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A Forest of Disputes: Struggles over Spaces, Resources, and Social Identities in Amazonia

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A Forest of Disputes: Struggles over Spaces, Resources, and Social Identities in Amazonia
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Communities ( jstor )
Community associations ( jstor )
Community forestry ( jstor )
Cultural identity ( jstor )
Forest communities ( jstor )
Forest reserves ( jstor )
Forest resources ( jstor )
Forests ( jstor )
National forests ( jstor )
Timber ( jstor )
City of Gainesville ( local )

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University of Florida
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A FOREST OF DISPUTES: STRUGGLES OVER SPACES, RESOURCES, AND
SOCIAL IDENTITIES IN AMAZONIA
















By

EDVIGES MARTA IORIS


A DISSERTATION PRESENTED TO THE GRADUATE SCHOOL
OF THE UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT
OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF
DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY

UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA


2005

































Copyright 2005

by

Edviges Marta loris
































To community people in the Lower Tapaj6s River, for their strong history of resistance.















ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

Notwithstanding the satisfaction of having completed this dissertation, it was not an

easy task and was only possible thanks to several kind people who, in many ways,

encouraged and supported me throughout this voyage. First of all, I would like to thank

my parents who always have encouraged me to keep pursuing my studies. I only regret

that my father was not able to see his daughter as a "doctor," as he passed away soon

after I had finished the first draft of this dissertation.

To my advisor, Dr. Marianne Schmink, I am afraid I might not have adequate

words to express my immense gratitude for all the support and encouragement she

provided during my Ph.D. program. Her intellectual brightness and generous attention

were my main motivations that helped me carry out the studies and the research for this

dissertation, as well as remain firmly focused on completing its final version. I am very

thankful for her friendship and her accurate advice that shed light on my recurring

doubts.

I am also thankful to the other professors on my committee, who also provided

support in the development of the dissertation project: Dr. Janaki Alavalapati, who led

me to know about American forest policies, and was always prompt to assist me in my

inquiries; Dr. Anthony Oliver-Smith, whose enthusiasm about anthropology and keen

knowledge inspire his students, and who taught classes that were illuminating in defining

my research project, as well as his personal suggestions; Dr. Anthony B. Anderson, who

was my first advisor when I initiated my research in the Amazon region in the late 1980s,









and since then has followed my progress. I also thank Dr. Mary Helena Allegretti who

took part in the defense of the dissertation.

For the Ph.D. program I had financial support from several institutions, which I

would like to acknowledge: Instituto Internacional de Educaqdo do Brasil (IEB) and

World Wildlife Fund in Brazil (WWF-Brazil) through the IEB/WWF: Natureza &

Sociedade Program; Tropical Conservation and Development Program (TCD), at the

Center for Latin American Studies of the University of Florida; Russell E. Train

Education for Nature (EFN) Program of the World Wildlife Fund (WWF); and

International Chapter P.E.O. Sisterhood. People from each of these programs were very

supportive, and I want to express my gratitude especially to Maria Jose Gontijo and

Camila Pinheiro de Castro from IEB/WWF: Natureza & Sociedade Program; Hannah

Covert from the TCD Program; Lesley O'Malley and Mercedes Gonzales from

EFN/WWF; and Marlynn L. Fell from International Chapter P.E.O. Sisterhood.

At the Department of Anthropology at the University of Florida, I want to

especially thank Karen Jones for her always diligent and kind attention to the students,

and Patricia King. I want to also thank the Department of Anthropology at the University

of Brasilia, where I was an Associate Researcher while I was carrying out the fieldwork,

and want to especially thank Dr. Henyo T. Barretto, for his always prompt attention to

my research. I wish also to thank Dr. Jean Dubois, in Brasilia, and Dr. Clara Pandolfo, in

Belem, for their valuable information to the research.

In the field, so many people helped me develop my research that the list would be

enormous. Thus, without citing names, I would like to remark my gratitude to people

from the communities studied, who so kindly accepted my research and provided their









best support to make my stay in the field a pleasurable time. To them, I dedicate this

dissertation.

I want also to thank the NGO representatives, who also provided invaluable

assistance, especially from the Grupo Consci6ncia Indigena (GCI), Sindicato dos

Trabalhadores Rurais de Santarem (STR/STR), Instituto Cultural Boanerges Sena, and

Projeto Saude e Alegria (PSA). IBAMA's representatives also were cooperative in

facilitating the development of the research and in providing assistance.

There are also many friends whose companionship provided immeasurable support.

Among them, I would like to highlight my thanks to Jennifer L. Hale, my American

sister, Neila Soares, Omaira Bolahos, Richard Wallace, Noemi and Roberto Porro,

William, Joelma and Paul Losch, and Florencio A. Vaz. My thanks go to Samantha

Stone-Jovicich, who not only offered her friendship but also accepted kindly to edit the

dissertation.

Finally, I want to thank my sister Cirlei loris and my nephews and godsons Luke

and Julio loris Bullen for their love, and my sweet heart Marco Antonio Salgado Mendes,

for his love and his companionship in all moments of this dissertation. I love him too.
















TABLE OF CONTENTS

page

A C K N O W L E D G M E N T S ................................................................................................. iv

LIST OF FIGURES ................................... ...... ... ................. .x

ABSTRACT .............. .................. .......... .............. xi

CHAPTER

1 IN TR OD U CTION .............................. ...... .. .... .. ......... ................

1.1 Encountering the Subject: Spaces and Social Identities .............................1
1.2 The R research U ndertaken ..................................... .................................... 9

2 REMODELING FOREST SPACES AND SOCIAL RELATIONS ...................14

2.1 Environmental Reserves in the Amazon Region and Social Conflicts......14
2.1.1 The Emergence of National Forests in the Amazon Region..........14
2.1.2 Policies for Expanding the Amazon Economic Frontiers .............18
2.1.3 Social Conflicts in Forest Reserves ............................................ 22
2.2 State Control over Forest Resources and Social Relations........................26
2.2.1 People's Representation in State Planning .................................26
2.2.2 Modeling the Utopian Dream of the State Modernization
P roj ect ........................................................ .. ................. ..... 3 2
2.2.3 Disciplinary Practices Toward Forest Spaces and Social
Organizations ............................ .................. ..............37

3 CHANGING SPACES AND NATIVE SOCIAL IDENTITIES IN THE
LOW ER TAPAJOS REGION .................................................... .... .......... 42

3.1 Introduction ................. ................................... 42
3.1.1 D ays of Enchantm ent ................ ................ ................ 42
3.1.2 Overview on the Santarem Region .........................................47
3.2 A Historical Overview of the Lower Tapaj6s Region .............................49
3.2.1 The Cross and the Sword: The Colonial Occupation...................49
3.2.1.1 The religious missions: Gathering souls and extending
frontiers ..................................................................... 49
3.2.1.2 Indian Directorate: Secular dominion over Indians and
frontiers ......................................................... ............. 53









3.2.1.3 The arrival of Mundurucu Indians in the Lower Tapaj6s
V alley ......................................................... .............. ... 56
3.2.2 Brazil Independent: Revolts and the Rubber Boom ....................59
3.2.2.1 Cabanagem: The uprising of native people.....................59
3.2.2.2 The development of the rubber economy ..........................62
3.3 Representations of Caboclo Social Identity............................................66
3.3.1 Erasing Indians from the Pages on the Lower Tapaj6s Valley......66
3.3.2 Companheiros do Fundo: Emerging from Indian to Caboclo.......72
3.3.3 Caboclo Identity: Without Script or History ..............................76
3.4 Land Use Pattern and People Identification................... ..............79
3.4.1 Land Occupation Pattern..................................... ............... 79
3.4.2 Identifying the Community People.................. ................... 83

4 SHAPING THE FRONTIER'S FORESTS INTO NATIONAL FORESTS......... 86

4.1 Introduction ......................... ......... ......... ........ ... ...................... 86
4.2 Scientific Forestry Management and National Forests: .......................87
4.2.1 Reconceptualizing Forests and Modes of Resource
A appropriation .................................. .... ..................... 87
4.2.1.1 The emergence of scientific forestry management ............87
4.2.1.2 The movement to create American forest reserves............91
4.3 The Political Economy of Brazilian Forests ................. ......... ......... 102
4.3.1 Initial Proposals to Create National Forests............................. 102
4.3.2 The First Forest Code and Forest Reserves ..............................105
4.3.3 Difficulties to Export Brazilian Timber.................................... 112
4.3.4 FAO's Collaboration in the Amazon Region and the First
Forestry School .................................................. ... ... ............ 115
4.4 The Geo-Political Project for the Amazon Forest.............................. 122

5 THE SCIENTIFIC FOREST AND COMMUNITY SOCIAL CONFLICTS .....134

5.1 Introduction .............. ....... ..... ......... ..... ........ ................ 134
5.2 Flona Tapaj6s and the Communities of Resistance............................136
5.2.1 Flona Tapaj6s in the Context of the "Programmed Network".....136
5.2.2 Displacing People to Make Them Wageworkers.........................144
5.3 Community Resistance: Land and Political Organization.......................149
5.3.1 The Rural Workers' Union and Organizational Power..............149
5.3.2 The Defense of the Community Territorial Area........................ 159
5.3.3 The Moral Economy of Community Resistance........................166
5.3.4 The Ongoing Disputes over Territory and Resources................70

6 SHAPING TRADITIONAL PEOPLE IN NATIONAL FORESTS .................179

6 .1 Introdu action .......... .. ....... .... .. ................. ...... ..... ................ 179
6.2 The Green Years: The Amazon Social and Conservation Agenda..........181
6.2.1 Our Nature Program: The Makeup of the Social and
Environm ental A genda ..................................... ............... ..181









6.2.2 The International Pilot Program (PPG-7) ..................................189
6.2.3 The National Forests in the Pilot Program ................................. 192
6.2.4 Flona Tapaj6s Component of PROMANEJO........................... 194
6.2.5 Participation and Decision Making: Demands from Overseas.... 197
6.3 The Making of the Traditional People............................................... 200
6.3.1 "Traditional People" in the International Field of Conservation .202
6.3.2 "Traditional People" in Brazil ..................................... ......... 205
6.4 Flona Tapaj6s and Traditional People Relationship ..............................209
6.4.1 Disputes over the ITTO Project Area ............... ..................212
6.4.2 The Land-use Concession .................. .......... ...........................217
6.4.3 Promanejo: Working with Community People............................222
6.4.4 M managing Poultry in the Forest .......... ........ ............................227
6.4.5 The Project for Copaiba and Andiroba Oil Production ...............234
6.5 Traditional People and N national Forests.................................................237

7 RECOVERING OLD CULTURAL TRADITIONS: THE INDIGENOUS
M OVEM ENT ................................. ............... .. ............241

7.1 Introduction .................................. ...... ...... ... ......... ........ 241
7.2 Indigenous Territory and Identity: The Process of"Territorialization" ..242
7.3 Resurgence of Cultural Traditions and the Struggle for Land.................247
7.3.1 Revival from the Ashes: Ethnic Identity Movement in the
Taquara Community ................. ...................... ........ ...........247
7.3.2 The Marituba and Braganca Communities: Political Leadership
and Social Cohesion....................... ..... ..............254
7.3.3 Ritual Ties and Affirmation of Ethnic Identity............................260
7.3.4 In Search of Encantados......... ... ........... ... .................262
7.3.6 Rearrangement of Political Representations.............................267
7.3.7 The Movement To Claim Land................... ......................... 271
7.4 Losing the Sense of Shame of Being Indian......................................... 277

8 CON CLU SION ........... ... ................................ .......... .. .. .... ......... 281

APPEND IX :PICTURES ..................................................................... ............... 288

LIST OF REFERENCES ................................................................... ............... 295

B IO G R A PH ICA L SK ETCH .................................... ........... ................. ..................... 14
















LIST OF FIGURES


Figure p

2-1 Tapaj6s N national Forest ....................................................................... 15

3-1 Tapaj6s National Forest in the region of the lower Tapaj6s River.................46

A-i The meeting of the Tapaj6s River with the Amazon River............................288

A-2 Port in the Santarem city ......... ...... ........... ......... .................. .... 289

A -3 Fordl ndia. ...............................................................289

A-4 Rubber plantation in Belterra......... .... ........................... ............... 290

A-5 IBAM A office in Tapaj6s National Forest. ................. ... ................ ................290

A-6 Ritual to mother-earth in Braganca community....................................291

A-7 Ritual to mother-water in Taquara community.....................................291

A-8 Children playing theater in Piquiatuba community. .......................................292

A -9 A ndiroba oil production......................................................... ............... 292

A-10 People going to clean the line demarcation (Pico das
Communidades/Community Line)........................................ ... ................ 293

A-11 Cattle-ranch in Tapaj6s National Forest. ................................ ................293

A-12 ITTO Project in the Tapaj6s National Forest..............................294

A-13 Community signal against ITTO Project................................... ..................294















Abstract of Dissertation Presented to the Graduate School
of the University of Florida in Partial Fulfillment of the
Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy

A FOREST OF DISPUTES: STRUGGLES OVER SPACES, RESOURCES, AND
SOCIAL IDENTITIES IN AMAZONIA

By

Edviges Marta loris

December 2005

Chair: Marianne Schminck
Major Department: Anthropology

Focusing on the creation and implementation of the Tapaj6s National Forest (Flona

Tapaj6s) in Brazil, this dissertation analyzes on the processes of social and spatial

transformation precipitated by state policies that were implemented to exert control over

resources and social organizations. Comprising one of the strategies of the geo-political

project to expand the Amazon economic frontiers, the establishment of this forest reserve

in 1974 altered forest social spaces not only by imposing new forms of thinking about

and accessing forest resources, but also by reshaping community social identity.

Flona Tapaj6s was the first government forest reserve created and implemented in

the Amazon region, with the objective of promoting research and planned exploitation of

forest resources for timber production. The establishment of this forest reserve led to the

eruption of intense conflicts with local social groups, in particular with eighteen peasant

communities, due to the encroachment of the reserve's boundaries onto their territories,

and government attempts to displace people and impose severe restrictions on their









natural resource management and livelihood strategies. Resistance by these communities

to these restrictions and outright expulsions engendered severe conflicts with the

government. As a result, two decades later, in 1994, the government changed the legal

status of the reserve to admit the permanence of these communities, who started to be

designated as "traditional people." Three of these communities, however, did not accept

the designation of "traditional people" and this precipitated an indigenous movement to

reinstate the Mundurucu ethnic identity, which implied a new arrangement in the

reserve's spaces.

Using a combination of structured in-depth interviews, participatory research

methods, and archival research, the study examines these three moments related to Flona

Tapaj6s' spaces and community social identities. The results show that the definition of

the reserve's spatial composition was dependent on the construction of community social

identity. Playing a key role in the reserve's spatial configuration, the construction of

community social identity, however, was revealed to be constituted of a remarkable field

of disputes, wherein communities, state and multilateral agency ideologies and

apparatuses, grassroots organizations, environmental discourses, and economic interests

interacted.















