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Reinventing the City of the Kings: Postcolonial Modernizations of Lima, 1845-1930

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Reinventing the City of the Kings: Postcolonial Modernizations of Lima, 1845-1930
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CALLIRGOS, JUAN CARLOS ( Author, Primary )
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2008

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Cities ( jstor )
City squares ( jstor )
Colonialism ( jstor )
Incan culture ( jstor )
Latin American culture ( jstor )
Mayors ( jstor )
Palaces ( jstor )
Penitentiary ( jstor )
Rhetorical memorization ( jstor )
War ( jstor )

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University of Florida
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University of Florida
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Copyright Juan Carlos Callirgos. Permission granted to the University of Florida to digitize, archive and distribute this item for non-profit research and educational purposes. Any reuse of this item in excess of fair use or other copyright exemptions requires permission of the copyright holder.
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5/31/2008
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660034022 ( OCLC )

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1 REINVENTING THE CITY OF THE KINGS: POSTCOLONIAL MODERNIZ ATIONS OF LIMA, 1845-1930 By JUAN CARLOS CALLIRGOS A DISSERTATION PRESENTED TO THE GRADUATE SCHOOL OF THE UNIVERSITY OF FLOR IDA IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA 2007

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2 2007 Juan Carlos Callirgos

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3 To Themis, Sebas, and Juanjo

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4 ACKNOWLEDGMENTS Research for this study was possible thanks to an International Dissertation Research Fellowship granted by the Social Science Resear ch Council with funds provided by the Andrew W. Mellon Foundation and a McLaugh lin Dissertation Fellowship granted by the University of Florida College of Liberal Arts and Sciences. Preliminary research was conducted thanks to a Preliminary Research Award by the University of Florida Center for Latin American Studies and a Hanger Research Award granted by the Department of History at the Univer sity of Florida. The Comisin Fulbright del Per , the Institute for International Education, and the Department of History at the University of Fl orida, provided the financial assi stance that allowed me to leave Peru to pursue graduate studies at the University of Florida. Finally, A Doctoral Teaching Award granted by the University of Florida Cent er for Latin American Studies allowed me to return to the U.S. to finish and defend this study. My immense gratit ude goes to all those institutions and their staffs. This study is dedicated to my family. I thank Themis, my wife, for her company and encouragement, for making my life rewarding, and for her wisdom, which does not cease to amaze me. I thank my two sons, Sebastin and Juan Jos, for their precious growth and quotidian love. The three of them give me more joy, pride, and hope than words may ever be able to express. This study has been part of thei r lives for too long a period of time, so this is for them. This study is also a tribute to my parents, Yolanda and Humberto, for all the sacrifices they have made to give their children opportuniti es they could not enjoy, and because each of them has a personal way of providing unconditional love and support. Ce cilia and Silvia, my sisters, have been an inspiring presence throughout my life, and have always been there when I needed them most.

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5 My gratitude goes to all the combinations of Callirgos-Zavala, Patr oni, Vargas-Callirgos, Callirgos-Bernos, Castellanos-d el Portal, Castellanos-Abar ca, Castellanos-Lugn, and VeranoCoca, who are my family’s indispensable networ k in Lima. Gainesville became home to our family thanks to the company and support of some extraordinary friends who I want to thank: the Osorio-Thurners, Alemn-Len, Dutkas, Gianelli-Dut kas, and Pelegrina-Gmez de la Torre have all enriched our lives and become our extended families forever. I have a personal debt with surgeons Albe rt Rhoton and Patrick Antonelli at Shands Hospital at the University of Florida, who took car e of me and my family when I faced a difficult health problem. I will always thank and admire them. My students of anthropology at the Universidad Catlica del Per have shown great patience and tolerance for my obsessions on hist ory and have been an immense motivation for this study. I want to express my gratitude to professors Kathryn Burns, Maria Todorova, and Luise White, at the University of Florida, for their memorable and intellectually stimulating seminars. Dr. White, in particular, has taught me invaluable lessons on Africa and history. I am particularly grateful to Dr. Mark Thur ner, my advisor, who has been a splendid professor and friend throughout these years. His intellectual merits –the extraordinary combination of abundant archival and ethnogr aphic research on Latin America, a solid theoretical formation, and an unyielding drive fo r theory— have been tremendously influential on me, as have his qualities as a person.

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6 TABLE OF CONTENTS page ACKNOWLEDGMENTS...............................................................................................................4 LIST OF FIGURES................................................................................................................ .........8 LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS........................................................................................................10 ABSTRACT....................................................................................................................... ............11 CHAPTER 1 INTRODUCTION: POSTCOLONIAL REI NVENTIONS OF THE “CITY OF THE KINGS”......................................................................................................................... .........12 Dismounting Pizarro: Postcolonial Anxieties over History....................................................12 History, the Nation and th e Postcolonial City........................................................................20 Historicizing History an d National Identity Through Urban Transformations......................36 2 MODERNIZING THE MODERN.........................................................................................61 A New History for a New Nation: A Trajan’s Column in the Plaza de la Constitucin .......61 Already and Not Yet Modern: An Ambiguous Synecdoche for Peru....................................68 A (Fenced-In) Liberator, the Signs of the Zodiac, and Christopher Columbus.....................74 A Republican “Palace of Pizarro”..........................................................................................82 The Universal Language of Peruanidad/Civilizacin.............................................................91 “A(nother) Garden to Aromatize the Capital”........................................................................96 The Modern Demolition of the Modern...............................................................................102 3 THE TIME OF THE NATION AND THE TIME OF CAPITAL.......................................114 A Republican Penitentiary for a Republican Society...........................................................114 “Silence, Obedience and Labor” Ou tside the Penitentiary’s Walls......................................124 A National Exposition in the Inte rnational Time of Capital.................................................139 At The Same Time: The Time of the Nation and the Time of Capital.................................144 4 “ETHNIC THERAPEUTICS”: THE APPEAR ANCE OF RACE IN SOCIOLOGICAL THOUGHT AFTER THE WAR OF THE PACIFIC...........................................................154 Education: The Scientific Form ation of a Virile Population................................................177 The Nation’s Wombs: Women, Race, and the Disappearance of the Private Sphere..........189 Radical Therapy for a Sick Organism..................................................................................196 5 MAPPING THE PROLETARIAT AND THE WRETCHED (1895-1910).........................199 Peeping into Enemy Territory : The Literary Construction of the Poor’s Habitats...............199

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7 Making a Respectable Working Class..................................................................................214 6 OPENING THE CITY (1895-1910).....................................................................................229 Modern Transformations, Modern Discomforts...................................................................249 7 A NEO MODERN CITY (1919-1930).................................................................................264 The Discourse of Discourse: The Multiple Pasts of the Patria Nueva .................................265 Concrete Discourses: A Lima Nueva for a Patria Nueva .....................................................282 A New Modern Gesture to Forget........................................................................................302 8 UNFINAL REFLECTIONS.................................................................................................310 Parading History............................................................................................................... ....310 History on Every Corner.......................................................................................................316 Postcolonial Modernizations , Postcolonial Denials.............................................................317 LIST OF REFERENCES.............................................................................................................321 BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH.......................................................................................................343

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8 LIST OF FIGURES Figure page 1-1 Pizarro Monument. Removed on April 26, 2003..............................................................60 1-2 Pizarro Plaza and monument before removal. Graffiti reads: “Pizarro mass murderer the Tawantinsuyo repudiates you”.....................................................................................60 2-1 Plaza de la Constitucin – featur ing Monument to Bolvar unfenced.............................108 2-2 Fenced liberator........................................................................................................... ....108 2-3 Entrance to the reformed Alameda de los Descalzos.......................................................109 2-4 Reformed Alameda de los Descalzos..............................................................................109 2-5 Columbus monument at the Alameda de Acho...............................................................110 2-6 Plaza Mayor – Government Palace to the left (1860)......................................................110 2-7 Government Palace, 1879................................................................................................111 2-8 Dos de Mayo Plaza..........................................................................................................112 2-9 Dos de Mayo Hospital (Under construction)...................................................................113 2-10 Dos de Mayo Hospital. Front Building...........................................................................113 3-1 Paz Soldn’s blueprint for the Penitentiary.....................................................................147 3-2 Commemorative coins for the inau guration of the penitentiary (1862)..........................147 3-3 Penitentiary’s faade...................................................................................................... ..148 3-4 Radial Pavillion in Lima Penitentiary..............................................................................149 3-5 Unreformed Plaza Mayor, 1860.......................................................................................149 3-6 Reformed Plaza Mayor, 1872..........................................................................................150 3-7 Exposition Compound under construction, 1871.............................................................150 3-8 Exposition Park under construction, 1871.......................................................................151 3-9 Presidential “kios k,” Exposition Compound...................................................................151 3-10 Presidential kiosk – postcard...........................................................................................152

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9 3-11 “Bizantine” Pavilion...................................................................................................... ..152 3-12 Bizantine Pavillion (later us ed as headquarters for Zoo).................................................153 3-13 Pedro Ruiz Gallo’s Clock................................................................................................153 6-1 Instituto Municipal de Higiene........................................................................................260 6-2 Paseo 9 de Diciembre, with Columbus Monument.........................................................260 6-3 Paseo 9 de Diciembre.......................................................................................................261 6-4 Avenida La Colmena.......................................................................................................261 6-5 Lima’s Plaza de Armas after 1901 reforms.....................................................................262 6-6 Monument to San Martn.................................................................................................262 6-7 Bolognesi Monument.......................................................................................................263 6-8 Plaza Bolognesi............................................................................................................ ....263 7-1 Legua Avenue.............................................................................................................. ...306 7-2 Leuro Development.........................................................................................................306 7-3 Archbishop’s Palace........................................................................................................ .307 7-4 Panten de los Prceres...................................................................................................307 7-5 Manco Capac Monument.................................................................................................308 7-6 Museo Nacional de Arqueologa.....................................................................................308 7-7 Plaza San Martn........................................................................................................... ...309

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10 LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS AHML Archivo Histrico de la Muni cipalidad de Lima Metropolitana AGN Archivo General de la Nacin. AGN, R-J Archivo General de la Nacin. Justicia. AGN, OL Oficios de Prefecturas.

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11 Abstract of Dissertation Pres ented to the Graduate School of the University of Florida in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy REINVENTING THE CITY OF THE KINGS: POSTCOLONIAL MODERNIZATIONS OF LIMA, 1845-1930 By Juan Carlos Callirgos May 2007 Chair: Mark Thurner Major: History This study analyzes the postcolonial processe s of modernization of the city of Lima, during three key historical peri ods: the mid-nineteenth century --usually known as the “era of guano”-the late nineteenth and early twentieth century --post War of th e Pacific-and the 1920s --the “Oncenio de Legua.” It historicizes the concep tions of the city and the plans to reform it, to understand how Peruvians imagined modernity a nd progress and attempted to create viable images of their nation. This st udy proposes that Lima became th e center of preoccupations for postcolonial elites who attempted to make it a laboratory for the soci ety they wanted to create for their country at large. The study thus explores how “modernity,” “progress,” and “the nation” was vicariously understood and debated by politic ians, planners, engineers, criminologists, hygienists, intellectuals, and the population at large.

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12 CHAPTER 1 INTRODUCTION: POSTCOLONIAL REINVENT IONS OF THE “CITY OF THE KINGS” Dismounting Pizarro: Postcolo nial Anxieties over History Limeos woke up on April 26, 2003, to learn th at Francisco Pizarro was absent without leave. In an unannounced measure, the Mayor of Lima, Luis Castaeda, had withdrawn the statue of the Spanish conquistador of the Inca Em pire and founder of the city at two o’clock in the morning from a plaza located on a corner adja cent to Lima’s main square. The Mayor clearly did not want opposition, but could antic ipate a fiery debate on such an act. Indeed, the removal of the statue of an equestrian, intrepid Pi zarro would revive the heated controversy among politicians, intellectuals and common citizens that followed the 1997 city approval of the removal of this monument of Pizarro-the conquer or, and its replacement with a new depiction of Pizarro-the founder (Figures 1-1 and 1-2). It was an architect and member of the city council, who had proposed such a change in 1997. Santiago Agurto argued that Pizarro’s plaza damaged the monumental environment of the central Plaza de Armas , that the statue depicted Pizarro as an aggressive, fi erce conquistador “ready to murder and enslave Indians”—, and th at Pizarro himself, having carried out an ignominious, condemnable conquest , was unworthy of an homage from the descendants of “our Peruvian ancestors.” Agurto described Pizarro as a “pitiless, cruel conqui stador that imposed on Peru the empire of Spain’s inte rests and customs,” considered unf ortunate that Peruvians, “all of us mestizos,” had forgotten the “holocaust ” suffered by our “materna l ancestors,” and urged fellow nationals to “recuperate our dignity, our identity and culture .” Finally, Agurto argued that “monuments were erected to the memory of bene ficial acts or persons,” and that no country erected monuments to “people who remind damage s or offenses to its people.” Indeed, France

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13 had not erected a monument to Julius Caesar, no r Mexico, “our American brother,” to Spanish conqueror Hernn Corts.1 Agurto’s historical arguments departed from the conception that Peru existed well before Pizarro’s arrival to South Ameri ca: it had been the Incas who unified the nation, and who were, therefore, fellow Peruvians. While the Incas could be Peruvianized by Agurto, the Spanish conquistadores, headed by Pizarro, had imposed a foreign, illegitimate rule over Peru and were anti-Peruvian. Agurto recognized that the conquest, at the same time, had brought a new, mestizo , nation into existence: reproducing a common, gendered trope on the conquest, miscegenation and the nation, Agurto called I ndians the “maternal ancestors” of a nation homogeneously composed of “all of us mestizos .” In spite of his argument’s ambiguities on what the nation is and how it was made up, Agurto assumed that there is one identity and one culture authentically Peruvian, which Peruvians have to recuperate to regain their dignity. The proposal received immediate support from scholars, politicians, and neighbors who considered Pizarro “a bloody, ignorant, inhuman, ambitious, genocidal, and tyrant pig raiser,”2 “the first mass murderer of our history, and the gr eat destructor of our gl orious culture of the Incas,”3 and “responsible for the murder of millions of our relatives and ancestors.”4 In a typical fashion, an editorial for the removal of the statue divided Peru’s history in two, before and after Pizarro’s conquest. Projecting c ontemporary values into the past , the editorial described the Tawantinsuyo as “a solidly constituted state, efficiently organized with a communitarian, 1 Santiago Agurto, “Propuesta para cam biar la actual estatua de Francisco Pizarro y remodelar la plazuela de su nombre,” in Descabalgando a Pizarro, ed. Santiago Agurto (Lima: Universida d Nacional Federico Villarreal, 1997), 14-6. 2 “Por fin sacarn a Fco. Pizarro de su pedestal: aplausos a los regidores,” in Descabalgando a Pizarro , ed. Santiago Agurto, 62-9. 3 Genaro Ledesma, “No ms monumentos a Pizarro,”in Descabalgando a Pizarro , ed. Santiago Agurto, 108-9. My emphasis. 4 Javier Lajo, “A propsito de la erradicacin de la estatua: despizarremos al Per,” Quechuanetwork.org (http://www.quechuanetwork.org/news_templ ate.cfm?news_id=748&lang=s) (2003).

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14 collectivist government a confederate state: mu ltinational, multicultura l, and multilingual.” Inca Peru (“ El Per Incaico ”) is seen as the time when we were powerful, developed, and wealthy. Peru was a well organized nation; reso urces were abundant and ju stly distributed. In short: Peru was a world power until brutally conquered by il literate, cruel Spaniards who transformed it to what it is today. At the same time, however, the editorial re produced widespread pa ternalist –typically indigenista— images of the Indians, stating th at the Spaniards “took advantage of the innocent conscience of the aborigines.” The Spanish c onquest is regarded as a decisive and crushing event that explains all future developments : Spaniards “introduced foreign customs and traditions” unsuited for Peruvian reality, “des troyed the knowledge and high technology known in the Incanato and denigrated the Inkas, sanctioning th at they were animals similar to man.”5 Peru’s “glorious” epoch had come to an end at the hands of Pizarro and his cohort, who imprinted the country’s future wi th those features that charac terize today’s Pe ru: injustice, exclusion, and poverty. Others signaled that Pizarro had “murdered At ahualpa, perpetrating regicide and deicide, because the Inca was an Emperor-God,”6 in addition committing “murder, kidnapping, pillage, extortion, vandalism, genocide, and more crimes for which he deserved the death penalty.”7 This sixteenth-century war and human-rights crimin al clearly could not r eceive any mercy, as he “was not motivated by a noble purpose: his main drive was pillage, personal ambition, fed by a low human nature contaminated by hatred.”8 Unable to place Pizarro in death row, a newspaper reader proposed not only to remove the monument , but to melt it and throw its bronze to the 5 “Por fin sacarn a Fco. Pizarro.” 6 Felipe Buenda, “An Pizarro espada en mano?,” in Descabalgando a Pizarro , ed. Santiago Agurto, 137-8. 7 Toms Cceres, “Desmontar a Pizarro?,” in Descabalgando a Pizarro , ed. Santiago Agurto, 125-6 8 Ibid., 126.

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15 ocean in a public ceremony.9 To complete Pizarro’s public sentence, some equaled having a monument to honor Pizarro to erecting a monument to Adolf Hitler in Tel Aviv.10 But Pizarro was to find activ e supporters who described him as the real founder of the nation. Sharing Agurto’s view of the country as one composed by “all of us mestizos ,” opponents to the statue’s removal regarded the conquistador as the “founder of mestizaje ,”11 and, therefore, the origin ator of “authentic” Peruanidad . A philosopher praised Pizarro for naming the capital city of Lima after the Th ree Wise Men, “the white king, the “ cholo ” king, and the black king, as a symbol of the encounter of three races,”12 and urged honoring the man who had made it possible to unite two civilizations, formin g an integrated country. Others claimed that Peruvians “ought to take advantage of our two rich heritages Indians and Spaniards are our first parents; the legacy of both is the fatherland,”13 because “the white adventurer and the emperor Indian, the victor and the vanquished are our blood.”14 Taking the argument forward, a historian remarked that Pizarro had conquered an Empire which had also subdued and dominated other groups: the Incas and the Spaniards had bot h been conquerors and had created powerful Empires, which signaled Peru’s historical gra ndeur. Indeed, this hist orian asked to erect a monument to Pachactec, “the greatest of the Inca monarchs” –considered the Inca who extended the Empire’s possessions to its greates t dimensions—next to Pizarro’s. After all, “Pizarro and Pachactec do not exclude, but co mplement each other in an integral (indo9 Ibid.. 126. The same idea is expressed by Javier Lajo. La jo, Javier “Pizarro fund el Per? Se debe fondear esas estatua de marras,” Quechuanetwork.org (http://www.quechuanetwork.org/news_templ ate.cfm?news_id=747&lang=s) (2003). 10 “Por fin sacarn a Fco. Pizarro.” 11 Carlos Neuhaus “Otra mudanza para Francisco Pizarro?,” in Descabalgando a Pizarro , ed. Santiago Agurto, 501. 12 Aurelio Mir Quesada, “Lima y Pizarro,” in Descabalgando a Pizarro , ed. Santiago Agurto, 161-3. 13 Jos Antonio del Busto, “En torno al monumento a Pizarro,” in Descabalgando a Pizarro , ed. Santiago Agurto, 158-60. 14 Carlos Orellana, “Pizarro y los sentimientos de culpa,” in Descabalgando a Pizarro , ed. Santiago Agurto, 101102.

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16 Hispanic) view of the history of Peru.”15 While a commentator praised Pizarro for the remarkable feat of conquest, “an achievement that is part of Peruvians proud heritage,”16 another highlighted that Peruvians could well be proud of both, Inca and Span ish glorious pasts, which in turn produced the harmonious blend we call modern Peru: “the most harmonious constellation of peoples that exalts the history of human solidarity. Pizarro has created the Hispanic miracle of South America, which still prays to Jesus Christ and still speaks Spanish.”17 All of Pizarro advocates shared the concep tion that the nation is the biological and cultural result of the conquest led by Pizarro. Some, however, took a paradoxical stand, celebrating the conquest for “connecting us pr ofoundly and definitely with Western GrecoRoman-Christian culture thus forming Peruvians in the most intimate aspects of family sentiments, citizen affirmation, the essential juridi cal order, and even in the way we ethically and spiritually conceive life itself.”18 A noted attorney and legal hist orian remarked that he did “not repudiate the conquest: I celebrate it, because it is from that event –undoubtedly harsh, as every other conquest— that derive my language, my religion, my insertion in the Western world.”19 Pizarro would, thus be the person who allowed for “modernity” to come to “our coasts.” internationally noted writer Mario Vargas Llosa pr ojected his values into the past, stating that along with Pizarro came “the tongue of Cerv antes, Western culture, Greece and Rome, Christianity, the Renaissance, Enlightenment, the Rights of Men, the future democratic and 15 Ibid. 16 Miguel Cruchaga, “Expresan su desacuerdo con cambios de estatua,” in Descabalgando a Pizarro , ed. Santiago Agurto, p.36. 17 Enrique Chirinos Soto, “Pizarro: Conquistador y fundador,” in Descabalgando a Pizarro , ed. Santiago Agurto, 103-5. 18 Hugo Guerra, “La estatua de Pizarro,” in Descabalgando a Pizarro , ed. Santiago Agurto, 41-3. 19 Fernando de Trazegnies, “Un Pizarro Light,” in Descabalgando a Pizarro , ed. Santiago Agurto, 70-3.

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17 liberal culture, which is as essential and irrepl aceable a component of peruanidad as is the Inca Empire.”20 As in the need to justify Pizarro’s “regic ide,” a commentator made use of contemporary conflicts with neighboring Ecuador, reminding r eaders that, by favoring “Ecuadorian” Quito over Cusco, Atahualpa had been a traitor to “P eru:” Atahualpa was not “a little angelbut a cruel illegitimate despot who committed atrocities in Cusco.”21 Pizarro thus appeared as a patriot savior who reestablished Pe ru’s hegemony in South America Name-calling could not be ab sent from such an impassionate confrontation. The statue supporters were called “modern Felipillos,”22 after the Indian collabora tor/translator of Pizarro, while Agurto’s faction was regarded as “sch izophrenic,” and was accused of having brought Peruvians back to thos e “awkward times of neoindigenista versus hispanfila , from which emerged some dangerous disinteg ration forces against authentic Peruanidad throughout this century.”23 Poignantly, Pizarro defenders suggested that Agurto’s proposal for a new, benign representation of Pizarro was influenced by th e United States’ taste fo r political correction, labeling the proposed statue a “light Pizarro:” “now that it is fa shionable to drink beer without alcohol, eat cholesterol free butter, and zero-calorie swee ts (somebody wants) a light Pizarro.”24 In a bold fashion, both factions accused each other of being disloyal to Peru, either by acting in a similar way as the Indian who “betrayed” his “race,” or by denying Hispanic contributions to Peruvian racial and cultural stocks. Five years after the ceasefire, when no one expected the move, a new Mayor finally removed Pizarro, announcing the transformation of Pizarro’s Plaza into a new Plaza de la 20 Mario Vargas Llosa, “Los hispanicidas,” El Pas , 2003. 21 Manuel Camino, in Descabalgando a Pizarro , ed. Santiago Agurto, 76-7. 22 “Por fin sacarn a Fco. Pizarro.” 23 Hugo Guerra, “La estatua.” 24 Fernando de Trazegnies, “Un Pizarro Light.”

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18 Peruanidad , to celebrate Peru’s history and herita ge(s). The measure, according to Lima’s Mayor Luis Castaeda was “aimed at emphasizi ng our identity no country in the world has erected a monument to its conqueror.”25 Castaeda declared that the new Plaza would be appropriate for today’s Lima, a city where the Peru of “ todas las sangres ” (all bloods) gathered, adding that Pizarro’s monument could only be a symbol of Lima Antigua (old Lima), a city “populated exclusively by Peruvians of Span ish heritage.” Modeled after Mexico’s Plaza de las Tres Culturas , the plaza was to be a re presentation of Peru’s inte gration, without victors nor vanquished; in fact, with out Pizarro or any reference to hi storical breaks, but symbolizing “history” as a continuity from which Peruvi ans could attain a sense of reconciliation and harmony. Crowned by the flags of the Inca Empire, Lima, and Peru, to represent the historical epochs of the Incas, the Viceroyalty, and the Republic, the new plaza will not make debates about history cease. In fact, many have voiced th eir opposition to the flag of the Inca Empire, not only on the grounds that it was created just in the nineteen-six ties, but because it is identical to the banner of the International Gay moveme nt, and therefore unsuited to represent “our” imperial, and, obvious ly virile, Incas. Ironies apart, the opposing views stated in th e controversy were anything but new, as participants recycled long-standing debates a bout Peru’s history and the complexion of the national community. The debate on Pizarro’s Pl aza and monument was historical in many ways. Participants debated on the verac ity of Pizarro’s depiction, anal yzing, for instance, the mounted cavalier’s clothing –according to Agurto, unsuite d for the time of the conquest— and the shape of the horse –which, he argued, looked more lik e a polo stallion than a Spanish conquistador’s horse. Agurto added that the statue –made in 191 5did not really depict Pizarro, but a French gothic king, and that it had been gi ven to Mexico as a representa tion of Hernn Corts before 25 “Apoyan “desalojo” de Pizarro,” La Repblica , April 28, 2003.

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19 making its way to Lima in the early 1940s as Francisco Pizarro. Although his arguments over empirical data raised objections, it was the si gnificance of “conquest,” as well as the narratives of Peru’s history which prompted a great num ber of energetic responses. Was Pizarro the founder of Peru, or its destroyer? In fact, where do the origins of the nation lay? The storm over Pizarro’s monument is proof th at the past is very well aliv e and carrying strong emotional burdens in Peru, as discourses related to its national identity keep failing to become the hegemonic “guiding fictions” from which to ar ticulate the never e nding anxieties over the philosophical, political, profoundly historical, and ultimately unansw erable questions of who we are as Peruvians and what the country is.26 Although this debate can only be accounted for through the written records of newspapers in which we find the authorized voices of lettered people, one can safely assume that the arguments were also reproduced in school classes and street talk.27 After all, monuments are erected in public places to instruct history to the masses, more so in Peru, where history books are hardly read outside academic circles. This history study that focuses on a time period more readily considered “historical” –perhaps because its study demands confronting yellowing papers found in archives and specialized collections— starts with events that only happened a few years ago precisely because it centers it s attention to the processes by which “history” was made public and concrete, therefore, open to public contestati on, on the streets and pla zas of the capital of Peru. 26 The notion of “guiding fictions” comes from Nicolas Shumway, The Invention of Argentina (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1993). 27 Apart from debates in newspapers, the removal of the statue was profusely debated in the World Wide Web.

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20 The city made to be Spain’s bastion of colonial domination was the object of multiple transformations during the second half of the “long nineteenth century”28 –some of them, much alike the twenty-first century transformation of Pizarro’s plaza into the Plaza de la Peruanidad , were modest, some drastic or pretentious—, but a ll of them guided by the assumption that it had to symbolize the nation. This study focuses on Li ma as a concrete expression of discourses on the nation and modernity. The continuous reinven tions of Lima, and the ways in which Lima was debated, imagined, represented, and envisaged, embody ongoing pos tcolonial anxieties about Peru’s national identity, particularly, elites’ ambivalence about modernity and the complexion of the national community. In s hort, my study will hist oricize the conflicting conceptions of the city to unders tand how Peruvian elites have imagined modernity and progress and attempted to create viab le images of their nation. History, the Nation and the Postcolonial City The anxieties and ambiguities of the discursi ve formations on Peru’s history, as well as the soul searching processes on Peruvian identity did not begi n at the end of the twentieth century. In fact, San Martin’s 1821 declaration of independence in Lima’s main square —“From this moment Peru is free and independent, for the general will of the peoples”— already contained some of the paradoxes of the Janus-fac ed entity we call the nation; at once, the declaration gave birth to a new creature that pre-existed its ow n inauguration, which “from that moment” was to be free and independent. The formation of nation states around the globe were, indeed, processes of creation of new/old nations . As Benedict Anderson argues, nations are 28 The long 19th century refers to the period 1780-1930 in Peruvian historiography. Deborah Poole labels this period “the Andean postcolonial,” Deborah Poole, Vison, Race, and Modernity: A Visual Economy of the Andean Image World (Princeton: Princeton Un iversity Press, 1997).

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21 cultural artifacts that spr ung from the Enlightenment.29 The death of the king, the repository of a sovereignty that derived from divi nity, gave rise to a conception of sovereignty as residing on the horizontal community of the nation. Former subj ects of sacred monarchs who ruled “by some form of cosmological (divine) dispensation,”30 would now belong to a conceptual abstraction imagined as a fellowship of equal citizens. The new nations would inherit their jurisdictions and administrative apparatuses from the monarchies or colonies they superseded, but now imagined under the novel notion of the sovereign nation. The adjustment “from subjects to citizens” co uld not be automatic. San Martin’s famous 1821 decree ordering that “in the futu re the aborigines sh all not be calle d Indians or natives; they are children and citizens of Peru a nd they shall be known as Peruvians” is a clear example of the new nations’ task.31 Driven by the homogenizing, enlight ened, liberal impulse for assimilation, elites had to make “ex-coloni al subjects into republican citizens with a national future.”32 The name “Indian” had been a colonial legal and fiscal category that establishe d a distinctive set of obligations and privileges granted by the crown. Following ideologies of national formation influenced by classical liberal theory that carr ied the fundamental premise of a community made up of equals, elite criollos , themselves newly “Peruvians” –i ncluding San Martin, a native of today’s Argentina— abolished all colonial categories to form a fr esh community of citizens. Excolonial subjects were no longer to be “children” of the King, but of Peru, and were to assume the abstract and individualistic cat egory of “citizens.” San Martin’s words can easily resonate in the ears of European historians who may reme mber Massimo d’Azeglio’s significant statement 29 Benedict Anderson, Imagined Communities: Reflections on the Origin and Spread of Nationalism (London: Verso, 1991). 30 Ibid,, 36. 31 Gaceta del Gobierno de Lima Independiente (La Plata: Universidad Nacional de la Plata, 1950), 67. Decree issued on August 27, 1822. 32 Mark Thurner, “Peruvian Genealogies of History and Nation,” in Mark Thurner and Andrs Guerrero, After Spanish Rule: Postcolonial Predicaments of the Americas (Durham: Duke University Press, 2003).

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22 in the first parliamentary session of unified Italy: “We have made Italy; all that remains is to make Italians,” or who may be familiar with th e nineteenth century broa d processes of French national unification and moderniza tion which, to Eugene Weber, meant to transform “peasants into Frenchmen.”33 Indeed, Italians, Frenchmen, and Per uvians, all had to be made out of peasants, subjects, and Indians by dissolving preexisting identities and by forging a sense of brotherhood under the loving aegis of the nation. San Martin’s first words, “in the future,” express the mission creoles had to undertake, and indi cates that by 1921, Indians were Peruvians to be, ex-colonial subjects potentially Peruvian, or Peruvians that simply did not know they were Peruvians. Peru had been made; patr iot Creoles now had to make Peruvians.34 But, how could Peruvians be made? How could a national community be developed and the aegis of the nation extended to include all po tential Peruvians? Anderson has not been alone in his claim that nations are cu ltural artifacts that are imagine d. New bibliography has remarked that nations are symbolic, imaginar y representations that should be studied as part of the realm of culture.35 Nations are not only matters of political theory, but, fundamentally, aesthetic, rhetorical conceptions; it is though routines, cust oms, and artistic expressions that nations are expressed, for they forge the notion of, and pr omote the sense of belonging to, a horizontal 33 Eugene Weber, Peasants into Frenchmen: The Modernization of Rural France, 1870-1914 (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1979). 34 The official newspaper of the Peruvian Republic, Los Andes Libres , also expressed this need in 1821, stating that “a patriotic education is necessary for a patria to exist,” Quoted by Mnica Ricketts, “El teatro en Lima: tribuna poltica y termmetro de ci vilizacin, 1820-1828,” in La independencia del Per. De los Borbones a Bolvar , ed. Scarlett O’Phelan (Lima: Pontificia Universidad Catlica del Per, 2001), 440. 35 Benedict Anderson, Imagined Communities (London: Verso, 1983); Balibar, Etienne, and Immanuel Wallerstein, Race, Nation, Class: Ambiguous Identities (London and New York: Verso, 1992); Clifford Geertz, ed. Old Societies and New States: the Quest for Modernity in Asia and Africa (New York: Free Press of Glencoe, 1963); Ernest Gellner, Nations and Nationalism (Oxford: Blackwell Publishers, 1983); Eric Hobsbawm, Nations and Nationalism since 1780: Program, Myth, Reality (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1992); Elie Kedourie, Nationalism (London: Hutchison, 1960); Tom Nairn, Faces of Nationalism: Janus Revisited (London: Verso, 1997); Anthony Smith, The Ethnic Origins of Nations (Oxford: Blackwell, 1986), The Nation in History: Historiographical Debates About Ethnicity and Nationalism (Hanover: University Press of New England 2000) and, The Antiquity of Nations (Cambridge: Polity, 2004); Hugh Seton-Watson, Nations and States: An Enquiry into the Origins of Nations and the Politics of Nationalism (London: Methuen, 1977).

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23 brotherhood to which “sons ” owe loyalty and devotion.36 It is, therefore, through the labors of literati, historians, journalists , teachers, and artists, as well as the efforts of new state bureaucracies, that nations are imagined. The na tion, however, cannot afford to be imagined in plural, but as a singular, discrete entity that has a peculiar ch aracter and a unique history. Hugh Seton-Watson has highlighted the ro le of the state in developing a form of “official nationalism,” through the formation of an intell igentsia dedicated to the creati on of official art and culture.37 In the foundational moments that fo llowed the “death of the king,” nations had to be relatively quickly invented, and its representations and traditions fixed. As Mauricio Tenorio Trillo acutely observes, nationalist discourses usually al lude to the notion of the nation’s “soul;” but that invisible essence has to be depicted and acquire concreteness and tangibility to exist. 38 The abstract, invisible entity named nation can only become national through ar tistic, poetic acts of representation directed to generate the emoti onal effect of revealing the nation’s shared character. Indeed, nations have emblems, flags, and anthems as “sacred” symbols, as well as liturgical rituals that promote togetherness. But the horizontal community of the nation is located in a soil that is al so nationalized through geographi cal iconography, maps, monuments and buildings. While Benedict Anderson insightfu lly highlighted how maps shaped the ways in which colonial and postcolonial states imagin ed their dominions, and underscored the role of museums in the creation of images of the nature of the human beings they united, his classic work on nationalism notoriously left architecture, urban plan ning, and monuments unanalyzed. Architecture and urban planning have been instrumental in projects to give shape to the imagined 36 Eric Hobsbawm and Terence Ranger, eds. The invention of Tradition (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1983). 37 Hugh Seton-Watson, Nations and States . 38 Tenorio Trillo, Mauricio, “Essaying the History of National Images,” in After Spanish Rule , ed. Mark Thurner and Andrs Guerrero.

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24 national space, to symbolize and create the nationa l culture. The mythical concept of the nation is promoted as the personification of the common soul of all citizens, and as the natural unity of territory, state, and the people. The national rearrangement of th e built environment of the city, particularly of the capital city, its public buildings and open spaces, has been the center of efforts to make the dominance of new states public, that is, to provide states with a concrete and material appearance to endow new regimes with legitimacy, and thus express a vision of political power that new elites want to demonstrate.39 The city’s morphology is not only arranged to make the new epistemology of power symbolized a nd visible, but also to reform the sociability and shape citizens according to new, national pr inciples. Monuments not only transform the urban space, but, along with th e spaces that host them, become tangible shrines for the veneration of national memorable events and persons in order to generate loyalty to the nation and instill national values. This does not mean, indeed, that the preocc upation for urban planning and architectural design was a consequence of the rise of nati ons. Recent bibliography has focused on urban planning and design as important tools for political and social projects in both colonial and postcolonial settings, examining, for instance the role of urban planning and architectural design as a cornerstone of French colonialism.40 Not only have they highlighted its role in the consolidation of colonial power, but they have added complexity to th e understanding of the colonial enterprise by paying attention to the ways in which the colonizers redefined and 39 Win Blockmans, “Reshaping Cities: The Staging of Political Transformation,” Journal of Urban History , 30, no. 1 (2003): 7-20. 40 Gwendolyn Wright, The Politics of Design in French Colonial Urbanism (Chicago: Chicago University Press, 1991), and, “Tradition in the Service of Modernity,” in Tensions of Empire: Colonial Cultures in a Bourgeois World , ed. Frederick Cooper and Ann Laura Stoler (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1997); Nezar AlSayyad, ed. Forms of Dominance in the Architecture and Urbanism of the Colonial Enterprise (Aldershot: Avebury, 1992); Panivong Norindr, Phantasmatic Indochina: French Colonial Ideology in Architecture, Film, and Literature (Durham: Duke University Press, 1996); Zeynep elik, Urban Forms and Colonial Confrontation: Algiers under Colonial Rule (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1997).

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25 reinvented the stubbornly persistent traditions of the colonized. Other authors have explored diverse attempts to create a na tional identity through the use of urban design and architecture.41 These studies not only underscore the symbolic role of archit ectural imagery, but they also discuss the problems of forging images of the nation in postcolonial situations. Thus, nations also become by the erection of monuments a nd buildings, as both configure the nations “face” by providing the nation with hist orical images availabl e to the broad public. Undoubtedly, history is the most appropriate means for the produc tion of images for collective cohesion and the forging of a sense of nationness. Asking the rhetorical, but fundamental question “which is a people’s character?,” Italian philosopher and historian Benedetto Croce provided a potent answer: “Its history, all of its history, and no thing but its history.”42 Indeed, new nations –which, as we have seen, pre-existed their own foundations— required history and “nothing but history.” It is no coincidence that the first chairs of history were founded in the early nineteenth century, after the “death of the king” and the appearance of nations.43 The rise of a new, impersonal historical subject, the na tion –“the people”—, tran sformed history from a courtly discipline to instruct princes on their dyna stical pasts into the academic discipline to 41 James Holson, The Modernist City: An Anthropological Critique of Brasilia (Chicago: Chicago University Press, 1989); Lawrence Vale, Architecture , Power, and National Identity (New Haven: Yale Univer sity Press, 1992); Spiro Kostof, “His Majesty the Pick; the Aesthetics of Demolition,” in Streets: Critical Perspectives on Public Space , ed. Zeynep elik, Diane Favro and Richard Ingersoll (Berkeley, University of California Press, 1994); Carl Schorske, Thinking with History: Explorations in the Passage to Modernism (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1998); Janet Berry Hess, “Imagining Architecture: Th e Structure of Nationalism in Accra, Ghana,” Africa Today , 47, no. 2 (2000): 35-56, and Art and Architecture in Postcolonial Africa (Jefferson: McFarland, 2006); David Gordon, “From Noblesse Oblige to Nationalism: Elite Involvement in Planni ng Canada’s Capital,” Journal of Urban History, 28, no. 1 (2001): 3-34; Win Blockmans, “Reshaping Cities: The Staging of Political Transformation,” Journal of Urban History , 30, no. 1 (2003): 7-20; Keith Eggener, “Contrasting Images of Identity in the Post-War Mexican Architecture of Luis Barragn and Juan O’Gorman,” Journal of Latin American Cultural Studies , 9, no. 1 (2000). 42 Benedetto Croce, Teora e historia de la historiografa (Buenos Aires: Imn, 1953). 43 Hayden White, Metahistory: The Historical Imagina tion in Nineteenth-Century Europe (Baltimore: The Johns Hopkins University Press, 1973 ), 136. The “death of the king” is a phrase coined by Jacques Ranciere to name the formation of France’s national being. Jacques Ranciere, The Names of History: On the Poetics of Knowledge (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1994).

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26 provide nations usable narrations of themselves.44 In order to become a “community of fate,” as Austro-Hungarian Marxist labeled it , or a “unity of fate,” as it was referred to by Spanish Fascist falangista Antonio Primo de Rivera, the nation requires a history.45 If it is clear that the nation cr eated history, it could well be argued that it is history that creates the nation. The nation’s “soul” and “spi ritual principle,” Erne st Renan wrote, is constituted by two things “whi ch in truth are but one,” one lies in the past, one in the present. One is the possession in common of a rich legacy of memories; the other is presentday consent, the desire to live together, the will to perpetuate the value of th e heritage that one has received in an undivided form. Man, Gentlemen, does not improvise. The nation, like the individual, is the culmination of a lo ng past of endeavours, sacrifice, and devotion. Of all cults, that of the ancestors is the most legitimate, for the ancestors have made us what we are.46 Renan acutely highlights that “the desire to live together” and “the possession in common of a rich legacy of memories,” “in truth are but on e;” because the sense of the common possession of a past –“the fact of sharing, in the past, a glorious heritage and regrets”— makes members of the nation develop the desire to live together: history underwrites contemporary commitments. History provides the master line of the nation in order to develop a homogeneous national identity. For that reason, the hi story of the nation attempts to be a singular master line that highlights certain events and oblit erates others. A nation needs a history, not histories. The nation is bound together not by the past itself –not by “all history,” as Croce had stated, but by the story of that past made by holding on to some events and by letting go of others. As Renan 44 Jaques Ranciere, The Names of History ; Mark Thurner, “Una historia peruana para el pueblo peruano. De la genealoga fundacional de Sebastin Lorente,” Lorente, Sebastin, Escritos Fundacionales. Compilacin y estudio introductorio: Mark Thurner (Lima: Universidad Nacional Mayor de San Marcos, 2005). 45 Otto Bauer, The Question of Nationalities and Social Democracy (Minneapolis and London: University of Minnesota Press, 2000). Primo de Rivera’s quote comes from Toms Prez, Nacin, identidad nacional y otros mitos nacionalistas (Oviedo: Ediciones Nobel, 1999). 46 Renan, Ernest, “What is a Nation?,” in Becoming National: A Reader , ed. Geoff Eley and Ronald Grigor Suny, 1996. (New York and Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1996), 41-55.

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27 famously added, what we forget makes us the nati on that we are. A shared amnesia, a collective capacity to forget, allows for the forging of a “gathering of men bond by a common error about their origin,” as Albert Mousse t ingeniously defined the nation.47 To forget antagonisms a nation requires an official hist ory that monopolizes the interpretation of the past. National history is a collective drama that provides elements to na tionalist liturgy, promoting a sense of communion among the children of the nation, the dead and the living, and history itself becomes the sacred past of the sacred nation. Nations, thus, rest on historiographical fictio ns made official. But official history is not only disseminated in textbooks. History, more so in Clio’s century, was an activity restricted, erudite, with a limited capaci ty to disseminate. Other means (literature, the press, theater, paintings, and monu ments) are utilized as a histor icist iconography to carry that erudite image to the great public in the peda gogical effort to forge the national community. New nations’ predicaments derive from the vita l but conflicting need to forge the national self by imagining the past and the future in simultaneous— an ambivalence San Martn’s foundational decrees already expressed—. The need to break with the past to mark their difference with pre-existing polit ical entities, to symbolically launch a viable new beginning, coexisted with the need to establish the essential continuity of the nation from immemorial times. Additionally, European and American nations had to become nations in a simultaneously forming inter national community. Nations were to become distinct communities –different from the societies they superseded, and different to one another— but, at the same time, had to be recognizably “national” among other nations. The tension between th e drive for attaining uniqueness and the mandates of universality and cosmopolitanism, of course, has been worked out differently in different nations, but becoming na tional also meant to beco me part of the rising modern world. The task of transforming peasan ts and ex-subjects of monarchies and Empires 47 Quoted in Toms Prez, Nacin, identidad nacional y otros mitos nacionalistas , 123.

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28 into citizens implied making them citizens not only of the nation states, bu t also citizens of the modern world, forging a culture based on wh at were perceived as universal values. As Marshall Berman argues, the mandates of modernity were also felt by monarchies such as the Russian, who erected Saint Petersburg as a “window to Europe” to signify Russian’s participation in the modern world. As a resu lt, Berman states, there developed a polarity between modern, cosmopolitan, Enlightened, secular Petersburg, and traditional, pure, sacred Moscow; the former to be Russi a’s head, the latter its heart.48 Russian’s nineteenth-century bipolar development could not be a viable mode l for postcolonial nationstates, which had to remake their capital cities –which were inherite d from decapitated monarchies or Empires— to make them, at once, their “hea rts” and “heads.” As Mauric io Tenorio-Trillo argues, the construction of national images was an intricat e phenomenon undertaken in reference to other national images as much as in re ference to local characteristics.49 Having branched out of a decaying Empire, La tin American new nations’ efforts to craft images of themselves were framed by those dichot omies. Their senses of nation-ness were to be forged, of course, opposing the imme diate past of Spanish imperial rule, to promote a sense of belonging to unique national communities and, at the same time, to insert themselves as part of the modern international community. The manda tes of modernity imposed grand-scale cultural transformations to reform habits and eradicate traditions regard ed as backward and uncivilized and not proper to the new national community and modern civilization, a nd aimed at instilling new habits that would allow the nation to compete in the universal community. 48 Marshall Berman, All that is Solid Melts into Air: The Experience of Modernity (New York: Simon and Schuster, 1982). 49 Mauricio Tenorio-Trillo, Mexico at the World’s Fairs: Crafting a Modern Nation (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1996).

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29 These post-colonial dilemmas have not received the attention they deserve. In fact, nineteenth-century modernization efforts in La tin America have been mostly regarded as “cosmetic” attempts to mimic European powers of the time, mostly France, England, and the United States.50 Modernity was thus “imported” and “imposed,” as elites “believed that “progress” meant to recreate their nations as cl osely as possible to th eir European and North American models.”51 Latin American elites’ drive to “ape” Europe –which was mainly expressed in the attempt to make capital cities a “copy” of Paris—52 was part of elites’ new subjugation to rising neo-colonial empires: elites’ imitated “for eign” doctrines –like liberalism and positivism–, built state’s inst itutions and experimented with new technologies of power – such as the penitentiary—modele d after European ones, and copi ed “foreign” aesthetic models, in their efforts to become an intermediary class in the neo-colonial exploi tation of their countries, and to preserve colonial forms of domination that benefited them.53 As such, Bradford Burns refers to urban transformations in nineteenth-century Latin America as attempts to build European “faades.” Similarly, Jeffrey Needell sees the transformations of late-nineteenthcentury Rio de Janeiro as part of an ongoing colonial relationshi p (the neo-colonial order), a 50 Jorge Hardoy, “Theory and Practice of Urban Planning in Europe, 1850-1930: Its Transfer to Latin America,” in Rethinking the Latin American City , ed. Richard Morse and Jorge Hardoy (Washington D.C.: Woodrow Wilson Center Press, 1992); Tulio Halperin Donghi, “The Cities of Spanish America, 1825-1914: Economic and Social Aspects,” in Urbanization in the Americas: The Background in Comparative Perspective , ed. Woodrow Borah, Jorge Hardoy, and Gilbert Stelter (Ottawa: National Museum of Man, 1980). 51 Bradford Burns, The Poverty of Progress: Latin America in the Nineteenth Century (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1980). 52 Jeffrey Needell, A Tropical Belle Epoque (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1987). 53 Stanley Stein and Barbara Stein, The Colonial Heritage of Latin America: Essays on Economic Dependence in Perspective (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1970). For dependentista views of Peruvian elites, see Ernesto Yepes, Per 1820-1920: un siglo de desarrollo Capitalista (Lima: Instituto de Estudios Peruanos, 1972); Heraclio Bonilla and Karen Spalding “La Independencia en el Per: las palabras y los hechos,” in La Independencia en el Per , ed. Heraclio Bonilla (Lima: Instituto de Estudios Peruanos, 1972); Heraclio Bonilla, Guano y burgesa en el Per (Lima: Instituto de Estudios Peruanos, 1974), and, “El problema nacional y colonial del Per en el contexto de la Guerra del Pacfico,” in Un siglo a la deriva: Ensayos so bre el Per, Bolivia y la guerra (Lima: Instituto de Estudios Peruanos, 1980); Lus Psara, Derecho y sociedad en el Per (Lima: El Virrey, 1988); Julio Cotler, Clases, estado y nacin en el Per (Lima: Instituto de Estudios Peruanos, 1978); Javier Tantalen, Poltica econmico-financiera y la formacin del estado: Siglo XIX (Lima: CEDEP, 1983); Similar essentialist views of Peruvian elites were expressed in Sebastin Salazar Bondy Lima la Horrible (Lima: Populibros Peruanos, 1964).

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30 “Frenchification” used to reinforce and legitimate traditional hierarchical relations. In cases, the modernizing projects to transform capital cities has been regarded as elites’ efforts to create a European environment for their own, transforming their neighborhoods to “easily imagine themselves in Europe,” while ignoring the poor and leaving lower class sectors of the city untouched: “elites constructed public spaces di rected towards themselves and the foreign tourists, diplomats, and businessmenpublic spaces graced by Parisian reform were ipso facto, not intended for the unsightly poor.”54 Removed from national realitie s, according to this train of thought, elites sold out their countries to the neo-colonial po wers, all the while managing to hold on to the privileges they inhe rited from the Spanish colonial era. European ideals and models, however, could not successfully materiali ze and remained unsuitable for Latin American realities and can still be regarded as “misplaced.”55 For the city of Lima, Gabriel Ramn’s st udy about urban reforms in Lima during the second half of the nineteenth cen tury follows the same master lin e: they were part of Latin America’s economical and political subordination to England in what has been called the “neo colonial pact.” The new republics had to comply with the role assigne d by the new metropolis, and elites adopted political system s and cultural traits to streng then their relationships with England. The influence, better yet, “imperative,” of the metropolis was felt regarding the notions of progress and the proceedings to attain it; urban transformations were part of a larger process of subjection dictated from abroad.56 54 Both quotes come from Jeffrey Needell, “Rio de Ja neiro and Buenos Aires: Public Space and Public Consciousness in Fin-de-Siecle Latin America,” Comparative Studies in Society and History , 37, no. 3. (1995): 5389. 55 Roberto Schwartz, Misplaced Ideas: Essays on Brazilian Culture (London: Verso, 1992). 56 Gabriel Ramn, La muralla y los callejones; Intervencin urbana y proyecto politico en Lima durante la segunda mitad del siglo XIX (Lima: SIDEA y PromPer, 1999).

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31 Referring to nineteenth-century projects of modernization in Peru, Peruvian lawyer and law historian Fernando de Trazegnies argued they were examples of a “traditional modernization” –that is, half-h earted efforts at modernization, constrained by autocratic and aristocratic values, which buttre ssed, under the guise of cosmetic modernity, the social structures and hierarchies inherited from Spanish colonia lism. De Trazegnies made a contrast between European capitalist mode rnization, which to his eyes was “promoted from below,” and Peru’s traditional modernization, which “preserves an aris tocratic social environment” because it was promoted “from above by the leading social class.”57 De Trazegnies’ approach has been followed by historians of the penitentiary,58 mental institutions, 59 and of Lima’s processes of modernization.60 This approach to the projects of modernization of Lima, or other Latin American cities, is part of a narrative of Latin American excep tionalism that characterizes the region as unable to fulfill the promises of European modernity. Departing from a sociological, monolithic idealization of modernity, which highlights the modern ideals of equality and democracy, but obl iterates the contradictions of modernity and the modern drives for social contro l, normalization, and discipline, these authors state it only fully developed in Europe, thus tend to reduce these projects to “efforts to make things change so that, 57 Fernando de Trazegnies, La idea del derecho en el Per republicano del siglo XIX (Lima: Pontificia Universidad Catlica del Per, 1979), and “La genealoga del derecho peruano,” in Pensamiento poltico peruano , ed. Adrianzn, Alberto (Lima: DESCO, 1987). 58 See Carlos Aguirre, “La Penitenciara de Lima y la mode rnizacin de la justicia pe nal en el siglo XIX,” in Mundos interiores: Lima 1850-1950 , ed. Panfichi, Aldo and Felipe Portocar rero (Lima: Universidad del Pacfico, 1995); Ricardo Savatore, and Carlos Aguirre ed., The Birth of the Penitentiary in Latin America: Essays on Criminology, Prison Reform, and Social Control, 1830-1940 (Austin: University of Texas Press, 1996). 59 See Augusto Ruiz, “Medicina ment al y modernizacin , 1850-1900, in Mundos interiores , and Psiquitras y locos: entre la modernizacin contra los andes y el nuevo proyecto de modernidad. Per: 1850-1930 (Lima: Pasado y Presente, 1994). 60 Ramn, Gabriel, La muralla y los callejones .

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32 as a result, everything remains the same.”61 Augusto Ruiz’s history of Lima’s mental institutions, for instance, considers that the pr ojects to reform mental asylums were marked by two opposing tendencies: a “modern,” humanitaria n, philanthropic tendency expressed in the desires to improve the patients’ conditions following the new medical tendencies developed in Europe and the United States, and a “traditional” inclination derived from colonial times, expressed in the desires for discipline and contro l. The plans to reform mental institutions are thus depicted as schizophrenic and destined to fail. Interestingly, the disciplinary aspects of modernity are not recognized as such by this view of the modernizing efforts, but are attributed to restraints inherited from colonial times.62 Indeed, neo-Marxist and dependentista historians and sociologis ts have criticized the region’s elites for not being sufficiently moder n, liberal, or nationalistic , and for stubbornly cling to their colonial positions of hierarchy. Vincent Peloso and Barbara Tenenbaum, for instance, argue that the peculiarity of nineteenth-century Latin American liberalism was the contradiction between the ideals of equality and the Creole elites ’ need to limit the politi cal participation of the majority of the population in orde r to keep the economic and soci al order that benefited them. Despite the regional variety, the au thors argue that some basic c onvictions were shared by Latin American liberal elites: faith in representative government, the need of separate branches of government, the need to preserve human libert y, and stimulate economic activity. The ideal political system was the republic , whose body of laws should be uni versally applie d to all the inhabitants of the state. Neve rtheless, the authors ar gue, the application of this doctrine could 61 This poignant phrase belongs to Alberto Flores Galindo, “Independencia y clases sociales,” Independencia y revolucin: 1780-1840 (Lima: Instituto Nacional de Cultura, 1987), 123. It is part of his criticism to the dominant trope in Peruvian historiography, which has been crafted and followed by historians and sociologists of both conservative and leftist affiliations. 62 For an exception see Majluf’s path breaking work on sculpture and public space: Natalia Majluf, Escultura y espacio pblico. Lima, 1850-1879 (Lima: Instituto de Estudios Peruanos, 1994).

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33 not be complete: Latin American liberals, want ing to preserve the exclusionary privileges inherited from colonial times were unable to acco mplish their liberal ideals, and thus reduced the liberal utopia to an attempt to expand political pa rticipation of the masses (specially the urban plebe), without allowing them full access to power.63 Again, this perspective seems to idealize European liberalism, as if only in Latin Ameri ca had liberalism met with the desire to control and exclude, lower class people. These views as sume an unambiguous and ahistorical notion of liberalism and as politically and economically inclusive and progressive, and which allowed universal “full access to power,” which was alle gedly misapplied in Latin America because of elite’s desires to maintain the privileges they en joyed in colonial times. Liberalism, identified as an egalitarian discourse, could not be applied in a profoundly hierarchi cal society headed by elites not willing to give up their status, and was “stillborn” in Latin America.64 Perhaps inadvertently, this scholarship assu mes an unambiguous and romanticized view of European modernity (and liberalism) as social ly, politically and econom ically inclusive, in contrast to which Latin America can only be perceived as an ab erration or deviation. Given a conceptual opposition between tradition and modern ity, any political system or mode of thinking that does not conform to the assumed “ideal type ” of modernity or libera lism necessarily appears to be the expression of “traditionalist encrustations.” As a result, Latin America is perceived as a 63 Vincent Peloso and Barbara Tenenbaum, eds., Liberals, Politics & Power: State Formation in Nineteenth-Century Latin America (Athens: The University of Georgia Press, 1996). 64 Florencia Mallon, “Economic Liberalism: Wher e We Are and Where We Need to Go,” in Guiding the Invisible Hand: Economic Liberalism and the State in Latin American History , ed. Joseph Love and Nils Jacobsen (New York: Praeger, 1988).

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34 “bastard” offspring of Europe, unable to rid itse lf from its “colonial legacy,” and who can only be defined by its “absences” and “failures.”65 The narrative of exceptionalism has also been deployed to analyze nation-ness in Latin America and Peru. Departing from the conception that modern (that is European) nation-states resulted from revolutions lead by national bourgeoisies, dependentista scholars have concluded that Latin American revolutions of independence were political events by which a privileged, but not bourgeois, Creole elite controlled the administra tive systems of the ex-colonial states without forging new nations. According to influen tial Argentine historian Tulio Halperin, the revolutionaries were not rebe ls, but “heirs of a fallen power” who used the politicaladministrative colonial patrim ony to serve their interests.66 Referring to Peru, Heraclio Bonilla and Karen Spalding argued that “political Independence from Spain, thus, left the very foundations of Peruvian societ y, which had developed and solidified throughout 300 years of colonial life, intact.”67 More recently, Nelson Manrique ha s repeated that, after independence was achieved, “for most creoles the problem was how to take possession of the mechanisms of power that Spaniards and colonial bur eaucracy used, not to remove them.”68 In short, Latin American Creole elites did not constitute a “tru ly leading bourgeoisie,” which made them unable to create “true” nations. Their wi ll to hold on to the power inheri ted from colonialism made then unwilling to change the societies they now controlled. Bonilla and Jos Matos Mar synthesized this view, stating that “in c ontrast to the authentic bourgeoi s revolutions of eighteenand 65 See Dipesh Chakrabarty, Provincializing Europe: Postcolonial Thought and Historical Difference (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2000). Hi s criticism includes the original orienta tion of the Subaltern Studies group. For a discussion on this view of history in Africa, see Mahmood Mandami, Citizen and Subject: Co ntemporary Africa and the Legacy of Late Colonialism (Princeton, Princeton University Press, 1996). For similar criticisms of Peruvian historiography, see Magdalena Chocan o, “Ucrona y frustracin en la conciencia histrica peruana,” Mrgenes. Encuentro y debate , no. 2 (1987); Alberto Flores Galindo, “La imagen y el espejo: la historiografa peruana 19101986,” in Mrgenes , no. 4 (1988), and Guillermo Rochabrn, “Ser historiador en el Per,” Mrgenes , no. 7 (1991). 66 Tulio Halperin Donhi, Historia contempornea de Amrica Latina (Madrid: Alianza Editorial, 1986), 90. 67 Heraclio Bonilla and Karen Spalding, “La Indepedencia en el Per,” 15. 68 Nelson Manrique, Enciclopedia Temtica del Per: Sociedad (Lima: El Comercio, 2004), 14-15.

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35 nineteenthcentury Europe, Independence in Pe ru was only a military and political event, leaving the bases of the co lonial system unchanged.”69 In their efforts to oppose previous narratives of Peruvian history, wh ich depicted Peru as a unified and harmonious national entity, neo-Marxis t historians and sociologists proposed that Peru, quite simply, was not a nation. Their influential view of Per uvian elites as a traditional, anti-national group that in essence sold their coun tries out to the new Empires of England, in the nineteenth century, and the United States, in the twentieth century, produced a historical narrative marked by absences, anomalies, unful filled promises, and lost opportunities. Narratives dominated by the themes of “lack” and “inadequacy,” that derive, as Dipesh Chakrabarty poignantly states, from the conception of “Europe” –or an ahisto rical, ideal view of it—as “the sovereign, theoretica l subject of all histories.”70 In short: denouncers of ongoing colonialism seem to be trapped by the ep istemological colonialism of modernity. It is interesting to note th at there exist two differing dependentista views of Latin American modernization. While sharing the pe rception that modernization was cosmetically imported from abroad, and not th e result of internal developments –such as the formation of European national bourgeoisies—, and that the re gion ended its ties with the Spanish Empire only to become dependent on new Imperialisms, hi storians and sociologis ts, for the most part, have lamented the absence of “t rue modernity” in the region. In a more anthropological vein – perhaps influenced by Robert Redfield’s 1930’ s writings on the transformations of “folk” societies71—, Bradford Burns laments Latin American elites’ imposition of “foreign patterns on their fledging nations,” thus destroying the “fol k” societies and thus th e opportunity to create 69 Heraclio Bonilla and Jos Ma tos Mar, “Presentacin,” in La Independencia en el Per , ed. Heraclio Bonilla (Lima: Instituto de Estudios Peruanos, 1972), 11. 70 Dipesh Chakrabarty, Provincializing Europe , .27. 71 See Robert Redfield, Yucatn, una cultura en transicin (Mexico: Fondo de Cultura Econmica, 1944); and, El mundo primitivo y sus transformaciones (Mexico: Fondo de Cultura Econmica, 1953).

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36 “autochthonous” nations. While the sociological dependentista view idealizes European modernity, and considers it as universally “applic able,” the anthropological perspective regards modernity as a European development unsui table for the region’s singular “reality.” Historicizing History and National Identity Through Urban Transformations This study systematically examines th ree key historical moments in which Limeo elites experimented, on an unparalleled scale, with ur ban transformations, proj ects of modernization, and social reform/control, in effect physically a nd socially restructuring and re-signifying a city that had symbolized the permanence of the colonial past, and as such had to be reinvented as the new face of a civilize d, modernizing nation. These key moments are the guano era (18451870s), the turn of the century, or Post-Wa r-of-the-Pacific period (mid 1890s-1910), and the Legua “ Oncenio ” (1919-1930). These were not only mo ments of economic prosperity and relative political st ability, but were, in many senses, foundational; the firs t two marked the end of intense, all-encompassing crises, while the Le gua regime was intended to be a widely recognized break with the past, and was ambitiously denominated the “ Patria Nueva .” The three were moments of profound institutional changes, a nd of redefinition of the terms of integration of the country into the world market. My study begins with the ways in which the foundational postcoloni al images of Lima were established in the 1850s, when Lima was object of physica l transformations and Limeo intellectuals published soci ological and literary ela borations of the city. Peru had proved unable to achieve a stable national st ate until the prosperity of guano provided the conditions to solidify the “Lima state” under the leadership of Presiden t Ramn Castilla, thus bringing an end to the post-independence “ caudillo era.”72 The 1850s opened a period of intense discussion about 72 Paul Gootenberg, Between Silver and Guano: Commercial Policy and the State in Postindependence Peru (Princeton: Princeton Un iversity Press, 1989).

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37 Peru’s national character and, soci al, cultural, and economic future.73 Influenced by universalistic “enlightened liberal” ideals, and with a strong desire to pa rticipate in the world economy and nation-state system, Lima’s liberal elites seemed to believe that true nationhood and economic progress could only be achieved by eliminating the legacy of Spain’s colonial despotism. The new nation’s identity was to be forged opposing the immediate past of Spanish colonialism, which was now repudiated, and cons tructed as an obscure, oppressive epoch. Enlightened Limeos sought to define themselves as modern, and attempted to found a new community based on reason, science, and political freedom, which could be part of the civilized world. The prosperity of guano and the political stability achieved after the turbulent and socially dislocating “ caudillo era,” helped to consolidate an optimistic view of the country’s future. Peru’s potential for de velopment was sustained in its immense natural wealth, which was not taken advantage of by the i ndolent, incapable Spanis h colonialism. The Creole elite had to maintain peace and order, develop scientific knowledge about its territory, build adequate infrastructure, promote foreign investment and immigration, and promote new values through education. The nation’s new beginning was promising, but imposed an enormous mission to Limeo elites who had consolidated their political and military dominion over the country after the defeat of the Confederacin Per-Boliviana . The projects of state formation and nation building strengthened Lima’s hegemony: a central idea in these comprehensive processes of restructuring of the state and society was to make of Lima a torch to irradiate the metropolitan light of civilization and modernity into the entire uncivil ized postcolonial nation. The task, considering 73 Jorge Basadre, Historia de la Repblica del Per , 6th. edition (Lima: Editorial Universitaria, 1969); Paul Gootenberg, Between Silver and Guano , and, Imagining Development: Economic Ideas in Peru’s ‘Fictitious Prosperity’ of Guano (Berkeley: University of Califor nia Press, 1993); Mark Thurner, From Two Republics to One Divided (Durham: Duke University Press, 1997); Deborah Poole, Vision, Race, and Modernity .

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38 that Lima had been the capital of Peru’s vice royalty, and a stronghold of Spanish dominance in South America, required a comprehensive social, political, physical, and cultural transformation. Lima became the privileged site of experime ntation with modernity, the city where the new citizens of the nation were to be formed, and wh ere a new Peruvian cultur e had to be invented. While the nation’s capital became the place wh ere task of building a national future occurred, Limeo elites were also eager to engage in co mmercial activities w ith the consolidating new world economic powers, and were fervent belie vers of the need to promote the immigration of investors and of capable, Eur opean workers into what they pe rceived as a vast and rich, but depopulated territory. Elites perceived that their decaying capital cit y, which had lost the splendor of the early colonial times after the Bourbon creation of the viceroyalties of Nueva Granada, and especially Rio de la Plata, and af ter the turbulent years of the Independence and caudillo wars, offered a miserable sight to visitors. The physical reform of the city became one of the essential objectives for the consolidation of the new regime and the constitution of the national community, its history and future. The need to transform the city into a symbol of the new nation had been felt early by liberator Jos de San Martn himself. The “Protector” decreed the replacement of Lima’s colonial title, “The City of the Kings,” for the more appropriately national “The Heroic and Valiant City of the Free.”74 The viceregal city, founded on a da te near epiphany, had received its name after the three Wise Men of Egypt, but it s name was way too kingly for the new republican taste. In a similar republican vein, the old Colegio del Prncipe , dedicated to the instruction of 74 According to a report of the Ministry of Government published by the Gaceta de Gobierno de Lima Independiente , it was Jos de la Riva Agero, then president of the Departamento de Lima , who suggested San Martn to change the name of the city to la “ Heroica y Esforzada Ciudad de los Libres ,” The decree was issued by San Martn on October 12, 1821. Gaceta del Gobierno de Lima Independiente , 209. A document signed by Riva Aguero on October 12, 1821 communicating the Municipality the new denomination “decreed by the Protector” is at the AHML, Presidencia del Departamento, 1821-1823, doc. 3. The Municipality’s assembly used the denomination for the first time on October 23, 1821. A copy of the session’s transcript is in Fernando Gamio, La Municipalidad de Lima y la Emancipacin de 1821 (Lima: Municipalidad de Lima, 2005), 288.

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39 the sons of the curacas, was re-baptized as the “ Colegio de la Libertad .”75 The Plaza de la Inquisicin , which hosted the now abominable Cat holic tribunal, would become the “ Plaza de la Constitucin ;”76 and even Lima’s main square’s neutra l name of “Plaza Mayor” was transformed into the new “ Plaza de la Independencia .”77 The Real Felipe Castle in Callao (Lima’s port), received the name of “ Castillo de la Independencia,” its bulwarks, previously known as baluartes “ del Rey ,” and “ de la Reina ,” were transformed into “Manco Cpac,” and “ la Patria .”78 The royal inscriptions on Lima’s gate ways, constructed as a Bourbon attempt to reaffirm their dynastic presence in the city, were removed and re placed with references to “ Dios y la Patria ,” as to announce the adve nt or a new civic religion.79 In spite of their symbolism, these early republican gestures were modest in scope. The prosperity and the social and pol itical stability of the guano era allowed for more comprehensive projects of renomination and transformation to make it the ultimate symbol of modernity and civilization. In 1861 the muni cipality of Lima decided to rena me the streets and public spaces of Peru’s capital city. The streets of the viceregal “City of the Kings” had hitherto been named and renamed by tradition after eminent residents, me morable events, or commercial establishments, without the direct in tervention of the city authorities. As a result of the new cultural politics of renomination, Lima became a map for, and inscribe d memory of, the nation as streets, parks, and plazas both reproduced the national geography –receiving the names of departamentos , provinces, and rivers–, and indexe d national events and heroes –ba ttles, key dates, and founding 75 Mark Thurner, “Una historia peruana para el pueblo peruano.” 76 Gaceta del Gobierno de Lima Independiente , 549. Decree issued on July 6, 1822 by Bernardo Monteagudo. 77 Gabriel Ramn, La muralla y los callejones . 78 Mark Thurner, “Una historia peruana para el pueblo peruano.” 79 Manuel Fuentes, Lima: Apuntes histricos, estadsticos, administrativos, comerciales y de costumbres (Paris: Librera de Fermn Didot, hnos e hijos, 1867), 9.

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40 fathers, including those of th e founding Inca Manco Cpac, and the last, conquered Inca, Atahualpa.80 Other projects were part of a more intensive “Peruvianizatio n” of Lima. Key buildings and public spaces should now symbolize the new order and instill the republican values and national loyalty. Buildings of state institutions, in particular the “government palace,” located in Lima’s main square, had to express the state’s ascendancy over the countr y and its citizens, and show the rupture vis--vis the co lonial past. Their design not onl y had to be functional to the buildings’ purposes, but had to fulfill the pedagog ical, national aims. The rigid aesthetics of the neoclassical and, in cases, the ne o-renaissantist styles were ad opted as a way to conform to “universal” architectural standards and to the m odern values they expressed, which elites wanted to promote: cleanliness, simp licity, discipline, and solidity. The baroque’s winding, tortuous lines were despised for symbolizing the obscurity of colonial times. By stripping the city of its colonial symbols, Lima could be transformed into a “heroic and valiant city of the free,” that is, a republican model for the nation, and a respected capital of a modern, civilized country for foreigners’ consumption. The rupture with Spanish col onialism was expressed in monuments erected in strategic places of the city. As early as 1822, plans for ne w monuments to celebrate the rise of the new nation were issued. Limeos , however, would have to wait until the 1850s to see the first of such public sanctuaries in place. The monument to liberator Bolivar marked year one of the new nation and no effort was spared to make it gr andiose: authorities were convinced that no economy could be made to symbolize the nationa l community, and that the monument had to worthy of the Liberator, of his f eat, and of the country. Elites also erected a monument to another 80 Juan Bromley, Las Viejas Calles de Lima (Lima: Municipalidad de Lima Metropolitana, 2005).

