were undesirable. Moustapha explain, My fathers friend was in Lleida. Life was very complicated. There was no work. I was in a house with a lot of people. I explained this to Abdoulaye who was my neighbor in Senegal and was living in Matar. And he told me to come here to Matar. Lleida is in the interior of Catalonia and is largely an agricultural ar ea. Moustaphas housing situation is typical of agricultur al zones where housing is in s hort supply and immigrants workers

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108 live in cramped conditions (Surez-Navaz 2004). Moustapha stayed a few months in Lleida before moving on to Valencia with his fathers friend. Finally, six months after arriving in Spain, Moustapha contacted a neighbor from Dakar, Abdoulaye, who was living in Matar and explained the overcrowded conditions in which he was living. Abdoulaye invited Moustapha to come to Matar. Moustapha moved in with Abdoulaye and his wife and their two young children. Although Moustapha is of the Pulaar ethnic group and Abdoulaye is Mandinka, they were neighbors in Dakar. As their families conti nued to live next to each other, Abdoulaye was compelled to take in Moustapha. Comparable to Moustapha, Assane also came to Spain on a work contract. Assanes older brother who was living in Matar arranged a contract for him. Matar. As a result, Assane had a much more welcomed and pleasant reception in Spain than Moustapha. Assanes two older brothers paid for a ll of his travel expenses and Assane moved in with his brothers and their wives and children when he arrived in Matar. As Assanes case demonstrates, most migrants receive substantial assistance from relatives living in Spain. However, familial ties do not always guarantee support. For Fatou who was smuggled into France, her reception at he r cousins house was not well received. My cousin received me in his house. Ther e are good people and there are bad people. When I was in his house, I had to endure many things. I suffered there because I was not working, I couldnt pay for my room. I didnt ha ve money to contribute to the meals. If I was there and the meal was ready, I ate. If I wasnt there, when I arrived at the house, I didnt have food. But I had a friend that lived next to there. This woman helped me a lot. If I wanted to call my kids, she gave me money. Then it was the peseta. She helped me with money to call my kids. When she cooked, she gave me a little of the food. She would call me, Fatou, come and eat at my house. I feared carrying food to my cousins house. My cousin and his wife mistreated me because I had nothing. I was there, but I had to endure because I didnt have anywhere else to go. As Fatou explains, she was mistreated at her co usins house. Because Fatou had nowhere else to stay, she endured abuses from her cousins wi fe. Fatous mistreatment in the hands of her relatives is not uncommon.

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109 For women who come through family reunif ication, their reception to Spain is a celebration as they are reunited with their husbands. Aminata who is 40-year-old Mandinka from Dakar, came to Spain in 2002 with her son. She desc ribes her reception on arrival, I was very happy when I arrived here because there were many people waiting for me. They cooked all this food for my arrival. We were two [she arrive d with her young son]. We arrived here. We ate well. Then we relaxed, talked wi th people and then we went to sleep. I was very happy with my reception. When Aminatas husband left for Eur ope, he was away for seven years before his first return visit to Senegal. Aminatas husband took several years to get to Spain. She says, He took the long way. He also returned to Senegal a second time, two years after his first visit. Two years after her husbands second visit to Senegal, Aminata and her son came to Spain through family reunification. Aminata and her husband were separated for a total of eleven years. She was twenty-nine years of age when her husband le ft Senegal. As Aminata remarked, there was much to celebrate. The celebration given for Am inata contrasts sharply with Aliou sleeping in the ATM booth of a Bilbao bank in Las Palmas. Senegambian Settlement in Catalonia This section deals with th e three major probl ems that Senegambians face in Spain based on responses from this study: finding work, securi ng housing and obtaining pa pers, or regularizing status. The difficulties that respondents identify ar e variables that define and measure integration in Matar. The difficulties mentioned are also cons istent with findings from the four-year survey of 3,048 immigrants in Spain referred to in the second section of this chapter. In 2000, the problem that preoccupied respondents of the four-year survey was finding work. The problem of finding work tied with regularizing status as the problem that preoccupied respondents the most in 2002. Regularization of status was the problem that preoccupied respondents the most in 2001 and 2004. In all four years, finding a place to live fell third after finding work and obtaining

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110 papers. In the sub-sample of sub-Saharan Afri cans overall, 29 percent mentioned finding work, 26 percent said regularizing immigr ation status, and five percent re ported finding a place to live (Dez Nicols 2005:68). Consistent with the four-year study, the difficulties of finding work, acquiring residency and work permits, and secu ring a place to live are the most frequently mentioned difficulties respondents in this study liste d in terms of living in Matar. These three problems are interrelated and reinforce each othe r. Renting an apartmen t requires proof of employment and income. Proof of employment involves having work and residency permits. Both Senegambian female and male responde nts in this study mentioned these three concerns: finding employment, obtaining work pe rmits and securing ade quate housing. Because the majority of Senegambian women have been granted residency withou t permission to work, they apply to obtain work permits through petitions or when they renew their residency permit, usually with unsuccessful results. Without pe rmission to work, Senegambian women have difficulty finding employment. Those who find employment work unlaw fully or under-thetable. For Senegambian women who are permitted to work, the jobs available are limited, mainly cleaning, elder care, and sewing for s ubcontractors. Senegambian women are also concerned about securing adequate housing for their families. As children are born to Senegambian couples, the family outgrows the sm all apartments which initially accommodated couples or single men. Since most women are pr ohibited from working and have difficulties finding employment, they cannot contribute to the housing and living expenses, which prevents many families from renting or buying larger apartments. Although both Senegambian men and women share similar concerns that pertain the their settlement in Spain, their lived experiences di ffer substantially. West African gender norms and expectations coalesce with those of the larger Sp anish and Catalan cultures to create distinctive

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111 roles for men and women. Anthias points out that the social and econom ic position of men and women from ethnic minorities is partially dete rmined by the ways in which gender relations, both within the ethnically specific cultures of different groups and within the wide society, interact with one another (1998:181). The interaction of differi ng gender relations within both Senegambian and Spanish or Catalan cultures have reinforced womens role within the reproductive sphere of the household and mens ro le in the productive sphere of employment. Gender, Immigration and Work in Spain As discussed in chapter four, work opportuni ties for imm igrant men and women is highly gendered. Senegambian men are engaged in prim arily agricultural a nd construction jobs, whereas women are involved in cleaning, car etaking and sewing work. To understand and interpret how differences betw een the economic integration of Senegambian men and women account for variations in their involvement in transnational ac tivities, this study adopts Pessar and Mahler's gendered geographi es of power framework (2003).11 The gendered geographies of power framework considers the multiple dimensions of an individuals social position. Three of the frameworks components are used to unders tand the trajectories of Senegambian men and women's incorporation in Spain and their transn ational practices : geographic scales, social location and agency (Pessar and Mahler 2003). The first component of the gendered geogra phies of power framework is geographic scales. This refers to how gender functions c oncurrently on multiple spatial and social levels concurrently (Pessar and Mahler 2003). For Sene gambian immigrants, gender operates at various levels in the migration and integration process: in the composition of the migration; in Spain's family reunification policy; a nd in the gendered work immigr ant men and women perform in 11 See also Mahler and Pessar (2001, 2006).

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112 Spain. In terms of gender composition, Ribas-Ma teos (2000) has described three types of gendered migration flows to Spain: a largely female movement from Latin America and the Philippines; an initially male stream transitioni ng to female from Morocco; and a predominately male flow from Gambia that is representative of West Africa. The clandestine and dangerous nature of the journey appears to deter the mi gration of Senegambian women. The prevalence of Jola ethnic women in the urban migration from the Casamance region of Senegal to the capital Dakar and their absence in migration to Spain vi a fishing boats to the Ca nary Islands highlight the gendered nature of the migration.12 More recently, Kaplan Ma rcusn (2005) observes that Gambian women have begun migrating to Spain in the 1990s through family reunification. Table 5-1 numerates the Senegambian male and female authorized resident population in Spain in 2005.13 Tables 5-2 and 5-3 give the number of West Africans in Matar in 2004 and 2006, respectively, which are the years before a nd after the regulariza tion campaign of 2005. Mi marido me trajo aqu (my husband brought me here) is a regular response of Senegambian women to motives for their migration. This resp onse reveals the gendered migration pattern of Senegambians to Spain where men are the migrat ion pioneers and women migrate to join their husbands through family reunification (K aplan 1998; Kaplan Marcusn 2005).14 Table 5-1. Authorized Senegambian Resident Men and Women in Spain 2005 Country Total Men Women Senegal 27,678 82% 18% Gambia 15,830 71% 29% Source: OPI (2005) 12 In the case of the Jola of the Casamance region of Senegal, the migration of men to the capital Dakar was in response to the migration of women who set the precedent (Lambert 1994, 2002, 2007; Reboussin 1995). However, in the migration to Spain Jola men are the pioneers. 13 The disproportionate gender ratio of the Senegambian population in Spain is represented in my sample population in which 73.85 percent of the respondents are men. 14 Senegalese men pioneered the migration to New York and Turin in the 1990s (Perry 1997; Carter 1997; Stroller 2002; Riccio 2003).

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113 Table 5-2. Sub-Sahara n Registered Men and Women in Matar 2004 Country Population Male Female Senegal 805 649 156 Gambia 1083 779 304 Mali 502 449 53 Guinea 190 155 35 Source: CCM (2005). Available online at ea.php ?id=95. Last accessed on February 26, 2009. Table 5-3. Sub-Sahara n Registered Men and Women in Matar 2006 Country Population Male Female Senegal 1052 848 204 Gambia 1266 937 329 Mali 617 557 60 Guinea 210 167 43 Source: CCM (2007). Available online at ea.php ?id=95. Last accessed on February 26, 2009. The second level on which gender operates in th e migration and integration process is in Spain's family reunification policy, which reun ites spouses as dependents but prohibits them from participation in the labor market.15 The legal exclusion of re united spouses from labor market participation confines Senegambian women to the reproductive sphere and denies them the pre-migration autonomy they enjoyed. For exam ple, in rural-urban migration in Senegambia, women migrate independently of men. Among th e Jola ethnic group of the Casamance region, women are predominant in the migration to Dakar (Lambert 1994, 2002, 2007; Reboussin 1995).16 In the case of the Serer, more women than men tend to migrate te mporarily to Dakar, where they pound millet (Gadio and Rakowski 1995) Consequently, while Senegambian women 15 The 2005 Regularization Program, which granted one-year renewable work and resident permits, excluded spouses and holders of resident permits without authorization to work (Arango and Jachimowicz 2005). 16 Renewal of residency in the fifth y ear offers Senegambian women the possibility of obtaining work authorization. However, the award of work authorization is not perfunctory but dependent on the discretion of bureaucratic intake officials.

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114 become dependent on their husbands who are the breadwinners in Spain, their pre-migration mobility and its implicit economic autonomy su ggest a post-migration decline in status.17 Fatima, a 25 year-old Senegalese woman, has been living in Spain for three years and has never worked in Spain. She explains that her lif e is not difficult because her husband is working. Women are always together, but the men only sometimes on Saturday and Sunday. For example, the women dont go to work. They are always free during the week. So, I can leave and go to someones house or someone can come here. A bunch of people here, a bunch of people there. It depends on what we do together. But for the men its not the same. When they leave, theyre gone from Monday to Saturday, Sunday if they can, looking for work until they find work. Fatimas description of women visiting each othe r during the day concurrently illustrates the amount of free time they have to socialize and the low partic ipation rates of Senegambian women in the labor market. At the same time, Fatima recognizes that for women it is not all about enjoying each others company while the men are away at work. She explains that What men can do, women are not able to do. The men are able to find work but the women cannot. Sometimes it is difficult. Her comments also re veal that Senegambian men primarily shoulder the economic responsibility of supporting their families in Spain. Abdoulayes criticism of the employment restrict ions of reunited spouses also reflects the pressures on husbands whose wives join them in Spain. The worst is that husbands have to support th eir wives because wives dont get papers to work. If they accept that the wife comes here to Spain but only give her residency, I dont see that as logical. If the husband has to wor k, the wife what? She stays home like this [he points to his wife] watching the telly? This is not good. The wife also has to have freedom to work. You understand me? Almost all the women who are here, almost all in reality dont work. You know, this is not good. So, if you bring your wife, the husband has to 17 Escriv (2000) observes that in the Peruvian, Dominican and Philippine cases in which women are generally the pioneers, female migrants protect and financially support male relatives, which is the opposite of the Senegambian experience in Spain. Latin American and Philippine women have been able to regularize their status through domestic work and consequently gain more permanent legal status than their male counterparts who are generally in temporary and seasonal work (Escriv 2000). As Pedone (2003) also describes, Ecuadorian migration to Spain presents the same phenomenon; women are the initial link in the migration chain to Spain. In these cases, husbands come through family reunification and suffer the same employment restrictions as Senegambian women.

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115 work and also the wife. The wife has to have her freedom. The wife is a human just like everyone else, like a man. Here [Spain] only th e man works to put food on the table, to pay the rent, to pay the bills. This is not good. My wife doesnt work. Shes never worked in Spain. Shes been here for a year and some months. Abdoulayes indignation discloses th e financial pressures on husbands who bring their wives to Spain. At the same time, he disparages the housework and childcare that consumes womens time. For example, both Fatima and Abdoulayes wife have young children. The majority of Senegambian women spend their first few year s in Spain having and caring for children. As Kaplan Marcusn describes, motherhood is the primary life project of Senegambian women (2005:59). Moreover, Bledsoe argues that in Gambia the main function of marriage is to have children (2002:71). Therefore, when reunited wive s arrive to Spain, they start or continue building their family (Kaplan Marcusn 2005:59). As child grow older and attend kindergar ten and primary school, Senegambian women begin to look for work. Mariama is one of th e few women to receive a work permit with her residency. Although she has been in Spain for si x years, she has only been working for five months because her children were young. She is enrolled in a training program sponsored by the local government to train workers to clean and to care for the elderly in nursing homes. After graduating from the program, Mariama hopes to secure employment in a nursing home. In comparison to Mariama, some women combine work and childcare. Khady describes how she managed work and childcare wh en her children were young: When I arrived here, there was a lot of sewi ng work. The women would sew, and I got into sewing. And then came the kids. When I had my children, when they were small, I couldnt take them to the nursery because it was too expensive. So, the children stayed in the house with me. I bought a sewing machine th at I paid for little by little. With the children, I would work in the house. [Were you wo rking for yourself or for a factory?] For a factory. They would bring me the work in th e house. [After this se wing work, what other work have you done?] Cleaning. [Were you cleani ng when the children were older?] Yes, when the children went to school. Sometimes at nine oclock I would go clean a house. At noon, I would get the children. In the afternoons I would sew. [So you mixed cleaning and

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116 sewing?] Yes. [How long did you sew?] Many years, many years, since If theres a lack of work, we dont work. If theres work, we get going. Khadys narrative describes not only how sh e managed work and childcare by doing piecework at home and later added cleaning when her children started attending school. Her story touches on the exportation of the textile industry of Matar and Cata lonia overseas. Th e textile and garment factories that offered unlimited opportu nities to internal migrants and foreign immigrants have contracted considerably. When Khady arrived in 1985, there was still substantial work available in th e textile industry. Twenty years la ter, most of these jobs have gone overseas. The third level on which gender functions in economic integration of Senegambian immigrants is the work available for immigr ant men and women. Senegambian men who do not have authorization to work are able to find work in agricultur e; where as Senegambian women are active in subsistence ag riculture in their countries of origin, they do not work in the fields in Spain although Eastern European and Moroccan wo men are recruited to work in agriculture. Senegambian women who do not have work permits generally look for domestic work in the informal sector or provide services to immi grants, primarily braiding and styling African womens hair. Fatima, who does not have a work permit and is the mother of a toddler as described above, explains that she makes a li ttle money braiding Afri can womens hair and sewing. Most Senegambian women in Fatimas situation state that they braid hair; however, hair braiding is not profitable in Matar.18 In comparison to Senegalese hair braiders in the United States, the circumstances are remarkable different Hair braiding is a lu crative industry catering to African American women (Ba 2008; Babou 2009). Babou (2009) observes that the popularity 18 In tourist beach destinations such as Calella, braiders ha ve a larger clientele of European tourists who want their hair braided.

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117 of Senegalese-style braiding opened a large windo w of opportunity for female immigrants in the United State. Braiding was a lucrative business, which afforded self-employment and upward mobility to female immigrants (2009:9). Moreov er, braiding generates a much higher income than some of the work that Senegalese men perform such as driving taxis (Babou 2009). Gender ideologies of the United States and higher income have enabled Senegalese women to challenge African gender norms and have affected the househol d division of labor, leading to an increase in divorce among Senegalese couples (Ba 2007; Babou 2009). The ability of Senegalese women in New York to challenge traditional gender norms contrasts sharply with the economic dependency of Senegalese women in Matar The financial and legal dependence of Senegambian immigrant women on their husbands cu rtails their possibilities (Kaplan Marcusn 2005). Moreover, Senegambian men who can afford to have their wives join them in Spain on average have attained a measure of economic st ability. Family reunification is dependent on the economic circumstances and immigration status of th e petitioner. Petitioners are required to have appropriate housing and sufficient sa lary to cover the expenses of the family, particularly since the reunited spouse is prohi bited from employment.19 The Senegambian example in Spain shows that assumption of men losing and women gainin g status in the migration process must be reconsidered, at least in some cases. The differences between Senegalese immigrants in New York and their counterparts in Matar highlights how important th e social and political context and the economic structure of the host country is in shaping the experiences of immigrant men and women. The second component of Pessar and Mahler's gendered geographies of power framework (2003) is social location. Social location denot es an individual's position within interrelated 19 Although home ownership is not a requirement for the petition, informants told me that renters do not get approved.

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118 power hierarchies produced by historical, economic and political factors that encompass race, ethnicity, nationality, religion, cla ss and gender (Pessar and Mahler 2003). The social location of Senegambian migrants in Spain is rooted in hist orical and political factor s that have facilitated the immigration of Latin Americans and have deterred African immigration. Geographical proximity to Africa has prevented a more open policy of migration (Escriv 2000). Before 2005, Spain did not have any labor agre ements with sub-Saharan countries in Africa, except with its former colony Equatorial Guinea. The bilateral labor agreements which Spain has had with several Latin American countries shows an historical preference for Latin Americans over subSaharan African immigrants. Latin Americans have few linguistic and cultural differences and are socially more accepted than Africans, w hom Spaniards associate with the underground economy (King and Rodrguez-Melguizo 1999). Racial and religious prejudices also produce different opportunities for Senegambian men and women in Spains labor market.20 Senegambian women are at a disadvantage in Spains labor market where they compete with other im migrant women for domestic and service jobs.21 They lose out to Latin American women who may share cultural, linguistic and religious similarities with the local Catalan and Span ish populations. Racial a nd religious prejudices decrease the hiring desirability of Senegambian women, who are African, black and Muslim, for the intimate domain of domestic and caretak ing work (Anthias 2000) As Khady recounts: There are times when you leave your number at an agency. When an employer wants a worker, the agency calls you. But when they find out that you are African, they do not take you. There are employers who do not want immigr ants. They prefer a Spanish person to an immigrant. We have this problem here in Matar. 20 Kofman et al. (2000) argue that employment restrictions on reuniting spouses drive them into the informal sector. 21 The demand for domestic workers mainly accounts for the feminization of r ecent migration to Southern Europe (Anthias and Lazaridis 2000).