CHAPTER 1
INTRODUCTION

1.1 Encountering the Subject: Spaces and Social Identities

This dissertation is fundamentally concerned with the processes of social and

natural landscape transformation that ensue from official State policies. The focus of

analysis is the creation and establishment of environmental reserves in the Brazilian

Amazon, specifically the Tapaj6s National Forest (Flona Tapaj6s), a forest reserve

created by the federal government in 1974 in the municipality of Santarem, Para. Flona

Tapaj6s was the first government forest reserve created and implemented in the Amazon

region, with the objective of promoting research and planned exploitation of the forest

resources for timber production.

My interest in developing a study on this subject sprang from a socio-economic

survey I carried out in 1996 in eighteen long-term resident communities1 whose

territories overlapped with the Flona Tapaj6s. The objective of this survey was to

provide information on community land occupation, resource use, and livelihood

strategies to assist in the definition of an area to be designated for these communities,

whose purpose was to serve as a means to resolve conflicts regarding community land

tenure that had dragged on since the creation of the Flona Tapaj6s. This survey was

carried out as part of the "Pilot Program to Support Forest Management in the Amaz6nia"


1 SAo Domingos, Maguari, JamaraquW, Acaratinga, Jaguarari, Pedreira, Piquiatuba, Marituba, Marai,
Nazard, Tauari, Pini, Taquara, Prainha, Itapaiuna, Paraiso, Itapuama, and Jatoarana. The term
"community," as used here, refers to local people's definition of village and their social organization. This
will be further discussed in Chapter 3.









(PROMANEJO PPG-7), a subprogram of the international Pilot Program to Conserve the

Brazilian Rain Forest (PPG-7) launched in 1992 by the Brazilian government, and

administrated by the World Bank through the Rain Forest Trust Fund Resolution. As we

will discuss in more detail in Chapter 6, Flona Tapaj6s was chosen as one site for the

implementation of Pilot Program actions.

Despite differences in their history, the majority of these communities was made up

of indigenous descendents with a long and close relationship with western society. These

communities' social identification had been broadly ascribed as caboclo(a), although

most of the people did not recognize themselves by such a term. Rather, when I was

carrying out the survey in 1996, people identified themselves in a variety of ways, such

as "rural worker," "indigenous descendants," and "Tapaj6s son" (as a reference to being

born along the Tapaj6s River); or, more frequently, as belonging to a certain community

or other: "I am from the Piquiatuba Community"; "I am from the Taquara Community,"

and so forth. I did not hear people identifying themselves as "caboclo" (masculine) or

"cabocla" (feminine), except for some community leaders who were taking part in

meetings to discuss land tenure issues: "We are Tapaj6s caboclos." In Chapter 3, we will

see that in the Amazon region, caboclo is a controversial, and multifaceted, social

category applied to mixed societies that originated from pre-colonial Amerindian

descendants and poor Europeans. Some scholars have used the term caboclo to refer to

the typically Amazonian peasantry (Harris 1998; Nugent 1993; Parker 1985; Lins e Silva

1980; Ross 1978; Wagley 1976).

The eighteen communities' long history of occupancy in the region was directly

threatened by the creation and implementation of the Flona Tapaj6s on account of









National Forest legislation that did not allow permanent residents in the reserve. Thus,

when the implementation of Flona Tapaj6s was initiated, federal government agencies

responsible for the implementation of Flonas (National Forests) started to undertake

procedures to dispossess the local communities from their lands. Claming land rights,

most people did not accept displacement, and they strongly resisted, which resulted in an

endless quarrel between them and the Flona Tapaj6s administration. There had been

some attempts to solve the community land issue in the Flona Tapaj6s area, but all had

been unsuccessful due to disagreements on both sides. In 1996 PROMANEJO was

promoting an additional attempt to resolve community land tenure conflicts, considered

to be the main obstacle to the project's implementation (Fatheuer 1997).

This initial implementation of PROMANEJO took place at a time when National

Forests stipulating the removal of local inhabitants were being reconsidered by

environmental governmental agencies, to allow long-term resident communities to stay in

the reserve. After some years of discussion, this change was put into legislation in 2000,

when the National Congress approved the new version of the law that governs

environmental reserves in Brazil (SNUC 2000). According to this new version, National

Forests accepted the presence of communities recognized as "traditional people."

Therefore, as "traditional people," the communities in the Flona Tapaj6s acquired legal

recognition of their rights to remain in their lands twenty six years after the reserve's

creation, and their areas of occupation were incorporated into the reserve's management

plan.

Looking at this process in the Flona Tapaj6s, from initial government attempts to

displace people to the change in legislation and the subsequent acceptance of "traditional









people" in the reserve's area, my initial intent in carrying out a study on this case was to

understand the different rationales underlying the environmental reserve policies in both

situations: the reserve's creation (1974), and the change in legislation (2000). In

particular, I wanted to understand the importance of community resistance in

precipitating this change in reserve policies, and how the social category of "traditional

people" came to play a significant role in transforming the initial reserve's design to

allow people to stay in the reserve area. Why had such an identification that had not been

even claimed previously by the people been ascribed to them? What were the factors and

interests (material and ideological) in the reserve's policies that converged in order to

(re)shape such social and landscape units: National Forest/traditional people?

The reality I encountered in 1996 had shown itself to be complex and dynamic,

indicating the need for solid theoretical tools to understand the course of these changes.

However, the complexity was even greater when I arrived in the field in 2002, to initiate

my research. There, I learned about the resurgence of indigenous ethnic identities among

three communities: Taquara, Braganca and Marituba. Beginning with the Taquara

community in 1998, these three communities undertook efforts to revitalize indigenous

cultural traditions, and started to recognize themselves as belonging to the Mundurucu

ethnicity.

By reclaiming their indigenous identities, which in Brazil gives them a special

status and access to health, education, and land rights, these three communities demanded

recognition of their land rights from FUNAI (Fundaq(o Nacional do Indio), the Brazilian

governmental agency for indigenous peoples. In response, FUNAI initiated procedures

to demarcate these indigenous lands, and, consequently, the boundaries of the Flona









Tapaj6s have been in the process of being redefined once again. In the midst of this

community land tenure resolution, the indigenous identity movement among these

communities challenged again the official intent in relation to Flona Tapaj6s.

Yet, the indigenous identity movement challenged not only the government-defined

arrangements, but also the way I was thinking about my research and seeking to

understand the changes that were taking place in Flona Tapaj6s. It led to new questions,

making me reevaluate the earlier versions of my research project. Primarily, why did

these three communities take such a stand right in the middle of government efforts to

incorporate the category of "traditional people" in reserve policies which would have

allowed them to stay on their lands? What were the motivations underlying this

movement to reclaim their indigenous identities, and what was its meaning in relation to

the category of "traditional people" that was being used by external authorities to define

them? Why did they not accommodate themselves to such a categorization and its

associated rights?

These new questions emerged during my research at a time when my main concern

was to understand what it meant to be "traditional people" in this new context of reserve

policies, and how this social category had emerged as a condition for communities'

presence in the reserve. Facing these new questions, my first impression was that this

indigenous movement had unduly complicated the early version of my research project.

However, further examination of the issue suggested that searching for responses to these

questions might also help shed light on the social category of "traditional people" that

had emerged in the National Forest reserve. Observing indigenous organization toward

reinstating an ethnic identity, and how this articulation had promoted a means for they to









redirect the course of land tenure resolution in Flona Tapaj6s, I started to realize the close

relation between community social identity and the successive definitions of the reserve's

spaces.

By mapping out the different official identities attributed to these communities in

the Flona Tapaj6s, and their corresponding spatial arrangements in the reserve, I was able

to identify three main regions where spaces and social identities overlapped, which

showed that the definitions of the reserve's spaces were dependent on the production of

community social identity. Playing a key role in the reserve's spatial configuration, the

production of community social identity, however, was revealed to be constituted of a

remarkable field of disputes, epitomizing the main struggles between community people

and governmental agencies responsible for the reserve's administration. This portrait

pointed out the importance of this forest reserve not only in terms of forest resources

exploitation, but also of social organizations.

The analysis that follows in the next chapters focused on community social identity

as the critical issue in the definition of the Flona Tapaj6s' spatial composition. In

Chapter 2, I discuss the main theoretical references employed to examine the changes of

spaces and social identities precipitated by the creation and implementation of this forest

reserve. Based on the existing literature, Chapter 3 focuses on historical antecedents that

shaped the social and identity composition of the Lower Tapaj6s region, and more

specifically the community people in Flona Tapaj6s. This chapter has two main

objectives: 1) to point out the major historical events that since colonial times have taken

place in the region, which caused profound alterations in the native socio-cultural and

territorial organizations, and shaped the pattern of social organization and land









occupation found among these communities when the reserve was created; and, 2) to

discuss the main social identity representations in the literature that have been attributed

to this pattern of social and territorial organization, which was characterized as caboclo.

In Chapter 4, I also take a historical perspective, tracing the development of forest

reserves known as National Forests, which were adopted by the Brazilian government in

the late 1960s and, soon after, started to be implemented in the Amazon region,

beginning with Flona Tapaj6s, created in 1974. Highlighting the historical antecedents of

the category of National Forest, this chapter first focuses on the emergence of scientific

forestry management in the late eighteenth century in Germany, which, later, decisively

influenced the movement toward creating and implementing forest reserves in the United

States in the late nineteenth century. The objective of the chapter is to show that the

emergence of National Forests inaugurated a new model of forest administration,

becoming the main instrument of state forest policies that later expanded to several

countries. Although in Brazil the category of National Forest was adopted only in the

late 1960s, concerns regarding forest reserves had been gradually incorporated in

government policies since the beginning of the century. The second part of this chapter

explores the development of Brazilian forest policies from the early 1900s to the early

1970s, when forest reserves were first implemented in the Amazon region to promote

controlled timber exploitation.

The focus of analysis in Chapter 5 is the creation and implementation of Flona

Tapaj6s and the subsequent confrontations that emerged due to attempts to displace the

community people whose lands overlapped with the reserve. First, this chapter looks at

the creation of this forest reserve in the context of geo-political frontier expansion









implemented by the government in the late 1960s in the Amazon region. In doing so, I

aim to clarify the government's stand in relation to this forest reserve and people's

displacement from it. Second, the analysis focuses on people's resistance against such a

government project, and their strategies for political articulation. The analysis was based

on fieldwork data collected from community people; official documents, primarily

surveys carried out by the IBAMA offices in Brasilia and in Santarem; and interviews

carried out with IBAMA employees and forest experts who were involved in the creation

and implementation of Flona Tapaj6s. In using these different sources of data, this

chapter seeks to understand the emergence of this forest reserve in the broader socio-

political context and explore the divergent positions between government and

communities, which precipitated the ongoing disputes over resources, territory, and social

identity.

Chapter 6 focuses on the efforts to redefine spaces and community social identity in

Flona Tapaj6s, which coincided with the change in reserve policies to permit "traditional

people" to live in National Forests. As in the previous chapter, this chapter also looks at

the broader socio-political context, this time the late 1980s when the Amazon forest

became the center of international environmentalists' concerns. I first seek to discuss the

main political pressures that determined the course of environmental policies, and

decisively influenced to change the government's relationship with community people,

specifically the acceptance of their permanence in the reserve and recognizing them as

"traditional people." I also discuss the development of the category of "traditional

people," and its official adoption in Brazil in the 1990s, which originated in the encounter

between social rights and environmentalist movements that first emerged in the Amazon









region in the middle 1980s. I follow this with an analysis of the significance of this

change in Flona Tapaj6s for community people as well as for reserve policies, which not

only established new parameters for and understandings of territory and forest resources,

but also re-conceptualized community social identity. The analysis drew on data

collected in the field among community people, interviews with governmental

employees, and official documents.

In Chapter 7, I focus on the indigenous movement that emerged among the

Taquara, Marituba, and Braganca communities, who reclaimed their indigenous ethnic

identity by claiming to belong to Mundurucu ethnicity. Based on data collected from

interviews and direct observation in these communities, this chapter seeks to show the

main internal and external reasons that favored the emergence of this ethnic movement,

and challenged government efforts to admit them in the reserve's area as "traditional

people." The combination of both types of pressures led these communities to take old

cultural references, and claim a different ethnic identity that implied a new form of social

identification and reserve spatial composition.

Finally, in the conclusion, I summarize the main points discussed in each of these

chapters and assess the achievements reached by the implementation of Flona Tapaj6s

toward disciplining spaces, timber exploitation, and social relations.

1.2 The Research Undertaken

The research that supports this study was carried out at different moments

beginning in 1996, when I had my first contact with the communities in Flona Tapaj6s

and with the reserve's administration, and conducted a survey on community land

occupation, resource use, and livelihood strategies. As indicated earlier, this survey was

part of the "Pilot Program to Support the Forest Management in the Amaz6nia"









(PROMANEJO PPG-7), which supported efforts to demarcate an area for these

communities. The activities of the PROMANEJO program in Flona Tapaj6s were

conducted by IMAFLORA (Instituto de Manejo e Certificatdo Florestal e Agricola), an

NGO located in Piracicaba, in the state of Sdo Paulo, which hired me to carry out the

survey. In February 1996, IMAFLORA organized a workshop with several

representatives from the communities, and from government and non-governmental

organizations, to discuss the methodology to be applied in the survey. The fieldwork was

carried out from March to April 1996, during which I visited most of the communities,

and the results presented in a workshop in July.

Deciding to continue research on social conflicts in environmental reserves in the

Amazon region, I entered the cultural anthropology program of the University of Florida

in 1999, and started to define a dissertation research project. In June 2000, I returned to

Santarem for a short-term visit to the communities in the Flona Tapaj6s, with the

objective of updating my information and further elaborating the research proposal. The

focus of this short-term fieldwork was community land tenure resolution, which had been

underway since 1996. Spending a month and a half visiting five communities, I

interviewed people who had key positions in the communities, such as representatives of

associations and elderly people. Additionally, I interviewed IBAMA employees in

Santarem and in Brasilia, and representatives of non-governmental organizations, and

carried out archival research.

In 2002, I returned to spend a year carrying out fieldwork, which involved

collecting different types of data in different sites of inquiry. To conduct the research, I

established three fields of investigation.









One was related to the State forest reserve policies, their historical development in

Brazil, and the official procedures undertaken to define and implement Flona Tapaj6s.

This field of investigation involved examining documents produced by state agencies

related to the creation and maintenance of forest reserves, including laws, regulations,

management plans, administrative process, technical cooperation programs, maps,

reports, research, and economic projects. The documents were collected from federal

government offices in Brasilia (capital of Brazil, where most documents were located); at

regional state offices in Belem (capital of Para state, where Flona Tapaj6s is located); and

local state offices in the municipality of Santarem. In addition to an extensive survey of

these documents, I also carried out a series of in-depth interviews with the government

representatives responsible for protected areas and environmental policies in Brazil, as

well as with non-governmental forest experts who were involved in the creation of Flona

Tapaj6s. In Flona Tapaj6s, I also visited the majority of research projects that were

underway. These investigations were undertaken during the months of March, August

and December 2002.

The second field of investigation was focused on the communities' stand with the

objective to understand their perspectives regarding the creation of this forest reserve.