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41 founder: Christopher Columbus, wh o, not being a Spaniard, could be honored as a figure that brought “civilization” to the New World. Public spaces also had to conform to new (int er)national standards. The use of streets and plazas was regulated to avoid chaos and to fortify the presence of th e state. The construction of a new Central Market was intended to end the trad itional use of plazas as vending fairs. New and renewed promenades and parks would not only tran sform the environment, but also eradicate and replace Limeos ’ unenlightened habits of socializa tion, public manners, and customs. Along with a growing preoccupation for the city’s ornato , elites attempted to regulate and standardize public behavior, taste, and traditions. The infrastr ucture of streets, promenades and plazas had to have evident indications of where to sit, where to stand, where to direct the gaze. Having been inherited from colonial times, and theref ore perceived as barbaric or backward, Limeos leisure activities as well as entertainment activities had to be modified. Elites attacked such “barbaric” festivities as carnivals and re ligious processions, and promoted “high culture” entertainment, such as opera and the taste for classical music. The musical bands of the military corps, for instance, played Viennese waltzes, pieces of ope ra, along with patriotic marches to entertain crowds in parks and plazas during weekends . Opera and theater companies were given subventions and incentives to come to Lima, with the condition to lower their prices and thus give poor Limeos the chance to refine and cultivate their taste. Public space was defined as “sacred” space th at belonged to the national community. As such, it was declared that the state had the right and the duty to care of it and regulate its use. Campaigns were launched to clean streets of ve ndors, beggars, vagrants, gamblers, alcoholics; but also to improve the sanitary condition of an unhealthy city that did not have a domiciliary water and sewage system, and which did not co unt with a centralized, efficient service of

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42 garbage disposal or street clean sing. While provisions were made to provide those services, the notion that public space was sacred had to be inculcated in the masses: a good citizen had to venerate it and collaborate with state institutions to its be autification and preservation. The houses faades, for instance, had to be painted and kept clean. The old, crumbling city’s layout was considered unsanitary: its narrow streets co lluded with Lima’s humid weather impeding the circulation of winds and produced an undesired accumulation of noxious air that weakened the bodies and minds of Limeos . The old streets, narrow, unpaved, and gashed by ditches, contributed to the general unhealthy environment of the city, most importantly, it was believed that narrow streets had the effect of narrowing Limeos minds. New streets, paseos , and parks were carefully designed to provide for open sp ace were the inhabitants of the city could socialize, entertain themselv es, and breathe healthy air. The growing preoccupation with the sanitary conditions of the city combined with the perception that its population was stagnant. To put a remedy on Lima’s demographic problems, experts recommended hygienic meas ures, such as exercises, the cleaning of rooms, baths, and hygiene of clothes, food and bevera ges. Hygiene was taught at sc hools, since elites considered that it was through education that the population would modi fy their unsanitary habits. Plans were made to thoroughly restruct ure the educational system and make it appropriate for the country’s new needs. The first law of education (1850) declared that education was a guarantee for freedom and repub lican regeneration, but also for order and progress. New educational establishments were opened by state and privat e initiatives for pupils of all walks of life. To cove r for the absence of educators imbued with new pedagogic methods and with state-of-the-a rt knowledge, foreign teachers were hi red, many of which were in charge of instructing new teachers. Not only were the lo wer classes targeted by these educational plans

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43 and policies of control: e lites perceived that their own habits had to be reformed, and that the development of the country demanded the acquisi tion of inexistent capacities in science and technology. Outstanding university students of different fields of the arts and sciences were encouraged to continue studies abroad, receiving stipends from the state in exchange for their future efforts to use acquired knowledge and ex perience in Peru. The specialized knowledge required for the reformation of new public build ings and public spaces –for their design and construction— was not to be found in Peru eith er. Foreign architects and engineers were hired abroad and brought into the country, and contes ts for the design of monuments and buildings were entirely organized in Europe. The reform of Limeo habits demanded the increase of the state’s vigilance over public spaces and the population, as well as the reorgani zation of the mechanisms of coercion. A new Penal Code was enacted and a new police force wa s organized, as the institutions of the state launched a campaign to eradicate the vices of vagrancy, alcoholism, and gambling. Vigilance systems were put in effect, to gather info rmation on the population –residence, occupation, nationality—; a new literary genre was born: the report on the living conditions of the population. Experts of different disciplines, criminologists, hygi enists, architects, engineers, along with journalists, produced detailed “knowledge” on the population, describing and classifying it in order to de sign a rationalized administration of it. A medico-legal-police machine was put in place to assess and classify the population, to diagnose its maladies, and plan its reform and moralization. Most maladi es were attributed to the legacy of coloniaje , but elites also anticipated that certain social problems wo uld arise from progress and industrialization and aimed to prevent them.

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44 By the 1870s, the notion of what was public enla rged and penetrated into every aspect of the population’s lives. If streets, plazas, and open sp aces were hitherto considered as part of the state jurisdiction, but the houses’ insides were left to the will and care of thei r proprietors, positivistic preoccupation for social development a nd the construction of a stable, orderly nation, eliminated the notion of a private sphere. The state had now jurisdiction to inspect the most intimate details of the populati on, as their bodies themselves be longed to the nation. Individual liberty, it was thought, had to be put aside. Since it was the mission of a strengthened central government to guide the nation towa rd progress, no restrictions to the institutions of the state were recognized. The promotion of the values of discipline, self contro l, vigor, hard work, and respect for norms was also thought as instrument al to the development of a new economy: new industries demanded the formation of a disciplined, reliable, obedient proletariat, subdued to the new conceptions of time, work, and authority. Along with the pedagogy of public space and the reformation of the e ducational system, a new penitentiary was built to fulfill the aspirations of the new “ civitas .” The penitentiary, which opened in 1862 and was modeled after Philadel phia’s panopticon, was the largest, most imposing, and costly edifice of ni neteenth-century Lima. It was made to host prisoners from the entire nation, and was intended to, at on ce, exert a moral influence on the population, demonstrate Peru’s achievement of civilization, and reform cr iminals into hardworking, lawabiding citizens. Prisoners would be instructed in a trade in th e penitentiary’s workshops, and their reeducation was to be guided by the simple principles of the institution’s motto: “silence, obedience, labor.” More than a site for the recl usion of inmates, the Penitentiary was a social laboratory for the society elites wanted to forge: one ruled by the progressive severity of the state and formed by docile, obedient, and hardworking bodi es/citizens. At once, the penitentiary was

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45 an example of modernity, and had an exemplar y intention for the population modernizing elites wanted to civilize. Lima was thus reformed to construct the future of the nation. The historical narrative that Peruvianized the Incas, constructing the Inca Em pire as the glorious pa st of the nation, and which despised the immediate past of the obscu re, oppressive, and backward colonial era, found its way into history textbooks but could not find a physical ex pression in a city that was refounded as modern as the nation had to become.81 Enlightened, liberal projects of transformation intended to construct a functiona l society for contemporary world, which meant a new beginning that could not make use of traditi ons, styles or aesthetic references from the colonial or pre-colonial past. Lima was at the center of such efforts, as Peruvian modernizing elites of the mid-nineteenth century struggled to make a fresh, new, national start from tabula rasa . These foundational attempts were deeply anti-hi storicist, or at least showed elites’ desire to mark the rupture with the past as a way to pave the nation’s route to future and history. Examining the way European writers portrayed Spanish America during the years preceding the revolutions of Independence, Mary Louise Pratt has ar gued that America was reinvented by Europeans in the nineteenth centu ry as “a world whose history was the one about to begin.”82 Peruvian elites confront ed the essential predicament of creating a new national community out of the shambles of a decaying co lonial power that had lost all international prestige. National identity was necessarily constructed in opposition to Spanish “backward” colonialism, especially by the mid-nineteenth century, when it was clear that Peru’s future was to be republican. This meant that the colonial past could not be the usable past of the nation. The 81 For an analysis of Peru’s foundational mid-nineteenth ce ntury historical narratives that Peruvianized the Incas to provide the nation with a glorious cla ssical era comparable to that being constructed by Europeans, see Mark Thurner, “Peruvian Genealogies of History and Nation.” 82 Mary Louise Pratt, Imperial Eyes: Travel Writing and Transculturation (London: Routledge, 1992), 126.

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46 past era of the Incas was indeed constructed as magnificent; as the usable past that signaled Peru’s grandiose future, and Creole elites spoke of “our ancestors” the Incas while lamenting the fate of the “miserable” contemporary Indians. Th e mandates derived from the need to be part of contemporary, modern world, however, predominated in Lima’s early processes of reinvention, as elites “transculturated” –sel ected and invented from– Europe an perspectives, styles and aesthetics as they strove to cr eate images of their nations. The transformations of the city, however, we re not uncontested. Along with the changes appeared a romantic, nostalgic view of the old, colonial city and its traditions and local flavor. The lamentations about the vanishing “typical” Li ma, that were expressed in incomparable terms in Jos Galvez’s Una Lima que se va in 1921, would have its origins in the mid nineteenth century by certain Limeos –even liberals like Ricardo Palma— and foreign visitors as well. Most importantly, the absence of local referen ces meant that the desired symbolism of the physical reshaping of the city c ould not always be interpreted as first intended. Designed to signify civilization and the national communit y, monuments and public spaces soon had to be fenced and protected against misuses, vandalism , and robbery. The renomination of public space did not make Limeos abandon the old designations. Elites ’ projects, which were limited by the state’s inefficacy and weakness, and restrained by the end of the guano prosperity, could not install a hegemonic culture fundamentally becau se it could not converse in an understandable rhetoric to all Limeos , much the less to Peru’s pre dominantly rural, Indian population. The end of the guano boom was followed by an ev ent that still marks Peru’s historical anxieties. The War of the Pacific (1879-1883) is probably the event mo st studied by scholars,

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47 and, along with “conquest,” the one most present in popular imagination.83 Part of this sense of trauma comes from the fact that Chilean for ces occupied Lima between 1881 and 1883, not only leaving a sense of defeat, decay and impotence, but forcing an “institutional reordering of society.”84 The war produced doubts about Creole’s co mpetence to lead the nation to progress, and even about Creole’s racial makeup. I ndeed, anarchist thinke r Manuel Gonzalez Prada inaugurated a criticism to Limeo elites that would influence ge nerations to come: to him, the defeat was the direct responsibility of Lima’s “plutocracy” whose mental ity was still colonial (Gonzalez Prada stated that every “white” man wa s like “a Pizarro, a Valverde, or an Areche”), and who had been unable to cr eate a real, unified nation.85 Three years before, in 1905, Jos de la Riva Agero, one of Peru’s most prolific “rea ctionary” historians, argu ed that the defeat of Peru in the war of the Pacific had been caused by the absence of a leading class that could unify and guide the nation after independence.86 The defeat of the war of the Pacific produced a historiography dominated by ucroni a, that is, by reflections of what should have happened but never occurred –marked by a sense of “his torical frustration”—, and a sociology that predominantly compared Peru’s society with an ideal of modernity to lament the country’s 83 According to Alberto Flores Galindo, Spanish conquest of the Inca Empire, the wars of Independence, and the war of the Pacific are the three topics mo st studied by Peruvian historians. Alberto Flores Galindo, “La imagen y el espejo.” 84 See Heraclio Bonilla “El problema nacional y colonial del Per,” Un siglo a la deriva ; and, Guano y burguesa . 85 Manuel Gonzalez Prada, Horas de Lucha (Lima: El Progreso Literario, 1908). Gonzalez Prada is referring to Pizarro, the conquistador, priest Valverde, who accompanied Pizarro and played a major ro le in Atahualpa’s capture, and Antonio Areche, Visitador General del Per who was in charge of the crown’s troops who defeated Tupac Amaru’s rebellion in 1782. 86 Jos de la Riva Agero, Carcter de la literatura del Per independiente (Lima: Pontificia Universidad Catlica del Per, 1965) (1905). The characteriza tion of Riva Agero as reactionary is not gratuitous: it was Riva Agero himself who proclaimed not to be conservative, but reactionary. See Lus Alberto Sanchez, Conservador, no, reaccionario, si: notas sobre la vida , obra y proyecciones de don Jos de la Riva-Agero y Osma, Marqus de Montealegre y Aulestia (Lima: Mosca Azul, 1985).

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48 “unfulfilled promises,” and “lost” decades or cen turies: the type of so cial thought that still dominates Peruvian imagination.87 Some thinkers echoed Chilean nationalist di scourses elaborated after and during after Lima’s occupation, which portrayed Limeos as effeminate, uncivilize d, and racially impure and inferior.88 Racist conceptions against the Indians th at had spurred attempts to improve their “decadent race” through miscegenation with whit e Europeans, were now directed towards Creoles: intellectuals like Hildebrando Fuentes, Juan de Arona, Clemente Palma, and Javier Prado, stated that Peruvian Creoles –sometimes re ferred to as “whites”— we re “a lethargic race, of poor blood and muscular vigor, indolent, viciou s, who surrenders to pleasure and courtesan customs,” who needed to receive the vigor, intell ect, scientific spirit, serenity, and energy of “Germanic” race. 89 The economic expansion based on the developm ent of exports and substantial foreign investment in production by the end of the centur y, gave rise to a vital period of modernization and recuperation after the generalized postwar crisis. Positivism’s modernizing impetus, well synthesized in its motto “order and progress,” co mbined with the need to rebuild the national pride, as new modernizing elites reinitiated th e mission of remaking Lima to lead the nation in the path of modernity and civiliz ation. The drive of modernizati on of the late-nineteenth century and early twentieth century followed similar prin ciples of the earlier period, but acquired more intensity: a sense of greater urgency to achieve progress through the de velopment of industries 87 Note that the separation of historiography and sociological thought is somewhat arbitrary: most Peruvian historiography is in fact sociological history. For criticisms of this dominant approach to Peru’s society and history see Magdalena Chocano, “Ucron a y frustracin”; Alberto Flores Galindo, “La imagen y el espejo: la historiografa peruana;” and, Guillermo Rochabn, “Ser historiador.” 88 For an analysis of Chilean nationalist discourses during and after Lima’s occupation, see Carmen Mc Evoy, ““Bella Lima ya tiemblas llorosa del triunfador chileno en poder”: una aproximacin a los elementos de gnero en el discurso nacionalista chileno,” in El hechizo de las imgenes: Estatus social y etnicidad en la historia peruana , ed. Narda Henrquez (Lima: Pontificia Universidad Catlica del Per, 2000). 89 Javier Prado, Estado social del Per durante la dominacin espaola (Lima: Imprenta de El Diario Judicial, por M. Agois, 1894).

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49 and through cultural transformations dominated Limeo elites, who felt that the achievements of the previous era had been meager, that country had not realized its destiny, and that it had fallen backwards in comparison to other South American nations; a feeling underscored by the defeat against Chile. The feeling that neither Independence nor th e guano wealth had made Peru develop its magnificent potential merged with the optimistic sense that the country had a new opportunity: the new political stability and economic growth allowed for a new beginning in a country generously blessed with natural resources but which st ill lacked the proper infrastructure and human capacity. Along with the preoccupation for de veloping the required abilities and talents for industrial expansion, the concern for the development of a national identity became an obsession: the defeat of the war was attributed to the country’s divides and the absence of an integrated national community. As Renan acutely observed, for the constructi on of a national memory “grieves are of more value than triumphs, for they impose duties, and require a common effort.”90 The war provided the nation with new symbols of heroism, and with a sense of victimization readily available for the construction of a historical na rrative of moral triumph. Contrasted with the leaders of the Independence movements, the new heroes had the fundamental advantage of being unquestionably “Peruvian.” While a monument to honor Bolivar a ppeared in Lima thirty-five years after the consolidation of Peru’s independe nce, and San Martin was only immortalized in bronze only a century after the Declaration of Inde pendence, a plan to cons truct a shrine to honor Colonels Francisco Bolognesi and Alfonso Ug arte, as well as Admiral Miguel Grau, was executed rapidly, and new plazas and avenues soon received their names and monuments. Those three figures not only represented courage and heroism, but incarnate d the drive to struggle in the 90 Ernest Renan, “What is a Nation?,” 41-55.

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50 most unfavorable conditions. The country’s post -war conditions were indeed most unfavorable, and the new heroes’ image was instrumental fo r the new efforts for uni fication, reconstruction and development. Lima was experiencing a process of rapid demographic growth. The central city’s demographic density alarmed authorities and expe rts, and plans were made to regulate and control its future expansion. A new avenue that connected the capital w ith the neighboring town of Magdalena opened new areas for the city’s development. The new neighborhoods were carefully planned to include open areas for r ecreation, and wide stre ets to allow for the circulation of new means of tr ansportation: automobiles, urban railways and tramways. New technologies marked the development of the grow ing city, but also altered the old center, as electricity was introduced, and key avenues were enlarged and turned into boulevards that became new commercial and financial centers. French architectural styles, such as the Art Nouveau dominated in the new public and private buildings, and the design of streets and boulevards followed the principles of Baron Ge orges Eugene Hausmann remodeling of Paris, although by the early twentieth century Buenos Aires had become the emblematic South American intermediary of the “capital of the ninet eenth century.” Other influences were also felt in these projects of renewal. The renovation of the symbolic Plaza de Armas in 1901, carried out by the municipal administration of Federico Elgu era, however, as well as the design of Lima’s first horse race track, foll owed English standards. In contrast to the old cit y, new neighborhoods were designed to segregate the population according to their social class. The barrios obreros , located in areas adjacent to the increasing industries, were designed to provide for inexpe nsive, comfortable and hygienic housing to the new proletariat. These designs followed the recommendations made by engineers, architects,

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51 and hygienists that carefully studied the living co nditions of the poor. Their reports expressed the growing concern about the influence of the habi tat on the morality of the population, and they unanimously claimed that a disciplined, rest rained workforce could not be formed if contemporary unsanitary living c onditions were maintained. S upported by state and municipal legislation, experts penetrated into the private spheres of the population –which were increasingly defined as the stat e’s jurisdiction— and detailed the physical and sanitary conditions of the houses and how Limeos occupied them, prepared their meals, slept, and raised their children. Following positivist ideas that privileged the common welfare over individual liberties, experts believed that state agencies’ authority ha d to be exercised not only in the urban network, on the streets or houses’ faades, but in the interior of houses as well. It was believed that houses had to be rationally designed to avoid cr owding and to provide be neficial air and light; their decorations had to please the eye, but not distract. The housing conditions of the lower classes scandalized experts, w ho compared the houses of the poor to “caves from prehistoric epochs,”91 whose unpleasant, depressing environment, argued the experts, made workers prefer to go to bars or socialize outdoor s, where they acquired vices and “demoralizing” habits. Some experts also argued that poor hous es were centers of corruption and misery because workers did not have the desire to improve their living conditions. In word s of leading engineer Santiago Basurco: “they only seek to have as much money as possible to spend in alcohol”92 Reports expressed that the environment had a pernicious influence on the habits and moral of a population whose race was naturally inclined to excesses and idleness. Experts expressed that “Indians’” pusil lanimous temper, and “blacks’” proclivity towards vice and 91 Santiago Basurco and Leonidas Avendao, “Higiene de la habitacin. Informe emitido por la comisin nombrada por el gobierno para estudiar las condiciones sanitarias de las casas de vecindad,” Boletn del Ministerio de Fomento. Direccin de Salubridad Pblica , 3, no. 4-5 (1907): 84 92 Santiago Basurco, “Construccin de casas higinicas para obreros,” Boletn del Ministerio de Fomento. Direccin de Obras Pblicas , 1, no. 2 (1905): 63.

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52 anarchy, were at the same time expressed in and reinforced by their livi ng conditions. In some cases, experts also criticized th e housing conditions of wealthier Limeos , stating that they too lacked hygiene and buttressed “white” Creole ’s racial disposition towards inaction and hedonism. Improving the living conditions of th e population, following the mandates of modern hygiene, was an essential duty of the state to avoid further “deg eneration of the race.” The “improvement of the race” became an obsession of modernizing elites. All plans for intervention on the city’s infrastructure, and the population’s educati on and habits, were colored by a racialist rhetoric in which an environmental, Lamarckian notion of race dominated social thought of experts: changes would not only better the living conditions of c ontemporary population, but improvements would also be transmitted to future generations.93 The creation of a numerous, virile, and vigorous population demanded profound changes in the educational system. Th e main objective of the new La w of Education of 1901 was to promote more practical individuals , inclined towards sciences and economic activities. It was stated that education in Peru had not been really transformed since colonial times, still placing its emphasis on the development of memory and on the humanities: students were inclined to become lawyers and poets, and not towards more practical, useful, and development-oriented careers. The education of the lo wer classes also had to help de velop an entrepreneurial spirit, and prepare children in productive trades. Wh ile Lima’s university schools of medicine, engineering, and agriculture received special atte ntion from the state, a new School of Arts and Trades was created to train the “ hijos del pueblo ” in trades such as printing, carpentry, and construction. 93 For an explanation of enviro nmental, Lamarckian conceptions of race, see Nancy Stepan, The Hour of Eugenics: Race, Gender, and Nation in Latin America (Ithaca: Cornell Univer sity Press, 1996).

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53 A new proletariat also aroused from growi ng industries. New unions, most of them dominated by anarchist figures, were part of th e civilizing drive of the modernizing elite. Workers launched campaigns to educate themse lves, and to reform their habits. Through “temperance” campaigns they could claim that they were part of civilization. In fact, workers’ speakers claimed that they were more modern, civilized, and patriotic than Limeo elites, who could not rid themselves of their seigni orial, essentially non-bourgeois culture. Primary education became compulsory, as the authority of parents could not be greater than that of the state. The education of wo men also acquired unprecedented importance. If males’ education was inclined to productive activ ities, the education of females was centered or reproductive ones. Women’s bodies had to be deve loped in a healthy manner because they were the sites where the reproduction of the population and race took place. The emphasis on the physical education of men was placed on the de velopment of strengt h, virility, disciplined bodies. The physical education of women had one ma in objective: to make future mothers apt to bear healthy citizens for the nati on. The principles of hygiene were to be taught at schools, but girls received additional cour ses on healthy pregnancies and puericultura , the care of infants. Women’s bodies thus became a privilege d field of state intervention. A new Hospital de Maternidad was erected to control pre gnancies and deliveries; a decree mandated that pregnant women had to register in the Maternidad , to be closely monitored by physicians. Doctors recommended that pregnant women should not pay attention to any advice given by nonprofessionals, in particular, should not to listen to their own mothers, who could only transmit deficient knowledge based on superstition. Doct ors inspected women’s bodies in detail, and reported about their abilitie s to be good mothers.

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54 The aims to create of an orderly, hygienic e nvironment, and the formation of disciplined, rational individuals, were expr essed in continuous campaigns against popular customs, recreational activities, and lifestyles. The so-c alled “social question” cap tured the attention of reform-minded politicians, planners, engineers, criminologists, and hygienists: an army of reformers attempted to organize, clean, and educat e a city they diagnosed as chaotic, decrepit, and unsanitary, and inhabited by a languid populati on whose beliefs and customs were absurd and barbaric. Some of these experts, however , believed that the condition of Lima and its population was in many ways better than those of industrialized citi es: these specialists –most of whom had studied in Europe— stated that “pr ogress” carried its own dangers, producing social maladies yet unknown to Lima. The view of modernity and progress was ambiguous even for Federico Elguera, the emblematic lawyer, litera ti, and journalist who became Lima’s Mayor in 1901 and who is widely known for promoting and l eading a radical transformation of the city. Elguera’s fascination for modernity was mitigated by his fears that old ways of sociability were being replaced by impoverished impersona l relations that pr oduced solitude. During this period, Lima experienced a remark able transformation. Not only did the city grow at an unprecedented pace; but new spaces and technologies radically transformed the life of Limeos , producing anxieties and uncertainties. The in stallation of electricity could be praised for its magical effects on the city, but newspa pers reported on accidents on a daily basis. Changes brought uncertainty for Limeos who saw their environment and basis for subsistence alter rapidly, demanding rapid ad aptations. Some members of the elites also worried about the emergence of a monotonous city und istinguishable from other modern cities in the world. While some praised the transformation of Lima in a “modern and commercial city, with large and

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55 rectilinear avenues . . . and unifo rm houses of monotonous simplicity,”94 others angrily complained about “the modern uproar and the pr etentious vulgarity of the new buildings,” as well as the “artificial and dangerous” foreign influences that were making Lima lose its particular flavor and identity.95 The Legua regime known as the Oncenio (1919-1930) was intende d to be a widely recognized break with the past, and was ambitiously denominated the “ Patria Nueva .” Augusto Bernardino Legua, a sagacious po litician and entrepreneur, led a modernization process that included social, economic, political, and admini strative reforms, sustained by an economic bonanza based on foreign investment and lo ans. After Leguia’ s rupture with the civilista party that had taken him to power for a first period between 1908 and 1912, he declared that his main political objective was to “not only to liquidate the old state of af fairs, but also to detain the advance of communism.” Legua felt that the old civilista “aristocracy” had proven unable to lead Peru to progress and that a coalition between capital a nd labor, along with strong state intervention in the economy, could both enhance modernization and attend to the new social demands of a growing middl e class and proletariat. Legua’s economic policies generated a grea ter demand for labor in construction and other services, which in turn promoted a wave of rural migrants into Lima: the city’s demographic growth acquired dramatic dimensions , as the population raised from an estimate 106,000 inhabitants in 1900 to 376,500 in 1931. New economic activities appeared, and social changes went along. Legua promoted the intensification of the participation of U.S. capital and technicians in Peru’s economy: having worked for a U.S. insurance company in New York, Legua admired North American “practical” and entrepreneurial spirit and believed Peruvians 94 Francisco Garca Caldern, Le Perou Contemporain: Etude Sociale (Paris: Dujarric et Cio. Editeurs, 1907), 11. 95 Jos de la Riva Agero, La Historia en el Per. Tesis para el doctorado en Letras (Lima: Imprenta Nacional de Federico Barrionuevo, 1910), 221.

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56 would benefit by using it as a model. This pr actical man’s modernist impulses merged with a special interest in Peru’s hist ory and national identity. His re gime gave unprecedented support to historical and archaeological research and purchas ed private collections to create Peru’s first modern archaeological museums. By the 1920s historical narratives were changi ng the perception of the past. Nineteenthcentury historical discourses had been predom inantly anti-Hispanic –perhaps because the new nation’s identity had to be forged in opposition to the colonial past from which it had emerged. Anti-Hispanism was also reinforced by Spain’s occupation of Peru’s guano islands between 1864 and 1866, a campaign that was responded by a coalition Chile, Ecuador, Bolivia, and Peru. The Combate del 2 de Mayo that took place in Callao and wh ich sealed Spain’s defeat, was immediately conceived as Peru’s second i ndependence: a new plaza and monument to immortalize Peru’s triumph was inau gurated in 1874, in Peru standard s, a record six years later. Anti-Hispanic sentiments are expressed by the fact that Peru did not have complete diplomatic relationships with Spain until 1923. By the 1910s, and especially the 1920s, howev er, a combination of factors allowed for the elaboration of a historical na rrative that reconciled the nation w ith its colonial past and Spain. The War of the Pacific had create d another “other” in opposition to which Peru’s identity was to be forged. Chile appeared as a closer and mo re dangerous “other,” displacing Spain as an oppositional figure. By the 1920s several internationa l events had radically altered historical and sociological thought: the Mexican Revolution (1 910-1920), the World War I, and the Russian Revolution. The atrocities of World War I had produced a sequel of pessimism throughout Europe, as confidence on progress was severely undermined, and some voices crafted a critical

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57 narrative of modernity, stating that “the decline of the West” was inevitable.96 The triumph of the Bolshevik revolution, and the rise of labor movements throughout the world produced feelings of anxiety in the West; the fact that the Russian communist regime had declared itself to be atheist only increased fears among Peru’s elites, most of whom defined themselves as Catholic. The Mexican revolu tion promoted a renovation of indigenista discourses, but, at the same time, became an example of the violence and instability that could al so occur in Peru if social and political transformations were not enacted: reformation was to be made from above, in order to avoid revolution from below. Nineteenth century histori ography, with some notable ex ceptions, had constructed the Inca Empire as the usable, glorious past that pr ovided the nation with an Imperial pedigree. Spanish colonialism had been constructed follow ing the lines of the “Black Legend,” as an obscure era of foreign rule that had left a le gacy of backwardness, which was emblematically incarnated by the Indian populati on. “The Indian” had been re duced to servitude and vice by Spanish colonialism, and constituted “our miserable indigenous race,” an obstacle to Peru’s progress, but also an object for Creole’s na tional, civilizatory mission. In the 1920s, this historical narrative was questio ned by figures who attempted to reconcile the nation with its colonial past. Jos de la Riva Ague ro, for instance, maintained an Incaist indigenismo that highlighted Inca dominance in South America, bu t added that the early Habsburg colonial era also gave Peru a noble past of which Per uvians had to be proud. Riva Aguero’s Hispanista discourse highlighted that Peru ’s viceroyalty was the most im portant possession of the most powerful Empire, and that the nation had to be proud of being the favorite son –“ hijo predilecto ”— of Spain, our noble “ Madre Patria .” Both, the Inca, and the colonial pasts gave 96 Oswald Spengler, La decadencia de occidente: bosquejo de una morfologa de la historia universal (Madrid: Espasa-Calpe, 1976) (1918).

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58 Peru the “most authentic titles for predomin ance in South America.” Independence was constructed by Riva Aguero as th e result of a “growth crisis:” Pe ru had to leave the protective bosom of its Spanish mother as grown-ups leav e their parents’ home once they are ready for autonomy. The consolidation of Peruvian archaeol ogy and the appearance of new middle-class intellectuals –many of whom came from provinces— revitalized and reshaped an indigenista historical perspective. Julio C. Tello, a phys ician and archaeologist who had been born in a humble family in Huarochir, and who became a Harvard graduate, crafted a discourse that criticized Spanish col onialism for “destructing the foundations of our nationality.” “The conquest” not only had removed the Indian’s progre ssive drive, but had caused a cataclysm that destroyed the autochthonous Madre Patria , “our grand and only mother.” The 1920s propitiated debates among different conceptions of the nation, elaborated from dissimilar perspectives and to support diverse po litical projects. The Legua regime, however, made use of all of them, and promoted indigenismo , and hispanismo , while keeping the desire to take the nation to modernity. Perhaps his practi cal spirit understood that history could be an amorphous, but functional discourse on national identi ty, while the future had to be constructed in more practical and coherent terms. Legua cons idered himself to be the Indian’s redeemer; in some occasions, however, his references to histor y were identical to Riva Aguero’s: highlighting the role of our Madre Patria , Spain, in bequeathing Peru its c onstitutive character, race, language and soul. Legua multiple uses of history were central in the celebrations of the Centennials of Independence (1921), and the Battle of Ayacucho ( 1924). Legua decided to use the occasions to consolidate his regime and to publicize Peru in the world. The aim to ma ke a great celebration

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59 that would enlarge Peru’s international pr estige spurred an unprecedented drive for the transformation of Lima. In a few years, the city changed more than ever before. New avenues opened areas for the city’s expansion, and new st ate and private buildings were erected following diverse styles, most notably, a ne o-colonial style that recovered the previously loathed baroque, while a neo-pre-Hiapanic style recreated Tiahuan aco and Inca motifs. The neo-colonial found its way in major public buildings and some elite ma nsions; the neo-pre-Hispanic style did not find its way into many structures, but influenced monuments, decorations, furniture, and jewelry. Both styles were cultivated by architects. In fact, the most important neo-colonial building, Lima’s Archbishop’s Palace, and the most importa nt neo-pre-Hispanic one, that of Peru’s National Museum of Archaeology, were designed and constructed in simultaneous by the same architect and inaugurated the same week, for the celebration of the Ayacucho battle, in 1924. To make things more ironic, the arch itect who created both symbols of Peruanidad happened to be Polish, one of the European archite cts hired in to promote the deve lopment of the field in Peru. In what follows, I trace the projects of transformation of Lima and explore the language of urbanism, exploring, in an ethnographic ve in, how “modernity” was vicariously understood, debated, and used by politicians, planners, engine ers, criminologists, hyg ienists, intellectuals, and the population in (and against) the re-f oundational national proj ects. Perhaps more poignantly, my study seeks to make visible the i nherent tensions, ambivalence, and ironies of such imaginings and deployments.

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60 Figure 1-1. Pizarro Monument . Removed on April 26, 2003 Figure 1-2. Pizarro Plaza and monument before rem oval. Graffiti reads: “Pizarro mass murderer the Tawantinsuyo repudiates you”

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61 CHAPTER 2 MODERNIZING THE MODERN Although General Jos de San Martn had declared Peru’s independence on July 28, 1821, the new republican order was far from conso lidated in the chaotic, unstable period that followed the declaration. While Spanish forces held power in most of the interior until the late 1824 Ayacucho battle, the patriot government could hardly maintain contro l in the republic’s postcolonial capital: the old City of the Kings was threatened by war, revolts, banditry, famine and sickness. Commercial routes and the mercant ile network that articulated Lima with interior cities and mining centers remained interrupted. Royalist and patriot armies devastated nearby haciendas, imposing quotas on hacendados or simply appropriating harvests and cattle, and granting freedom to slaves willing to join their ranks. Maroons a nd bandits followed, as mechanisms of control relaxed or disappeared altogether. The city was in the hand of “montoneras;” troops of mounted men who razed th e city and its hinterland, looting shops and residences. Food scarcity app eared, producing massive hunger and sickness: prices of staple goods soared. Horses and mules had to be slaughte red to cover for meat de ficit, but that did not prevent the appearance of death: outbursts of yellow fever and “ vmito prieto ” (dark vomit) terrified Limeos. It is in the midst of an archy and fear that Be rnardo Monteagudo --long-time friend and advisor to San Martn, whom the Supr eme Protector had named Minister of War and Navy, as well as Minister of State and Foreign Rela tions, and left in charge of Peru’s government during his historic journey to Guayaquil to inte rview with Simn Bolvar-decided that the new republic needed a new history. A New History for a New Nation: A Trajan’s Column in the Plaza de la Constitucin On July 6, 1822, Monteagudo decided th at the plaza hitherto known as Plaza de la Inquisicin had to be officially renamed and known as the Plaza de la Constitucin . The

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62 building that had hosted the Holy Office had, by then, become house of the High Chamber of Justice and site of the future Congress, char ged with writing Peru’s first constitution. To Monteagudo, the new Republican state should preser ve the building as a concrete reminder of the transition to the new republican epoch. Once an odious site “where so many victims have groaned in pain under the empire of superstiti on and political tyranny,” it was now to be the memorable place “where the High Chamber administ rates justice, respecting laws that emanate from nature” and where Peru’s fi rst Congress would assemble. It was appropriate to preserve a building where “the most illustrious patriots” ha d been imprisoned, to conserve “memory of the causes and epoch of this change.” By virtue of its preservati on and new use, the Inquisition building was to symbolize the contrast between th e dark era of Spanish colonialism and the just, “natural” nati onal order. To accentuate the contrast, the plaza which in the past “many have approached trembling with horror” now would offer a monument “w hose magnificence will increase every year.” Monteagudo ordered the erection of a monument modeled afte r Rome’s Trajan’s column, crowned by an equestrian statue of Peru’s Protec tor and whose pedestal would have gold letters showing the date of the Declar ation of Independence. While the base of the column would inscribe the date of the installation of the C onstitutional Congress, the column itself would be empty. Every year, a golden bronz e ring with the inscription of th e most memorable events of it was to be added “for posterity, to find in them th e history of the events th at have influenced its destiny.”97 It is apparent that th e project was important to Monteagudo, for the decree made 97 Gaceta del Gobierno de Lima Independiente (La Plata: Universidad Nacional de la Plata, 1950), 549. Decree issued on July 6, 1822.

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63 clear that “in any circumstance, it is necessary to have the same degree of courage to undertake what is important for Peru’s gl ory, as to sustain its liberty.”98 Monteagudo had an acute sensitivity towards history. In 1809, and at the tender age of nineteen, the Tucumeo had written a celebrated Incaist, patr iot lampoon in which Atahualpa, the unfortunate Inca sentenced to death by Pizarro in 1533, and Ferdinand VII, the Bourbon king of Spain imprisoned by Napoleon Bonaparte’s ar my in 1808, maintained an improbable but amicable dialog in the Champs Elises. In th is dialog the enlightened Ferdinand admits America’s right to obtain freedom from a forei gn rule that had brought ignorance, misery, and degradation to Peru.99 By 1822, Monteagudo had also founded the Sociedad Patritica de Lima ,100 enacted San Martin’s decree to or ganize Peru’s National Museum,101 and prohibited the exit of objects found in archaeologi cal sites from Peru. If Spain had attempted to “erase all vestige of the ancient civilization and grande ur,” the new Republic would preserve “the venerable remains we still possess, produced by th e art of the subjects of the ancient Inca Empire.”102 An acute observer of society, Monteagudo was aware of the urgency of the moment. A fractured republic had emerged fr om the old colonial order, one in which “the diversity of conditions and the multitude of castes, the str ong aggression between them, the diametrically different character of each of th em the difference in ideas, habits, customs, needs, and in the ways to satisfy them, present a picture of hatr ed and irreconcilable interests, which threatens 98 Ibid. 99 Bernardo Monteagudo, “Dilogo entre Atahualp a y Fernando VII en los Campos Elseos,” in Pensamiento Poltico de la Emancipacin (1790-1825) , ed. Jos Luis Romero and Luis Alberto Romero (Caracas: Biblioteca Ayacucho, 1977), vol. I, 64-71. 100 Gaceta del Gobierno de Lima Independiente , 281. Decree issued on January 10, 1822. 101 See commentary by the Gaceta del Gobierno de Lima Independiente , 377. 102 Ibid., 377.

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64 social existence,” as he would la ter express in his memoirs on Peru.103 Monteagudo’s work as head of the Juzgado de Secuestros , a court established in 1821 to prosecute royalist Spaniards, which received accusations on alleged conspirato rs and fugitives, made him well aware that forging a national identity was a harder task than giving birth to a political entity. In the twelve bundles that gather the documents of the Juzgado , the term “Peruvian” is mentioned only twice. When asked for their “patria” (fatherland), all of the accusers answered indicating their place of birth, or defined themselves as “Ame rican,” “patriots,” “citizens,” or “ limeos .”104 The diverse and fragmented society that surfaced after the opp ressive and divisive era of Spanish colonialism required a unifying myth that would forge a common “Peruvian” identity, that is, to create citizens with “national consciousness.” To M onteagudo this unity could only be provided by a demonstrative history. To carry out the vital task of forging a sense of unity under th e notion of national belonging, Monteagudo believed the history of the new/old nation could not be confined to lettered “Peruvians to be.” The Plaza and ol d building where the Holy Office had functioned would become a walking scenario where specta tors from all walks of life could behold the sensations produced by the material remembrance of the triumph of “nature” and “reason” over “tyranny” and “superstition.” The new Plaza would serve to recall the dark colonial past along the lines of the “Black Legend” –an obscure era of illegitimate rule of arb itrariness, exploitation, ignorance, and pain— and to envision the national fu ture as an era of jus tice, heroism, progress, and openness. 103 Bernardo Monteagudo, Memoria sobre los principios polticos que segu en la administracin del Per y acontecimientos poster iores a mi separacin (Santiago: Imprenta Nacional, 1823), 18-19. 104 Alberto Flores Galindo, La ciudad sumergida. Aristocr acia y plebe en Lima, 1760-1830 (Lima: Editorial Horizonte, 1991), 173.

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65 All of these elements were to be symbo lized by, and in, the Plaza and its monument modeled on Trajan’s column. San Martin’s statue and the date of the declaration of Peru’s independence inscribed in gold letters would mark the beginning of year one of the sovereign era. The base would show the date of the in stallation of Congress not only to mark the establishment of the rule of law, but to mark the birth of the new entity of the nation, one that could not be created by the will of a single person, but only by “we, the People,” expressed by Congress. The monument would thus embody the republican desire to displace royal sovereignty towards the people represented, inscri bing “the name of the people” to displace the formerly hyper present “name of the king.”105 The abstract concept of the nation had to be promoted as the personification of the common soul of all citizen s, as opposed to the monarch. The symbols of the Ancien Rgime , however, could not be entirely erased; the new era required them to be kept alive, if only to transmit di fferent meanings, as reminders of the colonial “opprobrium.” The “most memorable events” were to be successively inscribed on the empty column, creating a sequence held together in, and by, the intelligible tota lity of the nation. They would acquire meaning by their connection to one another, creating a larg er system of signs, which in turn would become a meaningful and instructive story/history. The emptiness of the column expressed optimism about the future: the linear tim e of the nation was to be the vehicle of a continuous, meaningful story of ascension to a high destiny that seemed plausible when contrasted with an immediate past, allegedl y characterized by caste separations, unreason, backwardness, and suffering. 105 Mark Thurner, “Una historia peruana para el pueblo peruano. De la genealoga fundacional de Sebastin Lorente,” in Lorente, Sebastin, Escritos fundacionales de historia peruana. Compilacin y estudio introductorio by Mark Thurner (Lima: Universidad Nacional Mayor de San Marcos, 2005).

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66 Monteagudo’s Plaza de la Constitucin and Trajan’s column was a public history of the future, for the past was unreason “and the future alone was the time which they could envision as that of the triumph of reason ove r unreason, perfect unity, redemption.”106 To Monteagudo, the history of the new nation was a blank page to be written on. Independence was to be inscribed to signify the rupture, the passage towards history and posterity. On the other hand, the column expressed the drive to place the nation in the universal time of nations, a new “contemporary” epoch itself in the forming international commun ity. Indeed, the use of Trajan’s column as a model to represent Peru’s break with Spanis h colonialism and the birth of the national community was not fortuitous, for it claimed coevalness with the imagined community of modern and inter national mankind.107 By using Rome’s classical era as the symbolic source to build Peru’s future shrine of history, Monteagudo was not simp ly expressing an impulse to “copy” colonial powers to be, but ascribing to the “univers al” values of reason, political freedom, and national unity. And so, rather than locating the nation’s hi story in empty, secular time, the nation’s Trajan clock would register the sacred te mporal frame of a universal contemporaneity whose upward spiral was founde d on the republican appeal to ancient Rome.108 The new Plaza would not only insert the nati on in contemporaneity through the new/old, ancient/modern historical refe rences, however. Monteagudo’s design was also intended to cleanse and reorder a Plaza that after the closure of the Inquisi tion Tribunal had been occupied by an unwieldy mass of street vendors. The ch aotic, unpleasant view of the Plaza “embarrassed pedestrians.” Produce was scattered on the floo r and filth agglomerated, producing disarray 106 Hayden White, Metahistory: The Historical Imagina tion in Nineteenth-Century Europe (Baltimore: The Johns Hopkins University Press, 1973). 107 The concept of coevalness comes from Johannes, Fabian, Time and the Other: How Anthropology Makes its Object (New York: Columbia Un iversity Press, 1983). 108 Mark Thurner, “Peruvian Genealogies of History and Nation,” in After Spanish Rule: Postcolonial Predicaments of the Americas , ed. Mark Thurner and Andrs Guerrero (Durham: Duke University Press, 2003).

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67 “without any method or comfort.”109 Monteagudo promptly ordered their removal, since to allow vendors in the Plaza that would host the new Congress was a sacrilege. Indeed, Monteagudo intended to promote new customs a nd habits among Lima’s population, for the new nation needed not only a new hist ory but virtuous citizens if it were to achieve progress and civilization. To promote his ideals of cultura l renovation, Monteagudo woul d reform all aspects of the public sphere; in particul ar, however, the public areas of the city had to reordered and disciplined. In a time in which the nation was emerging from Spanish colonialism, constructing its sense of identity in opposition to that past , and trying to achieve pr ogress and modernity, all social disorders and maladies wher e judged to be colonial legacies to transcend. In short, the new Plaza would also mark the advent of a republican civilizing mission.110 Monteagudo’s plaza of history and order did not materiali ze, however. After meeting with Bolivar in Guayaquil, San Martn retired to Europe. The task of liberating Peru from the Spanish menace, and of administrating her territor y, now fell into the hands of the Liberator from Caracas. Monteagudo was forced to abandon Lima, exiled to Quito, only to return months later to be the victim of an obscure assassination.111 The chaos and instability of the early postcolonial years would last for decades. The lo ng period of birth pangs characterized by caudillo wars that would only end in the 1840s thanks to the more stable conditions granted by the wealth of guano , placed Monteagudo’s project on hold. Nevertheless, his vision is illustrative of the postcolonial predicaments Peruvian elites faced in the foundational moments afte r the fall of Spanish colonialism. 109 Gaceta del Gobierno de Lima Independiente , 517-8. Decree issued on June 18, 1822. 110 Monteagudo issued other decrees to order Lima’s public areas and change Limeos ’ habits. A decree issued on May 21, 1822, for instance, limited bell pealing to five minutes “unless they peal to honor a great event in favor of Independence, for which they must last ten minutes.” Gaceta del Gobierno de Lima Independiente , 465. 111 The decree for Monteagudo’s exile was issued on Decem ber 6, 1822. He was named “enemy of the state.” Gaceta del Gobierno de Lima Independiente , 773.

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68 In this chapter I explore how Limeo elites, buttressed by the unprecedented period of political stability and economic growth of th e 1840s and 1850s, revived M onteagudo’s project. Like Monteagudo, mid-nineteenth century elit es were convinced that a comprehensive institutional reform of the state apparatus was insufficient to build a viable society, and they chose Lima as the privileged site for pedagogi cal experiments for the formation of a new national civitas. Already and Not Yet Modern: An Ambiguous Synecdoche for Peru The old, now national, capital city had it seemed seen nothing but disasters until the 1840s. The City of the Kings’ dominance over Sout h America had suffered an earlier hard blow with the eighteenth-century creation of the Vicer oyalties of New Granada and Rio de la Plata. The loss of the silver mines at Potosi and the rise of other urban centers like Buenos Aires led to a decline in the importance of Lima in the empi re. The Bourbon regime’s modest modernizations of the city, the major work of which was the c onstruction of Lima’s first cemetery in 1808, could not stem the loss of much of the early colonial splendor and wealth of Lima.112 The Independence and caudillo wars furthered Lima’s decadence. The once powerful colonial bureaucracy had not been entirely reformed, as th e city was frequently occupied by, and in the hands of, military troops and bandits, and wit hout stable political or police authorities.113 The economic decadence and the absence of control mech anisms during the first twenty-five years of Peru’s republican life combined to create a distressing, devast ated view of the city’s infrastructure and population. Swi ss traveler Jacob von Tschudi desc ribed Lima in 1842 as a city 112 For a review of Bourbon urban reforms of Lima, see Gabriel Ramn, “Urbe y orden. Evidencias del reformismo borbnico en el tejido limeo,” in El Per en el siglo XVIII: La era borbnica , ed. Scarlett O’Phelan (Lima: Instituto Riva Agero, 1999), 295-324. 113 By the mid 1840s, Peru had had twenty different govern ments and operated under ten constitutions or charters. Jorge Basadre, Historia de la Repblica del Per , 6th. edition (Lima: Editorial Universitaria, 1969), VI, 2644. Jorge Pareja Paz-Soldn, Las constituciones del Per (exposicin crtica y textos) (Madrid: Ediciones Cultura Hispnica, 1954), 83-85.

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69 whose population “has very consid erably decreased since the decl aration of independence. This is sufficiently proved by the fact that several parts of the city are now totally uninhabited: the houses falling to decay, and the gardens lying waste”114 while to British offi cial John Mc Gregor, by 1845 in Lima “everything looks poor and devastat ed now, a pitiful change from the city’s previous splendor and wealth th is appearance could be observed in the city, but also in its inhabitants.”115 Both Rolando Mellafe and Richard Morse have argued that Hispanic American cities became “ruralized” during the turbulent years after Independence, as urban, bureaucratic structures suffered decay and power flowed to the agrarian domain.116 In Peru’s case, the dissolution of the Confederacin Per-Boliviana in 1839 had left no doubt that the old colonial capital was to be the center of power of the pos tcolonial republic. In the words of Peruvian historian Jorge Basadre, the defeat of the Conf ederation had allowed Peru to enter a period of “consolidation:” “Peru’s territorial future and its future as a na tion-state were clear, as it was clear who would be its ruling elite. Nati onality was now to be defined from Lima.”117 Ironically, the caudillo era and the wars of the Confederacin had proved that the city built by much hated conquistadores to be the center of power and commerce of the South American colonies, was the the only one that could hold the Republic together. Limeo elites had earned an uncontested rule ove r Peru. This meant that they had to organize a viable state, promot e a sense of national community, and define Peru’s social and 114 J.J. von Tschudi, Travels in Peru, on the Coast, in the Sierra, Across the Cordilleras and the Andes, into the Primeval Forests (New York: A.S. Barnes and Co., 1854), 63. 115 John Mc Gregor, “Bosquejo general del Per (1847)”, in Informes de los cnsules britnicos, ed. Heraclio Bonilla (Lima: Instituto de Estudios Peruanos/ FLBIP), 163. 116 Rolando Mellafe, “La desruralizacin de la ci udad hispanoamericana en el siglo XIX,” in Historia y futuro de la ciudad iberoamericana , ed. Solano, Francisco (Madrid: Consejo Superior de Investigaciones Cientficas, 1985),7588; Richard Morse, “Latin American Intellectuals and the City, 1860-1940,” Journal of Latin American Studies , 10, no. 2 (1978): 219-238. 117 Jorge Basadre, Historia de la Repblica del Per , 6th. edition (Lima: Editorial Universitaria, 1969), II, 191.

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70 cultural future. The economic prosperity obtai ned through the exportation of guano allowed for an all-encompassing restructuring of the state apparatus. The Ley de Organizacin Interior de la Repblica (1856) divided the territory in the political jurisdictions of departamentos and provinces, and a new law establ ished the roles of public func tionaries. New Civil and Penal Codes were enacted in 1852 and 1863, respectivel y. A new Gendarmerie Corps was created in 1855, and the military was reorganized and equipped, with new military schools. National Censuses were taken in 1850, 1862, and 1876. Public finances were ordered –Peru had its first national budget in 1846— and the state launched a campaign of public works to build necessary infrastructure throughout the country. A stable polit ical order –at least in Peruvian postcolonial terms—and the restructuring of the state, how ever, could not be enough to solidify the new state’s legitimacy. To deal with the multiple social fractures of Peruvian society, and to establish the bases for the development of the modern, a more “civilized” republican society would have to be created. Like Monteagudo’s early and aborted example, multiple projects to transform Lima during the guano era (1845-1870s) had all of these civilizing objectives in mind. Plans for urban renovation did not only respond to demographic pressures, although the city’s population did increase by almost fifty percent between 1792 and 1859 (from 63 thousand to around 94 thousand). The number of built squares remained almost identical (212 in 1859, compared to 211 in 1792) and the agricultural ar eas within the city walls remained unurbanized, as was the case with other areas in the vicinity of Lima. 118 City planners would design projects for the 118 As Paul Gootenberg states, census numbers for nineteenth-century Peru must be handled with care. Numbers on Lima, however, seem to be more reliable than those for the rest of the country. See Paul Gootenberg, “Population and Ethnicity in Early Republican Peru: Some Revisions,” Latin American Research Review , 26, no. 3 (1991): 109157. Numbers for Lima’s population and built squares come from Gabriel Ramn, La muralla y los callejones: Intervencin urbana y proyecto poltico durante la segunda mitad del siglo XIX (Lima: SIDEA y Prom Per, 1999), 30, 51.

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71 city’s expansion into the extram ural periphery, and o fficials and architects would also evaluate the housing conditions of the populat ion, but these preoccupations w ould climax later. For now, perceived need was to reinvent Lima as a republican capital fo r the entire nation. The guano era (1840s-1870s) was surely a time for optimism. Revenue from the export sales of the natural bird dung fertilizer increased 757 percen t between 1845 and 1853, allowing for Peru’s impressive macroeconomic growth –on an average 9 percent a nnually beginning in the 1840s119-and for a corresponding increase in Peru’s national budget, from 5 million pesos in 1850 to 21 million pesos in 1861.120 The Guano affluence allowed for the creation of an “illusion” that Peru was poised at the doorstep of a hitherto el usive and remote modernity. As Basadre stated, referring to the government of Ramn Castilla, an “air of grandeur” reigned based on the feeling that the years of colonial isolation and stagnati on had been left behind.121 Indeed, foreign-exchange earnings from guano exports became so abundant that it was now widely believed that Peru would erase the sorry le gacies of its colonial pa st. An 1849 editorial of the newly founded newspaper El Progreso , edited by the Club Progresista , expressed these sentiments in typical fashion: “Peru is near that period of maturity and vigor that marks the peak of a people’s life, a period based on order and the most solid founda tions, which brings to social life all the benefits man is entitled to have during his mansion on earth.”122 If political independence had been obtained in the early 1820s, the riches of the trade would permit the fulfillment of the Revolution’s promise of a new beginning under the auspices of a rational and orderly admini stration. For the editors of El Progreso , then, Peru still needed to 119 Paul Gootenberg, Imaginar el desarrollo. Las ideas econmicas en el Per postcolonial (Lima: Instituto de Estudios Peruanos, 1998). Shane Hunt, “Guano y crecimiento en el Per del siglo XIX”. HISLA, Revista de historia econmica y social , 4 (1984): 35-92. 120 Carlos Contreras and Marcos Cueto, Historia del Per contemporneo (Lima: Red para el Desarrollo de las Ciencias Sociales, 2000), 108-110. 121 Jorge Basadre, Jorge, Historia de la Repblica . 122 El Progreso , July 28, 1849.

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72 completely remove colonial institutions and subs titute them with a liberal administration that “emanates from reason.” Ind eed, the postcolonial period of caudillo rule and “anarchy” was now interpreted to be the result of a social and regional fragme ntation established during the coloniaje , while Peru’s economic miseries were deem ed to be a consequence of an incapable, indolent colonialism that had failed to devel op the country’s “infin ite” natural resources.123 This was, therefore, a unique period to attain “real independence” from colonial times. In 1860 Manuel Morales, Minister of the ne wly created Ministry of Public Works, expressed a similar optimism in nearly identical terms: A new period of welfare and fortune w ill begin for Peru. The precious and infinite elements with whic h Providence has endowed our Republic will be able to develop Order and peace will take root with the reform of institutions The political convulsions that have shaken th e country have not allowed most of our peoples [ pueblos ] to benefit from civilization. It may be said that their inhabitants remain almost in the same pitiful ignorance and abjection that was imposed on them by the conquistadores .124 With the aid of guano revenues Peru would now find its “natural destiny.” Filled with optimism and flush with pesos, Limeo elites promptly launched a campaign to civilize the ignorant and degraded pueblos of Peru. Civilization, as unders tood in these postcolonial years, could only be attained by the Republic, despite the f act that in Peru’s case the instability of the early post-independence years had prolonged the effects of colonia lism. Morales’s reference to the “backwardness” of the pueblos made it clear that civilizati on had to emanate from Lima, a city where important elements of the Ancien Rgime survived. Lima became, then, the exemplary object of projects of na tionalization and modernization, for it was the only city that could define nationality and m odernity for the rest of Peru. 123 “Las causas generales que han determinado la suerte del Per,” El Progreso , July 28, 1849. 124 Memoria que el Ministro Estado en el Departamento de Obras Pblicas y Polica presenta al Congreso Ordinario de 1860 (Lima: Tipografa de Justo Montoya, 1860), 37. My emphasis.

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73 The ambiguity of Lima as being “already” and at the same time “not yet” modern is made clear in the works of one of the most prolific Limeo intelle ctuals of the nineteenth century: Manuel Atanasio Fuentes. His Lima: apuntes histricos, descri ptivos, estadsticos y de costumbres , published in Paris in 1866 in simultaneous editions in French, English, and Spanish, was written to prove to European readers that in the “short period of forty-two years” since the end of colonial rule civiliza tion had progressed might ily despite the post-independence period of internal war. “The short pe riods of relief that Peru has enjoyed have been enough to extinguish those old [colonial] cust oms that could be used by our enemies and those who defame us.”125 Fuentes wants his book to correct the im pression Europeans have gathered from travelers’ accounts which depicted Peruvians as “savages” and Peru as a backward, barbaric, and immoral society. While he admits that “it would be absurd to say that the American states are at the same level of the ones in the Old World,” at the same time Fuentes asserts that “Lima’s society has nothing to envy in the most advanced capital.”126 Notably, Fuentes describes Lima as an “advanced capital” to demonstrate that Pe ru and Peruvians have been unjustly exoticized by misinformed Europeans. Lima’s civilized so ciety now made it a convenient synecdoche for the entire country, and so worthy as an activ e agent in the processe s of transforming and civilizing Peru.127 The ambiguity which is so central to Fuentes’ s text –that civilized Lima is both a model and synecdoche for Peru at large-will be an integral part of the modernizing projects to transform Lima during the guano period and beyond. These projects would at once prove that Lima –synecdochely, Peru— was already modern and but also the privileged site for 125 Fuentes, Manuel Lima: apuntes histricos, descriptivos, estadsticos y de costumbres (Paris: Librera de Firmin Didot, 1867), iv. 126 Ibid, v. 127 Fuentes refers to Lima as a pas (country) in several occasi ons. See, for instance his Estadstica general de Lima (Lima: Tipografa Nacional de M.N. Corpancho, 1858), 67.

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74 interventions intended to make modern that whic h was not yet modern. In the mind of its elites, then, Lima itself was divided, for a large part of its population’s cultural traits had to be modernized. The lower sectors of Lima’s society were also part of the uncomfortable legacy of colonial times; their Peruvianization a nd modernization not only was imperative per se , but could serve as a trial case for th e future mission of bringing the pueblos into the modern time of the nation. Interventions in Lima, therefore, would be a crucial meas ure of Peru’s national future. A (Fenced-In) Liberator, the Signs of the Zodiac, and Christopher Columbus By the mid-nineteenth century, modernizi ng projects in Lima would acquire renewed vitality. New monuments and pl azas, and changes in the nomenclature of streets and public spaces would transform the face of the city and create a spatial narrative of the nation’s history. Ironically enough, the same Plaza where Monteag udo ordered the erection of the Trajan’s Column crowned by San Martn’s equestrian m onument would now host Lima’s first monument: an equestrian Bolvar. Growing suspicion abou t San Martn’s possible constitutional monarchist inclinations had led liberal and republican Limeos to momentarily abandon plans to immortalize his figure, and the political ti de of opinion now favored the Caraqueo Liberator. By 1825 Peru’s Congress changed the destiny of the Plaza, orderi ng the erection of a Monument to the Liberator from Caracas “which w ill perpetuate the memory of the heroic events with which he gave peace and freedom to Per u,” and named Deputy Pedro Pedemonte in charge of establishing the first cont acts with artists in Europe.128 While the foundation stone was placed on December 8 of that year –as part of the comme morations of the first anniversary of the Battle of Ayacucho— by 1852 no monument had yet been c onstructed. The stability of the Peruvian state would allow President Jos Echenique to revive the project. Echenique issued a Supreme 128 Decree issued on February 12, 1825. Jorge Basadre, Historia de la Repblica , 2580-2581.

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75 Resolution which noted that the monument must be created “with artisti c vein and peculiar genius; it must aim at a certain future.”129 A supplementary Resolution named Bartolom Herrera, who was about to depart to Rome to settle disputes w ith the Vatican, Plenipotentiary Minister in Europe charged w ith commissioning a design that “m ust be approved by the Milan Academy.”130 Herrera announced an open competition for proposals for the design of the statue and the pedestal, for which sixty four projects were presented. Ad amo Tadolini was elected finalist along with Filippo Guaccarini and Rinaldo Rinaldi. The equestrian statue presented by Tadolini was chosen by Herrera along with seven members of the San Lucas Academy, although the pedestal design of Guaccarin i was preferred by the jury.131 Tadolini was a renowned disciple of Antonio Canova, the celebrated neoclassical sculptor who had created equestrian statues of Spanish Bourbon Emperors Ferdinand I and Charles III, as well as wax molds for an equestrian sculpture of Ferdinand VII with the help of his disciple.132 He had also sculpted Napoleon with the assistance of Tadolini, and so was in timately familiar with Napoleonic iconography. Tadolini’s bronze statue of Bolivar followed the ru les of neoclassical naturalism, and is clearly inspired by Jacques Louis David’s painting of th e Corsican crossing the Saint Bernard. The statue was worked in plaster in the workshop of Antonio Canova in Rome and cast in Munich in the Royal Foundation. The pedestal was complete d in marble in Rome and included iron bass relief plates representing th e Battles of Junn and Ayacucho.133 By December 1859, when the monument was in augurated, the Peruvian state had paid 4824 pesos to Tadolini, 12113 pesos for the smelting, 5375 pesos for the marble pedestal, 800 129 “ Con ndole artstica y peculiar genialidad y que apunte hacia un porvenir cierto .” Decree issued on October 5, 1852. Jos Gamarra, Jos, Obras de arte y turismo monumental: Bronces, estatuas (de pie y sentadas), bustos, obeliscos (Lima: Ku, 1996), 39. 130 Alfonso Castrilln, “Escultura monumental y funeraria en el Per,” in Escultura en el Per , Coleccin de Arte y Tesoros del Per (Lima: Banco de Crdito, 1991), 329. 131 Rafael Pineda, Tenerani y Tadolini, los escultores de Bolvar (Caracas: Ernesto Armitano, 1973), 130. 132 Ibid., and Rafael Pineda, Las estatuas de Simn Bolvar en el mundo , Caracas: Centro Si mn Bolvar, 1983. 133 Jos Gamarra, Obras de arte y turismo monumental , 39.

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76 pesos for the iron bass relieves, 6730 pesos for the transport to Lima, and 5000 pesos to erect the statue in the Plaza de la Constitucin , which would be rebaptized as Plaza Bolvar .134 The enormous weight of the statue (10.6 tons) made it difficult to transport from the port of Callao to its final destination. The Lima-Callao train (inaugur ated in 1851) was used to carry the statue to the San Juan de Dios rail station, and from ther e it was taken to the Pl aza with th e use of a Decauville railway under the direction of Mariano Felipe Paz Soldn, who had been using the temporary rails for the constructi on of Lima’s new Penitentiary.135 The project had also suffered an alteration. According to the original specific ations, the pedestal had to show an inscription on its front reading: “To Simn Bolvar, Libertador . Erected in 1852 under the presidency of General Echenique.” But because of delays the monument was inaugurated by Field Marshall Ramn Castilla, who had overthrown Echenique in the “Liberal Revolution” of 1854. Now in his second term of office, Castilla had the insc ription changed to read thus: “To Simn Bolvar, Libertador . The Peruvian Nation, year MDCCCLVIII.” If the projects of erection of monuments and transformation of the urban sphere are reve aling of an era’s tran scendental ideals and predicaments, they are also subj ect to more minor po litical appetites and desires for posterity, like Echenique’s. Castilla’s choice was certainly more appropriately Re publican, expressing the spirit of the 1854-1855 liberal revo lution against his predecessor. No efforts or cost would be spared to constr uct the monument. In the end, the monument to Bolivar cost the state 34841 pesos, not including the cost of the massive iron fence that would keep the masses at a respectful distance, and its transportation and installation. Between October 1859 and December 1860, all public works in the rela tively prosperous Department of Ica, for 134 For information on the costs of the monument, see Memoria que el Ministro de Estado en el Departamento de Obras Pblicas y Polica presenta al Congreso Ordinario de 1860 , Lima: Tipografa de Justo Montoya. 1860, Mateo Paz Soldn, Geografa del Per: Obra Pstuma del D.D. Mateo Paz Soldn (Paris: Librera de Fermn Didot, 1862), vol. I, 297, and Alfonso Castrilln, “Escultura monumental,” 329. 135 Mateo Paz Soldn, Geografa del Per , 298.

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77 example, amounted to a meager 975 pesos,136 while in 1858 all public works in the Department of Ayacucho –the site of the final liberati ng battle— had cost a ludicrously low 250 pesos.137 As Majluf states, the Bolvar monument was pa rt of a larger project, for the Plaza was entirely remade, new benches were installed, gardens rearranged, a nd the adjacent streets repaved with flagstone.138 (Figures 2-1 and 2-2.) With this project Limeo elites would not only honor the memory of Bolvar and his deeds. The Plaza Bolivar –which forgetful Limeos still called the Plaza de la Inquisicin — was now made part of ne w historical narrative which announced coevalness with the contemporary, m odern world of nations . Like Monteagudo’s unbuilt column and his forgotten Plaza de la Constitucion , the new statue of Bolivar was neoclassical and the space around it cleaned, civilized, and its us e regulated. The desire to consolidate the national community through a built historical narrative had to “aim at a certain future.” This meant, first, that the monument had to be made in Europe and, second, that it had to be appreciated in Lima. It is clear that the “Peruanization” or mode rnization of Lima was perceived as a crucial endeavor that allowed no economy. Between October 1858 and December 1860, the state spent 85730 pesos in the flagstone paving of some of the capital’s streets; 5603 pe sos in the erection of Columbus’s statue; and 369000 pesos for the cons truction of the new Penitentiary. Lima’s public works during that fourteen-month pe riod cost 583616 pesos in a total budget of 664045 pesos for the public works of the whole country, th at is, about eighty-eight percent of the entire budget for the sector.139 This was not peculiar, consider ing that, in 1857, Lima had received 341936 pesos of a total 401501 pesos budget for the en tire country; eighty-five percent, without 136 Memoria que el Minist ro de Estado, 1860 . 137 Memoria que presenta al Congreso Extraordinario de 1858 el Ministro de Gobierno, Culto y Obras Pblicas (Lima: Tipografa Nacional, 1858). 138 Majluf, Natalia, Escultura y Espacio Pblico. Lima, 1850-1879 (Lima: Instituto de Estudios Peruanos, 1994). 139 Memoria que el Minist ro de Estado, 1860 .

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78 taking into account the 180,000 peso s spent in the construction of the penitentiary that year.140 The effort to forge the national self by transf orming the capital city of Lima overshadowed other national urgencies as elites and the guano-rich state elevated Lima’s ascendancy over the country to unprecedented levels.141 The monument to Bolvar was soon followed by a dozen sculptures representing the signs of the zodiac, and one monument to honor Ch ristopher Columbus. As with the Bolvar monument, these sculptures would serve to crow n the renovation of public spaces; this time, however, these spaces would be located in peri pheral areas of the city. No documents are available to reconstruct the comp lete history of these monuments, but it was Bartolom Herrera who made the arrangements for their constructio n during his 1852-53 sojourn in Rome. Herrera was commissioned to obtain statues of averag e size and merit, represen ting the months of the year.”142 The statues, made with Carrara marble in a classical style in Rome by less famous Italian artists of the Canova School, were placed on the other bank of the Rmac River, along the Alameda de los Descalzos –a promenade constructed in 1611 by the Viceroy Marquis de Montesclaros, and rebuilt in 1770 by Viceroy Amat. It was an effort to civilize the area, which showed signs of deterioration a nd of having been enveloped by w ild brush. The symbolic value of the renovation did not reside in the sculpted signs of the z odiac –indeed, they were placed with no respect to the celestial and mensal order— but from the modern space in which they stood. Before the statues had arrived in 1856, me rchant Felipe Barreda was commissioned to completely remodel the Alameda into a modern paseo or promenade. The promenade’s ground was leveled and paved and fifty marble benche s and one hundred iron vases were placed at 140 Memoria que presenta al Congreso Extraordinario de 1858 . 141 Most Peruvians today blame Spanish colonialism for the centralismo Limeo –the concentration of bureaucracy and expenditures in Lima. I propose that it is a postcolonial phenomenon. 142 Alfonso Castrilln, “Escultura monumental,” 334.

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79 regular intervals. Green areas were transfor med and placed under the care of a professional gardener, Antonio Borsani; three thousand flowers and shrubs we re planted, and its drainage ditches were carefully channeled.143 To complete the remodeling, iron fences were placed to surround the park, and sixty gas la nterns purchased in Paris by Peru’s General Consul were installed.144 The remodeling ended on September 12, 1857, and the promenade was popularly christened Alameda nueva to mark the difference with the Alameda vieja . The difference between the old and the new Alameda de los Descalzos could not be more striking. Its spaces were now regulated, as walkers, horse riders, and carriage conducto rs had individual paths, with specific targets for directing the gaze and sitting. Indeed, Barreda turned in a proposal to make sure that users respected his design. Those en tering the Alameda riding horses on pedestrian zones were to be penalized, and carriage conductors were to be fined it they caused harm to the paseo . The proposal also recommended prohibiti ons for the general public: no pulling up of flowers or fruits, no throwing fruit peels, etc. Dogs where prohibited, as well as small children without “caretakers who may respond for the damages they may produce.” 145 “Nature” would be disciplined and controlled too. The new space would mark the break with colonial times, reinforce the presence of the state, and make Limeos part of the universal culture of civilization (Figures 2-3 and 2-4). The importance of these objectives can be m easured by the funds spent on the project. According to the Ministerio de Obras Pblicas , the statues cost 50000 pesos; shipping from Genoa to Callao cost another 3093 pesos, their tr ansportation to the promenade 200 pesos, and 143 Natalia Majluf, Escultura y Espacio Pblico , 22-3. 144 Memoria que presenta al Congreso, 1858 ; Syra Alvarez, Historia del mobiliario urbano de Lima, 1535-1935 (Lima: Universidad Nacional de Ingeniera, 2000), 13. 145 Proyecto de penas para la polica del pa seo de la Alameda de los Descalzos , AHML, Municipalidad, doc. Alamedas y paseos, 18/09/1857.