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119 Preferential and racist practices are evident in the hiring of Senegambian women to care for elderly Catalan and Spanish persons but not for young Catalan or Spanish children. Latin American and Filipina women are preferred to care of young children. None of the women interviewed in this study cared for children, how ever, most at one time or another cared for elderly parents or grandparents of Catala n and Spanish employers. Cultural and racial preferences weaken Senegambian wome ns position in the labor market. In addition, the low educational level of Senegambian immigrant women and their limited language competency are handicap s in the labor market. Accord ing Kaplan Marcusn, in the 1990s, 83 percent of Senegambian women were illite rate (2005:57). That the majority of female respondents in this study needed an interpreter for their intervie ws illustrates the problem of Spanish language competency. Although the cleani ng and domestic work in which Senegambian women perform do not require trai ning or advanced education, em ployers complain of problems arising from miscommunication, su ch as following directions a nd reading the instructions on cleaning products.22 These issues of literacy, language co mpetency, religion and racism also affect the prospects of Senegambian men in the labor market but in different ways from the opportunities available for women. Many Senegamb ian women complain of the ease in which men find work.23 Fatou describes the disproportionate employment prospects for men and women: They are different. It is easier for men th an for women because wo men are unable to do the work that men do. A woman cant work in the fi eld. There is more work here for men than for women. A woman can care for an old pers on or a child and clean houses and hotels. Here in Matar, there arent many hotels. Thats the difference. If there were more hotels, then women could work in the hotels. For a wo man, its very difficult to find work because there arent many hotels. 22 Personal communication from the director of Critas. 23 Zinn (1994) observes that Italians believe Senega lese are good immigrants and think North Africans are involved in crime.

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120 Senegambian men, however, do complain of not fi nding work and mistreatment on the job sites. Since Senegambian men work mainly in constr uction and agriculturej obs that do not demand the close personal contact that domestic a nd caretaking work requireracism does not necessarily exclude them from being hired. Rather the historical animosity held for North Africans, derogatorily known as Moros, in Spain supports the hiri ng of sub-Saharan African men. Personal experiences with racism illustrat e the public and private divide between Senegambian men and women that has been stre ngthened by Spains reuni fication policy and the unfavorable conditions Senegambian women face in the labor market. When discussing racism, men usually bring up situations in the workplace, whereas women talk about their reproductive rights. When a group of Senegambian women in this study was asked about experiences with racism, only one account concerned the workpl ace. A woman described how on the phone a prospective employer told her to come for the job, but when she arrived and he realized that she was African, he told her sorry, th e job was not available. The narra tives, however, quickly turned to racist interactions with medical providers and encounters on the streets. A mother of five children described how doctors suggested that she tie her fallopian tubes. A second woman described the insults she received from strangers on the streets when walking with her children, Poco tanto hijos! (So many children!).24 The third component of Pessar and Mahler's gendered geographies of power framework (2003) includes the different forms of agency in dividuals exert from their social locations. As Senegambian women experience a d ecline in their autonomy, they gain a measure of agency 24 Common insults that resp ondents and informants recei ve on the streets are Porque no vuelves a tu pas? (Why dont you go back to your country?) and P orque est aqu? No le gusta su pas? (Why are you here? Dont you like your country?).

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121 from their positions as mothers and wives. Mo rokvasic (1993) argues that for immigrant women in situations where work experience outside the household is of ten unrewarding and does not represent a sufficiently attractive alternative to social recognition performance in household tasks may remain the only possible source for su ch recognition and self-respect, and women may accept the status quo in the household relations. (475) In light of the employment prohi bition arising from their stat us as reunited spouses and the unfavorable prospects they face in the la bor market, Senegambian women have sought empowered through their roles and responsibilities as mothers and wives, the terms under which the Spanish state recognizes them. According to Kaplan Marcusn (2005), adult literacy education for Senegambian women grew out of their demand for instruction on reproductive health issues. As mothers, Senegambian women, like their West African counterparts in France, have greater interaction with inst itutions and agencies that provide social and healthcare services and are able to draw on the relationship they es tablish with staff memb ers for support (Sargent and Larchanch-Kim 2006). Senegambian women can also challenge customary gender roles and expectations that conflict w ith Spanish norms and legislati on. Interviews during dissertation fieldwork disclose that Senegamb ian women have availed themselv es of laws against domestic violence. A complaint of Senegambian men is th e power the Spanish state gives their wives to take their house and children. The forms of agency that Senegambian women exert as mothers and wives do not detract from their financial a nd legal dependency on their husbands but rather indicate that they are not simply victims.25 25 The fourth component of Mahler and Pessars gendered geographies of power framework (2006) is imagination which involves images, meanings, and values associated with gender, consumption, modernity, place and the family that circulate with the gl obal cultural economy (2006:43).

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122 Employment Opportunities for Senegambi an Men in Catalonias Labor Market26 Securing work is of paramount importance, not only for transnational activities but because the migration is economically motivat ed. It is a search for livelihood.27 As discussed in chapter four, most African men are involved in agricultural and construction work.28 In terms of agriculture, the work is seasona l and the pay is low. The pay for construction work is much better than for agriculture, but construction work is also tempor ary as workers find themselves between projects. The possession of a work perm it does not appear to increase mobility within Spains labor. Employment prospects for Sene gambian men who have work permits improve with length of residence in Sp ain. Immigrants with work permits who have been in Spain for a short time are engaged in the same jobs as immigrants without work permits. While having a work permit facilitates employment for immigrants in the formal sector, such as working in a poultry or textile factory, the j obs available for immigrants with and without work permits is basically the same, particular ly since many Senegambian immi grants have low educational levels.29 26 Because this study examines the relationship between occ upational status in the labor market and involvement in transnational practices, entrepreneurial commercial activities such as trading is not considered in the analysis. Whereas studies on transnationalism have focused on traders, this study concerns participation in the labor market. Chapter one gives a review of studies on transnationalism and traders. This study recognizes that for immigrants, entrepreneurship in the ethnic economy is an alternative to less desirable work in the labor market and a to avoid downward mobility in the receiving country (Portes and Zhou 1992, 1993). However, most immigrants are not entrepreneurs, but work in the labor market (Kivisto 2001). 27 Chapter one has a discussion on migration as a livelihood strategy. 28 The worldwide banking crisis and recession that began in 2008 has crippled the construction and real estate industries of Spain. The implications of the crisis for immigrant workers are discussed in the conclusion. When fieldwork was conducted in 2004-2005, the construction industry was experiencing a boom and immigrants readily found employment in the industry. 29 Although involved in the same jobs as those without authorization to work, immigrants with work permits enjoy benefits and protections that authorized workers do not. For example, they earn the lawful minimum wage and are entitled to unemployment benefits when their contracts end.

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123 Figure 5-2 below summarizes the occupational mobility that is possible for Senegambian men in Spain. The different categories of employme nt are illustrated as a staircase to represent directions of upward and downward mobility in th e labor market. Agricultural work comprises the bottom step of the staircas e to express its low level in the occupational ladder. Selfemployment is the top step of the staircase to indicate its higher status. The characteristics of each category of employment are included in the step. Self-Employment Highest Income Skilled Construction and Factory Employment Permanent contracts and higher wages Less-Skilled Construction and Factory Work Temporary contracts and higher wages Unskilled Agricultural Work Seasonal, lowest wages Figure 5-2. Trajectory of occupational improveme nt for Senegambian men with at least a work permit Aliou, who has been in Spain for two years and does not have papers, works as a day laborer doing different jobs on farms and nurse ries, picking tomatoes and other fruits and vegetables or cutting flowers. [Are you working?] Sometimes there is work sometimes there isnt. [What do you mean?] When the weathers hot, there ar e few people with papers in th e tomato fields so that the tomato wont rot. Only when its hot do we [immigrants without work permits] earn a little money. When its cold, there isnt any work. [Are you working in the fields, a flower garden or a greenhouse?] I cant tell you the correct type be cause sometimes its a flower garden, a vegetable farm, or something else. The truck comes to take me. I go and pick

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124 this; I go and pick that.... [H ow long have you worked withou t stopping?] Sometimes three months, sometimes two months. Aliou describes his work in the greenhouses in terms of the tomato cycle. During the summer when crops are in season, such as the tomato, Aliou works lo ng hours. However out of season, he is out of work. Immigrants with work permits who are involved in agriculture also work under the same conditions. Oumar, who came to Spain on a work contract, works temporary jobs on different farms. Like Aliou, Oumar has been in Spain for two years. As his job in a strawberry field recently ended, Oumar moved to Matar to find work. My work stopped almost one month ago. I don't have any work, yet. I'm looking for work here. [So your work has stopped?] Yeah, my contract finished. [Your cont ract's finished? And how long wa s your contract?] My contract was for six months.30 Although Oumar had a six-month contract to work in a flower garden, the durations of his jobs can be for only a few days. When asked how many jobs he has had since coming to Spain, Oumar answered, Ive work many different kind of jobs. Sometimes they call me for two or three days wo rk. I have to work that. For immigrants with work permits there is still a level of insecurity about work, especially since the jobs are seasonal and temporary. More over, for those who have work permits and who have been in the country for a short time, thei r work opportunities are the same as those who do not have papers. Most respondents work in the ag ricultural production of fru its and vegetables or the cultivation of flowers. In addition to the unfavorable working conditions, the pay is low, especially for immigrants without work permits. Aliou describes his pay in terms of the black economy: 30 Oumar, who is a Mandinka from Gambia, completed high school and spoke English well. He was much more comfortable speaking English than Spanish. His Spanish was very limited. My interactions with Oumar and his interview were conducted in English.

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125 I cant say that living in Matar is very difficult because if you go look for work, if there is work, you will work. You earn a little because yo u dont have papers. The Spanish call this black money. You understand? [I nod my head to say no.] If you dont have papers or if you have papers without a contract, what you earn is black money because you dont have a contract. A person who is working without papers makes black money because they dont pay him well. Its called black money. Black money, dinero negro, signifies not only paying immigran ts under the table but also the omission of taxes and social s ecurity benefits. From Aliou a nd Oumars descriptions of the unreliable availability of work in agriculture and the low wages, migrants are in precarious financial circumstances. The employment situation of recent arrivals with work permits who are not involved in agriculture is not much better than the conditions Aliou describes. Moustapha has been in Spain for eight months and has had three jobs since arriving in Spain. His job changes represent lateral moves and do not reflect upward mobility. When Moustapha arrived in Lleida, the season was over, and there was no work to be found. He travel ed to Valencia with his fathers friend who had arranged his work contract to enter Spain. In Valencia, Moustapha sold pirated CDs. He explained that he was unhappy and nervous about selling CDs because he had to hide from the police. After arriving in Matar, Moustapha worked as a day laborer an assistant to a bricklayer. After a few weeks, his work ended. He later found work in a tomato greenhouse near Sant Andreu de Llavaneres, which is one train st op up the coast from Ma tar. Although Moustapha had a work permit, the types of jobs that he has worked are similar to those available to immigrants without work permits. Figures 5-2, 53, 5-4 and 5-5 are pictures of the different temporary jobs one informant had over the durati on of fieldwork, which was a year and a half. As the figures show, the jobs consist of lands cape work and trash collection in public spaces such as mall parking lots and sports venues.

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126 Immigrants with several years in Spain and wo rk permits appear to fare better than recent arrivals with permission to work. Abdoulaye, who has been in Spain for six years, has a permanent contract as a fitter on construction project s, which he has held for five years. His first job in Matar was working in agriculture fo r one month. As Mamdou s employment history indicates, possession of a work permit and time in Spain have a positive effect on employment prospects. Moreover, immigrants who had been in Spain for several years and did not have authorization to work but borrowed the permits of others fared better in the labor market. Cheikh who has been in Spain for three years uses the permit of a friend to work at a chicken factory. Before he borrowed the work permit, he worked in a flower garden for two years.31 The borrowing of work permits among friends and relatives and well as the renting of work permits is wide spread.32 Samba, who works with a friends permit in a waste management company, explains, There is work, but to work is a problem because there are many people who dont have papers. You have to borrow papers to wo rk. The possession of a work permit, however, does not assure employment or permanent contracts. Malick who arrived in 1998 is still involved in temporary construction work. He finds temporary contractual work through an employment agency. Construction bricklayer. [Do you have a contract?] Yes, I have a contract. [Is the job permanent or temporary?] No, not permanent. First, three months, then six months, it depends. Before I worked on a three-months contract. Then I was hired on a six-month contract. I was called again on a six-month c ontract, but the work hasnt begun. In the meantime, I worked on a two-month contract, then a four-month contract. [Have you had any other jobs since youve b een in Spain?] It depends. Be fore I looked for work as a 31 Before working in the poultry factory, Cheikh who is Muslim and Wolof, worked in a pork factory for four months. I asked if he had any difficulties working in the po rk factory, he responded, The very religious dont like pork. We must not eat pork. But I really dont practice. You have to eat and make a living first, then the religion. 32 A Catalan acquaintance recounted a story that illustrates the extent to which work permits are borrowed between friends and relatives. A sub-Saharan Af rican immigrant applied for a position that was vacant because the previous worker was fired. She had to tell the applicant that he could not apply for the position because he had been fired last week.

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127 bricklayer. There wasnt any work. The other day, I put my name down. I said that I was a bricklayer. The boss told me he would call me He did call me, and I went to work. The factory job lasted a month. Ive had various jobs. First I work ed in the factory. The second job was in Telefnica. I also looked fo r work in Barcelona. [What did you do at Telefnica?] I met a boss who was putting the pipes that are below the ground. They were removing the pipes and the cables. Construction and the field, I didnt spend much time in the field. Although Malick has a work permit, he is trapped in a circle of temporary construction work. Malicks case shows that having a work permit does not guarantee employment although to obtain a work permit an applicant needs a work c ontract. In addition, thes e short contracts do not entitle Malick to unemployment benefits. The mobility that Lamine, who has been in Spain for ten years, has experienced suggests that length of residence in Sp ain affects employment opportunities. Lamine works in a textile factory that makes underwear. He is a weaver in the factory, which is owned by American company. Lamines work history in Spain began in the fields like the majority of Senegambian immigrants. The first year, I worked in the field. I was accu stomed to the field because in my country, in my village, I worked in the field. My father was a farmer. So, I know the field. I dont fear that work. I had to work in the field because I didnt have papers. I didnt have a fixed contract. There were times when I worked a day, sometimes two days, sometimes a week. On the days that I didnt work, I sewed on the sewing machine. I was progressing here [Spain]. I dont know, maybe two years or th ree years. I submitted my papers. I got residency. So I went to look for a fixed job. [In what year did you r eceive your residency?] I received my papers in 1998. But between 94 and 98, I worked in the field. Each year, I submitted for my papers, 94, 95, 96 but I didnt get them. I submitted the paperwork. It got lost. They refused my application. They told me no. So finally in 98 they accepted me, the 15th of September. They sent me a letter. I st ill have the letter. They told me to go get a visa in my country. I went to Senegal for the visa. After getting my papers, I worked in the field for two months. I left my boss, the one from the field. He is very good man. Even now, I stop by there sometimes. He gives me flow ers. He tells me, come work for me. Yes, a very good old man, a Catalan, very good. He tells me, come with me. I tell him no because he pays me too little, very little. I have a lot of expenses. Finally, I told him that I didnt want to. Yes, I left there.... I left th e field and went to work putting up paneling. I left mounting paneling for this company. [How many years did you put up paneling?] Paneling, three years and some. Its been a year since I left that job because it was very dangerous. Im telling you, a lot of people had acc idents, some fell, some died. There were others who broke their legs, arms, because the work is very dangerous. At times we

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128 climbed up floors to mount the paneling like th is. But at that job [mounting paneling], I earned a lot, but the job was very dangerous. Each year I would decide to change jobs. This year, I made the decision to change. During his ten years in Spain, Lamine has gone from physically demanding and low wage work in the fields, hazardous work in construction with higher pay, to safer textile work in a factory for a little less pay. Lamines move out of agricu lture only occurred afte r he obtained his work permit. Procuring a work permit is essential for occupational mobility; however, as the cases of Oumar and Lamine show, it is not enough. Unlike Oumar and Lamine who had their papers but were involved in agricultural work, Lamine sp eaks Spanish well, which he has improved on with time in Spain. Moreover, Lamine has a wider social network than Oumar and Lamine, which also comes with length of re sidence in Spain. A friend of La mine recommended him for the textile job. In addition to the va rious jobs he has held, Lamine has a sewing machine and works as a tailor to supplement his income. Lamine aspires to work full-time as a tailor and be his on boss in the future. Lamines narrative also de tails the various challenges that immigrants confront. He describes the difficulties involved in regularizing his stat us and gaining a work permit. He applied three times for work aut horization without succe ss. His narrative also illuminates on the bureaucracy around permit applications: his paperwork was lost and his application was denied twice. Whereas Lamine aspires to be his own boss, Demba who has been in Spain for nineteen years is a subcontractor. Before working as a subcontractor, Demba owne d a store that sold groceries and sundry items to We st African immigrant consumers. However, he lost the store when his partner, a cousin of his, mismanaged the finances. Now he is a subcontractor for construction projects. I work for myself, on my own account. I dont want to make a contract with anyone because I wont earn anything. You get your floor and you give me a meter. Each meter thirty euros. I do it a ll. If I dig, you pay me and thats it. Now I dont work for anyone. I

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129 work on my own account. I have been on my own account for seven years. Every three months I pay taxes. If I get sick, I am going to lose because I cant take off from my business. So if someone makes me a contract, hes only going to pay my social security every month. But hes not going to pay the taxes for the license. So I pay two taxes. If I have to lose, its better to lose once. Although Demba is involved in construction, a sect or with a heavy presen ce of immigrants, he has experienced some mobility as a cert ified mason and has become his own boss.33 Few of the respondents in this study have been able to ac hieve such mobility outside of entrepreneurial projects within the ethnic enclave. The same f actors that have contributed to improvement in Lamines occupational status have played a role in Dembas mobility in the construction industry: permanent resident status; language co mpetency; and social contacts. All of which relate to the length of time in Spain. At the same time, Demba has been able to transfer the skills and business knowledge that he obtained in Gamb ia to Spain. In Gambia, Demba worked as a bricklayer before managing a store that his brother in France opened. Demba began his occupation career in Spain in construction, which he left to open a store. After losing the store, Demba returned to construction work as a subcon tractor. Demba has been able to transition to entrepreneurship, which is what Lamine hopes to do in the future with his tailoring. Employment Opportunities for Senegambian Women As with the case of Senegam bian men, the possession of a work permit does necessarily change the types of jobs Senegambian women perf orm in Spain. However, authorization to work is critical for mobility within the labor market. The types of work Senegambian women perform in the formal and informal sectors involve cleaning, caregiving and cooking jobs in nursing homes, businesses such as hotels and restaurant s, and private homes. Women also engage in piecework, which they either perform at home or in makeshift factories in garages. The jobs 33 Demba is one of a few respondents certified in a vocation.