Besides identifying the communities' socio-economic, political and religious structures, I

also carried out interviews with people who had key positions in the communities, such

as representatives of associations and elders, eliciting their perceptions on and their

responses to the creation of the reserve. I gave special attention to the community

resistance process, investigating their strategies for political actions that were undertaken

through their associations, at the community level, and the Union of the Rural Workers









and other non-governmental agencies, at a regional level. In order to understand this

process historically, I worked on oral histories with the most distinguished community

agents who had conducted the resistance against displacement from the reserve.

I also mapped the main forms of community land occupation and productive

activities, and interviewed people about their changing perceptions and use of forest

resources, in order to compare their goals and concerns with the government objectives

and management plans of the reserve. Thus, I sought to outline how the communities had

used the resources historically and the changes they made in response to being in a

National Forest area. With regards to the recent move to allow "traditional people" to

reside in the reserve, I focused on the community development projects, their importance

to the community social organizations and livelihood strategies, and people's responses

to these projects. Finally, I carried out direct observation and in-depth interviews to

understand people's social identification, focusing on people's perceptions about the

different social identities that had been attributed to them.

The fieldwork among community people was carried out in two moments in 2002:

April-July, and September-December. During this time, I selected three communities in

which to spend larger periods of time. These were the communities of Piquiatuba,

Maguary and Taquara, where I stayed one month each. I chose these three communities

because of their geographical location, importance in terms of political resistance, and

their location as places where most of the meetings held to solve the land tenure took

place. Besides these characteristics, Taquara community was also chosen because of the

indigenous movement that emerged there. Among other communities, my visits were

shorter, varying from one to two weeks.









The third field of investigation was related to the environmental movement,

specifically its discourses and practices that have provided material and ideological

support for forest reserve policies, and more specifically for the creation and

implementation of Flona Tapaj6s. I analyzed documents of the main non-governmental

agencies directly involved with the reserve's issues and carried out interviews with their

representatives, as well as representatives of the multilateral agencies, such as the World

Bank, specifically those who worked on the Pilot Project (PPG-7) in the Flona Tapaj6s.

In addition, I examined texts and documents produced by researchers at various research

institutions that were directly or indirectly related to forest policies and that discussed

concepts, methods and programs regarding the creation and maintenance of the forest

reserves.

Besides investigations directly related to the research project, in 2003 I also carried

out two studies on indigenous communities for FUNAI, and have included these data in

my research. The first survey, which I carried out as an "invited anthropologist" for a

Working Group (GT), was conducted in May among indigenous communities located

along the Arapiuns River, in the Lower Tapaj6s region. The second study was conducted

in August-September, when I coordinated the GT to carry out studies to identify and

demarcate indigenous lands of the three indigenous communities, Taquara, Braganca and

Marituba, in order to proceed with their legal recognition.














CHAPTER 2
REMODELING FOREST SPACES AND SOCIAL RELATIONS

2.1 Environmental Reserves in the Amazon Region and Social Conflicts

2.1.1 The Emergence of National Forests in the Amazon Region

Although in Brazil there exists a discourse on the conservation of forest resources

under the category of National Forests, it has a different connotation from, for example,

the National Parks in which the whole area is designated for full-protection and the

resources cannot be exploited. Both kinds of reserves are areas under State control, but,

as will be seen throughout this dissertation, in Brazil, the primary objective of National

Forests is the promotion of management for timber production, along with the protection

of watersheds and rivers, and scientific research.

The creation of the Tapaj6s National Forest (Flona Tapaj6s) in 1974 represented

the establishment of the first state environmental reserve in the Amazon region (see

Figure 2.1). At that time, the only forest reserve previously created (in 1961) had not

been implemented, and there was no other kind of state reserve in the region. Designated

to promote timber production, the creation and implementation of the Flona Tapaj6s took

place in the context of the Amazon frontier expansion policies that started to be

undertaken by the military government in the beginning of the 1970s. These policies

promoted the establishment not only of forest reserves for timber exploitation but also of

several other reserves designated for full-protection, inaugurating for the first time an

ample program of reserve policies envisioning a new rationale of forest resource

exploitation and environmental conservation in the region.








15







S TapajOs National Forest
AmnazIna National Park
I Tapujs-Araplun Exhtrtltvt Reswve
Sart State
Capital of Par State
S Munmipalty
River
BR163 Santorim-Cuiaba Highway
BR230 Transamazrnica Nighway


' 5500 5?0'NW
GeoDaphic Coordnate System
0 50 100 200 300 40& e Naum WGS 1984
+a Pnme Mendan 0 "Meilano de GeenrvMh"
Scale 1:9,350000 Latriude 0'


Figure 2-1. Tapaj6s National Forest


r'"

7ct


I: Kl









Although in the south of Brazil forest reserves with analogous objectives had

previously been established, it was not until the 1965 Forest Code, which replaced the

previous code of 1934, that the term "National Forest" was first applied and defined in

legislation. Despite its objective of promoting timber production, the category of

National Forest, according to the 1965 Forest Code, was more broadly defined as public

areas designated by the government for "economic, technical, or social purposes" (Law

n 4.771, September 15, 1965). This category of reserve could be implemented at the

national level, as a National Forest, at the state level, as a State Forest, or at the local

level, as a Municipal Forest.

The change that took place in forest legislation was followed by changes in the

executive structure. Two years after the 1965 Forest Code was passed, in 1967 the

federal government eliminated existing environmental agencies, and created the IBDF

(Brazilian Institute of Forest Development), an agency under the Agriculture Ministry

responsible for the elaboration, implementation, and administration of environmental

policy programs, including the environmental reserves.1 In 1979, the federal government

elaborated the National System of Conservation Units (Sistema Nacional de Unidades de

C,\'ci iel v ti-SNUC) in an attempt to reconceptualize and expand the categories of

2
reserves.

The SNUC categories of reserves were denominated "Conservation Units"

(Unidades de C,'wiie\'r'It), and were classified into two sets of reserves: those



1 Later, in 1989, IBDF was replaced by IBAMA (Brazilian Institute of the Environment and of Natural
Resources).

2 The National System of Conservation Units (SNUC) was only passed into law in 2000. More
information in Chapter 6.









designated for "Indirect Use," which included National Parks, Biological Reserves,

Ecological Station, and Ecological Reserves; and those designated for "Direct Use,"

which included the National Forests, and Areas of Environmental Protection. The first

set of reserves was designated for full protection, which meant that any activity that alters

or destroys the preservation of natural resources would be prohibited, and the second set

was designated to bring together conservation with restricted economic activities. The

configuration of these different categories of reserve implied distinctive objectives and

strategies in terms of resource conservation and exploitation. The main objective

established for the National Forests was to promote the management of forest resources,

with an emphasis on timber production, along with scientific research and resource

protection.

These government policies and programs would create the conditions for a

significant expansion, beginning in the mid-1970s, of environmental reserves in the

Amazon to promote conservation and management of forest resources. Starting in 1974,

with the creation of the Flona Tapaj6s, on the lower Tapaj6s River, and the Amaz6nia

National Park, in the upper Tapaj6s River, by ten years later the Amazon region would

boast twenty-four federal environmental reserves -five National Parks, five Biological

Reserves, twelve Ecological Stations, and two National Forests- covering an area of

approximately 12 millions hectares (Ricardo and Capobianco 2001: 246-250).

This extensive program to create and implement the first environmental reserves in

the Amazon region was organized under the same development plans that were instituted

by the federal government for frontier expansion in the Amazon, which the military

government began promoting in the late 1960s (Barretto 2001a; Schmink and Wood









1992, 1984; Foresta 1991; Guimardes 1991). As we will see below, through these

frontier expansion policies the military pulled off the most ambitious and extensive

government development program to incorporate the Amazon region into the national

political economy (Schmink and Wood 1992; 1984; Browder 1988; Bunker 1985; Moran

1983; Hecht 1982; Mahar 1979; Goodland 1975).

2.1.2 Policies for Expanding the Amazon Economic Frontiers

State policies promoting the expansion of the Amazonian frontiers date back to the

colonial times. Portuguese Crown policies to possess the region and to push the Amazon

frontiers westward were marked by intense disputes, especially with the Spanish Crown.

Later, soon after independence, the newly formed Brazilian State defeated the regional

separatist movement, known as the Cabanagem, which had been trying to separate the

Amazon region from the Brazilian political and territorial domain. The rubber boom in

the late nineteenth century resulted in the expansion of territorial frontiers, with the

creation of the state of Acre, a region that was taken from Bolivia at the beginning of the

twentieth century, and with the incorporation of the Amazon economy into the national

economy as rubber became Brazil's second export product (Oliveira 1983; Santos 1980).

The prompt decline of the Amazon rubber economy at the beginning of the

twentieth century, followed by a small rubber boon during the World War II period,

disrupted this process of incorporating the Amazon region into the national political

economy. However, starting in the 1950s, the Brazilian government, based on the

"national-developmentism" policies of the post-World War II period, started to promote

policies to integrate the Amazon region. This was epitomized by the construction of the

Belem-Brasilia highway concluded in 1960, the same year the new capital, Brasilia, was

inaugurated.









Yet, despite these initial efforts, it was not until the early 1970s, with the Amazon

frontier expansion policies under the military authoritarian regime, that the region came

to be effectively incorporated into the national economy. As Becker (1992: 131-133)

remarked, the discourse of national integration of Amaz6nia, first outlined in the 1950s,

assumed a more elaborated form in the 1970s, when it "was promoted to maximum

priority."3 In 1970, the Program of National Integration (PIN) was created, promoting an

ambitious colonization program and the implementation of an extensive network of roads

and ports to facilitate the occupation of the spaces in the Amazon considered to be

"empty." As Schmink and Wood (1992:71) noted, "the colonization program was

impressive in scope and design." Seeking mainly to lessen the pressures for land reform

in the South and Northeastern regions of the country, PIN was delineated to promote

development and the establishment of 100,000 farmers in the Amazon region through

colonization projects, to be administered by the Brazilian Institute for Colonization and

Agrarian Reform (INCRA). To promote this occupation model, the federal government

assumed control over the lands one hundred kilometers on either side of federal roads.

This meant, for example, that the federal government controlled over 70 percent of the

state of Para, and the entire state of Acre.

PIN also promoted the improvement of the region's infrastructure, by building an

extensive network of roads, port facilities, and airports. During this process of the

occupation of the Amazon, the Transamaz6nica and Santarem-Cuiaba highways had

fundamental strategic importance, interconnecting Brazil from east to west, and from

south to north. Taking control over all lands lying one hundred kilometers on each side

3 All quotations reproduced from texts written in Portuguese, as well as the interviews carried out in this
language, were translated by the author.









of these highways, the federal government established most of the colonization projects

there. These two highways cross each other at the boundary between the municipalities

of Itaituba and Santarem, in the state of Para. It was not inconsequential that precisely at

this location, where the Transamaz6nica and Santarem-Cuiaba highways cross each

other, and thousands of people from various regions of the country were settled into

colonization projects, that the Flona Tapaj6s was established.

In 1974, the Second Amazon Development Plan (PDMAII) replaced PIN, giving a

new dimension to government projects in the Amazon region. Continuing the thrust of

Amazon frontier expansion policies, PDMAII envisioned the implementation of fifteen

economic growth poles called "Poloamaz6nia." Governed by a new and stronger

bureaucratic structure, and providing infrastructure and credit and fiscal incentives to the

private sector, the growth poles were based on a new political and economic rationality,

which was the "redirect(ion of) public and private investment into areas deemed to have

economic potential" (Schmink and Wood 1992: 78). Becker (1992: 133) remarked that,

from that moment on, the government became more selective, no longer operating at a

macro-regional scale but, instead, at a sub-regional scale.

The implementation of all these large projects demanded significant infrastructure

to facilitate the installation of the mineral prospecting areas, transportation of production,

and energy generation for the mineral processing units. Besides road construction,

PDMAII also provided for the construction and modernization of ports and airports in the

region, and the building of hydroelectric dams such as Tucurui and Balbina. All of these

economic undertakings significantly impacted the local economy and power relations.

The traditional economy, which had been based on forest extractive activities, was









replaced by large-scale capitalist enterprises whose interests were located outside of the

region, thereby displacing the local power structure.

The timber sector was similarly impacted. Regional timber production, as we will

see later, was considered to be backward, disorganized, and unproductive. Envisioning

the modernization of the regional timber industry, the wood sector was contemplated in

the PDMA II through the PoloTapaj6s to be implemented in the Tapaj6s River Valley, as

expressed in the "Development Policies for Forest Resources and Rational Use of the

Amaz6nia Soils." Responding to an old claim for a strong and resourceful forest policy

that favored the timber export, PDMA II sponsored an ample forest program providing

not only fiscal incentives to the timber industry, but also the creation of National Forests

in the Amazon region to promote timber exploitation, launched with the creation and

implementation of the Flona Tapaj6s. The opening of new economic frontiers, wherein

natural resources became a target for accelerated exploitation, not only re-shaped local

social and economic relations, but also re-conceptualized the natural environment,

producing areas of forest reserves and other regulations to discipline access to and control

over forest resources.

At the same time that the federal government was implementing forest reserves for

timber production in the Amazon region, it also established the first reserves designated

for full-protection of forest resources. In the same year that Flona Tapaj6s was created,

the federal government also created the first National Park in the Amazon region, also

located in the Tapaj6s River Valley. As some scholars have emphasized, the

environmental discourse and practice of the Brazilian State in the Amazon region have

been remarkably closely associated with the economic development programs that were









implemented during the expansion policies of Amazon frontiers (Barretto 2001 a; Foresta

1991; Guimaraes 1991). Analyzing this relation between ecology and development,

Guimaraes (1991: 130-31) highlighted that "in this period most of the institutional

structure to deal with resource management and environmental protection was set in

motion," and it "was also the period in which the bulk of Brazilian environmental

legislation was enacted."

2.1.3 Social Conflicts in Forest Reserves

"Up to 1974, when the Tapaj6s National Forest was created, the people here had

a very tranquil life, workingfor their subsistence, planting theirfield crops, fishing,

hunting. Suddenly, someone from IBDF came out saying that we could not work any

more, we could not plant our field crops, we should not cut down the trees any more. He

said that it was prohibited because a National Forest had been created in the area,

which, from now on, was the nation's property... a National Forest that should not have

any family residing inside it. With some variations, I heard versions like this regarding

the creation of Tapaj6s National Forest (Flona Tapaj6s) from practically all the people I

interviewed in each community I visited in 1996, when I first carried out a study on the

eighteen communities whose lands overlapped with Flona Tapaj6s.

Listening to people's narratives about Flona Tapaj6s' creation, I learned about the

severe disruptions caused by the reserve's implementation with regards to access to forest

resources and common land rights they had developed over a long history of occupancy.

As they explained to me, when Flona Tapaj6s started to be implemented, government

attempts to displace people provoked a strong community reaction, and many refused to

be removed from their lands. Organizing via the Union of the Rural Workers,

community people strongly fought not only to remain on their land, but also to maintain









access and control over their area and the resources they saw as enough to meet their

needs. One of the community actions was to demarcate, in 1984, the boundaries of the

area they were claiming.

It was not only forced displacement that the government tried to impose on

communities, but also restrictions to access to forest resources, the source of their

livelihood needs. They were prevented from planting field crops in the most central

forest areas, as well from hunting game. According to several people, government

employees justified the creation of Flona Tapaj6s, and the attempts to displace people and

to restrict resource, "because it was to protect the forest." Expressing resentment, the

people frequently pondered: "Why did they create a National Forest to protect the forest?