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80 their erection 6000 pesos. The sixty posts and ga s lanterns cost 1374 pesos, and the erection of the iron fence, 11800 pesos.146 We do not have information on the cost of the other elements included in the project, but Fuentes quotes a report from the Ministerio del Interior that states that the project had a total cost of 119047 pesos.147 In contrast, the budget for public works in the entire Department of Cusco amounted to 19927 pesos.148 As for the Columbus monument, Herrera seem ingly hired Salvatore Revelli in July, 1853 without announcing a competition for proposals. Revelli was a notorious sculptor who had participated in the erection of a famous monu ment to Columbus in Genoa (inaugurated in 1862) and who had the statue ready for shipment to Lima by 1855.149 Because of a delay in the artist’s payment, Limeos had to wait until 1860 to receive the m onument, and it was inaugurated in August of that year. The location for the monume nt was decided by Castilla’s government in a Supreme Decree issued in May, 1859. Colu mbus would make his home on the Acho Promenade, another park across the Rmac River which was also created by Viceroy Amat. It too would be remodeled into a modern and elegant paseo for the edification of Limeos . Rivelli’s Columbus was not a conqueror to be loathed, but an intrepid explorer and scientist who had borne civiliza tion to the continent; a universa l character who had heralded America’s entrance into the world. In a moment in which Peruvian and Latin American, as well as European writers were reinventing America as a land with a new beginning,150 Columbus stood both as a proof that America was part of the civilized world and as a symbol of the civilizational drive of the postcolonial elite. Loca ted in an untidy peripheral park that was now 146 Memoria que presenta al Congreso, 1858 . 147 Manuel Fuentes, Estadstica general , 661. 148 Memoria que presenta al Congreso, 1858 . 149 Alfonso Castrilln, “Escultura monumental;” Rodrigo Gutirrez, Rodrigo, Monumento conmemorativo y espacio pblico en Amrica Latina (Madrid: Ctedra, 2004). 150 Mary Louise Pratt, Imperial Eyes: Travel Writing and Transculturation (London: Routledge, 1992).

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81 transformed into a civilized paseo , the statue was a symbol of th e “already” and the “not yet” modern. The statue was made in the neoclassic al style, depicting Co lumbus in the act of discovery, standing next to a seat ed naked female Indian who re presents “America.” She kneels and admires his fatherly figure. She also holds a cross and lets an arrow drop from her hand, symbolizing her conversion to civilization and eva ngelization (Figure 2-5). The total cost of the monument, according to Mateo Paz Soldn, brother of Mariano Felipe, who was in charge of the erection of the pedestal and the statue, was 10000 pesos; the statue itse lf had cost 4609 pesos.151 and the accounts of the Ministerio de Obras Pblicas state that the erec tion of the monument cost 5603 pesos.152 As with the Descalzos promenade, this new paseo was aimed at providing Limeos with an orderly space in which to spend their leisure time in a cultured, regulated, and supervised way. The environment was to exert a pedagogi cal influence over the population. Limenos would no longer be inspired by “nature” in the promenades but by the high culture transmitted by the monuments and by the disciplined environment. The paseo would put Lima a la par with the European metropolis, but it was also meant to expr ess the epistemological shift from colonial to republican times. To Anglo American traveler George Squier, who arrived in Peru in 1862, the objective of transforming the Alameda de los Descalzos into a paseo comparable to parks in other important cities had been ach ieved: “In every respect, this paseo is a tasteful and most creditable work, worthy of any metropolis.”153 Limeo elites, ever so attentive to foreigners’ judgments of themselves and thei r capital city, surely treasured Squier’s words. The regulation of public space served to mark Lima’s entrance into modern world and to announce it to 151 Mateo Paz Soldn, Geografa del Per , 297. 152 Memoria que presenta al Congreso, 1858 . 153 George Squier, Peru Illustrated or Incidents of Travel and Exploration in the Land of the Incas (New York: Hurst and Company, 1877).

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82 foreigners. An 1852 editorial in a Limeo newspaper synthesized what the renovation of public paseos meant at home: Public paseos are barometers that indicate the culture of the pueblos , and are called to exert a happy influence over the arts, and to promote the increase and development of the relations. Every government should turn its protective attention towards them, because the intelligen t foreigner that visits a city for the first time, judges its progress and its de gree of civilization by its external appearance.154 The paseos would help transform and cultivate Limeos , promoting artistic sensibility and better interpersonal relations, and they w ould also serve to improve the way foreigners judged Lima. By looking at the civilized way Limeos spent their free time, the foreigners would be convinced that they were alr eady part of the civilized world. The paseos were also exemplars of a new conception of public space, since it now “belonged to the nation” and so should be regarded as a sacred space. An 1860 newspaper editorial expressed this sacred notion of public space clearly: An owner of a property may make use of its interior as he sees convenient. As for the exterior, however, he may not do what he pleases; he has to submit himself to the Civil Construction Code, which prescr ibes a degree of uniformity. Property owners must understand that the public part of the city is sacred, and that it may not be damaged at all.155 A Republican “Palace of Pizarro” By the mid-nineteenth century, the buildings of the most important state institutions were not only remains from the colonial era; they offered a decadent view of that period. The Republican government’s executive building, prev iously called “the Royal Palace of the Viceroys,” now served as the presidential mans ion and it housed the five ministries of the executive power: International Relations and Pub lic Instruction; Public Finances, Industry and 154 “Paseos pblicos,” El Intrprete del pueblo , April 29, 1852. Quoted in Natalia Majluf, Escultura y espacio pblico , 29. 155 “Crnica de la capital. Comisin de ornato pblico,” El Comercio , March 28, 1860. Quoted in Natalia Majluf, Natalia, Escultura y espacio pblico , 29.

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83 Commerce; Justice, Police and Public Works; War and Navy; and Government, Worship and Charity. The Englishman Robert Proctor had visited Lima between 1823 and 1824 and was struck by the building’s miserable appearance. While there were traces of a bygone grandeur, the building looked more like a hovel than a pala ce, not only because it was old but because of the unappealing shops crowded around its front steps: It is an old plastered and uns ightly edifice, of a reddish colour, with the principal gate onto the Plaza and three other entrances into three separate streets, each of which forms one side: shops of the lowest description such as those of our English dealers in marine stores and old iron, occupy what may be termed the ground floor of the two principal fronts of this building: hence the whole has an appearance of wretchedness a nd poverty-struck grandeur.156 By the mid-nineteenth century, the buildin g’s appearance had not improved. On the contrary, the passage of the years had furthered the process of deterioration. By 1854, Jacob von Tschudi was appalled by the tasteless “palace,” especially by the small shops on its front, where the most diverse and odd things were sold, including drugs and even dog-killing poisons: It is a square building, and the front next the Plaza is disfigured by a long range of shabby little shops (called La Rivera), in which drugs are sold On the south the building has no entrance and it presents th e gloomy aspect of a jail A few long flag-staffs, fixed on the roof of the palace, do not add to the beauty of the edifice. The interior of the buildi ng corresponds to the outward appearance, being at once tasteless and mean.157 The descriptions of local observers were si milar. For example, it was hard for the geographer, astronomer, and mathematician Ma teo Paz Soldn (1862) to find anything pleasurable in the building. Wher e Tschudi sees a building comparab le to a jail, Paz Soldn sees one that looks like a chicken coop whose interior was irregular: The Government Palace is in front of the Botoneros portal, and it has a most humble faade and with small shops called La Rivera , on top of which there is an old and extravagant balcony difficult to desc ribe It is urgent to get rid of the 156 Robert Proctor, Narrative of a Journey Across the Cordillera de los Andes, and of a Residence in Lima, and Other Parts of Peru, in the Years 1823 and 1824 (London: Archibald Constable and Co., 1825), 120-1. 157 J.J. von Tschudi, Travels in Peru , 52.

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84 balustrade or chicken coop in front of it and replace it with an elegant iron fence What we call Palace is a co nfusing, intricate, and heterogeneous agglomeration of halls that are dispropor tionate in their dimensions, being of different construction forms, a nd which make a real labyrinth.158 For his part, Fuentes merely stressed that the building “preserves its primitive form, which is undoubtedly far from what is convenien t for the house of Peru’s government,” before excusing himself for not providing a more detailed description: “we abstain from describing it because our pen would resist maki ng a sad and unpleasant depiction”159 (Figures 2-6 and 2-7). Limeo elites knew that the building, located in Lima’s main square, had to be transformed into a national symbol of the new era both for the cons umption of foreigners and Peruvians. The palace should communicate the modern state’s as cendancy over the country and its citizens, stress the rupture with colonial times, express the arrival of stability and prosperity, and be comparable to similar buildings elsewhere in the world. For some, a future government palace had to be constructed along classical Greek arch itectural patterns. Liberal and freemason novelist Julin Manuel del Portillo expre ssed the idea in the newspaper El Comercio in 1843. In an article entitled “Lima one hundred years from now,” Portillo imag ines the future palace as a “beautiful and majestic building, ed ified according to the style of the day, which I believe would be more Greek than any other.”160 On July 20, 1862, President Castilla issued a S upreme Resolution ordering the erection of a new Government Palace along with a Palace fo r Congress. The project was assigned to the French Architect Maximilian Mimey, who had been hired as Architect of the State and who with Mariano Felipe Paz Soldn had drawn the bl ueprint for the new Penitentiary then under construction. Mimey and Paz Soldn, Director of Public Works, would be in charge of the 158 Mateo Paz Soldn, Geografa del Per , 291-2. Emphasis in the original. 159 Manuel Fuentes, Lima: apuntes histricos , 14. 160 Quoted by Natalia Majluf, Escultura y Espacio Pblico , 31.

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85 project’s execution with a budget of 3.8 million pesos.161 Castilla repeated his intentions in his annual address to Congress, sta ting that his administration had decided to build a Palace of Justice in the lot then occupied by the Santo Toms military quarters, and to “demolish the house of government.”162 Castilla’s proposal was debated by C ongress, since some deputies objected to it on the grounds that the amount decreed by the executive exceeded the budget established by Congress for public works and was, therefore, unc onstitutional. Congress did not object to the construction of the palaces, but considered the government had exceeded its attributions and was therefore attempting to bypass its authority. So me, like Representative Loli, were clearly in favor of the Government’s plan, however: “If this is about the constructio n of a palace, I agree with the government. Instead of hurling millions into the ocean, it would be better to erect a building adequate to the country, because th e existing one is the house of a beggar in a prosperous city.”163 The Castilla regime, however, could not for ce Congress to approve the expenditures for the project, and so the idea of a new palace had to wait another ten years to reappear, this time in a proposal presented in the Senate. On Sept ember 13, 1872, the Senate debated a new proposal presented by Senator Garca y Garca for the c onstruction of two palaces, one for the Executive, and the other for the Legislature. The proposal had been reviewed and approved by the Senate Committee of Treasury and Public Works before heading to the full chamber. In the chamber, however, some senators objected to the project on the grounds that it in creased the Treasury’s deficit. Garca y Garca explai ned that the cost for the constr uction of both buildings should not 161 Memoria que el Ministro de Gobierno, Polica y Obras Pblicas presenta el Congreso Nacional de 1862 (Lima: Imprenta de “La Epoca,” 1862). 162 “Mensaje que el Libertador Presidente de la Repbli ca Gran Mariscal Ramn Castilla, dirige a la Legislatura Ordinaria el 28 de julio de 1862,” Mensajes de los presidentes del Per. Recopilacin y notas por Pedro Ugarteche y Evaristo San Cristval.1821-1867 (Lima: Librera e Imprenta Gil, 1943), vol. 1, 350. 163 Diario de Debates del Congreso Ordinario del ao de 1860 (Lima: Tipografa de “El Comercio,” 1861). Chamber of Deputies, September 10, 1862.

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86 exceed three million sols, which would be obtai ned through the sale of the old Government Palace, as well as the buildings of the Senate –none other than the old Inquisition building— the Consulate Tribunal, the Guadalupe and Santo To ms military quarters, and some lots that belonged to the state along the Rmac River. Th ese were “old buildings and lots that do not benefit the state, and with their sale we will be able to construct new and useful buildings.”164 Garca y Garca’s proposal generated a long and heated debate. Senato rs agreed that the buildings were necessary, but some insisted on discussing the availabil ity of funds for the construction, the new location for the buildings, and the future of the lot occupied by the old Government Palace. The Government Palace occupied a central position on Lima’s Main Square or Plaza Mayor. As in other Spanish American cities, the Main Square was th e home of the most important administrative, religious, and residentia l structures. Early postcolonial attempts to mark the rupture with colonial times had not challenged the square’s preeminence. The Main Square had been officially rebaptized Plaza de la Independencia –although Limeos still called it Plaza Mayor — and the building that had once housed the Viceroys was now used by the Presidents of the Republic. Now, however, only tw o senators insisted that the new Government Palace should stand at the same central location. Senator La Fuente was one of them. Still, he was certain that “the works are necessary, becaus e the premises used today are not only old and inadequate, but mar Lima’s a nd all the nation’s reputation.”165 And when Senator Salazar repeated that the Palace “must be located in Lima’s center,”166 Senator Althaus replied that the capital had to create “new centers.” Not onl y should the public buildin gs be relocated, but 164 Cmara de Senadores. Diario de los debates de la Legislatura de 1872 , (Lima: Imprenta de “El Comercio,” 1872), 188. 165 Ibid., 189. 166 Ibid., 190.

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87 commerce too should reach to the periphery of the city, where it could promote the construction of new neighborhoods, which in turn would have the beneficial effect of making real estate and housing prices fall. Althaus imagined a de-cente red, republican city with out a concentration of public buildings and commerce, and he believed that relocation could be used to plan the city’s growth. This plan became imaginable only in th e early 1870s, when the (colonial) city’s walls were being torn down and new areas being opened for development. In this debate at least, no senator proposed to construct the gov ernment’s headquarters outside Lima. Once senators had agreed that the Palace s hould be relocated within Lima, Senator Calonge opposed the sale of the old government palace, on the grounds that the lot was located at the city’s heart, and that it could well be used by the state to construct an elegant “ pasage” –an Anglicism— which would be, in Calonge’s words, “our capital’s best adornment like those that adorn almost all the capitals of foreign st ates,” and which would be surrounded by stores and apartments that the state could profitably rent.167 Calonge’s proposal was quickly supported by Senator Vivanco: “our ancient and almost usel ess palace, once converted into a spacious and elegant pasage , could become the best adornment for our capital.”168 Some nonLimeo Senators proved hard to convince. Peru was experiencing some financial difficulties –the guano boom was showi ng signs of going bust— and the project might provoke a tax increase. Senator Alegre of the Department of Ancachs (later Hispanized as “Ancash”) expressed that the country had more ur gent needs, and that it would be difficult for Senators from the provinces to face their cons tituents, who lived in a poverty that was unknown to those who dwelled in Lima “where the nakedne ss of the poor and the te ars of the unfortunate do not reach their sight, nor hurt their ears.” Alegre complained that Lima’s opulence had made 167 Ibid., 188. 168 Ibid., 189.

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88 her Senators insensitiv e to the poverty of the pueblos , and he contrasted the “wealthy” capital of “salons and feasts” to the miserable pueblos where the “mournful complaints of the hungry and the unprotected are heard.” The Senator’s word s expressed anguish about the growing, Guano Age distance between Lima and the interior provinces, a sentiment that would be voiced repeatedly in the debates over public wo rks projects in the capital. While Limeo Senators held that the new projects would be nefit the entire nation –for Li ma was a synecdoche for Peru— Alegre and others argued that th ese projects would merely incr ease the gap between the capital and the nation, fomenting resentment in the interi or, and undermining their own electoral bases. Alegre complained that “the senators who stay in Lima do not know or understand how painful it will be for us when we return to our resp ective provinces. You do not know how we will be received by the pueblos once they know we have done nothing except study how to distress them with heavier and unjustified taxes.”169 Garca y Garca had to repeat his pledge th at new taxes would not be imposed, for “bad and useless properties will be sold to obtain impr ovements that are indispensable. They will also adorn the city, and will help us get rid of the continuous and dese rved mockery from foreigners, who experiment repugnance when they see these bu ildings. In other countries, those buildings are, almost always, the best adornment in the city.”170 Garca y Garca’s argument was hard to challenge, not only because the buildings that housed the executive and legislative were in fact in deplorable condition, but because his appeal to th e ways foreigners perceived Lima and Peru hit a sensitive postcolonial-national nerve. No opposition was expressed thereupon. Many, including Senator Secada would en thusiastically support Garca y Ga rca’s reasoning, stating that the new buildings would 169 Ibid., 191. 170 Ibid., 191.

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89 raise the reputation of our country, because the existi ng buildings cause continuous sarcasm for our backwardness, our indolence, and our indifference. I will support this heavy c ontribution in exchange for not preserving these buildings, which, before the eyes of a pr oud foreigner, are insulting and derisive to Peru we ought not to forget that ev ery foreigner goes to see these buildings as soon as he sets foot on our streets. Indeed, according to Secada no objections coul d me made to the project on the basis of cost. The symbolic advantages of the projec t would always exceed any monetary measure, which was something that any nation should know: When trying to satisfy this kind of needs, no nation stops to examine if the state coffers are replete or emptyor if it is in the brink of bankruptcy What would happen to the reputation of the Peruvian nation if this in significant amount condemns us to keep our old and indecorous government palace and the old and inadequate premises where the Legisl ative Body celebrates its meetings?171 This argument proved too powerful and the proposal was immediately approved. The reputation of the nation as a w hole was at stake, and the cons truction of the new palaces was regarded as a matter of national interest. If the palaces would benefit the entire nation, the provincial senators and the pueblos had nothing to oppose for they t oo would enjoy the benefits. The Senate agreed that the cost of the buildi ngs should not exceed three million sols, however, and that the area occupied by the current Palacio de Gobierno must be used by its purchaser to construct a “public passage” or mall accordi ng to a blueprint provided by the central government. Althaus’s idea for a future, de-cente red city, however, proved too drastic for the Senators, and the final bill did not specify where the new buildings should be erected. Eight months after the debate in the Senate , the Executive Branch initiated plans for the construction of the new Government Palace. In May, 1873, Manuel Pardo’s administration issued a Supreme Resolution authorizing the expenditure of two million sols to construct palaces for the Executive and Legislative powers. The d ecree stated that the Cent ral Board of Engineers 171 Ibid., 192.

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90 and Architects of the State, created only si x years earlier, would be in charge of the implementation of the project, and specified th at a competition for proposals must be announced in Europe. The Board was “convinced that the most efficient way to obtain well studied proposals, in harmony with the grandeur of such cons tructions, is to appeal to the best architects in the world, for them to take part in a competition of proposals”172 By then, a French architect, Maximilian Mimey –hired in the 1850s as Architect of the State— and a Polish engineer, Edward Jan Habich –hired in 1869 as Engin eer of the State— had been in charge of a number of construction projects, and they atte mpted to transmit their knowledge to Peruvian pupils and workers. Mimey was acclaimed for th e design and construction of the Penitentiary (inaugurated in 1862) and he enjoyed a reputation as a capable architect. The grandeur needed for the government and legislative palaces, however , seemed to demand the participation of “the best in the world.” In September, 1873, a new Supreme Decree announced that the government had decided to engage Mimey, “who has just returned from Europe,” to draw the blueprints and execute the construction of the buildings. Announcing a competition in Europe proved too costly, and Mimey was already available and rece iving a monthly salary. That he had just returned from a voyage to Europe and had most su rely gathered the latest trends there would now be most useful for the design of the Palace s. Although the bill approved by Congress had specified that the lot occupied by the government palace had to become a “modern passage,” the September Executive Decree stated that the Central Board still had to determine the best way to make use of it.173 172 Memoria sobre las Obras Pblicas del Per. Presentada al Supremo Gobierno de la Repblica por la Junta General del Cuerpo de Ingenieros y Arquitectos del Estado (Lima: Imprenta Liberal de “El Correo del Per,” 1874), 56. 173 Ibid., 56.

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91 No records of the Mimey blueprints for th e palaces have been found. The ambitious project demanded time and resources, and the wea lth of the Guano period was coming to an end. Peru would face a new crisis in the mid 1870s , only to engage in a dramatic military confrontation with Chile in 1879. In the meantime, the Government Palace was still the object of criticism by travelers. Englis h scientist Thomas Hutchinson de scribed it with irony months before the initiation of the War of the Pacific: It requires a large apprecia tion of Republican liberty to persuade oneself that the palace of the head of the government could be occupied as this is at its base in the side facing the plaza, as well as that up the Calle del Palazio, or Palace Street, with little huckster shops in which are seen gridirons for sale, and old hatters stores adjoining. ‘The divi nity that doth hedge a king’ is certainly sadly wanting in the case of the surroundings of a Pe ruvian President, as the old palace of Pizarro painly testifies.174 After all the debates, the Government Pal ace did not change its decrepit appearance during the Guano era. Hutchinson’s words al so registered the limits of the politics of denomination carried out by Peru’s postcolonial founde rs, for he refers to th e building as the “old palace of Pizarro.” The republican name of “G overnment Palace” Seems not to have caught on. The founding, popular name of the building that housed Peru’s Executive --built in the early seventeenth century and re built after the 1687 earthquake--175 was not easily displaced., and indeed still rolls off the lips of Peruvians today. The Universal Language of Peruanidad/Civilizacin Other peripheral areas were progressively civilized with the construction of monuments or public buildings during the Guano period, and especially in the 1870s, when the city walls were torn down and planners began to project th e city’s expansion. The first monument of this 174 Thomas Hutchinson, Two Years in Peru, with Exploration of its Antiquities (London: Sampson Low, 1878), I, 312. 175 Eduardo Martn–Pastor, De la vieja casa de Pizarro al Nuevo Palacio de Gobierno (Lima: Talleres Grficos Torres Aguirre, 1938).

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92 kind was dedicated to the Combate dos de Mayo , a naval battle which took place in the vicinity of the Port of Callao fourteen kilometers from Lima. This battle pitted Peru Bolivia, Chile, and Ecuador against Spain’s Armada on May 2, 1866. Th e battle sealed the br eak with the former and now decadent colonial empire, and the ev ent was soon regarded as a “new” national independence and one moreover that was won prim arily by Peruvians (and not by Argentine and Colombian Grenadiers, as was the case with Independence).176 Mariano Ignacio Prado’s administration took quick steps to commemorate th e event by issuing a Su preme Decree to that effect the day after the battle. The decree was “destined to consecrate in perpetuity the memory of the 2nd of May.”177 Guayaquil poet and philosopher Numa Pompilio Llona, who was traveling to Paris, was commissioned to engage an artist for the monument in th e French capital. Llona announced a “universal competition” for propos als, which were examined by a commission headed by the famous Swiss artist and art histor ian Marc Gabriel Gleyre. Gleyre had mentored the Peruvian artist Francisco Laso. The co mmission was composed of Llona, the Peruvian ambassador in Paris Francisco Rivero, the re nowned French architects Eugne Emmanuel Viollet-le-Duc and Flix Duban, and the sculptor Jean-Joseph Perraud of the Parisian Academie des Arts.178 Thirty-six project proposals were receiv ed in plaster scale models, mostly from French sculptors, but also from an Italian a nd a Pole, and the jury announced its decision on February 24, 1868. All of the proposals were considered noteworthy –all were exhibited temporarily in the Main Hall of the Palais de l'Industrie in Paris— but th e one presented by sculptor Leon Cugnot and architect Emile Oscar Duillaume was the winner. They proposed a 176 For instance, the Sociedad de Fundadores de la Independencia , created in 1855, was immediately renamed as Sociedad de Fundadores de la Independencia, Vencedores del Dos de Mayo de 1866 y Defensores Calificados de la Patria . 177 La legislacin y los heroes nacionales (Lima: Congreso del la Re pblica del Per, 2005), 8. 178 According to Natalia Majluf, the terms for the international contest were made public on July 17, 1866. The names of the members of the jury are in Jos Gamarra, Obras de arte , 165.

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93 marble Doric column on a base of four bronze figures representing la patria , Bolivia, Chile, and Ecuador. The column was crowned by a figural re presentation of Victory, with arms raised and carrying a sword, and a palm, symbolizing martyr dom. There are also bass reliefs representing Peruvian combatants, and a sculpture of a wound ed Jos Glvez, who died in combat and was immediately elevated to th e category of national Hero. The construction of the monument took four y ears. The marble was worked in Carrara, Italy and the bronze figures were produced in th e Fhierar workshop in Paris. A simulacrum of the monument, using the pieces that were ready, was erected and exhibited in the Champs Elysees in Front of the Palais de l'Industrie in Paris between May and June, 1872, during Paris’s Beaux Arts Exposition, before being dismounted and shipped in pieces to the port of Callao from Le Havre and Genoa.179 The total weight of the monument was four hundred tons,180 and it reached Lima between 1873 and 1874. The place elected by the Manuel Pardo administration in 1873, after a study performed by the Central Board of Engineers and the Arch itect of the State, was the old “ ovalo de la Reina ,” a small oval plaza near the Callao Gateway, which was considered the most beautiful and impressive of the nine gateways of the city walls.181 The Gateway had been constructed by Vicer oy O’Higgings and paid for by the Tribunal del Consulado at a cost of 343000 pesos. It had been de signed by engineer Luis Rico, and had three arches and Ionic columns, adorned with the co ats of arms of the Cr own, the Viceroy, and the Consulado . The central arch carried an inscription in Latin that read Imperate Carolo IV anno 179 Natalia Majluf, Escultura y Espacio Pblico , 15. 180 Jos Gamarra, Obras de arte , 168. 181 Memoria sobre las obras pblicas del Per presentada al Supremo Gobierno de la Repblica por la Junta Central del Cuerpo de Ingenieros y Arquitecto del Estado (Lima: Imprenta Liberal de “El Correo del Per,” 1874).

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94 M.DCCC .182 The arch was destroyed as part of the demolition of the city walls carried out by U.S. entrepreneur Henry Meiggs in May, 1874. The demolition made it possible to expand the ovalo to host the large “Victory monument” and to make it a ronds-point for the future thoroughfares that would surround modern Lima.183 The cost of the awards, marbles, and bronzes in Europe was 69604 sols; by 1874 the g overnment estimated an approximate cost of 69554 for the erection of the monument in Lima, and an additional 14685 sols for the construction of the Plaza. According to th e numbers provided by the 1874 Ministry of Government, Police, and Public Works, the cost for the complete Plaza Dos de Mayo was 153844 sols.184 It is not certain that th is figure includes the thirteen iron posts and gas lanterns, the eight Carrara marble benches, and th e iron chain that surrounded the monument.185 The monument was finally inaugurated on July 29, 1874, by President Mariano Ignacio Prado. Peru now had a national monument for its new independence. It was a neoclassical column designed in France by French artists, ma de in France and Italy, assembled first in the Champs Elises –one may wonder if Monteagudo’s Atahualpa and Fernando VI were able to enjoy its preview there— and shipped to and erected in Lima to represent modern Peruvianness. My irony here should not be read to imply that there were more authentically “Peruvian” ways available to represent Peruvianness. Peruanidad was as much “under cons truction” as were the monuments to Bolivar, the signs of the zodiac, Columbus, or Dos de Mayo . The new plazas and paseos were attempts to represent the nation that elites desired: one that spoke the universal 182 Manuel Fuentes, Estadstica general , 656. In 1801, Hiplito Unnue also provided a detailed description of the gateway. Hiplito Unnue, “Discurso histrico sobre el Nuevo camino del Callao, ao de 1801,” Coleccin documental de la Independencia del Per (Lima: Comisin Nacional del Sesquicentenario de la Independencia del Per, 1974), 427. 183 Jorge Bernales, Lima, la ciudad y sus monumentos (Sevilla: Escuela de Estudios Hispano Americanos, 1972), and Alberto Regal, Historia de los ferrocarriles de Lima (Lima: UNI e Instituto de Vas de Transporte, 1965),20-1. 184 Memoria que presenta al Congreso Ordinario de 1874 el Ministerio de Gobierno, Polica y Obras Pblicas sobre los diversos ramos de su despacho (Lima: Imprenta de “El Comercio,” 1874). 185 Syra Alvarez, Historia del mobiliario , 66.

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95 language of civilization. The symbolic valu e of the Ovalo or Plaza de Dos de Mayo was highlighted by the fact that the Callao Gateway was torn down in this very spot. The aesthetic references to the “provincialized” colonial past had to be demolishe d to but also recalled (here by association with the site) in the c onstruction of a modern and universal Peruanidad . Paradoxically, the Gateway had been a key part of the Bourbon attempt to assert modernity in the colony, it too had expressed an enlighten ed, universal language through neoclassical architectural signs. The colonial modernity of the eighteenth century was now resignfied as obsolete, and it would be displaced by the postcol onial national modernity of the nineteenth century (Figure 2-8). Building these universal symbols of Peruanidad was expensive. The cost of the Dos de Mayo monument was assumed by a Peruvian state in deep financial troubl e, but a consensus had been reached about the greater value of national civilizati on. In August 1868 congressional representatives discussed the budget to construct monuments to the memory of Colonel Pedro de La Rosa and Master Sergeant Manuel Taramona, th e “first Republican heroes” who had died in 1822 in Iquique during the wars of Independence.186 Congressman Glvez expressed his sentiments: “When it is a matter of commemora ting such glorious events, economic objections cannot be raised. We must erect something wo rthy of the people we want to honor, worthy of the reason they are to be honore d, and worthy of the country it self.” Glvez was followed by Seor Bernales: “The monument under debate honors all of us. With its erection, we intend to perpetuate the memory of martyrs of patriotism considering the honor it will give all of us, the construction of this monument, no matter how much it costs, will never be too expensive.”187 Such was not the case throughout the whole repub lic, however. Minor monuments were erected 186 They were officially declared he roes in 1823. Manuel Odriozola, Documentos Histricos del Per (Lima: Imprenta del Estado, 1873), vol. V, 316-317. 187 Diario de debates. Cmara de Diputados . August 10, 1868.

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96 in other cities –marble fountai ns in Trujillo and Huaraz in 1867, a monument-fountain in Ayacucho in 1852 and a monument to honor Col onel Glvez in Piura in 1866, for example.188 These were comparatively small monuments that resulted from the initiatives of Prefects or wealthy private citizens, and did not include the central govern ment in their design, execution, or financing. Early in 1825, Simn Bolivar himself had ordered th e erection of an obelisk to Liberty in the pampas of Quinua, the site where the Battle of Ayacucho had taken place one year before.189 That project was reactivated in 1863 by Ju an Antonio Pezet’s administration, and then in 1870 by Congress.190 It never materialized. Provinces could wait for their monuments. But not the former “City of the Kings.” Lima was visible to the world and its nation, and so it only she could make Peru both modern and national. “A(nother) Garden to Aromatize the Capital” Lima’s preeminence as the privileged center of an already/not yet Pe ruvian modernity did not go unchallenged. Provincial elit es resented the fact that Li ma’s postcolonial symbolic and material power had left their pueblos unattended and “in the waiting room,” and they disputed Lima’s claim to being a synecdoche for the na tion. A lively congressional debate in 1868 on the creation of a botanical garden in Lima may se rve to illustrate the point. The Chamber of Deputies received a proposal from the Instruct ion Commission to build a botanical garden in Lima with a budget of 100000 sols. This project wa s meant to regularize th e previous action of the central government, which had decreed a year before to use land that belonged to the San Carlos school to found a botanical garden, a nd had already allowed the expenditure of 26465 pesos to purchase plants for it.191 Deputy Arias presented the proposal, arguing that the 188 Natalia Majluf, Escultura y Espacio Pblico , 12. 189 Ibid., 10. 190 La legislacin y los hroes nacionales , 8. 191 Juan Bromley and Jos Barbagelata, Evolucin urbana de Lima (Lima: Consejo Provincial de Lima, 1945), 73.

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97 establishment of such an instit ution would benefit Peru greatl y as a source of scientific knowledge that would be instrumental in th e exploitation of the country’s resources: It is said in a proverbial way, that Peru is very rich; and it is indeed. But, what does that wealth consist of? Is it only our guaneras ? Undoubtedly not. Providence has deigned to fertilize Peru’s three kingdoms lavishly. Its minerals are superiorits vegetal kingdom is fecund all these elements of wealth will be available to us once the Botanical Garden is in place, and once we have a Central School of Mining.192 But some provincial representatives opposed both the idea and the budget it required. Representative Esteves argued that the Botanica l Garden was an extravagant luxury for Lima, and that the provinces ha d more urgent needs: The reasons stated by Mr. Arias are very good, when speaking about Lima. When we speak of the interior, however, things are different. If we decide to give flowers and grow gardens to aromatize the capital’s atmosphere, we should at least get rid of the weeds a nd thorns in the interior wh ere there are more important unfortunate needs.193 Esteves’s words were an alert to elites th at the expensive projects to transform or modernize Lima were in fact deepening the chasm between the capital and th e interior provinces. Arias calmly replied that the improvements carried out in Lima would bene fit the entire nation: Mr. Esteves has said, among other things , that the Botanical Garden is an improvement that only the sons of the capit al will enjoy That is not correct. The benefits obtained from the research car ried out in the capital, in medicine, the natural sciences, and all the branches of knowledge, will mostly benefit the citizens of the south.194 Arias’s argument expressed a prevalent idea am ong elites: Lima’s educational, scientific, medical, military, judiciary, and penitentiary institu tions would be “national,” that is, they would serve the entire nation. On the one hand, people fr om “the interior” who required access to these “national institutions” could travel to the capital city; on the other, it was believed that those 192 Diario de debates. Cmara de Diputados (Lima: Imprenta del Estado: 1868), 631. October 29, 1868. Discusin del dictamen de la Comisin de Instruccin sobre la construccin de un jardn botnico en esta capital. 193 Ibid., 631. 194 Ibid., 631

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98 institutions served the nati on, creating knowledge or technology that could be disseminated across the country. The Botanical Garden was suppos ed to be a “national” scientific institution charged with producing necessary “theoretical a nd practical knowledge” that would be applied to the development of Peru’s natural resources. As Mr. Arias argued, “the bot anical garden is not only a recreational establishment. No! Its objective is higher and gr eater. It is to offer Peru a new source of knowledge, which will be instrument al for the exploitation of our rich jungles.”195 Other representatives from “the interior” argued that scientif ic research did not necessarily have to be carried out in Lima. After all, researchers and students could conduct fieldwork in all of the country re gions, especially in “the jungle.” The expedition approach and the idea of fieldwork in the Amazon rainforest was nourished in the nineteenth century by the image of the region as a vast and mysterious tr easure chest that hid countless unknown botanical species and other natural resources waiting to be discovered and exploi ted. It was also seen as an unpopulated or “savage” area that had been neglected by Spanish colonialism. Its untouched wealth inspired continuous dreams of a “new colonialism” that, in many ways, received the influence of the English and Fr ench colonial enterprises in Africa (which were, in turn, discursively modeled in referen ce to Iberian “old” colonialism).196 The connection between these colonial and postcolonial desires for possession is evident in Arias’s response: It has also been said that we do not n eed a Botanical Garden, because we have one in our vast jungles, and that it is there where research must be done. It is true that the jungle is a natural botanical garden; but because of its magnitude. Because of its size, it is impossible, or at least very difficult to build a school of natural sciences next to the tiger, in front of the panther, in the midst of the roars of the lions, and surrounded by an en dless number of venomous insects197 195 Ibid., 631. 196 This is one of Mark Thurner’s arguments in his “After Spanish Rule.” 197 Diario de debates. Cmara de Diputados (Lima: Imprenta del Estado, 1868), 631.

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99 Apparently, Arias imagined an Amazon rainfo rest populated by African species! In any case, the desire for a Botanical Garden in the guano era was in itself a Limeo imperial aspiration vis--vis the Peruvian “interior.” All of Peru ’s botanical species would now be collected and contained in an enclosed area within the capital ci ty. Representative Tvara participated in the debate with a succinct, bold argument that in fact synthesized what all representatives who supported the idea had in mind: “we need to have a botanical Garden because every civilized country has one.”198 Tvara’s words ended the debate , and the proposal was approved. The Botanical Garden was founded within the city’s walls and placed under the jurisdiction of the Faculty of Medicine, and its firs t plants included the specimens of an orchard that belonged to the San Carlos School. Additional plan ts and seeds were obtained from the Socit Nationale D’Acclimatation de France , which received Peruvian specie s in exchange. The Garden was directed by Sebastin Barranca, a naturalist and philologist, while the French professor Jean Baptiste Martinet was placed in charge of the classification of species and the creation of a master list of plants that the institution should possess.199 German naturalist Carlos Klug was hired to install the nurseries. Lima now had a Botanical Garden. This Gard en served scientific purposes, but more importantly it would “aromatize” the city and make it like “any other civili zed country.” Still, the 1868 Botanical Garden was not the first such garden founded in the City of Lima. A previous, colonial Botanical Garden had been founded by Vicer oy Francisco Gil de Taboada y Lemos in 1791 as part of the Bourbon enlighten ed and naturalistic drive to promote useful 198 Ibid. 199 J.B.H. Marinet’s research was published in 1873 under the name Enumeracin de los gneros y especies de plantas que deben ser cultivadas conservadas en el Jardin Botanico de la Facultad de Medicina de Lima, con la indicacin sumaria de su utilidad en la medicina, la industria y la economia (Lima: Imprenta del Estado, 1873).

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100 science in and from Spanish America.200 The famous scientific expedition to Peru headed by Hiplito Ruiz and Jos Antonio Pavn between 1777 and 1788 included disciple botanist Juan Jos Tafalla and designador (taxonomist) Francisco Pulgar. Ta falla and Pulgar stayed in Lima after 1788 to gather and send material back to Sp ain, and to develop botany in the Viceroyalty of Peru.201 Tafalla soon gathered a collection he deno minated “Flora Peruana,” which was the first group of species of the botanical garden he crea ted with the assistance of Pulgar, and Francisco Gonzlez Laguna, a priest of the order of Los Agonizantes , renowned naturalist, and collaborator of El Mercurio Peruano .202 By 1815, the garden held samples of five thousand species that Tafalla had gathered in expedi tions to the entire Viceroyalty.203 This garden, which was located in one of the lots contiguous to the Hospital San Andrs, seems to have fallen victim to the violence and instability wrought by the independ ence and caudillo wars, and by the 1850s it had disappeared. The drive to create a botanical garden duri ng the guano era derived from an enlightened desire for knowledge, from a desire to maximize the exploitation of Peru’s natural resources, and from the aspiration to be part of a universal co mmunity of nations that characterized itself as scientific and civilize d. Paradoxically, those were the same motivations that had inspired Spanish and Creole naturalists to create the first Botanical Gard en with the sponsorship of the 200 The Real Jardn Botnico de Madrid had been founded in 1755 to gather species from Spain’s colonies. A scientific expedition to New Spain ended in the foundation of the Real Jardn Botnico del Palacio Imperial de Nueva Espaa in 1788. See: Graciela Zamudio, “El Real Ja rdn Botnico del Palacio Imperial de Nueva Espaa,” Ciencias , no. 68 (2002): 22-27. 201 Hiplito Unnue, “Introduccin a la descripcin cientfica de las plantas del Per,” en Coleccin documental de la Independencia del Per (Lima: Comisin Nacional del Sesquicentenario de la Independencia del Per, 1974), vol. 1, 252; Estuardo Nuez, Viajes y Viajeros extranjeros por el Per; Apuntes documentales con algunos desarrollos histricos-biogrficos (Lima: Consejo Nacional de Cien cias y Tecnologa, 1989), 162-3. 202 Rodolfo Prez Pimentel, Diccionario biogrfico del Ecuador (Guayaquil: Universidad de Guayaquil, 1993), 10; Jorge Caizares Esguerra, “Nation and Nature: Natural Hist ory and the Fashioning of Creole National Identity in Late Colonial Spanish America,” paper presented to the XX International Congress of the Latin American Studies Association, Guadalajara, Mexico; Hiplito Unnue, “Introduccin a la descripcin cientfica de las plantas del Per,” en Coleccin , vol. 1, 253. 203 Rodolfo Prez Pimentel, Diccionario biogrfico .

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101 Bourbon state. Although to call Tafalla a “Spa nish” naturalist –as opposed to “Creole”— obscures the fact that Tafalla cr eated the first Department of Botany in Lima, was part of a vibrant “Creole” intellectual community in Lima and across the Viceroyalty of Peru, and was a close friend of Hiplito Unnue and other collaborators of El Mercurio Peruano , and remained in Peru until his death in 1805. In 1871, Unnue announced that Tafalla would be in charge of the botany reports in El Mercurio , and even if no article was ev er published under his signature, Unnue commented that Tafalla sent illustrations and detailed descriptions of species to the Sociedad Acadmica de Amantes del Pas .204 As Caizares-Esguerra has argued, the natural history of men like Tefalla and Gonzlez Laguna pl ayed a key role in fashioning Creole patriot identity by providing American elites with the t ools to imagine their realms as separate and distinct national spaces.205 Notably, during the 1868 debate on the initiative to create a Botanical Garden for the nation, the colonial-era Garden inaugurated under the enlightened Bourbon regime passed unmentioned. The project of postcolonial natio nal modernity would be founded on the erasure of earlier colonial modernities. Th e postcolonial reinvention of Lima repeated the desires, styles, and rhetoric of the enlightened Bourbon project a nd its Spanish and Creole naturalists. In this and other cases, Bourbon enlight ened projects were erased or destroyed to make room for postcolonial enlightened projects that were similar in their objectives and styles. Postcolonial national modernity was a repetition of the Bourbon imperial project, but it had to be represented and discussed as a “new” initiati ve in a new nation that would t hus enjoy a new beginning with a boundless future. 204 Hiplito Unnue, “Introduccin a la descripcin;” Rodolfo Prez Pimentel, Diccionario biogrfico . 205 Jorge Caizares Esguerra, “Nation and Nature.”

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102 The Modern Demolition of the Modern The English traveler Thomas Hutchinson, w ho visited Lima in 1871, believed the city’s physiognomy had changed so much in the previous d ecade that older descript ions of it were now completely out of date: “Lima has been well described, and by many write rs –by Ulloa, Frezier, Stevenson, Markham, Bollaert, Paz Soldan, Dr. Baxl ey and by a score of others. But the City of the Kings has had so much in transition about it that what was written about it, even so as late as ten years ago, cannot hold good to-day.”206 Lima was being postcolonially nationaliz ed, or to use a synonym, postcolonially universalized. Processes and debates on these tran sformations expressed the desire to reject the colonial past. Architecture also was to express the arrival of the new time of the nation, as neoclassical styles predominat ed in monuments, sculptures , and buildings. This was a paradoxical choice, considering that neoclassic ism had been introduced during the enlightened Bourbon colonial period, as seen in the neocla ssic Gateway to Callao that was demolished to erect the neoclassic Dos de Mayo Monument. Hospital Dos de Mayo , constructed between 1868 and 1875, using a radial design similar to that of the Penitenciara (analyzied in the next chapter), broke with the tradition of colonial hospital architecture how ever, which had been similar to that of the convents and monasteries. It was also constructed following state-of-the-art sanitary principles and adopti ng the pavilion system, which allo wed for therapeutic illumination and ventilation.207 It was built by the Sociedad de Beneficencia Pblica de Lima under the direction of Manuel Pardo –who would later be President of Peru. None of the proposals presented in the open competition called in Paris satisfied the jury, and Pedro Glvez, Peru’s Ambassador in that city chose the blueprint de signed by architect Mateo Graziani, who directed 206 Thomas Hutchinson , Two Years in Peru , 305. 207 Jos Garca Bryce, “Aspectos de la arquitectura en Lima, 1850-1880,” Kuntur. Per en la cultura , no. 4 (1987).

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103 the construction along with Swiss Michele Trefogli, Architect of the State who had been hired by Castilla’s administration in 1860 and who had pa rticipated in the construction of Lima’s Penitentiary.208 The Hospital boasted an Arch of Triumph for an entrance and a building that resembled a Roman Temple, with four columns and no decora tions: a monument to rigid discipline that expressed the values elites wish ed to instill in the population. Fittingly, this modern Roman Temple has its clock (Figures 2-9 and 2-10). Despite all the innovations of the hospital, Limeo churchgoers could find it strangely familar. Si nce the neoclassical styl e was not introduced to Peru after independence but rather in the late eighteenth centur y, many of Lima’s churches had been transformed before 1821. Many faades and altarpieces had been co mpletely remade, or else they combined the earlier baroque style of the seventeenth century w ith new, neoclassical elements. Matas Maestro, priest, architect, painter, and sculptor was the most active developer of the neoclassical style in Lima. He was hired by congregations to remodel their churches to conform to the architectural st yle then in vogue, and also by th e colonial state to build, for example, Lima’s first cemetery and also a Ga teway (both in 1808) that , ironically, looked very much like the Hospital Dos de Mayo’s Arch of Triumph. The postcolonial universalization of Lima, however, required a discursive negation of the colonial modernity of the Bourbon regime. The transformations of Lima reasserted the capital’s preeminence vis--vis the rest of the country. Lima became an expensive synecdoc he for Peru, and this role provincial elites resented. By 1872, for example, the Chamber of Deputies furiously debated the new Municipal Law. Representative Basadre raised his voice of protest: “This Capital is the spoiled girl of all departamentos , the heir of all of Peru’s treasures. The departments of the South do not have the 208 Pedro Oliveira, “Apuntes para la historia del Hospital “Dos de Mayo,” Memoria administrativa que presenta a la Sociedad de Beneficencia Pblica de Lima su Director Sr. D. Carlos Ferreyros, correspondiente al ao econmico de 1896 (Lima: Imprenta Liberal, 1896).

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104 expensive institutions Lima has; splendid schools, palaces, charity institutions, great hospitals, etc.” Representative Andraka immediately replie d that “if Lima, for example, has a School of Medicine, it is to serve all departments, because it is impossible to build a similar one in each of them. If Lima has great public institutions, it is to serve all inhabitants of the republic.”209 If it was true that the Peruvian state was unable to construct first class in stitutions throughout the entire country, it is also true that much was sp ent for symbolic purposes. The benefits of these symbols or monuments of modernity, howev er, were supposed to reach the other departamentos for “the richness of Lima disseminates in all di rections and extends to and comprises all the confines of the Republic. Lima has become a truthf ul sign of Peru’s worth and represents it in foreign nations.”210 The Lima transformations were not made for cosmetic reasons but to create a sense of national community and, as we will se in the next chapter, to develop the human resources of industrial capitalism. No t all reforms produced the effects desired by planners, or course. Projects were planned and executed by an often incoherent state, and by inconsistent and often corrupt administrations. They often did not accomplish their objectives because of the “proliferating illegitimacy” of Limeo spatial practices, 211 by the subaltern parole that bent the langue of law.212 Reports on the use of reformed spaces , for instance, reveal the dismay of functionaries at the people’s appropriation of th em. Shortly after their erection, monuments were fenced so as to protect them from robber y and vandalism. One may wonder what these monuments, which were erected –after their de sign and construction in Europe— to symbolize 209 Diario de los debates de la Cmara de Diputados (Lima: Imprenta de “El Nacional,” 1872), vol. II, 454. Debate on chapter seven of the Law of Municipalities, November 8, 1872. 210 Diario de Debates del Congreso Ordinario del ao de 1860 (Lima: Tipografa de “El Comercio,” 1861), 167. Chamber of Senators. January 29, 1861. 211 Michel de Certeau, The Practice of Everyday Life (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1984). 212 Homi Bhabha, “DissemiNation: Time, Narrative, and the Margins of Modern Nations,” The Location of Culture (New York: Routledge, 2004).

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105 Peruvian community might have meant to the gene ral public (Figures 2-2 and 2-3). In a report sent to the mayor in 1877 the guard of the “civilized” Alameda de los Descalzos called for additional police support, without which, he claimed, would be forced to close the paseo’s gates: It is impossible to keep gardens and public paseos in good condition, if the action of the police forces does not assist in this respect Public destroy the plants, pull up the flowers. This fault is committed very frequently by people whose education and status should make them solicitous to strive for the paseos’ maintenance To avoid these acts, you must ask the Prefectura for two permanent guards for the Alameda de los Descalzos , without which this inspection will be obliged to put a stop to the entrance of public to such a garden.213 Something similar happened to the 1861 renomina tion of Lima’s streets. Streets in Lima had been named according to use and tradition. Some carried the name of a neighbor, others were known after memorable events, particular signs, the street’s form, etc. In 1861, the municipality decided to regulari ze names by officially baptizing th e full length of streets with a single denomination, and using the names of Peru’s departments, provinces , and rivers –although two streets received the venerable names of the first and last Incas, Manco Capac and Atahualpa, respectively.214 Nothing could be more synecdochal than this measure. Now the entire nation was nominally contained in the capi tal city! This attempt to make Lima an inhabitable map of the entire nation was not successful, though, and had to be reinforced at a later stage. Limeos stubbornly stuck to the old denomina tions, much to the dismay of the city authorities. Famous writer Ricardo Palma commented on the street names: In spite of the attempt to officially re-baptize them, no Limeo uses the new names, and they have plenty of reasons. As for myself, I never make use of the new denominations: first, because the past deserves some respect, and abolishing the names that inspire historical reme mbrances does not lead us anywhere; second, because such prescriptions of the authority are like wet paper and will 213 AHML, Municipalidad, Alamedas y paseos, March 21, 1877. 214 For complete information on the process, see Juan Bromley, Las Viejas Calles de Lima (Lima: Municipalidad de Lima Metropolitana, 2005).

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106 only make people forget what alr eady entered our memory throughout centuries.215 The Alameda de los Descalzos would also be the object of nostalgic lamentations both by foreigners and Limeos alike. In 1860 French tr aveler and Consul Lon ce Angrand nostalgically recalled the promenade he had seen in Lima twenty years before, which had now been transformed into an unrecognizable “garden.” The promenades, wrote Angrand, should not be called “gardens” for they ought not to be “subdued and disciplined” but instead maintained as bucolic spaces, characterized by simplicity and informality.216 Palma, a romantic liberal, believed that today’s promenade, with its statues, fences and fountain may well be more artistic, but not more poetic than the promenade of our childhood. Today, it is something we have already seen in Europe and in other cities in America. But it’s not typical, it’s not Limea . Today’s promenade is worth little more than a cigarette butt . It is a promenade with pret ensions of civilization and nothing more. I wish I could entertain myself in the semi-savage promenade of yesteryear.217 Palma nostalgically thought that the civilized Alameda had lost the sensual attractiveness of his childhood. He shared elite anxieties over the ra pid transformations of Lima. A reporter of the newspaper El Comercio commented upon a religious proce ssion in 1860 in similar terms, lamenting that girls now dr essed in a European, oppre ssive, and flavorless way: The procession for Saint Rose was lively and well attended. Two things were missing, however: a reminder of what is gone and might not exist anymore The tapadas were hardly seen Our seoritas have abandoned their incomparable dress. The delicate waists of the girls in the procession were strangled by rude corsets Dressed the French style, and serious as the cold daughters of Albion, oppressed by the weight of today’s customs, the girls seem to throw a furtive look, which –betraying th eir forced dress— was full of vivacity and mystery218 215 Ricardo Palma, Tradiciones Peruanas Completas (Madrid: Aguilar, 1952), 388. 216 Lonce Angrand, “Carta so bre los jardines de Lima” Imagen del Per en el siglo XIX (Lima: Editorial Milla Batres, 1972), 165. 217 Ricardo Palma, Tradiciones Peruanas (Madrid: Calpe, 1923), 299. Emphasis in the original. 218 El Comercio , September 1, 1860.

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107 Nostalgia was an elite by-product of the rapid transformations of Lima and Limeo habits. Some, like Palma and later historians an d commentators, interpreted these changes as the attempt to “copy” European cities and styles. My argument throughout th is chapter has been different. Elites wished to define Peru as a na tion coeval with the international community of “civilized” or “advanced” nations. They did not simply copy or mimic Europe. Instead they engaged the universals of a hyperreal Europe, and postcolonially constructed a hyperreal Lima as the national center from which modernity could expand across the hyperreal “country.”

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108 Figure 2-1. Plaza de la Constitucin – f eaturing Monument to Bolvar unfenced Figure 2-2. Fenced liberator

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109 Figure 2-3. Entrance to the reformed Alameda de los Descalzos Figure 2-4. Reformed Alameda de los Descalzos

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110 Figure 2-5. Columbus monument at the Alameda de Acho Figure 2-6. Plaza Mayor – Governme nt Palace to the left (1860)

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111 Figure 2-7. Government Palace, 1879

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112 Figure 2-8. Dos de Mayo Plaza

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113 Figure 2-9. Dos de Mayo Hosp ital (Under construction) Figure 2-10. Dos de Mayo Hospital. Front Building

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114 CHAPTER 3 THE TIME OF THE NATION AND THE TIME OF CAPITAL A Republican Penitentiary for a Republican Society Mid-nineteenth century Limeo elites were unable to build a Republican government building, but they succeeded at erecting a modern, impressive penitentiary that became the “first modern construction” in Lima. The architectural style and de sign was decided upon by Mariano Felipe Paz Soldn, then a young lawyer and judge w ho had served as a diplomat in Colombia. Before returning to Peru, Paz Soldn was co mmissioned by the government of President Jos Rufino Echenique to travel to the United States, where he wo uld study different penitentiary systems and the designs of several pris ons in Maryland, Pennsylvania, New York, Massachusetts, and the District of Columbia. Afte r a fruitful stay in th e United States, in which he placed special emphasis on the observation of the institutions’ architecture, internal discipline, the roles of the employees and directors, the treatment received by the inmates, and financial aspects, Paz Soldn returned to Peru to study th e state of prisons in Peru. His experience as a lawyer and judge in Lima, Callao, Cajamarca an d Cuzco had given him a clear idea of Peru’s judiciary and prison systems. With the result s of his research, Paz Soldn wrote a detailed report, entitled Examen de las Penitenciaras de los Estados Unidos .219 The book contains a comprehensive descripti on of eighteen institutions in the United States. Paz Soldn was especially impressed by the Auburn and Philadel phia penitentiaries. Auburn’s striking extension a nd faade was complemented by an efficient system of administration that produced a monetary surplus. Inmates worked in shoe, carpentry, weaving, and tool-making workshops, which allowed the in stitution to obtain its own funds, and inmates 219 Mariano Felipe Paz Soldn, Examen de las Penitenciaras de los Estados Unidos: Informe que presenta al Supremo Gobierno del Per su Comisionado Mariano Felipe Paz Soldn (New York: Imprenta de S.W. Benedict, 1853).

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115 to learn a trade and accumulate earnings. The panoptical architecture of Philadelphia’s Eastern State Penitentiary220 also made a powerful impression on Paz Soldn. “When I was in this institution, I felt emotions th at are difficult to explain in my dreams to improve my patria’s penal system, I imagined that famous building in the city of Lima. My heart filled with joy, not seeing the executioner’s scaffolds but instead a work of civilization and philanthropy.”221 The Auburn system established a working regime in workshops during the daytime and solitary confinement at night, with enforced silence at all times. It was based on the reformation of inmate morality through strict routines and regimentation, but also included elementary education every night and lessons by clergymen. The Philadelphia regime placed emphasis on the most absolute isolation of prisoners. In mates could leave their individual cells every fortnight, blindfolded and only to take a bath ; solitude was intended to promote spiritual reflection and change without unnecessary distractions. After reviewing the main characteristics of U.S. penitentiaries, jails, and prisons, Paz Soldn’s report reviewed conditions in Peru’s prisons. Although he had been commissioned to travel to the U.S. to gather the necessary inform ation to suggest improvements to Peru’s jails and prisons, Paz Soldan believed that he could only carry out his duties by taki ng into account Peru’s existing institutions. According to Paz Soldn, Pe ru’s penitentiary system was poor, and existing prisons could not be remodeled. New ones had to be built according to state-of-the-art penitentiary principles that did not seek to punish criminals, but instead to reform inmates so as to make them into functional members of society. In his report, Paz Soldn reviewed the Auburn and the Philadelphia systems, registering the obj ectionable aspects of each one for Peru. The Auburn system allowed inmates to relate to each other, which might obstruct their reformation or 220 The Eastern State Penitentiary was built between 1823 and 18 35 by architect John Haviland. It is considered the world’s first penitentiary. 221 Mariano Felipe Paz Soldn, Examen de las Penitenciaras de los Estados Unidos , 68.

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116 indeed facilitate the organizat ion of a mutiny. Still, the Ph iladelphia system of solitary confinement was more deficient. Complete isolation, noted Paz Soldan, “is diametrically opposed to universal manners and to man’s in stincts solitude increases anti-natural inclinations and secret vices.”222 Paz Soldn held that “man” was “essentially social and communicative, all of his passions have a natu ral, non-dangerous relief when accompanied by his fellow men.” Solitary confinement would promote “hatred against those who oppress him, against the society that –let us say it frankly—buries him alive.”223 The characteristics of the Per uvian population also had to be taken into account if Peru was to create a suitable penitentiary system. Fo r Paz Soldn, Peru’s penitentiary system and the design of any prison building should adjust to modern principles and to local characteristics and needs. The penitentiary could not simply be a copy of what he had seen in the U.S. His analysis of Peruvian society, however, followed contem porary or universal so ciological ideas about “race.” He considered that Peru’s populati on was divided “by nature” into three main castas (a colonial classificatory term that denominate d mixed blood groups but which now was becoming increasingly interchangeable with raza or “race”) “each with a peculi ar and distinct character.”224 The “white man” was human and indulgent, soci able, inclined to mo rality and a lover of progress. White inmates, therefore, had to be “punished without scor n, preserving his dignity, and treating him with ge ntleness and patience.”225 The Auburn system was the best for “ el blanco ,” whose innate character leads him to “ unite with men, to whom he is generally superior.”226 In contrast, “the Indian” was indolent, indifferent, laz y, and filthy. Indian inmates would actually enjoy solitude and idleness in confinement, which would only “accentuate his 222 Ibid, 106. 223 Ibid, 107. 224 Ibid, 100. 225 Ibid, 100. 226 Ibid, 112.

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117 anti-social and semi-savage condition, which is a comfortable habit for him, but one opposed to the nature of society, to its needs and its progress ; an Indian would leave the cell at the end of his sentence in the same condition he had entered; and that is not the goal of the Government.”227 The Auburn system’s emphasis on shared labor was th e most suited to reform “the Indian,” for it would make him sociable and hardworking at once. The “black man” or “ el negro ,” in spite of his “cruel instincts,” learned easily, was grateful when treated well, and was willing to work for the “enjoyments of life” on ce he had a chance to experience them. He was also talkative, “which means that silence will be the hardest punishment for him.”228 Indeed, “isolation would drive the negro to commit suicide.”229 The characteristics of each “cas te” or “race” and Peru’s need to reform its population lend Paz Soldn to believe that the Philadel phia system was not applicable to Peru. Philadelphia’s Eastern State Penitentiary’s arch itecture, however, could be reproduced in Lima with minor modifications to include Auburn-lik e workshops, mess hall, library, and chapel, to combine the strict vigilance of the inmates’ c onduct with labor and educ ational practices that would serve to “moralize” or reform bad habits . Lima, then, should ha ve a panopticon, and its exterior should be an “ architecture parlante .” Paz Soldan believed th e external appearance of the prison must accord with the building’s purpose. It must look firm, “solid, durable, and it has to have a serious and severe aspect. It must not have decorations, useless ornaments, or architectural luxury.” Paz Soldn drafted an ini tial blueprint for the future building with these considerations in mind230 (Figures 3-1 and 3-3). 227 Ibid, 111. 228 Ibid, 110. 229 Ibid, 112. 230 Ibid,, 120.

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118 The penitentiary should transform the inmate and return him to society as a functional worker and citizen, but it shoul d also communicate a stern lesson. The combination of reclusion and labor would make “the treacherous assassin, the impudent thief, the troublemaker, the dissolute man, and even the one that provokes scandals know that there is a cu rb to their offences and disorders.” Inmates would end their recl usion having learned a trade, possessing petty capital, and having internalized strong moral principles to pa ss on to their children. The penitentiary, then, should be a “ house of education and correction,”231 that would “control not only their bodies but their own conscience.”232 In Paz Soldan’s “house” inmates could not communicate with each other orally or by signs. Their bodies coul d gather in the workshops and mess hall, but their “souls” would remain in absolu te isolation. They woul d also receive “moral, religious, elementary, and industrial education.” Inmates would receive sermons by chaplains who “should never preach any part icular doctrine,”however –P az Soldn believed individual beliefs must be respected— but only inculcate morality “because morality is only one and universal, and the basic principles of all religions are the same.”233 The education for inmates should include reading, writing, arith metics, and penal laws, and a library should be available to them to stimulate the “desire for enlightenment.”234 Inmates would also be reformed through the repetitive transcription of mottos, which woul d induce them to amendment after acknowledging and loathe their guilt.235 Workshops were to be constructed for inmates to internalize the principles of obedience, discipline, and hard work, and to learn a useful trade. Finally, mild 231 Ibid., 115. 232 Cecilia Mndez, “Penalidad y muerte en el Per,” Mrgenes. Encuentro y debate , no. 1 (1987): 188. 233 Mariano Felipe Paz Soldn, Examen de las Penitenciaras de los Estados Unidos, 125. 234 Ibid., 125. 235 Peru’s National Archive holds 1864 sheets of “ planas ” –phrases inmates had to transcribe repeatedly. The phrases carry messages that would instill ethical values to inmates and would make them reflect on their guilt. Some of them are “After God, the patria , and honor,” “persevere and you will surm ount any difficulty,” “bad friendships corrupt the human heart, and throw you into an abyss of vices,” “if you want to be appreciated by society, be virtuous and honest, try to live a moral life, setting good examples to everyone,” and “pure conscience gives happiness to man.” AGN, R-J, 242, Penitentiary.

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119 misdemeanors were to be punished “with humanity and patience,” while punishments for serious offences should be “moderate, but enough to insti ll fear to avoid the repetition of the offense,” and applied “with no anger or fury but rather w ith the cold blood of a father who corrects, and not with the desire for revenge of the tyrant who oppresses.”236 Paz Soldn had to wait until 1855 to see his drea m of a modern penitentiary come true. The Castilla regime ordered its construction on October 20, following th e drafting of a final design that Paz Soldn had developed with the assistance of Maximilien Mimey, and which combined the work-disciplining advantages of the “Auburn system” with the panopticon architecture of the Philadelphian prison. The projected building was to be the largest ever constructed in Lima. Its front would be 158 mete rs long (518 feet), with a width of 114 meters (374 feet), for a total surface of 18012 square meters (193879 square feet). The massive structure would include seven cell blocks, four for inmates –two for males, one for female interns, and one for minors— for a total 280 cells,237 and three for workshops, larders, mess rooms, bathrooms, etc. Cell blocks had two floors for regular cells and underground chambers for punitive cells (Figure 3-4). Other facilitie s included a central watchtower, administration offices, apartments for the directors, kitchens , cafeterias for guards, a library, a chapel, a hospital, and a meeting hall. The granite perime ter walls were 12 meters tall (39 feet) and 3 meters wide (9.84 feet) at its base and 1 meter wide (3.28 feet) at its highest point.238 The projected budget reached 530000 pesos.239 The Castilla administration also named a commission presided by Paz Soldn to select the site for the constructi on of the building. Paz 236 Ibid., 133. 237 Manuel Fuentes, Estadstica general de Lima (Lima: Tipografa Nacional de M.N. Corpancho, 1858), 671. Mateo Paz Soldn, brother of Mariano Felipe, however, states that the original blueprint was designed to host 316 inmates, Mateo Paz Soldn, Geografa del Per: Obra Pstuma del D.D. Mateo Paz Soldn (Paris: Librera de Fermn Didot, 1862), 296. 238 Mateo Paz Soldn, Geografa del Per , 296. 239 Manuel Fuentes, Estadstica general , 671.

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120 Soldn’s report recommended a healthy location with dry soil, isolated from buildings or factories but near the city, to f acilitate its supply and the easy sale of manufactured products made in the workshops. The cornerstone was se t on January 31, 1856 by Pres ident Castilla on the southern limits of the walled city, away but re latively close from the popul ated center, a location that Mateo Paz Soldn –brother of Mariano Felipe— regarded as one with th e “healthiest air” in Lima.240 Commemorative medals of gold, silver, and copper were minted for the inaugural ceremony. The construction of such an enormous building demanded an unprecedented mobilization of funds, workers, technology, and re sources over a span of six year s. Paz Soldn had three kilns for bricks made, and a continuous kiln for lime, and he laid a three-mile Decauville railway to transport granite and limestone from the quarr y located in El Agusti no. Granite rock and refractory bricks had never been used in Lima (most buildings were made of adobe, wood, and tile), and the continuous kiln a nd the railway were also the fi rst of their kind in Lima. The construction also demanded a large skilled workfo rce impossible to find in Peru. Consequently, nine stonecutters, five br icklayers and a blacksmith were hire d in Europe on four-year contracts in the first three years of the project. It might have been the excitement of the dimensions and novelties included in the constructio n, as well as its rapid progre ss –Paz Soldn worked fast and energetically, constructing the railw ay, for example, in only twenty-seven days— what inspired Castilla to order Paz Soldn to enlarge the peniten tiary in 1858. An excited Paz Soldn reported: The Libertador and Grand Marshal Ramn Castilla ordered me to enlarge this edifice as much as possible, because it is a building to whic h Peru directs its hopeand that the Penitentiary must be a living monument of his enthusiasm for public works, and worthy of Peru’s grandeur.241 240 Mateo Paz Soldn, Geografa del Per , 297. 241 Memoria que presenta al Congreso Extraordinario de 1858 el Ministro de Gobierno, Culto y Obras Pblicas (Lima: Tipografa Nacional, 1858), 52

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121 The new penitentiary would now have a bread th of 189 meters (620 feet), a depth of 152 meters (499 feet), for a total area of 29010 square meters (312268 square feet), and cells for 312 inmates. Notably, Paz Soldan believed it woul d be convenient to enlarge the building even more, to host 478 inmates!242 By the end of 1858 nearly 30 thousand tons of granite and limestone and a million bricks had been consumed in the construction.243 The building’s doors, windows, and other components were made in Europe and shipped to Lima before its inauguration in 1862.244 According to historian Jorge Basadre, the total cost of the building was in the neighborhood of 600 thousand pesos,245 but the annual Memorias of Public Works for 1858 and 1860 report an expenditure of 550 thousand pesos in only two years.246 By the end of 1858, Paz Soldn believed 805 thousand pesos in ex cess of the original bu dget would be required to finish the building, project ing a final cost of 1335000 pesos.247 The building was inaugurated on January 31, 1862 with great expectations. The Castilla administration ordered the Casa de la Moneda (national mint) to coin a silver medal that, on one side, showed the effigy of President Castilla with an inscription showing the dates of the placement of the first stone and the inaugurat ion; and, on the other side, a figure of the panopticon with the names of Paz Soldn, director of the works, and “Maximiliano” Miney, the architect. Fittingly, the seal of the Peruvian Republic crowns the scene, hovering above the penitentiary. All the efforts and expenses put in to the construction reveal that the penitentiary was clearly a matter of great symbolic and national import. (Figure 3-2). 242 Manuel Fuentes, Estadstica general , 676. 243 Ibid., 672. According to Juan Bromley and Jos Barbagelata, 30 thousand tons of stones were used in the construction. Paz Soldn, however, reports having used those many stones by the end of 1858. Juan Bromley and Jos Barbagelata, Evolucin urbana de la ciudad de Lima (Lima: Consejo Provincial de Lima, 1945). 244 Jorge Basadre, Historia de la Repblica del Per (1822-1933) (Lima: Orbis Ventures, 2005). 245 Ibid. 246 Memoria que presenta al Congreso Extraordinario de 1858 el Ministro de Gobierno, Culto y Obras Pblicas (Lima: Tipografa Nacional, 1858); Memoria del Ministro Estado en el Departamento de Obras pblicas y Polica presenta al Congreso Ordinario de 1860 (Lima: Tipografa de Justo Montoya, 1860). 247 Manuel Fuentes, Estadstica general , 677.

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122 Peru’s largest and most costly building woul d occupy a crucial symbolic place in Lima’s project of postcolonial moderniza tion. It would serve to moraliz e and civilize the population, in particular, the lower “castes” of society who elites such as Paz So ldn regarded as “anti-social,” “semi-savage,” “lazy,” or guided by “cruelty instinct s.” Paz Soldn held, for instance, that “the Indian” lacked hygienic habits a nd argued that the fact that “he” did not use a bed to sleep on was proof of his uncivilized charact er and paucity of moral values.248 The penitentiary would be a factory of civilization, eradicating those habits which were “opposed to the nature of society,” and instilling cultured habits, respect for the law a nd authority, and work discipline. Life at the penitentiary was to be guided be the severe principles of the institution’s motto: “Silence, Obedience, Labor.” This motto was inscribed over every threshold in the building. The penitentiary was a social laborat ory for the society elites wanted to forge. One ruled by the progressive severity of the st ate and conformed of docile, obedi ent, and hardworking citizens. This vision was clear to Paz Soldn, who used th e construction of the Penitentiary to carefully observe his workers’ habits and to conceive new methods to further reform them. In order to closely manage a large number of workers, which represent the most ignorant component of our society, I decided to thoroughly observe their inclinations and character, their comm on habits, and the way these could be corrected. I can affirm that no task is eas ier than to completely improve this part of society. To correct their faults and even to contain them when they were dominated by passion, anger, or drunke nness, it has been enough to send an employer to reestablish order immediatel y, without having to use any means of coercion.”249 The building’s dimensions as well as its seve re and solid appearance would also exert, according to Paz Soldn, a pedagogical purpose a nd was appropriately called by him and other commentators “a monument.” The word “monu ment” as used by contemporary observers 248 Mariano Felipe Paz Soldn, Examen de las Penitenciaras de los Estados Unidos, 110. 249 Mariano Felipe Paz-Soldn, Director of Penitentiary. July 22, 1862. Memoria que el Ministro de Gobierno, Polica y Obras Pblicas presenta el Congreso Nacional de 1862 (Lima: Imprenta de “La Epoca,” 1862).