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130 accessible to Senegambian women share the same characteristics as those available to Senegambian men, temporary and poorly pai d. The work and livelihood strategies of Senegambian women in Spain are also similar to their counterparts in Fr ance. Soninke women in France are engaged in cleaning and catering work in hotels and restaurants (Timera 1996). As with the situation in Spain, these jobs are poorly paid a nd involve long hours. Working conditions subject women to e xploitation (Timera 1996). There is minimal difference between formal and informal sector work, with the excep tion of payment of social security taxes by the employer on behalf of the employee. While the jobs in these two sectors are similar, the absence of benefits in the informal sector is of ma jor significance to the lives of Senegambian women.34 For Senegambian women who do not have legal pe rmission to work or who want to supplement their incomes from formal employment, provide se rvices to West African immigrants, primarily women. The services that Senegambian women pr ovide include braiding a nd styling hair, caring for young preschool children of West African immigrants, and cooking for single men or men who do not have their wives in Spain. The scale of these activities is low, and the activities take place in the womens homes. Sonink e women in France also engage in the informal sector where they trade in West African products, style and braid hair, and sew (Timera 1996). In addition to providing services in the info rmal economy, Senegambian women in Spain who do not have work authorization borrow work permits from relatives or friends to acquire formal employment, which is the same strategy that many Senegambian men use. Whereas women who come through family re unification as wives are concerned with beginning or growing their families, women who migrate independently to support their families in Africa are active in the labor force from the time of their arrival. Mame, who is a 21-year-old 34 Working under a borrowed work permit actually benefits th e legitimate cardholder as the borrower contributes to her state benefits and pension.

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131 Gambian, was reunited with her parents and younger siblings who were born in Spain and has been in Spain for three years. Because Mame came as a daughter and not a wife, she does not have the domestic responsibiliti es that newly reunited wives have She is free to attend Spanish classes and to work although she does not have a work permit. Since coming to Spain, Mame has had two jobs. Her first job involved sewing for a sub-contractor that hired immigrants without work permits. She sewed for six months. More recen tly, her father arranged for her to work in a restaurant owned by a relative of his boss. She has been working at the restaurant for three months.35 In comparison to Fatima and Abdoulayes wife limited knowledge of Spanish, Mame has learned to speak Spanish proficiently althoug h all three women have been in Spain for about the same time.36 The comparison between Mame and Fatim a and Abdoulayes wife attest to the domestic demands reunited spouses with young ch ildren shoulder and the affects of these on womens participation in the labor market. The active participation of reunited young adult children like Mame in the labor market is similar to divorced women who migrate independen tly. The employment traj ectory of Fatou, the divorcee from Senegal, illustrate s the jobs available to immigrant women. The first year Fatou was in Spain, she did not work. She arrived to Sp ain without author ization from France. To make money, Fatou cooked maize patties that she sold to West Afri cans on Saturday and Sunday. Her first job was in a hotel in the mountains, wher e the manager applied for a work permit on her behalf. At the end of the s econd season, Fatous contract en ded. She later found employment cleaning in a hotel in Tarragona with the assistance of a Senega lese friend who worked at the hotel. As with the hotel job in the mountains, the job in Tarragona was seasonal. Fatou moved to 35 Although Mame told me that she was a waitress in the re staurant, when I went to eat at the restaurant with my Catalan roommate and a Senegalese friend, she was working in the kitchen. 36 Fatima and Abdoulayes wife needed an interpreter for their interviews.

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132 Matar and found a domestic j ob in a private home, which sh e quickly abandoned because of contractual fraud. At the time of he r interview, Fatou was unemployed: The first hotel where I worked, I worked there two seasons. You know, hotel work is seasonal, six months, six months. I worked th ere two seasons, almost a year. You know the hotel ----? I worked there last year for four months. After that I came here [Matar]. I worked in a private house for a month and a few days. The owner of the house cheated me. I worked there for over a month, but he didnt want to give me a contract. He made a contract for only seventeen da ys, no more. He cheated me for a month without a contract because I didnt know. The length of Fatous contracts is indicative of the seasonal and temporary nature of employment in the tourist industry. The jobs available to immigrant women in the tourist industry and immigrant men in agriculture share the same properties, they are seasonal, physically demanding, and low paying. Fatou employment history shows that Senegambian womens participation in the labor market is determined by the circumstances of their migration to Spain. The work that is available to Senegambian women in Spains labor market illustrate that there are few opportunities for upward mobility. A sma ll number of Senegambian women migrated to Spain in the late seventies and early eighties have become cultural mediators in hospitals and social agencies. However, cultural mediati on has become a popular occupation among secondgeneration women who have personal knowledge and familiarity with both Senegambian and Catalan cultural practices, which most firs t-generation Senegambia n women do not have. Housing Accommodations: A Place to Rest Your Head Housing arrangem ents represent the social and economic integration of Senegambian immigrants in Spain. The three patterns of hous ing arrangements identif ied in this study are single men sharing an apartment; married couples with young children taking in boarders; and single families living alone. Housing patterns correspond to the migration and settlement process where men migrate first, wives join their husband s, and couples establish families. The analysis of housing accommodations is organized according to this pattern of settlement. The difficulties

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133 immigrants face in securing housinglack of regular immigrant status, affordability, and racismthat lead to overcrowded living conditions, are considere d. Tension and conflicts arising from living arrangements between housemates are also explor ed, particularly tension around gender norms and behaviors. The overcrowding living conditions that charact erize agricultural zones where work is seasonal and adequate housing is scarce (Sur ez-Nava 2004) distinguish the living arrangements of single men and young families from established immigrant families in Matar. However, the living arrangements of single men are the mo st crowded and resemble the conditions under which Murid traders live (Ebin 1996; Carter 1997; Perry 1997).37 Because many single men do not have regular immigration status, they must group together to secure housing. Overcrowding is also an outcome of the desire to minimi ze living expenses, particularly as Senegambian immigrants are involved in low-wage temporary employment. Ibrahima, for example, has only been in Spain for one year and does not have an y relatives in Spain, only friends. He lives in a three-bedroom apartment with nine other men. His roommates are from Senegal and Gambia and are of the Mandinka and Jola ethnic groups. The overcrowding conditions observed in this study is consistent with data from the 2001 census, which finds the residences of foreigners are smaller and have fewer rooms than those of the Spanish (MTAS 2006:88). Kaplan in her survey of 121 Senegambian immigrants in Girona, also finds that most immigrants live in small apartments and in crowded conditions: 53 percent of respondents live in apartments w ith five to seven people; 28 percent with eight to nine peopl e; and 20 percent with four or less (1998:107). Consistent with Kaplans study and the 2001 survey, the majority of informants in this study live in crowded 37 Institutional housing estates for immigrant workers, such as the foyer in France, are absent in Catalonia.

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134 apartments. Difficulties in securing housing are also an outcome of racism, as locals prefer not to live among immigrants. Oumar outlines the difficulties of finding a place: affordability, immigration documents, employment requirements, and racism. Although Oumar possesses a work permit and has a job, he cannot afford to rent an apartment on his ow n because his pay is too low. Oumar recently had moved out an apartment where he boarded with a married couple and initially had trouble finding an apartment with his friends. He describes the difficulties of finding a place in Matar for immigrants without pa pers and a steady job. Its very difficult to find a place if you come as in illegal immigrant. [Why is it difficult?] It is very difficult because they demand a guarantor. Many people come from Morocco and African countries enter illegally. After the Red Cross releases them, they are told to go. Where can they go if they don't know anyone he re? Without papers, they cant find work. What are they expected to do? Criminal ac ts to survive or what? They have no room, nothing. And even if they have papers there is no job security so you cant get a room. Because the landlord asks to see your contract your pay stubs, everything. Its impossible to rent a place if you dont have a job. So wh ere can you stay? Renting here is a problem for Africans because people believe that if you give an African a place, many people will come to stay. And this is true. You cannot le t your fellow African sleep outside. He doesn't have papers. He doesn't have anything. You have to invite him to your room. Everyone wants to live two or three people, but when someone co mes without papers, who has nothing, you have to take him to your house. [Was it difficult for you to find a place to stay?] No, because I know people and I have friends. In his account, Oumar also explains a factor contributing to overcrowding, the obligation to assist other immigrants who do not have accommodations. Oumar had conflicts with his pervious landlord over friends spending the night. The is sue of overcrowding is an obstacle to housing for single immigrant men. Cheikh and his roomma tes were asked to leave their apartment because too many people were living there. Ac cording to Cheikh, four people lived in the apartment; however, some friends were visiting from Switzerland.38 The landlord charged that 38 Cheikh did not disclose how many friends were visiting.

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135 too many people were living in the apartment a nd asked Cheikh and his roommates to leave. Cheikh argued that he could not th row his friends out on the streets. Just as immigrants borrow work permits to find employment, they also borrow documents to rent apartments. Papis borrowed Oumars work permit to get a contract with a cleaning agency in Barcelona. Borrowing Oumars work permit enabled Papis to secure employment and to use his work contract to rent an apartment for Chei kh and his roommates, all of whom did not have papers. Although Cheikh was working with a friends work permit, he did not have permission to rent an apartment using his friends identification. Immigrants who have better-paying jobs, such as skilled construction work, and regular immigration status have no probl ems renting or buying an apartm ent. Abdoulaye has a fixed job in construction as a fitter. His description of securing an apartment is the converse of Oumars account. To find a place is very easy. If you have a fixed contract and you want a place with your wife only, you go to the realtor. With your wo rk papers and contract the realtor and the bank will help you find a flat. Although Abdoulaye describes the process as very easy, he has two boarders. With two young children and a wife who is not working, he needs boarders to make ends meet. There are three strategies for renting or buying an apartment. These strategies indicate the life course, integration and settlement process of immigrants. The first strategy involves a group of men renting an apartment together to reduce costs. An immigrant who has a work permit and steady employment rents the apartment, and the roommates may or may not have regular immigration status. For example, in Idrissas fl at, his roommate who has a permanent contract rents the apartment. There are three bedrooms and three primary residents, Idrissa, Ousseynou and Bakary in whose name the house is rent ed. However, a number of people pass through

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136 Idrissas apartment for a period of time. Idrissa ha s the biggest room in the apartment, which has an extra bed. He took in a friends nephew for a few months. The nephew slept on an extra bed in Idrissas room. When Ousseynous sister di vorced her husband and moved to France, her daughter did not want to leav e Spain and moved in with Ousseynou. She slept on a mattress on the floor in Ousseynous room. Depending on whom Idrissa and his roommates take in, the number of residence fluctuates. The second pattern involves immigrant men who want to bring their wives to Spain. When Senegambian men decide they wa nt to bring their wives to Sp ain, they save enough money to buy a flat. They then take in boarders, main ly young single men, while the family reunification application is being processed. When the applic ation has been approved and the arrival of the wife is imminent, the owner of the apartment as ks the male boarders who are not related to him to move out. Usually the males living with marri ed couples are brothers and nephews. At the same time many boarders prefer not to live with married couples. Cheikh, who is looking for an apartment to rent with his friends, sums up th e problems that arise with living with married couples: Because its not my flat, its my friends. I have to live and they have to bring their wives. If your wife comes, I have to leave and l ook for another place. I dont like living with a woman that is not my wife. We are men and women things are complicated. To live with a woman who is not your wife is not good. So metimes you go take a shower and you walk back to your room. Its provocative. I dont li ke it. I wouldnt want someone to insult my wife. So I avoid living with a woman who is not my wife. That Im sure of, I will never live with a woman that is not my wife, in principle. Cheikh touches on the fears that many husbands have of boarders, that they will have sex with their wives. Cheikh, in principle, avoids such provocation by not living with women who are not related to him or his wife. However, families who are experiencing economic difficulties will have male boarders who were not their relatives.

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137 In addition to the arrival of a wife, a comm on reason for changing rooms is an increase in rent. Before his present situati on, Aliou rented a room for one year for 120 euros a month. He was also responsible for 20 euros a week for comm unal meals and his share of the utilities. Aliou complained that he did not always have work and could not afford 120 euros every month. He later moved in with a friend where he pays 100 euros a month. He is living in a three-bedroom apartment with five other men. However, Aliou is looking for a room because his friends wife is coming in a few months. The third strategy for saving money and affordi ng an apartment is to pool multiple families together. Such an arrangement usually involves brothers who move in with their families. For example, Malick lives with his two brothers, their wives and young child renthree toddlersin a three-bedroom apartment. Malic k describes his living arrangement s in terms of, My brother is good. I eat well. I sleep well. Peace, no problems. In comparison to Malicks contentment, women prefer to live alone with their childre n and husbands, without ot her women, both sisterin-laws and second wives, or boarders. Khady, a 34-year-old Balanta from Gambia, lists the reasons women prefer not to live with other couples. Before, I didnt have a work contract, only my husband. A fl at is too expensive for one person to pay, so we joined together two families. Things didnt work out well because we were always fighting. Finally, when people began buying flats, each family decided to be with their own family. But before, when families joined together, there were always problems between the women. [What kinds of problems?] No woman wants another to order her around, thats a womans habit. If I scrub here, the other scrubs behind me because she feels that it is not clean. They ar e problems like that. I cook the meal, and the other says it doesnt taste good. We fight. Womens things always turn out like this when living together. [Now you live with only your family?] Now, with only my family. According to Khady, two families would live together to afford the apartment. However, under such living conditions, interpersona l relations between wives would give rise to conflicts. As Khady points out, these disputes concern hous ekeeping, specifically meals and cleaning.

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138 Whereas Khady and her husband have decided to live alone with their children, Senegambian families, particularly young families still share apartments. Housekeeping conflicts are not isolated to separate families living together, but also concern single men living together and male boarders renting room s from couples. The benefit of living with a married couple is that the wife cooks the meal s and does the housekeeping. Djiby explains the problems and benefits of living wi th a married couple than with a group of men. At this time I also want to stay there b ecause my economic situation is not good. Here is more expensive than our house. And truthfully we dont have any freedom there, but we dont do anything. His wife does all the cleaning and cooking. You come and go, you sleep and thats it. I like this arrangement because I lived this way in Senegal. But if you live here, if Idrissa cleans everything today, tomorrow will be my turn. And if Im tired there could be an argument, so I prefer to live wher e I am now. But I also need to come and go as I please and to receive friends. Where I am now, I cant receive a friend at the house. I can have a girl over to eat, but I prefer not to bother people who dont like that. When only men live together in an apartment, arrangements are made to alternate cooking and cleaning duties among the occupant s. From Djibys explanation conflicts can arise between roommates over cooking and housekeeping chores. However, when a wife is present, these duties are her responsibility as the woman of the house. At the same time, couples have fewer boarders, usually one or two. Djiby remains satis fied living with the couple because he does not have any domestic duties as his counterparts wh o live together. Although D jiby is satisfied that he does not have to do chores, he is disgruntled about not being able to invite guests, especially female friends, to the house. Upon further questioning Djiby explains: When you live with a married couple, its difficult to have a girl or girlfriend over. They will see it as an insult. There are many African s here who come from the village and have the village mentality. The Africans from the city are different. If a wife is home all the time and a man living in the house has women coming and going an if her husband misses one week or two weeks, the wife can make with this man. People fear this can happen, their wives make out with boarders. For this reas on, men who dont have their wives here prefer to live with single men than with a married couple.

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139 What Djiby elaborates on is the possible risk of wives having affairs wi th boarders, while the husband is away at work. For this reason as me ntioned above, male boarders living with couples are usually the relatives of the husband. One exception was the boarders at Bintous house. Bintous husband was terminally ill with cancer. He had not worked in over a year and Bintou did not have permission to work. She and her husband had two Gambian boarders of the same ethnic group, Mandinka. One of the boarders was Oumar. Bintou constantly complained about the boys and was relieved when they moved ou t. She described her house as a ghetto with boys coming and going. Some of the neighbors compla ined of the traffic in and out of her house. Bintou said that she could not rest, as there was no peace with the boys. She complained that some of their friends would spend the night. She would wake up and find someone sleeping on the couch. She mentioned that she could have asked her boarders to pay for their friends spending the night, but she did not. She at leas t expected that the boarders would ask her permission to have their friends stay over, which they did not. Bintou constantly argued with her boarders about their friends coming and going. Bi ntou explained that at one point Oumar was so rude to her that her husband had to get involv ed. She said that she treated Oumar really well, even cooked breakfast for him, and that he w ould not find better treatment anywhere else.39 Now that Oumar and his roommate are no longer living with her, Bintou is relieved and enjoys the quietness of her house. She describes her new board er, an older man, as quiet and calm. Bintou likes having him live with her. To avoid the c onflicts described between Bintou and Oumar and explained by Djiby and Cheikh, young men prefer not to live with couples, and couples that can afford to have only their families in the house do not take in boarders. 39 Bintou omitted that meal arrangements between lodgers and landlords usually include breakfast and dinner.