We have been here forever, as were our grandfathers and great-grandfathers, and we

never damaged the forest. This forest still exists because we have been here protecting

it."

As I carried out this study, I learned for the first time about the social conflicts over

the creation and implementation of environmental reserves in the Amazon region starting

in the 1970s. Perhaps from a naive viewpoint, I had not thought beforehand about

environmental protection areas as promoting such extensive social conflicts. Rather, I

had seen them as places in which government efforts were undertaken to promote nature

conservation. It was remarkable to realize, from the Flona Tapaj6s case, the extent of

social conflicts in rural areas that may have been created as a result of the implementation

of environmental reserves in the Amazon region.

The social conflicts in Flona Tapaj6s did not take place in isolation. Rather,

analogous conflicts emerged in most reserves that were created during the 1970s and









1980s in the Amazon region. Although these reserves followed regulations that

prohibited the presence of residents inside the reserves' boundaries, regardless of the

differences in conservation and resource exploitation purposes, the majority of these

reserves overlapped with territories of a huge number of social groups who, according to

legislation, had to be removed from the reserve's area. Despite the fact that the creation

of these reserves implied their displacement, local people had not had any participation in

designing the reserve proposal (Moreira et al. 1996:12), and, as in the Flona Tapaj6s case,

they came to know about its creation only when the government initiated efforts to

displace them.

One of the most notorious cases of forced displacement of long-term residents due

to the encroachment of reserve boundaries took place among the Afro-Brazilian

communities, known as 'Remanescentes de Comunidades de Quilombo, '4 whose

territory was superposed by the limits of the Trombetas Biological Reserve (Trombetas

REBIO), created in 1979, in the state of Para (Acevedo and Castro 1994). The most

restrictive reserve, in terms of the conservation of natural resources, the Trombetas

REBIO was responsible for the displacement of several families from their lands, and for

cutting their access to resources for their livelihood needs. "Literally, the Biological

Reserve took possession over the sources for living production: the fish in the lakes,

rivers and tributaries, the seeds and fruits collected in the forest, the vines and the straw

to cover houses and make handicrafts, and the wood to fabricate canoes" (Acevedo and

Castro 1994: 209).


4 Remanescentes das Comunidades de Quilombos (Descendents of Quilombos Communities) is an historical
category to designate the descendants of slaves who escaped to remote places where they founded the
quilombos. In 1988, the new Brazilian Constitution recognized the legal status of the areas of Remascentes de
Comunidades de Quilombos (Art. 68), bestowing rights to the quilombola people on their territories.









Jau National Park, created in 1980, and the Anavilhanas Ecological Station, created

in 1981, both in the state of Amazonas, also engendered disputes with peasant

communities, as Barretto (2001a) showed in his dissertation on the creation and

establishment of these two reserves. In these situations, however, people's displacement

was not as significant, though that was not the case for restrictions on access to resources.

Later, in the 1990s, the Jau Park changed the relation between the park and the people,

"involving the local traditional riverine people in [the reserve's] plan" (FVA 1991: 11,

op. cit.: 476), in spite of park legislation. Although there are poorly documented records,

most environmental reserves in the Amazon region, both the fully-protected and those for

direct use, faced the dilemma of human presence, as was discussed in the "International

Seminar about the Presence of Human Population in Protected Areas," which took place

in Brasilia, in November 1996 (Moreira et al. 1996).

The creation of these reserves brought about a new reality for the people living in

those regions: they no longer controlled their territories according to historically

constituted relationships, but rather, as federal reserves, it was the State that defined the

laws that would regulate the areas' occupation and resource exploitation. This direct

State intervention in these areas, through the creation and implementation of these

reserves, redefined the rights and means for their appropriation, redefining territorial

boundaries in a biased manner that was notably against communities' interests. As a

resident from Flona Tapaj6s area expressed: fom now on, it was the nation's property...

a National Forest that should not have any family residing inside it.









2.2 State Control over Forest Resources and Social Relations

2.2.1 People's Representation in State Planning

Although forest reserve areas under State domain and control have been

implemented only recently in the Amazon region, they are not a new phenomenon in

terms of reassigning access to forest resources and as a source of social conflicts in rural

areas. Early in modern Europe, forests were also remarkable fields of disputes between

conflicting conceptions on forest rights, as E.P. Thompson (1975) demonstrated in his

examination of the "The Origin of the Black Act" sanctioned in England in 1723, which

made deer stalking in disguise at night or cutting down young trees in royal forests

offenses subject to the death penalty. In his analysis, E.P. Thompson exposed how 18th

century British society battled to redefine the domain and control of the forests, as

revealed in the multifaceted struggles over access to its resources that followed the

enclosures. Converting certain customary peasant uses of forest resources and game into

crimes, the implementation of the Black Act revealed, in fact, attempts to impose a new

forest economy by adding new modes of appropriation of the resources and new

economic values, and, in the process, breaking down old communal rights over forest

areas.

A century later France experienced a similar process with the implementation of the

1827 National Forest Code, which, as Sahlins (1994: X) pointed out, "systematically

restricted forest use-rights essential to their [peasants] agricultural and pastoral way of

life." Analyzing the peasant resistance movement against such restrictions, whose

protagonists played out the drama that came to be known as "the war of the demoiselles,"

Sahlins also revealed a society undergoing changes in the conception of forest rights and

exploitation, refashioning a new forest economy at the expense of old customary uses. In









both cases, in England as well as in France, "Forest conflict was, in origin, a conflict

between users and exploiters" (Thompson 1975: 245), between those who had the forest

as a source for reproducing cultural and economic lifestyles and those who saw the forest

as a source for economic accumulation. Peasant resistance in both cases tried to restore

previous access to forested areas, which was being undermined by the inexorable

transformations that impinged on old forest rights and resource exploitation by new

political and economic relations.

The creation and implementation of environmental reserves in the Amazon region

beginning in the mid-1970s also represented an imposition of a new model of forest

administration that confronted customary uses of forest resources, generating severe

social conflicts. Despite the scope of these social conflicts, there is little knowledge on

the dynamics of particular cases. The little that has been written has focused on the

conflicts in fully-protected reserves, such as National Parks, Biological Reserves or

Ecological Stations (Barretto 2001a; Diegues 1998; Acevedo and Castro 1994). There is

practically nothing written about conflicts in National Forests, though records register the

encroachment of this type of reserve on territories of various social groups practically

everywhere where they have been implemented (Ricardo and Capobianco 2001).

Existing studies on National Forest policies have generally overlooked the issues

regarding social conflicts in these reserves.

Notwithstanding the absence of studies on these cases, the social conflicts

generated by the attempts of outright expulsion from the National Forests, such as in the

case of Flona Tapaj6s, reveal the enormity of the disputes between governmental spheres

responsible for forest policies and local people, especially peasant societies. Currently, at









IBAMA (Brazilian Institute of the Environment and of Natural Resources) offices, the

measures taken to remove people from the National Forest's areas have been considered

mistakes, outcomes of governmental misconception regarding reserve administration.

Once, when I asked an IBAMA employee about the initial governmental attempts to

displace people from Flona Tapaj6s, he just answered: "It was absurd." In answer to the

same question, another employee, who worked at IBDF at the time Flona Tapajos was

created, said: "It was imprudent, but it was the effect of that political moment. We did

not know anything about the existence of these people in Amaz6nia. We just knew that

the region was an empty place."

The (false) projection of the Amazon region as an empty place, concealing local

forms of social organizations, especially peasant groups, is well discussed in the

academic literature. In his book, "Amazonian Caboclo Society: An Essay on Invisibility

and Peasant Economy," Nugent (1993) presented an interesting analysis on the

Amazonian peasants known as "Caboclos," underlining the historical process that

concealed the organization of these regional social groups, who the author called "neo-

Amazonians." As the author remarked, "Generally speaking, such societies as have

emerged in the interstices of colonial apparatus have never been granted full status as

integral social forms" (p. XXI).

Based on fieldwork carried out in the municipality of Santarem, in the Lower

Tapaj6s, the same region this dissertation focuses on, Nugent (1993) discussed the

perceptions drawn on Amazon peasants in political or academic spheres. According to

him, Amazonian peasants known as caboclos have been continuously misrepresented

through stereotypes that devalue their social organizations and, as a result, have isolated









them from the benefits of local development policies. The author asserted that in spite of

the unprecedented attention to the Amazon region in recent years, Amazon peasants "are

not entirely overlooked, but when present they are almost always in the background,

heavily shaded by larger, natural features. They are viewable, but rarely viewed... neo-

Amazonians are more often depicted as 'populations', migratory trends or inhabitants

rather than integral members of real societies" (Nugent 1993: 20).

The main focus of Nugent's analysis was to understand the reasons underlying

what he understood as virtual "invisibilities" projected onto Amazon rural populations,

reflected in both state policies and Amazonian academic research. Nugent pointed to

these invisibilities as being fundamentally rooted in the image projected of Amaz6nia as

a "natural domain in which society is intrusive" (1993: 20), and to a sort of pathology

attributed to caboclos. He argued that caboclos are generally seen as having a kind of

lost link between civilization and nature, with no ties to their pre-colonial societies and

unable to build a new social organization. The author remarked that Amaz6nia has been

portrayed by the West as a universe in which society has been continuously subordinated

to nature, while waiting for external and decisive intervention to domesticate it and to

replace what are considered pathological social relations. According to Nugent (1993:

32), "the creation of modern Amaz6nia involved the eradication of Amazonian societies

and the emergence of Amaz6nia as primarily a natural space."

For Nugent (1993), the consequences of this discourse of the Amazon, which

repeatedly was reinforced by images emphasizing nature's dominance over society, have

endorsed "social invisibilities," especially with regards to Amazon peasants.

Understanding that such an invisibility is reflected in many national and international









interests, especially economic interests, he pointed out the use of arguments about

"scarcity" of resources and the "global good." As a repository of relatively cheap natural

resources, many of which have been exhausted in other places, Amaz6nia became a focus

of attention for large-scale entrepreneurs, as well as for environmentalists, with state and

multilateral agencies, such as the World Bank, as the most articulate voices. According

to the author, for both environmentalists and donors/investors, Amazonian peasants have

been of marginal interest, and thus kept off the agenda. From the environmentalist

perspective, Amazonian peasants have been considered as unable to manage the forest

without destroying it. And, "from the point of view of these large-scale forms of

extraction, Amazonian peasants are at best an irrelevance, hence it is not surprising to

find that they are ignored" (Nugent 1993: 36).

By highlighting how Amazon social groups identified as caboclo have been

disqualified as beneficiaries of environmental and development programs, Nugent (1993)

accurately pointed toward the need to rethink the ways in which they have been

represented in academia and by political spheres. The analysis developed by Nugent

represents the most innovative approach to the construction of the category of caboclo,

by pointing out the power mechanisms that sustain the repetitive misrepresentation of

Amazonian peasant groups, and the political and economic implications as reflected in

official policies. These can be seen in the case of the communities in Flona Tapaj6s,

especially during the initial phase of the reserve's implementation, when the government

attempted to displace people. Identified as caboclos, these people were also

misrepresented as squatters, occasional occupants or, even, intruders, categories which

ignored or removed any attachments people might have to the land or to a complex social









organization. In the reserve's reports of that period, the communities are frequently

described as "deprived of knowledge about soils" and other activities related to forest

resources.

However, insofar as Nugent's analysis sheds lights on the reasons underlying the

persistent misrepresentations of these Amazonian social groups, the notion of

"invisibility" presents some constraints for analyzing the social conflicts in Flona

Tapaj6s. The notion of"invisibles" would lead us to understand the social conflicts

caused by the government's attempts to displace people as an outcome of a government

mistake that disregarded them in the reserve's project. Consequently, the change in

legislation permitting "traditional people" to remain in National Forests, and

incorporating community land occupancy into reserve planning, would be understood as

a rectification of initial governmental misconstruction. However, as the emergence of the

indigenous movement among the three communities in Flona Tapaj6s demonstrates, this

explanation would not elucidate why the social conflicts were not resolved after this

change in legislation had taken place.

The three moments in which forest spaces and social identities were redefined in

Flona Tapaj6s suggest a more complex process, whose understanding cannot be reached

by the notion of "invisibility." If these communities had been "invisible" to the State,

and neglected in the reserve's planning, the government would not have undertaken such

enormous efforts to displace the people from the area, nor delayed to such an extent to

revert its position, in spite of strong community resistance. Instead, the government

attempted to apply several forms of coercion and restrictions on forest resource access in

order to force the people's removal. This indicated that, in this process, the community









people were not "invisible" or neglected but, rather, that they and their displacement from

the area were the target of state planning policies to control forest spaces and social

relations. As Malkki (1995: 496) asserted: "Involuntary or forced movements of people

are always only one aspect of much larger constellations of sociopolitical and cultural

process and practices."

Thus, I analyze the attempts of people's displacement as being an explicit

government strategy to control people and spaces, and not because they were "invisible"

in the eyes of the government, as Nugent (1994) would argue. Therefore, the

government's acceptance, later on, of the local communities in the reserve as "traditional

people" cannot be understood as reflecting a minor adjustment. Rather, in the face of

community resistance, this acceptance on the part of government was as a strategy to

continue to exert control over spaces and social relations. In the same way, I analyze the

indigenous movement that emerged in reserve as reflecting people's resistance to these

new forms of social and spatial control, embedded in the category of "traditional people"

that was imposed by the government.

2.2.2 Modeling the Utopian Dream of the State Modernization Project

It was in reading James Scott's book "Seeing like a State" (1998) that I first started

to think about the creation and implementation of the Tapaj6s National Forest, among

other environmental reserves created in the Amazon region beginning in the mid-1970s,

as a process of social and natural landscape reconfiguration driven by State governmental

planning. Analyzing the implementation and failures of other governmental programs of

social engineering that had significant social and environmental impacts -such as

collectivization in Russia, the building of modern cities like Brasilia, and the creation of

compulsory villages in Tanzania- Scott demonstrated how social and landscape









transformations are promoted by state planning policies, or, as he says, "how thoroughly

society and the environment have been refashioned by the state map of legibility" (1998:

3).

By "state map of legibility," the author has in mind the processes by which the state

simplifies nature and society, by trying to fit them into standardized categories that better

adjust to the state cadastral map. These state simplifications, Scott remarked, not only

reduce social realities into a more legible and convenient format for administrative

actions, but "when allied with state power, ...enable much of the reality they depicted to

be remade. Thus, a state cadastral map created to designate taxable property-holders

does not merely describe a system of land tenure; it creates such a system through its

ability to give its categories the force of law" (Scott 1998: 3).

Exploring the foundation of modem statecraft, Scott highlighted that governance by

the modem state depends on simplified and standardized units that the state can service

and administer. This dependence derives from the need of the modem state to act for

complex and multifaceted social organizations, and modes of resource and spatial

appropriation, which in the eye's of the state look like a cacophony: "The nightmare is

experienced not by those whose particular practices are being represented but by those

state officials who aspire to a uniform, homogenous, national administrative code" (Scott

1998: 35). Therefore, in order to make administrative actions potentially more operable

and to be able to exert control, i.e. to be able to govern, the modem state calls for

dismembering complex social and spatial relations and reshaping them into simple and

uniform units that can be more easily manipulated and controlled. "To the degree that the









subjects can be treated as standardized units, the power of resolution in the planning

exercise is enhanced" (Scott 1998: 346).