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123 alluded first to the extraordinary magnitude of the edifice, but it may also have referred to its pedagogical purpose. “Monument,” after all, de rives from the Latin verb “monere,” which means to “remind” and/or “to warn.” The penite ntiary would thus be a monument to “remind” citizens of the presence of the st ate, and to “warn” them about its capability to capture and reform bodies and minds, and to impose its internal social order on the society beyond its walls. The penitentiary system was also informed by new concepts of society and new techniques or means to contro l the population. A new juridica l order was emerging, as a new civil code was promulgated in 1852, and the death penalty was abolished in 1856 by the government of Ramn Castilla. Th e latter reform was part of a series of changes in penal legislation since Independence intended to re place the severe puni shments applied during colonial times. The Protector San Martn, for example, had abolished punishment by lashes soon after his Declaration of Independence, sinc e “far from correcting [such punishment only] strengthens the victim’s bond w ith crime, making him lose all sense of shame and selfesteem.”250 Republican penalties were to be applied not as measures of retaliation, but with the aim to reform. Criminals would be reintegrat ed into society as productive members after a period of confinement that woul d correct their deviant behavi ors. In 1822, Monteagudo had envisaged a jail that would be “a monument to philanthropy” a nd which would stand in stark contrast to “those sepulchers fo r living men that carried the name of jails, where inmates were submergedbecause the maxims of the Holy Office served as models to all tribunals in Spain 250 Gaceta del Gobierno de Lima Independiente (La Plata: Universidad Nacional de la Plata, 1950). Decree issued on May 22, 1822. Peru’s first three constitutions allowed a moderate use of the capital law, but Congress did not specify when it could be applied. Juan F. Olivo, ed., Constituciones Polticas del Per, 1821-1919 (Lima: Imprenta Torres Aguirre, 1922). See also Pedro L. Alvarez Ganoza, Orgen y trayectoria de la aplicacin de la pena de muerte en la historia del derecho peruano (Lima: Editorial Dorhca, 1974).

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124 and its Colonies.”251 Two years after the in auguration of the peniten tiary, Senator Santisteban expressed a similar sentiment in an argument agai nst a proposal to reinstate the death penalty: All the tendencies in philos ophy and in the constitutions that are based on liberal principles tend to make cease the empire of the executioner, to demolish the gallows and to erect monuments to civili zation to protect society. What would that monument to culture, which has been erected in Lima with great sacrifices, mean if the scaffold is maintained?252 A civilized society could not maintain uncivilized ways to punish offenders. The penitentiary was, therefore, a “monument” to the Republic that symbolized the triumph of civilization over barbarism. Th is “monument” was intended for the consumption of the local population as well as that of the re st of the world. It would serve to announce that Peru was part of the civilized world, that it had left the inhumanity of coloni al rule –let us now remember Monteagudo’s words on the Inquis ition—and its obscure tortures and scaffold. Paz Soldn summarized this civilizing spirit afte r the inauguration of the institution: This work has the highest importance. It will exert a moral influence on society, it will be a monument that will honor those who have er ected it forever It will give other nations a positive idea of our civilization, and it will be a warranty against the wrongdoers and an effective way to contain their evil instincts, without using the dreadful sp ectacle of the scaffold. It will not be necessary that law, to preserve the existence of the social body against those who walked away from the path of justice, use its sharp blade to make bleeding heads fall. Once captured and taken to this office, where th e reform of the moral being takes place, they will be returned to society transfor med into useful men. The law will thus fulfill its high purposes using noble and humanitarian means.253 “Silence, Obedience and Labor” Ou tside the Penitentiary’s Walls As we have seen, early postcolonial effort s to “Peruvianize” public spaces, such the new Plaza de la Constitucin , included a reform of the popular use of public space. Monteagudo in 251 Bernardo Monteagudo, Esposicin de las tareas administrativas del gobierno desde su instalacin hasta el 15 de Julio de 1822 (Lima: Imprenta de Manuel del Rio, 1822), 12. 252 Diario de debates del Congreso del ao de 1864 (Lima: Imprenta de “El Comercio,” 1864). 253 Memoria que el Ministro de Gobierno, Polica y Obras Pblicas presenta el Congreso Nacional de 1862 (Lima: Imprenta de “La Epoca,” 1862), 39-40.

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125 particular, actively attempted to tran sform and “moralize” the habits of Limeos , issuing decrees, for instance, to regulate th e ringing of church bells,254 prohibit cockfights,255 curb the use of mourning dress,256 determine where to bury corpses,257 regulate theater pl ayers –who should not offend “public morality”— as well as the audience –indecorous smokers would be punished with a two month jail sentence—258 and to transform “republican ized” Plazas by evicting street vendors.259 It was essential to rid Lima of the “abus es of the old regime,” for “war had to be waged” not only against Spaniards but more im portantly against “the vices of their reign.”260 These efforts were resumed during the Guano er a with greater vigor. Monteagudo was unable to carry out his plan to cleanse the Plaza of vice. Indeed, in the mid-nine teenth century Lima’s plazas hosted a multitude of vendors, water carrie rs with their donkeys –which drank from the plaza’s fountain—and crowds of pe ople from all walks of life, particulary on weekends and holidays.261 The Main Plaza was still unpaved and dust y. It was an open, chaotic space without specific paths for the circulation of pedestrians, carriages, or horse and mule riders, it had no “green areas” and no drainage canals. The build ings surrounding the plaza were irregular and, according to contemporary descriptions, “indecorous.” By the Guano era, “intervention” in the Plaza became a necessity, not only because it was the home of the national and municipal governments but because it was now desirable that all urban spaces and bodies be regulated and controlled (Figure 3-5). 254 Gaceta del Gobierno de Lima Independiente , 465. Decree issued on May 21, 1822. 255 Gaceta del Gobierno de Lima Independiente , 331. Decree issued on February 16, 1822. 256 Gaceta del Gobierno de Lima Independiente , 267. 257 Gaceta del Gobierno de Lima Independiente , 153. Decree issued on October 25, 1821. 258 Gaceta del Gobierno de Lima Independiente , 234. 259 Also see Coleccin de leyes, decr etos y rdenes publicadas en el ao de 1821 hasta el 31 de diciembre de 1830 (Lima: Imprenta de Jos Masas, 1831), 152. 260 See Gaceta del Gobierno de Lima Independiente , 331 and 465. 261 Max Radiguet wrote the most lively and eroticized description of Lima’s Plaza Mayor in 1841. See Max Radiguet, Lima y la sociedad peruana (Lima: Biblioteca Naciona l del Per, 1971) (1856).

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126 To transform the Plaza Mayor vendors had to be eradicated. In 1852, the Castilla regime had built a Central Market to avoi d crowd gatherings in all plazas in the city, and to make sure food was managed and sold under sanitary cond itions. A new slaughterhouse was also built outside the city walls in 1855. Both the market and the slaughterhouse obeyed state-of-the-art sanitary codes. Yankee traveler and antiquarian Ephraim George Squier described the market as “better in many respects, and more commodious , than any now existing in New York,” and recommended a visit to the slaughterhouse “if fo r no other reason than as showing how much more neatly and efficiently the act of slaught ering the animals is accomplished than with us.”262 The transformation of the Plaza was now possible, and by 1857, the Castilla administration gave signs of its intention to transf orm the Plaza into a “boulevard or park as large as the space allows” by commissioning the Italian architect Jos Tiravanti, who had arrived in Lima in 1850 to draft the design.263 Years later, in 1858, the Muni cipality designed a project to pave the Plaza with stone slabs, create and fen ce green areas, and channel its irregular ditches. The commission in charge of the project argued that: Similar parks have been constructed in a number of cities in Europe and the United States, with the aim to correct the air that flows rarefied in places where population has concentrated, and where th ere is not sufficient space to let air circulate freely. Most hous es, stores and commercial businesses gather around that plaza, and they require wide and free space to operate. Furthermore, frequent necessary troop concentrations take place in the Plaza for the celebration of civic and religious festivities.264 None of these projects were executed. The balconies surrounding the Main Plaza, however, were made uniform that same year.265 By 1863, an open contest for the remodeling of 262 George Squier, Peru illustrated or Incidents of Travel and Exploration in the Land of the Incas (New York: Hurst and Company, 1877), 54-5. 263 AGN, OL, 403 Carta del Ministro de Gobierno, Culto y Obras Pblicas al Ministro de Estado en el despacho de Hacienda, May 13, 1857. 264 AHLM, Comisiones Especiales, Ornato. 265 Natalia Majluf, Escultura y espacio pblico. Lima, 1850-1879 (Lima: Instituto de Estudios Peruanos, 1994).

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127 the Main Plaza was won by Francisco Pietrosan ti. Pietrosanti’s propos al included paving of white and black stones, a garden surrounding the f ountain and protected by an iron gate, as well as statues representing the four seasons, and orna mental vases for flowers guarded by more iron fences.266 Sixteen marble benches were included; cl ear paths for pedestrians signaled where to stroll; the Plaza became a park for pedestrian s, separated from surrounding streets, where carriages and horses could now circulate.267 Since a system of potable water was being gradually implemented throughout the city, th e water fountains in Lima’s plazas, including that in the Plaza Mayor, began to disappear or became ornamental objects.268 The remodeling gave the Plaza Mayor a uniform, rigidly symmetric, regulate d aspect, which clearly regulated the use of the space.269 Indeed, strollers were given indications about where to walk, wh ere to direct their gaze, where to sit; they would also know, of c ourse, what not to do (Fi gure 3-6). This kind of urban intervention was clearly aimed at regulati ng the population, promoting new uniform habits to replace the disorderly crowds formerly found in the plazas. A newspaper editorial quoted by Natalia Majluf highlights the importance of such a project for Limeo/Peruvian society: “to standardize the customs is to establish the basis for peace and progress The march of civilization essentially tends to uniform the customs”270 Urban planning was also aimed at eradicati ng undesirable occupants from the streets, especially those considered “vagrants” and w hose “idleness” was now considered intolerable under the republican order. Some spoke of a relationship between slaves and the manumitted 266 Ibid.. 267 Syra Alvarez, Historia del mobiliario urbano de Lima, 1535-1935 (Lima: Universidad Nacional de Ingeniera, 2000). 268 In 1855, the Castilla administration signed a contract with the Empresa del Agua , which had to change the existing clay piping system for a network of iron pipes. Works began in 1857. This allowed for some Limeos to have running potable water in their houses. See, Syra Alvarez, Historia del mobiliario . 269 Natalia Majluf, Escultura y espacio pblico . 270 “Contacto de los pueblos,” El Progreso , July 28, 1849. Quoted by Natalia Majluf, Escultura y espacio pblico , 32.

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128 population with idleness and crime. Representa tive Bieytes expressed those feelings in a congressional debate on the proper ways to re press vagrancy: “Anyone can see thousands of manumitted, who used to work in estates, surrendered to vagrancy, theft, scandal, and to life in taverns”271 The republican order, and the liberal emphasis on wo rk as the cornerstone of national prosperity, required responsible, discip lined citizens and workers, and politicians and reformers increasingly repudiated “i dleness” as a cultural burden i nherited from colonial times. The Law for the Internal Orga nization of the Republic, issued on January 5, 1857, established that all public functiona ries must keep their poblaciones free of vagrants. A wide and ambiguous definition of vagrancy was adopted: Those who do not have a known trade or o ccupation, or an honest and known way of life, those who have the habit of visiting gambling houses or who surrender themselves to drunkenness, those sons w ho are supported by thei r parents or live out of inherited goods and who live in idleness and abandonment those who do not have a known residence, those who, not having a physical impediment to have an occupation dedicate themselves to beg, those workingmen and artisans who do not work out of laziness or vice, and the beggars who do not have a license.272 Idleness was criminalized and spoken about in a medical rhetoric, as a growing “cancer” that had to be excised to maintain the health of the social body. The Mi nister of Public Works and Police, Manuel Morales, expressed this view in a typical fashion: I believe it is appropriate to call you r attention toward a calamity society experiments; a painful disease, and the leprosy of the social body, which swiftly disseminates its unfortunate influence throughout the healthy part, and which demands a prompt and efficient remedy. I am speaking about vagrancy, which is the cause of most vices. The vagrant is a useless, onerous a nd pernicious member of society, because he spends the time he should use in a profitable occupation, in vices or crime, and he perverts others with his corrupting influence. The orgies of the plebe –which are, almost always, pr omoted by the vagrants— are sources of immorality and corruption, where crimes are planned, where distinguished 271 Cmara de Diputados 4 de marzo de 1861. Diario de Debates del Congreso Ordinario del ao de 1860 (Lima: Tipografa de “El Comercio,” 1861), 823. 272 Diccionario de la Legislacin Municipal del Per. Compuesto por Juan Jos Calle (Lima: Librera e Imprenta Gil, 1910), 3, 281.

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129 criminals lecture the least expert, and fr om where the evildoers depart to all directions to carry ou t their tenebrous plans.273 Morales’s words were typical because they re flected the disciplinary aspects of the Lima elite’s republican project but also because they were illustra tive of a sociological diagnosis and lexicon then in gestation. Sociologi cal discourse conjur ed the subject of la plebe as an identifiable sector of society wh ich was to be named in the singular and described in clinical and psychological terms. Politicians and social co mmentators developed a pr ecise notion of “the plebe.” “The plebe” had acquired laziness and diss ipated habits during colonial times and these had festered during the post-independence caudillo er a. It was considered necessary to restrain their “instinctive” impulses towards excess and deba uchery and take measures to transform them into self-disciplined, law-abiding citizens and reliable workers, and to firmly punish their “immorality.” Manuel Atanasio Fuentes was one of thes e civilizing sociologists who produced “knowledge” about Lima’s population, and in particular la plebe , through detailed statistical and prose discourses on, for instance, their leisure activities, hygiene habits, and physical and mental illnesses.274 All this “information” was explicitly created with the purpose of engineering and administering the population. As Fuentes noted, “it would be dange rous to base administrative measures on inaccurate and incomplete works Careful, systematic statistics are an indispensable requisite for good economic and administrative mana gement in all branches of public service.”275 Fuentes reported on the “pernicious tendencies” and “primitive instincts” of la plebe , which “needs to be energetically and vigorous ly contained within the limits of order and 273 Memoria que el Ministro de Estado en el Departamen to de Obras Pblicas y Polica presenta al Congreso Ordinario de 1860 (Lima: Tipografa de Justo Montoya, 1860), 41-2. 274 The Central Council of Statistics was created in 1848. 275 Manuel Fuentes, Estadstica general , 32.

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130 moderation.”276 Such “containment” could be achieved th rough stricter regulations and penalties against idleness and intemperance, state vigilance of public spaces, “education” and indoctrination, in addition to the embodied peda gogy exercised by those vigilant “monuments” of civilization discussed above. To remedy “vagrancy,” the Decree of Ap ril 7, 1866 declared primary education compulsory and established sanctions for parent s, legal guardians, and employers who did not provide for the education for their children, pupils , or servants, or who di d not register and send them to public schools. By July, 1873, stricter m easures were taken against children who did not attend school. They were to be interned in a boarding school on the navy frigate Apurmac , placed in the Military School, or in the School of Agriculture.277 Still, in 1876 the Minister of Government, Aurelio Garca y Garca stated th at “the effects of id leness and vagrancy are unfortunate and increasing,” and so proposed a set of measures “to extirpat e this sinister germ that carries immorality and misfortunes to th e Republic.” He would reduce the number of holidays “which now account for almost one f ourth of the civil year ,” regulate religious ceremonies in which there are “profane and licen tious demonstrations for several days,” and persecute “idle” people and vagr ants “under all circumstances creating a tax, though moderate, to force even the most i ndolent individuals to work.” Other measures were aimed at “opening attractive horizons to ambition” through edu cation and for “promoting love of labor and property” with the opening of st ate-funded industrial workshops.278 Gambling was another detestable vice sche duled for eradication. As early as 1822 Monteagudo had reported on his efforts to rid Lima of gambling, emphasizing the colonial 276 Manuel Fuentes, Estadstica general , 601 277 Jorge Basadre, Historia de la Repblica , vol. 8, 82. 278 Memoria del Ministro de Gobierno entregada el 4 de Agosto de 1876 (Lima: Imprenta de “El Comercio,” 1876), 88.

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131 regime’s guilt for promoting it, and contras ting colonial permissiveness with republican firmness. Interestingly, Monteagudo speaks of ga mbling in the past tense, as something the republic had “already” resolved. At the same time, however, his speech indicated that the problem was “not yet” eradicated and required the c onstant vigilance of the state. He referred to gambling as “that abominable pa ssion that used to conspire against all virtues, and which enjoyed impunity and was even promoted by th e government. It is persecuted today in an inexorable way.”279 By 1869, gambling was again a matte r of public interest. Minister of Government, Police and Public Works, Rafael Velarde, expressed anguish over the state’s inability to control it in a letter to the Prefect of Lima: “the gove rnment knows that in spite of the frequent regulations to prosecute gambling in this capital, there are severa l houses in which such criminal livelihood is encourage d, causing terrible damage to so ciety, perverting the youth and ruining many fathers.”280 Vagrancy and gambling were now expressions of the immorality of la plebe that had to be surveilled. The National Guard created by Bolvar in 1825 was reorganized successively in 1845, 1852, 1855, and 1873, not only because of differences among administrations but as an expression of the pe rception that control of the population had not yet been achieved. 281 After the 1873 reorganization, the newspaper El Guardia Nacional editorialized that “freedom and order are the foundations for the edifice of the Republic. If one of those foundations yields , the edifice collapses.”282 The central state and the municipality of Lima became through direct hiring and tax incentives the main sponsors of new activities such as opera, ba llet, and mime. The perceived 279 Bernardo Monteagudo, Esposicin de las tareas administrativas , 15-6. The decree prohibiting gambling was issued on January 3, 1822. Gaceta del Gobierno de Lima Independiente , 271. 280 Ministerio de Gobierno, Polica y Obras Pblicas. Al prefecto del departamento de Lima, August 11, 1869. Boletn oficial de leyes, decretos, resoluciones y oficios del gobierno. Se gundo semestre de 1869 (Lima: Imprenta del Estado), 129. 281 For a review of those reorganizations, see Rmulo Merino, Historia policial del Per en la repblica (Lima: Imprenta del Departamento de Prensa y Publicaciones de la Guardia Civil, n/d). 282 Ibid., 12.

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132 need to promote such activities was so great that the Ministry of Public Works and Police, for example, was placed in charge of the Teatro Principal , owned by the central government. A 1860 report by the Minister of Public Works and Po lice indicated the intere st of the state in promoting cultivated leisure activities among the masses. Theater would now acquire a pedagogical mission: “Considering the degree of ci vilization and culture r eached by this capital, theater could not fulfill its important duties of educating and moralizing the pueblo , if the government does not offer a special protection.”283 Peru’s central stat e would thus sponsor cultural activity, regulate its cont ent and functioning. In 1849 a ne w Code had been issued to control theater activity, regulati ng its inspection, vigilance, prot ection, and promotion. The code attempted to promote the taste for high culture and rid the population’ s inclination towards popular and spontaneous leisure ac tivities. It allowed for the cen sorship of plays that could “pervert the taste or fill the spectator s with pieces indignant for a civilized pueblo .” It also allowed the censorship of plays th at could “excite passions or ideas that threaten public order,” for plays should not transmit ideas contrary to the “moral and a ppropriate customs, the social order and families or specific persons.” The reglamento also stated that a directive board would be in charge of hiring the artist s. National theater was also promoted with the establishment of four annual prizes for “national” dramaturges. The code regu lated the ways the public could behave. Limeos should wear appropriate outfits when attending civilized spectacles, and the audience should not promote public disorder or interrupt the performance of the artists.284 By 1872 the municipality of Lima, now in charge of the regulation and promotion of theater, released a Code of Municipal Police, which stat ed that municipal authorities could shut down 283 Memoria del Ministro de Estado en el Departamento de Obras Pblicas y Polica presenta el Congreso Ordinario de 1860 (Lima: Tipografa de Justo Montoya. 1860), 22. 284 El Peruano , February 1, 1849.

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133 “any performance or entertainment” which contai ned “allegories, ornaments, or advertisements that could excite, in special circumstances, passion or the disruption of public order.”285 State or municipal sponsorship allowed Limeos to enjoy European cultural products. Hiring artists or subsidizing opera, music concerts and recitals, and ballet presentations, the state would help transmit “a sense of spirituality and embellishment” that would transform Limeos’ taste and morality.286 Opera companies and divas from Italy, France, and the United States enjoyed great success in Lima since 1846; conc erts, ballets and mimes also acquired such popularity that seasons were extended. Hist orian Jorge Basadre na rrates anecdotal and passionate confrontations between fans of diffe rent opera companies as well as popular agitation (in crowds of two thousand people!) over the presence of a famous diva.287 The state and the municipality also became i nvolved in the formation of an intellectual community through subsidies and scholarships, de dicating part of Guano revenues to promote the production of national cultural products. As Francesca Denegri ha s commented, the state became the most important sponsor of what was called the Peruvian Romantic Movement.288 This sponsorship included sending art or literature students abro ad to study, acquire experience and cultivate their talents, on the condition of return ing to Lima as professors or to open special state schools or cultural institutions.289 It also included hiring Eur opean artists and musicians to 285 “Polica Municipal, Reglamento. Expedido el 12 de Julio de 1872,” Legislacin municipal. Leyes, resoluciones, decretos, ordenanzas y reglamentos vigentes sobre municipalidades. Compilacin publicada por el Honorable Consejo Provincial de Lima. Siendo Alcalde el Seor General don Juan Martn Echenique (Lima: Imprenta de "El Nacional", 1899), 224. 286 Jorge Basadre, Historia de la Repblica. For a discussion on the importance of theater as an instrument for civilization and political discussion between 1820 and 1 828, see Mnica Ricketts, “El teatro en Lima: tribuna poltica y termmetro de la civilizacin,” La independencia del Per. De los Borbones a Bolvar , ed. Scarlett O’Phellan (Lima: Pontificia Universidad Catlica del Per, 2001), 429-453. 287 Jorge Basadre, Historia de la Repblica. 288 Francesca Denegri, El abanico y la cigarrera: la primera generacin de mujeres ilustradas en el Per (Lima: Flora Tristn e Instituto de Estudios Peruanos, 1996). 289 Painters Francisco Laso and Luis Montero, for instance, were sponsored by the Echenique administration to study in Europe and to open a School of Arts in Lima after returning.

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134 animate Limeo intellectual life and spread their skills and knowledge through state schools.290 Most importantly, cultural developments could not be limited to upper class Limeos . Culture should reach the masses through, for instance, retretas in paseos , parks and plazas in which the musical bands of the military corps played, for instance, Viennese waltzes, pieces of opera, and of course patriotic marc hes to uplift the crowds. Education of the masses was also stressed and re gulated during this peri od. As with other social aspects, it was held that Spanish rule had promoted ignorance by neglecting the development of education.291 The Constitution of 1823 had declared that “education is a common need, and the Republic must provide it equally to all of its individuals,”292 but it was only in 1850 that it was regulated. The first Reglamento stated that every pari sh should have free schools, and include not only courses on grammar and mathematics, but “rules of practical morality, including civic duties and urbanism.”293 A more comprehensive Reglamento General de Instruccin Pblica was issued in 1855, elaborated by the intellectual co llaborators of Marshall Castilla, incl uding the physician, philosopher, hi storian, and educator Sebastin Lorente. The basic principle for the reglamento was the search for an integral education of the individual, with the goal of “moral, intellectual, aesthetic , and physical” perfection. It established schools for infants to care for poor children between 3 and 6 years of age, and created schools for “Popular Education” which were free a nd compulsory. Parents, legal guardians, and 290 Such was the case of Genoese violinist Claudio Rebagliati, who arrived in Lima in 1863. Rebagliati had studied with Paganini and had acquired fame as a child prodigy in Italy before crossing the Atlantic. He founded and directed the Sociedad Filarmnica de Lima , restored Peru’s national anthem, and composed the Rapsodia Peruana 28 de Julio in 1868. 291 The Gaceta del Gobierno de Lima Independiente comments that “the general ignorance that the Spanish government has maintained in America ha s been a tremendous act of tyranny.” Gaceta del Gobierno de Lima Independiente , 279. 292 Constitucin Poltica de la Repblica Peruana, art.181. Valcrcel, Carlos, Breve Historia de la Educacin Peruana (Lima: Editorial Educacin, 1975). 293 Alberto Regal, Castilla educador; la instruccin pblica durante los gobiernos de Castilla (Lima: Instituto Libertador Ramn Castilla, 1968), 66-67.

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135 employers were obliged to “send” children, pupils, and employees under 14 to school. Children would receive “moral education, which has the f oundation of religion, and is aimed at inspiring piety and love towards the Patria , fraternity for all races, respect to laws and customs, truthfulness, personal dignity, firmness of characte r, the habits of work the good use of time, and the purity of sentiments.” The reglamento also included “aesthetic” education to develop “the sentiments of what is beautiful,” as well as physical education.294 It was an education in republicanism, with its emphasis upon the forma tion of virtuous citi zens acting in public on behalf of the common good. The emphasis of the reglamento on physical education was part of a larger project to discipline Limeo bodies and regulate hygiene habits. Lo wer class boys between three and six years of age would receive inst ruction in “physical educati on and pious practices” before reaching primary school. Starting in 1864, private schools also included physical education in their curricula.295 Educacin fsica courses included exercises, as well as lessons on hygiene at home and proper habits to sit, walk, and eat. Sebastin Lorente and Manu el Atanasio Fuentes, two of Lima’s most important intellectuals, were rivals in many respects , but they agreed on the importance of “private hygiene.” Both wrote hygiene manuals that were profusely distributed in public schools. Fuentes’ book highlights the import ance of hygiene in education: “This precious art should be part of educa tion as early as primary school . There should be hygiene books suitable for the students’ age and intelligence. The same efforts should be made in factories, workshops, and farms, where the ignorance of the rule s to preserve the gift of health causes so much destruction.”296 The hygienist impulse, however, wa s not limited to schoolboy lessons. Politicians, intellectuals, and doctors all sh ared a preoccupation with Lima’s “stagnant” 294 Ibid., 92. 295 Alberto Cajas, Historia de la educacin fsica en el Per (Lima: Imprenta Gil Armas, 1957), 66. 296 Manuel Fuentes, Elementos de higiene privada (Lima: Tipografa Nacional de M.N. Corpancho, 1859), 5.

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136 population and poor hygiene habits, both in public and private spaces. Fuentes, for instance, believed that Lima’s insalubrities produced dys entery and other illnesses that decimated a population “that thinks little a bout its health,” and he “complained about the indecent and harmful habit of satisfying certain needs on the street.”297 The concerns about an alleged demographic problem in Lima dovetailed with c onceptions about public space discussed above. Bad hygiene habits not only threatened the genera l welfare of the city; th ey were unpatriotic and anti-republican. By 1856 the central government allowed for sanita ry inspections in pr ivate residences “in order to systematize public hygiene in the country.”298 The sanitary conditions of private residences were now a matter of national interest . If public space had been defined as “sacred” because it belonged to the nation, the preoccupation for la plebe’s habits started to erase the notion of a private sphere. The Municipality of Lima also launched a program of domiciliary visits in 1868, in part as a res ponse to a Yellow Fever epidemic. Ev en if the official decrees did not target a specific segment of society, they inevitably generated reports only about the residences of poor Limeos . Doctors reported on the overcrowding among poor in precarious houses, the ventilation and illumination of rooms, the way people kept animals in their homes, and habits of dress; all of these we re depicted in a language of repugnance.299 The inspectors were authorized to fumigate houses and to remove the infirm to the Lazaretto (Leprosary) with or without the family’s consent.300 La plebe occupied a place in the minds of elites similar to that granted to el indio –also in the singular and the masculine gender. Both were seen as legacies of backward Spanish 297 Manuel Fuentes, Estadstica general, 66. 298 “Decreto Oficial,” La gaceta mdica de Lima , 1, no. 7 (1856): 7. 299 AHML, Serie Higiene y Vacuna 1857-1884. 300 Jos Mara Zapater, “Visitas domiciliarias,” El Comercio , Jun 6, 1868; Mariano Arosamena, “De las habitaciones,” La gaceta mdica de Lima , 1, no. 10 (1856): 8-9.

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137 colonialism. It was the republican elite’s sacred and secular duty to bring the urban plebe and the Indian to contemporaneity, to make full th em into citizens of the Republic. Both were imaginary groups allegedly still imprisoned in the dark mental and cultural dungeons of Spanish colonialism, living not yets that served to create the narcissistic self-perception that elites were already coeval with the civilized community. One difference betw een “the Indian” and “the Plebe” was proximity, such that la plebe was in effect more dangerous to elites. La plebe lived within the confines of a city that had not yet developed a patt ern of neighborhoods differentiated by class. The moralizacin of la plebe was also to be accomplished through the creation of schools of arts and trades. The 1855 reglamento stated that such school s were intended to offer “a careful education and theoretica l and practical education on bl acksmithing, carpentry, tailoring, shoemaking, and other common arts.”301 These schools were aimed at “turning artisans into the ideal hardworking citizens of a liberal republic,”302 and at providing a trained labor force to meet the city’s emerging industrial and public works demands. By 1860 president Castilla ordered the opening of the first such school in Lima. It was inaugurated in 1864 in the old Colegio Real with the presence of the liberal Argentine intellect ual Domingo Faustino Sarmiento, who gave one of the inaugural speeches. Sarmiento synthesized the objectives of the institution. Peru needed the “development, through education, of the abili ties of the greatest number of people for the creation and increase of wealth.” Spanish colonialism had been unproductive because it had sought the rapid wealth of Peru’s gold and silver. It was now the charge of the Arts and Trades School to provide the appropriate technical education for the creati on of lasting wealth, which in turn would mean a new independence. “The School of Arts and Trades is the corollary to the 301 Ibid., 94. 302 Iigo Garca-Bryce, Crafting the Republic; Lima’s Artisans and Nation Building in Peru, 1821-1879 (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 2004), 73.

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138 Battle of Ayacucho”303 The spirit of a new independence was expressed in a different way by Director Julio Jarrier, who highlighted the fact that the school was direc tly aimed at moralizing la plebe , since “labor, that f ecund and immense source of morality for all classes of society, is more so for the ones who are not privileged by fortune.”304 The Arts and Trades School opened with a te aching faculty hired in France. The School offered scholarships to the hijos del pueblo (sons of the People) after being examined on the subjects of religion, grammar, and arithmetic.305 By 1872 the school had workshops in mechanics, blacksmithing, carpentry, and locksmithing, and a repair shop for carriages. The importance of the School was summarized by ch ronicler Juan Ezeta, who praised it for promoting the arts, which “are one of the sour ces of history, and one of the foundations for morality, because they snatch the pueblo from the mud of vice.”306 Iigo Garca-Bryce concluded that the School traine d students to conform to virtuous behavior within and without its facilities, and that such behavior included order, silence, and cleanliness.307 Mariano Felipe Paz Soldn would have been pleased, for the principl es expressed in his penitentiary motto had now found a secure place in the educat ion of the extramural population. Some private efforts would also have the same goals. The Sociedad de Amantes del Saber (Society for the Love of Knowledge), crea ted in 1856, for instance, was a group of upperclass Limeo volunteers who gave free lessons in cal culus, geography, grammar, geometry, French, English, and conduc t for the education of “ el pueblo and for its intellectual, moral, and material progress.”308 Its 1873 internal reglamento stated that members were obliged to teach a 303 Ibid., 72. 304 “Escuela de Artes y Oficios,” El Comercio , December 10, 1864. 305 An advertisement published in the daily La Patria, in 1873, announces those requi rements for the applicants. La Patria , April 23, 1873. 306 Juan Ezeta, “Escuela de Artes y Oficios,” La Patria , April 14, 1872. 307 Iigo Garca-Bryce, Crafting the Republic, 83. 308 El hijo del pueblo , March 26, 1864.

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139 minimum of thirty hours a year, and to contribut e money to the same end. The Society included illustrious members of Limeo society, including Manuel Pardo, future President of Peru, Manuel de Mendiburu (the histor ian and biographer), Henry Mei ggs (the Yankee businessman and engineer), and Francisco Gonzlez Vigil (a radical priest know n for his republican “catechisms”).309 A Sociedad Filotcnica was also founded in 1856 to disseminate scientific knowledge through “ educacin popular .” Its members taught Sunday classes on algebra, physics, chemistry, economics, industry, and hygiene. Other instruments for the education of the ma sses included public clocks. Clocks were installed in Peru’s larges t cities in the 1850s and 1860s.310 While clocks had been important during late colonial times, when they were located in church towers, they now acquired republican connotations. In 1874 Ma yor Aurelio Denegri ordered that “all public clocks in Lima must synchronize with the clock of the municipa lity, and the time that the latter shows will be regarded as the legal time of this city.”311 Limeos should internalize the rhythm of the clock if they were to become citizens of contemporary, “homogenous time,” and if they were to become the reliable workers required by industrial capitalism.312 La plebe would become el pueblo , that is, citizens/proletarians, with a regulated conception of time that was in synch with the universal demands of capital. A National Exposition in the International Time of Capital Lima’s claim to modern coevalness or c ontemporaneity would be one of the central themes of its first Universal Exposition. To no one’s surprise, the E xposition would feature a 309 Reglamento de la Sociedad de Amantes del Saber (Lima: Imprenta de El Nacional, 1871); Nuevo Reglamento de la Sociedad de Amantes del Saber (Lima: Imprenta de Francisco Sols, 1873). 310 Natalia Majluf, Escultura y espacio pblico , 12. 311 Diccionario de la Legislacin Municipal del Per. Compuesto por Juan Jos Calle (Librera e Imprenta Gil, 1910), vol. IV, 152. 312 English historian E. Thompson has analyzed the importance of the imposition and internalization of a new discipline of time for the development of industrial capita lism. Edward Thompson, “Time, Work-Discipline, and Industrial Capitalism,” Past and Present , no. 38 (1967): 56-97.

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140 monumental clock as one of its central attr actions. Peru’s 1872 National Exposition was modeled after the great Universal Exhibitions of the nineteenth centur y. The decree signed by President Jos Balta in 1869 stated that th e Exposition would “promote national work and industry and make Peru’s natural riches known” to the world, and ther efore it should exhibit natural, agricultural, and manufactured products, as well as “plants and animals of all kinds, both native to the Republic or imported from abroad a nd acclimatized in it.” It should also host a “public competition for models, mach inery, useful plants and animals.”313 In truth the Exposition of 1872 was Peru’s second such exposition. A previ ous industrial exhibition had been held at the School of Arts and Trades in 1869. In that e xhibition a large number of products from the school’s workshops and those of the penitentiary had been pres ented along with agricultural products and zoological and botanical spec imens from Lima’s Botanical Garden.314 Balta’s exposition would be more grandiose, for the Presid ent was a faithful believer in the idea that the future of the country depended on the developm ent of infrastructure and technology. Balta’s speech to the 1869 closing ceremony of Congress expressed this devotion When I speak about public works, gentleme n, my heart stretches. They are the path towards the country’s happiness and for the future of the upcoming generations. Public works are the wealth, the comfort, and the means for any country. For us, however, they are the salvation, morality, the triumph or order and of all the elements of prosperity. The union of the count ry, the peace, the population, and all of our problems are to be solved this Pr ovidential solution. That is why the government values it; th at is why it promotes research, removes all obstacles, stimulates all de sires, and attracts all capitals.315 For the exposition to express such a sp irit, a great compound of 192 thousand square meters (2077000 square feet, or forty-eight squa re acres) was constructed on ex-hacienda land 313 Decree issued on August 2, 1869. Boletn oficial de leyes, decretos, resolu ciones y oficios del Gobierno, Segundo semestre de 1869 (Lima: Imprenta del Estado, 1869), 95 314 Iigo Garca-Bryce, Crafting the Republic, 95-8. 315 “Mensaje del Presidente de la Repblica, Jos Balta, al Congreso Constitucional. 28 de enero de 1869,” Mensajes de los Presidentes del Per. Recopilacin y notas por Pedr o Ugarteche y Evaristo San Cr istval. Vol. 1. 1821-1867 . (Lima: Librera e Imprenta Gil, 1943), 1288-1289.

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141 that became accessible after the demo lition of the city walls. The Parque de la Exposicin included a main “palace” and a number of pavilions of different shapes and sizes. It also included the Machinery Building, a horse stable, a concert hall for 250 people, a theater, the President’s Pavilion –also known as the Vene tian Pavilion— and “Gothic,” “Moorish,” “Chinese” and “Byzantine” pavilions , a green house for tropical plants, a restaurant, a cafeteria, a pond for boats with a “Japanese bridge,” and others for fish, birds, and turtles, all surrounded by elegant gardens. A fountain cr owned with a statue of Hercules , and an Arch of Triumph that displayed Peru’s national seal and which was crow ned by a statue of liberty, completed the park. The compound sported a pictures que environment, evoking differ ent epochs, civilizations, and styles in an eclectic, and romantic way. The car efully designed “natural” landscape combined with the exotic architecture of the pavilions produced a sensorial a nd sensual experience of orientalist appropriation, and modern, imperial fa ntasy of universality devoi d of colonial anxiety or guilt. In short, the world’s imaginary past , present and future was now “contained” in an alluring paseo for Limeos (Figures 3-7 through 3-12). The palacio was designed by Italian ar chitect Antonio Leonardi,316 and built in a neoRenaissance style, with iron columns imported from Europe, which supported wooden beams. The Palace had marble tiles for the floor and its doors and windows, according to architect Garca Bryce, were inspired by the Vendramin Palace in Venice.317 The combination of metal structures and neo-Renaissance or neo-Gothic faades was by now commo nplace in train stations and exposition pavilions around the world. The pal ace interior was decorated with furniture and curtains brought from France by Pe ru’s ambassador, Luis Albertini.318 316 According to Hctor Velarde, the Franco-Prussian war of the 1870s diminished French architectural influence in Peru. Italian architects were hi red in stead. Hctor Velarde, Arquitectura Peruana (Lima: Studium, 1978). 317 Jos Garca Bryce, “Aspectos de la arquitectura en Lima, 1850-1880,” Kuntur. Per en la cultura , 4 (1987). 318 Roberto Vrtiz, Pedro Ruiz Gallo; una vida consagrada al Per (Lima: CONCYTEC, 1994), 228.

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142 The organizer of the exposition was Manuel Atan asio Fuentes. It exhibited a wide array of industrial, agricultura l, mineral, and artistic objects from Peru and abroad –Bolivia, Belgium, Chile, Ecuador, El Salvador, England, France, Germany, Holland, Italy, Japan, Persia, Scotland, Switzerland, and the United States—for three m onths. Foreign exhibitors applied to Peru’s consular agents, and received “lib eral concessions” to transport articles to Callao. The Peruvian government covered the expense of transport to Lima, as well as the dist ribution and placing of all articles, and the keeping and feeding of animals. The governme nt would award special prizes to foreigners who introdu ced innovations applicable to Peru’s industries.319 Apart from “Peruvian” industrial products and machinery that exemplified the scientific and industrial development of the country, there were paintings by Francisco Lazo – Santa Rosa de Lima — and Luis Montero – Funerales de Atahualpa — along with pre-Hispanic mummies, archaeological and “ethnographic” objects from different parts of the country, including clothing, bows and arrows, paddles, stone axes, and masks. Allusions to history and to “Indians” produced a contrast with the building’s decorati ons and the technology exhi bited. The effect was one of an explicit “den ial of coevalness” for “savage” Indians that made them anthropological objects of study, thereby reinforcing the symbo lic rule of the modern time of capital. The initial budget for the Exposition was 250000 so les for a constructi on project that was to take eight months.320 The park was built in thirty mont hs and the entire exposition, according to the Minister of Government Fran cisco Rosas, required a total 2073709 sols.321 The expenses were approved by Congress, after a debate th at was almost identic al to those over the 319 “The Peruvian Exposition,” The New York Times , May 10, 1871. 320 Rosas reported that the Exposition had cost 1,784,620 soles, with additional expenses of 289,089 soles, which did not include maintenance costs. Boletn oficial de leyes, decretos, reso luciones y oficios del Gobierno, Segundo semestre de 1869 (Lima: Imprenta del Estado, 1869), 95. 321 Memoria de el Ministro de Gobierno, 1874, (Lima: Imprenta del Estado, 1875).

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143 Government Palace and the Botanical Garden. Re presentative Navarro, for instance, reasoned that: With regards to the Exposition Palace, it is a monument th at not only will honor Peru; it will also make it known around th e world. All the civilized countries compete at exhibiting artifacts and products of all kinds, building those palaces Economizing in works of this kind speaks ve ry little of the cu lture of a country.322 One of the main attractions of the Expos ition was the monumental clock made by the master sergeant, artisan and i nventor Pedro Ruiz Gallo (Figur e 3-13). Being a humble, selftaught man, Ruiz Gallo spent six years building his cl ock. Part of that time was spent in petitions for support for his endeavor to authorities, priv ate citizens, and the ge neral public. It was a complex machinery that marked the hours, days, m onths, seasons, years, and centuries, as well as the Moon’s phases and the Sun’s course in the h eavens. At five o’clock in the morning it displayed the raising of the national flag while playing the national anthem; the flag was lowered at six in the afternoon.323 Every hour, the clock also displaye d a painting representing a scene of Peru’s history. The first painting depicted Manco Capac and Mama Ocllo founding the Inca Empire after rising from the waters of Lake T iticaca. The second painting represented the Inca Empire’s grandeur, with the last great Inca Huayna Capac and the Temple of the Sun in Cuzco. The third represented the valley of Cajamarca and the arrival of Spanish conquistadors, which was the natural setting of the fourth painting, wh ich in turn depicted Inca Atahualpa’s capture and Pizarro’s troops killing Indian s in Cajamarca’s plaza, in what Ruiz Gallo described as “an abominable butchery.”324 The fifth painting was a reference to the Inca Prince Cahuide’s efforts to defend Sacsayhuaman’s fortress against invading Spaniards. Painting si x represented the Inca 322 Diario de los debates, Tomo II que contiene las sesiones de la prrroga del Congreso Ordinario de 1870 , Cmara de Diputados, 3 de enero de 1871. Debate sobre partidas al ejecutivo, 290. 323 According to Hutchinson, it also played “the more popular air 2 de Mayo.” Thomas Hutchinson, Two Years in Peru, with Exploration of Its Antiquities ( London: Gilbert and Rivington, 1873), 341. 324 Pedro Ruiz Gallo, “Descripcin de la maquinaria del re loj construido por el que suscribe,” December 29, 1870, reproduced in Roberto Vrtiz, Pedro Ruiz Gallo , 213-14.

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144 Tupac Amaru’s execution in Cuzco in 1572 at th e hands of the Spanish Viceroy Francisco Toledo. The seventh painting depicted the cap ture by patriots of the Spanish frigate Esmeralda on the coast of Callao in 1820. Pi cture eight depicted the Declar ation of Independence in Lima in 1821. The ninth was a depiction of the Ba ttle of Junn in 1824, while the tenth painting represented the decisive Battle of Ayacucho, also in 1824. The eleventh painting was a depiction of the May 2 battle of 1866. Finally, the last pa inting was dedicated to the Balta administration, which had sponsored the final stage of the project. President Balta appeared in front of a map of Peru in which several of his public works projects appeared.325 Ruiz Gallo’s clock had multiple and related symbolic connotations. Its location in the Universal Exposition marked the secularization and synchronization of Peru’s time with that of the universe. Its paintings compos ed a national historical narrativ e of a glorious precolonial era followed by a sanguinary and illegitimate col onial rule which, however, was resisted and successively overthrown (moreover, the reference to the Battle of May 2 alluded to a recent Independence). After this tragic , but epic history, the final pa inting represented the culmination of history in a rational administ ration that was building the necessary infrastructure for Peru’s future: the nation’s entrance into the universal age of capital. At The Same Time: The Time of th e Nation and the Time of Capital By the end of the guano period, Lima had e xperienced unprecedented changes. The old colonial walls were demolished starting in January 1870, opening new spaces for the city’s expansion, following the French model of wide thoroughfares.326 The Dos de Mayo monument and the National Exposition compound were the first large architectural proj ects outside of what 325 Unfortunately, the paintings and Ruiz Gallo’s clock have not survived and their descriptions are not detailed. We have followed Ruiz Gallo’s own description, which is found in Roberto Vrtiz, Roberto, Pedro Ruiz Gallo , 208-215. 326 U.S. entrepreneur Henry Meiggs wa s in charge of the demolition, using equipment imported from the United States and employing, at one time, as much as fiftee n hundred workers. Watt Steward, Henry Meiggs, Yankee Pizarro (Durham: Duke University Press, 1946), 228.

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145 had been the walled colonial city. Planners imagined a city rounded by “wide boulevards that focused theatrically on historic monuments.”327 A new, orderly metropolis could now be created. An industrial area on th e road to Callao, a working class neighborhood in an area adjacent to the city, sanitized neighborhoods for the forming clase obrera , 328 and comfortable neighborhoods in the newly opened southern end of Lima would now contribute to the making of a socially segregated and policed city. The city had also started to channel its haphazard ditches, and it installed a system of potable water. Limeos were enjoying new sights as state-or-the art gas lanterns were introduced in 1855329 and now illuminated the streets, plazas, public buildings, and private homes. Lima now had se veral secular shrines: monuments, paseos , and buildings that were landmark expressions of an epistemological break with the colonial past. Lima’s civic character now included clocks, fountains, be nches, lamps and domesticated nature. The times were a-changing for a capital c ity whose cultural an d material renovation during the second half of the ni neteenth century was marked by the political and economic need to forge a modern state capable of establishi ng order and social control over the population, particularly the urban plebe , whose habits were considered as remnants of the colonial past. La plebe had to be Peruvianized/unive rsalized as much as Lima. New buildings, such as the Penitentiary and the Exposition Pa lace served as living monuments to the fact that the time of the 327 Spiro Kostof, “His Majesty the Pick; the Aesthetics of Demolition,” in Streets: Critical Perspectives on Public Space , ed. Zeynep elik, Diane Favro and Richard Ingersoll (Berkeley, University of California Press, 1994). 328 President Balta authorized the creation of the working class neighborhood of La Victoria in the early 1870s, but it was only developed since 1896. See: Aldo Pa nfichi, “Urbanizacin temprana de Lima,” Mundos Interiores. Lima 1850-1950 , ed. Aldo, Panfichi, and Felipe Portocarrero (Lima: Universidad del Pacfico, 1998); Gabriel Ramn, “El guin de la ciruga urbana: Lima 1850-1940,” Ensayos en Ciencias Sociales (Lima: Fondo Editorial de la Facultad de Ciencias Sociales, Universidad N acional Mayor de San Marcos, 2004). 329 The act of inauguration of the system was considered on e of the most significant st eps towards progress in the city of Lima. A newspaper repo rt stated that “the view of the Plaza was b eautiful and extremely flattering to the eye; the joy and awe ignited the faces of those who were lit by the silver rays; a deaf murmur of pleasure circulated among all groups: it looked as a nocturnal festivity lit by the moonlight from that moment it was impossible to distinguish between the light brought from the skies by the hand of God, and the light created by man’s intelligence.” El Comercio , March 7, 1855.

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146 churches and royal edifices ha d come to an end, and that Limeos now lived under the modern empire of the time of th e republic and capital. At once, nationalist elites affirmed both the “already” modern and they denied coevalness to the “inadequate,” “excessive ,” subaltern subjects named la plebe , el indio , and los pueblos , leaving them in the “waiting room” of history, in an ambiguous “not yet” that elites were to transcend so as to bring subalterns into the time of the nation and capital, and thus maintain their ascendance.330 The transformations of Lima inscribed in the city a narrative of a radical rupture that allowed the nation to enter the secular, homogeneous time of history and, at the same time , of abstract labor. 330 Dipesh Chakrabarty, Provincializing Europe: Postcolonial Thought and Historical Difference (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2000).

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147 Figure 3-1. Paz Soldn’s blue print for the Penitentiary Figure 3-2. Commemorative coins for the in auguration of the penitentiary (1862)

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148 Figure 3-3. Penitentiary’s faade

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149 Figure 3-4. Radial Pavilli on in Lima Penitentiary Figure 3-5. Unreformed Plaza Mayor, 1860

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150 Figure 3-6. Reformed Plaza Mayor, 1872 Figure 3-7. Exposition Com pound under construction, 1871.

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151 Figure 3-8. Exposition Park under construction, 1871 Figure 3-9. Presidential “k iosk,” Exposition Compound

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152 Figure 3-10. Presidential kiosk – postcard Figure 3-11. “Bizantine” Pavilion

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153 Figure 3-12. Bizantine Pavillion (later used as headquarters for Zoo) Figure 3-13. Pedro Ruiz Gallo’s Clock

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154 CHAPTER 4 “ETHNIC THERAPEUTICS”: THE APPEAR ANCE OF RACE IN SOCIOLOGICAL THOUGHT AFTER THE WA R OF THE PACIFIC Oh! The ones who will come, with a stick over the shoulder Armed with a hammer or a plow To turn debris into houses, And to give social spirit to populations! I name you with joy and emotion! Hail, demolishers of the past! Hail, conquerors of the present! And, Hail, oh Fathers of the rising Peru! In 1891, lawyer, poet and philologist Pedro Paz Soldn y Unnue, nephew of Mariano Felipe and Mateo Paz Soldn, and grandson of Hi plito Unnue, wrote a long essay in which he argued that Peru’s future depended upon a mass ive immigration of white Europeans. Writing under the literary pseudonym of Juan de Arona, P az Soldn had previously written about Peru’s “barren” and “languid” environment as the princi pal cause, of a lethargic, drowsy, and indolent character, and of a lack of aesthetic and emotional sensib ility among Peruvians. Arona synecdochally reduced Peru’s geography to th at of Lima’s surrounding deserts, which he described as “lands that seem to have b een disinherited of all charms of nature,”331 and he argued that such infertile topography could only generate unproductive i ndividuals devoid of “energy” and “originality.” It was a “dusty and dry soil” in which “man is half-buried since birth.” In his Diccionario de Peruanismos (1884) Arona observed that Peruvian ( Limeo ) speech was characterized by paucity, since they always “p referred vulgar words to learned ones,” had a limited vocabulary, and in any case used it imprope rly. The physical environment also had the effect of reducing the number of terms Peruvi ans used, for they only needed two words to describe it: “sand and willows.”332 There were other historical ca uses for the Peruvian’s cultural 331 Juan de Arona, Diccionario de peruanismos. Ensayo filolgico (Lima: Librera Francesa Cientfica Garland, 1883), 31-2. 332 Juan de Arona, Diccionario , xlix.

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155 poverty, however. Spanish conquistadors “did not bring the tools and utensils for labor and farming, but only the arms for conquest a nd the arsenal needed for devastation.”333 Moreover, colonial society had promoted onl y mediocrity and a general tende ncy to idleness. In short, Peruvians lived frugal and unevent ful lives and so a limited vocabul ary was all that was needed. Since Independence things had scarcely improve d, however. Peru’s mortal enemy was none other than the Peruvian himself, especially th e Peruvian invested with authority, for “nothing does more to make progress impossible here than Public Power.”334 The long list of postcolonial revolutions also contributed to a societ y characterized by a “lack of everything.”335 Peru’s environment and history had allied to create a society without hope. Only the immigration of white Europeans could save the country: “only then will our endemic sickness that is degenerating us into dissolution and which w ill produce our death if we do not inoculate new elements, start to be modified.”336 Juan de Arona was by no means the first Peruvi an to raise his voice to promote European immigration as a solution to the nation’s social and economic maladies. As early as 1835, several administrations had attempted to attrac t Europeans. These pr ojects defined desired immigrants as “whites” who w ould populate a territory that was imagined as empty and with enormous potential, and they followed immigr ation policies in Argentina, Canada, and the United States. For example, Manuel Pardo, a wealthy Limeo educated in France and who would later become president of Peru, was acutely concerned w ith immigration during the Guano Age (1840s-70s). In one of his ma ny articles on the topic published in La Revista de Lima , Pardo argued that 333 Juan de Arona, La inmigracin en el Per. Monografa histrico-crtica (Lima: Editorial e Imprenta Enrique Lulli, 1971), 39. (1891). 334 Juan de Arona, La inmigracin en el Per , 30. 335 Juan de Arona, Diccionario , lii. 336 Juan de Arona, La inmigracin , 30.

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156 Education and the moral improvement of the peoples, especially of American peoples, must not come from books or doc trines: the moral regeneration of the people, as Alberti has stated, is not a pl ant that reproduces from a seed, but one that needs to be transplanted so that it may propagate. Our peoples urgently need habits of morality, order, love of work, and respect for the law and the authoritiesbut these habits and sentiments are not promoted by laws and books, political parties or primary schools. All the bibles that a representative of the Republic may wish to give out to the pueblos of Peru will not inspire the religious and moral sentiments that immigration will.337 Many other intellectuals of the Guano Age ha d expressed a similar faith: Peru needed a larger population and it was most convenient to “i mport” Europeans. Jos Antonio de Lavalle had argued in 1859 that “nothing is more convenient that the introduction of Europeans. Intelligence, civilization, strength, energy, and physical beauty are all possessed by them Let us attempt to make the white element predominan t in Peru and to make its population grow with able, intelligent, cultured and civilized inhabitants.”338 Peru’s early immigration hopes, however, had miserably failed to replicate the experiences of Canada, the United States, Brazil, or Argentina. Few Europeans found it attractive to come to Peru to “hacer la America” (get rich in America) and the few who arri ved discovered that the eye-catc hing incentives promised by the Peruvian state where nowhere to be found. During the Guano Age, Limeos had placed their hopes on Europe to solve the scarci ty of labor in coastal areas,339 as a remedy for “the backwardness of the arts in Peru”340 –European engineers, archit ects, educators, musicians, botanists, and gardeners had been hired and brou ght to Peru by the state to plan and execute works and to staff educational institutions— and to populate and develop the Amazon basin.341 The Peruvian state had also granted scholarships for graduate studies in Europe to talented 337 Manuel Pardo, La revista de Lima , vol. II, 103. 338 Jos Antonio Lavalle, La revista de Lima , vol. I, 808-9. 339 58 Basque families arrived in 1860 to work in the Coastal hacienda Talambo. 340 1835 Supreme Decree to promote immigration to Peru, Juan de Arona, La inmigracin , 49. 341 296 Tyrolese immigrants arrived to form the colony of Pozuzo, in the central Amazon Basin in 1857. 315 Germans colonized Oxapampa in 1868. Around 300 Italians were introduced to the Ch anchamayo Valley in 1873. See Luis Glvez, “La colonizacin alemana en el Per,” Boletin del Ministerio de Fomento , II, no. 3 (1904); Alfredo Saccheti, “Inmigrantes para el Per,” Boletin del Ministerio de Fomento , III, no. 4 (1905).

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157 Peruvian students, and had commissioned prof essionals to “inspect” European and U.S. institutions as possible “models” for si milar ones to be established in Peru. Elites had also constructed notions of the “races” that inhabited Peru. In particular, they had created a postcolonial notion of “the Indian ” as an apathetic, submissive, and “miserable race” that had been degraded by Spanish colonialism, and which did not have the energy to “redeem himself,” and which had to be brought into contemporaneity by paternalist elites through the liberal removal of the remaining colonial institutions and cultural traits.342 Midnineteenth century elites had also constructed notions of el negro as a being dominated by “his instincts” but ultimately redeemable through edu cation and proper example. The immigration of Africans, however, was no longer acceptable. In 1868, entrepreneur Juan Lagrele made a formal request to bring indentured African workers for agriculture . Both the Supreme Court’s prosecutor and the Ministry of Foreign Relations denied the request, r easoning that “although the Republic has its doors open to allow the en trance of any foreigner who possesses moral habitsthe government cannot gr ant special protection to Afri can immigrants, whose customs and personal conditions are not convenient for the country.”343 Elites believed it was their duty to uplift or moralize el negro –that is, the population of African descent that was now part of the national community—but did not want newcomers from Africa. Racial conceptions were flexible, as intellectuals shared faith in the civi lizing power of a progress that could be achieved in the comprehensive restructuring of society. For example, Pardo argued that railroads would make a “moral and intellectual revolution on the backward masse s that form the bulk of our population granting mobility to those men who live and die immobile as stones Only by improving their conditions will these men absorb principles of personal dignity and 342 For a discussion on the postcolonial construction of the Indian, see Efrain Kristal, The Andes Viewed from the City: History and Political Discourse on the Indian in Peru, 1848-1930 (New York: Peter Lang, 1987). 343 El Peruano , September 21, 1869.

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158 independence.”344 Other intellectuals argued that the removal of “colonial institutions” such as rural gamonalismo (local bossism or paternalism of landowners, which was actually a postcolonial invention that followe d upon the dissolution of more fo rmal structures of colonial rule in the countryside) and “t he indigenous community” would liberate Indians, promoting a sense of individuality by introdu cing a notion of private property that would allow them to be full participants in economic and civic life. In short, el indio and el negro could be uplifted from their backward, miserable condition by removing th e surviving “barriers to progress” implanted by Spanish colonialism. Romantics like the painter Francisco Laso could find beauty in Lima’s multicolored society however, which he vividly described in 1859 as a “beautiful mixture.” Laso wrote that “when I see so many different physiognomies mixe d together, and when I pay attention to the immensurable variety of colors, I cannot help but compare the reuni on of Peruvians to the artist’s palette, richly adorned with abundant colors and the most diverse shades.”345 Laso also held that “man” was not constituted by skin but by “form, intelligence, and heart.” As a result, the “dark castes” required only a certain cultivation so that Peru should possess “an abundance of perfect beings.”346 Bad governments and not bad people driven by base instincts were to be blamed for the “excesses” of Lima’s plebeian cholos and negros .347 Laso’s poetic description of Lima was echoed by Manuel Atanasio Fuentes who compared Lima’s population to a multicolored “field of flowers,” “neither uniform nor monotonous, nor tiring to the senses.” If Lima’s “garden” were composed only of “white flowers” it would offer a “monotonous sameness, tiring to the 344 Manuel Pardo, “Estudio sobr e la provincial de Jauja,” La revista de Lima , vol. I, 391. 345 Francisco Laso, “La paleta y los colores,” La revista de Lima , vol. I, 231. 346 Ibid., 231. 347 Ibid., Francisco Laso, La revista de Lima , vol. II, 311.

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159 senses.”348 Peruvian intellectuals of the mid-nineteenth century like Fuentes and Laso aspired to create a civilized but “colorful” society, and they shared a sense of optimism about the possibilities for reform am ong the undisciplined plebe. If the elite’s desire for a ma ssive influx of European immigrants was never satisfied, a large number of Chinese indentured laborers di d arrive on Peru’s shores during the Guano bonanza. The importation of coolie s for agricultural labor on coas tal sugar and cotton haciendas, as well as for the extraction of Guano, began in late 1849 thanks to the po litical influence of men such as Domingo Elias and Juan Rodriguez, who owned large estates in the Departments of Ica and La Libertad.349 Their importation was met with resistan ce but it was agreed that they were a “necessary evil” for the exploitation of the wea lth of Guano, and for the flourishing sugar and cotton export business.350 When the initial five-year contr acts (which were normally extended to seven years) came to an end, however, some Chines e relocated to Lima a nd, more specifically, to the surrounding environs of the newly built Central Market. Limeo reaction to urban Chinese settlement was visceral and out of proportion, however, as intellectua ls, journalists, and municipal authorities all expre ssed repugnance toward what they regarded as an unaesthetic, filthy, and corrupting presence in th e heart of their capital city and around the market that had been constructed to “sanitize” the city. Even Laso actively opposed the presence of “the Asians” as a functionary of the municipality. 351 Quite obviously, his colorful palette could not accept the inclusion of this unexpected addition. In short, the “Asian menace” threatened to block 348 Manuel Fuentes, Lima. Apuntes histricos, descriptivos, estadsticos y de costumbres (Paris: Librera de Firmn Didot, 1867), 77-8 349 About 100,000 Chinese arrived to Peru in the twenty -five years of coolie comme rce. In 1862, around 750 Hawaiians and Polynesians were brought to Peru to work in the extraction of Guano. Juan de Arona, La inmigracin , 85-88. 350 Humberto Rodrguez Pastor, Hijos del Celeste Imperio en el Per (1850-1900). Migracin, agricultura, mentalidad y explotacin , Lima: Instituto de Apoyo Agrario, 1989; Herederos del Dragn. Historia de la comunidad china en el Per (Lima: Fondo Editorial del Congreso del Per, 2000). 351 Rodrguez Pastor, Humberto, “La calle Capn, el Callejn Otaiza y el Barrio Chino,” Mundos interiores: Lima, 1850-1950 (Lima: Universidad del Pacfico, 1995), 407.

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160 republican efforts to create a hygienic, orderly, and moralized society. A chronicler writing for El Comercio expressed those feelin gs in an 1870 editorial: If the importation of that f ilthy and corrupted race con tinues, in twenty-five or thirty years most of the population on the coast, if not in the entire Republic, will be completely composed of Asians and th eir descendants. A population that will naturally have all th e evil instincts, corr uption, and physical weakness (apart from the ugliness) of such a detestable race will make the Republic a colony of the Celestial Empire, because their deprav ed habits and social mores will predominate as soon as they are the majo rity. We Peruvians will have to resign ourselves to speaking Chineseto having a Chinese Presidentas well as Chinese ministers and high functionaries. We will have to pluck up the courage to see our daughters marry a Chinaman, to have grandchildren of a repugnant ugliness and rickets, of perverse instin cts, of dissolute morality and customs.352 Reactions against the Chinese were resolute. It was held that they belonged to a depraved, corrupted and decadent “race” that had entirely lost its past splendor. Their bodies were regarded as ugly and meager, their custom s –especially gambling and the consumption of opium—were seen to be filthy and immoral, and it was suspected that they were prone to homosexuality. The Chinese in Lima seemed to embody all of the fears of the modernizing elites, as they threatened to spread their “vi ces” and “filth” into Peruvian society through the food they managed in the market and cooked in their small restaurants, and through their gambling and opium houses. The Minister of Government, Worship and Public Works unsuccessfully attempted to halt Chinese immigr ation, issuing a decree in 1856, when the first Chinese began settling in Lima. Minister Juan Manuel Mar r easoned that Chinese immigration “is not convenient to Peru, because they are a degraded race.” He also employed a liberal argument: “the introduction of Asian colonizers is degenerating into some kind of Black trade, 352 El Comercio September 7, 1870, quoted by Rodrguez Pastor, Hijos del Celeste Imperio .

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161 which will not continue without violating the pr inciples of freedom and equality that the administration has proclaimed.”353 If part of the rhetoric used to describe th e Chinese was similar to that employed to speak about la plebe or el indio , the Chinese subject did not elicit a national civilizatory mission. They were considered a foreign, cancerous tumor that threatened to infect the Peruvian body, and so must be extirpated. The Chinese were constructed as a “racial” entity with innate characteristics that determined their cultural tr aits and intellectual and physical capacities. Thus constructed as a “boundary” for the nation, they were not to be assimilated, but kept permanently and unambiguously apart.354 By the time Arona published his pessimistic vi ews of Peruvian society and expressed his faith about the regenerative power of immigra tion –which he considered his “only remaining faith”-Limeo rhetoric about “race” had been dramati cally modified. A deep disillusion with the Peruvian nation set in following the country’s defeat in the War of the Pacific (1879-1883). That defeat was seen as proof that the six decade s of Peru’s independent life had been fruitless. Peru was not a unified nation, a nd it had fallen behind the other S outh American countries. The sense of defeat was highlighted by the fact that Lima itself had been occupied by Chilean forces between 1881 and 1883. For some the easy Chilea n victory only could be explained by the natural inferiority of “the Indian ” or “the indigenous race” which then composed the majority of Peru’s population. This was the sentiment roma ntic writer Ricardo Palma expressed in his now famous letters to Nicols de Pirola, w ho had assumed presidential powers in 1879 after 353 Juan Manuel Mar, decree issued on March 5, 1856. Memoria que presenta al Congreso Extraordinario de 1858 el Ministro de Gobierno, Culto y Obras Pblicas (Lima: Tipografa Nacional, 1858), 47. 354 The notion of “boundary” was developed by anthropologist Fredrik Barth to study the construction of ethnic identities. Fredrik Barth ed., Ethnic Groups and Boundaries: The Social Organization of Culture Difference (Prospect Heights: Waveland Press, 1969).

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162 proclaiming himself “Supreme Commander in Ch ief.” In a letter dated February 18, 1881 --only days after Lima fell in the Battles of Sa n Juan and Miraflores-Palma stated that the main cause for the disaster of the 13 is that the majority of Peru is formed by an abject and degraded race, which [G eneral Pierola, who granted himself the decorative and demagogic title of “P rotector of the Indigenous Race”355] had attempted to dignify. El indio does not have the sentiment of patria ; he is an innate enemy of el blanco he does not care if he is Peruvian, Chilean, or Turkish. That is why entire battalions su rrendered their arms at San Juan without spending a single cartridge. To educate th e Indian, to inspire patriotism in him, will not be the work of institutions, but of time The historical antecedents eloquently tell us that the Indian is organically a co ward. 172 adventurers were enough to imprison [Inca] Atahuallpa, w ho was escorted by fifty-thousand men, and to conquer an empire that possessed millions of inhabitants. It is painful to say it, but the Araucanian race was more virile, because it te naciously resisted conquest.356 Ricardo Palma’s opinion was shared by many c ontemporary observers: the nation carried a heavy burden, an “Indian Problem” that impe ded development and national integration. Palma’s reference to th e virility of “the Araucanian race” was a well-establis hed trope of Chilean patriotism, but here the contrast with “the Peru vian Indian” as a natura lly effeminate, passive being with no identity or agency (which in turn drew upon previous, nineteenth-century constructions of el indio ) now acquired greater potency after th e catastrophic defeat at the hands of the Chilean army. Palma’s son Clemente, also a prominent journalist and modernist literati, would repeat his father’s argument about Peru’s defeat being caused by Indian natural cowardice in his 1897 thesis entitled El porvenir de las razas en el Per (The Future of the Races in Peru). Clemente Palma now added that th e “Indian race” was “a degenerate branch of an ancient ethnic trunk from which all other inferior races derived,”357 and he entertained the idea of a “final solution” to the Indian Problem. 355 Alberto Ulloa, Don Nicols de Pirola: Una poca de la historia del Per (Lima: Minerva, 1981). 356 Ricardo Palma, Cartas a Pirola sobre la ocupacin chilena de Lima (Lima: Milla Batres, 1964), 20. 357 Clemente Palma, El porvenir de las razas en el Per (Lima: Imprenta de Torres Aguirre, 1897), 15

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163 [The Indian] race has been brutalized by decrepitness. Because of its innate inferior condition, and because of the vices of drunkenness and lust, it is a useless factor Useless factors must disappear and do disappear. With the entrance of civilization into the Sierra [Andean highlands] and the montaa [subtropical Eastern escarpment] the pure indigenous elements will disappear, as happens in the United States with the Redskins There is also a means to assist the evolutionary action of races : the means used in the United States: to exterminate with cannonballs that useless race, that wa ste of race. But that means is cruel; justifiable in the name of progress but reprehensible in the name of philanthropy and tradition, which are rooted in the Pe ruvian spirit. With a less idealist and more practical character, with an abunda nce of a superior population to replace that unfortunate race –which is, anyw ay, a historical memento—that would undoubtedly be the most expeditious method.358 Clemente Palma was by no means the only one to fantasize or serious ly propose that Peru follow the example of the United States, Argen tina, or Chile to finally solve what late nineteenth-century elites defined as one of Peru’s most pressing urgencie s. The nation could be built a caonazos (by military means) if the cannonba lls were aimed at the population that restrained it. Palma’s words here, however, expressed a profound rupture with earlier ideas about race in Peru. “Race” had become a free-fl oating and dominant so ciological tool for analyzing society and designing re forms for its improvement, and as such its analytical power was now extended to describe a nd characterize “whites” themselves. Palma argued that “the Indian race” was decrepit and useless. His men tion of the vices of drink followed an established postcolonial pattern: Spaniards had degraded Indi ans by spreading alcoholism and the “vice” of chewing coca to momentarily satisfy the empty bellies of laborers, and which had supposedly been used only in ceremonial occasions during pre-Hispanic times. Following a curious version of Darwin’s notion of the “survival of the f ittest,” Palma argued that the “Indian race” was condemned by evolutionary laws to disappear, and that the mere presence of civilization accelerated the process of disappearance. Th ese evolutionary laws did not depend upon anyone’s will but genocide was a quicker, more practical solution. 358 Ibid., 35.

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164 Since Peru’s defeat in the War of the Paci fic was considered proof that the Peruvian nation was not consolidated, analysts also blamed th e incapacity of elites to lead and unify it. The positivist aristocrat and later anarchist thinker Manuel Gonzlez Prada was one of the leading intellectuals to develop a ferocious criticism of Peru’s republican elites. For Gonzalez Prada this elite was an aristo cratic group without principles, guided by petty appetites, and willing to preserve the status quo inherited from Spanish colonialis m. Peru did not have a real bourgeoisie, only rapacious elites with no wo rk ethic and who exploited “the miserable Indian.”359 Gonzlez Prada extracted quotations from French philosophers Auguste Comte and Emile Durkheim, who had founded “the queen of positivist sciences,” Sociology, to notably affirm that “race” was merely a “subjective categ ory” that generated a “load of divagations without any scientific foundation.” “Race” was a “comfortable invention” in the hands of colonizing whites, a mere ju stification of exploitation.360 Quoting the French physician Gustav Le Bon, Gonzalez Prada denied the existence of “pure” races, for human groups were produced by history and not by nature. Nevertheless, G onzalez Prada’s discourse used the “subjective category” profusely, for his anal ysis of Peruvian society is plagued with references to el indio , el negro , and el blanco as largely fixed and irreconcilabl e entities that possess clearly distinguishable characteristics. Th e Indian, for instance, “has been creeping in the most inferior stratums of civilization, and is a hybrid with the vices of the barbarian an d without the virtues of the European.”361 In a Lamarckian fashion, Gonzlez Prada argued that the Indian had been degraded by a Spanish “feudal” regime that republican elites had stubbornly maintained. However, the Indian could acquire dignity if scie ntifically educated, and if given the chance to 359 See Manuel Gonzlez Prada, Pjinas libres (Lima: Dupont, 1894); Horas de lucha (Lima: El Progreso Literario, 1908). 360 Manuel Gonzlez Prada, “Nuestros indios,” Horas de lucha (Lima: El Progreso Literario, 1908), 333. 361 Manuel Gonzlez Prada, “Discurso en el Politeama,” Pjinas libres ; Horas de lucha .