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140 This analysis of the living arrangements and livelihoods of Senegambian immigrants summarizes their settlement in Matar and the ch allenges that they encounter in establishing themselves in Spain, as well as the strategies they use to overcome these problems. The major problem immigrants have concerns their immigra tion status. Without authorization to work and reside in Spain, immigrants live in the shadows of the black ec onomy as Aliou describes. This black economy not only involves working without au thorization, but also the using documents of other people to secure jobs, to rent apartmen ts, and in general, to go about living in Spain. Strategies also involve pooling re sources with other immigrants th at result in overcrowded living conditions. While some of these conditions have been documented in previous research (Kaplan 1998; Kaplan Marcusn 2005), the ethnography of how immigrants negotiate these arrangements have not. The analysis of the living arrangement s of Senegambian immigrants in Matar, the various social, economic and legal factors the lead to these arrange ments, and the conflicts that arise from these arrangements give insight into their lived experiences and their integration. Conclusion The various m ethods of entering Spain define th e status of Senegambian immigrants in the country: irregular immigrant, wo rker and reunited family member. In turn, these different immigration statuses demarcate opportunities in Spains labor market. Senegambian immigrants, as most immigrants from deve loping countries in Spain, have difficulties securing employment, work permits and accommodations. These three pr oblems are interrelated in that renting an apartment requires proof of re gular immigration status and in come and improving employment involves the acquisition of a work permit. Two factor s that play a significant role in occupational improvement are time in Spain and obtainment of a work permit, although immigrants remain in the same economic sector. While the acquisition of a permit does not guarantee mobility within Spains labor market, respondents, who have been in Spain for a few years and later regularize

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141 their status, leave agricultural work for better paying construction work. Compared to the high participation rate of Senegambian men in the labor market, only a small percentage of Senegambian women work in both the formal and informal sectors. The low participation of Senegambian women in Spains labor market is a result of: Spains family reunification policy precludes reunited family members from initial part icipation in the labor market, responsibilities for childcare, and racial and religious preferences for domestic work that puts Senegambian women at a disadvantage. Just as Senegambians have strategies to find employment, they engage in various tactics to secure and afford hous ing. Three housing patterns emerge from these strategies: single men live on overcrowded conditi ons, young couples take in boarders, and older families live alone. How patterns of settlement, pa rticularly employment and immigration status, affect participation in transnational activiti es is examined in the following chapter.

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142 Figure 5-2. Cleaning up at Formul a One auto racing. (All pictures were taken by the author and used with permission from the informant). Figure 5-3. Landscaping in a private home.

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143 Figure 5-4. Cleaning the streets of Maresme. Figure 5-5. Collecting s hopping carts at Carrefour.

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144 CHAPTER 6 TRANSNATIONALISM AND ECONOMIC MOBILITY IN SPAIN Introduction This chapter exam ines the transnational activ ities of Senegambian immigrants in relation to their economic integration in Catalonia, Spai n. The first sections of the chapter identify and describe the transnational prac tices according to private, public and economic domains followed by a discussion of the differences between Senegambian men and womens transnational activities.1 Case studies are then presented to analyze the relationship between economic integration, defined by type of employment and immigration status, and involvement in transnational activities. The chap ter ends with a cons ideration of the implications of Spanish citizenship for engagement in transnational practices. Transnational Practices Among Senegambians in Spain The transnational practices of Senegambia n imm igrants may be grouped into three categories, private, public and economic, based on Itzigsohn et al.s classi fication (1999). Private transnationalism involves activit ies that take place at the household level. The private transnational activities observed in this study are phone calls, remittances, return visits, land purchase, and home constructi on. Public transnationalism i nvolves membership in village associations, religious orders and non-governme ntal organizations. Economic transnationalism relates to investments in Senegal or Gambia that include land, rental pr operties and businesses, such as telecommunication centers. Figure 6-1 is a visualization of the different categories of transnational practices examined in this st udy. The activities are list ed according to the magnitude of transnationalism from high, medium to low. Under private transnationalism, 1 While some Senegambian immigrants maintained ties with relatives abroad in countries in Africa, Europe and North America, which reflect an additional level of tran snationalism, this study only considers transnational practices that link the countries of origin and reception.

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145 international phone calls to family and friends in Senegal or Gambia demand the least amount of monetary and legal resources and home construc tion requires the most. Th e different types of associations are not scaled as they share simila rities in the projects carri ed out in Senegal or Gambia. Transnational practices can overlap in that the activities in the private arena can also Category Private Economic Public Level: Household Investments Associational Membership Activity: Home Construction Business Village, Religion, NGO Land Rental Property Return Visits Land Remittances Phone Calls Figure 6-1. Categorization of transnational ac tivities observed in this study according to magnitude. include the economic domain. Two transnational activities that overlap are land purchase and home construction. Their categorization depends on the objectives of the activity. Homes built for personal or household use cover the private tr ansnationalism. Homes constructed for rental purposes comprise economic transnationalism. Private Transnationalism This section describes private transnationa lism at the household level. The activities examined are remittances and return visits. The use of telecommunication technology to maintain transnational ties is omitted because contact with family and friends by telephone is the

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146 most basic activity of household transnationalism. No matter occupational status or time spent in Spain, immigrants are able to contact relatives and friends in Senegal or Gambia frequently. A five-euro phone card provides about 30 minutes of communication depe nding on where the call is made, a landline or pay phone, a nd the country dialed. In addition, locutorios (telecommunication centers) charge callers per mi nute, allowing immigrants who have less than five euros to call Senegal or Gambia. Figure 6.2 is a picture of a locutorio in Barcelona, where immigrants make long-distance calls. A few informan ts also maintained contact with family and friends through the Internet and email, services that locutorios also provided. None of the Figure 6-2. Locutorio in Barcel ona. (Picture taken by author). respondents in this study communi cated with relatives and friends through written letters or cassette tape recordings. With the spread of mobile technology, communication by mobile phones have supplanted letters and cassette tape recordings, which were popular methods for migrants to communicate with family and friends in Senegal and Gambia.

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147 Remittances As elaborated in chapter two, the tran snationa l practices in which Senegambian immigrants engage are extensions of urban-ru ral ties that have defined urban migration in Africa. These ties arise from and are defined by conditions at po ints of origin and destination. Senegambian migration to Spain is economic, a search for a livelihood and a household strategy in the face of economic crisis (chapter two). For these reasons, sending remittances is an expected outcome of migration. World Bank data on officially recorded remittances in 2006 was US $633 million for Senegal and US $64 million for Gambia. Remittances accounted for 12.5% of Gambias GDP that year and 7.1% of Senegals GDP (Ratha and Xu 2008).2 Four patterns of sending remittances arise that relate to the life course of households. The first situation involves young and single immigrants who are the only members of their families aboard and whose remittances are critical to their parents household. The second scenario includes married immigrants who have established their households in Senegal or Gambia and continue to support their parents household. This group of married immigrants, main ly men, sends remittances to two households. The third scheme concerns the pooling of re sources between immigrants with immediate relatives in Spain and aboard. Teaming together to send remittances reduces the burden of supporting families in Senegal or Gambia for indi vidual immigrants. The fourth pattern consists of immigrants who mostly support their househol ds and send remittances to their wives. The different economic and social conditions under whic h remittances are sent are described below. Oumar and Ibrahima are young single Gambian me n who have been in Spain for a short time and are engaged in seasonal low-wage agri cultural work. They are the only members of their families aboard and must send remittances every month to support their families. Oumars 2 The amount of remittances is much greater if unofficial records are included (Ratha and Xu 2008).

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148 explanation of the uses of the remittances he sends illustrates his familys dependence on his support. [What does you family do with the money you send?] They need food. Sometimes school fees, which has to be paid every three mont hs. Sometimes medical care and other things. It's too much. [How often do you send mone y?] Normally, I send money for food every month. But when problems other than food arise, I have to send. The remittances that Oumar sends provides for the subsistence needs of his fathers household, school expenses for his brothers and sisters, and unexpected em ergencies like medical expenses. The dependence of his family on remittances is reflected in the monthly frequency in which Oumar sends money to Gambia. Ibrahimas responsib ilities to his family in Gambia are similar to Oumars circumstances. He must send m oney every month for his mother and younger siblings. He is the oldest son, and his father who is dead had three wives and many children. As Ibrahima explains: I have a lot of brothers and sisters. My father had three wives. Im the only one here [Spain]. I send money for them to surv ive.... My brothers and si sters are all in school. My mother cant pay all school expenses. I have to help her. Every month I have to send money. As the oldest son of his father, Ibrahima has had to take responsibility for his brother and sisters. In all two cases, Oumar and Ibrahima are the only members of their families abroad, and therefore, carry the sole bur den of supporting their families. Although Oumar and Ibrahima send remittances each month, the amount varies according to their incomes. Ibrahima does not have a work permit and is a day labore r in agriculture, and therefore, has an unstable income. Respondents w ho are engaged in unskilled agricultural work, such as Ibrahima and Oumar, earn between 600 to 700 euros per month and less if they do not work the whole month. Consequently, for many immi grants in Oumar and Ibrahima situation, the amount of remittances sent fluctuates depe nding on the circumstances in which they find themselves at the end of the month. Aliou desc ribes how the money he sends varies: Because

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149 my mother has my children, each month I have to send 150 euros. If not, I can send 70, 100, 80 or 50. If I have, I normally send them food for two months, 150 euros. When I send 50 euros a month, they always lack. Although the amount of money Aliou sends changes, he consistently remits. In all these cases, remittances are essential to the subsistence of family members back in Gambia. The uses and application of remittances reflect how migration functions as an economic strategy for households in West Africa. Some situations are less cri tical than others. Cheikh, who is not married, sends money when he can, but his family does not depend on him to survive. He sends money to his mother to settle her things because she does not work. Ch eikh explains, I dont know exactly what she does with the money. If sh e tells me that she needs this or that, I dont ask what she is going to do with the money. I give to her if I have. What she does with the money is not important to me. Cheikh sends money to help out hi s mother, but he only sends to hi s father and sister if he has extra funds to spare. In a similar manner, Ma madou has avoided supporting his siblings although he is the only family member abroad. He regularly sends money to his wife and mother. His wife lives in a separate house from his mother. If his siblings need money and if he has the funds, he helps them out. However, Mamadou points out that his siblings are not an obligation, but his mother who is seventy years old and his wife are his responsi bilities. Mamadou is an exception as most immigrants support younger siblings in Senegal or Gambia. Mamadous case points to the double burden that some immigrants with spouses and children in Senegal or Gambia shoulder. In addition to supporting their spouses and child ren, they also provide for their parents

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150 and younger siblings. Mamadous situation illustra tes the second pattern where remittances support two households.3 Sending remittances is not void of conflict, wh ich largely arises from the pressure of balancing family obligations in Senegal or Gambia and personal needs in Spain. Conflicts also develop from expectations of family member s in Senegal or Gambia. Oumar describes the challenges he faces to meet the needs of his family in Gambia and his own requirements in Spain. The belief people have in Africa is different from Europe.... When you are in Europe you see documentaries about Africa. When you are in Africa, you see many programs about Europe and then you see people coming from Europe with money. They have everything. You don't know where or how they get this money. So Africans believe that when you come to Europe, you get money. Once you get he re, everyone thinks that you have money. They all depend on you. When they have problems, they focus on you and tell you their problems. Oumar attributes the unrealistic expectation of non migrants to media images and the behavior of return migrants. As discussed in chapter four, im ages of lifestyles in Eu rope and displays of wealth by return migrants encourage emigration. At the same time, nonmigrant family members place greater pressure on immigrants based on misconceptions of the lived experience of immigrants in Europe. When Oumars relatives encounter problems, they call on him because he is working in Europe and therefore in a posit ion to help them. Fatou, who is a divorced Senegalese woman, also has the same lament a bout misperceptions of family members left behind. Every month I have to send my father money because he thinks that people here [Spain], have a lot of money. My mother is not alive, and I have si blings in Senegal who are not married and depend on me. Each month if I earn a little, I pay my rent, I pay for the flat 3 Conflicts on the receiving end of remittances are described by Bugg enhagen (2001, 2003). According to Buggenhagen, conflicts between wives and mother-in-laws over the amount of remittances they receive have led them to ask their husbands and sons to remit to them secretly (2001:391-392).

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151 where my children live in Dakar because I am divorced from my husband. I pay water, electricity, all. All of her familys expenses fall on Fatous shou lders. She has four ch ildren who live in her house in Dakar while her father and siblings resi de in a small town. Fatou actually supports two households, hers and her fathers. Considering the weight of Fatous obligations, it is not surprising that she is one of the few Senegalese women in Matar to migrate independently to Spain. The mismatch between the expectation of nonmi grant family members and the lived reality of immigrants in Spain raises the question of how do immigrants manage their obligations to family members and their persona l expenses in Spain on their meager wages. Not only are the wages immigrants earn in the secondary labor mark et low, but also their employment is usually seasonal and temporary. Oumar expl ains the difficulties of making ends meet with little pay and sending money home. When I arrived, I worked for the man who a rranged my visa. But the work was seasonal, strawberries. So I only worked for one seas on and had to wait for the next season. But I have to pay the rent, pay my accounts. I couldn t wait for another season to work. I had to find a job. So I left Sansiberia a nd came to Matar to find work. Oumar underscores the difficulties of meeting fina ncial obligations in Catalonia with seasonal work picking strawberries. Oumar must also su pport his family in Gambia with his meager income. Oumars comments illustrate the difficulties migrants in agricultural work face in maintaining transnational activi ties at the household level. They remit less money to Africa compared with those working in construction as bricklayers or fitters. At the same time, immigrants with and without work permits who are involved in agricultural work and have been in Spain for a short period of time show minimal participation in transnational activities at the household level. Their activities primarily consis t of remittances. While Oumar remits regularly, he has not traveled to Gambia although he can legally travel with his work and residency

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152 permits. Not only are Oumars transnational activiti es curtailed because of his low wages, Oumar minimizes his living expenses to support his family in Gambia. He lives in a small apartment with four other Gambians to save money. Ov ercrowded living conditi ons are partially an outcome of efforts by immigrants to reduce their li ving expenditures in Spain in order to remit to family members. As mentioned above, Aliou refu ses to pay more than 100 euros per month for rent. He works in a greenhouse and has to send money home every month to his mother who is caring for his two children. In addition to minimizing living expenses another means of balancing financial obligations in Spain and Senegal or Gambia is to sponsor the migration of additional family members, usually brothers or nephews. As a strate gy to reduce obligations to relatives in Senegal or Gambia, sponsoring the migra tion of relatives to Europe reduces the financial burden of supporting family members in Senegal or Gambia. Th is is the third pattern of remittances at the household level, where immigrants who have siblings or immediate family members abroad can organize themselves to support their families in Senegal or Gambia. Such cooperation relieves the financial burden of supporting relatives on individual immigrants as obligations are shared between siblings or family members.4 With the presence of other relatives in Spain to shoulder the responsibility of remittances, immigrants may complete ly defer the burden of supporting relatives in Senegal or Gambia. For example, Lami nes brother, who was the first member of his family to migrate to Spain, stopped sending remittan ces to his parents and siblings in Senegal. His support for his wife and son a nd his neglect of his family dem onstrate the fourth pattern of remittances at the household level. According to Lamine, 4 Among Jola migrants in Dakar, family members pool together to send remittances (Reboussin 1995: 142). Buggenhagen observes that pooling remittances between Muri d traders reduces fees beca use only one transfer of money is made (2001:391).

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153 I used to send money with my brother. Now because my brother has his wife and children in Senegal, he has withdrawn. Before each of us would take out something and send it together. They say that people here change. Now if you ask him for something, he says no. He says now my wife and my son. Normally I send something every month. Now we are lucky because I have another brother who has just come. Now both of us can send something each month. Lamines brother is able to defer the responsib ilities of maintaining his family members in Senegal to his brother. He is the same brothe r who convinced Lamine to leave the Ivory Coast and migrate to Spain. Lamines migration to Spain has enabled his brother to turn his energies to his wife and son who are still in Senegal. In turn, Lamine is looking forward to his younger brothers contribution to the s upport of their family, which will alleviate the burden on Lamine who also has a wife and son in Senegal. The sharing of responsibility for relatives in Senegal and Gambia is only possible if other immediate fam ily members are also aboard in Europe or the United States. Therefore, sponsoring the migratio n of other family members is advantageous. Just as brothers cooperate to send money home, married couples organize to send money to relatives in Africa. Moussa and hi s wife Khady, who have been ma rried for seventeen years, take turns sending money to Gambia. One month, they send remittances to Moussas family, and the next month to Khadys parents. Khady explains that they cannot afford to send remittances to both families at the same time. It depends. At any given month, we have to put in a little together. We send to my husbands family, and the next time my famil y. But we cant send to both our families at the same time because we have children here. We have to pay the flat, a lot of things. So the best thing is one family at a time. Khady and her husband have five children in Spain. Moreover, Khady has only had a work permit for one year, sixteen years after arriving in Spain. Before acquiring her work permit, she cleaned private houses and sewed for subcontract ors at home, all within the informal economy. Khady and her husband, therefore, have to collabor ate to support their families in Gambia. At the

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154 same time, Khadys explanation discloses the competing demands between Gambia and Spain, especially with five children in Spain.5 In comparison to the contribution Khady makes to the support of her husbands family, women who are not working must depend on their husbands generosity to send money to their families in Senegal or Gambia. Astou, who married her husband at the age of fifteen and arrived in Spain a year later, is enrolled in a beginni ng Spanish course at the Centre San Pau. She has been in Spain for a year and has never worke d. Astou is completely dependent on her husband for her welfare in Spain, both legally and financ ially, and for money to send to her parents. The reliance of reunited wives on their husbands to send remittances their relatives in Senegal or Gambia does not lessen with time spent in Spain if the women are not working. Mariama, who is enrolled in a caretaker-training program and ha s been in Spain for six years, depends on her husband to send money to Gambia. As described in the third chapter, Mariama has never worked in Spain. She spent her first few years in Spai n at home caring for her two young children. As husbands are not obligated to remit to their wi ves families, wives rely on their husbands good will.6 Return Visits This section exam ines the visits Senegamb ian immigrants make to their respective countries of origin. The analysis examines the ways in which visits to Senegal or Gambia reflect economic integration in Spain in terms of im migration and occupationa l status. How visits represent particular stages in the life course of reunited families in Spain in the number of trips 5 As discussed in the first chapter, Foner (2000) observes th at financial obligations to relatives in the countries of origin can diminish resources for project s in the receiving country, particularly in light of the limited resources of immigrants. 6 In the case of Jola migrants in Dakar, husbands also send remittances to their wives families when their wives are unable to remit (Reboussin 1995:142).

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155 made and the purpose of the visits is also considered. The visiting patterns of reunited immigrants families are compared with immigran ts who maintain their wives and children in Senegal or Gambia. Explanations for the diffe rences between the visitation tendencies of Senegambian men and women are outlined. The fact that immigrants without papers ca nnot visit Senegal or Gambia is obvious. For this reason, return visits represen t a change in status for many im migrants who were in irregular status as a result of arriving in Spain without authorization or overstaying their visas. Shortly after obtaining residency and work permits, immigrants make a return visit. A trend that has been discerned among single immigrant men is that they usually marry on their first return trip and leave their new wives behind when they go back to Spain. However, those who cannot afford or are unable to travel to Senegal or Gambia can still marry since the presence of the groom and even the bride is not necessary as parents and relatives arrange the marriage.7 Because many Senegambian men migrate to Spain when they are singleone of the reasons they migrate is to earn a livelihood to support a familymarriag e symbolizes a level of success in Spain. With marriage, the pattern diverges into tw o directions depending on whether or not the wives remain in Senegal or Gambia or come to Spain through family re unification. For a spouse to come through family reunification, applicants must have residency for at least one year, sufficient financial resources to support the reunited family member, and adequate housing (Aguelo Navarro 2003). Due to these requirements, immigrants must have a minimum of economic stability in Spain to bring their spouses, which may take some time to achieve. While their wives are in Senegal or Gambia, Senegambia n men will visit Africa at least once a year if 7 Many wedding occur with the groom in absentia. While I was living with the Senegale se family, Abdoulaye threw a small wedding party for his friend who recently had gotten married.