Scott's perspective was elaborated precisely from the invention of scientific

forestry in late eighteenth-century Germany, which, as will be seen in Chapter 4, came to

form the basis for forestry schools and National Forests worldwide. Although

recognizing its importance in historical terms, Scott, however, treats the invention of

scientific forestry as a metaphor. Thus, placing the emergence of scientific forestry in the

context of centralized state-making initiatives of the period, when officials became aware

of the risk of shortage of wood and the need for more efficient instruments for forest

control and planning, Scott pointed out the successive and more precise methods of forest

measurements that were developed and gave the forest "legibility." Such legibility

allowed state officials not only to exert control over forest resources, but also to

manipulate tree species according to economic interests.

The standardizing techniques and utilitarian viewpoint of that moment favored

monocropped forest management for the sake of economic productivity, precluding the

natural forest that had greater diversity but was less profitable in monetary terms.

Additionally, the development of scientific forestry promised substantial compensation

for centralized forest management. As Scott (1998: 18) asserted, this "controlled

environment of the redesigned,5 scientific forest promised many striking advantages. It

could be synoptically surveyed by the chief forester; it could be more easily supervised

and harvested according to centralized, long-range plans; it provided a steady, uniform

commodity, thereby eliminating one major source of revenue fluctuation; and it created a

5 Scott informed in an endnote (note 16, p. 360) that he adopted the term "redesigned" from C. Maser's
book, "The Redesigned Forest" (1988).









legible natural terrain that facilitated manipulation and experimentation." That was the

utopian dream of scientific forestry for a "perfectly legible forest planted with same-

aged, single-species, uniform trees" (Scott 1998: 82).

Thus, applying this perspective of a rationalized and homogeneous forest, with

straight rows of uniform trees in large tracts and free of underbrush, Scott unveiled the

rationale of modem statecraft in relying on standardization and simplification, essential to

the practice of scientific forest management. Just as scientific forestry reduced complex

habitats by implementing uniform and replicated units that could be abstracted from

reality and expressed in standardized categories, the state modernization project relied on

deconstructing complex social and spatial relations and reshaping them into simplified

and standardized units, which "will be easiest to monitor, count, assess, and manage"

(Scott 1998: 81-2). As the object and instrument of modern state planning, the modeling

of simplified and standardized social and landscape units affords legibility and

amenability required by state officials.

This synchronized optic of the modern statecraft developed by Scott is evocative of

the panoptical modality of power in Foucault's Discipline and Punish (1995). To explain

this panoptical modality of power, Foucault took the example of a modern invention that

reproduces the homogenization rationale on social and spatial relations underlying the

power structures in contemporary western society. The example was Jeremy Bentham's

Panopticon prison project, whose architectural structure consisted of a large circular

building wherein the prisoners were housed in small individual cells around the

circumference of the circle, with an observation tower at the center of the building from









which all cells could be monitored. Just as with scientific forestry, this prison archetype

also promised to maximize observation and control through a synchronized optic.

Like the invention of scientific forestry, the panopticon prison project was also

used as a laboratory for the design of disciplinary techniques for homogenizing and

standardizing spaces and individual behaviors. Foucault (1995: 218) defined the

disciplines as specific "techniques for assuring the ordering of human multiplicity," and

applied his panoptical concept of power to the entire social body, that is, to all society's

power apparatuses. Thus, this concept of power was not understood as a separate entity,

localized in a specific part of the social structure or appropriated by somebody in

particular, but rather, was found distributed and exercised at various levels throughout the

social chain, not only those pertaining to the State.

Scott, by contrast, applied his perspective on power specifically to the State, which

was disseminated through its administrative apparatus as a way to ensure governance.

Differently from Foucault, who was concerned in disclosing the effects of Ih//// that this

power produces, Scott was concerned with revealing the main hindrances that have

occurred in contemporary times to great modern government planning, which

systematically attempts to deconstruct complex social and spatial relations, and to

reshape them into simplified and centralized units.

Thus, Scott's analysis is about a utopian pursuit of perfect state control over spaces

and social relations. According to him, this utopian pursuit is moved by a "high-

modernist ideology," which he defined as a set of beliefs about scientific and technical

progress, and "above all, the rational design of social order commensurate with the

scientific understanding of natural laws... It originated, of course, in the West, as a by-









product of unprecedented progress in science and industry" (Scott 1998: 4). Underlining

the need to distinguish high modernism ideology from scientific practice, the author

pointed out that, "high modernism was about interests as well as faith" (Scott 1998: 4,

emphasis in the original), thus it was about utopia. The combination of a strong legibility

stratagem with the motivation of high-modemist ideology, shaped the utopian dream of

state modernization for administrative interventions and social engineering aspirations.

2.2.3 Disciplinary Practices Toward Forest Spaces and Social Organizations

Scott's analysis of state planning offers a stimulating framework for understanding

the introduction of forest reserves in the Amazon region and the social conflicts that

emerged from this process, of which Flona Tapaj6s is a part. As will be seen in the next

chapters, the conceptualization and planning of these reserves followed an extensive

program based on rigorous scientific criteria, developed through technical cooperation

with the Food and Agriculture Organization of the United Nations (FAO). The program

reinforced scientific and technological premises, which underlined Brazil's military geo-

political project. Thus, pursuing, in Scott's (1998) terms, the utopian dream of the

visionary state modernization project, the conceptualization and planning of the forest

reserves followed a high-modernist ideology to impose a "rational planning" of forest

resource exploitation.

In that way, constituting an object and an instrument of the state's modernization

project for the Amazon region, the designation of vast areas as environmental reserves,

with similar and centralized administrative characteristics, reflected those simplified and

homogenized mechanisms Scott identified in the modem state's efforts to exert control

over spaces and social relations. As part of the disciplinary practices used to impose a

new socio-economic and environmental orderliness, the introduction of these forest









reserves in the Amazon region remodeled the forest spaces into categories that could be

managed and controlled from central offices. Thus, comprising the strategies that

underlined the geo-political project for territorial control of the Amazon, the creation and

implementation of forest reserves provided a sophisticated instrument to synoptically

exert control over vast areas of forest in the region.

Applying Scott's analytical framework, one can view the Brazilian government's

initial attempts to displace people, as in the case of Flona Tapaj6s, as a strategy to impose

social and spatial control. The complex social organization and multiples uses of forest

resources of local communities challenged the government proposal to reshape forest

spaces into a simplified category of forest reserve. They also challenged the proposal to

promote modernization and specialization of forest industry production. Therefore, to

convert forest spaces into the category of reserve and ensure the federal government

exclusive access over vast areas of forest, necessitated not only the transformation of

these forests into administrative units but also the withdrawal of local people, thus,

dismembering complex community social and spatial relations. In this manner, the

federal government could liberate the reserve from complex intertwined community

relations with the land, which, as Scott (1998: 39) discussed, is critical for modern state

planning's imposition of"a propriety system in line with its fiscal grid."

Thus, approaching the creation and implementation of Flona Tapaj6s as reflecting

disciplinary practices for territorial and social control allows us also to assess the

resistance movements that emerged among local people against such a government

project. Viewing people's resistance as a challenge to the utopian dream of the state

modernization projects, Scott (1998: 49) asserted that "we must keep in mind not only









the capacity of state simplifications to transform the world but also the capacity of society

to modify, subvert, block, and even overturn the categories imposed upon it."

As previously indicated, in Flona Tapaj6s one can identify two types of resistance

movements that emerged. The first was local people's reaction against the categories of

"squatters," "occasional occupants," or "intruders," which were attributed to them when

the reserve's initial proposal was to remove them from the area. This local reaction led to

the change in legislation that subsequently permitted their presence in the reserve as

"traditional people." The second type of resistance movement that emerged was

represented by the recognition, among three communities, as having an indigenous

identity, and their rejection of the category of "traditional people" attributed to them as a

condition for them to remain in the reserve. In both of these types of resistance

movements -against being categorized, in the first case, as squatter or occasional

occupants, and, in the second case, as traditional people- one sees community people

reacting against government attempts to reduce them into categories that were defined by

central planning.

However, different from Scott's perspective, I see these resistance movements in

Flona Tapaj6s as more than simply counter-reactions to failures in the state

modernization project to recognize them in the initial planning of the reserve. Alluding

to the frustration underlying the utopian dream ofscientific forestry -which disregarded

the symbiotic relation among the various elements in nature, seen as hindering the

promised results- Scott (1998) attributed the main hindrances to government programs

of social engineering to administrative inappropriateness coming from the over-

simplification present in the visionary map of state planning, which tends to ignore the









diversity of local social realities. Such understanding would also lead us to explain the

conflicts in Flona Tapaj6s, generated by the attempts to displace the local people from the

reserve, as an outcome of the administration's ignorance of local social organizations,

and, as such, not elucidating the continuation of them even after the change in legislation

that allowed the permanence of community people in the reserve.

By reducing the role of the State to its administrative actions, Scott's analysis also

tends to obfuscate the relative importance of other agencies, other than the administrative

apparatus, that might also have an influence on the objectives and design of a state

project. In addition to local people's resistance, the history of Flona Tapaj6s

demonstrates the importance of the complex interplay among local, national and

international governmental and non-governmental agencies, such as the Pilot Program

(PPG-7). Although Scott asserted that high-modemism is about "interests," he did not

assess how these multiple interests converge and interact to (re)shape social and

landscape units, as in the case ofFlona Tapaj6s. In a review of Scott's book, Mann

(2001: 1814-15) also pointed out that "Scott exaggerates the independence of the state,"

and ignores economic interests that run state project planning, as well as the multiple

facets that comprise state composition, thereby, overlooking the fact that "even

opponents of high modernism inhabit states."

Even though the goals of modern statecraft are identifiable in the Flona Tapaj6s

project, Scott's emphasis on a moderating and coherent state runs the risk of limiting the

analysis and ignoring the dynamics of the power relations present in the reserve's

creation and implementation, and, especially, with regard to community social identities.

As such, the change in National Forest legislation permitting "traditional people" in these






41


types of reserves, and the indigenous social movements to reclaim an ethnic identity, will

be examined, in the way Foucault (1995: 308) suggests, as an "effect and instrument of

complex power relations," wherein different cultural systems, grassroots organizations,

environmental discourses, economic interests, state and multilateral agency ideologies

and apparatuses interact.















CHAPTER 3
CHANGING SPACES AND NATIVE SOCIAL IDENTITIES IN THE LOWER
TAPAJOS REGION

3.1 Introduction

3.1.1 Days of Enchantment

It was early June 2002, when I was visiting the Maguari community that we started

to hear comments about the appearance of "Cobra Grande" (literally "Big Snake"). It

was said that it had been appearing to some people near the Aramanai bay, approximately

two hours down the Tapaj6s River by boat. By then, I had heard several versions from

people who had either seen the "Cobra Grande," or had been involved in different

incidents with this enchanted being (Encantado) that lives under the water, but it was the

first time that the local people were experiencing such a phenomenon while I was in the

field. In general, the community's people seemed to be a little apprehensive when talking

about the appearance of Cobra Grande, and every story had new information to add to

the occurrence. Some people were afraid of seeing Cobra Grande in the river, like Maria

and Madalena,1 who decided to walk four hours to Belterra to get a bus to Santarem,

instead of taking the boat as they usually would have done.

Cobra Grande was described as a huge snake, with red eyes and a pair of horns on

its forehead, and its appearance that week stimulated recollections of many other similar

accounts that made incredulous people doubt their skepticism about the existence of


1 All cited names of community people and official employees who did not hold a position of trust are
fictitious in order to protect their privacy. The only real names are those from officials who were in charge
in an authoritative position.









Cobra Grande. Pedro, the son-in-law of my host family, was one who had had these

kinds of doubts. Yet, that week, he went with his small boat (called a rabeta) to pick up

his uncle, who was coming from Santarem, and when they were coming back, the bottom

of the boat crashed into something underwater that they could not see, almost making the

boat sink. They arrived home very tense; they were quite sure they had crashed into

Cobra Grande. Pedro's uncle was very pale and, after telling us about the crash, he

asked me if he could borrow my camera to take a picture of Cobra Grande in case it

appeared in the river that night. Pedro, on the other hand, was very quiet, and when I

asked him about the incident he said that he did not want to talk about it at that moment.

The following day he came to see me and said: "Edviges, now I can talk to you about

what happened yesterday. Look, I'm not saying that I don't believe that Cobra Grande

exists, but I don't think that we crashed into it yesterday. I think we crashed into a

treetop" (which stay submersed during the rainy season when the river is rising). Pedro

said that he had gone back early that morning where they had crashed, to reassure himself

about what had occurred.

Tereza, a forty-five-years old woman, however, was much more confident that

Cobra Grande existed. When I was talking with her about the appearance of Cobra

Grande she said that she was quite sure that this Cobra Grande was donaa Ivardina.'

"Who is dona Ivardina?" I asked her. She told me that Ivardina was a woman who lived

in Aramanai, and, when she was around forty years old she started to behave in a strange

way. Irvadina used to walk around with a pile of firewood in her arms for days, day after


2 Dona is a term of reverence used before a married woman's name or before an older single woman's
name. It implies respect and courtesy. For men, the term is seu (seu Pedro). It is equivalent in English to
mistress or lady; and mister to men.









day. One day she disappeared completely, and her family searched for her for weeks but

they could not find any sign of her. Tereza said that it happened about thirty years ago,

and Irvardina's family decided, at that time, to see Saulo, a famous healer from Taquara

community, who later died in 1998. According to Tereza, Saulo confirmed that Ivardina

had been enchanted, and he instructed Ivardina's family how to perform the

disenchantment. He said that a member of Ivardina's family needed to go to a

fountainhead at midnight and wait for a big alligator to emerge. The person there did not

need to be afraid, and when the alligator emerged he had to strike a piece of wood against

the alligator's forehead. "But, you know Edviges," commented Tereza, "no one from

Irvadina's family had the courage to do that." Saulo had said that this disenchantment

had to be carried out no later than eight years [from the time she disappeared], because

this was the amount of time she would stay alive if she had not been enchanted yet. After

eight years, Ivardina would stay enchanted forever." She concluded the story, saying: "if

it had been me, I would not have been afraid and I would have gone there to beat the

alligator. But nobody did, and Ivardina became enchanted forever. That is why I am

sure that this Cobra Grande is dona Ivardina. Saulo had said that if she were not

disenchanted, so many things would start happening and Ivardina would come back to get

someone from her family to take back to the city where she has lived since then. Last

year a big alligator appeared over here; it was so big that it did not seem to be a normal

alligator. Now, this Cobra Grande. I am sure it is dona Ivardina. She is looking for

someone to take with her."