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165 become a proprietor, for “nothing transforms the psychology of man faster or more radically than property.”362 Gonzlez Prada both continued and broke with the nineteenth-century liberal tradition of commentary on the Indian race. Hi s hopes to “free” the Indian through education and private property had been part of the liberal program to ma ke Indians full citizens of the nation and participants in a “free” economy. He argued that Peru’s “white s” had not carried out a true civilizing campaign to bring el indio into contemporaneity. Ind eed, “he” was to blame for the country’s situation and for th e Indian misery. The “white” was Peru’s real problem. The white was an “animal of white skin; no matter wh ere he is born, he ca rries the golden disease throughout his life, and he yields to the predatory instinct.”363 Gonzlez Prada’s views on race were also expr essed in the “solutions” he envisaged to refound the Republic. On the one hand, he proposed an extention of patern alist, liberal policies aimed at freeing an “enslaved” Indian: priv ate property –which implied an attack on hacendados , but also on indigenous communities— and educa tion –with a greater emphasis on “the science strengthened by the century”— th at is, positivist science. On the other hand, Gonzlez Prada stated that the Indian had to redeem himself, for a more humane treatment could not be expected from his oppressors. The Indian only had to acquire the necessary virility to spend “the money he wastes in alcohol and fiestas” on “rifles and cartridges [with which]he would make others respect his property and life. He woul d respond to violence with violence.”364 Here Gonzlez Prada seemed to give agency to the Indian in th e form of virility and resolution, as well as pride and rebelliousness. However, these qualities had to be inculcated by an unmentioned agent, that is, by enlightened positivist thinke rs and “leaders” like himself. 362 Gonzlez Prada, “Nuestros indios,” 349. 363 Ibid. 364 Ibid.

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166 Clemente Palma and Gonzlez Prada appear to be in opposing trenches in the debate on race and Peruvian society. Palma believed in “t he convenience” of the complete disappearance of the Indian –which would happen slowly with out intervention, or swif tly through patriotic acts of genocide— while Gonzlez Prada believed the I ndian had to be instilled with a sense of dignity so that he could respond violently to opp ression. Both thinkers im agined violent “final” solutions, although in opposite directions, and th ey shared the notion that the “Indian race” lacked agency and virility. There are other im portant similarities between the two. Clemente Palma was not sympathetic towards the Peruvian “white race” either, and described it as defective and poorly equipped for civilization. The “Spanish race” --which formed one of the main races that constituted Peru-was “nervous,” “morally weak,” “relatively superior to the Indian race, but characterized by enthusiasm and decadence,” “idealist and not practical,” “turbulent and agitated, more arti st than intellectual, vehement but not energetic; voluble and unstable.”365 The “Creole race,” to which Palma thought he belonged, was “the only race with a future” although it lacked “the necessary energy to constitute a nationalit y.” It had brilliant intellectual abilities, but it was not an industrious, “practic al race.” “Eternal Quixotes, mad followers of ideals,” Creoles were “incapable of progress” unless they were subjected to “ethnic therapeutics to guarantee their physical health and moral vigor.”366 To Palma, “ethnic therapeutics” implied miscegenation of Cr eoles with “the German race,” because The German is physically strong: he will add vigor to the muscles and blood of our race; he is intellectual, profoundly in tellectual: he will gi ve solidity to the mental life of our race. [Miscegenation between the German and the Creole races] will harmonize, in the brain of the chosen ones, the artistic sentiment of the Latin race with the scientific spirit of the Germans. He is serene, energetic, and tenacious: he will be a counterweight to the vehemence, weakness, and inconsistency of the Creole.367 365 Clemente Palma, El porvenir , 11. 366 Ibid., 37. 367 Ibid.

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167 To Clemente Palma environmental, institutional, or educational reforms could not alter the basic characteristics of a “r ace.” Also drawing from “the wise” Le Bon, but to a different effect, Palma stated that “the idea, still prevalen t, that education can change the character is an illusion; one of the most ill-fated illusions that the theoreticians of pure reason have entertained.”368 This “illusion” explained why “superior” peoples had failed at civilizing inferior ones. The only method to “improve” the Creole race was through its miscegenation with a superior, more virile, active, a nd industrious race. “Peoples’ in stincts cannot be modified with laws and education, but with the right breedingit may not be poeti c to treat peoples like bovine species, which are improved by having a certain bu ll mounting a cow. But does it matter if the concept is not poetic if it is the formula for the future happiness and supe riority of Peru? Nothing is more prosaic than progress.”369 Palma was pessimistic about Peru ’s future. None of its races had the capacity and virility to “constitute a nati onality,” or to guide th e country to progress. Palma was not expressing a mere “comfortable inve ntion” to legitimize e xploitation of subjected peoples, nor to satisfy some elites’ narcissi stic fantasies; he was admitting Creoles’ incompetence to lead the country for their innate lack of virility, energy, and consistency. Peru had no future unless it recei ved help from abroad. For Gonzlez Prada races were malleab le entities which changed according to environmental and historical fact ors, but no contemporary group in Peru was able to become a true bourgeoisie to lead the count ry to progress, prosperity, and social justice. “Whites” were trapped in the obscurantism imposed by Spanish colonialism and were unwilling to yield their inherited privileges for their country’s sake: ev ery “white” was “a Pizarro, a Valverde, or an 368 Ibid., 11. 369 Ibid., 11.

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168 Areche,” that is, a Conquistador or vile Spanish official.370 For their part, Indians were passive and needed to be educated into his own libera tion. To no surprise, Gonzlez Prada was also a strong supporter of European immigration, whic h for him was a source of optimism for the country, since “foreign immi gration does not come to Peru as a passing gust of wind, but as a stable atmosphere that will replace the Spanish one and will penetrate our lungs, modifying us physically and morally. We are already losing the detachment to life that characterizes old Spaniards, as well as the groaning sadness th at distinguishes the Peruvian indigene.”371 The immigration of non-Spanish Europeans was alrea dy exerting a positive influence in Peruvian society, not through miscegenation but through an environmental “ethnic therapeutics,” renovating the intellectual atmosphere and ridding Pe ru of the undesirable traits of its two main racial and cultural trunks. European immigration became more relevant as a result of the Limeo elite’s selfdoubts about its own racial capacity for progress. In the Guano Age they had creatively selected and adapted “scientific” doctrines of race to legitimize their asce ndance over the nation, imagining the improvement of the nation th rough miscegenation be tween Europeans and Indians. They had also seen Indians and Chinese immigrants through the lenses of racist doctrines. After the War of the Pacific, however, Lima’s elites could not remove these same lenses when looking in the mirror. The historical analysis of the influentia l positivist thinker and University Rector Javier Prado considered that Peruvians were poor de spite the country’s enormous natural richness because of the negative influence of “race.” To modify Peru’s situation, it was necessary to “rejuvenate our race and our inheritance thr ough the miscegenation with other races.” The Creole race had to be modified because Creoles were a “lazy race, with poor blood and without 370 Manuel Gonzlez Prada, “Nuestros indios,” 349. 371 Manuel Gonzlez Prada, “Conferencia en el Ateneo de Lima,” Pjinas libres ; Horas de lucha , 17.

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169 muscular vigor. It is a viceridden race given over to pleas ure and which has cortesan customs.”372 History, and in particular Spanish col onialism, had made Creoles accustomed to enjoy a privileged position in society. The Creole race had become lethargic and was thus unable to develop the country’s po tential; the “entire weight of the new nation” was carried by a race that had received a “fatal inheritance” that rendered it in every way “opposed to republican institutions.”373 Similarly, educator Manuel Vicente Villarn held that “whites” had acquired an “aversion to labor” during coloni al times when all work was to be carried out by Blacks and Indians. “By birth and race” Creoles disliked work, loved to acquire money without effort, preferred “comfortable idleness,” and displayed a tendency to squander money.374 A combination of factors explai ns the elite’s self-flagellati on and pessimism about Peru’s future. Like other Latin American elites prior to the late nineteenth century, Lima’s elite had paid careful attention to European “scientifi c” postulates on race but had not accepted them wholeheartedly, instead selecting those ideas that served to legitimize their ascendancy. They had adopted, for instance, a faith in an environm ental approach to race, believing that acquired traits could be transmitted th rough inheritance; a belief th at was supported by the French naturalist Jean-Baptiste Lamarck’s theory of e volutionary transformationism, and by a selective reading of Charles Darwin’s natural selection theory.375 Elites had also rejected those European doctrines that denied them an equal footing w ith their European peers –discarding, for instance, Comte de Buffon’s ideas on natu ral history and their implicat ions for humans, and LeBon’s observation that the mixture of Spaniards with inferior populations had produced “bastard, 372 Javier Prado, Estado social del Per durante la dominacin espaola (estudio histrico-sociolgico (Lima: Librera e Imprenta Gil, 1941), 125. (1894). 373 Ibid., 196-7. 374 Manuel Vicente Villarn, “Las pr ofesiones liberales en el Per,” Pginas escogidas (Lima: Talleres Grficos P. Villanueva, 1962), 321. (1900). 375 For an explanation of enviro nmental, Lamarckian conceptions of race, see Nancy Stepan, The Hour of Eugenics: Race, Gender, and Nation in Latin America (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1996). Charles Darw in did not rule out the influence of environment as a suppleme ntary mechanism for the development of species.

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170 energy-lacking nations without any future and un able to contribute to civilization’s progress.”376 The postcolonial elite had also made postula tes of its own which opposed most European theories of race. In particular, they argued that miscegenation did not produce a degenerate, inferior mongrel, and that “white ning” could improve their societie s. The catastrophe of the War of the Pacific, however, forced many Peruvi an elites to revise these ideas of race. During and after the war patriotic Chilean disc ourses highlighted he r success as a nation and a race. This success was attributed to Ch ile’s racial uniformity and superiority over neighboring countries. Chilean “w hites” saw themselves as str ong, industrious, and progressive, thanks in part to their “Basque ra cial heritage.” Basques were he ld to be strong, entrepreneurial, and virile as compared to aristocratic Castilia ns and languid Andalusians. Chilean “vigor” was also attributed to Chile’s peripheral or frontier r eality in colonial times, in which the relative paucity of a sedentary Indian population and Afri can slaves had obliged colonial whites to develop a work ethic, and to carry on a virile tradition of warfare against “savage Indians” on the southern frontier. Chilean whites often saw Li ma’s white elite as ba ckward, arrogant, lazy, wasteful, superstitious, and ostentatious, in part because they were descended from old Castilian and Andalusian families, and in part because they had been accustomed to the privileges of being the courtly center of a vast Viceroyalty that had included Chile. Centuries of opulence, combined with the ready availability of slave and Indian labor and perm anent coexistence with those inferior races had weakened their race. In contrast to Peru’s Indians, both Imperial and Chilean nationalist discourses had painted “the proud Araucanian race” as possessed of martial 376 Gustave Le Bon, Les premieres civilisacions , 1889, quoted by Javier Prado, Estado social del Per , 196.

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171 and rebellious qualities. The Chilean Indian’s was a virile race.377 During the war itself, Chilean military leaders and troops fashioned an erotic discourse of conquest that feminized Lima and Limeos and exalted the victor’s virility and domina tion. Lima was described as a “womanly,” “coquette,” Oriental, and attractive city, while Limeos were depicted as men “with no energy” and who liked to be dominated.378 They draw emasculated images of Limeos as well as eroticized ones of Limeas as “experts in sensual pleasures” quite willing to yield to the victorious Chilean soldiers.379 Chilean descriptions of the Limeo population underline the city’s unaesthetic racial diversity an d the impurity of her racial hybrids.380 Limeo elites seemed to have been deeply moved by Chilean discourse since they created their own versions of the same discourse. Th e denunciation of the col onial legacy acquired greater dimensions among intellectuals, who lament ed the cultural and ra cial traces left by a backward Spanish colonialism. During the da rk days of the Chilean occupation of Lima, Ricardo Palma abandoned all of hi s previous romanticism, argui ng that Lima now deserved a proverb usually used to describe Genoa: “men without faith, women without shame.”381 Peru now lacked “virility” and patr iotism “because anarchy is a gangrene upon us, and because corruption flows in the veins not only of the men of our generation but of the generation that will replace us.”382 This racialized view of Peru’s corrup tion and lack of manly potency led Palma to 377 For a discussion on Chilean nationalis t discourses and the related ideas on race vis--vis the War of the Pacific, see Hugo Maureira, “‘Valiant Race, Te nacious Race, Heroic, Indomitable, and Implacable:’ The War of the Pacific (1879-1884) and the Role of Racial Ideas in the Construction of Chilean National Identity,” paper presented to the ILASSA Student Conference on Latin America, February, 2004. 378 For an analysis on the gendered and racialized discourses during the war, see Carmen Mc Evoy, “‘Bella Lima ya tiemblas llorosa del triunfador chileno en poder:’ una ap roximacin a los elementos de gnero en el discurso nacionalista chileno,” in El hechizo de las imgenes: Estatus social y etnicidad en la historia peruana , ed. Narda Henrquez (Lima: Pontificia Universidad Catlica del Per, 2000). 379 Ibid., 216. 380 Hugo Maureira, Hugo, “‘Valiant Race, ” Carmen Mc Evoy, “‘Bella Lima.” 381 Letter to Nicols de Pirola dated on April 5, 1881. Ricardo Palma, Cartas a Pirola sobre la ocupacin chilena de Lima (Lima: Milla Batres, 1964), 33. 382 Letter to Nicols de Pirola dated on June 27, 1881. Ricardo Palma, Cartas a Pirola , 51.

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172 the conclusion that “Chileans have not defeated us; it has been our own vices [that defeated us].”383 Older European discourses on race (particu larly those concerning the inferiority of hybrids and Creoles) which Lima’s postcolonial elites had previously discarded were now rekindled and taken into account in discussions of the country’s future. Racialist conceptions of “the Latin” as idealistic, mystical, and artistic and so unsuited for the virile exigencies of modernity were now widely expressed.384 Ideas about the lingering effects of Spanish “blood” transformed older Black Legend vi ews that had condemned the remnants of the Spanish heritage to a republican oblivion. Javi er Prado, for instance, quoted the Argentine positivist Domingo Faustino Sarmiento in support of the notion that th e Moor’s long occupation of the southern half of the Iberian Peninsula had forced Spaniards there to absorb a “gre at part of the moral character of the sons of Africa.” 385 The northern Basque heritage of Chileans had exempted them from this pernicious influence; but this was clearly not the case of Peru’s Andalusian and Castilian “whites.” Writing unde r the pseudonym of El amigo de Tejerina , literati Federico Blume spoke of Limeo elites during colonial times as “cruel exploiters of slaveswho lived sedated by the opium of their dusty titles of nobility, or their weakened aristocracy... They maintained their sons in a stern idleness, as princes w ho possessed a divine right to comfort.”386 Another racialist argument deployed to explain Limeo’s alleged inferiority was their long and intimate coexistence with “the inferior race s” of Indians and Blacks. These inferior races, affirmed Javier Prado, had exerted an insidious influence on “Spaniard blood” in Peru. Whites had been exposed to the vices of their black servants and nannies, includi ng “sensuality, robbery, 383 Ibid., 51. 384 See Clemente Palma’s allusion to the Latin race above. 385 Javier Prado, Estado social del Per, 127. 386 El amigo de Tejerina, “Expectativas nacionales,” El Comercio , September 6, 1903.

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173 superstition, and laziness.”387 White Creole children imitate d these “pernicious examples and adopted customs that would have sad and shameful consequences.”388 Worse, the influence of uncivilized and “irresistibly lascivious” Black women was transmitted directly through their breastmilk, as they often served as wet nurses in white households. Once again, old colonial discourses were resurrected. The notion of cont amination by breastmilk was central to an old imperial discourse deployed by the Spanish against their Creole inferiors, and it was applied with great frequency during the Bour bon eighteenth century. Now th e very same discourse was resurrected by “modern Peruvian” critics. As fo r “the influence” upon Whites of “the Indian,” some elites spoke of their “numbing” presence. Others took a more am biguous stance, pointing out that Peruvian elites had also descended from Indians and were not, therefore, “pure whites.” El Amigo de Tejerina , for instance, argued that Peru’s w eak and impressionable population was a consequence of the “abundant blood from our disheartened [Indian] singers of Yaravies [melancholic tunes], which runs in our veins.” Such a population lacked the “virility and energy of homogeneous and young races.”389 Blume’s allusions to “our Indians” and to Indian blood “running in our veins” were symptomatic of elit es’ racial self-doubts. Their whiteness was suspected of having been tainted by miscegenation with Indians, and in any case Castilian and Andalusian “blood” was already “tainted” by “t he Moor.” In his 1909 study on Lima’s races Enrique Len Garca affirmed that the “Cre ole white” was very different to the northern “European white” because of the three centuri es of miscegenation between indigenous and Spanish blood, and because of new successive br eedings. Len Garca did not specify which 387 Ibid., 164. 388 Ibid., 165. 389 El amigo de Tejerina, “Expectativas.”

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174 “races” participated in those br eedings, in effect sugge sting that the “white ” label Creoles used actually hid the fact that they were all mestizos .390 The racial diversity of Lima’s population was also now seen in an increasingly negative light. If Laso once described Lima’s society as a colorful palette, and Fu entes as an attractive, diverse garden, many postwar or turn-of-the-century intellectuals lamented the “chaotic” racial heterogeneity of the population. Since they saw r aces as entities with di fferent characteristics and interests, population diversity could only spell the failure “t o unify the national sentiments, the interests of the patria.”391 Thus, El amigo de Tejerina , argued that the unseemly combination of idle elites and an “oppressed, enslaved, almost savage aboriginal race” had made it impossible for Peru to unite as a nation.392 Widespread miscegenation was also now considered pernicious. Writing under the pseudonym of El Barn de Keef , Federico Elguera --an influen tial journalist, literati, and politician, and Lima’s mayor between 1901 and 1908—argued that in any of Lima’s tramway cars one could discover “new cas tes, individuals of all colo rs, sizes, and odors: whites, mestizos , blacks, yellows, zambos , mulatos , cuarterones , cholos , Chinese, Japanese, sacalaguas , with red, green, bluish, and iridescent skin s.” To Elguera, such profusi on would make anyone think that the “monkey descends from man, and not the othe r way around...such is the degeneration of the species in Lima I fear that a hybrid element, such as the mule, will be soon produced, which in turn will cause the stagnati on of the population Another ma lady caused by all this crossing, in my opinion, is the amazing increase of criminality.”393 Finally, writers like Juan de Arona 390 Enrique Len Garca, Las razas en Lima. Estudio Demogrfico (Lima: Universidad Mayor de San Marcos, Facultad de Medicina, 1909), 12. 391 Javier Prado, Estado social del Per , 196. 392 El amigo de Tejerina, “Expectativas.” 393 Federico Elguera, “Las razas,” El Barn de Keef en Lima. Segunda epoca. Charlas con Soria (Lima: Ignacio Prado Pastor, editor, 1999) (1919).

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175 added that the climate made Limeos lazy, unproductive, and medioc re. Arona thought he was recycling the ideas of his great grandfather, th e naturalist and patriot Hiplito Unnue about the influence of climate on Lima’s population. While Unnue subtly and elegantly criticized Europeans racial ideas of superiority –criticizi ng those who “have appointed themselves as the tribunal, and have senten ced in their own favor”394— Arona misread Unanue to argue that the monotonous climate of Lima had produced racially inferior Limeos .395 Different solutions were propos ed to address Peru’s “racia l problem.” Those who took a radical, non-environmentalist stance such as Cl emente Palma, favored immigration as the country’s only solution. “The hour of eugenics” came early to Palma, for his “prosaic” program was to breed weak races with strong ones, the ar tistic ones with practical ones, to annihilate –through successive breedings — the germs of inferior races, to substitute old and anemic blood corpuscles with those of a plethoric and healthy blood; in short, to sustain the virility and health of the people with a solution similar to the one used by cattle breede rs: surveilling and ca rrying out a racial selection.396 Interestingly, the “inoculation” of “new el ements” was seen as a means for preserving “our race,” and even for making it reem erge as a purer, healthier race. El Amigo de Tejerina argued that Peru needed new people to transfus e their blood and so to strengthen “our race.” According to El Amigo , “our” race was artistic but not industrious, a race of poets and dreamers incapable of material progress. Re membering the defeat against Chile, Tejerina added that miscegenation with European immigrants woul d also make “our race” more adept at “the 394 Hiplito Unnue, Observaciones sobre el clima, y sus influencias sobre los seres organizados, en especial el hombre (Madrid: Imprenta de Sancha, 1815) (second edition), 87. 395 For an analysis of Unanue, see Thurner, Mark, “After Colonialism and the King: Notes on the Peruvian Birth of ‘Contemporary History,” Postcolonial Studies , 9, no. 4 (2006): 393-420. 396 Clemente Palma, El porvenir de las razas , 3.

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176 defense of our rights.”397 Immigration and “ethnic therapeu tics” through miscegenation was thus a matter of national survival. Those who took an environmentalist stance pr oposed immigration along with educational programs, and a drastic transformation of the liv ing environment. Immigration would serve to “improve the race” because Europeans would teach by example. The plans for attracting European immigrants acquired diffe rent connotations, as greater efforts were made for this purpose. Plans for immigration were not designed merely to obtain an agricultural labor force, or to colonize an “empty” Amazonian frontier. “Peru needs immigrants, not colonizers” stated A.M. de Idiquez, Peru’s General Cons ul in Genoa in his 1905 report to the Ministerio de Fomento on how to attract Italian immigrants.398 Immigrants would preferably come to Lima to start new industries, activate economic life , and demonstrate their “practicality” to Limeos . They were to start up new businesses, be incorpor ated in the much needed working class, or to be employed as bureaucrats and domestic servants. For instance, J.P. Paz Soldn, Peru’s General Consul in Buenos Aires, suggested in 1905 th at Peru should attract Argentine construction workers, carpenters and plaster workers, a nd even doormen, office-boys, mailmen, chauffeurs, and domestic servants. Paz Soldn is, quite obv iously, referring to European immigrants who had settled in Argentina.399 The immigration projects had to be carefully planned and executed, as “we must increase the white populati on with a meditated, scientific plan.”400 A new wave of Asian immigration is not what planners had in mind. Ironically, Japanese indentured laborers were importe d to provide labor force for s ugar and cotton haciendas starting 397 El amigo de Tejerina, “La nueva avenida del sol,” El Comercio , March 15, 1903. 398 A.M. de Idiquez, “Comunicacin al Sr. Director de Fomento,” Boletn del Ministerio de Fomento , III, no.10, Lima: Imprenta de “La Opinin Nacional,” 1905. 399 J.P. Paz Soldn, “Report on European Immigration to the Argentine Republic,” Boletin del Ministerio de Fomento , III, no. 2 (1905): 60-1. 400 Alfredo Sachetti, Consul in Turin, “Immigrantes para el Peru.” Boletn del Ministerio de Fomento , III, no. 3 (1905): 68-93.

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177 in 1899. The Chinese coolie traffic had ende d in 1874, after the opposition of the Celestial Empire and the subsequent signing of the Tsien Tsin Treaty between Peru and China.401 This time around it would be Augusto Legua, a rising po litician with large suga r haciendas in coastal Lambayeque who used his influence to persuade the administration of Lpez de Romaa. The prospect of a new flood of dete sted Asians spurred a revival of anti-Asian sentiments among Limeo intellectuals and politicians. By the early twentieth century, there was a clear association between “the yellow race” and certain epidem ics such as the Bubonic plague and Yellow Fever.402 Dr. Alberto Garca, who worked for th e newly created Hygiene section of the Ministerio de Fomento , stated in 1903 that “the most deva stating plague that has afflicted and afflicts humanity,” was generated in the countries of the “yellow race, where civilization has not penetrated yet,” and from there had spread around the world. This was yet another reason to ban Asian immigrants, for they carried the consta nt threat of “the pest,” and produce “an inconvenient breeding with degenerate races.” 403 Experts argued that Japanese immigration would produce an increase in the statistics of disorder, criminality, and mortality.404 The Japanese immigrants did make their appearance in the city, adding to the discomfort of elites and segments of the lower classes. The fact th at Asians made up the largest percentage of immigrants in Lima meant that elites had to look to other means for “racial improvement.” Education: The Scientific Form ation of a Virile Population Education was a central issue for supporters of environmental theories of race. Educational reforms had been implemented duri ng the early postcolonial years of San Martn and Monteagudo and these were later revived during the mid-century Guano Age. Late 401 Humberto Rodrguez Pastor, Hijos del Celeste Imperio . 402 According to Jorge Lossio, the association between the Chinese and the yellow fever was considered factual by 1858, that is, when the first Chinese had settled in Lima. Jorge Lossio, Acequias y gallinazos: Salud ambiental en Lima del siglo XIX (Lima: Instituto de Estudios Peruanos, 2003). 403 Alberto Garca, “La peste bubnica,” Boletn del Ministerio de Fomento , I, no. 1 (1903): 110. 404 Alfredo Sachetti “Immigrantes para el Per.”

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178 nineteenth-century ideas on edu cation were marked by the desire to create a more industrious, healthy, and virile population, and to increase the “practical” professions and occupations. Education should counteract the ne gative “racial” effects of clim ate and history. Intellectuals, politicians, and educators shared the belief that the current educational system maintained its backward, colonial characteristics. For the ne w elites the system still emphasized the rote learning that was thought to be unhelpful for the de velopment of industries, and it did not instill the values and virtues that the country needed, especially those of hard work and patriotism. Lima’s 1899 municipal reglamento for schools stated that “practi cal teaching must be preferred in all circumstances” and it exp licitly prohibited “all manner of teaching based on the exclusive use of memory.”405 The measure was based on the belief that education failed because children did not really learn. Peru’s 1901 Minister of Fomento voiced the same idea, adding that “the reason is that they are not taught what is needed, but things foreign to life; they are soon erased from memory because they are not applicable.”406 Peruvian students were the passive receptors of data that had no direct application in th eir lives. Even the teaching methods in the Colegio Guadalupe , the most liberal public school in Lima, were now considered obsolete, for they were based on repetition or memory, and so did not re spond to the country’s needs, in particular, Colegio Guadalupe did not motivate its students to action!407 Javier Prado added his voice to the choir of criticism against Peru’s education, statin g that it was too abstract and “empty of ideas” and only developed students’ memory.408 Educator Elvira Garca y Garca stated that “the 405 “Reglamento de las escuelas municipales de Lima,” Legislacin municipal. Leyes, resoluciones, decretos, ordenanzas y reglamentos vigentes sobre municipalidades. Compilacin publicada por el Honorable Consejo Provincial de Lima, siendo alcalde el seor general don Juan Martn Echenique (Lima: Imprenta de “El Nacional,” 1899), 412. 406 Memoria que Ministro de Fomento, doctor Agustn de la Torre Gonzlez presenta a la Legislatura Ordinaria de 1901 (Lima: Imprenta “El Lucero,” 1901), vi. 407 See the editorial in El Comercio , February 15, 1901. 408 Javier Prado, “Discurso en el Aten eo,” quoted by Andrs Quintana, “La cuestin de los exmenes. Conferencia de pedagoga leda en la Facultad de Letras,” El Comercio , November 19, 1908.

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179 primitive school” taught children “sterile” lessons; a modern school had to take into account the “infinite acquisitions of modern science,” and spread these through peda gogical methods based on experiential learning.409 In response, the 1908 National Reglamento for primary schools prohibited teaching methods exclusively based on the use of memory, for the goal of primary education was to provide children with “knowledge of practical usefulness.”410 It was said that education promoted professi ons such as law and literature, which were not what Peru needed. The word intelectualismo was used to describe ed ucation that encouraged rote learning rather than creativity and pract icality. This rote or “blind intellectualism”411 had to end, for it did not respond to “the mo ral and social purposes” of education.412 Peru needed to instill industrious habits and knowledge. For the lower classes –that is, for the hijos del pueblo — schools should be workshops413 or agricultural schools414 where they could acquire discipline, “love of work,” and the necessary knowledge to make a living. To fulfill these objectives, all schools should have farms415 and “museums” with mineral, fossil, plant, and insect specimens.416 The emphasis on practical knowledge was also expressed in the 1908 National Reglamento for primary schools, which established educational field tr ips to factories “where children may practically and experimentally see the transformations of raw materials,” or to exhibitions, “industry museums,” laboratorie s, and workshops where manufactured products, including monuments, could be observed. Other educational field trips were meant to offer 409 Garca y Garca, Elvira, “La escuela de ayer y de hoy,” El Comercio , December 16, 1908. 410 Reglamento General de Instruccin Primaria (Lima: Litografa y Tipografa Carlos Fabbri, 1908), 4-5. 411 Alfredo Saucchetti, “Inmigrantes para el Per,” 68. 412 Andrs Quintana, “La cuestin de los exmenes. Conferencia de pedagoga leda en la Facultad de Letras,” El Comercio , November 19, 1908. 413 Proposal by Juan Revoredo, Mayor of Lima. See Memoria de la administracin municipal de Lima. Presentada por su alcalde don Juan Revoredo. (enero de 1890 a noviembre de 1891) (Lima: Imprenta de Torres Aguirre, 1891), 11-2. 414 Memoria que Ministro de Fomento, doctor Agustn de la Torre Gonzlez presenta a la Legislatura Ordinaria de 1901 (Lima: Imprenta “El Lucero,” 1901), x. 415 Ibid. 416 Reglamento General de Instruccin Primaria (Lima: Litografa y Tipografa Carlos Fabbri, 1908), 151.

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180 practical lessons in physics, the natural sciences, public hygiene, agriculture, geometry, arts and industries, and history.417 History was considered to be am ong the “practical” knowledges to be transmitted in school, particularly in the wake of Peru’s traumatic defeat and occupation during the War of the Pacific. The educational field trips to industries and historical monuments in effect replaced the participati on of schools in religious ceremonies , for the Municipality of Lima had prohibited schools to attend re ligious ceremonies in 1899, arguing that “it is convenient to end with that custom which is not related to the purposes of educational institutions.”418 Factories, workshops, and monuments were now to be visitable “shrines” in the civic religion of national industrialism. The need to forge patr iotism was also expressed in a mandate of the 1899 reglamento to the effect that all class sessions must close with a short lesson on an important event in Peru’s history.419 The 1909 reglamento for primary schools also established that the national anthem was to be sung twice per week. During ceremonies in which patriotic poems were sung, teachers were instructed to “speak to children in terms that would fortify their patriotic sentiments,” and students were obliged to perform “gymnastic and military exercises.”420 The promotion of nationalism and industrialism had gone hand to hand for some time –as exemplified by the 1872 National Exhibiti on discussed in the previous chapter— but there was a greater sense of urgency in the postwar era. The education of elites also had to be refo rmed. Elites had to abandon their preference for liberal professions to develop commerce and industries. To Manuel Vicente Villarn, that meant adopting a “Yankee education” more suitabl e to the “exigencies of the times.” Peru 417 Ibid., 149-51. 418 “Concurrencia a festividades relig iosas,” Lima 18 de junio de 1889. Legislacin municipal. Leyes, resoluciones, decretos, ordenanzas y reglamentos vigentes sobre municipalidades. Compilacin publicada por el Honorable Consejo Provincial de Lima. Siendo alcalde el seor General don Juan Martn Echenique (Lima: Imprenta de “El Nacional,” 1899), 451. 419 Article 81 of the “Reglamento de las escuelas municipales de Lima,” Legislacin municipal, 413. 420 Reglamento General de Instruccin Primaria (Lima: Litografa y Tipografa Carlos Fabbri, 1908).

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181 needed entrepreneurial, energetic men to develo p its immense natural wealth, and not the erudite scholars, lawyers, and literati schools were th en producing. While Villa rn believed immigration was necessary, he argued that a strong group of Peruvian busine ssmen and industrialists had to be developed since attracting immigrants and fo reign capital could be “a risk to our future security” if Peru did not have its own bourgeoisie.421 Other voices supported the influential Villarn in his claim that Peru’s educational system should follow the lines of Yankee education. Intellectuals and politicians ar gued that Peruvian education pr oduced an excess of lawyers who swelled the state’s bureaucracy a nd political parties, and who cons tituted a barrier to private and state initiatives. Some considered that elite youth also preferred to go into the military not out of patriotism but as a way to maintain their status and satisfy their political and economic appetites. Peru had a top-heavy army bloated with gene rals and coronels but short on good soldiers. El Amigo de Tejerina bitterly complained that Peru had an abundance of lawyer s and colonels who “grow and propagate like flies in the summer; they flutter and buzz a bout, and swarm around the best public posts.” This lamentable state of affa irs, he argued, was a consequence of a system of education that had not broken with the colonial cult of formality and legal paperwork. A new system of education had to imitate that now in place in the U.S. and England. Peru needed the kind of people those countries ha d: “ordinary, rustic, uncultured, even stupid, but also more practical.” A similar “race” could be created in Pe ru to rid it from its “ridiculous and shameful lethargy.” Tejerina praised “Yankees” and “Englishmen,” noting that “they may not have read Cicero” and were “mostly fools” ( Tejerina writes this phrase in Eng lish and attributes it to “Macaulay” in an apparent refe rence to British historian Thomas B. Macaulay) but possessed a practical drive that Peru desper ately needed. Prosaic and ordi nary, Anglos had unified their countries with railways and the telegraph, and they knew how to efficiently administer and 421 Manuel Vicente Villarn, “Las prof esiones liberales en el Per,25.

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182 develop their territories.422 Three years later El Amigo de Tejerina was more optimistic about Peru’s future, for “our compatriots are grad ually abandoning politics ... and from the fiscal budget.” Some lawyers and military were becoming entrepreneurs, merchants. Tejerina argued that every Peruvian should have a small pr ivate business, for the country to progress.423 It was desirable to follow the uncultured Angl o or German example since, as Clemente Palma had said, “nothing is more prosai c than progress.” In and article in The Contemporary Review that El Comercio reproduced in 1907 historian Herbert Paul now declared that poetry and literature were dead. Paul argue d that poetry had breathed its la st breath and was soon to be replaced by science, and that th e energy formerly wasted in literary ramblings was now spent productively. There had been a change of epoch, and “the men of this century are not like the ones in the past because our life has suffered a co mplete transformation, and literature, as it was understood only fifty years ago, is an exotic plant th at has no atmosphere to live in our practical society.”424 Even Alejandro Deustua, who abhorre d Yankee materialism and opposed modeling Peru’s educational system after the U.S. system, believed new aspi rations and ideals had to be instilled in Peru to adapt to the “evolutions of time.” Deustua noted that Yankees were more inclined to progress because they had no history and therefore did not live “with their backs to the future,” as did Italy or Peru.425 Not all intellectuals bought the idea of using the United States as a model for Peru’s society and education. Deustua had been co mmissioned to study European pedagogical methods and to recommend those that could be suitably adapted to Peru’s “conditions of race and 422 El Amigo de Tejerina, “El pas de los trmites (un artculo que se le olvid al Barn de Keef),” El Comercio , February 17, 1901. 423 El Amigo de Tejerina, “Una obra til,” El Comercio , November 20, 1904. 424 Herbert, Paul, “La muerte de la literatura,” El Comercio , October 29, 1907. 425 El Comercio , February 20, 1901.

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183 sociability.”426 Deustua returned convinced that “Latin souls” (the label included Spaniards and Italians, but possibly no t Argentines) could not assimilate “Saxon” education. Hispanic Americans were vehement, lazy, and inert, and they could not internalize the perseverance of Yankees, the English, or the Germans. It was a mistake to attempt to copy educational systems designed for different races, just as it was erroneous to try to ge neralize education to Indians and the lower classes. Indians were too uncultured to receive any influence from school. “They only have a human form What would those who ar e not persons, who do not live like persons, and who have not differentiated themselves from animal s learn to read, write, or count?” They did not need schooling but to be ci vilized through example, and to be liberated from “the tyranny of their masters.” For their part, the lower classe s in Lima were docile, sheepish, and credulous people without will; they also had no need for schooling but instead to be led correctly. Peru lacked a real leading class how ever, and therefore should concen trate its efforts on developing that class. A select and enlightened elite w ho should be morally educated not to pursue their personal interests but to l ead and develop the country.427 More than practical men, Peru needed an elite with high moral standards which were not to be transmitted through religion but through science. Deustua creatively adapted Durkheim’s ideas on social solidarity to state that the organic solidarity of an advan ced society was not based only on economic interest, for this only united egotistical men temporarily; instead, a hi gher, moral organization was needed for the prevalence of the “collective ideal.” Deustua also used Durkheim to assert that not all men played the same roles in society; therefor e, education could not be equal for everyone.428 426 “Con motivo del regreso del doctor Deustua,” El Comercio , March 4, 1901. 427 Alejandro Deustua, “El problema pedaggico nacional,” La cultura nacional (Lima: Universidad Mayor de San Marcos, 1937). (1904). 428 Alejandro Deustua, “Carta dirigida al Dr. Manuel V. Villarn, a propsito del cuestionario sobre Ley de Instruccin,” Coleccin de artculos public ados por Alejandro O. Deustua (Lima: Imprenta A. Dvila, 1914). (Letter sent on December 5, 1910.

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184 Education of the elites was thus indispensable to provide Peru with a le ading class that could guide and organize the re st of the population. In 1908 the German ex-patriate Dora Mayer, who would later become known as a noted indigenista , criticized Villarn’s enthusiasm for the U.S. on the grounds that the “moral concept” of North Americans was pernicious for the form ation of “our youth.” The European “psyche” closer to that of the “South American race” si nce “Western” societies had experienced a long and arduous evolution while the “Great Republic” had developed rapidly. Ma yer, who had herself emigrated from Germany only five years earlie r, also argued that Peru’s progress was inconceivable without “foreign” influences. No rth American, German, and English educators could teach Peruvian students such values as “order, punctuality, energy, and accuracy” but Peru had to evolve by itself just like any other orga nism –Mayer gives the example of a butterfly shaking off its cocoon.. Peru only needed time, and any attempt to unduly accelerate its process of evolution was destined to fail. At the sa me time, however, Mayer recommended the hiring of Swiss and Swedish teachers for Peruvian schools , arguing that they had the good qualities of the North Americans and Germans but lacked their materialistic ambitions. Labeling Villarn a “modernist,” Mayer proudly calls herself and Deus tua “nationalists,” for they sought “the most beautiful vindication of the Peruvian , Latin, and South American ideals.”429 Mayer’s ambiguous ideas combined a sense of the moral superi ority of “Latinos” allegedly grounded in their (Catholic ?) virtues and rich historical past –which made Peru similar to Europe, with a negative perception of Latinos and Peruvians as lethargic and non-perseverant. Mayer added a historicist theory of the developm ent of the national organism, but also believed in the convenience of “foreign influence” to instill dynamism in Peru’s society. Her proclamation that her position was “nationalist” as opposed to the “modernist” stance of 429 Dora Mayer, “Plan de estudios y el patriotismo,” El Comercio , October 17, 1908.

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185 Villarn, only highlights the ambiguity of defini ng what as “national,” “foreign,” and “modern” for Limeos by the early twentieth cent ury. Mayer defined “modernism” as a stance that “brought Saxon ideas to us” but th at it was mistaken to adopt “f oreign” models for organizing Peruvian society and institutions. It appears th at for Mayer many European traditions were not foreign to Peru, and she does not define what “Peruvian, Latin, and South American ideals” might be. Despite the complaints of “nationalists” it seems that Villarn’s “modernist” stance was officially adopted. In 1908, President Augusto Le gua appointed Villarn Mi nister of Justice and Instruction. As Minister he pr omoted the state’s sponsorship of graduate studies in foreign countries for students of Educa tion, and he commissioned Francisc o Garca Caldern, then in the United States, to select a nd hire a group of U.S. educators to work in Peru.430 His successor Jos Matas Len continued these pol icies, sponsoring the studies in the U.S. of two graduating educators, and hiring U.S. educators with the help of Peru’s Consul in New York.431 Six German educators were hired in Hamburg to teach the “practi cal” courses of mathematics, mechanical arts, drawing, chemistry, music, a nd physical education, and a U.S. principal was contracted to lead the Colegio Guadalupe in 1909. German teachers were also hired to establish kindergarten in Peru.432 In addition, a long list of European professionals were hired to open or improve professional schools of engineering, agr onomy, veterinary science, pedagogy, and the arts and trades. The educational reforms also included a grea ter emphasis on physical education. It was perceived that Peru needed a “v irile” population for national defens e, and to stem further racial 430 Jorge Basadre, “Prlogo,” Villarn, Manuel, Pginas escogidas , 325. 431 Memoria presentada por el Ministro de Justicia, Inst ruccin y Culto, Doctor Jos Matas Len al Congreso Ordinario de 1909 (Lima: Tipogrfica de “La Opinin Nacional,” 1910), xxvi-ii. 432 Ibid.

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186 decadence. To promote “vigor” in a populati on diagnosed as weak and effeminate, schools would now have intensive gymnastic and sports activ ities. While physical exercise had been part of earlier programs of education and hygiene, it now acquired more urgency in the wake of the War of the Pacific and in light of the contemporary ascendance of sc ientific racism and eugenics. Herbert Spencer’s writings on physical education –published in a series of articles in the 1850s, and gathered in a book entitled Education: Moral, Intellectual, and Physical (1861)— were reproduced in Lima’s newspapers in the early twen tieth century in support of the idea that it was the obligation of the state to promote the fo rmation of a healthy and disciplined population.433 Lima’s schools progressively transformed their infrastructure to include open areas for sport activities and gyms. To gain time, howeve r, the Municipality built facilities in 1891 for all of the schools in the city. The speech by Lima’s Inspector of Education at the cornerstone ceremony for the Central Gym made it clear that physical educa tion was a matter of national survival. The ascendance of a nation was rela tive to its power, and its power was dependent upon the vigor, education, and number of its citize ns. Since rapidly increasing the number of citizens was not easy, Domingo Montesinos reasoned that citizens had to be educated and made robust in a scientific manner through physical education. After all, that was what “our Incas” had done. According to the Inspector, the Inca s had taught “everyone” (the inspector carefully avoided speaking of the citizens of the Inca empire) to run, ju mp, wrestle, and handle weapons. In this, the Incas had been like the Greeks, fo r whom gymnastics was part of the essential physical education of the people. It was thus cl ear that “this education is necessary to form 433 Fanny Muoz, Diversiones pblicas en Lima, 1890-1920: la experiencia de la modernidad (Lima: Red para el Desarrollo de las Ciencias Soci ales en el Per, 2001), 203.

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187 warriors, but also to give youngsters grace, vigor, and beauty.”434 Physical education was also a tool to rid Peruvian education of its monotony and boredom, and to create much needed “men of action.” The plan to make physical education mandatory was not universally accepted, and some tried to resist the measure435 on the grounds that exercise w ould weaken the bodies of children and youngsters. The municipality had the active support of Lima’s newspapers, which published numerous editorials lauding the benefits of s ports and gymnastics for the acquisition of such values as discipline, competition, and respect for rules. By the early twentieth century, newspapers included special Sports sections –although no word in Spanish yet existed— and several specialized publications, such as The Sport, Quincenario Ilustrado , published by the Association of Target Shooting Societies, Sport y variedades: sport, letras, ciencias, artes y variedades saw the light by 1889 and 1900, respectively. New sport clubs for boat races, tennis, shooting, cycling, cricket, and footba ll also appeared during these years. 436 The wave of new publications and instituti ons related to sports –some created by European immigrants— exerted a strong influence on Lima’s elites and helped solidify th e conviction that physical education and sports were convenient for the education, mora lization, and strengtheni ng of the population. By 1896, the administration of Nicols de Pirola picked the example of the Municipalidad de Lima and mandated physical education at schools throughout Peru so as to form “an organically and morally vigorous generation.”437 The drive for the inclusion of physical education continue d for years, seemingly to convince remaining doubters. The municipality stressed that phys ical development did not have 434 “Memoria del Inspector de Instruccin, Sr. Dr. don Jos Domingo Montesinos, de 1891,” Memoria de la administracin municipal de Lima. Presentada por su Alcalde don Juan Revoredo. (enero de 1890 a noviembre de 1891) , (Lima: Imprenta de Torres Aguirre, 1891), 32. 435 “Informe de la Inspeccin de Instru ccin del Concejo Municipal de Lima,” El Comercio , July 5, 1899. 436 Fanny Muoz, Diversiones pblicas , 203, 206, and 211. 437 Mensaje del Presidente de la Repblica en la instauracin del Congreso Ordinario de 1897 (Lima: Imprenta El Pas, 1897).

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188 a secondary importance in relati on to the intellectual or acad emic function. By 1901, Federico Elguera, Mayor of Lima, stated that countries with a “homogeneous race, where the species do not degenerate, where there is not as much misery and the climate is fortifying,” could concentrate on teaching children academics. Peru did not have those conditions, for “rickets and the degeneration of race in crease here; we lack strong arms for farming and have plenty of idiots, drunks, and tuberculous peopl e; we therefore need to dedicate ourselves to physical development and introduce habits of morality and temperance, to produce men who read, write, and count, and to handle the pick and the handsaw.”438 Elguera’s words synthesized elite perception of Lima’s population, and about the power of physical educati on to “improve the race” or at least slow its degeneration. Physical educat ion would also serve to rid Limeos of misoneismo or the stationary spirit, and to help th em acquire the habits and strength needed for the formation of a disciplined labor force. Along with physical education, reformers propos ed that target prac tice or shooting be instituted in the schools. Mayor Juan Revoredo proposed in 1891 that students learned shooting “to make every citizen a soldier, ready to act when the patria requires his services.”439 Target practice would instill accuracy, pa tience, calm, and temperance, and it would make students part of an “army of reserve.” Again, the legacy of th e War of the Pacific expre ssed itself in the plans to reform education. Target practice did sp read among Lima’s upper classes, and even among workers. A 1901 article in El Comercio praised a group of “honest and hardworking artisans” who had recently created a shooting society. Shooting was no longer a luxury for the wealthy but “a necessary exercise for all social classes in the country.” Artisan s would not only acquire 438 Memoria de la Municipalidad de Lima. 1901 (Lima: Librera e Imprenta Gil, 1901), 40. 439 Memoria de la Administracin Municipal de Lima. Presentada por su Alcalde don Juan Revoredo. (enero de 1890 a noviembre de 1891) (Lima: Imprenta de Torres Aguirre, 1891).

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189 the benefits of the discipline bu t would also learn how to handle the “complicated mechanisms of firearms.”440 The Nation’s Wombs: Women, Race, and th e Disappearance of the Private Sphere “A serious responsibility for the na tion’s future lies on every woman” Dr. Rmulo Eyzaguirre The elite’s obsession with the growth and physical improvement of Lima’s population became more pronounced over time. White immigrants never arrived in the numbers desired; it became increasingly clear that if Lima’s and Peru ’s racial makeup were to improve it would have to be done via environmental and cultural transfor mations. Intellectuals, po liticians, authorities, and medical doctors all shared the rhetoric that Lima’s popula tion was stagnant or had been reduced441 despite the fact that statistics for th e period appear to demonstrate important growth.442 Since the discourse posited that the pow er of a nation depende d on the size and vigor of its population it became an object of profe ssional preoccupation; experts diagnosed the causes of a supposed decline, and elaborat ed proposals to remedy the situation. Most elites appear to have believed that Li ma had a very high mortality rate. Federico Elguera, Mayor of Lima, argued during his inaugu ration speech that his administration’s main objective was to “hygienize” Lima, for it had an a nnual mortality of four percent, “while most civilized countries have a rate below two percent.”443 Elguera’s estimation was conservative, though. A1906 bill for a law for the prophylaxis of in fectious and contagious illnesses prepared 440 “Los artesanos y el tiro al blanco,” El Comercio , March 3, 1901. 441 Dr. Almenara Butler, “Informe sobre mortalidad infantil,” Memoria administrativa que presenta a la Sociedad de Beneficencia Pblica de Lima su Director don Domingo Olavegoya, correspondiente al ao 1903 (Lima: Imprenta de “La Opinin Nacional,” 1903), 25. 442 According to the 1908 Census of Lima, the total “urban” population of Lima was 158,782 inhabitants, 142,997 of which lived in the core of the city and the remainder in the nearby towns of Barranco , Chorrillos, Magdalena, and Miraflores. The “rural” population was of 17,482 inhabitants. See Memoria que el Ministro de Fomento, Doctor David Matto, presenta a la Legislatura Ordinaria de 1909 (Lima: Of. Tipogfica de “La Opinin Nacional,” 1909), 311. 443 El Comercio , January 4, 1901.

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190 by the Hygiene Board of the Ministerio de Fomento estimated Lima’s mortality rate at 37 percent, not much better that Peru’s 40 percent. It was an incredibly costly toll “annually paid to death.” 444 Other alarming statistics revealed that Li ma’s rate of mortality by “avoidable” illness was higher than in other Latin American cities. Dr. Rmulo Eyzaguirre estimated the mortality rate for typhoid in Lima at 11.3 deaths pe r 10,000 patients, while Buenos Aires had 1.18, Montevideo 1.89, and Havana 3.24.445 Peru needed to launch a war against death if it were to survive and progress. Limeo experts, of course, were paying careful atte ntion to alarming reports on the demographic problems abroad. They compared their empirical findings to those obtained in Europe and other Latin American cities and countries, and backed th eir research with plenty of quotations from European “experts.” When in 1906 Dr. Eyza guirre quoted Dr. Ponicare’s dictum that “prophylaxis is an armed peace” he was not si mply “copying” or reciting a newly imported creed, for those words had a special res onance in early twentieth-century Lima.446 In a “practical” spirit, Eyzaguirre stated that Peru was suffering from th e constant robbery of its most precious form of capital: life. [L]ife is the most important capital of na tions, and health, being a capital itself, guarantees life. It is admissible if life is lost by uselife and death are but two phases of the same phenomenon. But it is unacceptable under any circumstances to let the elements that announce proceeds, and that currently produce income, to increase the tally of waste.447 If life was a precious capital for nations, hygienists became the national bankers. Physicians gained an unprecedented participation in the state apparatus an d the general political 444 “Proyecto de ley de profilaxia de las enfermedades infectocontagiosas,” Boletn del Ministerio de Fomento , II, no. 3 (1903): 2. 445 Eyzaguirre, Rmulo, “Demografa sanitaria. Enfermedades evitables,” Boletn del Ministerio de Fomento. Direccin de Salubridad Pblica , II, no. 1 (1906): 10. 446 Ibid., 2. 447 Ibid., 24.

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191 life of Peru, reducing the presence both of lawyers and the military. Between 1895 and 1930, thirteen percent of parl iamentary representatives were medical doctors.448 The importance of the profession was also expressed in the number of students w ho decided to study medicine. Between 1897 and 1910 one third of the student popul ation in Lima’s university was registered in the Faculty of Medicine.449 A large number of physicians sp ecialized in disciplines related to the demographic urgencies of the country and fell under the name of hygiene, for it was believed that “while medicine saves i ndividuals, hygiene saves collec tivities and, with them, the nations.”450 Perhaps Deustua’s vision of a directiv e class was also being realized, as a disciplined educated elite, working under th e umbrella of hygiene, concentrated on the improvement of society as a whole. Peru’s government promoted these professions and sponsored graduate studies in Europe for two year s in exchange for a report that should include “study of the development of the specialty pursu ed, as well as ways to improve them in the country.”451 The study of hygiene, commented Dora Mayer in El Comercio , “encompasses the spheres of morality, philosophy, law, and administ ration. It penetrates into jails, hospitals, cemeteries, and homes; it does research on the hab its of the poor and the rich, on fashions and traditions; on the influences of climate, the epoch, and race.” Hygiene seemingly provided a scientific method for avoiding illnes s: Mayer added that “the heali ng of a patient should start two hundred years before his birth.”452 Graduating physician Macsimiliano Barriga was one of those students who sought to contribute to Peru’s salvation by writing his thesis on the effects of 448 Mara Emma Mannarelli, Limpias y modernas: gnero, hihiene y cultura en la Lima del novecientos (Lima: Ediciones Flora Tristn, 1999), 48. 449 Ibid. 450 Rmulo Eyzaguirre, “Demografa sanitaria, 25. 451 “Nmina de los mdicos peruanos que ultimamente han realizado en Europa, por cuenta del gobierno, estudios especiales de su profesin,” Boletn del Ministerio de Fomento. Direccin de Salubridad Pblica , I, no. 2 (1905): 2. 452 Mayer, Dora, “La higiene en el Per,” El Comercio , November 4, 1907.

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192 exercise on health. To him the study of hygiene “w as a clamorous national exigency, for it deals with the conservation and vigor of the speci es, which is so intensely needed today.”453 Once it was agreed that hygiene wa s an investment in the futu re, and that hygienists were the bankers in charge of taking care of the na tion’s capital, it appeared clear that women were central actors in the production and reproduction of the nation’s w ealth, or at least the vaults were it was temporarily held. In 1905, Dr. Belisario Sosa, one of the physicians who had studied tocology in France with the sponsorship of the state, proposed that the state keep pregnant women and new mothers under care ful surveillance so that they might follow the scientific guidance of medical doctors. They should be for ced to report at least once a week after giving birth. In fact “she must be fo rced to take her child to a doctor’s office everyday if such is needed, and if she does not meet this obliga tion she must be looked for until she is found.”454 Eyzaguirre, for his part, blamed Lima’s de mographic maladies on the unhealthy housing, the general lack of hygiene, ignorance, and pove rty. There was, however, a deeper problem: Lima lacked real mothers. No hay madres screamed Eyzaguirre! Limeas preferred to turn their infants over to wet nurses whose minds were “dar kened by ignorance.” Here Eyzaguirre refers to the fact that Limeo elites usually hired black wet nur ses who tended to overfeed their children, causing colic, dyspepsia, and eventual death. All of this was caused by women’s disdain for “healthy professional advice.” Ey zaguirre proposed to penetrate to mothers’ consciousness and thereby to distance them from “ancient routines” thro ugh education. If there were schools for the professions, he reasoned, “why do girls finish th eir schooling without knowing how to take care of their children?” Si nce it was a physiological fact that they would 453 Maximiliano Barriga, El ejercicio y la salud. Tesis de Bachiller (Lima: Universidad Mayor de San Marcos, Facultad de Medicina, 1902), 176. 454 Belisario Sosa, “Informe sobre maternidad,” Boletn del Ministerio de Fomento. Direccin de Salubridad Pblica , I, no. 2 (1905): 18.

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193 become mothers they should acquire “complete know ledge of their duties.” Schools for females, he continued, must have manda tory training in nurseries ( casas cuna ) for at least one year to combat the high mortality rate that kept Lima’s population stagnant. Eyzaguirre compared this mandatory training for girls to compulsory pr ofessional internships for men. Motherhood was women’s profession, and one they must perform properly, for “a serious responsibility for the nation’s future falls on every woman.”455 Women’s education must be reformed to comp ly with that sacred national duty. Women were to receive special training for their special maternal roles. This meant a radical transformation in relation to the education they had received hitherto, which was believed to be part of the legacy of co lonialism. From an early age, wome n were used to living in enclosed environments and not moving,456 and they were educated to be faithful Catholics, wasting precious time “devoutly kneeling in the temple” a nd being locked in schools directed by nuns until they turned eighteen or twenty.457 They could not develop th eir bodies in a proper way to carry out their important mission. Hygien ists, educators, a nd writers –including avant garde female intellectuals— created the notion that Limeas were frivolous and vain, unwilling to make the sacrifices that the nation require d. Graduating physician Alejandro Benavente reasoned that wealthy Limeas followed the shallow exigencies imposed by civilization –such as high heels or the corset— which deformed their bodies for maternity.458 A similar criticism of “white mothers” was also made by physician En rique Len Garca in his study entitled “The Races in Lima.” For Len Garca women’s educ ation was antiquated and full of prejudice, for 455 Rmulo Eyzaguirre, “Demografa sanitaria,” 22. 456 Elvira Garca y Garca, “Por qu son dbiles nuestros nios,” El hogar y la escuela , I, no. 4 (1909): 117. 457 Teresa Gonzlez de Fanning, Educacin femenina. Coleccin de artcul os pedaggicos, morales y sociolgicos (Lima: Tipografa de “El Lucero,” 1905). 458 Alejandro Benavente, Nuestras intervenciones en la Maternidad de Santa Ana. Tesis de Bachiller (Lima: Universidad Mayor de San Marcos, Facultad de Medicina, 1911).

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194 they had learned their raising manners from thei r mothers and grandmothers. Childcare methods were the same as a century before and as a consequence the “select class” lost more children than was allowed by hygienic rules.459 If elite women were ignorant of the basic methods for taking care of the nation’s capital, subaltern wo men did worse. As a result, more mestizo children died than whites, and more Indian children than mestizos . Indian women were pa rticularly ignorant in the ways they raised their infants. Las indias did not breastfeed, were cruel mothers “by inheritance,” and beat their children just as their husbands beat them.460 In addition, women had to be educated because they were in charge of the education of the children in their early, pre-school years. An anonymous chronicler of El Comercio was aware of the reproductive role of women, and su ggested that the stat e concentrate on their education: “To obtain good citizen s, we must educate women.”461 Their instruction had to be reformed to include physical education –caref ully measured, so as to avoid a possible masculinization of their bodies—462 hygiene –including feminine and infant hygiene— and childcare.463 Still, their primary education excluded civic lessons on Peru’s Constitution and Municipal and Electoral Law wh ich male students did receive.464 Dr. Almenara argued that the only way to solve Lima’s demographic problems was to protect infants “before their birth.” This mean t that pregnant woman –“ that unfortunate being that has to suffer, until the end of time, the hars h and painful proof to which she is condemned to 459 Enrique Len Garca, Las razas en Lima , 52. 460 Ibid., 53-5. 461 “Crnica de Agridulce,” El Comercio , December 25, 1908. 462 Fanny Muoz, Diversiones pblicas , 203, 209. 463 The 1903 Anti-alcoholic Congress concluded that women’s anti-alcoholic education had to be equal to that of men, except that women had to receive courses on do mestic economy, hygiene of newborns, hygiene for women during puberty, and hygiene for the mother. “Congreso Nacional Anti-alcohlico. Conclusiones,” Boletn del Ministerio de Fomento , I, no. 2 (1903): 120. 464 “Reglamento de Instruccin pblica de 1875,” Leyes y resoluciones vigentes en material de instruccin expedidas desde 1876. Recopiladas por Filiberto Ramrez, comisionado al efecto por el Consejo Superior de Instruccin Pblica (Lima: Imprenta de “El Pas,” 1897).

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195 ensure the species survival”— had to be protecte d. In fact, intrauterine protection of the child ( nio , in the masculine) had to be provided “bef ore his parents’ marriage.” Almenara also complained about Limeas’ unwillingness to breastfeed their ch ildren. He believed that women were not complying with their “natural duty,” an d proposed to severely re strict and inspect the hiring of wet nurses, for if “men are not al lowed to send a replacement to his compulsory military service, women must not be allowed to hire replacements.” Quoting a “prominent hygienist” who had stated that maternal milk did not really belong to mothers but to the infant, Dr, Almenara added that “those peop le do not have the right to deal with maternal milk as they wish.”465 Almenara could easily have said that the milk belonged to the nation. In fact, the preoccupation with Lima’s supposed demographic maladies and racial decadence made women’s bodies the property of the state, whose experts c ould examine and experiment with them in an effort to produce healthy citizens –an invariably masculine category. Specialists and graduating students inspected women’s bodies, paying particular attention to their reproductive system, the point at which the reproduction of the population and the race took place. The bodies of lower class women at the Hospital de Santa Ana were the sites of most of the research on topics such as pregnancy and hygiene.466 This was possible because pos itivist doctrines erased the distinction between public and priv ate spheres; or, to phrase it di fferently, all was now defined as national, and it was the state’s obligation to pene trate, intervene, and regulate in what was formerly considered private. The 1906 law for the prophylaxis of infecti ous diseases declared “the unlimited right of the state to intervene in all matters related to the defense of health and 465 Dr. Almenara Butler, “Informe sobre mortalidad infantil,” 29. 466 Mara Emma Mannarelli, Limpias y modernas , 48.

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196 life, which is the most valuable capital of a society.”467 Philosopher Javier Prado, who by 1907 was a deputy in Peru’s Congress, also stated that “the juridical sciences have progressed, and the old absolute and abstract concepts of personal lib erty and inviolability have been replaced by the broad concept of social duties.”468 Radical Therapy for a Sick Organism Peru’s defeat and Lima’s occupation in the War of the Pacific led turn-of-the-century Limeo elites to conclude that Peru was neither an integrated na tion nor a developed society. They came to blame Spanish colonialism and its lingering effects on elit es. Peru lacked a leading or directive class that could unify the na tion and develop its natural wealth and biopower. Republican elites had been unable to rid Peru of the legacy of Spanish colonialism because they themselves were culturally and racially trapped in it. Thinkers of different tendencies coincided in this harsh diagnosis of Peru’s history and natu re. Javier Prado, for instance, argued that early Republican elites had repudiated Spanish government and the idea of absolutist monarchy but their lack of moral education had left Peru without guidance. The political and social habits of elites had been shaped by the very system of government they had wished to deny. The contradition between republican drive and “colonial mentality” rendered elites ineffectual when it came to building a modern nation.469 As a consequence, all previ ous efforts to create a unified and developed nation were critically obliterated by intellectuals and reformers. Judging the postcolonial revolutionaries and reformers in the light of the catastrophe of the recent war, all that they had achieved now seemed in significant if not schizophrenic. Turn of the century elites repudiated the re publican past and analy zed it critically to 467 “Proyecto de Ley Para la profilaxia de enfermedades infectocontagiosas,” Boletn del Ministerio de Fomento. Direccin de Salubridad Pblica , II, no. 3 (1906): 2. 468 “Debate parlamentario. Cmara de Diputados. Sobre el artculo 2. Sesin del primero octubre de 1907,” El Comercio , Octubre 10, 1907. 469 Javier Prado, Estado social del Per, 198.

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197 extract the “severe lessons for experience” they thought it provided.470 Philosopher Juan de Lavalle proclaimed in 1908 that there were no le ssons on morality in Peru’s history. Those lessons could only be extracted by opposition or nega tion. In his view, history taught that Peru’s life had been characterized by inconsequence, immorality, and irrationality. From Peru’s long and painful history one only learne d that Peru needed to apply universal social and political “laws” and thus launch a new beginning.471 The past had to be transcended. Peru was still kneeling before its past, said Deustua, whic h made it “vain,” “impotent,” and “passive.”472 The past had “feminized” Peruvian society. Consequen tly, a more virile Peru would have to free himself of a feminine past. The “scientific laws of sociology” were to be applied to examine that past, and to dictate that Peru was a “sick organism.” As Go nzalez Prada wrote, “anywhere you touch Peru, pus flows out.”473 The patient needed serious medicine. These ideas were crafted in the grave and ur gent atmosphere that followed the trauma of the war. Nevertheless, they were foundational for future sociological readi ngs of Peru’s history and society. Intellectuals or polit ical elites would criticize the previous generation, accusing it of not being modern enough, of being trapped by th eir colonial mentality, or of pursuing halfhearted projects of modernization, destined to fail. Peru had been conquered by the “wrong” empire –not by hardworking pioneers but by arrogant, lazy, “feudal,” and exploitative Conquistadors, and as a result it lacked a leading class or true bourgeoisie, and so it did not deserve to be called a nation. Only a ra dical transformation –a new beginning, a patria nueva , a revolution— brought by a messiah or re deemer –immigrants, a “strong hand,” el pueblo , the 470 Patrn, Pablo, “Estudio crtico sobre el discurso del Dr . Javier Prado y Ugarteche acerca del Per colonial,” Javier, Prado, Estado social del Per , 284. Patrn read this speech at the Universidad Mayor de San Marcos in 1894. 471 Lavalle, Juan de, “De historia nacional. Un nuevo texto. Resumen de “La historia del Per” por Carlos Wiesse,” El Comercio , September 6, 1908. 472 Alejandro Deustua, “El problema pedaggico nacional.” 473 Manuel Gonzlez Prada, “Propaganda y ataque,” Pjinas Libres .

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198 proletariat, the Indian, th e suffering poor, or the global market—could save her. If Peru was a sick organism, it was seen as be ing composed of afflicted organs or social entities: ill, decadent races without “energy” or moral capacity. Since there was nothing of present value in Peru’s past, she was desperately in need of “ethnic therapeutics” either in the form of the “inoculation of new blood” or the re form of Peruvian bodies and minds. Both of these therapeutics methods were de bated and attempted. European immigrants did not arrive in significant numbers, and so elites concentrated on “hygienic” reforms. “Hygiene” combined new pedagogical methods with phys ical activities. Women’s bodi es became privileged sites for national intervention, for the womb and the breast were the sites were life, race, and the capital of the nation was reproduced. The perceived need for a practical and ener getic bourgeoisie and an abiding proletariat meant that efforts at reform had to be concentr ated in Lima. The trauma of Lima’s occupation by Chilean forces reinforced the capital city’s ascendance. In comparison with other Latin American capitals, Peru’s capital had been le ft behind. Some now believed that this was probably the reason why European immigrants did not wish to come to Peru. Holding environmental conceptions of race, experts affirmed that Lima had to be physically reformed and sanitized to improve and increa se its population. These concepts merged with the resurfacing urgency to insert Lima –and, subsequently, Peru— in the era of progressive industrialism. Those efforts will be analyzed in the following chapters.

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199 CHAPTER 5 MAPPING THE PROLETARIAT AND THE WRETCHED (1895-1910) Peeping into Enemy Territory: The Literary Construction of the Poor’s Habitats After War of the Pacific, intellectuals and pol iticians had agreed that Peru must forge a unified national community, rec over the lost time through the de velopment of industries, and develop a strong, disciplined population to achieve both objectives. The perception that Lima suffered demographic maladies, together with th e positivist disappearance of the private sphere, made women’s bodies key sites of scrutiny and intervention. Ot her privileged locations for inspection were Limeos’ dwellings, specially the private hom es of subaltern inhabitants, as hygienists and authorities attempted to diagnose th e living conditions of the city inhabitants to design policies for habitat improvement. Followi ng environmental conceptions of race, experts aspired to outline scientific solutions to Lima ’s “racial problem.” A literary genre –the ethnography of the urban poor— was born out the growing preoccupation for the sanitation of Lima, for the systematic diagnosis of privat e homes and neighborhoods produced scientific reports that inscribed the new anthropological subjects and their settings. In spite of the scientific faith in the possibil ity to manage and improve the population’s characteristics through environmental transformations, the reports show a constant tension with the conception that the unsanitary conditions of the poor’s dwellings an d neighborhoods were the result of the lower classes’ insurmountable decrepitude. Sanitary inspections of private homes had b een mandated in several occasions during the Age of Guano, usually after news of a breakout of an epidemic. By the turn of the century, however, routine inspections we re carried out as part of the continuous and generalized preoccupation about Lima’s demographic maladies . By the beginning of the twentieth century, hygienists had become influential intellectuals and policymakers (see Chapter 4 above). They

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200 now occupied important positions in the Municipality of Lima –each of the city quarters boasted a team of sanitary doctors— as well as in newly created institutions, such as the Instituto Nacional de Vacuna y Seroterapia (1896), the Instituto Municipal de Higiene (1902), the Direccin de Salubridad of the Ministerio de Fomento , which included a section of hygiene and another of demography (1903), and the Polica Sanitaria (1904). Each of th ese institutions had a small army of inspectors who studi ed the hygienic conditions of the city and penetrated into the poor’s houses. The School of Medicine had also es tablished a close relati onship with other state institutions concerned with public health.474 The Facultad also stimulated graduating students to join experts in the mission to inspect the houses of the “proletariat and the shameful families,”475 all in the name of the common good. Juan Antonio Portella was one graduating higienista from the Facultad who wrote his 1903 thesis on the hygiene conditions of poor nei ghborhoods. After arguing that the houses of the poor were unsanitary and hosted dangerous orga nisms that made their inhabitants prone to succumb to infections, Portella warned possible readers that the poor themselves were a hazard “for everyone” because they could disseminate disease throughout the city And something every well-off person must ta ke into account is that the poor, due to the miserable conditions of their exis tence, are terrible enemies and a danger for everyone. There is something all cla sses share, to which we are all exposed: disease. Contagion is similar to the vengeance of the underpri vileged against the indolence of the wealthy.476 Portella was trying to convince wealthier Limeos that they could not afford to leave the poor unattended, not because of a benevolent, phila nthropic spirit, but because their own health 474 Mara Enma Mannarelli, Limpias y Modernas: Gnero, hygiene y cultura en la Lima del novecientos (Lima: Ediciones Flora Tristn, 1999), 47. 475 Those are the adjectives used by Dr. Morante in his 1901 report on the houses of quarter 3 of Lima. M. Morante, “Memoria anual del Mdico Sanitario Municipal del Cuartel 3,” Memoria de la Municipalidad de Lima. 1901 (Lima: Librera e Imprenta Gil, 1901). 476 Juan Antonio Portella, La higiene de las casas de vecindad. N ecesidad de construir casas higinicas para obreros, Tesis de Bachillerato (Lima: Universidad Mayor de San Marcos, 1903).