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156 they can afford the trip. However, once their wives arrive in Spain, visits to Africa are curtailed for a period of time as they establish their families in Spain. Senegambian men with wives in Senegal or Ga mbia make more trips than single men and married men whose wives are in Spain. Abdoulay e, for example, received his residency and work permit in 1998, the year he arrived, and returned to Senegal in 2000 to marry. He stayed for over two months on his first trip. He returned nine months later for the birth of his daughter. His wife came to Spain in 2002. Abdoulaye has not return ed to Senegal since his wifes arrival. In comparison to Abdoulaye, Mamadou arrived in Spain in 1999 and obtained his papers the same year. He waited four years before traveling to Senegal to marry in 2003. This was his only trip to Senegal. Although Mamadou has only visited Senegal once, he has been involved in constructing a house in Dakar that he plans to rent. The difference between the cases of Abdoulaye and Mamadou is the allocation of their limited resour ces. Most immigrants do not have sufficient resources for both marriage and investments (d iscussed below). As one informant explained, those who marry delay investments, a nd those who invest delay marriage. Senegambian men who have wives in Senegal or Gambia and who a stable income usually visit more often than those who ha ve their wives in Spain. The wife of Lamine is still in Senegal. Lamine makes frequent trips to Senegal to visit her. His first trip to Senegal was in 1998 to obtain a visa as part of the regul arization of his status, which was four years after he arrived in Spain. Lamine can afford to visit his wife in Se negal several times a year when he has time off from work. I just left Senegal. In July, I went to Senegal and stayed fo r three weeks. Next month, if God helps me, I want to go. I want to bring my wife but until now she hasnt received a visa. [How many times do you travel to Sene gal in a year?] Well, it depends on work. Before, where I was working, each year you ha d a month of vacation. With this company, you work three months and then you have twenty -four days off. So for this twenty-four days, I will try to go to my family.

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157 The recent trips that Lamine has made also rela te to his wifes visa application. Lamine has applied several times for a visa wi thout success. Lamines case illustrates that affordability is not the only factor involved in traveling to Africa. The ability to take time off from work is also an issue. Demba also makes frequent trips to Gamb ia, where his wife and children live. Demba has been living in Spain for 19 years and has two houses in Serekunda. Demba visits his family in Gambia every eight months. He explains I want to be with my family. But at this mome nt there is no way. I cant be here for a year or more away from them. If I work a little, ei ght or nine months, and if I have the ticket and a little money, Im gone. I st ay there for three or four months. I cant be away from them for so much time, two years, a year and some, without return ing. To only send money is not worth anything. You also have to be there, to be with your family a little. As described in chapter five, Demba is a subcon tractor for construction projects. He can afford the cost of frequent trips to Gambia and the ti me off. Both Lamine and Demba are economically successful immigrants. Moreover, as one informant observed, having ones family in Senegal or Gambia is cheaper than bringing them to Spain in terms of expenses. Time will tell if Lamines visits to Senegal will diminish after his wife finally arrives in Spain. The importance of income for frequency of visits to Senegal or Gambia is demonstrated in a comparison of Malick with Lamine and Demba. Malick arrived in Spain in 1998 and received his work permit in 1999. Although Malicks wife and four children are in Senegal, Malick has only visited Senegal once in the si x years since he has obtained hi s papers. His visit occurred in 2002. Unlike Demba and Lamine, Malick has not had steady work in Spain. He is a bricklayer and has been on a series of temporary contracts. Malick simply cannot afford to visit his family in Senegal because he has not been able to secure permanent employment. The majority of Senegambian women do not retu rned as often as men, with the exception of those who migrate independe ntly of family reunification. For example, because Fatou migrated to support her children, her transnational activities para llel those of Senegambian men.

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158 Fatou has been living in Spain fo r four years and has traveled to Senegal for extended periods, twice in the three years that she has had her wo rk permit. Whereas the children of Senegambian men left behind are in the care of their wives or mothers, Fatous four children are on their own. Her oldest daughter who is twenty years old ca res for the younger children. Fatous situation is more urgent, as she needs to be in Se negal for her children. According to Fatou, The first time, I stayed there for four mont hs. [Thats a long time.] But its short for me. There are people who like to migr ate here, but if I had the means to maintain my family, I would be with my kids. [How old is the younge st?] The youngest is eight years old now. When I call her on the phone, she asks me, Mama are you coming tomorrow? When are you coming? I tell her, Look, I dont have an y money. She tells me, Mama, its the same. I need you here with me. If I had something I would stay there. I dont like to migrate. Fatou does not want to be away from her childr en, but she has no means of providing for them in Senegal. Because Fatou has had seasonal work in hot els, she has been able to travel to Senegal during the off-season. Moreover, Fatou has been renting rooms and has minimized her expenses to provide for her children in Senegal and for her trips home. Fatous case however is an exception. Most Senegambian women do not travel to Africa their first few years in Spain. After Senegambian wives come to join their husbands in Spain, the transnational practices of the young couples, specifically the activ ities of the husbands, decline as resources are concentrated on the demands of their families, primarily their children. Awa, a 35-year-old Gambian woman who has been living in Spain for nineteen years, explains an eleven-year period where she did not visit Gambia in terms of her financial obligation to her children in Spain: Its been two years since Iv e been. Before that I went every year. [When did you start visiting? The first time you made a trip? Do you remember the year?] The year was 96. [So you didnt visit for over ten year s?] At the time, the children were small, and we werent well financially because of the children. I wo rked and spent all my money on the children and sent a little to my fa mily. And they [employers] didnt pay well before the euro.

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159 On their income, Awa and her husband could not afford to provide for their two children and carry out costly transnational activities such as visiting Gambia. In terms of transnational activities, she could only afford to send a little to her family. Awa spent eleven years in Spain before making her first visit to Gambia. Her olde st child was ten years old when she made her first trip. As in the case of Awa, in genera l when their children gr ow up, the transnational activities of immigrants increase as they are able to direct resources to projects in Africa, especially for retirement. Nineteen years after arriving in Matar as a new wife, Awas husband has begun construction on the land he owns in Gamb ia, which is the reason for her next trip. Her oldest child is now eighteen years of age and works to support himself. A practice among young couples that cannot afford to have the wife unemployed in Spain and to provide for young children in Spain is to se nd the wife and children to Senegal or Gambia. Two years after Khady arrived in Spain, her husband left his job on a farm where he had worked for seven years because the pay was too low to support his family. However, he had a difficult time finding work, so he sent Khady to Gambia where she stayed for tw o years with their two young children.8 While Khady was away her husband traine d to be a welder and has spent most of his working years in this field. The return of Khady and her children to Gambia for two years recalls Potts (1997) analysis of the reliance of ur ban residents in Africa on rural ties to enable them to weather an economic crisis. Lambert ( 1994) also observes that Jola men in Dakar send their wives and children back to their villages in Casamance when they encounter financial difficulties in the city. The different scenarios on return visits at the household level illust rate how trips signify status in Spain. Immigrants who return to vis it have at least regular immigration status. The 8 Khady was pregnant with her second child when she left for Gambia.

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160 frequency of visits indicates occupational stat us. Improved occupational status into skilled construction or factory jobs and self-employment provides the income and time need to take trips. Occupational status in Spain accounts for the differences in the frequency of visits between immigrants who have similar familial commitments in Senegal or Gambia. Frequency of visits is also a sign of the life course for immigrants w ho are reunited with their families in Spain. With families in Senegal or Gambia, return trips are much more frequent. When families are reunited and children are young, visits declin e. After children are grown and immigrants begin to arrange for retirement, visits increase in frequency. Public Transnationalism Associative m embership defines the collec tive Senegambian experience in Spain. The large majority of Senegambian immigrants in Ma tar participate in some type of association. Respondents who were active in organizational life are usually involved in several associations. These associations are based on na tionality, ethnicity, re ligion, hometown or village, and gender. Membership in different organizations shows how the needs, interests and identities of immigrants overlap. Typically the ethnic group th at comprises the majority of the members defines the character of an association although the function of the orga nization is not ethnic. Cheikh, for instance, is a Wolof from Senegal and does not belong to any associations. He explains his lack of participati on to the small number of Wolof in Matar: Most associations are ethnic. We are not of the same ethnicity. They speak another language that I dont understand. Of my ethnicity, there arent ma ny here. As Cheikhs explanation alludes to, Mandinka and Jola comprise the majority ethnic groups in Matar. A ccordingly, associations in Matar tend to be marked by Mandinka and Jola cultu ral practices, such as the la nguage in which meetings are conducted. In addition to the ethnic composition of associations in Matar, associational life is gendered as with most social and economic activities in West Africa. Senegambian men and

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161 women have their own associati ons; however, wives and children do receive benefits from the membership of their husbands a nd parents in an organization. Mutual-aid associations are well estab lished among Senegambians in Matar and Catalonia. The largest and oldest mutual-aid association is the multi-ethnic organization Jama Kafo, which has branches across Catalonia. Ja ma Kafo began as an insurance and burial association to return the bodies of immigrants who had died in Spain to Senegal or Gambia.9 Jama Kafos beginnings as a burial associati on parallel the formation of Jola migrant organizations in Dakar (Lambert 1994, 2002; Reboussin 1995). The association of Jola migrant women in Dakar, Boutem, was established when a maid died in the city (Reboussin 1995:99103). A second group of Jola migrants from the Boulouf region of the Casamance formed an association in Dakar to arrange the funerals of migrants and to orga nize social events in the city (Lambert 1994:92-94; 2002:99). The formation of Jama Kafo as a burial association follows the pattern established by urban migrants in Dakar. Idrissas description of the association sums up its objectives for assisting Sene gambian immigrants in Spain. You can die at any time and when you die here the people have to take your body back to your country. So I participate. If I die, they will carry me back. Each month I pay a little. [What is the name of this association?] It is called Jama Kafo. They are all immigrants. It helps to be a member because carrying a body back to Senegal is expensive. It can be over a million pesetas [10,000 euros]. For a person to sa ve that after earning their living is very difficult. So they formed the association. More than a hundred people meet each month and contribute five euros or ten euro s. If you are lucky, you wont die here. While Jama Kafo offers other types of support to its members, most of the respondents who are members of the association me ntion burial assistance when asked about the services the organization provides. Several respondents who are not members of Jama Kafo explain that they are members of another association, which is an actual insurance compan y. They have purchased 9 Kafo means a group or association.

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162 a burial policy from an actual insurance company. Besides the return of bodies to Senegal and Gambia for burial, Jama Kafo does not carry out any projects in Africa. The purpose of the organization is to assist immigrants in Spain. According to Kaplan, mutual-aid organizations such as Jama Kafo support recent arrivals by pr oviding information about work and resident permits, work contracts, and family reunificati on and helping immigrants fill out applications (1998:127-128). Jama Kafo also assists immigrants file complaints of racism in the work place and housing.10 The female equivalent of Jama Kafo is Musu Kafo. The organization, however, is not a burial association but a s upport network for women. Musu Kafo assists first time mothers, and members come together to celebrate rituals such as baptisms (Kaplan 1998:128). The disparate objectives of Musa Kafo and Jama Kafo demonstrate the distinct migration experiences of Senegambian men and women in Matar.11 Transnational associations include formal organizations recognized by the municipality and regional governments. Associaci Planeta (Association Planet) is a popular organization among Senegalese immigrants that also has Ca talan members. Planeta is a developmental association that carries out proj ects in Senegal. Idrissa describes the goals of Planeta below: Planeta helps the people in my town in Se negal. [Does Planeta help immigrants in Matar?] No, it does not function to help peopl e here. In Senegal, there are places where the land is good, but there is no water to cultivate. Farmers do not have transportation to go and sell their produce. So Planeta helps them.... And here the Catalans are good people. They help the association. They bought a truck and sent it to Senegal. When the people farm, they can harvest the pr oduce and take it to market. As Idrissas description indi cates, the main objective of Pl aneta is to support economic development in rural areas, speci fically the Casamance region. The projects that Planeta carries out in Senegal do not diverge from the activities of hometown and village associations, which are 10 Personal communication to author by an executive member of Jama Kafo. 11 Female respondents also participate in rotating-savi ng associations. The organization of the rotating-saving associations do not have a transnational dimension as observed in Kanes study (2001).

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163 discussed below. During fieldwork, Planeta co llaborated on a roundtable with two other developmental organizations, ANAFA Los Amigos de Ziguinchor (The Friends of Ziguinchor) and Amic ep Senegal Matar (Friend of Senegal Matar). ANAFA is an NGO that implements development projects in south and southwestern Senegal. Its sta ff consists of both Senegalese immigrants and Catalans/Spaniards. Amic is an organization that prom otes exchanges between students in Catalonia and Senegal. Its members are largely Catalan/Spanish educators. None of the respondents in this study partic ipated in these two organizations. In addition to developmental groups such as Planeta, immigrants are also involved in hometown and village associations. Hometown and village associa tions are popular among respondents in this study. These a ssociations are not as formally organized as Planeta. Most are not officially recognized by the municipal and regional governments. In comparison to Jama Kafo, hometown associations help immigrants in Spain as well as support hometown development. Lamines description of the organiza tion that he belongs to typifies the local and transnational objectives of hometown associations. Our association is called Francounda, like our to wn. We are the first from this part. We say the Association of Francounda. If Im not working, they will help me each month and give me 120 euros. If my wife has a child, th ey will give me 220 euros to help me. Yes, we do for our town. [What do you do?] We help to provide school chairs, to build another school, to help the people of the town. We send money to build more schools there. The government builds a school and the town builds another. We send money to help them do this. The hometown association of Francounda has a du al role in assisting immigrants through difficulties in Spain and sponsoring school cons truction in Senegal. The Association of Francounda is emblematic of the Thilogne Association Dveloppement in France (Kane 2002). The Thilogne association, which is comprised of Haal Pulaar immigrants, assists in the repatriation of deceased members, provide financ ial support to their widows and children, and offer aid to injured members (Kane 2002:252). At the same time, the association sponsors

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164 projects related to education, h ealthcare services and water supp ly in the village of Thilogne (Kane 2002:246-249). Hometown or village associ ations function as both a mutual aid and development organization. While the efforts of organizations such as Planeta and Francounda have a transnational reach, most of the immigrants pa rticipating do not necessarily ta ke part in the transnational implementation of the associations activities. Engagement in transnational activities varies among the membership of these organizations. Th e implement the cross-border projects requires that executive members engage in a higher degree of transnationalism than general members. The expansion of a hometown association into a number of branches can add an additional dimension of transnationalism as resources and information flows between the branches (Kane 2002). The Thilogne association, for example, ha s branches in different European, North American and African countries whereas, the Francounda asso ciation has only one branch located in Spain. The comparison between the Th ilogne and Francounda a ssociations indicate that although the scope of hometown associations is transnational, variations in participation in cross-border activities exist between and within these organizations. Economic Transnationalism The three econom ic transnational activities ex amined in this section are land purchase, home construction and business ventures. Immigrants who eventually want to return to Senegal or Gambia make investments in their country of origin. The primary investments are in land and home construction, two activities that fall under economic and private transnationalism as both take place at the household level and are income -generating projects. More often immigrants have purchased land, but have not started c onstruction on a house. The house may be for personal use or investment purpos es. The location of the house give s an idea of the goals of the owner. The home construction project of Mamad ou is an example of how home construction can

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165 fulfill both household requirements and generate income. Mamadous family lives in the Casamance region in Senegal but he has brought land in Dakar and is in the process of building a house in the city. Before migrati ng to Spain, Mamadou had never live d in Dakar. He spent all his youth in the Casamance region farming and fishing. Mamadou explains his decision to build a house in Dakar and not his villag e in terms of an investment. [Why arent you building a house in your town? Why Dakar?] Because nothing happens in the village. The house is for the future, a busine ss. If I have a house, I can rent it, or many things. But in my village, if I build it there, no one will rent it. But I have the possibility of building in the village. In the village its eas y to build a house. But in Dakar its not. For Mamadou, Dakar represents economic possibilitie s that are not available in his village in Casamance. Mamadous place in the capital and th e village parallels Buggenhagens observation that Murid migrants try to build homes in two strategic locations in the Murid religious and trading network, Dakar and Touba, the holy city of the Muridiyya (2009:197). According to Buggenhagen, migrants build homes as a sign of w ealth and with the inte ntion of residing in them when they retire (2001: (2001:373-376). By constructing a house in Dakar, Mamadou establishes himself in the capital. At the same time, he retains his membership in the village where he has rights to familial land. Mamadous tr ansnational investments are in Dakar and in the village where his family and wife reside. Investments such as home construc tion are tied not only to status in and plans for return to the country of origin as Buggenhagen suggest s, but also are related to the economic circumstances in which immigrants find themselv es in the host country. For example, Mamadou is able to begin construction on his house in Dakar because he has not invested in Spain. Mamadou rents a room from Abdoulaye, which allo ws him to save money for projects in Senegal. Mamadou has been in Spain for five y ears and does not have any intentions of buying a house in Spain or bringing his wife to Spain in the near future. In comparison, Lamine bought an

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166 apartment with his brother in Matar with the in tention of bringing his wife to Spain. Lamines investment in Spain has delayed his intended projects in Senegal. Whereas Mamadous house is under construction, Lamine has purchased land but has not begun construction. I have land. For the moment I have not built th e house. I would like to build the house this year, if God helps me. I want to sell this flat. I have a project to sell th is flat. This flat, we bought it in 99, at the time it was valued at 11 million pesetas [ 110,000 euros]. We bought it for 11 million at four percent. Now this flat is worth more than 25 million [250,000 euros]. So I want to try to sell this flat to get something to build my house in Dakar. If I have a profit of five million pesetas [50,000 euros] or three million [30,000 euros], I can build my house in Senegal. But if I on ly get two million, I wi ll get another flat. The construction of Lamine house in Senegal depe nds on his success in selling his flat in Spain. For Lamine, investments in Spain translate into investments in Senegal. However, if the sale of Lamines flat is not as profitable as he hopes, then his investment will go into another flat in Spain.12 The cases of Lamine and Mamadou show how investments in Senegal are tied to choices made in Spain. Both Mamadou and Lamine do not mention their wives in their invest ment projects. In fact, Senegambian husbands and wives do not nece ssarily cooperate in investments in Africa largely because of descent rules where the husba nds property belongs to his patrilineal family and not to his wife, especially if the wife is not making any financial contributions. Fatima, a Senegalese woman who came to Spain through family reunificati on and has been in Spain for three years, aspires to build her own house although her husband has constructed one in their hometown of Kdougou. Fatima explains that because her husband collaborat ed with his brother to build the house, it belongs to her husband and hi s family. Fatimas case raises questions of the consequence of inheritance and descent rules on the transnational practices of men and women that have not been taken into account in transn ational studies. Because of patrilineal customs, 12 With the collapse of the Spanish real estate market and the worldwide financial crisis, Lamine has been unable to sell his apartment in Matar.