The Maguari community is the second village in the Flona Tapaj6s, going from

north to south. It is located in a very pretty place along the Tapaj6s River, where in the









summer (August to January), when the rainy season ends, its sky-blue waters contrast

beautifully with the white, thin sand of the beaches that emerge as the waters go running

down to meet the muddy Amazon River in front of Santarem city. At a distance of two

hours by boat from Santarem, the black waters of the Arapiuns River enter into the

Tapaj6s River in front of the Alter do Chao bay, enlarging the riverbed to thirteen

kilometers (6.2 nautical miles). The immensity of the waters that cover this vast area

surrounded by a dense tropical forest3 has been the site not only of enchanted places -

inhabited by supernatural beings who interact with human beings, influencing people's

behaviors- but also of successive socio-political events that since colonial times

significantly altered native socio-cultural organizations and their respective territories.

The story of Cobra Grande and her enchanted fellow-beings that took place in Maguari

village illustrates this transformation in native culture, which led to "the blurring of

ethnic boundaries in much of present-day Amazonian culture" (Slater 2002: 69).

This chapter takes a brief look at the main historical events responsible for these

socio-cultural changes in the Lower Tapaj6s region (see Figure 3.1). In presenting a

historical perspective, I have two main objectives: 1) to point out the major events that

since colonial times have transformed the native social and spatial compositions in the

region, and shaped the pattern of socio-cultural organization and land occupation of the

communities whose territories were encroached by the creation and implementation of

Flona Tapaj6s; and 2) to perceive the representations in the literature on this pattern of

socio-cultural and territorial organization, which was a target to be again altered with the

implementation of this reserve project from the middle 1970s.

3 Although tropical forest predominate the region, some areas, especially around Alter do Chio, are covered
by typical savanna vegetation, called cerrado in Brazil.


































Farra Rtca


ExtrbactvIst Reearv
BMm


Figure 3-1. Tapaj6s National Forest in the region of the lower Tapaj6s River









3.1.2 Overview on the Santar6m Region

The municipality of Santarem is located in the southwestern region of the state of

Para, an area categorized by IBGE4 as a micro-region of the Middle Paraense Amazon

(microregido do M&dio Amazonas Paraense), but more commonly known as the Lower

Amazon. The territorial extension of the municipality originally encompassed 26,058

km2. In 1987, it was reduced to create the municipality of Rurop6lis, located alongside

the Transamaz6nica highway. Santarem, the municipality's central city and the second

most important city of the state of Para, is located between Belem, the state's capital, and

Manaus, the capital of the state of Amazonas. These three Amazonian cities, connected

by the Amazon River, were founded during the Portuguese colonization of the region.

The mouth of the Tapaj6s River, which is formed by the Teles Pires and Juruena Rivers

that originate in the state of Mato Grosso, constituted the main entrance to central Brazil.

Santarem was founded on the site of an Indian village whose people were identified

as Tapaj6, the name bestowed to the river that flows past it. With its location at the

confluence of the Tapaj6s with the Amazon River, Santarem has stood as an important

commercial port between the two major Amazonian cities, Belem and Manaus, and

throughout its history has been an important political and economical center of the

Amazon region. In his book on Santarem's history, A.C. Ferreira Reis (1979: 158), a

renowned scholar of Amazonian history and distinguished politician,5 highlighted that

"Santarem, as an active center of commercial enterprise on the Tapaj6s, benefited

4 IBGE (Instituto Brasileiro de Geografia e Estatistical Brazilian Institute of Geography and Statistics) is
the governmental agency responsible for collecting demographic, social, and economic census data.

5 Arthur Cezar Ferreira Reis published several books on Amazonian history. He was a professor at the
University of Rio de Janeiro, the University Fluminense (Rio de Janeiro), and the Funda~io Getulio
Vargas. He was also the first Superintendent of the Economic Valorization Plan for Amaz6nia (SPVEA),
created in 1952; Deputy for Amazonas State; and state governor just after the military coup in 1964.









intensively from its geographic position, representing, for this reason, one of the best

economic situations of all the vast Amazonian interior." When the British naturalist

Henry W. Bates visited the region in 1851, he viewed Santarem as "the most civilized

and important settlement on the banks of the main river from Peru to the Atlantic" (1962:

208), although he noted that it did not have more than 2,500 people.

At that time, Santarem was described as comprising two areas: the urban nucleus,

where white people, who consisted basically of merchants,6 and government

representatives lived; and, next to the urban center, the "Aldeia," an indigenous

settlement, which today is a neighborhood (bairro) in the center of the city. Although

this division of the city was described in most accounts by the chroniclers who visited

Santarem during the nineteenth century, they did not identify the ethnicity of the Aldeia's

Indians. Bates, who observed an indigenous celebration while in Santarem, documented

that some costumes indigenous people wore were made by the Mundurucu Indians.

However, he did not identify the Aldeia's Indians as pertaining to the Mundurucu ethnic

group. This is echoed in most chronicles written at that time not only about Santarem but

also about the Lower Tapaj6s River valley.

In 2004, the municipality of Santarem had a population of 262, 672 inhabitants, of

which 186, 518 lived in Santarem and 76,154 in rural areas (GT Interministerial da BR-

163, 2004). A significant demographic increase occurred in the mid-1970s, when

Santarem city's population reached around 100,000 as a result of an immigration wave,

from the south and northeast of the country, promoted by the opening of the Amazon

frontiers. In 1970, official census data (IBGE 1973) indicated a total of 132,456 people


6 Reis (1979: 160) gave an account of thirty commercial establishments in Santar6m by 1868.









living in the municipality. A decade earlier, in 1960, the total municipality's population

was 91,954 inhabitants, 87.4% of whom had been born in Para. These data contrasted

with those of a century earlier, when a census carried out in 1862 indicated a population

of only 14,730 inhabitants in the Tapaj6s valley, the great majority of whom were native

people (Reis 1979).

3.2 A Historical Overview of the Lower Tapaj6s Region

3.2.1 The Cross and the Sword: The Colonial Occupation

3.2.1.1 The religious missions: Gathering souls and extending frontiers

When colonial occupation began in the seventeenth century, the region of the

Lower Tapaj6s River sheltered a huge and diverse indigenous population which included

the Tapaj6, Arapiuns, Tupinamba, Corariense, Iruri, Borary, Matayus, Mawe, to cite a

few (Santos 1999; Vaz 1997; Menendez 1992, 1981; Reis 1979; Nimuendaju 1949). The

first written observations of the region were made by the Portuguese explorer Pedro

Teixeira in 1626, when, sponsored by the Portuguese Crown, he navigated the Tapaj 6s

River for a distance of twelve leagues (thirty-five nautical miles), until he, presumably,

reached the Alter do Chdo bay. There, Pedro Teixeira negotiated with the Indians, whom

he identified as "Tapaj6," exchanging goods for forty men who were taken to Belem as

slaves. Two years later, Pedro Teixeira, along with Bento Rodrigues de Oliveira,

navigated the Tapaj6s River for the second time. The objective was to capture Indians,

and increase the colonial presence in the area. In his ethnographic panorama of the

region surrounding the Tapaj6s and Madeira Rivers, Menendez (1981) highlighted that

by the arrival of colonizers in the middle seventeenth century, Tapaj6s and Tupinamba

predominated numerically and militarily among the other Indian groups.









With its numerous native populations and extraordinary strategic geographical

position controlling the entrance to central regions of the Amazon, the mouth of the

Tapaj6s River into Amazon River was critical to the Portuguese occupation, which was

still in dispute with the Spanish Crown over the possession of this part of the Amazon

region. Yet, the initial movement to assure the Portuguese Crown the possession over

this part of Amazon region was undertaken by religion missions, more notably, the Jesuit

Order.7 In 1661 the Jesuits founded the "Tapaj6 Mission" (Missdo dos Tapaj6), where

today is Santarem city. Four years later, Tapaj6 Mission was considered the most

important of the Province of Grdo Para and Maranhao8 (Santos 1999; Menendez 1981).

Besides Tapaj6 Indians, in this mission were also assembled Indians of several other

ethnicities, such as Tupinamba, Arapiuns, Corarienses, and Comandys. However,

according to Menendez (1992: 318), "thirty years after catechization was initiated, the

populous village situated at the mouth of the Tapaj6s River had been drastically reduced,

and by this time, Tupinamba was no longer mentioned as an ethnic group."

The Jesuit actions gained new vigor in the Lower Tapaj6s River with the royal

concession given in 1693, which designated to the Jesuit Order the catechization of the

whole area of the right bank of the Amazon River toward the south. The control Jesuits

had over Indians was a source of constant conflicts between missionaries and the colonial

administration. These conflicts forced the transfer of the Tapaj6 Mission to the region of

the mouth of the Arapiuns River into the Tapaj6s River, where today is located the

village of Vila Franca, under the name of "Missdo de Nossa Senhora da Assungdo dos


SThe same process that in Spanish was known as reducciones.

8 The north Province of Grio Pard and Maranhio encompassed the region from current Maranhio State to
Amazonas State.









Arapiuns." Nimuendaju (1949: 55) informed that in this transfer were taken "the rest of

the Tapaj6 tribe along with Comandys, Goanacuas, Marxgoaras, Arpuaia, Arapucus,

Andiragoaris (Mawes do Andira?) and other groups (Moreira Pinto: I). Thus, it seems

that the Tapaj6 and Urucucu no longer existed as tribes."

Expanding the missionary action along the Tapaj6s River, Jesuits founded three

other missions in the period between 1722 and 1740. In 1722 the "Missdo de Sao Jose

dos Maitapu" was founded, around twelve hundred miles south of Santarem, where the

Pinhel village is currently located, on the right bank of the Tapaj6s River. In the next

year, in 1723, the "Missdo dos Borary" was founded, where Alter do Chao is now

located, on the left bank of the Tapaj6s River. And, finally, in 1740, the "Missdo de

Santo Indcio," also called "Missdo dos Tupinambaranas," was established where Vila

Boim currently is, on the right bank of the Tapaj6s River. Through these missions, the

Jesuits exerted control for almost a century throughout the area that encompasses the

basins of the Tapaj6s and Madeira Rivers, and played "a fundamental role in the

occupation of the area [by Portugal] as well as in the dislocation process that the Indians

suffered" (Menendez 1992: 301).

In his study on the transformation of Amazonian Indians by Jesuits, Park (1985:

11-12) pointed out that, "the siting of these mission villages was not arbitrary but instead

reflected careful planning on the part of the [Jesuit] Society -villages were located at

strategic points along the main channel and major tributaries. Control over village

Indians was absolute: settlers were prohibited access to the village common and were

obliged to submit formal requests for AmerIndian labor directly to the Society." By

transferring Indians of different ethnicities and from different places, not only in the









Tapaj6s River basin but also in the Madeira River basin, the Jesuit missions were

responsible for the main territorial and socio-cultural rearrangements in the region during

this first moment of the colonial period. Bringing together several ethnic groups under

the same linguistic regime, the Lingua Geral9 or /iTengatui, and the same work and

religious system, Catholicism, the Jesuit mission promoted the abandonment of the native

language, and of their specific forms of social and cultural organization, as well as

realigned inter-ethnic relations. As Menendez (1981) remarked, the decline of the

Tapaj6s and Tupinamba Indians opened new spaces for other groups that had been

dominated up to then by these two ethnic groups. The mobility of indigenous groups that

previously existed was profoundly accelerated, leading to massive dislocations and

territorial loss, as well as the disappearance of several other ethnic groups. This mobility

was also reinforced by the escapes of indigenous people from the missions, who did not

adapt themselves to the work regime.

Therefore, the Jesuits not only helped the Portuguese Crown guarantee the

expansion of frontiers toward the west, which was regulated by the Madrid Treaty in

1750, but they were also responsible for the drastic reduction of the native population and

the disruption of their social and cultural organizations. Although the Jesuit missions and

their relationship with Indians in the Lower Tapaj6s region still demands further studies

to assess more accurately the effects of this process on native people, studies that already

exist allow us to assert that current regional patterns of socio-cultural organization and

territorial occupation are profoundly rooted in this initial moment of colonization,

wherein the Jesuit missions had a distinguished role. The religious celebrations,


9 Lingua Geral is the Tupi-Guarani pidgen promoted by the Jesuits.









especially those honoring Saint Ignacio de Loyola in Vila Boim, that attract people from

all over the Tapaj6s River, express the strong influence the Jesuits exerted on the regional

religious system. Lingua Geral is still a significant linguistic reference for most

community people of the Lower Tapaj6s, which they recurrently recognize as "lingua

indigena" (indigenous language), and also as "falarfeio" (speak badly). Although

Lingua Geral is no longer spoken at the present time, it is very common for people to say

"but my grandparents spoke it." When Nimuendaju visited the Lower Tapaj6s region in

the 1920s, he registered that "the majority of local names of the region belong to Lingua

Geral, which is not completely extinct yet" (Nimuendaju 1949: 98).

After having played a critical role in guaranteeing the expansion of frontiers for the

Portuguese Crown, and once it was no longer in the crown's interest for them to control

the Indians, the Jesuits lost authority over the natives in 1775, and soon after were

expelled from the Americas and forced into exile. Without the Jesuit missions, a new

phase was initiated for the Indians of the Lower Tapaj6s. This was the implementation of

the policies of the Indian Directorate (Diret6rio dos Indios), whose prominent politician

was the Prime Minister Sebastido Jose de Carvalho e Melo, known as Marquis de

Pombal.

3.2.1.2 Indian Directorate: Secular dominion over Indians and frontiers

Although the Jesuits had controlled the entire the region of the Lower Tapaj6s for

almost a century, the Portuguese Crown also had undertaken some direct actions. In the

same year the Tapaj6 Mission was founded, in 1661, King Jodo V authorized the building

of a fort in the same place where the mission was established. The objective of

constructing the fort, completed in 1694, was to gain access to the upper Amazon River,

which at that moment belonged to the Spanish Crown, in accordance to the Tordesilhas









Treaty. Between the seventeenth century and the first half of the eighteenth century, the

Lusitanian Crown focused on controlling navigation, envisioning the extension of its

frontiers. As previously mentioned, the control the Jesuits had over indigenous

populations was frequently a source of conflict with the interests of the colonizers who

sought to get Indians for labor. Records of several incidents between missionaries and

secular colonizers, as well as of the transfer of the Tapaj6 Mission to the mouth of

Arapiuns River, attest to the permanent tension between them for control over the

natives.

Starting in the second half of the 1750s, changes in Portuguese policies regarding

the colony resulted in changes in the control over natives, which were laid out in a set of

policies known as the Indian Directorate. Based on the Directorate policies, in 1755 the

Portuguese Crown extinguished the Jesuit religious missions, expelled the Jesuits from

the Americas, and begun to exert direct control over the indigenous population. The

main objective of the Indian Directorate was to incorporate the natives into the regional

economy as labor, of which there was a chronic scarcity in the region. Parker (1985: 28)

highlighted that "The Directorate, while taking into account the necessity to

accommodate the immediate needs of settlers as well as Amerindians, had as a major

long-term goal the creation of an agricultural economy in Amazonia modeled on the

plantation economy of the Northeast."