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201 depended on that of their “enemies,” the poor. Porte lla’s thesis received enthusiastic praise from an anonymous commentator in El Comercio. The commentator thanked him for his “upsetting and bitter depiction” of the living conditions of the poor, and echoed its criticism of the upper classes for having done “nothing in favor of th e destitute class, ignoring its outcry, and for proceeding with a selfish cr iterion, which carries general damages and dangers.” Limeo elites, he argued, had not made efforts to improve the c onditions of Lima’s poor, in spite of the age’s “universal movement in fa vor of the proletariat.”477 It was time to penetrate into the enemy territory of la plebe to scrutinize it an d to attempt to design altern ative, sanitary housing for Lima’s poor. A 1904 Supreme Resolution by the Central Government commissioned physician Leonidas Avendao and engineer Santiago Basurco to create a report on th e sanitary conditions of poor Limeo dwellings. The Resolution was based on the perception that the high mortality and morbidity rates of the city were caus ed by the anti-hygienic conditions of the casas de vecindad (crowded tenements), callejones (rundown, ghettoized properties), and solares (lots occupied by informally built shacks). In short, the dwellings where the majority of Lima’s poor resided. Avendao and Basurco’s diagnosis was also to include a plan for the construction of houses and neighborhoods for workers.478 Basurco, a prominent Engineer of the State, quickly released a brief preliminary report in which he deplored the physical conditions of the poor’s residences, and argued that their decaying environment had pernici ous physical, cultural, moral, and racial effects on the population at large. The engineer/ethnographer elaborated a “rea listic” narration of the neighborhoods and houses he claimed to “describe in all of its terrifying reality.” Lima’s poor lived in miserable 477 “Una Tesis importante,” El Comercio , October 11, 1903. 478 Boletn del Ministerio de Fomento. Direccin de Salubridad Pblica , I, no. 1 (1905): 214-5.

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202 conditions that were unacceptable in modern times . Their dwellings were built with the same materials and technology used “in the times of Francisco Pizarro.”479 The floors in the casas de vecindad were uneven and dirty; the common areas were narrow and did not receive enough daylight, while the smoke from the tenants’ st oves could not be liberated, creating a polluted atmosphere that promoted illnesses and sickened the visitor. The mud and dab used in the construction of the dwelling’s walls absorbed th e humidity of Lima’s environment, generating ailments among the occupants; th e uneven, rustic walls offered an ideal habitat for rodents. These built environments had negative e ffects on the occupants’ habits. The neighborhoods were so narrow and crowded that th eir tenants were forced to maintain close relationships with each other, which in turn f acilitated numerous “opportunities to engage in relationships of intimate friendship” as well as “opportunities to quarrel fo r causes related to the state in which they live.” This proximity in misery also promot ed “gatherings in which alcohol plays a major role.” As a result, the habita ts of the poor were “dumps of misery, filth, immorality, and every bad thing a human mind can imagine.”480 A heady literary mixture of science and disgust gave such re ports a “realistic” and sensual tone . Elite readers were invited to “peep” into the poor’s private habitats, seeking to stimulate the reader’s imagination by way of detailed descriptions of odors a nd voyeuristic suggesti ons of “intimate relations and every bad thing a human mind can imagine.” The reports reinforced deep-seated notions that la plebe was guided by its instincts, and that it did not inhabit th e same age as elites. Basurco comm ented that the poor “did not care if places got more crowded,” if “race kept dege nerating,” or if their houses and neighborhoods were “centers of corruption and misery.” This was so because “a worker” did not desire 479 Santiago Basurco, “Construccin de casas higinicas para obreros,” Boletn del Ministerio de Fomento. Direccin de Obras Pblicas . I, no. 1 (1905): 61. 480 Ibid., 56.

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203 economic welfare, but instead to spend as little as possible in rent. “That way, he has more money to spend on alcohol in the bar nearest to his house.”481 Drinking was also an option for the “father” who sought “in the street or the tavern a way to distract himself from the annoyances he encounters at home.”482 The poverty of the families in the callejones and casas de vecindad was in the reports ascribed to the poor’s lack of discipline and ethics, and especially of the men, who did not comply w ith the patriarchal obligations of “respectable men.” Using the singular male form, Basurco stated that “he” did not care about the condition of his residence or for the economic welfare of his family. But while the moral condition of the poor male explained the decrepitness of th eir houses; Basurco, however, also argued the opposite: that the residences’ environment made them centers of corruption where “u rchins were transformed into potential criminals” and that degenerated race. Basurco’s contention that the plebe lived under the same conditions as their remote ancestors, and that mud and dab walls were the e quivalent of a lazy mule in the age of the locomotive, 483 served to expel the poor from contemporaneous time, and thereby consitute them as “anthropological objects” of scientific study and intervention.484 The same temporal strategy is found in Basurco’s final report, written in collaboration with Avendao, and published in 1907. The final report was a meticulous account of the dwellings of the poor that included statistical data but relied heav ily on the prosaic or ethnographic na rration. The text readily asked readers to accompany the authors on a fantas tic journey through time, into places “whose existence in the midst of the twentieth century seems unbelievable in a city like Lima More than shelters for civilized men, they seem like caves from prehistoric epochs, from the primitive 481 Ibid., 63. 482 Ibid., 56. 483 Ibid.,62, 63. 484 Johannes Fabian, Time and the Other: How An thropology Makes its Object (New York: Columbia University Press, 1983).

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204 times of the existence of humanity.”485 Such reports facilitated the view among elites that different historical times coexiste d in Lima. Lima was a city th at only partially lived in the twentieth century, for it s till held areas trapped in the Stone Ag e or in the early colonial period. The inhabitants of these primitive areas or callejones did not inhabit modernity or contemporaneity. Certain passages of the experts’ report, however , appear to betray hor ror in relation to the poor’s temporal promiscuity. Afte r describing a tenement in the he art of the city with the usual words of disgust (“a mare magnum,” “filthy dum p,” the “negation of hygiene”) Basurco and Avendao concluded that its existence was a “mockery of twentieth -century civilization.”486 The choice of words here is certainly ambiguous. Did the hygienists mean to suggest that the tenement was a shameful anomaly in modern times? Or were they suggesting that the housing of the poor constituted a burlesque curse upon the hypoc risy of twentieth-century civilization in Lima? Ambivalence also appears in the descri ptions of the furniture in the dwellings. The experts expressed their disgust at the dirtiness and worn out lo ok, but also observed that here “there are pieces of all known ages and styles.”487 The poor appeared to gather artifacts from all the ages, disrupting the “homogenous time” of the nation of upper-class Limeos who would fully inhabit the twentieth century.488 The physical proximity and temporal promiscuity of the poor and the danger it represented for wealthier Limeos were constantly emphasized by Basurco and Avendao. Their description of the Callejn de la Cruz , for instance, ended with the cautionary reminder that it was in the vicinity of an institution “that host the men of tomorrow:” 485 Santiago Basurco and Leonidas Avendao, “Higiene de la habitacin. Informe emitido por la comisin nombrada por el gobierno para estudiar las condiciones sanitarias de las casas de vecindad,” Boletn del Ministerio de Fomento. Direccin de Salubridad Pblica , 3, no. 4-5 (1907): 84. 486 Ibid., 48. 487 Ibid., 109. 488 Benedict Anderson, Imagined Communities: Reflections on the Origin and Spread of Nationalism (London: Verso, 1991).

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205 the prestigious Colegio Guadalupe .489 Basurco and Avendao repeatedly mentioned the laundry women who washed better-o ff people’s clothes in the most unsanitary conditions of the callejones .490 They, too, were, an ubiquitous sign that the poor were not immobile and stuck in their “caves” but dangerous, liminal individuals who moved across social space and time, and who readily penetrated into el ites’ intimate environments, carry ing with them their “pathogenic agents.” Like wet-nurses, seamstresses and nannies, la undry women assumed an important role in these ethnographic texts. A 1901 sanitary report on tubercul osis, written by hygienist M. Morante, had argued that the disease was mostly found among “the proletariat and the shameful families” but he emphasized women who had been “forced to work.” Working women were emphasized for two reasons. On the one hand, they served as a sign of the moral decadence of the poor, that is, as a proof that males in the lowe r classes did not comply with the duties of any respectable patriarch. On the ot her hand, women of the poor sectors of Lima provided elites with domestic service as maids, nannies, cooks, and launderers, and were therefore in contact with upper class people who did not care to know how they lived once they left their working environments. Morante’s, as well as Avendao a nd Basurco’s reports attempted to put an end to that comfortable ignorance, not to promote co mpassion but as a call fo r a virile, patriarchal response to protect upper-class families. The idea that lower class men did not make good providers and therefore were not part of the gente decente was persistently repeated in the repor ts, and would be at the core of later assumptions in the literature on the lower classe s that characterized them as plagued by a 489 Ibid., 82. 490 Ibid., 39, 43, 47-8, 111-2.

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206 stubborn machismo .491 The point had been made earlier by Lima’s sociologist Joaqun Capelo, who dedicated part of his Sociologa de Lima to the city’s seamstresses: In the poor families, you often see the mother and the sisters of the shameless man spend entire nights, from dusk to daw n, sewing until they become consumptive, and almost without food. She makes immens e sacrifices only to earn a few coins to pay for the expenses demanded by the vices of her shameless man.492 The “women who have been forced to wor k,” now stated the hygi enist Morante, were poorly paid, malnourished and, more importantly, lived in callejones or in casas de vecindad where “life is impossible due to their poor hygien ic conditions.” Morante described the interior of the callejn dwellings with horror, for they seemed to have been made “in flagrant opposition to the most fundamental precepts of modern hygiene.” In these dwellings “men, women, children, and domestic animals live together crowded in appalling confusion and without a single measure to preserve the life and health of the inhabitants [F]amilies of four, six, or more members live in tiny rooms of two or three square meters.”493 These extremely small rooms were multipurpose, for dwellers raised their an imals, cooked food, and washed clothes in the same space where they ate, slept, and passed th e day. Such disorderly rooms offered perfect conditions for the incubation of all kinds of “infec tious elements.” The clothes washed in those grimy environments did not necessarily belong to the room’s occupants, for most of the female dwellers worked as launderers, washing clothes for better-off people. The report concluded with the frightening warning that the clothes women washed might carry the infectious elements of the poor into the dwellings of “respectable people.”494 The idea of microbes and bacteria being transported from the filthy environment of a callejn to the body of an upper class Limeo was 491 Mathew Gutmann, The Meanings of Macho: Being a Man in Mexico City (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1996). 492 Joaqun Capelo, Lima en 1900: estudio crtico y antologa , ed. Richard Morse (Lima: Instituto de Estudios Peruanos, 1973), 174. 493 M. Morante, “Memoria anual del Mdico Sanitario,” xxix. 494 Ibid.

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207 intended to frighten municipal authorities a nd readers, for the danger of contamination, according to experts, was closer than they could have imagined. The reports drew vivid depictions of the “sav age” disorder in the interiors of the houses of the poor. The revolting descriptions served to reinforce the idea, also promoted in the same texts, of the poor’s degradation. The reports at tempted to transcend the limits of eye-witness descriptions, to invite readers to smell the “nau seating,” “corrupted and infectious atmosphere” of the neighborhoods and houses. Every sensoria l reference in these texts was immediately considered a proof of the decadence of the poor. Th e worn-out furniture, for instance, was a clear indicator of the low moral condition of their owners: Nothing is more grotesque, more anti-aesthetic, and more difficult to maintain in good conditions of cleanliness, than the furn iture one finds in the rooms of these houses Fading, falling apart, and with a permanent layer of dust and dirt, they offer a repelling aspect and typify the mo ral condition of their owners all that is a pandemonium , an aberration, something hard to conceive.495 The association between the uncultured, pre-hi storical environment and the “primitivism” of the population was also reinforced by the expe rts’ appeal to the concept of race. The decrepitness of the habitat and that of the inhab itants clearly complemented each other. The Cantagallo neighborhood, for instance, “reminds th e viewer of the shelters of ancient nomad populations [they are] truly infected caves, impo ssible to be inhabited even by wild beasts”496 By mentioning that this area was inhabited by In dians and that its popula tion included an Asian tripe peddler, Basurco and Avendao’s depiction of Cantagallo’s filth was reinforced. The shacks and neighborhood were filthy and primitive simply because the people who lived there were naturally filthy and primitive. The same association between the built environment and racial characteristics is made in another passage 495 Ibid., 109. 496 Ibid., 107.

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208 This entire amorphous group of rooms is inhabited by individuals of the Indian race, of lymphatic temper, pusillanimous , illiterate, and without any trace of culture, lacking any aptitude to carry out the most elementary precepts of hygiene. That explains the extreme unh ealthiness of this neighborhood.497 These racial associations were common in hygienist reports. Dr. Rmulo Eyzaguirre had also made it in his 1906 report on preventable diseas es. When describing the living conditions of the poor, Eyzaguirre argued that “t he indigenous race” was “the most miserable, the filthiest, the one that lives in the worst conditions, eats the wo rst, does not have notions of hygiene, and lives in an astonishing promiscuity...”498 Hygienists agreed Indians were the “poorest and less cultured people” and, therefore, were incapable of living an hy gienic life. Since the most crowded and dirtiest callejones were the ones where Indians lived, reasoned Eyzaguirre “these circumstances give us a clear idea of the relation ship of cause and effect between race, culture, the economic status, overpopulati on, and the type of building.”499 Basurco and Avendao also made a clear asso ciation between the Indian inhabitants of poor neighborhoods, and the Asian peddler of Cantag allo, with the animals they raised in their houses and shacks. According to the report, the As ian peddler lived “in the most appalling filth,” and shared his small shack with “no fewer than four dozen” cats.500 As for Indians, they noted: It is an ancient custom among individuals of the lower class, especially those of the Indian race, to live in dreadful promiscuity with all kinds of domestic animals, which dirty the pavement and the furniture with their excrement, and contribute, in no small part, to the unhealthiness of the dwelling. Dogs, cats, pigs, guinea pigs, chickens, etc., are the inseparable companions of these individuals of the lower class.501 497 Ibid., 42. 498 Rmulo Eyzaguirre, “Demografa san itaria. Enfermedades evitables,” Boletn del Ministerio de Fomento. Direccin de Salubridad Pblica , 1, no. 1 (1906): 13. 499 Ibid., 13. 500 Basurco, Santiago y Leonidas Avendao, “Higiene de la habitacin,” 107. 501 Ibid., 110.

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209 The reports attributed fi lthiness and the decadence of the dwellings in the callejones and casas de vecindad to the racial and cultural characteristics of the poor. The temporal and spatial promiscuity of dwellings “true bu rrows, where the inhabitants live, cook, and satisfy all of their [physical] necessities,”502 and the crowdedness of the rooms, for instance, were signs of the moral promiscuity of the poor, who lacked family values, lived in info rmal and unstable unions, and so produced illegitimate offspring503 “for as long as those a rrogant, indomitable, and unsociable wills desire.”504 With these kinds of diagnoses it is perhap s unsurprising that the hygienists could not design a coherent solution to the “horrifying” li ving conditions of the poor. They would arrive at the terrifying conclusion that ch anging the environment would not transform the racially ruined poor. Basurco’s initial report only recommended to prohibit the use of mud and dab in constructions, for these materials should not be us ed in the era of the more sanitary, modern brick. He also argued that it was convenient to “make disappear this kind of construction (referring to callejones , solares , and casas de vecindad ) that has caused so much harm to the city.”505 Demolition was, then, the only solution. . Basurco barely expressed his opposition to apartment buildings for working class fa milies. “Due to the customs of our pueblo , which lacks hygiene habits and a degree of education,” a nd who possess an “expansive character,” those buildings would be counterproductive. Tenants would still have “intimate contact with each other,” and as a result socializi ng habits could not be reformed.506 At the same time, the construction of new neighborhoods could make use of sanitary materials and state-of-the-art 502 Basurco, Santiago and Leonidas Avendao, “Higiene de la habitacin,” 7. 503 Ibid., 32. 504 Ibid., 33. 505 Santiago Basurco, “Construccin de casas higinicas,” 56. 506 Ibid., 65-6.

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210 methods, but the characteristics of Lima’s poor would end up ruining the built environment over time. The Basurco and Avendao report made repeat ed calls for “the immediate closure and demolition” of the neighborhoods in the worst cond itions, for they were “a threat for the hygiene and security of the surrounding population.”507 The poor posed an enormous threat because they were disseminated throughout the en tire city, so that in effect Lima itself was temporally and spatially heterogeneous and promiscuous. This point was emphasized wh en referring to those areas populated by a la rge number of Asian Limeos .508 The Asian population had become a particular preoccupation for elites since a large number of Chin ese immigrants settled in the vicinity of the Central Market around the mid-nineteenth cent ury (see Chapter 4 above). The Basurco and Avendao report called for the immedi ate removal of Asians from the center of the city to isolated locations outside Lima. They argued that the famished and ragged Chinese “poison the environment with the virus-filled emanations from the opium they smoke and with the fetid and mephitic gases of the filth that su rrounds them,” and that the agglomeration of Asians was “a revolting and repugnant plague, mo re frightening than all past and future epidemics.”509 By the turn of the twentieth century, some of the Japanese who had finished their contracts as agricultural indentur ed workers had begun to settle in Lima. To prevent a greater concentration of Asians in Lima –that is, th e formation of a Chinese-Japanese neighborhood-the Municipalidad de Lima quickly entertained the idea of relocating the existing Asian population. A report presented by the Municipality’s Hygiene In spector in 1901, for instance, 507 Santiago Basurco and Leonidas Avendao, “Higiene de la habitacin,” 107. 508 The term “AsianLimeos ” was never used by hygienists, intellectuals, or workers. I use it to state that Chinese and Japanese immigrants who settled in Lima were indeed Limeos , a status other Limeos were not willing to grant them. 509 Ibid., 86.

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211 recommended the construction of a Chinatown outside Lima to cleanse the city from a population that, “as experience has long demonstrated,” were “com pletely unable to acquire the most elementary notions and practices of hygiene.”510 Federico Elguera, Lima’s Mayor, would have surely agreed with his insp ector, for he had described the barrio chino as an “unbelievable and outrageous inferno,” and had stated that “as a de scendant of a civilized and virile race, I have humane instincts, but I do not believe it would be a sin to close that infernal place, and start a fire in it it is a wound we ought to burn, to protect the health of the social body.”511 Two months after the report, the Municipality approved a pr oposal to expropriate and demolish the Callejn de Otaiza , a large property occupied by about one thousand Chinese tenants. The newspaper El Comercio immediately praised the propos al on the grounds that the Central Market needed more space and cleanliness, and that the Chinese presence filled it with “foul-smelling emanations.” El Comercio suggested that a lot along the road to Ancn should be destined to the erection of a Chin atown “for Asians to build their houses there, and thus we could progressively expel all of them from the center of the city.”512 The inspectors’ reports’ final objective had al legedly been to provide guidelines for the improvement of the housing conditio ns of the poor. That goal, in fact, had legitimized the experts’ endeavor in the first place. Basu rco and Avendao, for instance, argued that the relevance and legitimacy of their mission was sc ientific, because “only once we know how and where the lower people –the crowd that constitute s the great mass of the working element— live, can the guidelines aimed at improving their anom alous situation be formulated on behalf of 510 “Estudio presentado al Sr. Alcal de del Honorable Concejo Provincial por la Inspeccin de Higiene,” El Comercio , January 19, 1901. 511 Federico Elguera, “La higiene,” El Barn de Keef en Lima (Librera e Imprenta Gil, 1913), 107. 512 “Un buen Proyecto,” El Comercio , March 31, 1901.

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212 hygiene, morality, and charity.”513 They also argued that the “classes not favored by fortune,” and the people who lacked “economic or intell ectual resources” had “the right to possess a sanitary dwelling, just like a ny other individual at the dawn of the twentieth century.”514 Inspections and reports were the scientific way to reach an appropriate solution to lower class housing problems, which in turn would help change lower-class habits and “the race.” The experts’ intrusion in private hom es was also legitimized in the name of the common welfare, for The Municipality must intervene in ever y aspect related to the aesthetics and hygiene of the city and its inhabitants. Its fi eld of action is so gr eat in this regard, that its authority must be exercised not only on the urban network, on the streets and the facades of homes, but also in their internal arrangement, even in the slightest details.515 But the hygienists/ethnographe rs Basurco and Avendao failed to elaborate viable alternatives to improve the liv ing environment of the poor, and only proposed that the Central Government construct a barrio obrero to be administrated by the Sociedad de San Regis --an institution that attempted to promote legal marriages among the poor.516 The barrio should include individual homes for nuclear families, ea ch with two rooms, a kitchen, bathroom, and patio, and with abundant potable water. Different activities should be ca rried out in separate, specialized spaces to avoid disord er and filth, and a system of su rveillance had to be mounted to make sure inhabitants did not reproduce their moral promiscuity and disorder, thereby ruining the sanitized spaces. The experts must have kno wn, however, that the expenses their proposal implied made it simply unfeasible. Nevertheless, the experts did solidly constr uct the houses and neighborhoods of the poor in their literary descriptions, and these allowed elites to peep into the lives of their poor 513 Santiago Basurco and Leonidas Avendao, “Higiene de la habitacin,” 36. 514 Ibid, 3. 515 Ibid., 78. 516 Ibid., 73.

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213 neighbors. As literary texts, the eth nographies served to reconstruct elite Limeos’ self-image as civilized and racially virile “whites” who inhabited modernity as “men of tomorrow.”517 In short, reports served to heal the narcissistic wounds th at afflicted Lima’s elites after the trauma of defeat in the War of the Pacific. As disc ussed in Chapter 4 above, one consequence of that war was the generation of doubts about the el ite’s own claim to ci vilization, modernity, nationhood, and whiteness. The war had symboli cally pushed them dow n to the level of la plebe . Now, the literary construction of the poor se rved to raise them b ack into a position of social, racial, and patria rchal self-respectability. The reports also offered imaginable if invi able alternatives for achieving the “common good,” for that notion was largel y identical to what was conv enient for the elite “everyone” mentioned by Portella, that is, those who could be contaminated by the noxious influence of the poor. The reports served to encourage the segreg ation of the city to protect the health of “everyone,” and they would be influential in guiding the city’s extramural growth. Although Portella’s strategy was apparently aimed at stimul ating elites to invest in the improvement of the lives of “the enemies,” the reports also s uggest that the poor were hopeless, and that environmental changes would not reform their “r acial” defects. The most convenient way for elites to avoid the unwanted contagion was perhaps to avoid contact with them altogether. This conclusion was hardly viable, but it was consistent with the di scourse of “ethnic therapeutics” outlined in Chapter 4 above. 517 My reading of hygienists reports as ethnographic texts is informed by the textualist and poststructuralist critiques of ethnographic writing and anthropology as a discipline. See James Clifford and George Marcus, ed, Writing Culture: The Poetics and Politics of Ethnography (Berkeley: University of Califor nia Press, 1986); Clifford Geertz, Works and Lives: The Anthropologist as Author (Stanford: Stanford University Pr ess, 1988); Mary Louise Pratt, “Fieldwork in Common Places”, in Writing Culture: The Poetics and Politics of Ethnography , ed. James Clifford and George Marcus (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1986). Also see the foundational text by Edward Said, Orientalism (New York: Vintage Books, 1978).

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214 Making a Respectable Working Class Lima’s callejones , solares , and casas de vecindad were never demolished and their occupants were not evicted, with the notorious exception of the Callejon Otaiza , which was violently torn down in 1909 to force its Chines e occupants out of the area of the Central Market.518 Upper class Limeos decided to relocate to the newly developed peripheral areas where new, comfortable chalets were built beyond the reach of the quotidian influence of their dangerous enemies. Some working class nei ghborhoods were developed too, under both private and state or municipal initiatives, and these were specifically designed to host stable, organized workers. The immense majority of Limeos did not have stable jobs, however, and so could not afford to acquire the new houses despite state in centives. As a result, the vast majority was marginalized from these new developments. The most active agent in the construction of worki ng class neighborhoods was the engineer, inventor, and diplomat Pedro Paulet. Paul et had studied in Europe with state sponsorship and was named Director of the School of Arts and Trades in 1904. According to Paulet, cheap housing had to be provided to obreros not out of philanthropy but as a practical measure, for without it Lima’s “social machin ery” would not run smoothly. The betterment of workers’ living conditions was a matter of “practical utilitaria nism,” and it would promote the development of efficient industries in Lima.519 Paulet’s writings and speeches deployed an engineering lexicon. The social machinery was indeed made of individual machines, and “the human machine” was the “most precious mechanis m of all, but also the most delicate and 518 Humberto Rodrguez Pastor “La calle Capn , el Callejn Otaiza y el Barrio Chino,” Mundos interiores: Lima, 1850-1950 , ed. Aldo Panfichi and Felip e Portocarrero (Lima: Universidad del Pacfico, 1995). 519 “Conferencia dada por el seor Pedro Paulet, Director de la Escuela de Artes y Oficios, en el local de la Asamblea de Sociedades Unidas, el 25 de agosto de 1910,” Boletn de la Direccin de Fomento , 8, no. 9 (1910): 26.

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215 difficult to operate.”520 His was the perspective of a “soc ial engineer,” a specialist who was concerned with the “requirements of the human engine, studies the laws to perfect its functioning, seeks remedies for its flaws, a nd teaches how to take advantage of its performance.”521 The “social engineer” had been crea ted, according to Paulet, in the most advanced industrial society, the United States, wh ere the practical conveni ence of perfecting the “human machine” had supposedly had positive ma terial effects on society as a whole. Improving the conditions of workers was, then, an investment that would produce a profitable return, for it would make societ y run smoothly and increase its productivity, and not a “calling to vague philanthropy.”522 Paulet was not alone in this criticism of ph ilanthropy and his utilitari an view of social problems. In 1905, The Department of Public Sanitation of the Ministerio de Fomento reproduced an essay on social hygiene. Wr itten by Doctor Ensch, “Chief of the Hygiene Department in Schaerbech” (sic) Brussels in 1904, the essay argued that the human body was a machine whose integrity had to be preserved. The health of a worker, therefore, had to be taken care of “with the zealous care th e industrialist watched over the integrity of a metallic engine.”523 If the industrialist was used to value the return given by a machin e, reasoned the hygienist, “it seems unquestionably logical that he observe the most idolatrous cult for the he alth of his workers. However, while the metallic engine is lubricated and cleaned wi th solicitous care, the human engine is generally abandoned.”524 520 Ibid., 26-7. 521 Ibid., 27. 522 Ibid., 27. 523 “Ensayo de higiene social por el doctor Ensch, jefe del Servicio de Higiene en Schaerbech (Bruselas),” Boletn del Ministerio de Fomento. Di reccin de Salubridad Pblica , 1, no. 4, (1905): 65. 524 Ibid., 66.

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216 Paulet argued that Limeo workers should have inexpensiv e, sanitary, and aesthetically pleasing houses for the moralizi ng effects the reformed environment would have on them. Houses should be attractive since “ugly homes mo tivate men to go to taverns, expel women onto the street, and abandon the children.”525 Workers should be made into respectable patriarchs who could take care of the needs of their families. In contrast to the hygien ists, however, Paulet did not appeal to racial stereotypi ng. He did stress that the curren t dwellings of the workers were “centers of infection a savage display for foreigner visitors”526 but his speeches and texts exuded optimism about the possibilities of reform. In part, this optimism was a consequence of the perception that Lima had not developed its industries to the level most European metropoli had and therefore did not suffer from the maladies progress itself created. Paulet was conscious that the development of an indus trial society carried inherent pr oblems and he thought that Peru could anticipate and avoid them. Peru was “the country of the future” and as such was in a particularly favorable position to prepare itself for development. Paulet had visited poor neighbor hoods during his eleven-year st ay in Europe when, after completing his studies in Paris, he served as Peru’s Consul in Paris and Antwerp. The neighborhoods of the European poor produced a pr ofound disappointment in him. The tenement buildings for the poor “hosted more el ements of destruc tion than of life”527 particularly in the “proud capitals, where ‘space is measured’ and th e dwellings seemed like medieval prisons, the patios mine shafts, and the rooms “boxes for flies.” At the same time, however, there were successful efforts that Peru could imitate. Among these, Paulet hi ghlighted initiatives in Europe which included the participation of the state and the municipalities, as well as private businesses 525 Pedro Paulet, “Las habitaciones baratas. La cuestin en Europa,” Boletn del Ministerio Fomento , 2, no. 2 (1904): 70. 526 Pedro Paulet, “Construccin de habitaciones para obreros,” Boletn de la Direccin de Fomento . 7, no. 8 (1909): 55. 527 Pedro Paulet, “Las habitaciones ba ratas. La cuestin en Europa,” 76.

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217 such as mortgage and insurance companies, and factories. The construction of low-cost housing not only had become a “matter of social prophyl axis, but also one of the most profitable businesses,”528 he noted with approval. Peru could follow this example immediately. In his 1908 article Construccin de habitaciones para obreros , Paulet argued that independent, spacious houses for workers –with two ample room s, complete sanitary services, patios, and a yard—could be built in Lima. He estimated th at workers would become the owners of such houses in the relatively short span of twelve years with monthly pa yments that would be equal to the rent paid for a “filthy room in a callejn .” Paulet would later stat e that the new homes should be located in spacious neighborhoods with pa rks, public forests, and wide arteries.529 Similar ideas were expressed by physician Enrique Len Garca in 1903. Len Garca was also optimistic about Peru’s future. While in Europe housing projects had led the working classes into a “desperate situation” of “pauperism”530 in Lima lots and materials for construction were relatively cheap. Moreover, “the social problem of the old nations is, fortunately, unknown in Peru.”531 In his opinion, Peru’s misery “only existe d in form not in content; it does not derive from fatal or unavoidable causes.” Len Garca argued that “our pueblo ” was not well fed, lacked comfortable houses, vigor and perseverance for work, as well as love of health and the habit of saving money, but that all these defects could be corr ected through education and the application of a few basic principles. The good doctor exhorted workers to “work, persevere, save money, [and] take care of yourself.”532 The existing “badly understood form of charity” also had to be abolished since Peru’s poverty was promoted by Catholic religious communities; 528 Ibid., 76. 529 “Conferencia dada por el seor Pedro Paulet,” 29. 530 Enrique Len Garca, “Alojamientos para la clase obre ra en el Per. Comunicacin al Congreso Anti-Alcohlico de Lima de 1903,” Boletn del Ministerio Fomento. Direccin de Salubridad Pblica , 2 no. 1, (1906): 55. 531 Ibid., 55. 532 Ibid., 55.

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218 as a result, the poor “beg for food, and fi nd extraordinary facility for idleness.”533 Len Garca criticized Peru’s aristocracy fo r bequeathing their fortunes to pi ous, religious in stitutions. Peru did not need this kind of charity; instead, it required scie ntifically directed intervention supported by the state. Paulet’s optimistism was also related to his prox imity to a large sector of Lima’s workers. As Director of the School of Ar ts and Trades, he was aware that at least some workers were adopting measures of self-sanitation and reformation in an effort to support their claims that they too were civilized, and so distance them selves from the baneful category of la plebe . Paulet was particularly close to wo rkers organized in the Asamblea de Sociedades Unidas , the largest association of mutual ai d societies of the time.534 Lima’s workers had a tradition of association in mutual aid societies since th e mid-nineteenth century. The so cieties provided financial and health assistance to unemployed, ill, and disabl ed workers, and covered members’ funeral expenses.535 Some societies also voiced demands to lower food prices, a nd provided assistance to strikers.536 They also founded primary schools and “popular libraries” on their premises, organized conferences by university student s and experts –such as Paulet himself—537 promoted theater and literature among members, and participated in educational campaigns –such as the 1903 Congreso Anti-alcohlico organized by state and municipal agents to civilize Lima’s poor. 533 Ibid., 55-6. 534 Agustn Barcelli has argued that the Asamblea de Sociedades Unidas had fifteen thousand affiliates by the early twentieth century. Agustn Barcelli, Crnicas de las luchas obreras en el Per. (Historia del sindicalismo peruano) (Lima: Cuadernos sindicales, 1979), 45. Pete r Blanchard, however, has stated that the Asamblea claimed forty-nine constituent societies with four thousand members. Peter Blanchard, The Origins of the Peruvian Labor Movement, 1883-1919 (University of Pittsburg Press, 1982), 35. 535 Iigo Garca-Bryce, Crafting the Republic; Lima’s Artisans and Nation Building in Peru, 1821-1879 (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 2004). 536 Peter Blanchard, The Origins of the Peruvian Labor Movement ; Ricardo Temoche, Cofradas, gremios, mutuales y sindicatos en el Per , (Lima: Escuela Nu eva, 1987), 77-8. 537 The Memoria de la Municipalidad de Lima. 1902 (Lima: Librera e Imprenta Gil, 1902) reports on conferences given by municipal hygiene experts on the premises of the “Confederacin de Artesanos Unin Universal.”

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219 538 Iigo Garca-Bryce has argued that the mutual aid societies of the nineteenth century allowed artisans and workers to claim memb ership in “respectable society,” 539 and the same may be said of workers’ movements in the early twentieth cen tury. Not only did the societies help prevent workers from slipping into a state of total de stitution during hard times; they promoted the identity of “ gente decente ,” that is, the notion that organi zed workers were better than day laborers, peons, domestic servants, and the unemployed. The Asamblea de Sociedades Unidas in particular was a moderate association that had been created in 1891. As with previous worker movements, it had receiv ed the support of the state and even from entrepreneurs. Its activities, after all, repr oduced the language of reform of modernizing elites, with an emphasis on hygiene and self-reformation, and its political agenda was to reconcile “the interests of the fact ory owners with the n eeds of the workers.”540 In this regard, it is significant that th e First Provincial Congress of Workers, convened in August 1896, was held in the luxurious Palacio de la Exposicin commonly used for the banquets and receptions of elites. The First National Congress of Workers, organized by the Confederacin de Artesanos Unin Universal , the other large associ ation of mutual aid so cieties, was held in Peru’s Chamber of Deputies and was sponsored by the central government.541 Paulet’s 1910 speech in the headquarters of the Asamblea de Sociedades Unidas expressed optimism at the future of Lima’s workers. He emphatically opposed political discourses based on class and so never spoke of a “working class,” argui ng that there was “no 538 The Asamblea de Sociedades Unidas founded the first “popular library” with the help of Ricardo Palma in 1911. See, Agustn Barcelli, Crnicas de las luchas obreras , 45; Dennis Sulmont, El movimiento obrero en el Per/ 19001956 , (Lima: Pontificia Universidad Catlica del Per, 19 75), 72; David Parker, “Civilizing the City of Kings: Hygiene and Housing in Lima, Peru,” in Cities of Hope: People, Protests, and Progress in Urbanizing Latin America, 1870-1930 , ed. Ronn Pinneo and James Baer (Boulder: Westview Press, 1988), 166. 539 Iigo Garca-Bryce, Crafting the Republic , 105-31. 540 Dennis Sulmont, El movimiento obrero en el Per , 72. 541 Agustn Barcelli, Crnicas de las luchas obreras , 57, 59; Dennis Sulmont, El movimiento obrero en el Per , 72.

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220 reason to invoke the cla ss struggle” in Peru.542 But he knew that the worker’s association had rejected the use of a langua ge of class, which it cons idered proper to “diseased philosophiesconfused theories.” As the Vi ce President stated, “we know there can be no social problems among us since ther e are no social classes, property is accessible to all, our laws consecrate every freedom, and our genuinely democratic institutions have erased the frontiers of race and genealogical distinctions by viewing everyone as elements of society and free and equal citizens.”543 Paulet, then, did not need to use the word “class” to air his proposals for the construction of houses as a central element of th e “democratic rights of citizens in a free and independent republic.”544 Paulet was speaking to an audience that wa s constructing a sense of identity based on their distinctiveness vis--vis the jornaleros , peones , and the large mass of people engaged in informal activities. More radical worker move ments, such as the anarchists, differed from mutual aid societies in their political strategi es, but they too engaged in a process of selfreformation and civilizing that echoed the discou rse of the higienists. Manuel Gonzlez Prada, the aristocratic intellectual leader of the anar chist movement, had bitter ly criticized artisan mutual aid societies, charging that the Lima artisans sit between the simple day workers (whom they despise) and the upper class (whom they adulate). They c onstitute a pseudo-aristocracy with all the ignorance of the lower ones and all the depravation of the upper ones Since they have no convictions, and do not have the slightest idea of their social mission or their rightsthey play the role of cour tiers or lackeys to all legal or illegal powers.545 542 See, Manuel Gonzlez Prada, “El Primero de Mayo, 1906” Anarqua (Santiago: Editorial Ercilla, 1936). (1906). 543 Editorial written by the Vice President of the Asamblea de Sociedades Unidas in 1911. Quoted by Peter Blanchard, The Origins of the Peruvian Labor Movement , 35. 544 “Conferencia dada por el seor Pedro Paulet,” 27. 545 Quoted by Ricardo Temoche, Cofradas, gremios, mutuales y sindicatos , 89. The quote also appears in Peter Blanchard, The Origins of the Peruvian Labor Movement , 47.

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221 Gonzlez Prada was alluding to the mutual aid societies cl ose links with governmental authorities, and their alleged lack of ideological commitment, an accusation repeatedly made in anarchist publications such as Los Parias , El Artesano , and Integridad , all of them linked in one way or another to Gonzlez Prada. Anarchist movements took a more confrontational stance against governments and owners, organizing protes ts and struggling for the eight-hour work-day, but they never gained the massive support of workers.546 In spite of these differences with the more conciliatory mutual aid societies, however, anarchist institutions were also interested in workers’ reformation, and repeatedly argued th at workers needed to embrace education and become “modern.” In 1905 the newspaper Los Parias asserted that “civilization is not just material progress; civilization is also illustra tion, truth, justice; civi lization is patriotism, abnegation, truth; civilization is nobility of spirit and sentiment.”547 The largest anarchist federation of workers, created in 1912 with the name of Federacin Obrera Regional Peruana , was explicitly created to “elevate the moral and intellectual standard of workers through education,” among other objectives.548 Gonzlez Prada himself carried a strong faith in education as a tool to transform society and liberate it from its colonial characteristics, and he attempted to form a permanent and close relationship between literati and anarchist labor unions. Although he argued that such a bond did not imply a hierarchical relationshi p, he also argued that revoluti onaries had to reform a “mass” that was inert and lethargic. Gonzlez Prad a’s stance on the liberati on of the Indians (see Chapter 4 above) was identical to this elitist propo sal for a liberating revolution of the workers. The two missions were to be led by intellectuals . When addressing the workers, as in his 1905 speech to the Federacin de Obreros Panaderos Estrella del Per –an organization that had 546 Peter Blanchard, The Origins of the Peruvian Labor Movement . 547 Los Parias , quoted by David Parker, “Civilizing the City of Kings,” 166-7. 548 Ricardo Temoche, Cofradas, gremios, mutuales y sindicatos , 171.

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222 broken from the mutual aid Confederacin de Artesanos , and taken a more radical, anarchist stance—Gonzlez Prada never mentioned the Indians as playing any role in the universal revolution carried out by proletariats.549 The mission of the proletar iat implied the omission of the Indians. The anarchist’s omission was not gr atuitous, for he was addressing an audience who was interested in distancing itself fr om “uncivilized” Indians, and urban plebe . Workers were constructing a notion of themselves as “the men of tomorrow” which also denied coevalness to the “non-modern” elites that Gonzlez Prada had for cefully attacked as “serfs.” Elites, Indians, and la plebe were remnants of a world that would be transformed by the liberating action of the energetic proletariat. Mutual aid societies and anarchist labor moveme nts, therefore, reformulated the ideas on hygiene and moral reform to claim workers’ avant garde position in society. They criticized gambling and vagrancy, and traditional diversions such as cockfighting and bullfighting, arguing that the ultimate blame for those vices fell on Li ma’s elites and authorities. They struggled for decent, sanitary housing for the working class, not the poor in general; they, as respectable members of society, had to be prot ected from the noxious influence of la plebe , and in particular of the “filthy” and “degraded” Asians that populate d the city. Workers appe ar to have resented the competition from AsianLimeos in the job market and also the fact that many Chinese and Japanese immigrants had relativel y prosperous shops and restaurant s; they expressed their bitter opposition to Asian immigration as well as a profound repugnance to Asians in a rhetoric that mirrored that used by hygienists and municipal authorities. A report on a 1906 assembly of work ers’ representatives of the Sociedades Obreras written by an (apparently undercover) agent of Lima ’s prefecture illustrates the point. According to the agent, the workers had gathered to discus s the recent arrival of a large number of Japanese 549 Manuel Gonzlez Prada, “El intelectual y el Obrero,” Horas de lucha (Lima: El Progreso Literario, 1908)

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223 immigrants. Two opinions were articulated by the representatives. One group argued that a commission should present the central government with a petition to end Asian immigration immediately on the grounds that they “invaded all centers and industr ies in which national workers are employed,” thereby inflicti ng a severe damage on the working pueblo . A second group opposed the first group’s propos al, arguing “with greater impe tus, and taking things with all seriousness” that Asians “belonged to a dege nerate race, undeserving of being allowed into Peru.” This group stated that Asians be immediately expelled fr om the country, and that workers voice the demand to the government. The debate among the workers is interesting not only because of the bitter hostility shown towards “Asians,” but also because delegates ended up arguing over which would be the most honorable way to present their demands: in a letter to the government or a rally of all of Lima’s working cl ass. They finally agr eed that a rally would cause disorder and consequently discredit the workers’ organi zation, and so named a commission to draft a petition to th e government. The final agreement did not specify what the content of the petition should be, or at least it can not be deduced from the police report.550 The debate revealed that many workers resented the presence of Asians and that they readily used the racist conceptions common among intellectuals, journalists, and social commentators . It also reveals, however, the importance of respectability and prestige for sectors of the working class. Opposition to Asians was openly expressed in riots that followed upon rumors to the effect that a large number of immigrants was ab out to arrive at the port of Callao, in May 1909.551 Demonstrators led by the Partido Obrero (Workers Party) sacked and destroyed some twenty shops and workshops owned or managed by “Asians,” and beat the Japanese or Chinese they encountered on the way. Ri oters reportedly yelled “Death to the Chinese!” and “Down with 550 Communication No. 788, al Seor Prefecto del Departamento. June 15, 1906. AGN, Ministerio del Interior, Direccin General de Gobi erno, 3.9.1. 15.1.16.17. 551 Peter Blanchard, The Origins of the Peruvian Labor Movement , 80.

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224 the Chinese, murderers of the pueblo , robbers of our bread!”552 In response, President Legua immediately suspended “Chinese” immigration. This was a clever, demagogic move, for Leguia had long pushed for the importation of Japane se workers, and Chinese immigration had effectively come to an end nearly thirty-fiv e years before! Mayor Billinghurst, who was particularly interested in gain ing the support of Lima’s workers, rapidly ordered the demolition of the Callejn Otaiza , a measure that was applauded by the workers’ organizations.553 The negative perception of Asian immigrants among Lima’s workers was promoted by influential intellectual figures such as Gon zlez Prada who had argued that “t he Chinese has inoculated in the national organism a vicious a nd decrepit germ. With the Span iard, we keep inoculating in our brains the theological virus. Between the friar and the Chinese, Peru is like a wax candle whose two extremes are burning.”554 Worker’s actions against the AsianLimeos were consistent with the workers’ claim to be decentes , or respectable citizens. In a time in whic h vigor, discipline, orde r, and virility were considered the ultimate values to achieve a pr ogressive, orderly, and indu strious society, workers claimed they possessed those qualities and were therefore modern citizens, indispensable for Peru’s future. The Chinese and Japanese immigr ants were available, and easy opportunity for workers to mark their distinction as modern subjects who opposed vice, corruption, and filth. Asians were being constr ucted as a threat to Limeo society –as were th e poor— and organized workers likewise seized the opportunity to distan ce themselves from their poor neighbors, which would in turn help them support their claims to state-sponsored sanitized housing. These claims 552 Augusto Ruiz, “Los motines de mayo de 1909. Inmigrantes y nativos en el Mercado laboral de Lima a comienzos del siglo XX,” Bulletin de l’Institut Franais d’Etudes Andines , 29, no.2, (2000):173-188; Peter Blanchard, The Origins of the Peruvian Labor Movement , 80. 553 Augusto Ruiz, “Los motines de mayo de 1909,” 180-1. 554 Manuel Gonzlez Prada, “Memoranda,” El tonel de Digenes, seguido de Fragmentaria y Memoranda (Mexico: Tezontle, 1945), 235.

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225 had the active support of Paulet and other specia lists such as the physician Enrique Len Garca, whose speech in the Congreso Anti-Alcohlico de Lima in 1903 –a congress that featured the participation of workers’ organizations— pr oposed that “the serious and hard-working” obrero should be provided with stable jobs and comfortable houses, so that he be kept apart from the pernicious influence of la plebe , that is, from the large mass of poor people who engaged in informal activities to make a living, and w ho were increasingly id entified as dangerous “vagrants.” Workers must be kept apart from the decadence of the idle and dissipated vagrants with which they still shared the malignant callejones and casas de vecindad .555 The physician, who had a particular interest in race –his 1909 doctoral thesis was a discussion on “the races in Lima”556-argued that the human species was as subject to environmental influences “as the most modest of the zoological species.”557 The oppression, forced labor, corruption, intemperance, and inad equate housing imposed by Spanish colonialism on what had been a “healthy and vigorous Peruvian race” were still prevalent; “our race” had not been able to break the cycle of decadence because the advent of the Republic had not altered the environmental conditions of his existence. Le n Garca’s uses the labels “Peruvian race” and “our race” to refer to “the race” that existed be fore the Spanish conquest, which was “vigorous as a jungle beast,” “lived from nature,” had “simple customs,” and enjoyed “large doses of air from the fields,” but which had been degraded by colonialism.558 The worst living conditions of this race and, therefore, the greatest raci al deterioration, were to be found in Lima, in the “small, dark and humid” rooms of the casas de vecindad . These poor houses hosted so cial parasites that lived 555 Enrique Len Garca, “Alojamientos para la clase obrera en el Per,” 56. 556 Len Garca, Enrique, Las razas en Lima. Estudio Demogrfico (Lima: Universidad Mayor de San Marcos, Facultad de Medicina, 1909). 557 Enrique Len Garca, “Alojamientos para la clase obrera en el Per,” 53. 558 Ibid., 53-4.

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226 off charity. The working class, argued Len Garca, was in dangerous proximity to such “unemployed and vice-ridden people.” The “serious and hard-working” obrero , if temporarily unemployed, might be attracted to the easy life of vagrants. Idlene ss and bad company would lead him to the tavern, where he would “drink, become a gambler, a thief, disloyal, filthy, and clumsy,” in short, “an idiot or a swindler of the worst kind.”559 Garca Len thus argued that the working class men be offered the opportunity to acquire comforta ble, attractive housing; it was us eless to preach temperance if the disgusting physical conditions of the “home” –Len uses the word in English— “makes him feel the need to leave it After spending a whole day in his workshop or factory he will abandon it for as long a time as possible, to spend hours in a pulpera ; the rest is a known story: the honorable worker of today beco mes one more alcoholic tomorrow.”560 To avoid the “dissolution of many households,” it was, therefore, urgent to separate “honorable workers” from the idle plebe . Paulet’s and Len Garca’s calls for houses for the working class began to material ize with the construction of barrios obreros by private entrepreneurs and the Beneficencia Pblica de Lima –Lima’s largest charity organization— which created the Cajas de Ahorros (savings accounts) to help wo rkers to purchase single-family homes in mortgage payments. The prerequisi tes for access to the new houses in what would become the district of La Victoria –such as the Las Chacritas, La Victoria, and Manzanilla neighborhoods— in an area developed outside what had been the city’s limits, made these homes unreachable for anyone but the workers with the most stable and comfortable financial situations. In short, at least part of the respectable work ers was indeed separated from the “corrupting” poor. 559 Ibid., 56. 560 Ibid., 57. Pulperas were small restaurants where alco holic beverages were also served.

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227 As discussed in Chapter 4 above, the end of the War of the Pacific brought an intense period of reflection on Peru’s national bei ng, that produced an uncertainty among elites regarding their own organi c capabilities to be the leading class their country needed to confront the imperatives of progress. A wide array of expe rts also discovered that Pe ru and its capital city had demographic problems that made them vulnerable in a possible foreign conflict and unsuitable to develop the disciplin ed and virile society they desi red. The scientific management of the population could be the solu tion to correct social deficien cies and promote the formation of an efficient, well lubricated social machinery. It was importa nt, therefore, to transform the habits of Limeos , to regulate women’s bodies and behavi or, and to penetrate into domestic spaces to scrutinize them, identify problem s, and design policie s to correct them. The scientific drive to exam ine the living conditions of th e poor produced little change regarding neighborhoods and dwellings, but it produced texts. The poor and their habitats were textually created in ethnographies that deployed the lexicon of war in a moment of postwar angst, displaced the ethnographi c subjects of inquiry from cont emporaneity, incited readers’ voyeuristic imagination and finally concluded that the degradation of the poor’s habitats was the outcome of the poor’s racial degradation. The postcolonial obsession fo r erasing the past now manifested itself in proposals to demolish th ose living powerful symbols of supposedly bygone eras: the neighborhoods of the poor. Ethnographies textually recreat ed the gap between well-off Limeos and the neighboring poor the War of the Pacific had bridged, and offered a clear alternative to Limeo elites: to distance themselves from the physical proximity of their dangerous “enemies.” In that context, organized workers claimed their right to distan ce themselves from the other poor, using the lexicon of hygienists to assert that they too were respectabl e and disciplined patriarchs in

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228 dangerous proximity with la plebe . Workers stated that they t oo inhabited contemporaneity, and thus had the right to escape from the gaze of the ethnographer.

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229 CHAPTER 6 OPENING THE CITY (1895-1910) By the end of the Guano Age, reformers had sketched plans for the future expansion of Lima. With the demolition of the colonial walls, a series of wi de, Haussmannian thoroughfares were designed by U.S. entrepreneur Henry Meiggs and Italian engineer Lu is Sada di Carlo as avenues and paseos to surround the city. New areas would then be urbanized to include an industrial zone, neighborhoods for the working cla ss, and residential areas for the middle and upper classes. New spacious avenues would also penetrate the old city core, for which entire blocks were to be demolished.561 Both the occupation of Lima and the crisis produced by the War of the Pacific halted these developments; the urban reforms hitherto conducted suffered a serious setback. Limeo authorities and intellectuals came to the conclusion that Lima had been left behind in comparison to other Latin Amer ican capital cities, such as Santiago and, especially, the now paradigmatically cosmopolitan Buenos Aires. The war, however, also provided new national symbols of heroism that were exalted as unifying examples of self-sacrific e and virility. This chapter discusses the new attempts to reform Peru’s capital from the mid-1890s thr ough the first decade of the twentieth century. These efforts paid special attention to the transformation of what were deemed to be unwholesome public spaces, particul arly the narrow streets of the colonial city which, it was said, did not allow for the necessary “air circul ation.” A new period of relative economic expansion, based on the development of exports a nd substantial foreign investment in production by the end of the century, gave rise to a vital pe riod of modernization a nd recuperation after the generalized postwar crisis. The drive of modernization of the la te-nineteenth and early-twentieth 561 Jos Barbagelata, Un siglo del acontecimiento histrico precursor del desarrollo urbano de Lima moderna (Lima: n/e, 1971).

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230 centuries followed principles similar to those of the earlier, Guano peri od, but was now marked by the trauma and desperation of war. It was an intense period of modernization, as new means of tran sportation –tramways, automobiles, and telephones— were introduced into a city that was witnessing an enthusiastic period of construction and an unpr ecedented industrialization. Limeos’ lives were radically altered as they acquired new rhyt hms of daily life, and as new fo rms of socialization appeared. The physical and cultural renovation of the city produced the typically ambiguous discourses of modernity, however. Nostalgic laments of the di sappearance of Lima’s colonial particularities went hand-in-hand with wholesale renovation; denunciations of the unwanted environmental, aesthetic, social, and cultural e ffects of “progress,” were expre ssed even by the most active and virulent proponents of modernization. The most energetic promoter of Lima’s phys ical and cultural tran sformation during the period was Mayor Federico Elguera, whos e administration spanned between 1901 and 1908. These were the excited words of We had never seen in Lima a greater nu mber of new private constructions than the ones built this past year Aside from the factories built in the new avenues and neighborhoods, the motivation of the owne rs of the old properties of the city has increased. Everywhere, the old w ooden balconies and mud walls are being replaced with properly ornamented brick faades. It is evident that Lima goes through an unprecedented period of pros perity and progress, which will soon make it reach the third place among South American capitals.562 Lima was indeed witnessing an unprecedented cycle of construction, which included new factories and commercial houses, but also private homes.563 The Municipalidad de Lima under 562 Memoria de la Municipalidad de Lima. 1903 (Lima: Librera e Imprenta Gil), 34. 563 Juan Bromley and Jos Barbagelata estimate that the number of buildings in the city increased from 12,311 in 1903 to 14,230 in 1908. See Juan Bromley and Jos Barbagelata, Evolucin urbana de Lima (Lima: Consejo Provincial de Lima, 1945); Gabriel Ramn, “El guin de la ciruga urbana: Lima 1850-1940,” Ensayos en Ciencias Sociales (Lima: Fondo Editorial de la Facultad de Ciencias Sociales, Universidad Nacional Mayor de San Marcos, 2004), 22.

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231 Elguera promoted the construction of homes by giving annual prizes to the owners of the most attractive homes. It was an effort to rid Lima of the drab old mud and dab constructions, and particularly those with shutte red, wooden balconies which were now seen not only as remnants of colonial times but as anti-hyg ienic. It was argued that th e shuttered balconies hindered the free circulation of air, and that their secretive or veiled nature as a favorite spying perch did not favor the establishment of hea lthy republican relationships. Elguera was a practical man w ho had traveled in Europe and Latin America. He was elected as Mayor of Lima’s municipality as member of a non-partisan movement named Liga Municipal Independiente . He returned to Lima in 1896 and began to write columns for El Comercio under the pseudonym of El Barn de Keef . In these columns he lamented Lima’s lack of “civilized” attractions and entr epreneurial spirit, the decadence and disorder of its buildings, and its generally anti-aesthetic environment, especially its unhygienic conditions. He also spurned Limeos for not doing enough to transform the c ity and bring it into modernity or contemporaneity. Lima’s decadence was the conse quence of a lack of authority and of a general culture of indiscipline and disorder. “With the passing of the centuries” he noted in one of his first contributions, “the city of Lima will dete riorate, collapse, and disappear; for no one does anything for it.”564 Elguera’s writings were meant to make Limeos aware that “Lima is the reception salon of Peru. For dignity and convenience, it is necessary to improve and beautify it.” Lima could be made “the Paris of the Pacific, without the hars hness of its weather and other disadvantages the capital of France has, when contrasted with ours.”565 Once elected, he decl ared that the main objectives of his administration were to improve th e hygienic conditions of th e city, as well as its 564 Federico Elguera, “Teatros,” El Barn de Keef en Lima , 35. 565 Federico Elguera, “Las limeas,” La vida moderna, por el Barn de Keef (Lima: Oficina Tipogrfica Casa de la Moneda, 1926)

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232 beautification and the edu cation of its inhabitants.566 Elguera continuously highlighted the significance of these reforms, repe ating the old idea that “if we want Peru to become a great nation, we must begin by ma king Lima a great city.”567 During Elguera’s term as mayor Lima’s admi nistration was reformed. Special attention was placed on the inspection and transformation of the sanitary conditions of the city, and a hygiene unit was created for each of Lima’s district s. Several public buildings were constructed to host municipal and state institutions, including the Facultad de Medicina (1903), the Instituto de Higiene (1904), the Hospital Nacional de Insanos (construction initiated in 1901), and the Teatro Municipal (inaugurated in 1909). Older build ings were transformed, such as the Inquisition Palace (1903), which was being used as headquarters for Peru’s Senate. The Exposition compound would now host a zoo (inaugurat ed in 1909), a lawn tennis club, and two shooting practice clubs.568 Lima would have its first horse race track in the adjacent Santa Beatriz (1903). The city also erected new monuments, such as the Bolognesi monument (1905), located in a round-point similar to the Dos de Mayo Plaza, and the Cripta de los Hroes (1908) in the cemetery, both built to honor the heroic fi gures of the War of the Pacific. New, broad avenues were also constructed. The avenue or Paseo 9 de Diciembre was begun in 1898 to divide the Exposition Park so that it would become part of Lima’s RingsStrasse, or the Avenidas de Circunvalacin . It was completed during Elguera’ s administration, along with its new upper class mansions. The Circunvalacin avenues also included the Grau thoroughfare, which was opened after the demolition of the City walls in the early 1870s but was completed in the early twentieth century, hosting the Facultad de Medicina –built in what was the Botanical Garden— 566 El Comercio , January 4, 1901. 567 Memoria de la Municipalidad de Lima. 1904 . (Lima: Librera e Imprenta Gil). 568 Carlos Cisneros and Rmulo Garca, Gua ilustrada de Lima, Callao y sus alrededores (Lima: Imprenta del Estado, 1898).

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233 and the new Escuela de Artes y Oficios (1905). The new Avenida Pirola had been opened in 1898 to connect the city with the town of Magdalena, as was the Avenida El Sol , in 1908, to open a new area for the city expansion in the Santa Beatriz area. The construction of a new wide avenue in the central area of the city, Avenida La Colmena , had started in 1899 as a new business area, and was inaugurated in 1907. The Plaza Mayor was also reformed months after Elguera’s inauguration (1901), this time to be a comfortable paseo for Limeos’ amusement. The appearance of new private buildings and industries, the introducti on of electric tramways (which started replacing the mule drawn tramways in 1904), the telephone, electr icity (introduced in Lima in 1886, but used extensively since in 1902), automobiles (1903), and automobiles for public transportation (1903), as well as the paving of streets and th e channeling of ditches, also combined to transform Lima, and to in crease the reputation of Mayor Elguera. The Mayor himself was ent husiastic about these transformations, and personally supervised city matters. The municipality pr ohibited mud and dab constructions, promoted the demolition of old houses or at least the renovation of their faades and the removal of balconies. Soon after his inauguration, Elguera personally l obbied to achieve these goals, meeting with homeowners on the central Jirn de la Unin --a street that connected the Plaza Mayor with the San Juan de Dios train station, and which was also becomi ng a commercial area. According to a reporter from El Comercio , the meeting was enough for the Ma yor to convince them to “destroy the old balconies” of their propert ies, which “make their buildings ugly.” Elguera used the same strategy with the neighbors of the Mercaderes and Espaderos streets and announced that by the end of 1902 only four or five ol d balconies would remain, because their owners had refused to demolish them.569 This was the tireless working styl e of Lima’s most active modernizer. 569 “Reforma esttica,” El Comercio , March 6, 1901.

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234 His campaign against the old “Arabesque” balc onies was part of his preoccupation with giving the city a new aspect. His annual Memorias (reports on his administration) always included praise for those who demolished “those ol d balconies, which gave the city a depressing appearance.”570 It was a matter of a new aesthetic sens ibility, and part of a general repudiation of a past that was, as we saw in Chapter 4, identified with back wardness, disorder, and indolence. It was also believed that the balconies attempted agai nst the indispensable circulation of air, which in turn was believed to cause Limeos’ apathy and idleness; th e destruction of the balconies was therefore considered a measure to beautify the city, to give it a “modern physiognomy a definite aesthetic style in harmony with modern hygiene.”571 The modernization of Lima during the post-Wa r of the Pacific period was characterized by an obsession with hygienic principles, and partic ularly with the perceived need to allow for “air circulation” in a city whos e weather was relatively mild, humid, windless, and enclosed by desert and mountains. The ave nues designed for the expansion of the city were wide, intended for carriages and tramways, but they were also paseos or walkways where Limeos could find solace and entertainment in their leisure time. These were multi-purpos e thoroughfares for the circulation of vehicles, people, and air. The Avenida Pirola , which was also known as the Camino a la Magdalena , was one of those thoroughfares c onstructed in 1898 to connect Lima with the town of Magdalena, and to open a ne w area for the expansion of the city. The 4.75 kilometer (15573.96 feet) avenue would start in a large, rond point plaza similar to the Plaza Dos de Mayo in the southern part of the city. It was erected in honor of Colonel Francisco Bolognesi, fallen during the War of the Pacific. It was desi gned to have a central road for carriages, two walks for pedestrians, and lateral roads for tramwa ys and cyclists, for a total width of 41 meters 570 Apart from the 1901 Memoria de la Municipalidad de Lima , see the Memoria de la Municipalidad de Lima. 1904 (Lima: Librera e Imprenta Gil, 1904). 571 “Construcciones urbanas,” El Comercio , October 31, 1903.

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235 (134.51 feet). It would terminate in another rond point from which a new 300 meter (984.24 feet) avenue would depart towards Magdalena’s center.572 By the same years, however, the construction of a new mental asylum was projected in Magdalena del Mar in an non-developed area close to the sea coast.573 The Ministerio de Fomento immediately planned to enlarge the Avenida Brasil to reach the unpopulated area of the future asylum. This avenue, added the proposal, could also be extended to the center of the city by splitting the old blocks that intervened in its course, and then continue its way across the Rmac River. The purpose of this long avenue, which the proposal named Avenida Central de Lima and which was meant to be “the city’s main artery,” was to allow for the “ unquestionably healthy air” of the sea to bathe the city.574 The experts of the Ministerio apparently believed such an avenue could also serve to transport the much needed air into the city, and asked the Municipalidad de Lima to immediately proceed with the studies required for its construction. A Suprem e Decree ordering its construction was issued by Presid ent Nicols de Pirola in 1899.575 The Paseo 9 de Diciembre , was not as long an avenue as the Pirola road to Magdalena, but carried a stronger symbolism. It crossed the Exposition compound, dividi ng it in two, to be part of the Avenidas de Circunvalacin surrounding the older part of the city.576 It would start in a rond point that would connect it to the Avenida Grau , its state-of-the-art pavement would then pass in front of the Exposition Palace, and reach the Plaza Bolognesi’s rond point . The Paseo 9 572 Anales de las obras pblicas del Per. Ao 1898 (Lima: Imprenta Torres Aguirre, 1899), 302-310. This publication has detailed descriptions of the design of the Avenue, made by engineer Enrique Silgado, and the expropriation of lands for its construction. See also, Juan Bromley and Jos Barbagelata, Evolucin urbana de Lima , 97-8. 573 The first proposals for such an asylum are in Anales de las obras pblicas del Per. Ao 1895 (Lima: Imprenta Torres Aguirre, 1900). The Anales de las obras pblicas del Per del ao 1897 (Lima: Imprenta Torres Aguirre, 1902) include the project for the asylum designed by Manuel Muiz. 574Anales de las obras pblicas. 1898 (Lima: Imprenta Torres Aguirre, 1900), 184. 575 Memoria administrativa que presenta a la Sociedad de Beneficencia Pblica de Lima su Director Pedro D. Gallagher correspondiente al ao 1901 (Lima: Imprenta Liberal, 1901), xxvii-viii. 576 Details about the construction of such paseo can be found in the Anales de las obras pblicas del Per. Ao 1898 , 209.

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236 de Diciembre would thus be connected to the road to Magdalena and be the road to Lima’s extension to the coast. Bei ng located along the Exposition parks, it came to symbolize Lima’s pattern of expansion: a broad, clean avenue for automobiles, adorned with trees and plants to provide pedestrians with a cultured paseo , surrounded by parks that would soon host a botanical garden and a zoo, and governed by the paradigm atically “modern” Exposition Palace. Peru’s pavilion in the Universal Exposition held in Paris in 1900, an iron st ructure designed and constructed in France by French architect Fernan d Guillard, was granted to the Municipality of Lima to host the new Muni cipal Hygiene Institute.577 The structure was shipped to Lima to be placed on the 9 de Diciembre , across from the Exposition Palace (Figure 5.1). The paseo thus contained symbolic references to universal nature (a botanical garden, a zoo), universal progress (the exposition palace, a hygiene in stitute in a recycled world fa ir pavilion), and to Peruvian heroism (Plaza Bolognesi). To increase the symbolism of the paseo as an epitome of Lima’s future, the Columbus monument (see Chapter 2 ab ove) was relocated to co ntinue its civilizatory mission in front of both iron, uni versal, buildings (Figure 5.2).578 The paseo would soon be known by Limeos as Paseo Coln , an informal name that the Municipality had to recognize and make official. A new, elegant neighborhood was rapidly constructed in the paseo . El Comercio enthusiastically highlighted that the new area was becoming a “quiet a nd hygienic” residential area, which was a sign that Lima’s expansion towards Magdalena and the sea coast would open a “new Lima, built in very di fferent conditions than the old one; the promise of a twentieth577 Memoria de la Municipalidad de Lima. 1902 ; Anales de las obras pblicas del Per. Ao 1903 (Lima: Empresa Tipogrfica, 1910), 578 This was Columbus’s third relocation. After its orig inal erection in the Alameda de Acho, the navigator was transported to the Plaza Italia, then to the rond point that connected the avenues Grau and 9 de Diciembre, to find its final (?) destiny in front of the Expos ition Palace. The sailor was a particul arly movable civilizational figure in Lima.

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237 century Lima will become a reality!”579 Such a promise included the reformation of Limeos’ habits, for the Paseo 9 de Diciembre was to play the civilizing role the Alameda Acho and the Alameda de los Descalzos had during the Guano Era (see Chap ter 2 above). The only difference was that the 9 de Diciembre combined its role as a recreatio nal facilities with those of a convenient artery for carriages and automobiles, and a connection with the newly developed area around Magdalena (Figure 5.3). By the ea rly twentieth century this grand avenue embodied Limeo modernity as much as the older paseos symbolized colonial back wardness, or had simply fallen into oblivion. Those now fading paseos of that previous wave of modernization were now actively forgotten by Elguer a, who spoke about the 9 de Diciembre as what the city needed and had lacked un til today: a healthy and charming place to invite the population to life, to free air. It will end with the old, vice-ridden and thus far indomitable custom of sedentar y life; which goes by enclosed within the unhealthy and humid environment of most of the homes in Lima This work is a new manifestation of the te ndency that has dominated enlightened and practical spirits since the days of the ancient po et, the tendency to beautify and improve. The aspiration for progress combined with utile dulce .580 As it were, each new process of modernization ha d to reinvent the city anew according to the current fashion, inscribing past reinventions as unhealthy, inexistent, or pre-modern.581 Elguera was also a poet, and one of the basic precepts of his administration was that “without aesthetics, there is no hygiene.”582 Reforms had to reconcile practicality with beauty. Beauty was synonymous with the novel and the open. The coloni al and the enclosed now included the entire nineteenth century. A progressi ve but anonymous chronicle in El Comercio went as far as to argue that Lima was finally abandoning “its mediev al aspect, to transfor m itself into a modern 579 “Los paseos pblicos,” El Comercio , August 11, 1901. 580 Memoria de la Municipalidad de Lima. 1901 , xi. 581 Federico Elguera, “Teatros,” El Barn de Keef en Lima , 35. 582 “Informe del Mdico Sanitario del Cuartel Segundo y del Inspector de Higiene del Consejo,” Memoria administrativa que presenta a la Sociedad de Beneficencia Pblica de Lima , 385.

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238 city,” with the Paseo Coln .583 To accelerate this process, th e chronicle suggested “studying the experience acquired in the main cities of Europe and the United States, without disregarding the job carried out fruitfully in Rio de Ja neiro, Montevideo, Mexic o, Buenos Aires, and Caracas.”584 Modernizing Lima was to repudiate and fo rget the past and all previous efforts of modernization, and instead look to the rapid development of cities that had not been left in the “waiting room” of modernity. The Paseo 9 de Diciembre was a sign that Lima was catching up. The excitement about the area was registered in El Comercio , as it reported on the new chalets (a word that was rapidly added to the Limeo lexicon): “in less than four months , several houses have been erected. They have the style of European chalets the rus tic aspect of the empty lots on both sides of the paseo will soon disappear Lima will have a new neighborhood, well located, and with a uniform style in its constructions.”585 The contrast between the rustic and the modern, the industrial and the hand-crafted, th e disorderly and the uniform, wa s constantly used to oppose the pre-existing city to the new one that was “already” unde r construction, and “yet ” to be a reality. The new houses did not have the slightest resembla nce to the old colonial ones. Gone were the mud and dab walls and the wooden balc onies; the faades followed French petit-palais or art nouveau styles –an emphasis placed on large windows. The new layouts did not include the grand central patio of older constr uctions in the Hispanic style, but instead a garden entrance and a backyard. Upon returning to Lima after a l ong journey abroad, author and journalist Pedro Dvalos y Lissn excitedly observed that “all the buildings are modern and they have a 583 El Comercio , August 11, 1901. 584 Ibid. 585 “Un Nuevo barrio,” El Comercio , November 3, 1901.

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239 comfortable layout, never seen in Lima before,” adding that “nothing ha s been taken from the models of the old colonial house.”586 New houses and business buildings were also cons tructed in the old core of the city. The Municipalidad and El Comercio paid careful attention to these developments and praised the owners in public to stimulate others to follow their lead. One 1903 article in El Comercio , for instance, mentioned the new ho mes of the wealthy Pardo, Alva rez Caldern, and Lpez Aliaga families, as well as the home of Mr. Toms Valle ; it also praised the building of the insurance company Rmac , one of the first in Lima to boast an elevator. Owners would see their social prestige increase as a reward for their service to the city. The ar ticle ended on a significant note: “Indeed, we will not mention a great number of ur ban constructions that are also being executed in the new neighborhoods in La Victoria, or along the Alamedas de Circunvalacin We only mention those that have architectural merit.”587 Those new neighborhoods were for the working class. The Coln paseo , however, was not only a new space for wealthier Limeos . Along with the Exposition parks (the area severed from the Palace was named Parque Neptuno ) and its zoo, the paseo would exert a civilizing in fluence on all of the inhab itants of the city. The retretas given by military bands in Lima’s parks on weekends were relocated to the new paseo . On March 10, 1901, for instance, the band of the Regiment Artillera , played pieces of Italian operas, as well as marches, polkas, and Peruvi an-waltzes composed by Jos Sabas Liborio, a musician born in the Philippines of Spanis h parents, and who was hired by the Pirola 586 Pedro Dvalos y Lisson, Lima en 1907. Coleccin de artculos publica dos en “El Comercio” con el epgrafe de “Lo que fu ayer Lima, lo que es hoy, y lo que ser maana” (Lima: Librera e Impr enta Gil, 1908), 29,61. 587 “Construcciones urbanas,” El Comercio , October 31, 1903.