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167 women may be deterred from investing with their husbands in projects in Africa. Souleymanes collaboration with his mother and not his wife in managing his rental pr operty in Gambia is another example of such cultural practices. S ouleymane built a multi-unit house in Brikama. His mother, the only other family member aware of Souleymanes investment, manages the house. Now I have a business. [What kind of business?] I bought a house that I prepared well and brought in people. Every month they pay rent [Who take care of this house for you?] My mother. [Does you family use the money from the rent or does your mother send you the money?] This money I am saving for myself. But the money is also for family emergencies. My mother has the account, not my wife, not my father. [Why your mother?] To tell you the truth, I trust my mother more th an my father. If my family tells me that they have some problem and need money. I call my mother on the phone and tell her to take out the amount needed. I then tell my family that I sent the money and that my mother has it. My mother withdraws the money. She doe snt tell anyone that the money is from the house. Its between her and me. Souleymanes arrangement with his mother and not his wife show s how Senegambian men cooperate with their family members and not with their wives in investment projects in Africa. Such familial cooperation extends to busine ss ventures beyond home construction. Samba opened two locutorios (internet and telephone centers) in Senegal.13 But for the past two years the locutorios have been shuttered as a result of his brothers mismanagement. Samba could not control the coming and going of the money or pay the invoices. However, Sambas wife who lives in Senegal was not involved in his busin ess venture although she has computer skills, demonstrated by the fact that she communicates with Samb a through the In ternet. These examples are reminders that in the African cas e, marriage is not alwa ys a cooperative union and that kinship ties take precedence over marital bo nds, which impacts the transnational practices of couples. Although all the respondents described above are of the Mandinka ethnic group, the strength of patrilineal ties over marital bonds app lies to the other ethnic groups in Senegal and 13 Samba is the only respondent in the study who at one point in time owned a business in the country of origin.

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168 Gambia. Among the Jola, for example, Lamber t observes that while patrilineal ties are considered unbreakable, marita l unions are viewed as unstable (2002:25). In addition to the strength of patrilineal ties, husbands and wives ge nerally have distinct responsibilities for the maintenance of the household and usually maintain their finances independently. In the case of the Jola, husbands and wives keep and manage the money they earn separately (Lambert 1994:187). Moreover, husbands and wives typica lly are unaware of each others income (Reboussin 1995:150). The separation of income is also observed among the Serer ethnic group. Serer husbands and wives usually do not pool thei r money; instead, each has specific obligations to the household (Gadio and Ra kowski 1995: 433). The economic transnational arrangements described in this section demonstr ate that the practice of separate finances between husbands and wives and the precedence of patrilineal ties ove r marital bonds continue in the transnational projects of Senegambian men and women in Spain. Differences between Men and Womens Transnational Activities The transn ational activities of Senegambia n men and women differ significantly with women showing much less engagement than men. Disparities between th e economic integration of Senegambian men and women partially accoun t for variations in their involvement in transnational activities. As di scussed in chapter five, most Senegambian women come through family reunification and are not granted work au thorization. Those who seek employment are at a disadvantage in the Spanish labor market, wh ere employers favor Latin American women for domestic and childcare work. With no or few em ployment possibilities, Senegambian women are unable to access the monetary resources needed to support transnational prac tices. In addition to variations in the pattern of integration between Senegambian men and women, cultural factors contribute to differences in thei r transnational practices. A summary of the cultural factors that

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169 engender differences between the transnational practices of Senegambian men and women is presented in this section. There are three cultural traditions and pract ices that contribute to differences in Senegambian men and womens involvement in th e transnational activities. As described above, cultural practices that maintain the separation of finances between husbands and wives may deter spouses from collaborating on transnational projects. Kinship ideologies and patrilineal traditions may also discourage spouses from cooperating on transnational projects in Senegal or Gambia. Under inheritance customs, joint transnational investments in houses and land may fall under the control of the husbands family upon his death. Besides patrilineal customs, the practice of polygyny may dissuade women in such marriages from engagement in tran snational activities, particularly traveling to Senega l or Gambia. A common practice is to have the first wife who has returned from Spain to remain in Senegal or Gamb ia and have the second wife travel to Spain on the residency permit of the first wife. As Kapl an (1998) and Bledsoe et al. (2007) point out, polygyny is common among rural Gambians and Sene galese and is practiced in Spain although illegal. In Kaplans study of 121 Senegambian immigrants in Girona, 27 percent of the married men had two wives (1998:100). Kaplan describes a strategy where the fi rst wife returns to Gambia with her children and then the second wife comes to Spain (1998:102). Bledsoe et al. (2007) attribute high fertility ra tes among Gambian women to the circulation of co-wives and their children between Spain and Gambia to evade Spanish prohibition on polygyny (2007:401). Because the residency permit is exchanged amon g the co-wives, second and third wives become invisible in Spain (B ledsoe et al. 2007).14 The observations that Kapl an (1998) and Bledsoe et al. (2007) make correspond with concerns that several Senegambian female respondents raise in 14 Among Senegalese, Malians and Mauritanians in France, Di ouf explains that co-wives share the identity of the wife who is legally in the country, which is how two birt hs for one woman can be recorded for one year (2002:154).

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170 this study. Respondents mention the unwillingness of Senegambian wives to go on vacation to Senegal or Gambia because husbands or their fam ilies may force them to remain behind in order for co-wives to travel to Spai n. Although none of the female re spondents in this study admit to being in polygynous marriages, several describe such situations. Female respondents also note that women may not know that their husbands ha ve taken another wife. A female respondent describes that in the past men would take a dvantage of women, but now women have become lista (wise) and will go to the Spanish embassy in Dakar for assistance. One story that commonly circulates is of a woman who was abandoned in Gambia with her children when her husband took a second wife. The Spanish embassy paid the airfare for her and her children to return to Spain. The woman and her children were away for over a year. Th ese stories show that not all Senegambian women agree to the circulation of co-wives between Spain and Senegal or Gambia and that women draw on their roles as mothers to secure their rights and to protect their childrens rights and oppor tunities in Spain. As transnational practices enables Senegambian men to evade Spanish law in order to have multiple wives, women also circumvent genital cutting prohibitions in Spain by taking th eir daughters to Senegal or Gamb ia for the procedure. Parents take their daughters on vacation to have them cut. However, since 2005, parents can be prosecuted for cutting done outside of Spain with six to twelve years of incarceration (Garca 2008). Parents can also lose custody of their daughters if authorities suspec t a risk. A network of pediatricians, schoolteachers, a nd social workers are required to report any suspicions to the police. The cultural practices described in th is section show how particular customs can encourage or discourage transnationalis m depending on goals of the individual. Researchers have suggested that men's transna tional participation is greater than women's because they have a stronger orientation to the community of origin as a result of the loss of

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171 status they experience in the host country (Itzigsohn and Gior guli-Saucedo 2005). Others have argued that women are less likely to orientate themselves to th e communities of origin because of the gains made in the host country (Itzi gsohn and Giorguli-Saucedo 2005; Pessar 1986, 1999). The Senegambian experience in Spain begs a reex amination of assumptions that differences in transnational behaviors between immigrant men a nd women is an outcome of the loss of status men experience and the gains women achieve in migration to post-industrial countries. Along with the significance of economic and social integration, the Senegambian case underscores the role of kinship ideologies and customs in accounti ng for variations in the transnational practices of immigrant men and women. Mahler and Pe ssar (2006) observe that gendered kinship ideologies, relations, and practices appear to assume a role in migration processes, although these often go unexamined (2006:35). The Senegambian case shows how cultural practices, such as marriage arrangements, and kinship customs can in fluence the types of transnational activities Senegambian men and women practice. Transnational Practices and Econ omic Integration in Matar The ethnographic analysis in the previous sections provides the social and econom ic aspects of the transnational activities of Senegamb ian immigrants in Spain. This section analyzes the relationship between economic integration, defined by occupa tional and immigration status, and participation in transnational activities. E ach of the cases presented represent different groupings of immigration status, employment and transnational activities. Figure 6-3 lists the various combinations of the different categ ories and the relationship between them. The categories of employment are ranked according to the occupational scale represented in Figure 52. The order of employment st atus in Figure 6-3 depicts th e progression of occupational advancement in the labor market in relation to i mmigration status. Unskilled agricultural work at the bottom of the figure is the lowest rung of th e occupational ladder and self-employment at the

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172 top of the figure is the highest rung. Each of the respondents descri bed in this section represents a specific combination of employment, immigrati on status and transnational activities, or case study. Occupational and immigration status, or econom ic integration, is associated with specific transnational activities. The tr ansnational activities examined are remittances, return visits, associational membership, land purchase, home construction, and business ventures. These activities encompass the privat e level of the household, the p ublic domain of associational membership, and economic investments. As Figure 6-3 indicates, the transnational activities listed increase in magnitude from the bottom to th e top of the chart. The transnational score is Employment Migration Status Transnational Activities Scale of Integration and Transnationalism Self-Employment (highest income) Work Permit, Permanent Resident, Citizen Remittances, Visits, Association Membership, Family Reunification, Land, Home Construction, Business Ventures High Skilled Construction and Factory Employment (permanent contracts and higher wages) Work Permit, Permanent Resident Less-Skilled Construction, Service and Factory Employment (temporary and permanent contracts and higher wages) Work Permit Remittances, Visits, Association Membership, Family Reunification, Land, Home Construction Medium Irregular Status Remittances, Association Membership, Land Unskilled Agricultural Work (seasonal and lowest wages) Work Permit Remittances, Association Membership Low Irregular Status Figure 6-3. Employment, migration st atus and transnational activities. based on involvement in the transnational activities listed and consists of an ordinal index of low, medium, and high. The transnational score is compared with two i ndicators of economic integration, immigration status a nd employment. The integration sc ore is also ranked according

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173 to low, medium, and high. In addition length of re sidence in Spain, marital status and location of spouse and children are included in the discussion. As described in chapter five, length of residence is a significant variable associated with employment and immigration status. Because the large majority of Senegambian female res pondents are not active in the labor market, the analysis of the relationship betw een participation in transnational activities and occupational and immigration status centers on Senegambian men in Matar. Case I: Irregular status and agricultural employment. Aliou, who is a 27-year-old Jola from Gambia, has been in Spain for two years and does not have a residency or work permit. He works intermittently in agriculture in what he calls the black economy. His transnational activities are limited. He sends remittances monthl y to his mother who cares for his two children. He has land in Gambia that he owned before migr ating to Spain. Aliou pays a migrant farmer in Gambia to plant vegetables on his land duri ng the rainy season. The arrangement is not a business venture, but a means for Aliou to retain la nd in his village. If the land is not in use, the village leaders will reallocate the land. Because Alious immigration status is irregular, he has not traveled to Gambia since arriving in Spain. Al iou is very active in the different associations in Matar. He is in both the Jola and Mandinka associations although he is a Jola. Both associations are mutual-aid organizations that provide insurance for their members. While both associations pay travel expenses to repatriate their members to Africa in cases of illness or death, neither supports projects in Senegal or Gambia Aliou score is low on the transnational index. His transnational practices primarily consist of regularly sending remittances. None of the associations to which he belongs carry out transnational projec ts. Alious economic integration in Spain is also low. He does not have regular status and works unlawfully in the informal agricultural sector, which is the lowest rung of th e occupational scale.

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174 Case II: Work permit and agricultural work. Oumar, a 26-year-old Jola from Gambia, has been in Europe for two years. After arri ving in Spain on a work contract, he went to Switzerland and worked in a restaurant for a year and a half. Fearing that he would be deported if Swiss authorities discovered him, Oumar retu rned to Spain where he had a work permit.15 He worked for six months in a strawberry field. Oumar has been unemployed for a month as his job picking strawberries ended with the season. He has signed up with an employment agency, which has contracted him for temporary jobs. Oumar sends remittances to his family every month. Although he has been to Switzerland and has a work permit for Spain, Oumar has not visited Gambia since coming to Europe. He does not belong to any associations. With respect to property in Gambia, Oumar has his own land, whic h his brother farms. Oumar has no immediate plans to build on the land. Like Aliou, Oumars transnational pract ices largely consist of sending remittances to his family. Although he has a work permit, Oumars is engaged in the same types of jobs as Aliou. Oumar has a score of low on th e index of transnational practices. His score for economic integration is low because he is enga ged in seasonal agricultural work similar to immigrants who do not have a work permit. Case III: Irregular status and less-skilled work. Idrissa, a 33-year-old Mandinka from Senegalese, has been living in Spain for four year s. He does not have a work permit and installs automatic hand driers in public bathrooms. Like Moustapha and Aliou, Idrissa works on a daily basis. Before installing hand drie rs, Idrissa worked in a plant nur sery for several months. Idrissa sends remittances when he can after paying his rent and other expenses In addition to sending remittances, Idrissa belongs to several associatio ns, two of which undertake charities in Senegal. He is a member of Planeta, which has seve ral projects in Senegal. Planeta has a mixed 15 A Spanish work permit does not entitle immigrants to work in other EU member states or European countries. However, Spanish nationality enables immigrants to move within EU member states and work.

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175 membership of Senegalese and Catalonians. The second organization is an Islamic charity that runs an orphanage is Senegal. The head of th e organization is in Senegal. Besides these two organizations, Idrissa belongs to Jama Kafo, which is a mutual-aid organiza tion that services the needs of immigrants in Spain. Although Idrissa is in a similar situati on with respect to his irregular status as Aliou, his tr ansnational activities are more de veloped. He is engaged in both private and public activities. Hi s transnational score is low high, on the higher end of the low scale, and his integration score is low. While Idri ssa is involved in more skilled work at a higher pay compared to Aliou and Oumar, he is still a day labor w ithout a contract. Case IV: Work permit and temporary employment. Mamadou, a 28-year-old Mandinka from Senegal, has been in Spain for five year s and has a residency and work permit, which he received the year he arrived in Spain. Mamadou has held various jobs, a total of five since arriving in Spain. He first worked in a factory making bags and purses for four months. After his contract ended, Mamadou worked in a poultry plant where he killed chickens. He left the plant after six months because he did not like the wo rk. He then worked casting iron. After which he worked mounting beams on construction projects, which he did for nine months. He left for vacation to Senegal, and when he returned was relieved from the job. Mamadou found work in a plant nursery for six months before landing a sec ond construction job, which he has held for five months. Although Mamadou has held a series of tem porary employment that range in skill level, he works contractual jobs in the formal sect or. His economic integration score is medium. Mamadou has work and residency permits a nd is engaged in th e formal sector. In comparison to the previous cases descri bed above, Mamadous tr ansnational practices are more developed and involve all three categor ies of transnational ac tivities (pri vate, public and economic). He sends remittances to his elderly mother every two months and to his wife

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176 every month. Since arriving in Spain, Mamadou ha s bought land in Dakar and is in the process of building a house for investment purposes. He ha s only traveled to Senegal once, four years after arriving in Spain. Mamadou is in several asso ciations. He is involved in Planeta as well as a hometown association that carri es out projects in Senegal. Wh ile Mamadou is involved in all three categories of transnational practices, his m obility has been limited. He has only traveled to Senegal once. His transnational score is medium high, on the higher end of the medium scale. There is much potential for Mamadous transna tional practices to incr ease, especially his mobility between Spain and Senegal, because his fa mily still lives in the Casamance and he is building a rental house in Dakar. Case V: Work permit and skil led construction employment. Abdoulaye, a 28-year-old Mandinka from Senegal, has been in Spain for six years. He starte d working in the fields for one month before a friend from Senegal helped him get a job as a fitter with a construction company. Abdoulaye has been working for the same construction company for five years and has a permanent contract. Abdoulaye has had his residency and work permit since 1998, which he was granted before leaving the Red Cross camp where he stayed for about a month when he arrived. Compared to the pervious cases described above, owns his apar tment and is reunited with his wife and children. Abdoulayes wife is not employed. To earn extra money, she braids hair. Abdoulaye has two boarders living with him and his family to make ends meet. His integration score is medium high. He has a skilled construc tion job in the formal sector and has a work permit although he struggles financially to meet the needs of his young family in Spain. Abdoulayes transnational practices are limite d to the household level. He does not have any economic investments in Senegal or belong to an association. Abdoulaye has visited Senegal twice since arriving in Spain. The first visit was in 2000 to marry his wife and visit his family in

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177 Dakar. He spent two and a half months in Senegal on his first trip. Nine months later, he visited Senegal when his daughter was born. Abdoulay es wife arrived in Spain in 2003 and his daughter arrived in 2004. He has two young child ren with his wife. A bdoulaye sends money every month to Senegal to his family and to his wifes family. According to Abdoulaye, both families depend on the remittances to subsist. Abdoulaye explains that he and his wife have to organize ourselves. Look at how things are going. How are we going to pay the flat, to live, to buy food, everything? Whatever we ha ve, we send because if we dont send, they wont eat. Abdoulaye does not have any projects in Senega l and does not own land. He does not belong to any associations in Matar. With the arrival of hi s wife and daughter to Sp ain and the birth of his second daughter, Abdoulayes transn ational practices have decline d. He has not visited Senegal since the arrival of his wife. He only sends re mittances to his father and mother-in-lawhis wifes father is dead. Abdoulayes transnational score is a medium low because it is limited to the private realm of the household. His mobility is also limited. He has only traveled to Senegal twice in the six years that he has resided in Spai n. In addition, family reunification is does not support transnational practices for two reasons. Firs t, the requirements for family reunification reinforce the economic integration of immigrants in Spain. Applicants must have sufficient income to support reunited family members a nd must have adequate accommodations to house them. Second, as Abdoulayes case illustrate, when spouses and children are reunited, resources are directed to the immediate n eeds of the family in Spain. Case VI: Permanent resident and entrepreneur. Demba, a 35-year-old Serahule from Gambia, has been residing in Spain since 1985 an d is a permanent resident. As described above, Demba is a certified mason and works as a subcontractor. Demba returned to masonry work after losing his grocery store in Zaragoza to misman agement, which he owned for seven years. Dembas economic integration score is high. He is a permanent resident and remains an