Besides shutting down the Jesuit missions, the Directorate policies also prohibited

the use of Lingua Geral and designated Portuguese as the official language. With the

missions gone, the areas where they had been located were transformed into "Villages"

and their control given to secular powers. Designated by the Crown, the Indian Director









had direct control over the entire "Village." In the Villages, "the previous policy of

separating Amerindians and Europeans was scrapped. Portuguese settlers were no longer

prohibited from residing in American villages, but they were to be submitted to close

scrutiny by the director before their petition for residence was granted. Likewise,

intermarriage between Portuguese and Amerindians, previously looked upon with

disfavor, was now vigorously encouraged by colonial authorities" (Parker 1985: 26).

In the Lower Tapaj6s these procedures started in 1758, when the new Grao Pard

andMaranhdo Governor, Francisco Xavier de Mendonca Furtado, Marquis de Pombal's

stepbrother, visited the region on a expedition to demarcate the Lusitanian frontiers, and

to officially establish the new "Villages" and designate their Directors. Arriving at the

Tapaj6s River, the Governor went initially to Alter do Chao, where the Borary mission

had been founded, and there he installed the "Vila de Alter do Chao," on March 6, 1758.

Three days later, on March 9, the Governor established the "Vila de Boim," in the place

of the Santo Inacio mission; the next day the "Lugaro1 de Pinhel," in the region where the

Sao Jose dos Maitapu mission had been founded. Returning to the mouth of the Tapaj6s

River, the Governor established the "Vila Franca," in the place of "Nossa Senhora da

Assuncgo dos Arapiuns," and on March 14, the "Vila de Santarem" (Santos 1992). A

Vila's administration was comprised of a Director, a Senate overseen by a Judge, and

three or four town councilors (vereador).

In this new situation, the indigenous became more susceptible to colonizers'

actions. The consequences of the Directorate's policies accentuated the disintegration of

native social and cultural organizations, which the natives had been enduring since the


10 Lugar was the designation given to places inhabited by few people, as opposed to "Vila. "









"wars of captures" (guerras de capture) and the religious missions. Parker (1985)

estimated that during the Directorate period there was a decline of 39% in the Amazonian

native population. In relation to the Lower Tapaj6s, the weakening of local native groups

allowed for the advance of the Mundurucu Indians, whose original territory was located

in the upper Tapaj6s River.

3.2.1.3 The arrival of Mundurucu Indians in the Lower Tapaj6s Valley

While the Indians of the Lower Tapaj6s continued to suffer from the effects of the

Directorate policies, which failed to increase the Amazon agricultural economy, the last

quarter of the eighteenth century also brought about new social relations as a result of the

expansion of the territorial basis of the Mundurucu Indians toward the Amazon River

valley. The first information on the Mundurucu Indians in the Lower Tapaj6s region was

registered in 1773, when they attacked the fort of Santarem (Ramos 2000; Rodrigues

1993; Menendez 1981; Murphy and Murphy 1954; Nimuendaju 1949). This attack

represented the beginning of the Mundurucu territorial expansion toward the region of

Lower Tapaj6s.

The original Mundurucu territory was located in the central areas of the upper

Tapaj6s River, a region known as the high fields (campos altos), which mark the

transition from the Amazon forest to the central savannas. By the end of the eighteenth

century, the Mundurucu had expanded their territory into a vast area that encompassed

the region between the basins of the Tapaj6s and Madeira Rivers up to the Lower

Amazon River. In 1817, Aires de Casal (1947) denominated this area as

"Mundurucdnia" due to the predominance of Mundurucu he found there. Known for

their bellicose propensity, the Mundurucu terrified not only the white population but also









other native groups, and came to "belligerently and culturally dominate the Tapaj6s River

valley during the nineteenth century" (Ramos 2000: 27).

The main motivation underlying this vast expansion of the Mundurucu territory has

been attributed to their annual war expeditions in search of enemy heads, which were

mummified and exhibited as powerful trophies. Analyzing the significance of these

practices to the Mundurucu system of values and cultural representations, anthropologists

Murphy and Murphy, who pioneered the study on the Mundurucu's religious system in

the early 1950s, asserted that to the headhunters, known as Dajeboisi, the trophy was a

source of magical power that assured abundance of game animal, and conferred prestige

within the group. The headhunters, with their head-trophy, took part in the hunting

expeditions as special guests because their simple presence was considered to be enough

to please the "Mde da capa" (Mother of Hunting, or Mother of Game Animals). Besides

prestige, the warrior who obtained the trophy became responsible for organizing the

ceremonies related to it, which occurred during a period of three successive rainy seasons

after a war expedition (Murphy 1960; Murphy and Murphy 1954).

It was, thus, during these annual war expeditions that the Mundurucu Indians

expanded their territory. By the turn of the eighteenth century, they reached the regions

from the central fields of the upper Tapaj6s River to the Lower Amazon River, between

the Tapaj6s and Madeira Rivers. It is precisely during this Mundurucu expansion down

the rivers that the first information on this society started to be noted. Encouraged by the

search for head-trophies, Mundurucu were expanding their territory toward lower courses

of the rivers at the same time as the local native groups were being undermined and

weakened by the advance of colonial power in the Lower Tapaj6s River. In their









expansion into this region, the Mundurucu found a territory that had been encroached

upon for over a century, and native groups who had suffered from strong impacts on both

their socio-political organizations and on their demographic composition, as had

happened with the Tapaj6 and Tupinamba who had dominated the region at the beginning

of the colonial period.

According to Menendez (1981), the Mundurucu expansion represented the most

important event in the realignment of inter-ethnic relations in the Lower Tapaj s region.

This was reinforced by the alliance Mundurucu Indians made with the Portuguese

colonial administration in 1795, when Mundurucu Indians started to be used in battle

front lines against other hostile Indian groups. There is little information on how this

alliance was attained. Murphy and Murphy (1954) explained that it was a move made by

the Indians, apparently motivated by the desire to obtain manufactured goods, especially

those made of iron. Yet, the literature has stressed that as a result of this alliance, the

Mundurucu were used by the colonial forces against other native groups who opposed the

advance into their territorial occupation.

Therefore, through this alliance with the colonial apparatus, which was able to take

advantage of existing intertribal antagonisms, the Mundurucu Indians displaced several

other native groups, and came to dominate the whole Tapaj6s River Valley during the

nineteenth century. For the colonial settlers, this alliance with the Mundurucu helped

them not only to secure the Lower Tapaj6s region against hostile Indian groups, but also

to expand the occupation toward the northern region of the Tapaj6s-Madeira River. Such

an alliance was again reinforced when the Mundurucu Indians cooperated with the

incipient Brazilian independent government (imperial government) against the









"Cabanos," who conducted a separatist movement in the 1830s in the north of the

country.

3.2.2 Brazil Independent: Revolts and the Rubber Boom

3.2.2.1 Cabanagem: The uprising of native people

Brazil came to be officially independent from Portugal in 1822, when Don Pedro I,

son of Portugal's King Don Jodo VI, broke off relations with the Portuguese court and

became Brazil's Emperor. His initial efforts to shape the Brazilian national State were

challenged not only in the international sphere, but also, and especially, internally. Don

Pedro I resigned nine years later, and his five-year-old son Don Pedro II took over nine

years later to become the second Brazilian Emperor. Don Pedro II stayed in power for

sixty-five years, until the monarchical system was changed to the republican system in

1889, and he was exiled. If troubles were hard for Don Pedro I, for the little boy

Emperor the situation during his initial reign was worse for he faced several separatist

movements during the 1830s all over the claimed Brazilian territory.

One of the most important separatist movements, which came to be known as the

"Cabanagem," took place in the Amazon region, in the states of Para and Amazonas.

Recognized as the most grass-roots among social movements that rebelled against

national imperial forces, the Cabanagem was largely carried out by indigenous, black and

mestizo populations (Di Paolo 1990), who were called Cabanos. In the attempt to

establish a revolutionary regime in the north, from 1835-36, the Cabanos deposed

representatives of the imperial government and took over control in Belem, the capital of

Para. The same happened in Santarem, where the Cabanos movement constituted one of

the main sites of resistance, coming to be an autonomous political center in 1836.









With ample participation by indigenous groups and black populations, Cabanos in

Santarem confronted and displaced, in 1836-37, the local imperial government and, in the

process, assured the establishment of a revolutionary government even after forces loyal

to the Crown had retaken control of Belem. Besides Santarem, the vicinities of Vila

Franca, Alter do Chdo and Ecuipiranga also constituted a strong focus of Cabanos'

resistance in the Lower Tapaj6s region. Ecuipiranga, strategically located on the right

bank of the Amazon River, in a place with a connection to the Tapaj6s River by land, was

the main headquarters of the Cabanos' militias. However, after a short victorious period,

loyal forces defeated the Cabanos in 1837, initially retaking control over Santarem and,

subsequently, the remainder of the areas occupied by the resistance.

Records indicate that the Mundurucu Indians, who in this period had already

expanded their territory to the Lower Amazon River and antagonized most indigenous

groups in the region, had an ambiguous participation in this movement, some supporting

the Cabanos, and others supporting the loyal forces as mercenaries (Menedez 1992). The

acknowledgement of Mundurucu Indians as loyal forces was registered by Bates in his

journey on the Tapaj6s in which he affirmed that, "the principal Tushaua of the whole

tribe or nation, named Joaquim, was rewarded with a commission in the Brazilian army,

in acknowledge of the assistance he gave to legal authorities during the rebellion of 1835-

36" (Bates 1962: 274). After retaking control over Santarem, the loyal forces strongly

repressed the rebels, persecuting and killing, leading to a population decrease among

indigenous groups.

Despite poor records on the number of deaths that occurred during the Cabanagem

period, it is estimated that 30% of the Amazonian population perished during the combats









and subsequent repression. While visiting the Lower Tapaj6s region two decades later,

Bates registered several examples of this repression. In Alter do Chao, he noticed that

"the Indians were always hostile to the Portuguese, and during the disorders of 1935-6

joined the rebels in their attack on Santarem. Few of them escaped the subsequent

slaughter, and for this reason there is now scarcely an old or middle-aged man in the

place" (Bates 1962: 241-242). The flight of indigenous people, running away from the

repressions perpetrated by loyal forces, constituted another factor in the continuous

process of indigenous dislocation from their territories, adding to the previous effects

caused by the religion missions and the Directorate. It is still frequent, nowadays, to hear

among the communities in the Flona Tapaj6s life histories that trace back to the

dislocation and flight of their ancestors on account of the Cabanagem movement, as in

the case of Antonio, a ninety-five year old man who lives in Piquiatuba community.

According to Antonio, his grand-grandmother lived in Alter do Chao, where she and her

relatives had a home and planted field crops:

Antonio: When the Cabanagem war was declared, which was a war of the
Brazilians that got Cabanos to fight against Portuguese people, grand-grandmother and
her family ran away. My grandmother said that they ran away to be free, because my
aunt was married to a Portuguese man. The first place they arrived was there, in the
Bararoara igarapd, but that was not good enough and they decided to move again to
Marai. Afterward, the war came to an end, and they were freed. The people who came
from Alter do Chao were dispersed in Tauari, some (went) to Marai, some to Pini,
looking for better lands to work. And we stayed here.

All the locations cited by Antonio -Marai, Tauari, Pini- are at the present time

communities in the area of Flona Tapaj6s, which reminds us of the long existence of

these populations in this locale. Bates also made reference to these places, as well as to

Acaratinga, Jaguarari and Tapaiuna. The consequences of the Cabanagem movement for

native groups of the Lower Tapaj6s River remain poorly studied to allow us to make any









deeper inferences (also the case for most of the historical events that followed in the

region). However, it can surely be said that the Cabanagem movement was the most

important factor in the dispersion of Indians from their territories and in the

reconfiguration of inter-ethnic relations in the post-independence period. Whereas some

indigenous groups had to abandon their areas and run away from police repression, the

Mundurucu Indians held on tight to their territorial control in the region.

Although the alliance the Mundurucu Indians had made with early settlers favored

them, allowing them to settle throughout the Tapaj6s River valley, the intensified contact

with merchants from the middle nineteenth century, especially during the rubber boom,

gradually profoundly transformed the Mundurucu socio-cultural organization. The

rubber economy more intensively incorporated the Mundurucu, as well the remainder of

the indigenous groups of the Lower Tapaj6s region, into the labor force, thereby

intensifying their relationship with the market economy.

3.2.2.2 The development of the rubber economy

The development of the rubber industry in the last quarter of the nineteenth century

brought about the economic landscape and spatial occupation that would predominate for

over a century in the Lower Tapaj6s region. Writing on the development of the rubber

economy in the Tapaj6s region, Reis (1979: 167) pointed out that "before the rush that

revealed the state of Acre and promoted the occupation of the valley of the Purus and

Jurua Rivers, Tapaj s was the frontier in the forest conquest to extract the rubber tree's

milk." The discovery of vast areas of rubber trees in the upper Tapaj6s River led to an

intensification of commercial establishments in Santarem, which became the center that

commanded the commerce and the expedition to the seringais of Tapajos and the Lower

Amazon River. This process also led to an increase in population growth. Whereas data









in 1883 indicated a population of 8,745 people in the municipality of Santarem, a census

carried out forty years later, in 1920, indicated an increase to 41,546 people (Reis 1979).

Yet, the rubber economy in the Lower Tapaj6s region was not based on rubber

extraction from native plants (Hevea brasiliensis), as in the case of the upper Tapaj6s

River and the state of Acre, but on trees that were cultivated. The cultivation of rubber

trees was a practice already developed by local Indians, which intensified with increases

in the demand for the latex. It was from this region, more precisely around the Vila de

Boim, where in 1740 the "Missdo de Santo Inacio" was founded, that is said that the

English explorer Henry Wickham11 took rubber seeds to the Kew Garden greenhouses in

London in the 1870s, to be subsequently replanted in Malaysia. This was the reason why

the Amazon rubber economy declined five decades later, and created resentment among

Santarem people, as expressed by Paulo Rodrigues dos Santos (1999: 400), an intellectual

from Santarem (who died in 1974), in his writing on "the sordid and brutal rubber history

that bestowed sad celebrity to Santarem."

With the increase in demand for Amazon rubber production, the cultivation of

rubber trees was intensified, encouraged by merchants in Santarem and along the Tapaj6s

River, including foreign merchants. Such was the case of the Moises Abrahan Cohen

family, in Vila de Boim. Moises Abrahan Cohen was a Jewish merchant from Spain,

who arrived in Vila de Boim in 1870 and subsequently installed a commercial

establishment that prospered with the rubber economy. Through the system of providing



1 In his Brazil and the Struggle for Rubber, Dean (1987) discussed this perspective attributed to Henry
Wickham, understanding it as a "myth" involving the transfer of rubber out of the Brazilian Amazon and its
domestication in Southeast Asia. For the author, "this is the myth of Henry Wickham, the English hero,
bestower of rubber seeds. This is the myth of Henry Wickham, the English rogue, thief of rubber seeds"
(Dean 1987: 7).









supplies in exchange for rubber, which in Amaz6nia came to be known as the aviamento

system, native people started to get indebted, and to pay their debts, they gave not only

rubber but also rubber trees (local people say "ponta de \ei i/iga").