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240 administration to direct the musical bands of Peru’s army.588 The municipality and the media also wished for Limeos to spend their leisure time in the paseo , and they expressed joy when a large crowd showed up: “since this paseo was open to the public , it has been invaded by numerous paseantes (walkers) the garden offers a beau tiful sight, making it similar to English parks. One could see several families of our pueblo lying on the grass under the trees, playing or chatting, enjoying the holiday.”589 The installation of the zoological park was also intended to “enlighten children and all social classes” as stated by Deputy Prez in the 1908 congressional debate on the Central Government’s bill to open it.590 A new Botanical Garden was also created to complement the zoological park; in 1901, the m unicipality hired “a qu alified gardener in Belgium” with the assistance of Mr. Tolmos, Peru’s Consul in Antwerp.591 The now old botanical garden of the late 1860s had b een reduced for the construction of the Facultad de Medicina , and the municipality saw it fit to ignore its existen ce and start anew. Mayor Elguera could not be more excited about the rapid transformation in Lima’s architecture. Years before, and writing under the Barn de Keef pseudonym, he had stated that Lima had become “a village resistant to architectur e, which offers an appearance as peculiar as detestable [B]uildings are made as in the tim e of Pizarro, with no cr iteria, no study, no reason, and no architecture.”592 He could now proudly state that “L ima has fully entered a period of architectural transformation.”593 But if new neighborhoods were the sign of the emergence of a new Lima, the old city could not be left untouched. Elguera ar gued that intensive surgery was 588 “Anunciando retreta,” El Comercio , March 9, 1901. Libornio composed the famous Marcha de banderas , still played in official cerem onies during the raising of the Peruvian flag. 589 “Parque Coln,” El Comercio , January 3, 1901. 590 “Congreso Extraordinario. Cmara de Diputados. Sesin del 18 de noviembre de 1908. Parque zoolgico,” El Comercio , November 18, 1908. 591 According to the note in El Comercio , Enrique Van der Groen, who worker at the Botanical Garden in Antwerp, was hired. El Comercio , May 14, 1901. 592 Federico Elguera, “Las casas,” El Barn de Keef en Lima , 44-6. 593 Memoria de la Municipalidad de Lima. 1905 (Lima: Librera e Imprenta Gil, 1905), 45.

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241 required to modernize an area that had been laid out before the appearance of modern means of transportation, and whose narrow streets suffocat ed the environment. Elguera proposed to demolish old blocks to give wa y to wide arteries: “In order to promote public hygiene, it is indispensable to open new arteries in the old center of the city; the new avenues will be important for the embellishment of the city ol d cities can be transformed by widening the streets opening new and wide av enues by splitting the old blocks.”594 It was a matter of embellishment, but also of hygiene, for Lima’s “weather demands open, ventilated streets.”595 A new and wide avenue was under construc tion since 1899. It was initially named Avenida Interior de Lima and was to cross the central co re of the city, connecting the Plaza Dos de Mayo with the Avenida Grau , near the Facultad de Medicina , also under construction. The project was carried out by the private Sociedad Annima de Construcciones y Ahorros “La Colmena” directed by former President of Peru Nicol s de Pirola. Months after handing Peru’s presidency to Eduardo Lpez de Romaa, Pirola ran for Lima’s Municipality, but was defeated by Federico Elguera; the politician then turned to business and launched its first major project. Pirola argued that such an ave nue was crucial for the renovation of the city, especially to make wealthier Limeos interested in having h ealthy, “dignified” housing.596 The avenue would, therefore, not only modernize the city’s infras tructure, but also “our customs and national character.”597 The former president qu ickly obtained permission to open the artery and to negotiate the necessary expropriations to that eff ect. The construction was directed by engineer Santiago Basurco, and its first phase was ina ugurated in 1907, while its second one in 1911.598 594 Ibid., 40-1. 595 Federico Elguera, “Oficio de la Alcalda Municipal de Lima al Sr. Director de la Sociedad de Beneficencia Pblica de Lima,” Memoria administrativa que presenta a la Sociedad de Beneficencia , 384. 596 Boletn de “La Colmena,” Sociedad Annima de Construcciones y Ahorros , 1, no.1 (1900):5. 597 Ibid. 598 Juan Bromley and Jos Barbagelata, Evolucin urbana de Lima .

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242 The Avenida Interior , which was always known by Limeos as the Avenida La Colmena became a new symbol of progress (Figure 5.4). It was never finished to reach the Avenida Grau , but new businesses soon occupied its homogeneous buildi ngs; it was a wide avenue with roads for automobiles and tramways and with a characteristically French style. Elguera wanted more similar avenues. In this, Lima needed to follow the example of Buenos Aires: “Lima must star t its immediate transformation, as Buenos Aires has done, opening new communication roads by splitting the ol d blocks and thus achieving the city’s embellishment and its true hygienization.”599 Within days after hi s inauguration, the Mayor launched a campaign to open an artery to connect the San Juan de Dios Hospital and train station –which in turn was being connected with the Dos de Mayo Plaza through the Avenida La Colmena — with the Plaza Mayor (whi ch, by the turn of the century was re-baptized as Plaza de Armas .600 This avenue would serve a double purpose : it would give Lima a spacious, modern avenue in the vicinity of the Plaza de Armas Elguera was renovating –which would allow for the circulation of fresh air—, and would a llow the city to rid itself from the Callejn de Petateros a narrow one block alley that hygien ists considered a dangerous in fectious center of vices and which came out onto the Plaza . The Callejn de Petateros represented the ultimate symbol of Lima’s backwardness: it did not allow for the traffic of carriages and ai r, and hosted a large number of small businesses and restaurants owned by Chinese Limeos . A 1901 report by Enrique Len Garca, by then in charge of the Hygiene department of th e Municipality of Lima, argued that the Callejn had been built “in the times when hygiene did not exist,” a nd condemned its old faades, the irregularity of 599 Memoria de la Municipalidad de Lima. 1906 (Lima: Librera e Imprenta Gil, 1906), viii. 600 The Director of the Sociedad de Beneficancia Pblica de Lima, Pedro Gallagher, received a note from Elguera on January 17, 1901, communicating his decision to open such avenue. Memoria administrativa que presenta a la Sociedad de Beneficencia , xxiv.

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243 its buildings, and the presence of “unregulated prostitution,” to conclude that it was urgent to “disappear” the Callejn as soon as possible.601 El Amigo de Tejerina –that is Federico Blume, who had written poetry along with Elguera with the literary pseudonym F+F— immediately joined the voices of sup port for the destruction of Petateros , arguing that it was “a living example of the backwardness in which architec ture, hygiene, and common sense where in that already remote time.” Tejerina emphasized that the Callejn was dangerously located in the center of the city, and its filth and microbes, especially produced by the Chinese restaurants, expanded throughout the entire city. In particular, Tejerina warned that the Callejn was in close proximity to an elegant restaurant where “t he most distinguished la dies of our high social circles and the most selected members of Limeo society” gather.”602 Elguera’s administration designed an ampl e boulevard that required the complete destruction of Petateros as well as of five other blocks. It was to have a uniform architectural style, similar to La Colmena , and connect Lima’s Plaza de Armas with the future Legislative Palace, which was to be cons tructed in the lot of the San Juan de Dios hospital and train station. The Avenue was baptized by Elguera as Avenida 28 de Julio , and it was explicitly modeled after Buenos Aires’s Mayo Avenue. Such as Buenos Aires, Lima would achieve both its “embellishment and its true hygienization.”603 The 28 de Julio was never constructed. Elguera battled fiercely for his project and received th e support of the media, but could receive enough support for the legal expropriations required. It seems clear, too, that Elguera’s popularity had started to raise some brows: the mayor was not allowed to run for a third period, for a law specifically aimed at him impeded it. 601 “Informe del Mdico Sanitario del Cuartel Segundo,” 385. 602 El Amigo de Tejerina, “El pas de los trmites,” El Comercio , February 17, 1901. 603 Memoria de la Municipalidad de Lima. 1906 , viii.

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244 Elguera’s first reform was the transformation of the Plaza Mayor ( de Armas ). The plaza received new stone pavement, and the large espl anade was transformed to give way to green areas, with walks for pedestrians. The marble be nches were replaced with a large number of iron and wood ones, and the marble statues and vases were removed. The Plaza also received new lightning. The intention was to fo llow the style of English parks,604 that is, a place for entertainment and relaxation with green ar eas. The inspector of thoroughfares and paseos of Lima’s Municipality argued that the old Plaza had a “colonial and withered somnolence,” and was only attractive “for the meditations of the unemployed and vagrants of low esteem.” The new one, for its part, was “a social center child ren go to play there, and a great number of people like to go at all hours.”605 To Elguera, the sixteenth-century Plaza had finally been transformed into a twentiet h-century one (Figure 5.5).606 Other plazas were also converted into comfortable paseos ; the Plaza Bolvar (Monteagudo’s Plaza de la Constitucin , that Limeos still called de la Inquisicin ), for instance was also transformed to provide a cultured space for outdoor leisure.607 The Belgian gardener hired by the Municipality was in charge of all parks. The new public buildings constructed dur ing the post-War of the Pacific period conformed to the architectural and hygienic standards. A pr oject for a new prison for Lima, presented by architect Ba surco under the pseudonym Desiderio won an open competition called by the Ministerio de Fomento in 1906. The jury, which include d the President of the Supreme Court, Alberto Elmore, the intellectual Javier Prado, physician Francisco Almenara Butler, and City engineer Alejandro Guevar a, chose Basurco’s proposal –a panopticon for three hundred inmates with six radial pavilions that in cluded workshops— because the design proved the 604 El Comercio , May 15, 1901. 605 “Memoria de la Inspeccin de Alamedas y Paseos. Al seor Alcalde del Honorable Consejo Provincial,” Memoria de la Municipalidad de Lima. 1903 , ii-iii. 606 Memoria de la Municipalidad de Lima. 1901 (Lima: Librera e Imprenta Gil, 1901). 607 Ibid.

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245 building would have plenty of light and ventilation.608 Similarly, Basurco’s proposal for the new building for the Colegio Guadalupe , presented to the 1898 open competition, emphasized the importance of lighting and air circulation. According to Radams –Basurco’s pseudonym—there existed two schools of thought about lighting; those that favored a si ngle source of light –such as “Guillaume, Liebreich, Dailly and Tretal, the eminent Director of the School of Architecture in Paris,” and those that argued that “classes must be inundated by li ght from all directions,” such as “Gariel, Javal, and Hurel, in France, and Janssens, Boens, and the Superior Council of Hygiene in Belgium.”609 Considering the characteristics of Lima, Basurco sided with the second group.610 The same arguments were ma de in Basurco’s design of the Facultad de Medicina (1903), in the terms for the constr uction of a new hospital for women,611 and especially in the terms for the open competition of proposals fo r a new mental asylum, and in the winning proposal by physician Manuel Muiz.612 New monuments complemented Lima’s transfor mation and were an integral part of its expansion and planning. Eighty-five years af ter the declaration of Peru’s Independence, Liberator Jos de San Martn did not have a monument in Lima. President Andres Avelino Cceres decreed an erection of a monument for th e Liberator, ordered an open competition for proposals, and even placed its cornerstone in a public ceremony in 1890 at the small Plaza 7 de Setiembre .613 By 1891, a single proposal had been pres ented, and the competition deadline was 608 Details on the general conditions for the building demanded by the jury are found in the Anales de las obras pblicas del Per. Ao 1896 (Lima: Imprenta Torres Aguirre, 1901), 454, 628-631. Details of Basurco’s proposal are found in Anales de las obras pblicas del Per del ao 1897 , 427-431. 609 Anales de las obras pblicas del Per. Ao 1898 (Lima: Imprenta Torres Aguirre, 1899), 451. 610 The jury, however, did no t declare a winner. Ibid. 611For the latter, see Memoria administrativa que presenta a la Sociedad de Beneficencia Pblica de Lima su Director don Domingo Olavegoya, correspondiente al ao 1903 (Lima: Imprenta Liberal, 1903) . 612 The terms for the competition are in Anales de las obras pblicas del Per. Ao 1895 , 301-310. The complete proposal by Muiz is in Anales de las obras pblicas del Per del ao 1897 , 312-389. 613 Anales de las obras pblicas del Per. Ao 1890 (Lima: Imprenta La Industria, 1897).

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246 postponed.614 Thirteen years later, the Jos Pa rdo administration called for a new open competition, sending a circular to Peru’s Consul s throughout Europe asking them to publicize the competition, setting a deadline for August 1905.615 It is impossible to tell what happened to that competition, but by 1906 a Commission, chaired by Argentina’ s ambassador in Lima, and wh ich included Mayor Elguera, Manuel Villarn, and other prominent Limeo members, opened a new one. This time, twentyone proposals were presented, but none satisf ied the commission. The Central Government ended up asking Felipe de Osma y Pardo, Peru’s am bassador in Spain, to hire a notable sculptor to design and execute the monument.616 Osma contacted Valenciano Mariano Benlliure, a prominent sculptor who directed the Spanish Ac ademy in Rome and had designed monuments to Simn Bolvar in Panama and Bernardo de Irigoyen in Argentina.617 Benlliure presented his maquette in 1909 and finished the sculpture, but th e project was forgotten until 1919, when Peru started the preparations for the celebration of the Independence Centennial (see Chapter 7 below).618 A minor monument to honor San Ma rtn was erected in 1906 in the rond point of the Paseo 9 de Diciembre and the Avenida Grau . It was a donation by Colonel Lorenzo Prez Roca, a private citizen who probably sensed that neither the Central Government nor the Municipality made an effort to honor the Generalsimo with a monument. Prez Roca’s was a relatively small obelisk crowned by an angel in front of which a standing San Martn held Peru’s flag (Figure 614 Anales de las obras pblicas del Per correspondientes al ao 1891 (Lima Imprenta La Industria, 1898). 615 Ministerio de Gobierno, Monumento al General San Martn (Lima: Imprenta La Industria, 1905). 616 Memoria del Ministro de Gobierno, Polica, Correos y Telgrafos. 1907 (Lima: Imprenta de “El Lucero,” 1907), xvii. 617 Castrilln, Alfonso, “Escultura monumental y funeraria en el Per,” in Escultura en el Per , ed. Jorge Bernales (Lima: Banco de Crdito, 1991), 349. 618 Gamarra, Jos, Obras de arte y turismo monumental: Bronces, estatuas (de pie y sentadas), bustos, obeliscos (Lima: Ku, 1996), 52.

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247 5.6).619 It had a short life there, for it was moved to make room for the itinerant Columbus, which was removed from the Plaza Italia (where he had been placed after his removal from the Alameda de Acho ) to be placed in the rond point . Columbus would soon be transported some blocks way, in front of the Exposition Pal ace, but San Martn was homeless until the Municipality of the town of Barranco decided to place him in the middl e of one of its streets, in 1922. The monument’s angel, apparently, di d not like the new location and disappeared. Both Government and Municipality did act swiftly to construct monuments and memorials to honor the heroes of the War of the P acific. The first initia tive for the construction of a monument to honor the war heroes came from a group of not able citizens who formed the Liga de Defensa Nacional , which started to collect monetary contributions in 1899.620 By 1901, the Municipality had decided to support the ente rprise, and requested the Central Government to assign a location for the monument. The empty rond point where the Paseo 9 de Diciembre , Pirola Avenue, and the future Avenida Alfonso Ugarte converged was assigned.621 It would serve to continue the Avenidas de Circunvalacin in the area formerly occupied by the city walls, with the wide thoroughfares connected by circul ar plazas, such as conceived by entrepreneur Henry Meiggs and architect Luis Sad di Carl o when the walls were demolished by the early 1870s. By 1902, Congress granted four thousand libras to the Municipality of Lima for the construction of the monument;622 the Municipality then opened a public competition for proposals, receiving 153 from Spanish, French, a nd Italian sculptors. The proposal by the famous Spaniard Agustn Querol was electe d by an international jury composed by the ambassadors of Spain, Italy, Belgium, the United States, and France. 619 The design was presented in El Comercio in 1901. El Comercio , January 30, 1901. 620 Castrilln, Alfonso, “Escultura monumental y funeraria en el Per,” 341. 621 Anales de las obras pblicas del Per. Ao 1901 (Lima: Imprenta Torres Aguirre, 1904). 622 Anales de las obras pblicas del Per. Ao 1902 (Lima: Imprenta del Estado, 1907).

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248 The monument had a granite pedestal whose base was surrounded by bronze representations of the Batt le of Arica, the sacrifi ce by Alfonso Ugarte, a hurting Patria , and Goddess Fame raising her hand. The upper part of the pedestal included a marble representation of a flying angel carrying a laur el crown. It was crowned by a bronze statue of Colonel Francisco Bolognesi, who was represented as wounde d, ready to collapse, and holding a flag and a handgun with difficulty. It was a representati on of martyrdom, not tr iumph, of a defeated soldier that clung to life and to his nation’s flag; it was intended to cause grief and admiration towards sacrifice in a most unfavorable situ ation. Although it was a multinational monument, such as its Dos de Mayo counterpart –the bronze was smelted in Barcelona, the granite column was made in Turin, the marble angel in Carrara, and the stone base in Lima—623 it was strikingly different to its Dos de Mayo predecessor, which exuded optimism; Bolognesi’s sculpture, and the monument as a whole, was a call to unselfishne ss, to place to intere st of the nation above personal ones (Figure 5.8). Querol’s monument was quickly and harshly criticized by Gonzlez Prada, who argued it was excessively ornamented –the positivist thin ker preferred bold, direct statements— and that the representation of Bolognesi was not the martial, virile depiction of a soldier but a symbol of passive docility, a depressing and lachrymose statue that did not invite to action.624 Years later, in 1954 President General Manuel Odra would agr ee with Gonzlez Prada, ordering the removal of “the statue of death,” and its replacement with a “statue of life,” a triumphant and brave Colonel made by Peruvian sculptor Artemio Ocaa.625 623 Juan Bromley and Jos Barbagelata, Evolucin urbana de Lima , 99. 624 Manuel Gonzlez Prada, “Nuestras glorificaciones. La de Bolognesi,” Horas de Lucha . 625 Castrilln, Alfonso, “Escultura monumental y funeraria en el Per,” 343; Gamarra, Jos, Obras de arte y turismo monumental , 15.

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249 By 1905, when the monument was inaugurated in front of a crowd of fifty thousand people–according to a police report—626, however, the plaza and monument carried a strong symbolism. Gonzlez Prada may not have noticed the contrast between th e patriotic agonies of Bolognesi and Alfonso Ugarte, and the envi ronment surrounding it. The plaza had been designed, like the Plaza de Armas , as a park for Limeos amusement, with green areas, and iron and wood benches; the surrounding buildings were newly built mansions in French architectural style; and it was located in the intersection of the Paseo Coln and Pirola Avenue –themselves signs of an enlarging, progressive city (Fi gure 5.8). The entire Plaza thus theatrically symbolized values linked to Gonzlez Prada’s positivism, such as sacrifice for the common welfare, as well as the emergence of a new, unifi ed, and progressive nation after the disaster of the War. In short, it marked a new beginning. When compared to the fate of San Martn’s monuments, it is clear that Limeo elites were more eager to symbo lize this rupture with the past, than Peru’s Independence. After all, they had agreed –Gonzlez Prada included— that the previous republican era had only been a continuation of colonial times. Modern Transformations, Modern Discomforts Francisco Garca Caldern was a Peruvian phi losopher who had been born in Valparaso, Chile, and raised in Paris, France. He was a mo dernizer who criticized Spanish colonialism and its legacies in Peru, applauded the orderly a nd peaceful modernization of the country since 1895, and who argued that the opening of the Panama Canal would allow for the massive immigration of Europeans to Lima, thus making Peru a countr y for the future. In 1907, he wrote his famous Le Perou Contemporain: Etude Sociale in French, in which he described the Lima from which he had recently departed 626 Communication No. 1127, del Subprefecto al Prefecto del Departamento. November 8, 1905. AGN, Ministerio del Interior. Direccin General de Gobierno, 3. 9.1.15.1.16.17.

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250 Lima goes through a moment of transition in its architecture and character. It is losing some of its old aristocracy and charm, rich in memories of gallantry, mysticism, and luxury, to become a mode rn and commercial city, with wide and rectilinear avenues, and white, beautiful, and uniform residences of monotonous simplicity. In Lima one could find the melancholic and voluptuous hideaways of the colonial promenades, or the members of the viceregal court, displaying their luxury and beauty; the old silent convents , and the contemplative, nonchalant, and isolated life of the old temples. Here and there the small and cheap houses, with the grilled windows and the covered balconies, mysterious, in front of which one could evoke the colonial sensuality, the love intrigues, a nd the Spanish passion, strong and brave, used to dangers and duels. Since the modern days, the municipal activity seeks the hygiene of the city, and the beauty in its monuments Lima is the capital in a ll aspects, in thought, activity, moral, politics, and life: in a ce ntralized country, she impos es opinions, fashions, and habits.627 Garca Caldern praised the transformation of Lima into a modern city, but it also inspired him to evoke a charming and aristocratic village, full of mys ticism and sensuality. Garca Caldern was more ambiguous than his long time friend Jos de la Riva Agero, who, in a more radically aristocratic vein despised the “the modern uproar and the pretentious vulgarity of the new buildings,” as well as the “artificial and dangerous” foreign influences that were making Lima lose its particular fl avor and identity –the “wind of ignorance and stupidity that has been blowing for some time, which wants to make of Lima the most colorless place on earth.”628 The rapid transformations of the city certainly made some Limeos wonder if the modernization and progress of the city was conveni ent or desirable. And this preoccupation was expressed by some of the most active modernizers. Mdico alienista Manuel Muiz, for instance, whose 1896 proposal fo r the construction of the Hospital Nacional de Insanos (national mental asylum) won the open contest of the Ministerio de Fomento , argued that “insanity is a result of civilization th e century that is about to end has be en fecund in discoveries that have exerted a powerful influence on the social evol ution of humanity but the splendors of current 627 Francisco Garca Caldern, Le Perou Contemporain: Etude Sociale (Paris: Dujarric et Cio. Editeurs, 1907), 11-2. 628 Jos de la Riva Agero La Historia en el Per. Tesis para el Doctorado en Letras (Lima: Imprenta Nacional de Federico Barrionuevo, 1910), 221-2.

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251 civilization are dimmed by the resu lts of a fatal lawthe number of defeated people increases in an alarming rate.”629 Civilization not only brought material and social progress, argued Muiz, but insanity. “While this does not constitute proof the current decadence of the human being, it does perfectly characterize th e current historical period.”630 Progress increased population density, exposed people to the pernicious infl uences of industries, and caused physical and intellectual surmenage . It was evident to Muiz “that th e number of mad peopl e has increased,” but also that mad people “have never suffered in the ancient and primitive eras, nor today among the savage peoples, as much as they su ffer in the so-called civilized world.”631 Once and again, Muiz warns readers of the “inherent dange rs of the development of civilization,”632 to argue that Peru needed to anticipate and pr event the future effects of progress. In a similar vein, hygienist physician Alberto Garca argued that tuberculosis was caused by civilization. His first arti cle on the issue opened with a bold statement: “exhaustive and irrefutable research has proven that tuberculosis is not a conseque nce of weather, and that it is, more than any other thin g, caused by civilization!”633 The increase in population density, and the “reproduction of pauperism,” that resulted from progress, in turn caused the disease. Moreover, the industrial growth, added Ga rca in another ar ticle on the subject, Absorbs the physical energies of individua ls, eroding them by the excess of work and the chronic intoxicati ons produced by the handling of all kinds of poisonous substances The human conglomerations in the factories and the dwellings for workers, the generally poor sanitary condi tions of these; the low salaries, which are also diminished by the demands of th e tavern and drunkenness; the high prices of properties, which obliges the population to live without the revitalizing effects of pure air have created greater and more difficult obstacles to surpass to beat tuberculosis.634 629 “Proyecto de Manuel Muiz, Eureka, de Manicomio,” Anales de las obras pblicas del Per del ao 1897, 312-3. 630 Ibid., 313. 631 Ibid., 314. 632 Ibid., 339. 633 Alberto Garca, “La cuestin tuberculosis,” Boletn del Ministerio de Fomento , I, no. 5 (1903). 634 Alberto Garca, “La cuestin tuberculosis,” Boletn del Ministerio de Fomento , I no. 6 (1903): 33.

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252 An identical opinion was expressed by physicia n Rmulo Eyzaguirre: “tuberculosis is a disease of civilization.”635 These fears were part of a longtime concern about the deterioration of the quality of air in Lima as a result of i ndustrialization, the introducti on of new combustibles, and the pollution generated by trains.636 In 1858, Manuel Atanasio Fuentes had already expressed his alarm over Lima’s atmosphere, whic h was not “renovated” because of the absence of wind, and the city’s enclosed location, surroun ded by mountains. The pollution generated in the city made air, therefore, “heavy and unsuitable for breathing.”637 Fuentes proposed an expensive, but “simple and applicable remedy: ” to open cracks in the top of the mountains around Lima, so that “winds may expel the noxious mass of vapors” out of the city.638 Every new development in Lima carried its own set of dangers. Gas lighting generated concern among physicians for the effects of th e “emanations of sulphurous acids” produced by combustion.639 The appearance of electricity was followed by frequent accidents. El Comercio reported on these occurrences almost on a daily ba sis: Electric lines fell on pedestrians who were instantly killed and caused fires.640 By 1903, a chronicler lame nted that “experience tells us everyday and every moment, since the electri c lighting replaced gasthat even though it is true that it is a betterment, it come s with serious dangers for the public”641 In 1907, Emilio Guarini, an Italian engineer interested in the development of electricity in Peru and who was professor of physics at the School of Arts and Trades, praised the “prodigious influence of 635 Rmulo Eyzaguirre, “Demografa sanita ria. Enfermedades evitables,” 11. 636 Jorge Lossio, Acequias y gallinazos: Salud ambiental en Lima del siglo XIX (Lima: Instituto de Estudios Peruanos, 2003). 637 Manuel Fuentes, Estadstica general de Lima (Lima: Tipografa Nacional de M.N. Corpancho, 1858), 71. 638 Ibid. 639 Jorge Lossio, Acequias y gallinazos , 71. 640 For some examples, see El Comercio September 13, 1903; November 3, 1907. 641 “Accidentes elctricos,” El Comercio , October 18, 1903.

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253 electric industry on the economic development of other industries.”642 Guarini responded to those who compared “the electric dangers in the capital” to the “yellow menace” caused by the presence of Asians in Lima. There existed a radical difference between the two dangers, argued Guarini, for “we could easily avoid the yellow danger with a radical measure to expel the Chinese. But we could not think of a similar remedy for the electric danger in the capital.”643 The engineer stated that civiliz ation had inevitable consequences , Peru, “especially Lima,” had to accept to reach economic prosperity. Other accidents reported on a daily bases we re those caused by the electric tramways. Pedestrians were run over, cars derailed, causing alarm among Limeos . Some expressed anguish about electricity and the elctrico (electric tramways) in Limeo valses . The Viennese waltz had been introduced in Peru as a civilize d, modern music genre; it was played in the retretas in Lima’s plazas and paseos to educate the ears of Limeos of all walks of life. It was soon “transculturated”644 by elite and lower class musicians, to be played in plazas, salons, and, according to vals historians, especially in callejones . The lyrics of this anonymous and untitled vals from 1900, express the anxieties of lower-class Limeos vis-a-vis the changes experienced in the city: “I don’t know/what foreigners want to do to Lima/They come here to install/such a dangerous light/They call it the “electric light”/It competes w ith gas/and no matter how good it is/it always causes disease/Poor gas man!/What j ob will he have?/He’ll have to become a tailor or a shoemaker/Or will have to take what is not his.”645 Another vals , composed in 1905 by Belisario Surez, expressed similar fears about the electric tramway: “A company has been 642 “Los servicios elctricos de Lima. Conferencia del pr ofesor Guarini,” El Comercio (December 24, 1907. 643 Ibid. 644 Mary Louise Pratt, Imperial Eyes: Travel Writing and Transculturation (London: Routledge, 1992). 645 Jos Llorns, “De la guardia vieja a la generacin de Pinglo: Msica criolla y cambio social en Lima 1900-1940, in Lima Obrera, 1900-1930 ed. Steve Stein (Lima: Ediciones El Virrey, 1987): vol. II, 274.

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254 formed/it will replace the Urbano : the horses and drivers/will have to stop working, poor drivers/they will have nothing to push, with this new system/everything will come to an end.”646 Of course, not all commentators lamented the transformations and the accidents. El Amigo de Tejerina expressed his satisfaction for the accident s related to the first tramways that connected Lima to Callao and Chorrillos, for th ey were a sign that Lima was progressing and was going to progress more because “the laws that rule the development of the societies are inevitable.”647 Tejerina compared the “grandiose” number of accidents in the United States –he argued that 1216 people had been killed and 474 28 had been wounded in U.S. tramways in 1903— to “our two or three muertitos ” (dead ones, in a pejorative way), to conclude that Lima was still “leagues away from real progress;” “W e are still far from being able to flaunt 47 thousand and more victims of accidents caused by our tramways,” lamented the writer.648 Cultural changes were also promoted, feared, and lamented. El Comercio , for instance launched a campaign against the “uncivilized” ways Limeos , especially lower-class ones, celebrated festivities such as the carnival. Re formers had also been preoccupied about this “barbaric” festivity since the Gu ano Era –there is no evidence that Monteagudo prohibited it, but he well might have. In particular, Fuentes expressed its disgust for Limeos’ excesses, and unruliness. Other festivitie s and entertainments, such as gambling and bullfighting, and traditions, such as the public expressions of mourning, were also condemned and/or legally regulated. Healthy and disciplined ways of spending free time were promoted, such as theater, the paseos , the retretas , and new kinds of public festivitie s for holidays. These had to be 646 Ibid., 275. 647 El amigo de Tejerina, “Progreso,” El Comercio , September 18, 1904. 648 Ibid.

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255 decorous, non-excessive diversions, for “moderati on and restraint are esse ntial for a balanced and harmonious life, both, for individuals and the nation.”649 In 1901, the Elguera municipal administration pr ohibited the game of carnival in public areas; offenders would be arrested for twenty-four hours or be fined with te n sols. According to reformed-minded commentators, the game consiste d in a general war with flour, color powder, eggs, mud, food, and especially wa ter. Any passerby was a potential victim, even police agents and soldiers who patrolled th e city to control disorder.650 The municipal order seemed to have been effective, for a chronicle in El Comercio stated that the game had not been played, and Limeos had preferred the more civilized mask balls. “The influence of the twentieth century is impacting the game of carnival, civilizing that popular diversion.”651 It was a reason to celebrate, for the traditional game was particularly inappropriate for men; in a time when virility was desperately sought, the carnival showed “a ridiculous feminism among men who practice it.”652 Another chronicler joyfully added that “cultu re always triumphs, and tears out what should not exist in a few years the game of carnival will be reduced to floats, to ball dances, to serenatas like those in Venice, or to fantastic lightings like those in Rome.”653 This was a campaign against the public manifestations of jo y and sorrow, for “the sorrow and joy of a discreet home must not be announced in publicthey must be reserved.”654 Private and controlled celebrations were co mmented favorably; public ones were carefully programmed and regulated by municipal authorities. The m unicipality, for instance, arranged Christmas celebrations, lighting the most impor tant buildings in the city, or ganizing float parades and music 649 Federico Elguera, “El fongrafo,” La vida moderna, por el Barn de Keef , 21, 650 “Carnavales. Crnica. Carnestolendas” El Comercio , February 17, 1901. 651 “Carnavales,” El Comercio , February 15, 1901. 652 Ibid. 653 “Carnavales. Crnica. Carnestolendas” El Comercio , February 17, 1901 654 “Pompas fnebres,” El Comercio , July 14, 1901.

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256 festivals in the remodeled Plaza de Armas , requesting private citizens and businesses to decorate the city with plants, Christ mas trees, balloons and electric lightings, and prohibiting the mesitas de vendimia (sale of liquor on th e streets) where “the pueblo used to find the occasion to drink and fight.”655 Once those regulations were in effect, how ever, observers uttered lamentations. “Happiness is leaving us,” expressed a 1903 report on Christmas celebrations. According to the note, Christmas Eve used to be a night of noisy happiness and “ honest popular joy,” a manifestation of the “generous and jovial” character of Limeos , but these features were nowhere to be found anymore. “What has caused the di sappearance of our old tr aditions?” asked the reporter, “the struggle for life of the hardwork ing and strong peoples does not leave room for joy and leisure the more time man consecrates to wo rk, and not to pleasure, the more powerful he becomes.” In order to form a powerful and mode rn society, the festive celebrations, therefore, had to give way to discipline and hard work. The report concludes with a short reflection: “Setting all philosophies apart, the fa ct is that man is sadder everyday.”656 The dream of reformers was becoming true; Limeos ’ cultural change was taking place. A side-effect of the modern transformations, however, were the romantic literary constructions of an idealized past. But the most intriguing ambiguities about th e effects from progress came from no other than Mayor Federico Elguera. A Barn de Keef chronicle entitled El adelanto (progress), for instance, praised the “marvels of electricity and the prodigies of mechanic s,” the presence of the phonograph, the telephone, the au tomobile, the telegraph, the cinematograph, the radio, and aviation. All these “discoveries, hidden for thousa nds of years, have illu minated men in the past 655 “La Pascua,” El Comercio , December 25, 1901. 656 “La alegra se va,” El Comercio , December 25, 1903.

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257 fifty.”657 With such progress, however, life was not mo re harmonic, simpler, or happier, for “the calm and peace of bygone times have been replaced by the continuous excitement of the spirit, by anguish, and restlessness. Today’s man is nothi ng but a toy of the universal disconcert. This drags him into its whirlpool, envelops him in its labyrinth, and sweeps him into its tempest.”658 To Elguera, each discovery or development hid new dangers, hardships, and tragedies. The seducing presence of the automobile, for instance , produced “a swarm of nuisances, hazards, and expenses.”659 In other texts, Elguera continues reflecting over pr ogress and its effects. The phonograph, which allowed its user to execute whatever music he pleased, which made any performer, dead or alive, follow his orders, a nd which made singers sing always in key as many times as the user pleased, also took away peace and silence. The telephone, made to communicate, ended up isolating people Worse yet, all those things had become part of people’s lives to the extent that they could not feel satisfied without them!660 Progress, is to live in continuous wo rry, corroded by envy, neurasthenia, and greed. Progress is to kill millions of men in a war, and to leave others useless and mutilated Progress is to lengthen th e agony of the moribund with hypodermic injections, and progress is to have a car of the urbano [tramway] in Lima cut a pedestrian’s legs, or an automobile kill an other pedestrian on the street, so that he is taken to the morgue for an autopsy to know what caused his death. All that, is progress.661 The ultimate modernizer, he who made every effort to transform Lima, Elguera provided a synthetic definition of contemporary years as a time of “continuous necessities, permanent anguish and distress, and its di senchantment and disillusions.”662 And confessed that he admired “and bow before the progress of humanity, but I also tremble.”663 657 Federico Elguera, “El adelanto,” La vida moderna, por el Barn de Keef , 33. 658 Ibid. 659 Ibid., 35. 660 “El sosiego,” La vida moderna, por el Barn de Keef , 42. 661 Ibid., 100. 662 “La radiola,” La vida moderna, por el Barn de Keef , 124. 663 “El adelanto,” 35.

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258 Historians of Peru could now conclude that these doubts ar e a sign of elite’s schizophrenia on modernity. That these fears for progress show elite’s conservatism and resistance to change, or that they express elite’s profound, maybe unconscious desire to maintain the (colonial) status quo that benefited them. Following Gonzlez Prada, Javier Prado, Clemente Palma, and a long list of other el itist critics of elites, social historians could argue that these ambivalences prove that moderni zers were, at heart, un-modern; ergo, their efforts to transform Lima were doomed to fail. After all, has not it been said many times that Lima failed to become Paris, or that Peru is the land of lost opportunities, or that elites were not true modernizers because they were trapped in their colonial mental ity, or that each of them was, deep inside, a Pizarro, a Valverde, or an Areche? My conclusion will be different. These ambivalences show that modernizers like Fuentes, Muiz, Garca, Eyzaguirre, Elguera, a well as many others, tried their best to make Lima, and Peru, modern. In many ways, they were successful; they changed the city in a modern way, attempting to destroy or forget its (also m odern) past, to make room for new modernity. A modern pattern, indeed: the new becomes old all too quickly. “Modern life transforms customs and habits, and sweeps, like a plentiful river, all its finds in its bed” wrote the Mayor.664 Elguera might have feared that the solid and modern city he strove to c onstruct would soon fall pray to a new modernizer, a younger version of himself. All that is solid melts into air. The nostalgia over the past, after all, was a product of modernization itself. The disciplinary machine of modernity was transforming the customs and hab its in the city, creating more disciplined national beings, more “respectable” city dwel lers, and, of course, more avid consumers. 664 Federico Elguera, “La moda,” La vida moderna, por el Barn de Keef , 11.

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259 Modernizers then looked at the luring eyes of th e modern creature they had passionately created. They were delighted and terrified.

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260 Figure 6-1. Instituto Municipal de Higiene Figure 6-2. Paseo 9 de Diciembr e, with Columbus Monument

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261 Figure 6-3. Paseo 9 de Diciembre Figure 6-4. Avenida La Colmena

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262 Figure 6-5. Lima’s Plaza de Armas after 1901 reforms Figure 6-6. Monument to San Martn

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263 Figure 6-7. Bolognesi Monument Figure 6-8. Plaza Bolognesi

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264 CHAPTER 7 A NEO MODERN CITY (1919-1930) In July 1921 Peru held a splendid celebra tion to commemorate the centennial of the Declaration of its Independence. The administration of President Augusto Bernardino Legua resolved to make the occasion an apotheosis of nationalism in which homage was paid to the Liberator Jos de San Martn –a plaza and a monument would be erected in his honor— and which was used by Legua to consolidate the image of his regime (pompously named the Patria Nueva or New Fatherland) as a new national beginning. The 1921 celebration, along with the commemoration of the centennial of the Ayacucho Battle in 1924, spurred an unprecedented drive for the physical transformation of Lima, as a large number of monuments, avenues, and public buildings were constructed and/or inaugurated for the occasions. They were only, however, key mo ments in a period of intense expansion and transformation of the city, which urban historians consider “the most decisive and interesting epoch in the evolution of the City.”665 Lima was to play an important role in Legua’s Patria Nueva . During his first administration the President had expressed his in tention to beautify and modernize the capital, for “every Capital is, and must be in effect the highest exponent of the culture and wealth of a country.”666 Legua’s would have the chance to carr y out his intentions during his second administration, which lasted eleven years (1919 -1930), and which was sustained by an economic bonanza based on foreign investment and loans. Lima carried the synecdochal role previous elites had conferred upon it. Le gua’s reforms of the city follo wed the same basic principles developed by preceding experiments at moderniza tion, but it also represented a radical rupture vis--vis them, for they were guided by diverse historicisms. Leguia’s modern Lima included 665 Juan Bromley and Jos Barbagelata, Evolucin urbana de Lima (Lima: Consejo Provincial de Lima, 1945), 104. 666 Speech at the Municipality of Lima. Quoted by Rene Hooper, Legua. Ensayo biogrfico , 146.

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265 diverse references to multiple pasts, as contemporary discourses on the nation’s past and character found expression in concrete. The Discourse of Discourse: The Multiple Pasts of the Patria Nueva Soon after forcefully taking power in 1919, President Legua made plans for the celebration of the centennial of Peru’s Independ ence. The regime invited representatives of virtually all countries with which Peru maintain ed diplomatic relations to make the statement that the nation was back on the tr ack of progress and had a bright future ahead. In the midst of the celebrations, President Legua welcomed General Charles Marie Emmanuel Mangin, Ambassador Extraordinaire of the Republic of France, with these excited words: France... the Great Republic , heart and brain of the wo rld, predestined by the God of Nations to be the crucible of the great ideas, and the apostle of redemption which, educating the peoples with its abnegation a nd sacrifice, has always marched at the vanguard of humankind, carry ing the banner of Justice and Law Our Independence was a consequence of your grand revolution, that torch that illuminates the spirit of the subjugated peoples and all the oppressed classes. Our civilization is the daughter of yours you are the fountain to which our children go to drink from the well of good, beauty, and truth.667 Limeo elites had certainly been influenced and attracted by French id eals and styles well before the 1789 Revolution; ever since the eighteenth-century ascen t of the Bourbon dynasty, France was the incarnation of civilisation . French political, scientif ic, and artistic ascendancy over Peru’s elites had been undisputed throughout the nineteenth and earl y twentieth centuries, as elites studied French, paid careful attention to political , scientific and philosophical developments in France, and traveled to the Ci ty of Light to drink from the well of modern splendor and wisdom. As we have seen in previous chaper s, the language of Peruanidad constructed by postcolonial elites res onated with the idiom of universal civilisation under 667 “Respuesta de Legua al discurso del General Mangin, Embajador Extraordinario de la Repblica de Francia,” in Discursos y documentos oficiales en el primer centenario de la Independencia Nacional MCMXXI , ed. Ministerio de Relaciones Exteriores (Lima: Imprenta Torres Aguirre, 1921), 124.

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266 construction in the French Republic, particularly in “the Capital of the Nineteenth Century.” The reforms of Paris enacted by Baron Georges-Eug ne Haussmann, Prefect of Seine, in the 1860s also had become the paradigmatic model for th e modernization of cities throughout the world; the expansion of Lima was planne d in the early 1870s after Haussm ann’s urban principles, and to many twentieth-century Peruvians th e capital of Peru should and c ould be made into “the Paris of the Pacific” (see Chapter 5 above). Legua’s speech to welcome General Mangi n, then, contained references to the relationship between France and Peru that were not particularly novel or unusual. At once, Legua expressed his admiration for the Great Repub lic and its Revolution and he aligned Peru’s Independence and republican life with it, that is , with the universal movement against oppression and toward Justice, Law, and Beauty. Legua, however, not only expressed admirati on for French civiliza tion during his elevenyear administration. At the 1926 inauguration of the monument to the founding Inca Manco Cpac, --a gift from the Japa nese colony marking the centennial of Peru’s Independence-the President delivered these words: The Incas taught us to love justice The glorious Empire of the Incas, founded by Mancowas a lighthouse that, from the center of America, illuminated the entire continent. It is the archetype of the strong governments that educate people into order, progress, and prudence, wh ich socialize property, and thereby save them from decrepitude and ruin.668 The trope of the glorious Inca Empire had b een a cornerstone of “Peruvian” nationalism before and after the revolution of Independence.669 By 1926 the Incas –the term designates only 668 “Discurso del Presidente de la Repblica. Inauguracin del monumento a Manco Capac,” in La Independencia del Per y la colonia japonesa , ed. Comisin organizadora del monumento a Manco Capac (Lima: Imprenta Eduardo Ravago, 1926). 669 For more on the subject, see Mark Thurner, “Peruvian Genealogies of History and Nation,” in After Spanish Rule: Postcolonial Predicaments of the Americas , ed. Mark Thurner and Andrs Guerrero (Durham: Duke University Press, 2003).

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267 the royal dynasty of imperial ru lers— had come to incarnate the principles positivist elites, including the President, valued most. The Incas were now cast as a progre ssive ruling class that had led its people to development by creating an orderly society in which each individual was part of a well-lubricated “social machine.” Legu a was not alone in projecting positivist values onto the Incas. Julio C. Tello, Peru’s leading archaeologist at the time, and who was named by Leguia Director of the first Museo Arqueolgico del Per in 1924, highlighted the Inca’s rigid social engineering in his ina ugural speech, remarking that “the motto” of the Incas had been “specialized work, organized coope ratively, as the basis for all phys ical, intellectual, and social progress.” During the time of the Incas “ev erything was conducted to make men, since childhood, in a dynamic factor oriented towards the dominion of Nature through cooperative, intense, and persistent work. Work was a pleasure, not a burden.” A stat e supervised division of labor coexisted with an educat ion that emphasized a work ethic, and made work “a pleasant occupation.”670 By the 1920s, Incas too carried the positivist banner of “order and progress,” and were an example of a state that placed social interests above individual interest. Legua’s allusion to the Incas as rulers w ho had saved their people from decrepitude resonated with elites’ post-War of the Pacific concerns about the decadence of “race” (see Chapter 4 above). Legua positioned himself as a new savior, declaring rep eatedly that he was a “redeemer of the Indian race.” Legua sought Indian integration into the national community through the expansion of educa tion, the construction of highwa ys, and by making them into proprietors, for “nothing connects men to societ y in a better way than the property of land.”671 670 “Discurso del doctor Julio C. Tello, Director del Museo,” in El Per en el Centenario de Ayacucho. Recopilacin efectuada por la Secretara del seor Presidente de la Repblica de los discursos pronunciados en las ceremonias conmemorativas (Lima: Editorial Garcilaso, 1925), 505-6. 671 “Entrevista al Presidente Legua,” Mundial , V, no. 206 (1924).

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268 This liberal program fo r the integration of el indio was complemented with paternalistic laws of protection and tutelage, such as the 1921 creation of the Seccin de Asuntos Indgenas (Office of Indigenous Affairs), later called Direccin de Asuntos Indgenas , within the Ministerio de Fomento , and the 1922 formation of the Patronato de la Raza Indgena (Guardianship of the Indigenous Race), both meant to be official channe ls for the expression of Indian grievances. The Patronato had civilizatory objectiv es too, however. It wa nted to “instill among the individuals of such a race the absolute respect for the rights and property of other people, the need and advantages of work to respect contra cts, the need and usef ulness of not living in concubinage, to take good care of their childre n, to practice personal and domestic hygiene habits as the most effectiv e way to preserve health.”672 Legua himself argued that the Patronato ’s main objective was to educate the Indian.673 Legua followed liberal and positivist thinkers in the idea that Peru needed a “practical” and “industrial” education, and he criticized the country ’s existing educational system, especially Peru’s “old University, where a brilliant youth lives enslaved by the verbalist prejudice, that old legacy of the colonial regime.”674 A self-styled “practical man,” Legua had not needed a university degree to become a su ccessful entrepreneur, and like El Amigo de Tejerina (see Chapter 5 above) he argued that Peru’s university produced “solemn doctors that make up for their lack of scientific trai ning with verbal improvisation.”675 Accordingly, the education of Indians should be based in agri cultural schools were they could develop practi cal skills for their 672 Quoted by Augusta Alfajeme and Mariano Valderrama, “El surgimiento de la cuestin agraria y del llamado problema indgena,” in Indigenismo, clases sociales y problema nacional: la discusin sobre el problema indgena en el Per , ed. Carlos Ivn Degregori (Lima: CELATS, n/d), 100. 673 Augusto B. Legua, Patria Nueva: Coleccin de discursos pronunc iados por el Presidente Augusto B. Legua (Lima: Editorial Cahuide, 1927) vol. II, 7. 674 Quoted by Rene Hooper, Legua. Ensayo biogrfico (Lima: Ediciones Peruanas, 1964), 134. 675 Augusto B. Legua, Discurso con que el Seor Augusto B. Legua asumi por tercera vez la presidencia de la Repblica, el 12 de octubre de 1924 (Lima: Editorial Garcilaso, 1924), 12.

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269 integration into “our industrial, commercial, and agricultural life.”676 In 1921 Legua announced that his government would hire “three or f our hundred North American and German school teachers to educate el indio “to live better and need more of the things he has never known.”677 Legua also created the “Day of the Indian,” a holiday to be celebrated on June 24 –the winter solstice, and the day the Incas apparently paid tribute to the sun— and he proclaimed himself Wiracocha , a God-like figure, to highlight his paternal sensibility vis--vis the Indian. He also delivered some short speeches in Qu echua, a language he otherwise could not speak.678 His indigenismo was an elitist mixture of enlightened, patriarchal philanthropy with a practical, liberal view that Indians should be integrated into the national community by means of the free market. Much like previous liberal and positivist thinkers, Legua argued that Indians had to be made either into property owners or rural prol etariats. The government should also make them “feel the need for comfort,” and then teach them how to satisfy those new needs through work.679 This way, Indians would need to insert th emselves into the money economy, which would benefit them and Peru as a whole. Legua st ated that his government would thus accomplish a goal Peru’s Independence had not fulfilled: the lib eration of the Indian from the “last enslaving chain that the glorious Battle of Ayacucho was unable to break.”680 Legua was not only positioning himself as a civilizer that intended to follow the example of the Inca elite; he also inserted his name in the genealog ical line of the libera tors, a move that President Ramn Castilla had also made during the Guano Era, when he a bolished slavery and the indigenous contribution. 676 “Entrevista al Presidente Legua,” Mundial . 677 “Entrevista al Presidente Legua,” La Prensa , May 5, 1921. 678 Manuel Burga and Alberto Flores Galindo, Apogeo y crisis de la Repblica Aristocrtica. Oligarqua, aprismo y comunismo en el Peru 1895-1932 (Lima: Ediciones Rickhay, 1980), 133-4. 679 “Entrevista al Presidente Legua,” La Prensa , May 5, 1921. 680 Ibid.

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270 Apart from the symbolic declarations and acts of a usually grandiloquent and selfcentered persona, Legua actively pr omoted an Incanist nativism or indigenismo incaista . Cuzco, the ancient capital of the empire and its Inca dynasty should be made into “the Mecca of America” for tourist consumption. 681 His government supported ar cheological research and the establishment of archaeological museums as educational and research institutions. Legua also supported the work of indigenistas such as Hildebrando Castro Pozo –appointed director of the Seccin de Asuntos Indgenas — and helped with the organization of the “Indigenous Congresses” held by the Comit Pro-Derecho Indgena Tahuantinsuyo , an organization formed in 1920 in Lima. The Comit Pro-Derecho was a diverse group, and it included anarchists, members of working class organizations, indigenista intellectuals, and some persons who claimed to be indigenous. The purpose of the Committee was “unifying the members of the race and having them know their political, economic, and social rights, because their work represents the progress and wealth of the Republic.” Th e motto of the organization was “union is our principle, culture or enlightenment our means.”682 Legua’s Ministerio de Fomento officially registered the Comit in 1920, and the President received repr esentatives to its First National Indigenous Congress, sent a pers onal representative to its in auguration, and provided for food, lodging, and transportation for th e provincial representatives.683 In the Third Congress, held in Lima in 1922, a resolution was approved to praise the President and to tha nk him for his support. The Sixth Congress, held in 1926, declar ed Legua Honorary President of the Comit .684 681 Quoted by Rene Hooper, Legua. Ensayo biogrfico , 145. 682 Wifredo Kapsoli,and Wilson Retegui, El Campesinado Peruano: 1919-1930 (Lima: Universidad Nacional Mayor de San Marcos, 1987). 683 Wilfredo Kapsoli, Ayllus del sol: Anarquismo y utopa andina (Lima: Tarea, 1984), 294. 684 Ibid. For more on the Comit, see Marisol de la Cadena, Indigenous Mestizos: The Politics of Race and Culture in Cuzco, Peru, 1919-1991 (Durham: Duke University Press, 2000).

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271 Legua’s regime had designed a new Constitution in 1920 that legally recognized the existence of the “Indigenous Communities.” Article 58 of the Constitution stated that “the state will protect the indigenous race and will issue speci al laws for its development and education in harmony with its needs. The Nation rec ognizes the legal exis tence of indigenous communities”685 Legua, then,institutionalized a nativist or indigenista discourse that had been around in Peru for a long time, and he merged it with a liberal paternalistic discourse --also present in Peru since the nineteenth century— that aimed to civilize the indigenous “race” and integrate it into the national body. His speech before the bronze statue of Manco Capac expressed those tendencies. The Patria Nueva , in Legua’s view, should emulate the example of the enlightened founder of the glorious Empire, ta king Indians by the hand and leading them into the school of order and progress, and like Manco save them “f rom decrepitude and ruin.” Indeed, the Ministro de Fomento , Pedro Jos Rada y Gamio, explic itly equated the civilizational figure of Manco Capac with that of President Legua. The Incas had established a government of “order and progress,” stated the Minister, but they also demonstrted a protective or paternal spirit towards the population; the Incas gave importance to agriculture and irrigation, and as a result established a powerful empire that expa nded throughout South America. Legua’s administration, for its part, argued Rada y Gami o, followed the same Inca motto of order and progress, and it also “protected” Indians. The Minister then turned to address the President directly: “with a paternal d ecision you provide protection to el indio , you receive him in your governmental mansion, you shake hands with him, and share his wishes you want to make the Indian the great citizen of Peru.”686 685 Constitucin para la Repblica del Per. Dictada por la Asamblea Nacional de 1919 y promulgada el 18 de enero de 1920 (Lima: Sanmart y Ca., 1920), 10. 686 “Discurso de Pedro Jos Rada y Gamio, Ministro de Fomento,” in La Independencia del Per y la colonia japonesa , 39-40.

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272 The 1921 centennial celebration of Peru’s independence hosted two major guests: the Representative of the Holy See, and the Spanish Ambassador. When Legua welcomed Mr. Cipriano Muoz y Manzano, Conde de la Viaza , Ambassador Extraordinary of His Majesty Alfonso XIII, King of Spain, to th e celebrations of the centennial of Peru’s Independence, he did so with these words: The Madre Patria , the common patria of these peopl es that she discovered and conquered with her legendary effort, and elevated to Christianity and civilization While the sociological need s of growth toward self-government produced that deplorable dispute between such a mother and her sons, it could never extinguish the gratitude and love th at burns in our soul for the elevated nation in whose dominions the sun never set. The bonds that unite us are unlimited; we are blood of your blood; we are your once favorite sons, living proof of your gigantic terr itorial expansion, palpable concretion of your glories. We Peruvians are Spaniards by blood, tr adition, faith, and la nguage, by all that distinguishes a race.687 Peru was now “a Catholic country ,” and Spain was the nation’s Madre Patria , that is, the “fatherland” that had “mothered” Peru a nd all other “Hispanic American” countries.688 The centennial would be a celebration of the histor ical relationship between Peru, Spain, and the Church. The centennial marked a historiographica l break of sorts; anti-Spanish and anti-Vatican sentiments had been a crucial element in Peru’s early nineteenth-century nationalist discourses. The anti-Hispanic and anti-Roman “Black Legend” had been indispensable during and after the wars of Independence; it was renewed when in 1866 Spain’s fleet attempted to seize the Guano islands along the coast of Peru. That milita ry confrontation closed with the Battle of Dos de Mayo , and the memory of that event was still prevalent during the harsh decades of the immediate post-War of the Pacific era (1880s -1900s). Even though Peru and Spain had established diplomatic relations in 1879, Peruvian elites mainta ined their distance from Spain, 687 “Respuesta de Legua al Mensaje de Alfonso XIII, Rey de Espaa,” in Discursos y documentos oficiales en el primer centenario , 20-1. 688 Ministerio de Relaciones Exteriores, Discursos y documentos oficiales en el primer centenario , lxv.

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273 which was now considered to be a decadent coun try. During the post-War of the Pacific period Peru’s maladies were still attributed to the a bhorrent and seemingly indelible Spanish legacy. While the Inca past had been reconstructed as Peru ’s glorious, imperial past, Spanish colonialism had been interpreted along the li nes of the “Black Legend,” that is, as an obscurantist era of illegitimate, foreign rule that ha d left a legacy of backwardness. Things would start to change during the 1910s and 1920s, though, as intellectuals such as historian Jos de la Riva Agero and poet Jos Santos Chocano reinte rpreted Spanish conquest and colonialism to reconcile Peruvianness with “ its” colonial past. The War of the Pacific had created another “other” in opposition to which Peru’s identity was to be forged, for Chile now appeared as a closer and more dangerous “other ,” displacing Spain as an oppositional figure. The Mexican Revolution, World Wa r I, and the Russian Revoluti on had also produced fear and anguish over the possible consequences of progre ss throughout Latin America. A narrative of hispanoamericanismo had also developed in Spain as a re sult of the loss of its final colonial possessions in 1898 as a discursive attempt to reestablish Spain’s pride that emphasized the vindication of the colonial past and the traditional Spanish valu es in contraposition to AngloSaxon expansion.689 The attraction of the United States –Urugua yan Jos Enrique Rod pejoratively called it nordomana — as well as pragmatic util itarianism, was attacked throughout the continent by intellectuals that defended the values transmitted by Spain to America, Catholicism in particular, and sought to preserve regional identity. 690 In Peru, some voices had been questioning the “practical spirit” reformers wanted to instill in the population during the early twentieth century. 689 Ascencin Martnez, “El Per y Espaa durante el Oncenio. El Hispanismo en el discurso oficial y en las manifestaciones simblicas (1919-1930), Histrica , XVIII, no. 2 (1994). 690 For similar discourses in Latin America, see Frederick Pike, Hispanismo, 1898-1936: Spanish Conservatives and Liberals and their Relations with Spanish America (Notre Dame: University of Notre Dame Press, 1971); Emilia de Zuleta, “El hispanismo de Hispanoamrica,” Hispania , 75, no. 4 (1992).

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274 Riva Agero, for instance, wrote a prologue to Oscar Mir Quesada’s book entitled Problemas tico-sociolgicos del Per , in 1907, in which the young hist orian praised the book for its criticism to the “exaggerated indu strialism” and the “economic uti litarianism” modernizing elites wanted to promote among Peru’s youth.691 Riva Agero argued th at industrialism –which he considered “abject”— could only erode social bonds , and create a “total absence of scruples,” and a “ferocious and monstrous egoism that kills all enthusiasm and degrades all nobility.”692 For Riva Agero, himself a nobleman –his title was Marqus de Montealegre y Aulestia — the attack on modernity was also a matter of defendi ng his own status and a hi erarchical order that had long lost its splendor or effect. The Angl o-Saxon cultural “penetrati on,” especially of the United States, and to a lesser extent England a nd Germany, was seen as “dangerous” because it promoted industrialism and utilitarianism, that is , it led Peru away from its original cultural roots. Riva Agero was to become the main hispanista historian of Peru. He would argue that Peru’s character and destiny were completely shap ed by the colonial era, in which the spiritual unity of the nation had been forged. This was a ch aracteristic of all “Spanish America,” which in fact formed, along with Spain, an original and indivisible “Spa nish civilization.”693 Peru was, in his view, particularly well positioned within this “continental and ethnic patriotism,”694 for Peruvians were “heirs of the oldest viceroyalty in Southern America; we were, from Panama to the [Magellan] Straight, the s uperior political and administra tive nucleus, whose command was conferred as a promotion to the outgoing Vicer oys of Mexico, the firs t-born emporium of the 691 “Prlogo de Riva Agero. Problemas tico sociolgicos del Per,” El Comercio , November 3, 1907. 692 Ibid. 693 Jos de a Riva Agero, Por la verdad, la tradicin y la Patria (opsculos) (Lima: n/e, 1937), 208. 694 Ibid.

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275 North.”695 Ever attentive to titles of nobility, Riva Agero argued that Peru “possesses through its antecedents, the most authentic titles for predominance in western South America.”696 Riva Agero’s hispanismo coexisted harmoniously with his Incaismo ; he enjoyed comparing the Inca Empire with ancient Egypt or Persia, as well as with “young China.” The empire had been born of a group of clans, pass ed through a period of feudalism, only to unify itself under an absolute and warri or monarchy. Most importantly, it was a society of two classes in which patriarchal elites exerte d a gentle despotism over the Indian masses. In short, Inca rule had made a “paternal and kind imprint”697 on Peru. It was the Inca nobility that Riva Agero admired, and this admiration reflected his view th at contemporary Peru needed a civilizing elite “to guide its destiny.” Riva A gero repeatedly lamented that such a class had been lacking throughout Peru’s republican life. He attributed Peru’s defeat in the War of the Pacific to the absence of a leading class that could unify and guide the nation. He severely criticized the caudillos and civilista politicians that had governed the c ountry, but argued that they were preferable to the “mesocratic, financial olig archy” that had come to take its place.698 Riva Agero looked to Peru’s colonial era for inspiration, an d he was especially fond of the pre-Bourbon or Hapsburg era (1 500s-1600s). During the sixtee nth and seventeenth centuries Peru was the “favorite and spoiled son” of Spain during the “world hegemony of the Hapsburgs.”699 Riva Agero found Peru’s geography to be strikingly similar to Spain’s, and he compared the cities of the interior, “Cuzco, th e imperial, Huamanga, the white, Hunuco, the old Lion of the Dons, and the tragic Cajamarca,” to be like the cities of Castile and Extremadura, for their “silent majesty” and their “stony and herald ic beauty.” Lima, “the gracious, with fresh 695 Ibid., 151. 696 Ibid. 697 Jos de la Riva Agero, La Historia en el Per , 201-2. 698 Ibid., 472. 699 Jos de a Riva Agero, Por la verdad, la tradicin y la Patria , 151.

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276 glazed tiles and Moorish balconies of lattices” was considered “a living accurate copy of the perfumed Andaluca.”700 Riva Agero’s romantic and aris tocratic vision of Peru and Spain crafted images of Peru’s cities that were radically out of synch with ongoing processes of modernization. Hispanistas rewrote the history of Peru, rein terpreting conquest as an audacious, admirable endeavor that brought ci vilization and Christianity to S outh America, and that allowed for the formation of Peru. This view had its architectural counterpart s. A chapel to honor Conquistador Francisco Pizarro was built in Li ma’s Cathedral in 1927. At its inauguration, President Legua highlight ed Pizarro’s “superhuman audacity” to plant, “in the most civilized Empire of America, the cross of the Savior and the banner of Castile.” It was only fair to honor the Conquistador, for “to glorify Pizarro is to glorify Spain, and in Spain, ourselves.”701 Legua would later compare the conqueror with two mythical figures w ho resisted Moorish occupation of the Iberian Peninsula: th e eighth-century Visigoth Don Pelayo and the eleventh-century El Cid .702 The reference highlighted the historical di mensions of Pizarro’s deeds, and linked them with the Reconquista as an expression of Spanish virility, the spirit of adventure, and the defense of Catholicism. Esteban Cceres –a Spanish musician liv ing in Peru, who composed celebrated Incanist dramas, and formed “the Quena orchestra that must have existed during Inca times,” and who wrote the hispanista book Espaa en el Per — argued that conquest had given birth to “Spanish Peru.”703 Other voices insisted that Spain had transmitted its “soul to the sleeping races of 700 Ibid, 152. 701 Memoria que presenta al Congreso Ordinario de 1928 el Dr. Pedro Rada y Gamio, Presidente del Consejo de Ministros, Ministro de Relaciones Exteriores y Senador por Lima (Lima: Imprenta Torres Aguirre, n/d), 94-5. 702 Rogelio Sotela, Crnicas del Centenario de Ayacucho en Lima (San Jos: Imprenta M.V. de Lines), 121. 703 Estebn Cceres, Espaa en el Per (Lima: Imprenta La Nueva Unin,. 1924).

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277 America.”704 Spanish domination was perceived as be nevolent and beneficial, as “Spain brought to this New World the Catholic faith that many nations in Europe rejected and the sanctity and civilization that Africa and Asia had repudiated; had made the S outh American people, hitherto barbaric and idolatrous, a peopl e to which Jesus Christ had his most precious indulgence.”705 Spanish legacy, which, with certain notable exceptions, had been severely condemned by previous generations of hi storians and intellectuals, was considered beneficial.706 Spain had brought civilization, and it was referred to as “the generous land of the intrepid discoverers and civilizers that gave us our rich language, holy religion, honest customs and example of virtues transcendental works in legisla tion, administration and artistic manifestation, such as the never superseded colonial architectur e correspond to our Madre Patria.”707 Independence was refashioned as the natural result of th e development of the child mothered by Spain, in which “young America, a brav e and beautiful girl, want ed to get out of the paternal house and live without the tutelage of her mother.”708 To Cceres, Peru’s independence was an expression of the indomitable character of Spaniards, for “Spaniards were those who 704 Words of the Venezuelan representativ e to the celebrations of the centennial of Ayacucho during the ceremony in which Venezuela gave Peru Bolivar’s sword and Pizarro’s standard. See Rogelio Sotela, Crnicas del Centenario , 75. 705 “Oracon jaculatoria pro nunciada por el Reverendo Padre Dominico Fray Inocencio Hernndez, Capelln de Palacio, en el Te Deum cantado el 28 de Julio en conmemoracin del centenario de la Independencia del Per,” in Discursos y documentos oficiales en el primer centenario , 280. 706 Nineteenth century precedents of discourses of conciliatio n with the colonial past were the writings of priest Bartolom Herrera, whose 1842 and 1846 sermons pronoun ced in the funeral of President Gamarra and in the twenty-fifth anniversary of Peru’s Independence, glorified Spain’s monarchic, catholic, cultural legacies as the basic elements to construct national identity. See Herrera, Bart olom, “Oracin que en las exequias celebradas el 4 de enero de 1842 en la Iglesia Catedral; de Lima por el alma de S.E. el Jeneralsimo Presidente de la Repblica D. Agustn Gamarra, muerto gloriosamente en el campo de Incahue, pronunci el Dr. D. Bartolom Herrera, Cura y Vicario de Lurn,” in Escritos y Discursos (Lima: Librera Francesa Cientfica, 1929); “Sermn pronunciado por el Dr. Bartolom Herrera, Rector del Convictorio de San Carlos en el Te Deum celebrado en la Iglesia Catedral de Lima el 28 de Julio de 1846,” in Escritos y Discursos . A different nineteenth centur y conciliation with colonial past was elaborated by Sebastin Lorente. See: Mark Thurner, “Una historia peruana para el pueblo peruano. De la genealoga fundacional de Sebastin Lorente,” Lorente, Sebastin, Escritos Fundacionales. Compilacin y estudio introductorio: Mark Thurner (Lima: Universidad Nacional Mayor de San Marcos, 2005). 707 “Ministro de Relaciones Exteriores doctor Alberto Salomn, el da 31 de Julio. Ceremonia de colocacin de las primeras piedras de los locales que el Per obsequia par alas legaciones de Espaa, Repblica Argentina y Brasil.” in Discursos y documentos oficiales en el primer centenario , 327. 708 “Oracon jacu latoria,” 280.

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278 obtained independence from Spain.”709 In this consanguineal rhetoric independence was a family affair. The Conde de la Viaza expre ssed that “although the sons have emancipated themselves, the family is always the same, and the bonds that unite it are indestructible.”710 For his part, Legua argued that the Battle of Ayacu cho could not be interpreted as the defeat of Spain, because it had been an event analogous to “j uridical emancipation in the life of men: an inevitable crisis of growth.”711 This perception of Spain as “mother” contrasted with early republican anti-Hispanic sentiments, wh ich made the writers of newspaper Los Andes Libres , for instance, speak of Spain in 1821 as a “screaming old stepmother that frightened America during her childhood.”712 The hated stepmother had now become a “loving mother who acknowledges that those little ones that had once delighted in the Iberian home have now come of age, and she opens her arms and gives advice, perhaps even fe eling, at the bottom of her heart, a yearning for grandchildren.”713 This shift in the language of independence allowed for reconcilia tion with contemporary Spain and an exaltation of Peru’s colonial past . Peru could now feel proud both of Incan and Spanish rule, since both were our glorious, imperial, and noble past s. This was not the unifying narrative republican Sebastin Lorente had crafte d during the middle decades of the nineteenth century, as analyzed by Mark Thurner.714 Lorente, a Spanish born physician, philosopher, and historian, had elaborated an integral narrative of Peruvian history, which avoided the Black Legend sentiments of many of his Peruvian cont emporaries. Thurner argues, however, that Lorente’s was not a history of elites and gove rnors –Incas, Viceroys a nd Kings, Presidents—but 709 Estebn Cceres, Espaa en el Per , 16. 710 Ministerio de Relaciones Exteriores, Discursos y documentos oficiales en el primer centenario , 17. 711 El Per en el Centenario de Ayacucho , 147. 712 Los Andes Libres , September 18, 1821, quoted by Mnica Quijada, “De la colonia a la repblica: inclusin, exclusin y memoria histrica en el Per,” Histrica , XVIII, no. 2 (1994): 369. 713 La Prensa , May 2, 1921. 714 Mark Thurner, “Una historia peruana para el pueblo peruano. De la genealoga fundacional de Sebastin Lorente.”

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279 a history that stresse d the existence of Peruanidad since the most remote times. For Lorente, the greatness of the past was to be found not in th e rulers but in “Peruvi ans,” starting with the “communal spirit” of the pre-Incan indigenous villagers.715 In contrast, Hisp anist reconciliation with Spain in the early twentieth century was in formed by a “Great Men” discourse of history, and it was impregnated with aristocratic concep tions of race and family that encompassed “blood, tradition, faith, and language.” Legua’s historicist vision, however, was not identical with Riva Agero’s. To be sure, both men saw history as a higher patriotism. The President certainly agreed with these words of the hist orian: “History is a school of seriousness, good judgment and, essentially, the incitement to duty a nd heroism, for it ennobles the soul and is the source and root of patriotic love.”716 Many of Legua’s words on the Incas, the colonial era, and Spain could easily have been writte n by Riva Agero, and vice versa. Both also argued that Peru needed a capable, civilizing “leading class.” But the statesman was a “practical man” who declared his love for history but set his eyes on a sweeping modern ization of the country. Riva Agero never applauded nor accepted this modernization. Legua was not the kind of “leader” Riva Agero imagined for Peru. To be sure, they had strong political disagreements. Riva Agero was imprisoned in 1911 during Legua’s fi rst administration for publishing a newspaper article demanding the release of the group that had attempted an abortive coup against the President. Riva Agero also protested agai nst Legua’s coup in 1921, and soon left for Europe; he was not to return until after the fa ll of the president-tu rned-dicta tor in 1930.717 715 Ibid. See also, Mark Thurner, “After Colonialism and the King: Notes on the Peruvian Birth of Contemporary History,” Postcolonial Studies , 9, no. 4 (2006): 393-420. 716 Jos de la Riva Agero, La Historia en el Per , 548. 717 Riva Agero did serve the Legua regime during its final years, accepting a commission to study documents related to Peru’s history in Europe. See, Mensaje presentado al Congreso Ordinario de 1929 por el Presidente seor don Augusto B. Legua (Lima: Imprenta Torres Aguirre, 1929). For more on the life of Riva Agero, see Fred Bronner, “Jos de la Riva-Agero (1885-1944), Peruvian Historian,” The Hispanic American Historical Review , 36, no. 4 (1956).