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178 entrepreneur although his first business ventur e failed. With regards to participation in transnational activities, Demba is involved in all three domains private, public and economic. Demba is one of the most mobile respondents in the study. He returns to Gambia every eight to nine months and stays for three to four months. Demba has built two houses in Serekunda although he is from Basse. His wife and children live in the first house and he rents out the second house, which his younger brother manages. He sends remittances to his wife, who is completely dependent on him, every month and to his father every four to five months. Because Demba has several brothers in Europe, he and his siblings take turns sending money to his father. Demba has just brought a flat in Matar with the intention of br inging his wife a nd children to Spain. He explains that he want s to bring his children to Spai n before they reach the age of eighteen, which is the cut-off age for family re unification. Because he wanted his children to attend school in Gambia and learn good Englis h, he had decided to delay their entry into Spain. Demba hopes to retire and return to Gambia in fifteen years and have his children support him in the same manner that he and his sibling cooperate to maintain his father. Demba belongs to a mutual-aid organization in Zaragoza and a religious group based in Gambia that operates different charities. Because of the magnitude of his transnationa l activities, Dembas transnational score is high. Case VII: Permanent reside nt and temporary employment. Moussa, a 47-year-old Balanta from Gambia, has been living in Spain fo r 22 years. When Moussa first arrived in Spain in 1983, he worked on a farm for seven years. Wh en his wife and child joined him in 1988, Spain did not have an official family reunification policy. With the arrival of his family, Moussa decided to leave agricultural work because he co uld not afford to maintain his family on the wages he received. He sent his wi fe and child back to Gambia fo r two years while he trained to

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179 be a welder. Moussa has worked as a welder for different construction companies. After two work injuries, Moussa has abandoned welding fo r work as a bricklayer, which provides less income. However, he has not been able to find pe rmanent employment as a bricklayer. Moussa is currently unemployed and colle cting unemployment compensation. His economic integration score is medium. Although Moussa has experience d occupational improvement from agricultural work to skilled employment in co nstruction, recent injuries have led to an occupational decline. Bricklaying is entry-level job in construction. At the same time, because Moussa has worked in the formal sector, he has access to unemployment and injury compensation. Moussas transnational activitie s remain at the household level. His transnational activities consist of sending remittances every month to eith er his relatives or his wifes family, about 100 euros. Moussas transnational mobility has been particularly limited. In the 22 years that Moussa has been in Spain, he has only been to Gambia four times. He is a member of Jama Kafo, but does not belong to any other association. Besides his family land in his village, Moussa does not have any projects in Gambia. Moussas transnat ional score is low. Hi s low score reflects his attention to needs in Spain. He has to support hi s wife and five children in Spain. His wife is unemployed and has only recently received a work permit although she arrived in Spain in 1988. Case VIII: Citizen and domestic work. In comparison to Moussa, Awa has been in Spain for nineteen years.16 She came in 1985 at the age of 16 as a young bride. Awa is involved in cleaning and sewing work. Although she works in th e secondary labor market, her participation is in the formal sector. Her clean ing jobs have been contractual a nd she has paid her taxes, which allows her to collect unemployment benefits si nce she is currently unemployed. Awas economic 16 Although the analysis of the relationship between econom ic integration and participa tion in transnationalism is focused on male respondents, Awa is included in the anal ysis because she is one of two respondents to have obtained citizenship. The second respondent is also female.

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180 integration score is low high. While she is employe d in the formal sector, Awa is subject to the shortcomings of domestic work such as low wages and short-term contracts. As described in the previous sections, Awa did not return to Gambia for eleven years after arriving in Spain. Her resources were spent cari ng for her young children. In recent years Awa has been able to travel to Gambia once a year. Awa is preparing for an extended trip to Gambia to oversee construction on the land her husband ow ns. Her husband has also asked her to visit a second plot of land that he has rented to a farmer. Awa points out that the land belongs to her husband. While Awas husband has investments in Gambia, she actively maintains ties through visits and remittances. Awa does not belong to an y associations. However, because associative membership is largely a male domain Awas transnational score is high. Discussion. Respondents with low transnational sc ores fall into two groups: those who have irregular immigration status and those who have work permits and have been in Spain for a short time. These two groups show the least participation in private and economic transnationalism. At the household level, thei r transnational activities consist of sending remittances. They also have not made investments in Senegal or Gambia since their migration to Spain. These two groups of responde nts are primarily involved in seasonal agricultural work. The large majority of respondents with irregul ar immigration status, however, are active in public transnationalism. Associational membership is not affected by immi gration status. Rather the services that mutual-aid and hometown associations provide members encourage the participation of immigrati ons with irregular status. Respondents with medium transnational scores have residency and work permits and are involved in less-skilled and skilled work in construction, services and manufacturing. Respondents in this group are distinguished by se veral characteristics that combine to produce

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181 diverse configurations of integration and transnationalism. In regard to economic integration, respondents in this group are differentiated by type of work c ontract, permanent or temporary. However, the location of a respondents spouse (wife) and children appears to affect involvement in transnational practices more than the type of work contract a respondent has. The transnational activities of this group vary according to number of return visits and investments in Senegal or Gambia. Respondents with wives and children in Sp ain make less return visits than those whose families are in Senegal or Gambia. Not only do respondents with wives and children in Senegal or Gambia make more return visits, they also ha ve higher rates of investments, specifically home construction. This group also varies in their participation in transnational associations. Associational membership appears to be related to personal preferences rath er than to aspects of economic integration. Citizenship and Transnationalism The case of Awa introduces im portant questi ons on the relationship between integration and transnationalism. As described above, Awa ha s lived in Spain for 19 years and is preparing for a prolong visit to Gambia, her first trip si nce obtaining Spanish natio nality. Awa jokes that she needs a visa to go home now that she is a Spanish national. Awas reference to Gambia as home and her renunciation of Gambian citizenship to gain Spanish nationality appears to be a paradox. However, Spanish citizenship allows Awa to be more transnational. As a Spanish citizen, Awa is able to spend extended periods in Gambia without the re strictions related to permanent residency. Awa is also a citizen of the European Union, whic h allows a level of mobility within member states that permanent residency does not permit. For instance, Awa can relocate to Britain and work.17 Awas case shows how long-term residents and entrepreneurs are 17 After the completion of the study, Awa left her husband and moved to Manchester.

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182 willing to give up Senegalese or Gambian nationali ty for Spanish citizenship in order to acquire rights and privileges that advan ce their transnational projects. Citizenship defines membership in a nationstate that involves i ndividual rights and obligations. The discourse of citizenship among Senegambians in Catalonia does not include sentiments of belonging, but rather involves ri ghts to mobility and security. The following quote from Demba expresses a concern for the future: I want to apply now because I dont know how I will return to Gambia. Before when I was here for a short time, I thought that I had to return to my country. But the way things are now, no one knows what tomorrow will bring. Its best to get the nationality for the children. When I return my children will stay here. Not only does Dembas desire for Spanish nationality reflect a concern for the future, but also a desire to maintain ties with his children who will remain in Spain. As described above, Demba expects his children to financially support him wh en he retires to Gambia. Spanish citizenship then will facilitate Dembas visits to Spain in his retirement. Moussa who has petitioned for citizenship and has been living in Spain for 22 years responds, Nadie sabe de maana (No one knows about tomorrow) to questions about his application for Spanish citizenship. As insurance against future uncertainties, Ongs concept of flexible citizenship (1999) is useful for understanding the sign ificance of citizenship for Senegambian immigrants in Spain. Flexible citizenship is an outcome of the strate gies mobile Chinese professional employ to take advantage of numerous nation-states for purposes of investment, work and residence (Ong 1999). While Senegambian immigrants do not hold multiple passports and are not part of an elite professional class, citizenship is a strategy for safeguarding a future full of unknowns and for securing mobility between Europe and Africa. In the case of Moussa, mobility does not involve frequent travel between Spain and Gambia. In th e 22 years that he has resided in Spain, Moussa has only visited Gambia four times. Spanish citizen ship, however, will enable him to relocate to

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183 Gambia and to return to Spain for visits, wh ich would be impossible as a Spanish resident. Moreover, Moussas pension will go much furthe r in providing him a comfortable retirement in Gambia than in Spain. Although the marginal position of Senegambian immigrants in Spain counters the privileged position of Chinese el ite professionals, both groups us e citizenship as a strategy to insure against future uncertainties. Spanish citizenship does not augment the transnational practices of most Senegambian immigrants. Du e to a lack of fina ncial resources, their transnational behaviors remain circumscribed to remittances, home construction or repair and limited visits to Senegal or Gambia. The majority of Senegambians are of rural origins and have limited formal education (Kapla n 1998; Kaplan Marcusn 2005) which is reflective in the sample population. The low-wage work in whic h Senegambians are involved does not support greater transnational practices. Senegambian me n are engaged in agricultural and construction work while women take on dome stic and caretaking work. The demands of supporting their families in Spain further reduce resources for transnational projects. The motives of Demba and Moussa for acqui ring citizenship are ty pical of long-term residents. Moussas wife, Khady, states, Little th ings are easier if you are not an immigrant. If you are Spanish, doing some things is much eas ier than if you are not. Missing in Khadys explanation are sentiments of belonging and identification with Spain or Catalonia. Moreover, Senegambian migrants who do have Spanish nationality do not define themselves as Spanish or Catalan. They admit that their children are Span ish because they were born and raised in Spain.18 Nationality then for the Senegambians is defi ned by the place where one is born and raised. Catalan nationalism also shapes the views of Senegambian i mmigrants on citizenship. The 18 However, children born in Spain to parents who are foreign residents must apply for Spanish citizenship. At least one year of residency in Spain is required.

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184 majority of Senegambians in Matar and the Barcelona area speak Spanish, not Catalan. Catalonian nationalism makes identifying with Spain problematic for Senegambian immigrants, and practices of exclusion such as racism call in to question their membership in both Catalonia and Spain. The position of Senegambian immigran ts in Spain falls between Latin Americans, who are accepted as they share cultural similari ties with the Spanish and the Catalans, and the North Africans, primarily Moroccans, who histor ically have been the Other, the Moors.19 The integration of Senegambian immigrants into Spanish society conforms to the differential exclusion model. In this model, immigrants are incorporated as ethnic minorities marginalized by both their ethnicity and immigrant status (C astles 1995; King and Rodrguez-Melguizo 1999). As neither Senegal nor Gambia shares dual citizenship with Spain, Senegambian immigrants in Spain must renounce their nationalities to acquire Spanish citizenship. Sentiments of national belonging among Senegambian immigrants is contentious as most identify with their ethnicity first and their nationality second. This is the case of the Jola ethnic group of southern Senegal, which has led a sporad ic separatist movement. In Ca talonia, the Mandinka, Jola, and Serahuli are the three largest ethnic groups. They also spread across the national boundaries separating Senegal and Gambia. Therefore, giving up Senegalese or Gambian nationality for Spanish citizenship does not necessarily involve a sacrifice of identity for Senegambian immigrants. 19 The March 11, 2004 train bombings in Madrid have only increased public mistrust and suspicion of North Africans.

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185 CHAPTER 7 CONCLUSION Introduction This chapter discusses the findings of the study. T he findings focus on the employment of Senegambian men and their particip ation in transnational activities because the large majority of women in this study are not active in the labor market. The first se ction of the chapter presents the findings. The significance of immigration status for mobility in the labor market and transnational activities is discussed. How length of residence in Spain relates to mobility in the labor market is also considered. Explanations for the differences between Senegambian men and womens transnational activities are outlined. Th e second section of this chapter charts how engagement in transnational activities follows th e life course. The chapte r ends with questions for future research. Participation in Transnational Activities a nd Upw ard Mobility in Spains Labor Market Approaches to transnationalis m that suggest engagement in cross-border activities is a response to the racism and downward mobility immi grants encounter in post-industrial countries do not consider the monetary and legal resources needed to engage in transnational practices. The low-wage and flexible jobs in which immigrants are con centrated do not provide the financial resources needed to support transnational activities. While studies have shown that transnational entrepreneurial activities are a means of econom ic mobility, the majority of immigrants are not entrepreneurs but employed in the labor market. For immigrants employed in the labor market, this study finds that engageme nt in transnational activities does not increase with downward mobility in the r eceiving country. Rather, engageme nt in transnational activities increases with upward mobility in the labor market of the receiving country. Senegambian immigrant men who remain in low-wage seasonal agricultural work show less participation in

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186 transnational activities than those who experien ce improvement in employment, such as lessskilled and skilled construction, service and fact ory work. The range of transnational activities also expands with improvement in employment to include activities in the private and economic domains. The transnational practi ces of immigrants who work in agriculture primarily consist of remittances; whereas, the activities of immigrants not employed in agriculture include return visits, land purchase and home c onstruction. Findings show that the transnationa l activities of immigrants in less-skilled constr uction, service and factor y jobs are related to marital status and the location of spouses and children. Senegambia n men with wives and children in Senegal or Gambia are more engaged in transnational activ ities than those with families in Spain. With regards to membership in transnational asso ciations, participation does not increase with improved employment in Spain. Because immigrants who are engaged in ag ricultural work have irregular status and are recent arrivals, their participation in hometown associations, which function as both mutual-aid and development organi zations, is attributed to the benefits that membership provides. This study also finds that immigration status affects both mobility in the Spanish labor market and participation in transnational activities. All three of these vari ables correlate. Type of employment is indicative of immigration status. Pa rticipation in particular transnational activities that require physical mobility such as return vi sits demonstrates immigration status. Half the respondents in this study have irregular immigration status si nce they either entered Spain without authorization or oversta yed their visas. The large majority of respondents who do not have work permits are employed illegally in ag riculture, mainly as day laborers in greenhouses. With the acquisition of a work permit, respondents move on to less-skilled work. Immigrants

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187 who regularize their status in Spain and obtain wo rk permits usually leave agricultural work for better paying construction work. Length of time is Spain is also a variable that influences economic mobility in the labor market and participation in transnational activ ities. Respondents who have work permits but have only been in Spain for a short time, less than two years, work the same jobs in agriculture as respondents who do not have work permits. Because Spain has had a series of regularization campaigns, immigrants with irre gular status have had opportuniti es to regularize their status within four to five years of a rriving in Spain. In addition to regul arization of status, length of time in Spain corresponds with improvement in employment. With more time in Spain, Senegambian immigrants are not only able to re gularize their status but also to improve their employment. While these variables, time in Spain, employment and immigration status, are interrelated, immigrants who have been in Spain for several years appear to have larger personal networks through which they can find work. So me respondents in less-skilled employment in construction and factories found their jobs through friends and relatives. Senegambian men and women show significant disparities in participation in the labor market and engagement in transnational activities. The study finds that female respondents are much less active in the labor ma rket than male respondents. The low participation rate of Senegambian women in the labor market is a result of the migration process and the jobs available to immigrant women. Senegambian men are the pioneers of migration to Spain and women come through family reunification. Only one of the female respondents in this study migrated to Spain independently. Family reuni fication grants reunited spouses and children residency permits without authorization to wor k. In addition, much less jobs are available for Senegambian women in the labor market as they compete with Latin American and Eastern

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188 European women who are preferred for domestic, cleaning and caretaking work. In addition to differences in the employment available to men and women, mens employment prospects improve with length of residence in Spain, whereas womens possibilities remain fairly the same. Because the majority of women arrive in Spain as young wives, motherhood and childcare consume their first few years in Spain. For these reasons, most of the female respondents in this study are unemployed. As an outcome of their inactivity in the labor market, Senegambian women who come through family unification show much less participat ion in transnational ac tivities. Because they are unemployed and do not have an income, Sene gambian women must rely on their husbands to remit to their families in Senegal or Gambia. Likewise, female respondents in this study do not have independent investments in Africa. Cultura l practices also appear to lessen Senegambian womens participation in transnational activitie s. Husbands and wives usually do not cooperate on investment projects in Senegal or Gambia Rather, Senegambian men usually carry out projects with their relatives. In addition, polygyny discourages Senegambian women from traveling to Africa, where co -wives may be waiting to ta ke their turn in Europe. Examining the transnational behavior of immigrants in relation to their integration in the host country shows that the tran snational practices in which immi grants engage are partially contingent on their economic mobility within the host country. Moreover, the transnational activities of immigrants vary depending on their phase of se ttlement in the host country, particularly their stage in the life course. The significance of the economic integration of immigrants in the host country for transnational beha vior suggests that social issues such as the access to regularization becomes a relevant concern for the country of origin as well as the host country.

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189 Transnational Practices and Life Course The study finds that participation in transnati onal activities corresponds to the life course. The m ajority of Senegambian men are young and singl e when they arrive in Spain. Because they have irregular immigration status as a result of entering Sp ain without authorization or overstaying their visas, the transnational practices of recent arrivals primarily consist of sending remittances to their families in Senegal or Gambia Within a year of regularizing their status or receiving a work permit, respondents make a retu rn visit to Senegal or Gambia. Many usually marry on their first return trip. With marriage, immigrants either begin the process of bringing their wives to Spain or decide to keep their families in Senegal or Gambia. Respondents with wives and children in Senegal or Gambia make mo re return visits than those whose families are in Spain. Respondents who delay marriage make investments in land and home construction, usually for rental purposes. With family reuni fication, transnational ac tivities decline as resources are concentrated on supporting fa milies in Spain. When children grow up, transnational activities in crease as resources are freed up and respondents begin to make plans to retire. While none of the respondent s have retired from the labor fo rce, their plans for retirement largely center on spending prolong periods in Senega l or Gambia and traveling to Spain to visit their children. Respondents who are approaching re tirement or planning for retirement consider obtaining Spanish nationality to facilitate m obility between Spain and Senegal or Gambia. Taking the life course into acc ount to understand participation in transnational activities shows that migration is a livelihood strategy for Se negambian immigrants. Their working years are spent in Spain and their retirement involve s returning to their countries of origin. Future Research Between the tim e this study was conducted and published, Spains economy has been hit hard by the worldwide financial crisis that bega n in 2007. The financial crisis has brought about

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190 the collapse of the construction industry in Spai n. As construction jobs provided mobility for Senegambian immigrants, the collapse of the indu stry raises questions about the employment situation of immigrants. With the collapse of the construction industry, immigrants have lost not only lost their jobs, but also a path for occupa tional advancement. Moreover, immigrants with irregular status have been squeezed out of agri cultural jobs as Spanish nationals and immigrants with work authorization compete for these jobs. The economic cris is raises questions about the transnational strategies Senegambian immigr ants have adopted to weather the crisis. The current economic crisis provides an oppor tunity for advancing understanding about the relationship between immigrant in tegration and involvement in transnational activities. How will growing unemployment among Senegambian immigran ts in Spain affect their transnational practices? How are Senegambian immigrants drawi ng on their transnational ties to survive the economic crisis? Since transnat ional ties are extensions of urban-rural linkages, will Senegambian immigrants adopt the same strate gies that urban migrants use to get through economic difficulties in the cities? Are Senegamb ian men sending their wives and children back to Senegal and Gambia to weather the economic crisis? These are questions for future research.