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280 Riva Agero’s disagreements with Legua’ s policies were more profound than these political circumstances might suggest. Despit e his historical decl arations, Legua was a convinced modernizer who argued that Peru ne eded to develop its industries to end its dependence on exports in a world market beyond th e country’s control. For Leguia the state had to be administered like a modern firm. Before entering politics, Legua had worked for private enterprises in Peru before becoming a manager for the New York Life Insurance Company. He soon became a successful interna tional entrepreneur with comme rcial activities and important contacts in New York and London. During his y ears in London after his first administration, Legua returned to his commercial and stock market activities, and became President of the Latin American Chamber of Commerce.718 In spite of his wealth –he had been born in Lambayeque to a distinguished family— he had not received a university education. He was a self-made financier, the kind of “industrial man” de sired by the likes of Manuel Villarn and El Amigo de Tejerina , and despised by those like Mir Quesad a and Riva Agero (see Chapter 4 above). Legua’s admiration for the progre ss of the United States –Peru’ s “older sister” as Legua referred to her during the Centennial celebrations—719 shaped his administration profoundly. He once stated that his “hope is to put an American in charge of every branch of the government’s activity.”720 To make that happen, he hired U.S. educators to write Peru’s new Law of Education,721 and he turned Peru’s Navy a nd Air Force over to U.S. officers.722 The five-foot-three Legua, who dressed as a Londoner to the end of his life, has been considered variously as a populist champion of th e middle-class, an adve rsary of the country’s 718 Rene Hooper, Legua. Ensayo biogrfico , 88. 719 Discursos y documentos oficia les en el primer centenario , 145. 720 J.A. Sterling to Secretary of State, Lima, Nov. 29, 1921, quoted by Marcos Cueto, “Sanitation from Above: Yellow Fever and Foreign Intervention in Peru, 1919-1922,” The Hispanic American Historical Review , 72, no. 1 (1992), 9-10. 721 “Obsequio que la colonia norteam ericana en el Per hace a la n acin con motivo del centenario,” La Prensa , July 4, 1921. 722 “Ya ha Firmado,” Time , September 8, 1930.

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281 landed oligarchy, and the man who ope ned up Peru to Yankee imperialism.723 According to the U.S. magazine Time , which dedicated its front cover to Legua after his 1930 resignation, about three hundred U.S. citizens had established businesses in Lima, and some 250 million U.S. dollars were invested in Peru at that time. U. S. companies held the monopoly of Peru’s telephone and telegraph service, owned the mo st important mining centers, and the most important bank.724 U.S. interests were so linked to the regime in Peru that U.S. Ambassador Fred Morris Dearing left the country immediately after Legua was overthrown.725 Legua’s exaltation of the col onial past and “Hispanic race” was, however, only one of the many sides of a President who juggled para llel discourses while a ttempting to modernize Peru. The Legua regime did not make hispanismo its “official nationalist doctrine” as has been argued.726 Instead, it reproduced and promoted multiple nativisms or indigenismos and hispanisms or hispanismos as part of its modernizing agenda, and to reestablish national pride. Peru, noted Legua in his 1924 speech to inaugura te Peru’s archaeologi cal museum, could now fell proud of all of its glorious pasts “which are symbolized by the Inca, the Viceroy, and the Liberator.”727 More importantly, the exaltation of Hi spanic values and especially those of Catholicism, as much as the view of the Inca Empi re as an orderly societ y, played an important role within the positivist framework of the Legu a years, for they could be used to criticize individualism and to place collective state inte rests and social control above the cause of liberty.728 723 Once overthrown, a delegation of Callao dockworkers addressed Colonel Snchez Cerro, the new President, to ask him to “Free us, sir, from Yankee imperialism.” See “Ya ha Firmado,” Time , September 8, 1930. 724 “Ya ha Firmado,” Time , September 8, 1930. 725 Ibid. 726 Ascencin Martnez, “El Per y Espaa durante el Oncenio.” 727 “Discurso del Presidente de la Repblica,” El Per en el Centenario de Ayacucho , 509. 728 For an earlier use of Catholicism in Republican reform, see Sarah Chambers, From Subjects to Citizens: Honor, Gender, and Politics in Arequipa, Peru, 1780-1854 (University Park: The Pennsylvania State University Press, 1999).

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282 Concrete Discourses: A Lima Nueva for a Patria Nueva As stated above, the transformations of Li ma during the Legua Era followed the basic tenets the previous modernizations carried ou t during the Guano and Post-War of the Pacific eras. The preoccupation with sanitary condi tions continued, and Legua’s administration contracted a U.S. firm named The Foundation Company to manage Lima’s water system, channel ditches, open new st reets, and pave older ones.729 The administration also followed the hygienic prescriptions that charact erized previous urban developm ents. New avenues had to be wide and spacious to allow for the “circulation of air,” and to serve as paseos for pedestrians’ entertainment and enlightenment. Significantl y, it was again argued that Lima lacked such spaces, and that previously built paseos , such as the Alameda de los Descalzos and the Exposition Park, “unfortunately do not possess the proper elemen ts to deserve that name.”730 In order to launch a new beginning on the same grounds, the Patria Nueva had to erase older efforts at modernization by recasting them as part of an obscure past to be transcended. Leguia’s adminstration also demonstrated a special concern with Lima’s demographic problems. Even while the population in the c ity was growing at an unprecedented rate –from 173,000 inhabitants in 1920 to 273,000 in 1931—731 the central government saw it fit to “stimulate the growth and the strengthening of the race, the basis for national betterment.”732 It did so by promoting sanitary studies in gynecology and child care –the new science of puericulture was developed duri ng the period In 1923, a Suprem e Decree by Legua ordered the 729 The Foundation Company was in charge of public works in “the 32 cities in the Republic.” The Central Government gave the works to the company alleging that “no building company in the country has the necessary elements to execute the important sanitation works in a short period of time.” Memoria que el Ministro de Fomento, doctor Julio E. Ego-Aguirre, presenta al Congreso Ordinario de 1920 (Lima: Imprenta Torres Aguirre, 1921), 349. 730 “Cuestiones de medicina e higiene. Las habitaciones y paseos de Lima. Al Sr. Pedro Mujica, Alcalde de Lima,” La Prensa , June 2, 1921. 731 Juan Bromley and Jos Barbagelata, Evolucin urbana de Lima , 105, 108. 732 Memoria que el Ministro de Fomento, doctor Po Max Medina, presenta al Congreso Ordinario de 1923 (Lima: Imprenta Torres Aguirre, 1923), 466.

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283 Ministerio de Fomento to establish an annual prize named Maternidad y Patria (Maternity and Fatherland) to award the two mothers with the largest number of healt hy children –one from the middle class and the other from the working class— with a new house.733 Women were still assigned the crucial role of givi ng citizens to the Patria, and th eir actions were as strictly regulated as in the past.734 The regime also paid special attention to di sciplining the bodies of the population. To “fortify the race,” but also to “militarize youth,”735 Legua promoted the development of sports, and made them an integral part of the educat ional system. The concern about the population’s lack of virility continued, as did the dissemina tion of shooting practice. All secondary schools in the country had to include “military education” and shooting practice; the program for primary schools of Lima also included such instruction.736 Information about the number of schools that actually taught students to us e weapons is not available, but during the 1921 centennial celebrations educator Cecilia Orte ga received an honorary award for creating Peru’s “first child’s shooting club.”737 Immigration was also promoted. It was be lieved that immigrants would respond to the call of Peru’s Patria Nueva and arrive in larger numbers than ever before. Accordingly, the Ministerio de Fomento entertained a plan to bu ild a “Hotel for Immigrants” in Lima that would provide newcomers with temporary lodging. Th e old building where the mental asylum had once functioned before the opening of the new Hospital Nacional de Insanos in Magdalena, 733 Ibid. 734 An article in the newspaper La Prensa argued that pregnant women must only receive guidance from “science,” and suggested that women should not speak about their pregnancies with anybody but doctors, especially not with their own mothers. La Prensa , May 26, 1921. 735 Mensaje presentado al Congreso Ordinario de 1929 por el Presidente seor don Augusto B. Legua , 35, 45. 736 Memoria que el Ministro de Justicia , Culto, Instruccin y Beneficencia, doctor Arturo Osores, presenta al Congreso Ordinario de 1919 (Lima: Imprenta Torres Aguirre, 1919), xxviii. 737 La Prensa , July 28, 1921.

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284 would now be converted into a gateway hotel.738 No immigrant got to enjoy the comforts of the old manicomio , however, for the anticipated wave of Eu ropeans never materia lized. Instead, the building was renovated to host Peru’s first pol ice academy, which was organized by a Spanish mission.739 The hygienic conditions of the lower class callejones received the same kind of attention during Legua’s regime as they did during the post -War of the Pacific period; the stable workers also received special considerati on regarding their housing, as they had to be safeguarded from the pernicious influence of the poor.740 The administration built casas modelo (prototype houses) for workers who would make monthly payments to become proprietors.741 The obreros were also “cultured” through the dissemination of texts related to their trades and industries and through temperance campaigns or ganized by the newly created Liga Nacional de Temperancia (National Temperance League), whic h also printed handouts for workers.742 The Liga counted with the assistance of an archist workers and students. Vctor Ral Haya de la Torre, founding ideologue of the American Popular Revoluti onary Alliance (APRA), and then a university student, created the Universidad Popular Gonzlez Prada as a night school for workers, where they could receive civilizational le ssons from enlightened students. La Prensa , a Limeo newspaper that the government expropria ted in 1921, continuously praised the Universidades Populares and the “intelligent jurisprudence student, Mr. Haya de la Torre” for teaching workers such “transcendental matters” as botanic, elem entary psychology, oral hygiene, the prevention 738 Memoria que el Ministro de Fomento, doctor Julio E. Ego-Aguirre, presenta al Congreso Ordinario de 1920 , 326. 739 Memoria que el Ministro de Gobierno y Polica, doctor Germn Legua y Martnez, presenta al Congreso Ordinario de 1922 (Lima: Imprenta del Estado, 1922), 100. 740 “Problemas de higiene social entre nosotros,” La Prensa , May 21, 1921. 741 La Prensa , May 27, 1921 refers to the first hundred houses built by the Legua regime on the avenue to Miraflores. 742 Memoria del Ministro de Fomento, doctor Po Max Medina, presenta al Congreso Ordinario de 1923 , 52.

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285 and treatment of venereal diseases, and how to keep a medicine cabinet at home.743 The course “the medicine cabinet at home,” for instance, was run by “student-teachers” Chvez Herrera and Haya de la Torre. Haya reserved for himself the “illustrative conferences” on the “destructive effects of alcohol,” using phot ographs that showed damaged body parts and the “products of alcoholic inheritance,” as well as statistics on the maladies associated with the vice.744 “Vagrancy” was defined in an almost identical way, and it was condemned with the same old rhetoric (see Chapter 4 above).745 The regime also followed the previous design fo r the expansion of the city. It finished the grand modernizing project of the Alamedas de Circunvalacin (Bel tway Avenues) that surrounded extramural Lima when it complete d construction on the Avenida Alfonso Ugarte, which connected the Plaza Bologne si with the Plaza Dos de Mayo. In 1907, the new home of the Colegio Guadalupe had been erected on the dusty road that would become the Alfonso Ugarte Avenue. In 1924 the Legua regime paved the av enue and inaugurated the Hospital Loayza and also Peru’s Archeological Museum as part of the centennial celebrations in commemoration of the Battle of Ayacucho. But it was not until 1926 that the avenue was transformed into an elegant paseo with gardens, marble be nches, and public restrooms.746 Another important avenue was the Avenida del Progreso, which connected Lima with the port of Callao. It was intended to be a road for heavy traffic that would help lead the expansion of an i ndustrial area, as Henry Meiggs had imagined it in the early 1870s. Factories and barrios obreros were constructed along the avenue, including Chacra Colorada and Garden City. The name Garden City reflected its modernist English inspiration as a planned, self-enclosed village. 743 See, for instance, La Prensa , June 2, 1921; June 10, 1921; June 21, 1921; July 8, 1921. 744 La Prensa , June 10, 1921. 745 Memoria que el Ministro de Gobierno y Polica, doctor Germn Legua y Martnez, presenta al Congreso Ordinario de 1922 , 126-8. 746 Juan Bromley and Jos Barbagelata, Evolucin urbana de Lima , 107.

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286 The regime’s most important avenue, however, was the one that connected Lima with the coastal town of Miraflores. The city was al ready connected to Magdalena (to the north of Miraflores) and the sea shor e by Brazil Avenue (called Pirola during Pirola’s administration), which ended in the vicinity of the national ment al asylum. A new avenue had been built to connect that avenue with the coastal town of Miraflores and, by the early twentieth century, planners argued that Lima and Miraflores should be connected by a more direct avenue.747 The Legua administration speedily constr ucted the fifty-two block road to Miraflores, contracting the ubiquitous Foundation Company to that effect in March, 1921. The President wanted it ready for the centennial celebrations in July. It was a grand avenue with a centr al garden that ran the length of the boulevar d, designed to be a paseo adorned with grass and tr ees, and with different species of trees planted every three blocks. Its use was regul ated to give it architectural homogeneity, and regularity; faades, for instance, had to be uniformly aligned at a distance of five meters from the sidewalks (Figure 7-1).748 The boulevard to Mirafl ores reflected the idea that avenues should be aesthetic and hygienic, that is, open a nd cultured spaces and not just arteries for rapid communication.749 By the end of May 1921 news papers reported that one of the vehicle lanes of the avenue had been completed and was open to circulation.750 In a parallel development, the first one hundred casas modelo for workers were constructed.751 The second lane and the houses were inaugur ated by Legua as part of the centennial celebrations. The 747 The Anales de las obras pblicas delPer. Aos 1905 y 1906 (Lima: Empresa Tipogrfica Lertiga, 1918), 51024, has a description of the future avenue to connect Magdalena del Mar with Miraflores. The Memoria de la Municipalidad de Lima. 1905 (Lima: Librera e Imprenta Gil, 1905), 49, already mentions the opening of the avenue from Lima to Miraflores for the future expansion of the city. The Boletn del Ministerio de Fomento. Direccin de obras pblicas , II, no. 7 (1906): 67 reports that the Central Gove rnment declared the work of “public interest” to start expropriations. 748 Juan Bromley and Jos Barbagelata, Evolucin urbana de Lima , 106. 749 Memoria que el Ministro de Fomento, ingeniero Manuel Masas, presenta al Congreso Ordinario de 1924 (Lima: Casa Editora de la Opinin Nacional, 1925) ; “Memoria de inspeccin de obras” in Memoria de la Municipalidad de Lima. 1920 (Lima: Imprenta Torres Aguirre, 1921). 750 La Prensa , May 27, 1921. 751 Ibid.

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287 avenue received the name of the Avenida Legua and it included a bust of the President strategically placed at the head of the avenue.752 The avenue opened a large area for urban de velopment between the older city and the seashore. Indeed, soon after th e inauguration of Legua Avenue, the administration proposed to prolong the Avenida Legua to connect Miraflores with the seas ide resort and fishing villages of Barranco and Chorrillos to the south.753 The idea was to make the Legua Avenue meet up with the Malecn Legua, a long, seaside avenue that would conne ct the town of La Punta at the port of Callao with the fishing village of Chorrillos. The result woul d be the incorporation of a huge new area for the expansion of Lima. The area around the Legua Avenue would set aside zones for the workers “who invest th eir savings to acquire land.”754 Other areas were reserved for middle-class empleados (white-collar workers) who worked for the state and could pay for their homes with salary deductions.755 These areas formed the urbanizacin Santa Beatriz, neighboring the Escuela de Agricultura y Veterinaria . New mansions for upper sectors were also constructed along the Legua Avenue during the 1920s. By 1926, a new Country Club had been c onstructed with a “res idential district, the most select that anyone could aspire to in the vi cinity of Lima.” The area was developed by the Sociedad Annima Propietaria del Country Club whose director was Walter Hebard, VicePresident of the Foundation Company, to become “the center of the social, cultural, and sports life of the City of the Kings,” according to an advertisement placed in Lima’s newspapers.756 Becoming a resident in the neighborhood included membership in the Country Club, where 752 The bust was made at the School of Arts and Trades by Manuel Aymar, who also made the plaque commemorating the event. See La Prensa , May 22, 1921. 753 Memoria que el Ministro de Fomento, doctor Po Max Medina, presenta al Congreso Ordinario de 1923 , 277. 754 Memoria que el Ministro de Fomento, doctor Po Max Medina, presenta al Congreso Ordinario , 273. 755 Ibid, 274. 756 El Comercio , May 9, 1926.

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288 members could play “the most modern and heal thy sports, such as golf, polo, tennis, swimming and squash,” and socialize in the club’s salons “which will not be inferior to any other in the world in width, comfort, amenities, elegance, and service.”757 The neighborhood attempted to include everything a rich Limeo could dream of. The facilities had been designed and built with the “last word in modern engineering,” and resi dents could enjoy a luxur ious exclusivity. The advertisement for the neighborhood highlighted it s modern facilities and compared them favorably with the “most advanced ones in Europe and the United States,” and at the same time it resonated with the aristocratic, co lonial designation of Lima as “T he City of the Kings.” That name had been despised and changed to “The City of the Free” because of its kingly connotation during the early republican years (see Chapte r 1 above). Now it was once again in vogue precisely for its regal resonances. The Country Club development offered a kingly environment for Lima’s bourgeoisie, but its rhetoric was not uncommon during th e Legua years. As we saw above, colonial Hispanic images had been co mfortably incorporated within a modern and progressive discur sive framework. The Legua regime had an unprecedented concern for the growing white-collar sector, and planned housing projects in areas such as San Miguel.758 The regime also created a National Commission for Economical Hous ing to study alternatives for both the working and middle classes.759 Indeed, during these years the “idea of the middle class” was developed in Peru760 as white-collar workers struggled to distinguish themselves fr om the working class, which in turn made repeated efforts to di stance itself from the poor. 757 Ibid. 758 Communication 937 from Lima’s Police Intendant to th e Department’s Prefect dated on December 22, 1921, notified him that a marble plaque commemorating Legua ’s placement of the cornerstone for white-collar houses had been stolen. AGN Ministerio del Interior, Di reccin General de Gobier no, 3.9.5.1. 15.1.16.38. 759 Memoria que el Ministro de Fomento, doctor Po Max Medina, presenta al Congreso Ordinario , 18-9. 760 David Parker, The Idea of the Middle Class: White -Collar Workers and Peruvian Society (University Park: Pennsylvania State University Press, 1998).

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289 Legua Avenue also spurred the development of the town of Miraflores, where new and comfortable chalets –“garden houses ” is the word used by newspaper La Prensa —761 were being built in the “Leuro” development. This development was a comfortable citadel of artistically designed chalets, and which demonstr ated the influence of the U.S. Mission Revival and the British neo-Tudor styles (Figure 7-2). The village’s decorations were imported from the United States. The effect was to create a s uburban environment previously unknown in Lima. The Organizing Committee for the Celebration of th e Centennial of Independence decided to use the newly constructed development to host the fo reign delegations coming to the celebrations,762 and contracted Maple and Compa ny, a London-based furnishing esta blishment, to decorate the chalets for the occasion.763 Different architectural styles we re eclectically used in other new areas opened by the Avenida Legua . While the English neo-T udor style was popular along the avenue and in Miraflores and Barranco, other re sidences sought rural European, “Medieval,” Mission revival, and Andalusian styles, forming a historicist pastiche of neighborhood styles that nevertheless conformed to modern conceptio ns of hygiene and spatial distribution. It was in the midst of this eclectic architect ural wave of modernist revivalism that “NeoColonial” and “Neo-Prehispanic” styles began to appear in Lima. Re vivalism and historic restoration had become important trends in Euro pean architectur e since the 1830s, especially in regard to medieval structures and the Gothic style in Germany, the United Kingdom, and France, but also across the contin ent. Revivalism would also find its way to the United States through the neo-Gothic, neo-Renaissance, Mediterra nean, and Mission re vival movements in architecture. In Spain, a group of architects we re vindicating the Spanis h Baroque as a valid 761 La Prensa , July 7, 1921. 762 Memoria que el Ministro de Fomento, doctor Julio E. Ego-Aguirre, presenta al Congreso Ordinario de 1920 , 49. 763 Presupuesto de los seores Maple y Ca. De Londres al seor Presidente de la Comisin del Centenario (Lima: n/e, 1921).

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290 architectural legacy after the centuri es-long predominance of “Academicism.”764 All European revivals were inspired by international modernis m and they revalued traditions in attempts to find expressions for modern national uniqueness. The most important theoretician of the Castilian baroque revivalism was Vicente Lamp rez, who argued that architecture had to recuperate “traditional” styles to express the di stinctiveness of a nation’s “climatic and racial idiosyncracies.”765 The quest for an adequate vehicle of modern national di stinctiveness gave rise to a profusion of “neo” styles that sought to make eclectic stylistic adaptations of “national models” in accordance with modernist notions of space. The British neo-Tudor of the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, for instance, has properly been labeled “mock-Tudor” for its evident indifference to its namesake fifteenthand sixteenthcentury predecessors. In Peru, the modern quest for vehicles of national uniqueness was cen tral to the cultural politics of the Legua regime. An early experime nt in “Neocolonial” architecture was made in 1911 by Rafael Marquina, who designed and built a home in this style upon his return to Lima after studies at Cornell University.766 Marquina’s neocolonial house earned the praise of Tefilo Castillo, a romantic painter who had studied in Europe and who was now using Ricardo Palma’s famous Tradiciones (a set of picaresque litera ry sketches of Limeno life) as the inspiration for an “authentic national style.”767 It was not until the 1920s, however, that the style fully developed. The Legua administration decided to restore co lonial buildings, many of which were in a calamitous state or had received successive, partial re storations that in effect had made them into 764 Luis Eduardo Wuffarden, “Manuel Piqueras Cotol, Neoperuano de ambos mundos,” in Manuel Piqueras Cotol (1885-1937): arquitecto, escultor y urbanista entre Espaa y el Per (Lima: Museo de Arte de Lima, 2003), 23-4. 765 Quoted by Luis Eduardo Wuffarden, “Manuel Piqueras Cotol, Neoperuano de ambos mundos,” 24. 766 For a biography of Marquina, see Luis Jimnez and Miguel Santivez, Rafael Marquina, arquitecto (Lima: Universidad Nacional de Ingeniera, 2005). 767 Luis Eduardo Wuffarden, “Manuel Piqueras Cotol, Neoperuano de ambos mundos,” 38.

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291 stylistic monsters. The regime also commissioned the constructi on of important public buildings in the neo-colonial style. In 1921, La Prensa announced the government’s decision to restore the Torre Tagle home –an early eighteenth-century baroque mansi on with ornate balconies, emblematic of the once vilified but now revived colonial style of the “City of Kings.”. The renovation included the placement of Sevillian glazed tiles and mosaics, and was complemented with “colonial” furniture and household items, some of which was in fact from the colonial period –such as the furniture from the Aliaga family that impresse d the newspaper writer for its title of nobility—768 and some of which would have to be made to or der. The newspaper congratulated the regime for the renovation, expressing its opinion that it was time for the “defense of the vestiges of colonial grandeur,” and for “the restoration of those [bu ildings] that have not yet been destroyed by the [waves of] anti-archaeological epidemics.”769 The choice of words here is perhaps suggestive, for it may be read to convey that desire among th e Hispanist elite, and characteristic of the Legua regime, to make parts of Lima into an inhabited archaeological museum that could proudly exhibit Peru’s gl orious colonial past. Polish architect Ricardo Jaxa Malachowski and Spanish sc ulptor Manuel Piqueras were commissioned for the Torre Tagle restoration. Malachowski had come to Peru in 1910 during Legua’s first regime, when he was put in charge of the new “Special Se ction of Architects and Builders” of the School of Engineering. Piqueras, for his part, had arrived in Peru in 1919 to direct the first classes of sculpture at the newly created Fine Arts School. Soon he became involved in architectural, decora tion, and urbanism projects. Ma rquina, Malachowski, Piqueras, and the French architect Claudio Sahut were a ll able professionals trained abroad, and they 768 La Prensa , June 12, 1921. 769 Ibid.

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292 would become the leading figures in the modernist architectural quest for a Peruvian style. Jaxa Malachowski had a particular a ffinity for the Torre Tagle house; indeed, it served as the inspiration for his design for the Archbishop’s Pa lace in Lima’s main square (Figure 7-3). The demolition of the old residence of Lima’s Archbishop was begun in 1898 under the Pirola administration, but was never finished so that the building still stood albeit with a ruinous appearance. In 1916, the administration of Jo s Pardo opened a competition with a jury composed, among others, by former Mayor of Lima Federico Elguera, pain ter Tefilo Castillo, and Monsignor Belisario Phillips. Jaxa Malach owski’s winning proposal was a version of the Torre Tagle house only larger, keeping proportions w ith the adjacent Cathedra l. It included two large wooden and shuttered balconies of the kind Elguera had so much despised and opposed during his administration of Lima (see Chapte r 6 above). Jaxa Malachowski had commenced construction in October 1917 but by 1921 work was paralyzed. The Legua administration provided the impulse to finish it , and hired engineer Enrique M ogrovejo and architect Sahut to do the job. 770 The new Archbishop’s Palace initia ted the transformation of Lima’s Plaza de Armas into a space that would symbolize the nati on’s harmonious reconciliation with Spanish colonialism. It was inaugurated during the centennial celebrations of 1924. Alejandrino Maguia, Minister of Justice, Education, Worship, and Charity not ed that the building paid “a deeply felt homage to the historic epoch in whic h the virtues of Santo Toribio and Santa Rosa de Lima had flourished.”771 Another important sign of the reconciliati on with Spain was the inauguration of the Panten de los Prceres (Mausoleum or Pantheon of the Heroes) in the same year. The 770 “Discurso del doctor Alejandrino Maguia, Ministro de Justicia, Instruccin, Culto y Beneficencia, al inaugurar el Palacio Arzobispal,” in El Per en el Centenario de Ayacucho. Recopilacin efectuada por la Secretara del seor Presidente de la Repblica de los discursos pronunciados en las ceremonias conmemorativas (Lima: Editorial Garcilaso, 1925). 771 Ibid, 467.

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293 Pantheon was a national shrine or tomb for the bodi es of the heroes of the independence wars. Symbolically or perhaps ironically, the chosen venue for the tomb was the seventeenth-century colonial church of San Carlos located adjacent to the University of San Marcos. In 1890 the State Engineer Teodoro Elmore had proposed th e use of “suppressed temples” for a national memorial. Elmore had been commissioned to sel ect a suitable site within Lima’s sprawling suburban cemetery for a mausoleum to honor the victims of the War of the Pacific but the engineer’s report proposed to honor all national heroes in a single sh rine located in the center of the old city. He suggested usi ng the San Carlos Church, which had been “suppressed” by liberal legislation during the nineteenth centu ry, as a place of nationalist worship.772 Elmore’s proposal, however, came decades too early. The Ministerio de Fomento discarded it, for at the time it was unacceptable –indeed sacriligious-to honor fallen republican heroes within the premises of a colonial temple. In any cas e, it was decided that a Cripta de los Hroes would be built in the cemetery for the heroes of the War of the Pacific.773 In 1921, however, the Legua administration unearthed Elmore’s old proposal: the abandoned church would be used to honor the heroes of Independence. Anticipating criticism, La Prensa published Legua’s decree along with an article that argued that the regime’s decision to use the chur ch was not treason to republican ideals; after all, Revol utionary France had transformed Saint Genevieve Church into a nationalist Pantheon for the in ternment of its heroes.774 The old colonial temple as national shrine would signal Peru’s ruptur e with Spanish colonialism but also its debt to the church. Architect Sahut was in charge of the adapta tion of the San Carlos Church. His proposal was approved in June, 1924, and the expenses charged to the special account named “expenses 772 Anales de las obras pblicas del Per. Ao 1 890 (Lima: Imprenta “La Industria,” 1897), 682. 773 The Cripta de los Hroes was designed by French architect Emile Robert and was inaugurated in 1908. 774 La Prensa , July 1, 1921.

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294 for the Ayacucho centennial.”775 Renovations included the church’s seventeenth-century baroque cedar altar and pulpit. The figure of San Carlos, the patr on saint of the church, was not removed from its dominant location behind the main altar, but was instead symbolically “nationalized.” A presidential slash, carrying the colors of Peru’s flag, was draped on the shoulders of San Carlos. Moreover, this Peruvi an San Carlos was fla nked by Peruvian saints: Santo Toribio de Mogrovejo (although born in Sp ain he was Lima’s second and most famous Archbishop), San Martn de Porres, and Santa Ro sa de Lima. The “Peruvianization” of San Carlos was emblematic of a broader process by wh ich the colonial was nati onalized (Figure 7-4). A neoclassical statue of the Patria by sculptor Artemio Ocaa, a pupil of the Italian Lbero Valente at the School of Arts and Trades who had recently returned from Rome, Peruvianized and secularized the Church’s faade. Bronze busts of San Martn, Bolivar, Antonio Jos Sucre, and othe r heroes who had not fallen in Peru were displayed in the hall abov e ground, while the tomb of Peruvian heroes was appropriately located beneath the altar.776 At the time of the Panten ’s inauguration, however, it had yet to house any corpse.777 The eclecticism of this national shrine was highlighted by four allegorical paintings by the nativ ist artist Jose Sabogal that a dorned the inner vault of the church’s dome. The paintings represented the four Catholic cardinal virtue s of prudence, justice, temperance, and fortitude. Sabogal had studied in Rome, and was recently returned from Mexico where he had met with Diego Rivera, Carlos Orozco, and David Alfaro Siqueiros. Sabogal chose to paint the christian virtues in a cl assical Greco-Roman style, but the features of 775 Memoria que el Ministro de Fomento, ingeniero Manuel Masas, presenta al Congreso Ordinario de 1924 , 311. 776 Jorge Carln Arce, Centro de Estudios Histrico-Militares del Per. Historia, organizacin, fines y posibilidades (Lima: Centro de Estudios Histrico-Militares del Per, 1999). 777 Centro de Estudios Histrico-Militares del Per, Gua Histrica y biogrfica del Panten Nacional de los Prceres (Lima: Centro de Estudios Hist rico-Militares del Per, 1999), 6.

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295 the figures were also conspic uously indigenous, a stylistic remi nder of Peru’s “prehispanic classical era.”778 This nationalist memorial condensed much of the historical narrati ve crafted during the Legua regime. Now, a colonial temple could become a sanctuary to celebrate the rupture with colonial rule, and the indigenous could be cel ebrated as a manifestation of a native or “prehispanic” classical endowed w ith the cardinal virtue s of christianity. At the inauguration of the Panten the Venezuelan Ambassador was the mo st important guest. Ambassador Pedro Arcaya presented Legua with “Pizarro’s Standard ” and “Bolvar’s Sword.” The banner of the Conqueror and the sword of the Liberator now represented a long and transcendental hi storical process [which was] the work of Spain [This work] consisted in the transmission of its soul, with torr ents of its blood, to the indigenous race of America, which since the beginnings of human evolution was kept apart from the branch from Asia , North Africa, and Europe, that is, from the groups that had produced all the ideas and engendered all the sentiments of contemporary civilization.779 Arcaya’s speech resonated with the now common notion that independence was a natural process that began with conquest, and it highlighted the idea that it was Spanish colonialism that had allowed for America’s entrance into the civili zed world. Perhaps most importantly, Arcaya’s allusion to the “transmission of blood” from Spain to the “indigenous race” marked the emergence of a new discourse on mestizaje that the Legua regime had yet to fully develop and promote. Alongside the emphasis on historical continu ity the Legua admini stration would also strive to make clear statements regardi ng its rupture with the past. Thus, the Patria Nueva focused its efforts on the construction of the new Plaza San Martn. This modern plaza and 778 For more information on Sabogal, see Jos Torres Bohl, Apuntes sobre Jos Sabogal. Vida y obra (Lima: Banco Central de Reserva del Per, 1989). 779 El Per en el Centenario de Ayacucho , 373.

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296 monument to independence would challenge the colonial hegemony of the central Plaza de Armas. The proposed site had been occupied by the Convent and Hospital of San Juan de Dios since the seventeenth century, a nd since the Guano Era it also hos ted Lima’s train station. The plan to transform the location into a space to honor San Martn was el aborated during Legua’s first administration in the early 1910s when the second phase of the Avenida La Colmena project was still under construction. Mariano Benlliure’s monument to San Martn, which was to be the centerpiece of the place, had been finished in 1909 (see Chapter 6). Demolition of the convent and station began in 1911. Polish architect Br uno Paprocki presented a new proposal for the Plaza in 1916, however. Paprocki’s plaza would be surrounded by monumental buildings in the “neo-French” style, in tune with the Teatro Coln designed by Sahut a nd inaugurated in 1914, and with the neighboring Avenida la Colmena (see Chapter 6). 780 A similar proposal was drafted by Jaxa Malachowski in 1918, and it received the support of Mayor Luis Mir Quesada.781 The proposal was more a sign of conti nuity with the constructions carried out during Pirola’s presidency and Elguera’s term as Mayor, and Legua simply discarded it. In 1919, the President himself –not fond of open competitions for public works—appointed Manuel Piqueras for the job, and formed a commission to s upervise the construction of the Plaza, which had to be rapidly constructed to play a central role in the celebrations of the Centennial of Independence in 1921. Piqueras designed a wide pl aza reminiscent of the renaissance plazas of Madrid and Salamanca, with m onumental buildin gs surrounding it.782 The esplanade’s surface was to be paved with granite tiles, and the ba lustrades and benches lined with marble from Verona and Siena. The plaza included four circ ular reflecting pools, ornamental bronze lamps, 780 Lima. Municipalidad, Plaza San Martn, MCMXCVII (Lima: Municipalidad de Lima, 1997), 17. 781 Wiley Ludea, “Piqueras urbanista en el Per o la invencin de una tradicin,” in Manuel Piqueras Cotol (18851937) , 232. 782 Luis Eduardo Wuffarden, “Manuel Piqueras Cotol, Neoperuano de ambos mundos,” 35.

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297 and Seville gardens. The Plaza San Martin was a coherent and ambitious project that successfully broke with all previous intervention s in the city. It created a modern, spacious atmosphere in which Spanish renaissance monumentality harmonized with the neo-colonial (Figure 7-7).783 But such an ambitious project could not be finished in time for the Centennial celebrations. For the inaugurat ion, the surroundings were cove red with columns and wooden panels, which in turn were adorned with flags. The colossal San Martn monument designed and made by Benlliure years before was shipped to Lima and erected by his closest disciple, Gregorio Domingo, who had arrived with Piqueras in 1919. It was a grand depiction of a calm, contemplative San Martn crossing the high Andes, a nd as such struck a cont rast with the defiant or triumphant statue of Bolvar (see Chapter 2 above). The 1921 monument to the Liberator did not contain a single reference to the battles the hero had fought before the Declaration of Independence. On the front of the base la Patria holds a crown of laurel, and on her head is not the usual flame (the word for flame in Spanish is llama ) but the Andean camellid. On the rear, Argentine soldiers fraternize with a Peruvian sold ier, and the flags of both countries are shown. At the same time that architects developed th e neo-colonial style they were exploring prehispanic motifs in architecture and other arts . European architects had been experimenting with “exotic” styles from the co lonial territories, most notably in those epitomes and showcases of modernity that were the Universal Expositions. Latin American “wizards of progress” also contributed to these expositions with a mixture of prehispanic, Gothic, and Roman motifs that served to universalize their nations by presenting them as part of the cosmopolitan world, and 783 Wiley Ludea, “Piqueras urbanista en el Per o la invencin de una tradicin,”

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298 with a classical era comparable to that of the Roman Empire.784 By the late nineteenth century the mexicain and peruvien styles had already acquired respecta bility in Paris, where the notable Eugne Viollet-Le-Duc designe d “Aztec” and “Inca” rooms in 1884.785 In turn, Barberot had added these to the manuals of th e Beaux Arts School in Paris by 1891.786 In Peru the development of archaeology as an academic discipline with support from the state gave an impulse to the spread of preh ispanic motifs across a wi de array of artistic expression. In 1921 for example a set of “Tiahuan aco style” furniture was being made in the carpentry workshop of the School of Arts and Trades. The set would be exhibited at the International Industry Exposition organized for the 1921 centennial celebrations.787 Months later, the National Museum opened an exhibit on “In ca decore.” It was a room designed with “authentic Inca themes,” including painted skir ting boards and a ceiling frieze, a stained glass window with the “Sun of the Incas,” silk and le ather cushions, and furniture of a “genuinely archaic style,” according to a La Prensa reporter, who noted, however, that “it is impossible to tell if the Incas really had furniture.”788 The exhibit of Inca decore had been prepared by “the distinguished seoritas of our society, Elena and Victoria Izcue,” with the help of the Minister of Education, C. Barrs, as an effort “to demonstrat e the glories of our past .” Indeed, the reporter noted, “to promote a genuinely Peruvian art manife station is the most noble aspiration of a true nationalism.”789 Elena Izcue had studied at the Fine Arts School under Piqueras and Sabogal, 784 Mauricio Tenorio-Trillo, Mexico at the World’s Fairs: Crafting a Modern Nation , (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1996). 785 Rodrgo Gutirrez Viuales, “La arqu itectura neo-prehispnica: manifestacin de la identidad nacional y americana,” in Arquitextos , 041 (2003). 786 Luis Eduardo Wuffarden, “Manuel Piqueras Cotol, Neoperuano de ambos mundos,” 27. 787 La Prensa , May 22, 1921. 788 La Prensa , August 4, 1921. 789 La Prensa , August 4, 1921.

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299 where students were instructed to copy ornamental motifs from pre-Hispanic architecture, textiles, and pottery.790 Sculptors and architects could not be absent in the wave of artistic Incaismo of the Patria Nueva . Carlo Lbero Valente, the Italian sculptor hired by Legua’s first administration to work at the School of Arts and Trades, made a statue of Inca Manco Capac to be erected atop the San Cristobal hill overlooking Lima. According to a contemporary newspaper report, Valente studied the “legends regarding the mythical founde r and has penetrated with affection in the soul of our origins.” The sculpture “is an admira ble sample of the Inca race before suffering the numbing influence of conquest.” Manco was pl aced on a stone block, “without the expression of defeat caused by the servitude of three centuries , nor the gesture that reveals the spiritual limitation caused by alco hol and ignorance.”791 The sculpture, which wa s read by the reporter as a symbol of what the Indian race was before its decadence, had been commissioned by the Mayor of Rimac. Rimac was now a district i ndependent from the Municipality of Lima, but apparently the statue was never erecte d. By 1921 Valente had also prepared a maquette for a monument of Inca Atahualpa.792 Artemio Ocaa, a pupil of Vale nte who also studied in Italy with state support, made his first indigenista work with a representation of the Indian warrior Cahuide, exhibited at the Intern ational Industrial Exposition in 1921.793 The most important nativist monument of th is period, however, would be the one erected by the Japanese colony for the centennial of indepe ndence. The immigrant colonies in Peru were important participants in the ce lebration of the centennial, pr esenting their host country with gifts. The Italian colony sponsored an art mu seum, the Germans a clock tower, the Chinese a 790 Luis Eduardo Wuffarden, “Manuel Piqueras Cotol, Neoperuano de ambos mundos,” 39-42. 791 “Estatua de Manco Capac para el Cerro San Cristobal,” La Prensa , June 19, 1921. 792 La Prensa , May 22, 1921 793 “La Escuela de Artes y Oficios y la Exposicin Industrial,” La Prensa , August 18, 1921.

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300 fountain, the British a soccer stadium, the Spaniards a commemorative arch in the Moorish style (placed at the entrance to Legua Avenue), and the U.S. colony a system of traveling libraries. According to Federico Elguera, who was part of the organizing commission for the celebrations, the leaders of the Japanese colony had sought his advice on what their gift to Peru should be. Elguera’s response was that they should erect a monument to Manco Capac, since the first Inca was the “son of the Sun, founder of the grand Inca Empire. It is your job, sons of the Rising Sun, to erect that memento because of that similarity and also for ethnic reasons.”794 Here the former Mayor of Lima was alluding to the belief, widely held in the nineteenth-century, that the Inca dynasty had originated in Asia and th at Manco may have come from Japan.795 Elguera also recommended that the leaders of the colony contact Cuzco historian Horacio Urteaga for information on Manco, and sculptor David Lozano to create the monument. Lozano designed a Manco who held aloft a gold scepter in one hand and in the other “the sun, explaining the mission entrusted by Father Sun to the sons of the soil.”796 The monument also included four reliefs representing Manco Capac and his wife Mama Ocllo’s civilizing mission (Figure 7-5). The monument’s base made reference to Inca constructions for it resembled a stonehewn building with trapezoids and engravings of myth ical figures, plus two br onze representations of the Andean condor and the llama, respectively.797 The monument was not erected until 1926 however, when it was located at the in tersection of the Grau thoroughfare and Avenida Santa Teresa . According to a reporter, Legua had ente rtained the idea of erecting a monument to Manco in the Plaza then under constructed behind the Legislative Palace, where the founder of 794 “El monumento a Manco Capac,” in La Independencia del Per y la colonia japonesa , 68. 795 See Mark Thurner, “Peruvian Genealogies of History and Nation,” in After Spanish Rule: Postcolonial Predicaments of the Americas , ed. Mark Thurner and Andrs Guerrero (Durham: Duke University Press, 2003). 796 “La colonia japonesa del Per y nuestro Centenario. La estatua de Manco Cpac por el Sr. David Lozano,” La Prensa , July 23, 1921. 797 A complete description can be found in La Prensa , July 23, 1921.

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301 the Inca Empire would serve as an ancient counter point to Bolvar (see Chapter 2 above), so that “our representatives would deliberate under the in fluence of the great initiators of the greatest epochs of our history.”798 The inauguration of the monument epitomized the theatricality of the Legua regime. Speeches by the President of the Executive Committee for the Monument, and for the Japanese Central Society, Ichitaro Morimoto, and the Ambassador from Japan, M. Yamazaki, were complemented by speeches delivered by Mayor Andrs Dasso and Minister Pedro Rada y Gamio. As noted above, Rada y Gamio drew a pompous comparison between Manco and Legua, the founder of the Patria Nueva . The President, who had been an influential force behind the arrival of Japanese im migrants by the late nineteenth century, compared Manco with the Emperor Mutsuhito as great leaders of “miracu lous empires.” Always fond of the familial – he had already spoken of Peru as the son of Fr ance and Spain, and brother of the United States and all “Hispanic” republics— the President no w made reference to the “racial community” between Japan and Peru, which apparently extend ed to the common colors of the countries’ respective flags. Most importan tly, Legua had a token group of indgenas attend the ceremony and present a laurel wreath to the monument, while the band of the Republican Guard played pieces by Daniel Aloma Robles and parts of the opera Ollanta composed by Valle Riestra.799 Perhaps the most significant example of a ne o-prehispanic building in Lima was that designed by Jaxa Malachowski to house the private collection of Vctor Larco Herrera. A wealthy sugar baron from the northern coast Larco had accumulated a large collection of Moche ceramics, and his collection was enlarged when he purchased other private collections. In 1919 Larco initiated the project to construct an archaeology museum. He called for an open 798 La Prensa , June 19, 1921. 799 “Inauguracin del monumento a Manco Capac,” in La Independencia del Per y la colonia japonesa , 24, 47-8.

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302 competition of proposals that Jaxa Malachowski won.800 It was a unusual building that combined architectural references to several prehispa nic sites and cultures. The Pole’s museum boasted faux-Incan walls –the c oncrete walls were cast to rese mble the huge stones, and added iconographical references from other pre-Inca cu ltures, most notably Tiahuanaco, but also Chavn and Chim (north highland and coast cult ures) (Figure 7-6). Legua had been born in northern coastal Peru, and he had developed a sensibility towards the artifacts of archeology. He supported the creation of the Brunning Museum in his native Lamb ayeque, and turned in into a state museum. The President decided that the state should purchase Larco’s museum. It would be the first Museo Arqueolgico del Per , and the President inaugurated it in 1924 as part of the celebrations for the Ayacucho Centennial. The neo-prehispanic museum offered a st riking counterpoint to the neighboring Plaza Dos de Mayo , whose surroundings were also built by Larco Herrera, and included a row of elegant mansions that resembles the Parisian Place de l’Etoile , and which lent the plaza a francophilic style.801 The French mansions were the work of none other than Jaxa Malachowski, who saw his three major works inaugurated in 19 24: the neo-colonial Archbishop’s Palace, the neo-prehispanic archaeological museum , and the French environs of the Plaza Dos de Mayo . It was certainly a significant year for an architec t whose versatility could only be rivaled by President Legua’s. A New Modern Gesture to Forget In 1930 Legua was overthrown by a new dictat or, General Snchez Cerro. As a result his name was quickly erased from Lima’s public spaces. Legua Avenue was renamed Avenida Arequipa , and the unfinished Malecn Legua was now Avenida Costanera . It must have taken 800 Gabriel Ramn, “El guin de la ciruga urbana: Lima 1850-1940,” Ensayos en Ciencias Sociales (Lima: Fondo Editorial de la Facultad de Ciencias Sociales, Un iversidad Nacional Mayor de San Marcos, 2004), 28. 801 Ibid., 25.

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303 considerable time and energy to remove all of th e busts of Legua that adorned plazas across the entire country, however. All were made from the same 1921 cast prepared for the President’s first bronze located at the entrance of Legua Av enue. The large number of monuments erected by the regime could not be so easily removed. Architects and engineers had been fully booked during his regime, and they simultaneously develo ped all of the imaginable “neo” styles. The regime’s discursive versatility materialized in multip le historicisms that alluded to multiple pasts. the representations could all coexist in a city in which successive republican modernizations processes soon came to symbolize the colonial past, and where th e once rejected could suddenly become the fashionable. The Legua Era was one of temporal promiscuity, in which different historical simulacra coexisted to promote Limeo ’s pride and to expr ess Peru’s cultural “authenticities.” A good example was the Parque de la Reserva , Legua’s new paseo inaugurated in 1929. Indigenista Jos Sabogal created a ceremonial prehispanic site of worship there, and Daniel Vsquez Paz deploy ed prehispanic motifs for his fountain.802 The park seems to have been inspired both by London’s Hyde Pa rk and New York’s Central Park (Legua had lived in both cities). Limeos could now spend their leisure time in a cultured paseo that was “theirs” in many senses, both modern and ancient, and in all cases “Peruvian.” Days before the 1921 Centennial Celebrations a fire in the Government Palace destroyed part of the “old and historical mansion of the Viceroys, so full of mementos, and deeply related to our national life.”803 Still, Legua did not alter his plan s for the celebratio n. During a gala dance, the diminutive President occupied “the historic chair of Pizarro” from which he presided over the many halls of the Palace. One of thes e halls resembled “some of the salons in the Vatican, with “old-style chande liers that resemble some sump tuous Spanish chapels,” another 802 Jos Garca Bryce, “La arquitectur a de Manuel Piqueras Cotol,” in Manuel Piqueras Cotol (1885-1937) , 119. 803 La Prensa , July 4, 1921.

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304 had Louise XVI furniture, yet another hosted colonial-sty le wooden pieces.804 For the Ayacucho centennial, Legua had commissioned Piqueras and Sabogal to create a hall for receptions in the Government Palace. The result, after a month a nd a half of strenuous work, was a hall adorned both by prehispanic and colonial motifs. This was an ephemeral construction, however, for the Palace would be completely reconstructed af ter the design of Sahut, who was appointed by Legua in 1926. The elegant new Palace was not inaugurated until1938 –Jaxa Malachoswchi directed the final works— and the final design in cluded halls inspired in the Versailles Palace, with a facade decorated with neocolonial motifs. Still standing in Lima’s Plaza de Armas, the Government Palace stands next to the 1924 Arc hbishop’s Palace, Lima’s Cathedral, and the Municipalidad de Lima (the latter a 1940s neo-colonial desi gn). This was the “neo” center of what has come to be known, with immeasurab le doses of amnesia, as “colonial Lima.” The modern creation of “neo” pasts during the Legua Era was a conciliatory gesture toward Peru’s postcolonial dilemmas. Several definitions of Peruanidad could now coexist, quite literally, next to each other. Walk ing Legua’s Lima, one could gaze upon a mock prehispanic temple, witness Manco Capac la unching his founding civilizing mission, and visit Pizarro’s grave –although it was ne ver certain if the remains belonged to the conquistador. One could also admire a new colonial Archbishop’s Palace, and greet a larg e number of Peruvian history’s heroic figures. Heter ogeneous temporalities coexisted in the city, and competed for the gaze of Limeos and visitors. But it was a neo-city of modern constructions that had fauxfaades that made references to diverse past s. A large number of monuments also stood, allegedly to pay tribute to th e Great Men that had contributed to the nation’s grandeur. Thirteenth century Manco thus inhabited the ci ty along with nineteenth century Liberators, philosophers with soldiers, scien tists with poets. In order to be made the Great Men of the 804 “Crnica sobre el grandioso baile en el Palacio de Gobierno,” La Prensa , August 3, 1921.

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305 nation, however, they were all victims of ar bitrary decontextualization. Buildings and monuments made Lima an inhabitable museum of immobile, innocuous fetishes. A man who enjoyed grandiloquent statements, Legua attempte d his own version of the modern gesture of destroying history by ma king History concrete.

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306 Figure 7-1. Legua Avenue Figure 7-2. Leuro Development

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307 Figure 7-3. Archbishop’s Palace Figure 7-4. Panten de los Prceres

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308 Figure 7-5. Manco Capac Monument Figure 7-6. Museo Nacional de Arqueologa

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309 Figure 7-7. Plaza San Martn

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310 CHAPTER 8 UNFINAL REFLECTIONS Parading History Skimming through the dusty and yellowing pages of La Prensa , one morning at the Archivo General de la Nacin , in Lima, I came across the pro posal of Augusto Gildemeister (possibly the prominent sugar industrialist), fo r the organization of an “Inca parade or procession” to be part of the ce lebrations of the centennial of Peru’s declaration of Independence in 1921. Originally a lett er to the Minister of Fomento , the proposal was published by the newspaper, as were commentaries and suggestions from a wide array of citizens. Gildemester argued for the convenience to stag e a parade that should include The Inca, carried in his go ld litter, followed by his court and some men and women dressed with the typical clothing of each of Peru’s regions, each group led by dancers and bands playing regional musical tunes... It would also be convenient to have Francisco Pizarro a nd his conquistadors following the parade, and San Martn with the grenadie rs who are coming from Argentina.805 Gildemeister’s parade was not included in the already busy centennial celebration program, but it was a “text” that pi ctorially synthesized the history of Peru. It indeed shared the performative vein of the Legua regime, as well as its taste for national rituals and historical simulacra. In the absence of “records” one could only imagine the “procession:” an actor representing an Inca, followed by “actual”806 indigenous peoples dressed in “typical” clothes; a faux-Pizarro with a supporti ng cast of conquistadors, followed by a faux-San Martn, accompanied by the 1921 Argentine delegation of gr enadiers that took part of the centennial celebrations. All marching, proudly, along an avenue –perhaps the Legua Avenue?— temporarily converted into the page of History. That is, converted into the nation itself; into the 805 “Carta abierta de Augusto Gildemeister al Minist ro de Fomento. La celebracin del Centenario,” La Prensa , June 24, 1921. 806 My use of the word actual is intended to express thr ee simultaneous meanings: “current,” “factual,” that is, as a socially and historically constr ucted fiction that is defined as “real,” and part of an “act.”

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311 linear stage on which historical actors perform the script provided and imposed by professional and lay historians. Gildemeister’s parade al so shared the temporal promiscuity and the conciliatory mood of the Legua Era, for the whole History of Peru could march, each epoch succeeding the other, with no conflictive transitional moments. I am almost certain Bernardo Monteagudo would not have liked Gildemeister’s parade. The Tucumeo ’s 1809 “Dialog between Atahualpa and Ferdinand VII in the Champs Elises” also displayed a temporal promiscuity of sorts; but the Tucumeo would not have accepted a linear history without radical r uptures. In fact, Monteagudo’s Tr ajan’s Column for Lima was intended for a different kind of national performan ce: to symbolize the ne w beginning of the new nation, and the break with the undesirable (pre )historical time of Spanish colonialism. Monteagudo’s modern and national ge sture needed to forget modern (and national) late-colonial precedents to announce that Peru inhabited contemporaneity and had a national future. Lima played a central role in the postcol onial processes of imagining the nation and creating modernity, as well as the simultaneous processes of imagining and creating History. Ever a synecdoche for the nation, postcolonial el ites attempted to recreate their city as an experiment of the nation they wanted to achie ve. Monteagudo’s nationa l gesture of forgetting would be actively forgotten by futu re gesturers, who would struggle to break with previous eras, to announce, all anew, the natio n’s entrance to contemporane ity. New beginnings canceled previous times, throwing them to the same pre-historical time of Spanish colonialism Monteagudo helped to construct. The new became an uncomfort able sign of the old all too rapidly. The succession of modernizers of Lima performed not one unified, continuous parade, like Gildemeister’s. In stead, ea ch performed their own, asking their audience to forget the

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312 previous one. Yet, then they claimed to be carrying out the first parade ever performed, hoping that their audience would not only forget , but forget that it had forgotten. During the Guano Era, elites str uggled to transform Lima into a city that did not resemble the colonial past, recreating and regulating the c ity in similar terms as Monteagudo at a larger scale. Elites wished to consolidate the national community and to define Peru as a nation coeval with the international community of “civilized” and “advanced” na tions. The transformations of Lima inscribed in the city a narrative of a radi cal rupture that allowed the nation to enter the secular, homogeneous time of history and modernit y. The task of making Peruvians citizens of the nation was, simultaneously, intended to make them citizens of the “universal” community of civilization. It implied instilli ng republican values, and the phys ical transformation of the city would be crucial to this eff ect. The construction of the Bo lvar, Dos de Mayo, and Columbus monuments, as well as the Penitentiary, the Bo tanical Garden, and the modernization of the paseos , was an attempt to inscribe the modern narra tive of republicanism utilizing a postcolonial language of Peruvianness that was indeed part of the univers al language of civilization. Inculcating the values of discipline, self c ontrol, vigor, hard work, and respect for norms, was imperative to create the national community, but also to develop indust rial capitalism. The homogeneous time of the nation ended up being identi cal to the time of abstract labor of the age of capital. The universal forces of the nation and capital merged in a way Monteagudo may not have anticipated. The International Exposition a nd Ruiz Gallo’s Clock, along with Paz Soldn’s Penitentiary, expressed that secular and sacred junction. The efforts to transform Lima in the post-War of the Pacific Era were indeed driven by similar purposes; but the sense of urgency to attain coevalness with the universals of civilization and industrial capitalism was marked by the sens e that Peru and Lima had lost time in

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313 comparison with other Latin American nations. The defeat produced the sense that Peru had neither formed a unified nation no r developed into an industrial a nd developed society; in short, that the country was not coeval with the inter national and capitalist universal community. Elites repeated previous modern space-clearing gestures to launch a new modernity, thus attempting to recreate a new urban habitat. Th e reforms of the period were defi ned by the rise of sociological thought, however; the lexicon deve loped to inscribe the city wa s dominated by the sociological metaphors of the organism, the machine, and th e military, along with the engendered languages of race and virility. Elites disc overed that the city suffered fr om demographic problems, arguing that Lima and the country needed a larger and more virile population. They designed plans to attract immigrants, to discipline the population’s bodies via educa tion, and scrutinized sites that had been previously defined as private. The intervention of modernizers was not limite d to streets and “public” spaces because the “private” disappeared altogether. The empi re of “the social” had unlimited jurisdiction, allowing experts to physically pene trate into the neighborhoods and homes of the poor as well as into women’s bodies to diagnose the nation’s maladies and design policies for the common welfare. While those explorati ons were allegedly intended to provide with guidelines to solve Lima’s demographic problems, that is, to design a lternatives for healthy e nvironments that would help produce a healthy, vigorous and virile population; e xperts produced sensualized ethnographies the territories of the poor that offered no environmental substitutes for them. Experts drew the conclusion that the poor we re racially corrupted and therefore, no environmental change could uplift them from decadence. The un aesthetic proximity of the poor, they argued, carried imminent dangers for “ev erybody,” that is, for the bodies of well-off Limeos . In consequence, Lima’s upper classes had to relocate to the newe r, spacious peripheral

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314 areas open to development after the demolition of the city walls. Organized workers claimed they were part of the healthy part of the so cial body; that is, resp ectable, disciplined, and hardworking patriarchs who deserved assistance from the state to relo cate away from the wretched. In cases, they claimed to be indispen sable parts of the social machinery, therefore, positioning themselves as more modern and national than elites. The physical recreation of the city was informed by the desire to break with the past and by sociological thought. Elites, led by Lima’s Mayor, Federico Elguera, strove to make Lima more sanitary and to modernize Limeos’ habits. The dichotomy between the colonial and the modern had been expressed in a lexicon that opposed closed envi ronments to open ones since the early days of Monteagudo, who suggested that the dungeons of the Inquisition were the most representative space of Spanish co lonialism: close, obscure and oppressive. In contrast, modern times had to be characterized by the open flux of ideas, goods, and air. During the Post-War-of the Pacific Era, Limeo elites worked this opposition to construct wide, open avenues which were expected to help improve the population’ s health and race. Lima experienced an unprecedented period of expansion and moderniz ation, as new neighborhoods were developed towards the seashore and new means of tran sportation, lighting, and communication helped create the delightful sensation that Lima was “alr eady” catching up with cities like Buenos Aires. The rapid transformations of the city and Limeos’ daily lives, however, generated anxiety and discomforts too. Some argued that Lima was losing its unique personality to become indistinguishable from any other modern, pros aic city. Others f eared the effects of industrialization, or complained that life was becoming grimme r as traditions faded and Limeos lost their characteristically chee rful personality. The success of th e efforts to modernize the city and its inhabitants gave ri se to a narrative of defeat: the lamentation about the Lima que se va

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315 (Lima of yesteryear). Some felt the compulsive n eed to recreate old colonial Lima as a peaceful, paradisiacal Arcadia in litera ture, as to preserve it untouche d by the corrupting forces of modernity. The Legua Era responded to these anxieties by creating positive images of Lima’s and Peru’s past. The Oncenio seems to have attempted a radical break: in stead of erasing the vestiges of the past, it had an obsession for their preservation and for creating some anew. Newly constructed “archeological” sites were erected in the city –a Pre-Hispanic ceremonial center here, a colonial house fo r the Archbishop there. It al so erected more monuments any other regime ever before or after. Legu a, however, also led an intense process of industrialization, which gained hi m the opposition of exporters of agricultural products, and opened Peru’s economy to foreign investment, fo r which many accused him of selling-off Peru to Yankee imperialism. His regime also attempte d to expand and modernize the infrastructure and services in cities throughout the country, for which he hi red the U.S. based Foundation Company, and attempted to transform Peru’s stat e institutions, most notably, its educational system, with the aid of U.S. experts. Regard ing Lima, Legua carried out important works of infrastructure and constructed spacious avenue s that opened large areas for residential and industrial development, having New York and London as inspirations. Taking this into account it is easy to conclude that Legua was not a pasadista –a man clinging obsessively to the past— to follo w Jos Carlos Maritegui’s definition.807 Interpretations and judgments of the Legua re gime are, in fact, as diverse as Leguia’s discourses. After analyzing his accommodating discourses and his language of urbanism, my own interpretation is that the Legua’s regime at once expressed and attempted to reconcile 807 Jos Carlos Maritegui, “Pasadismo y futurismo,” Peruanicemos al Per (Lima: Empresa Editorial Amauta, 1970).

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316 diverse discursive formations about Peru’s and Lima’s History and “essence,” as well as the anxieties about modernization and the loss of “o ur” identity, with th e ultimate purpose of making industrialization and “progr ess” viable. His regime activ ely promoted and validated all existing discourses on the city and the nation by making them concrete, and gained tremendous political capital for doing so and for erecting dozens of monuments to a wide array of figures. Legua’s monuments served the imperative of forg etting, for their lessons of history were limited to arbitrary, decontextualized, ar tistic representations. Monuments and buildings were concrete signs removed altogether from their reference; that is, “honored” figures were removed from their cultural and political milieus. Perhaps this was Legua’s own version of the modern gesture of erasing the past. Legua’s regime might have discarded Gildemeister’s proposal for a reason: it wanted Limeos and tourists to do the marching across a city that had multiple references to the past, as museum goers browsing from one well-staged exhibit to another. History on Every Corner Legua reached a point of no return. His larg e scale intervention on the city could not be reversed. Ever since, different historicities ha ve coexisted in Lima, where there is no clear line between the old and the new, and where different processes of modernization rapidly ended up symbolizing the past. Some of them were intend ed to do so: neo-colonial and neo-pre-Hispanic buildings were contemporary, modern faux-recr eations of the past. The neo-pre-Hispanic maintained its simulacrum character, but the modern neo-colonial was easily “read” as “authentic” vestiges of Peru’s viceregal past. Even the Government palace, built in 1938, is easily believed to be the “real” Casa de Pizarro by common citizens and uninformed tourists. Today’s Lima has grown to a scale unima ginable by 1930, as more than nine million people –myself included—call it now home. More monuments, of course, have been erected, and the overwhelming majority of the streets and plazas carry out na mes of historical events and

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317 prominent national men –and, to a lesser extent, wo men. Historical refere nces are, literally, on every corner of the city. Monuments and st reets and plaza names ar e allegedly meant to “immortalize” the dead, honoring them for their contribution to the nation. There seems to be a paucity of historical events a nd prominent men and women for the large metropolis, however, for one can find many streets and plaz as sharing the same name. To make things more labyrinthine, names may be changed, falling pray to the desires of municipal au thorities; and monuments, like that of Francisco Pizarro (see Chapter 1 above), ma y also be removed or relocated. The city has been made into a growing palimpsest, where hist ory is obsessively and continuously written and erased. In the process of writing history in streets and plazas, hist orical references have lost all connection to the past. Limeos use the names as concrete spatia l references devoid of historical connotations. The Avenida Wilson –named by Legua after U.S. President Woodrow Wilson—, for instance, was later renamed as Avenida Garcilaso . In spite of all possible symbolisms, Limeos identify that avenue as th e main market of pirate software and smuggled computing accessories. Both Wilson and Garcilaso, stand as names more related to computing software and hardware than to any hist orical event or text. Postcolonial Modernizations, Postcolonial Denials Following the well established tradition of new beginnings, presentday historians and sociologists of Peru have crafted a history of Lima that has thrown the processes of modernization discussed in this study into th e obscure pre-modern a nd pre-national time of colonialism. In their efforts to oppose the Hispanista historical narratives that dominated academic centers such as The Pontificia Universidad Catlica and the Instituto Riva Aguero , present-day dependentista and neo-Marxist historians have inadvertently repr oduced the modern, elitist gesture, creating a sweep ing generalization of previous Limeo elites as fundamentally conservative and traditional, a nd only open to cosmetic moderniz ation. The transformations of

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318 the city have been interpreted as “traditional-m odernizations,” that is, not as profound processes of modernization, but as superficia l reforms of faades that left so cial structures intact. Divorced from the profound realities of their nations, elites attempted to mimic Europe, but only aesthetically, creating a faux-modern ity that hid their intentions of preserving the colonial status quo. The conception is part of the larger and stubborn master narrative still recreated to understand Latin America, according to which the region’s Independence from Spanish colonialism was only a political process carried ou t by Creole elites as a strategy to hold on to their colonial privileges, and not a real social revolution intended to transform the societies they inherited into integrated and mode rn nations. Guided by their col onial mentalities, they were not a real bourgeoisie, but a conservative group interested in maintaining the colonial status quo. They subsequently articulated their countries to the emergi ng empires of Britain, in the nineteenth century, and the United States, in the twentieth century, thus perpetuating their country’s colonial dependency and their position as intermediaries. As a natural consequence, Latin American countries have not been real nations, but neo-colo nial territories. Perhaps inadvertently, critics of colonialis m have constructed a rigid, idealized, and ahistorical view of modernity and the nation. The real revolutions, led by real bourgeoisies who built real nations are ideal norms that place Latin America in the perpet ual waiting room of history; in the eternal not yet of History. This study has di scussed previous claims of not yets ; for each period of modernization of Lima started by disqualifying previous modernizing attempts and by making the statement that the c ity and Peru was st ill inhabiting the not yet . These claims served to support the idea th at the new projects were the real ones; carried out by a real modern

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319 leading class interested in creating a real nation: one who could secure a place in the modern and national room of the already . Considering nineteenth-century or early twentieth century elites as essentially conservative requires an immense oblivion –o r, rather, denial—of the processes of modernization and nation making di scussed in this study. The proj ects of intervention on Lima and its population do not show elites eager to pres erve the status quo; in fact, they show elites obsessively attempting to erase the past to launc h new beginnings. These pr ojects do not seem to exemplify the elites’ divorce with their “national r eality,” but their efforts to constitute one fully integrated to the emerging transnational concert. It is not, then, that el ites were not Peruvian enough; rather, they were struggli ng to define what it meant to be Peruvian. They do not show elites trapped by their “colonial” legacy, but rath er attempting to rid the country of colonial vestiges. This may sound an implausible th esis for the Legua era, but the regime’s hispanismo did not mean that elite’s intended to reconstruct col onial times. The sociological legacy of the Post-War of the Pacific (Chapter 4 above), especially Gonzlez Prada’s denunciations of “white” elites as unmodern and divorced from the rest of the country, has shaped subsequent sociological read ings of Peru, albeit mostly devoid of their openly racist statements. The discourse of de feat has imposed rigid limits to sociological imagination. It is expressed in Maritegui’s denunciation of elites’ pasadismo , and in the popular conception that there ex ist two Perus: a “profound Peru ” and an “official Peru.” “Profound Peru” being the real country compos ed by Indigenous populations, while “official Peru” is centered in Lima and more connected to “the world” than to its profound counterpart. A misreading of a metaphor used by historian Jorge Basadre, the id ea synthesizes the view that

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320 Limeo elites are disconnected from the realities of the country –although it is also used to express the complementing argument that “indigenous” populations inhabit the past. The processes of modernization of Lima a nd the sociological readings of Lima’s and Peru’s history have all made th e space-clearing gesture of dis qualifying the past to launch new beginnings. In stead of using th e “traditional modernization” mast er line to analyze the urban history of Lima, my study departed from the notio n of postcolonial reinven tions as to highlight the postcolonial anxieties of the project of recr eating a capital city that inherited that position from the colonial era and thus symbolized it. Th e city was successively recreated to rid it from Spanish colonialism, which appears as a stubborn ghost that never ceases to haunt Limeo imagination. Conceiving them as postcolonial, this study has not departed from an abstract, essentialist definition of modernity nor has want ed to delineate a teleol ogical narrative of the (failed) transition to it. It ha s, instead, attempted to highlight the irony embedded in the modern statements that sought to transcend the colonial, thus keeping it alive. In short, this study has only attempted to show that colonialism must in fact be conceived as ghost; as a spirit of a dead entity we must allow to rest in peace.

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321 LIST OF REFERENCES Aguirre, Carlos, “La Penitenciara de Lima y la modernizacin de la justicia penal en el siglo XIX,”in Mundos interiores: Lima 1850-1950 , ed. Aldo Panfichi and Felipe Portocarrero (Lima: Universidad del Pacfico, 1995). Agurto, Santiago, “Propuesta para cambiar la actu al estatua de Francisco Pizarro y remodelar la plazuela de su nombre,” in Descabalgando a Pizarro , ed. Santiago Agurto, (Lima: Universidad Nacional Federico Vi llarreal, 1997), 14-6. Almenara Butler, Doctor, “Informe sobre mortalidad infantil,” Memoria administrativa que presenta a la Sociedad de Beneficencia Pblic a de Lima su Director don Domingo Olavegoya, correspondiente al ao 1903 (Lima: Imprenta de “La Opinin Nacional,” 1903). AlSayyad, Nezar ed., Forms of Dominance in the Architecture and Urbanism of the Colonial Enterprise , Aldershot: Avebury, 1992. Alvarez, Pedro, Orgen y trayectoria de la aplicacin de la pena de muerte en la historia del derecho peruano (Lima: Editorial Dorhca, 1974). Alvarez, Syra, Historia del mobiliario urbano de Lima, 1535-1935 (Lima: Universidad Nacional de Ingeniera, 2000). Anales de las obras pblicas del Per. Ao 1890 (Lima: Imprenta “La Industria,” 1897). Anales de las obras pblicas del Per. Ao 1895 (Lima: Imprenta Torres Aguirre, 1900). Anales de las obras pblicas del Per. Ao 1896 (Lima: Imprenta Torres Aguirre, 1901). Anales de las obras pblicas del Per del ao 1897 (Lima: Imprenta Torres Aguirre, 1902). Anales de las obras pblicas del Per. Ao 1898 (Lima: Imprenta Torres Aguirre, 1899). Anales de las obras pblicas del Per. Ao 1901 (Lima: Imprenta Torres Aguirre, 1904). Anales de las obras pblicas del Per. Ao 1902 (Lima: Imprenta del Estado, 1907). Anales de las obras pblicas del Per. Ao 1903 (Lima: Empresa Tipogrfica, 1910). Anales de las obras pblicas del Per. Aos 1905 y 1906 (Lima: Empresa Tipogrfica Lertiga, 1918). Anales de las obras pblicas del Per correspondientes al ao 1891 (Lima Imprenta La Industria, 1898). Anales de las obras pblicas. 1898 (Lima: Imprenta Torres Aguirre, 1900).

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343 BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH Juan Carlos Callirgos graduated from the Pontificia Universidad Catlica del Per with a Bachelor’s degree in anthropology. He obtained a Master of Arts degree in History at the University of Florida. He is the author of pub lications about race, ethnicity, and masculinity, and teaches at the Departamento de Ciencias Sociales at the Pontificia Universidad Catlica del Per .