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191 APPENDIX A SPAINS IMMIGRATION POLICY The fact that the vas t majority of Africans en ter Spain without author ization, as well as the importance of regular immigration st atus for the ability of immigrants to engage in transnational activities, call for a discussion of Spains im migration policy, specifi cally the avenues for regularization. There are two avenues for unauthor ized foreign resident s to regularize their immigration status: regulariza tion campaigns and an annual q uota system. As these avenues indicate, labor market demands have largely defined Spains immigration policy. Since 1985, Spain has conducted five campaigns to regularize the status of unauthoriz ed foreign residents, 1985-1986, 1991, 1996, 2000-2001, and 2005. Eligibility requirements for regularization have predicated on employment contracts, which s how that these campaigns have been far from amnesties. Employment contracts have also been the basis of th e annual quota system. Established in 1993, the quota system was origina lly designed to recrui t foreign workers for labor shortage sectors but transformed into an in strument for regularizing immigrants already in Spain (Mendoza 2001; Gortzar 2002; Cornelius 2004). The difficulties of securing employment contracts, which are the basis of the campaigns and quota system have made the regularization of status unobtainable for ma ny immigrants. Not only have immi grants encountered problems with regularizing their immigrati on status, but they ha ve also found mainta ining their status difficult as work permits have been temporary, a year or less, and bureaucr atic procedures have hindered permit renewals (Calavita 1998; Cornelius 2004; Surez-Navaz 2004). Barring the difficulties of obtaining and holding on to a work permit, these campaigns have provided immigrants with opportunities to regularize their status, ma king Spain an exception in the European Union.

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192 The series of regularization campaigns outlin e the evolution of Sp ains immigration policy. Before 1985, Spain was a country of emigration and indicatively did not have legislation governing immigration or stipulatin g the legal rights of foreigners (Calavita 1998; Calavita and Surez-Navaz 2003).1 In the absence of legislation, foreigners were not required to adjust their status given that there was no process for re gularization (King and R odrguez-Melguizo 1999). However, the situation changed in the mid1980s as a result of concern for increasing immigration from developing countries and negotia tions for entry into the European Community that called for Spain to cont rol immigration (King and Rodr guez-Melguizo 1999; Calavita 1998; Calavita and Surez-Navaz 2003; Cornelius 2004; Surez-Navaz 2004). The Law on the Rights and Liberties of Foreig ners Spains immigration legi slation is founded on the Ley Orgnica sobre Derechos y Libertades de los Extranjero s (Organic Law on the Rights and Liberties of Foreigners), enacted in 1985.2 The primary objectives of the Ley Orgnica were to control immi gration and to bring Spains immigration policy in line with that of the member states, partic ularly as Spain is a border state and point of entr y for immigrants into the European Community (King and Rodrguez-Melguizo 1999; Cala vita 1998; Calavita and Surez -Navaz 2003). As subsequent amendments to the legislation indicate, the Ley Orgnica initially was in the words of Arango (2000) a police approach to immigration and di d not promote the integration of immigrants (Cornelius 2004:404). The Ley Org nica created categories of forei gners with specific rights. The primary grouping differentiated between forei gners from European Community member and 1 Before the Ley Orgnica of 1985, the rights of foreigne rs were ambiguously defined in the Spanish constitution of 1978. Foreigners enjoyed the rights laid out in the constitution and in accordance with international laws and agreements. The constitution further qualified that foreigners did not have the right to vote or hold elected office (Calavita 1998:542; Calavita and Surez-Navaz 2003:111). 2 The Ley Orgnica was partly an outcome of conditions for joining the European Community (Calavita 1998; Calavita and Surez-Navaz 2003; Cornelius 2004).

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193 non-member countries.3 Foreigners from non-European Community countries were further classified into those granted visa waivers and th ose subjected to visas re quirements. To control immigration, the Ley Orgnica instructed foreigners from no n-European Community countries planning to stay in Spain for more than 90 days to obtain residence and work permits (Calavita 1998). To apply for a work permit, foreigners had to present a job offer from a Spanish employer along with the application to the Spanish consulate in the country of origin (Mendoza 2001; Laubenthal 2007). With the requirement of entran ce visas and residence and work permits, the law established categories of authorized and unaut horized foreigners and stipulated the specific rights of these two categories.4 The work permits were mainly te mporary lasting one year or less and had geographical and occupation al restrictions that tied the holder to a particular employer and location (Calavita 1998; Hoggart a nd Mendoza 2000; Mendoza 2001; Surez-Navaz 2004). To renew work permits, immigrants had to prov ide a work contract and payment of social security contributions, which proved difficult for immigrants subjecting them to irregularity (Calavita 1998; Hoggart and Mendoza 2000; Mendoza 2001; Surez-Navaz 2004). All subsequent immigration laws have been modifications or qualifications of the Ley Orgnica. Originally, the law established a preferential category for nationals of the Philippines, Equatorial Guinea, Morocco, Tunisia, Algeria, Dominican Republic and Peru, exempting them from visa requirements and giving them special treatment in the acquisition residence and work permits. However, with the rapid growth of im migration from Morocco, the Dominican Republic and Peru in the late 1980s, these exemptions were rescinded in 1991 (Calavita 1998; King and 3 EU members in Spain are subject to the regulations and treaties of the EU and not to Spanish immigration legislation (Calavita 1998). 4 For a summary of the Ley Orgnica see Calavita 1998, King and Rodrg uez-Melguizo 1999 Gortzar 2000, Gortzar 2002, Calavita an d Surez-Navaz 2003, Corne lius 2004; Laubenthal 2007.

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194 Rodrguez-Melguizo 1999; Ca lavita and Surez-Navaz 2003).5 Initially the Ley Orgnica did not recognize permanent work and residence status or provide for family reunification. In 1996, to promote the integration of aut horized foreign residents, the law was amended to establish permanent work and residence status for foreigners who held temporary work and residency permits without interruption fo r consecutive five years and to regulate family reunification (Calavita 1998; Hoggart and Mendoza 2000; Mendoza 2001; Gortzar 2002). However, the judicial regulation of permanent residence was not implemented until 2000 when Spains immigration law was fundamentally reformed (Gortzar 2002).6 The reforms of 2000 recognized family reunification as a right wi th the condition that applicants could sufficiently provide for the housing and subsistence needs of reunited fam ily members in Spain (Gortzar 2002). The reforms of 2000 went further to distinguish the rights of unaut horized and authorized foreign residents. Unauthorized foreign residents who enrolled in the muni cipal registry were given free access to healthcare and compulsory education for minors (Gortzar 2002). Regularization Campaigns The Ley Orgnica and each of its am endmen ts have included a regularization program. The first regularization in 1985-1986 was a by-pr oduct of the Ley Orgnica given that its enactment assigned foreign residents to irregular ity. The campaign lasted for nine months and out of 43,815 applications, 38,181 were approve d (Mendoza 2001; Cornelius 2004; Kostova Karaboytcheva 2006). Specific shortcomings of the 1985-1986 regularization program involved logistical weaknesses such as l ack of programmatic information a nd infrastructure to effectively 5 Calavita (1998) observes that the repeal of privileges was passed a month before Spain joined the Schengen in June of 1991. Moreover, she points out that many observers have noted that the evolution of Spains immigration law goes hand in hand with the process of European integration (Calavita 1998:543). 6 The Spanish parliament passed the reforms in April of 2000, but the conservative Popular Party, which later gained a majority, amended them in August.

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195 administer the program (Gortzar 2000). For example, immigrants had to submit their application for regularization to the police, which deterred th em from applying (Gortzar 2000). The 1985-1986 program also suffered from policy objectives of the Ley Orgnica that plagued subsequent regularization programs. For example, conditions for eligibility required foreign applicants or their employers to provide work contracts and make social security and tax payments (Gortzar 2000). The dependence of a pplicants on their employers made immigrants seeking to regularize their status vulnerable (Calavita and Surez-Navaz 2003). Spanish employers in low productivity and informal sectors reduce overhead and increase profits by not paying their workers the minimum wage or making social security payments on their workers behalf (Calavita 1998; Huntoon 1998; BaldwinEdwards 1999; Pumares Fernndez 2003). As King and Rodrguez-Melguizo obser ve, the large majority of elig ible foreign workers passed up the 1985-1986 regularization program out of fear of losing their jobs (1999:59).7 A total of 38,181 immigrants regularized their status in the 1985-1986 program (Gortzar 2000; Mendoza 2001; Cornelius 2004). In addition to the difficulties of obtaining work contracts to regularize their status, immigrant faced procedural a nd bureaucratic challenges.8 Hoggart and Mendoza have argued that the processes associated with obtaining and retaining legal permits are so complicated that they heighten possibilities of slippage into illegality (2000:12). First, the work permits that immigrants obtained in the 1985-1986 program were for extremely short durations of 7 The regularization campaign drew a small minority of the estimated unauthorized foreign population (King and Rodrguez-Melguizo 1999). 8 Cornelius (2004) points out how separate submissions for work and residence permits to two different ministries delayed the renewal of permits, and therefore, increased the possibility of falling out of status.

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196 employment.9 Forty-one percent were for three m onths or less (Mendoza 2001:170; Cornelius 2004:). By 1989 only 39 percent of the 38,181 immigran ts who regularized their status in the 1985-1986 program continued to have permits (M endoza 2001:170). The majority, 51 percent, had slipped into irregularity ha ving lost their work or resident permits. In the case of the 1991 program, which granted one-year work permits about half of the 110,113 immigrants who regularized their status were out of status by 1995 (Mendoza 2001:171).10 The campaign of 1991 granted one-year work permits and had better publicity than the first regularization campaign (Kostova Karaboytcheva 2006).11 While the 1996 regularization pr ogram was open to foreigners who were in Spain before January 1996, it was la rgely directed at immigrants who previously held work or residence permits but had been unable to renew them or who had applied for permits (Calavita 1998; Gort zar 2000; Mendoza 2001). About 25,000 immigrants renewed their status in the 1996 program (Mendoza 2001; Kostova Karaboytcheva 2006).12 Moreover, in accordance with the 1996 reforms to the Ley Org nica, the 1996 regularization program granted residence permits without work au thorization to eligible foreig ners who were mainly reunited family members (Gortzar 2000). The 2000-2001 regularization program also targeted immigrants who had fallen into irregular status. To be eligible, immigrants had to have been in 9 As work permits are tied to employment contracts, the leng th of permits reflect the temporal and seasonal nature of the jobs immigrants perform. For example, out of th e 38 African farm workers Hoggart and Mendoza (2000) interviewed in 1995 in the province of Girona, only five had permanent contracts. Hoggart and Mendoza assigned the number of temporary contracts to the seasonality of agricultural work noting that the fruit-picking season ran from July to September (2000:9). 10 Surez-Navaz lists the number of immi grants receiving work an d residence permits in th e 1991 regularization at 108,321, lower than what Mendoza (2001) indicates (2004:119). 11 The 1991 program was extended to provide residence permits for family members of those immigrants who had regularized their status through the program. Only 5, 889 residence permits were granted (Gort zar 2000:304; Mendoza 2001:170). 12 As noted earlier, to encourage integration, the 1996 reforms of the Ley Orgnica pr ovided permanent work and residence permits to immigrants who held permits for five consecutive years (Calavita 1998; Gortzar 2000; Mendoza 2001).

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197 Spain before June 1, 1999 and had to have applie d for or obtained a work or residence permit within the preceding three year s of the campaign, which ran from March to July 2000 (Gortzar 2002:10). The August modifications of the April 2000 reform of the Ley Orgnica stipulated occasions for regularization allowing for tempor ary residence permits for immigrants who were unable to renew their permits as well as on humanitarian grounds (Gortzar 2002:15).13 According to Gortzar, the provision of temporar y residency to immigrants who had previously held regular status enabled them to avoid incurring irregularity due to the difficu lties regarding the renewal of permits (2002:15). However, as the 1996 regularization campaign that also targeted immigrants who had incurred or slipped into irregular status illustrates, immigrants continued to fall into irregular status due to their inability to secure work permits and the bureaucratic procedural impediments. The 2000 re gularization program wa s extended into 2001 as a result of mass demonstra tions and protests over depor tations sanctioned by the August modifications of the 2000 reform of the Ley Orgnica (Cornelius 2004). The criteria for eligibility were loose. Immigran ts who had arrived in Spain be fore January 23, 2001 could apply for permits on humanitarian grounds and on the basi s of roots establishe d in Spain (Cornelius 2004:414).14 In the end, over 300,000 immigrants we re regularized (Cornelius 2004:415). The regularization campaign of 2005 was a depart ure from previous programs. It was more of an economic plan to incorporate the informal or underground economy into the formal sector and to augment the social s ecurity fund (Arango and Jachimow icz 2005). The government of the Partido Socialista Obrero Espaol (PSOE) argued that because irregular immigrants used the 13 This regularization also included immigrants whose applications were pending or previously rejected and asylum seekers who had applied before February 2000 (Gortzar 2000). 14 A special regularization for Ecuadoria ns was implemented after protests over the tragic death of twelve Ecuadorian immigrants with irregular status. The immigran ts were crammed in a van that collided with a train on their way to work (Cornelius 2004).

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198 education and public health servic es regularizing their labor would contribute to the growth and economic activity of Spain (Garca 2004). Eligible applicants had to reside in Spain for more than six monthsregistered in a municipality before August 7, 2004with no criminal record in their country of origin and had to obtain a work contract of at least six months, three months for those working in agriculture (Arango and Jachimowicz 2005; Brbulo 2005; Kostova Karaboytcheva 2006; Ospina 2007). In addition to the work contract, employers had to pay for taxes on behalf of the applicants (Arango and Ja chimowicz 2005). In terms of self-employment, the 2005 regularization campaign was more innova tive than previous programs. While the previous campaigns had applications for self-e mployment, usually street-hawking, gardening and domestic work (Mendoza 2001), the 2005 program accommodated the particularities of domestic work and self-employment. Domestic workers, who did not work full time, had to work a minimum of 80 hours a month for one employer or at least 30 hours a week for a minimum of twelve days a month for several employers. In addition, domestic workers could submit their regularization paperwork and pay their taxes on their own behalf wit hout going through their employers (Brbulo 2005).15 Because the regularization campaign took place in the final months of the study, some of the problems Senegambian immigrants in Matar encountered as they attempted to regularize their status were observed. First, immigrant workers continued to have trouble with their employers to submit the necessary paperwork and to pay the required social security taxes. Workers at a nursery outside of Matar went on strike when their employer did not submit their paperwork. The strike went on for several days before the employer submitted the documents on behalf of the workers. One Senegalese respondent in this study was hired to be the caretaker of a 15 Each employer had to sign the app lication and indicate when the applicant (the domestic worker) began working, how many hours the applicant worked per month, and how many future months of work predicted.

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199 vacation home, which had been repeatedly vandali zed, up in the hills above Vilassar de Dalt and Cabrils. The owner agreed that upon submissi on of the documents for a work permit, the respondent would move into a sh ed on the property. However, the owner was slow to submit the paperwork, and the respondent had to get the direct or of the Critas center in Matar involved in the matter. The director had originally informed the respondent of the position.16 The newspaper, El Peridico ran stories of em ployers resisting regularizing their workers (Vilaser 2005). Second, the possibility of falling out of status into irregularity remained as successful applicants were granted one-year work and residence permits (Arango and Jachimowicz 2005). In the end, 575,827 immigrants regularized their status in the 2005 campaign, representing 83 percent of approved applicati ons out of a total of 691,655 (CER ES 2006:7). Forty-one percent (284,230) of the applicants were women. Female applicants also were approved in higher numbers than mens, with 89 percent approved compared to 80 percent (CERES 2006:7). The top three nationalities of approved applica tions were Ecuadorians (127,644), Romanians (99,673) and Moroccans (68,401) (CERES 2006:8). Sub-Saharans represented six percent of the applicants for regular ization (CERES 2006:9).17 The largest increase in population among the different immigrant groups has been eastern Eur opeans: Romanians, Ukrainians, and Bulgarian (CERES 2006:10-11).18 16 The arrangement did not work out fo r the respondent because he became extr emely lonely living on the property and commuting to Matar. 17 CERES (2006) points out the disproportion between the number of sub-Saharan immigrants and the attention they receive in the debate on illegal immigration. Sub-Saharans dominate the news media with images of landing on the Canary Islands or breaking through the fortifications of the enclaves of Ceuta and Melilla (CERES 2006). 18 Romania and Bulgaria become EU members in 2007.

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200 Annual Quota System The annual quota system, m ore commonly known as the contingente, is a means for securing regular status for immigrants with irregular status in Spain. The quota system, implemented in 1993, was part of the 1991 reforms and designed to fill regional labor shortages through the recruitment of forei gn workers abroad, specifically from non-EU member countries. Under the quota system, foreign workers are permitted to enter Spain on short-term contracts and are required to return to their countries of origin when their work contracts expire. However, the quota system has been a conduit for granting work permits to immigrants with irregular status already in Spain (Calavita 1998; Gortzar 2000; Co rnelius 2004). Critics of the system have called it a concealed regularization program or a disguised legalization program for immigrants with irregular status living in Sp ain (Gortzar 2002:3; Cornelius 2004:406). When respondents with irregular status in this study were asked what we re the procedures for obtaining a work permit, most answered that they need ed an employment cont ract. Their responses revealed awareness of a process for regul arization through empl oyment contracts. The recruitment of foreign workers was initiall y limited to a small number of countries that shared bilateral labor agreements with Sp ain: Ecuador, Dominican Republic, Colombia, Morocco and Romania (Cornelius 2004). Since 2007 labor agreements have been made with several West African countries as part of Spains African initiative to deter unauthorized immigration from sub-Saharan Africa. Along with these labor agreements, Spain has extended economic development aid. For their part, the We st African countries have agreed to the repatriation of their nationals and to stop unauthorized migrati on. With the worldwide financial crisis that began in 2007, the recruitment of foreign workers through the quota system may fall victim to the raising numbers of unemployed immigrants and Spanish citizens.

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222 BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH Erm itte St. Jacques received a masters degree in Latin American Studies in 2001. While completing a masters degree, she began the doc toral program in anthropology. Her dissertation research grew out of findings from her master's thesis, which explored the social and political factors that impede the integration of Haitian immigrants in the Bahamas. Ermitte received a National Science Foundation Disserta tion Grant to fund her disserta tion research. After receiving her PhD, Ermitte continued her research on transnational migration among West African immigrants in Spain with funding from a Na tional Science Foundation Minority Postdoctoral Research Fellowship at the University of Pennsylvania.