In this way, the Cohen family gradually took possession of a great part of the

cultivated rubber trees (seringal) on the right and left banks of the Tapaj6s River. In

order to continue to obtain goods, local populations then began working for the Cohen

family in the collection of the rubber. Taking possession of these segingais, the Cohen

family controlled a large part of the rubber production in the Lower Tapaj6s region. This

appropriation of the seringal took place among several communities that today are in the

area of Flona Tapaj6s, such as the Mundurucu Indians of Braganca and Marituba, and the

non-indigenous communities of Nazare, Marai, Pini and Prainha. With the decline of the

rubber economy, most of these seringais were later sold to other landlords. However,

beginning in the 1970s, many of them were bought back by local community people,

including Mundurucu Indians from Braganca and Marituba communities.

Rubber production from these cultivated seringais followed in the steps of the

general changes that came with the decline of the Amazon rubber economy in the second

decade of the twentieth century. From the 1910s onward, Amazon rubber production lost

the market to Asian production, until World War II, when Amazonian production of

rubber once again increased. However, before the second Amazon rubber boom in the

1940s, the region of the Lower Tapaj6s experienced a brief moment of increased rubber

production with the arrival, in 1927, of the Companhia FordIndustrial do Brasil, the

Brazilian subsidiary of the Ford Motor Company, which had arrived to establish a rubber

plantation in the same way it had been done in Asian forests.









Ford received from the Brazilian government a concession of one million hectares

alongside the Tapaj6s River. The enterprise provided a new spurt in the regional

economy, as well as led to demographic growth. In his study on the experience of the

Ford Company in Tapaj6s, Costa (1993: 38) informed us that, "thousands of people were

mobilized, vast areas were deforested and cultivated, advanced technology was installed,

and two urban nuclei, Belterra and Fordlandia,12 were equipped to be the operational

centers. Millions of dollars were spent. In 1945, after eighteen years of operation, the

Company was closed down and all its equipment was transferred to the Brazilian

Government based on a symbolic price." Despite the short time of the Ford Company

enterprise,13 it was fundamental for reactivating the cultivation of rubber trees in the

region and incrementing the local economy and its demographic density.

There are two main theses that explain the enterprise's bankruptcy. One was

developed by Dean (1987), who pointed out technical problems, asserting that the

proliferation of diseases prevented rubber production. The second thesis was developed

by Costa (1993), who attributed the Ford Company's main problems to labor shortage.

According to Costa, although the Ford Company had taken considerable effort to attract

workers, such as by paying higher wages than those offered in the region and many other

parts of Brazil, the company was unsuccessful in maintaining the workers in a systematic

way required for rubber production. Local labor, most of it provided by indigenous

descendants, chose to maintain their peasant production structure instead of working full-



12 Fordlandia was the place up Tapaj6s River where the rubber plantation was established; and Belterra was
the administrative center from which rubber was exported.

13 With the collapse of the Ford Company Belterra became an area under the jurisdiction of the Agriculture
Ministry, and in 1995, it was turned into a municipality in which the Flona Tapaj6s is inserted.









time on the company's payroll. I met several men from the communities in the Flona

Tapaj6s who had worked for the Ford Company, and they used to say that they just

worked a period of time during the year, then returned home to "plant the field crops, go

fishing" (fazer roqado, pegar um peixinho).

With the Ford Company's liquidation in 1945, and also with the second decline of

the Amazon rubber economy on account of the domination of Asian rubber in the

international market, the economy of the Lower Tapaj6s region underwent a new period

of stagnation. The increasing devaluation of Amazon rubber led to the collapse of

several seringais and commercial establishments that existed along Tapaj6s River. This

allowed local community people to reclaim the areas of rubber trees that had been under

the control of the merchants, and regain relative autonomy of their social and productive

organizations. This peasant pattern of social and economic organization was again

altered starting in the late 1960s, when Amazon frontier expansion policies started to be

implemented in the region. The more immediate effect of these policies in the

communities that are the object of this dissertation was the creation and establishment of

the Tapaj6s National Forest, which will be examined in Chapter 5. For the moment, it is

important to understand how these communities, which exhibit a long history of

occupancy, intertwined with several forms of encroachment, have been represented in the

literature.

3.3 Representations of Caboclo Social Identity

3.3.1 Erasing Indians from the Pages on the Lower Tapaj6s Valley

As mentioned earlier, when I first carried out a study on the communities in the

Flona Tapaj6s, the people were introduced to me as "caboclo, or "caboclo do Tapaj6s.

On the other hand, I did not hear communities' people identifying themselves as









"caboclo" (masculine) or "cabocla" (feminine), except during some meetings to discuss

land tenure issues, when it was noticeable that they were trying to establish a position

about land rights coming from long-term occupancy: "We are Caboclo of Tapaj6s, who

have been here forever." It was not an identity they claimed every day, and not

infrequently they refused to identify themselves as such, sometimes expressing disgust

with the term. Individually, frequently they (especially men) introduced themselves as a

"rural worker." As a collectivity, it was more common for them to identify themselves as

belonging to a certain community or other. "I am from Piquiatuba Community;" "I am

from Taquara Community," and so on.

The community people's descent was attributed to several origins. Most of them

recognized themselves to be indigenous descendants, although, in general, they did not

specify the ethnic group, just mentioning that "my grandfather or grandmother was

Indian." Sometimes, they named the place of origin of their ancestors, when it was

different from the place where they currently resided: "my grandfather was an Indian

from Arapiuns River," "Indian from Alter do Chdo," and so on. Sometimes, they

expressed indigenous origins by saying: "my grandmother spoke only the indigenous

language." It was very common, also, that they attributed mixed origins to themselves:

"my grandfather was the son of an Indian with Portuguese;" "Indian with Cearense."14

Maria, from the Piquiatuba community, explained to me: "in my family we have

everything: there are Indian, Portuguese, Cearense, Paraense,15 it is all mixed." There are

also those people who recognize indigenous descent but no longer claim to be Indian: "It


14 People from the state of Ceard, in the northeast region.

15 People from the state of Pari.









is true that all of us are indigenous descendants, but it no longer is in our blood." The

recognition of belonging to a differentiated indigenous ethnic identity began in 1998,

when the people of Taquara, Marituba and Braganca communities began to identify

themselves as Mundurucu Indians.

Despite these strong, and often ambiguous, references to an indigenous legacy,

reinforced presently by the movement to restate indigenous traditions among the three

communities, there is an absolute silence in the literature on the Lower Tapaj6s region

since the middle nineteenth century regarding the indigenous population belonging to a

diverse ethnic group, except to a small number of Mundurucu settlements. Yet, by the

end of the century, even these Indians were no longer cited as a distinct ethnic group, just

those Mundurucu inhabiting the region of upper Tapaj6s River. The British naturalist H.

W. Bates,16 who arrived in Santarem in November 1851, and produced the most detailed

and extensive records of the social composition and native lifestyle along Tapaj6s River

during the middle nineteenth century, did not identify any ethnic groups among the

several Indians he met, or even among those who worked for him. The exception were

the Mundurucu the naturalist visited in the Cupari River, a tributary of the Tapaj6s River,

which currently forms the southern boundary of the Flona Tapaj6s, as well as the

Mundurucu of the upper Tapaj6s River. Regarding Alter do Chao, Bates informed us that

the place "was originally an indigenous settlement, named Burari," yet, at that moment, it

was inhabited by "semi-civilized Indians" living in "profound misery" (Bates 1976: 161).





16 In his book "The Naturalist on the River Amazons," first published in 1876, Bates (1976) reported on his
expedition undertaken from June to October 1852. Bates spent three and half years in the Tapaj6s region,
where he undertook several expeditions up the Tapaj6s River,









Although referring to most of the places where the community people in the Flona

Tapaj6s are presently located, Bates, however, did not mention the people living there.

By the end of nineteenth century, when the French explorer H. Coundreau (1976)

navigated the Tapaj6s from July 1895 to January 1986 to carry out a "scientific

expedition" sponsored by Para's Governor, he did not mention any indigenous group in

the region of the Lower Tapaj6s. The first settlement after Santarem to which Coundreau

made reference was Vila de Boim, where the Santo Inacio Mission was founded, about

which he noted that "among these settlements that emerge and disappear after a more or

less a brief and happy existence, the first settlement up the river from the mouth, is Boim,

on the left bank" (1976: 16). Coundreau remarked that the place already existed a

century earlier with the name of "Santo Inacio," but the following decadence had made

Boim almost disappear. He estimated that Boim must have had at that moment "a

maximum of fifty houses," but was not sure if they were inhabited. Regarding Pinhel,

where the Missdo de Sdo Jose dos Maitapti" was founded, he only mentioned the

existence of "vestiges of an ancient aldeia." In contrast, Coundreau provided detailed

information on Mundurucu Indian culture in the upper Tapaj6s River.

In the 1920s, when the German archeologist Curt Unkel, who adopted the Guarani

Indian name of Nimuendajzi, and became known as Curt Nimuendaju, carried out surveys

around the Santarem region, he wrote only about the Tapaj6 Indians and registered the

extinction of this extensive native group as a result of the effects of colonization

(Nimuendaju 1949). Subsequent archeological studies, such as those carried out by B.

Meggers (1996) also found the extermination of indigenous groups in the Tapaj6s region.

In "Amazonia: Man and Culture in a Counterfeit Paradise," Meggers asserted: "at the









time the Amazon was discovered, the Tapaj6s region was thickly populated... By the

beginning of the eighteenth century, however, only a few scattered remnants of the

indigenous population survived, the majority having succumbed to slave raiding,

missionization, disease, and other introductions of European civilization. Deculturation

proceeded so rapidly that the linguistic affiliation of the Tapaj6s Indians is unknown,

except that it was not Tupian" (Meggers 1996: 131-132).

A similar perspective was also shown by Brazilian anthropologist Darcy Ribeiro in

his "Os Indios e a Civilizacdo" (Indians and Civilization), first published in 1970, which

was comprised of a set of articles initially published in the 1950s in which the author

discussed the problem of ethnic extermination and the survival of Brazilian Indians in the

twentieth century. With regard to the Indians of Tapaj6s River, the author pointed out the

severe impacts on native demographic and socio-cultural organization since colonial

times, and asserted: "Of all tribes, some courageous groups remained in the upper rivers,

preferring there to face the attack of hostile tribes instead of being subjugated. The

majority, however, was engaged in the new society" (Ribeiro 1979: 41). The publication

of this book represented the first important effort to construct a sociological framework to

analyze contemporary Brazilian indigenous groups. Ribeiro developed the concept of

ethnic transfiguration (tianSfign a, ,i'o Itnica) to explain the process of transformation

and acculturation of Indian groups who came into contact with more powerful cultures

without, however, losing their central ethnic characteristics. The limitations Ribeiro

pointed out to complete Indians assimilation into the regional society stemmed from the

prejudices that transverse the relationship between these he called "transfigured Indians"

and non-Indian people.









Anthropological studies carried out beginning in the late 1940s elucidated the

conditions of indigenous descendants whose social and cultural organizations had been

strongly impacted by the advance of colonial forces, yet still held elements of vanishing

indigenous cultures. Following this perspective, the American anthropologists Robert

and Yolanda Murphy developed the first anthropological studies on Mundurucu Indians,

carrying out fieldwork among them in the early 1950s. The first article the authors

published on the Mundurucu was in Portuguese,17 in which they presented the initial

version of an analysis they subsequently developed on the acculturation process among

the Mundurucu Indians (Murphy and Murphy 1954). Contrasting the conditions of the

Mundurucu Indians in the 1950s with those in earlier periods, when the headhunters'

wars underpinned the main Mundurucu cultural institutions, the anthropologists asserted

that among Mundurucu Indians "the loss of culture was generalized, however, the most

affected have been those residents of the bank of the Tapaj6s" (1954: 16).

Murphy and Murphy (1954: 13) distinguished three different Mundurucu Indians

groups: 1) those living in the high fields of the upper Tapaj6s River, called

"campineiros," 2) those living along the Cururu River, of the middle Tapaj6s, a section of

the river where there are waterfalls; and 3) those living among the "Brazilian population

of Tapaj6s." Whereas the anthropologists described the cultural and socio-economic

organization of the two first groups, regarding the third group, they declared in one

paragraph that "little needs to be said about the remaining 200 Mundurucu living among

the Brazilian population of Tapaj6s... These Mundurucu are gradually losing their



17 It was published by the Institute of Anthropology and Ethnology of Pari, in Bel6m, under the title "As
condig5es atuais dos Mundurucu" (The current conditions of the Mundurucu).









identity and starting to integrate into that amorphous rural Brazilian population, generally

known by the denomination of caboclos (1954: 43).

The perspective on Mundurucu assimilation into the category of caboclo reflected

the acculturation theories that predominated in the American anthropological literature in

the 1940-50s. Prioritizing the focus on cultural loss and the absorption of western

cultural traces by ethnic groups in contact with non-indigenous populations, these studies

on the Amazon region pointed to inexorable processes of obliteration of native culture,

and its transformation into a regional caboclo culture of the typical Amazonian peasant

(Wagley 1985, 1976; Parker 1985; Anderson 1985; Weinstein 1985; Ross 1978; Wagley

and Galvao 1961; Galvao 1952).

3.3.2 Companheiros do Fundo: Emerging from Indian to Caboclo

There is no consensus among scholars about the etymology of the word caboclo.

Whereas Costa Perreira (1975) asserts that caboclo derives from tupi caa-boc, which

means "one who comes from the forest," in the Brazilian dictionary Aurelio Buarque de

Hollanda Ferreira (2000) suggests that the word derives from the tupi word kari 'boka,

which means "son of white man." The Brazilian dictionary also mentions caboclo as

signifying "mestizo of white with Indian," and "ancient denomination for Indians," and in

figurative terms as a "distrustful" (desconfiada) or "treacherous" (traicoiera) person.

Colloquially in the Amazon region, the term caboclo has been largely attributed to rural

social groups, descendants of indigenous people who lost their main ethnic identity

through the effects of colonization, and who are of mixed origins.

As most scholars have pointed out, colloquially caboclo was generally not a term

used for self-identification, but rather as used by others to refer to a category of people

whom they see as inferior (Lima 1999; Harris 1998; Nugent 1993; Wagley 1985, 1976;










Lins e Silva 1980). For example, urban people were inclined to identify rural people as

caboclo, while people from big cities also identified the people from smaller towns as

caboclo. In the rural areas, class differentiation could also be a criterion to attribute the

category of caboclo (the higher class attributes caboclo to the lower class).18 With a

strong pejorative connotation, the term usually was associated with the adjectives rural,

indigenous, rustic, illiterate, and uncivilized, in opposition to urban, white, literate, and

civilized, a reason why people tended to reject being identified as caboclos, as was found

in the Flona Tapaj6s.

Different from the relational perspective in the colloquial use of the term caboclo,

in anthropological studies Lima (1999) noted that the concept points toward a fixed social

category, the historical Amazonian peasantry that emerged from colonial policies.

Pioneering the studies on class caboclo formation, the Brazilian anthropologist E.

Galvao, a student and colleague of Charles Wagley, carried out the first anthropological

study on caboclo social organization in his dissertation19 defended in 1952, at Columbia

University. Focusing on the caboclo religious system, Galvao's main interest was to

understand the transformations that were taking place in native cultural systems under the





18 The term caboclo is also found in some indigenous contexts, especially related to the rubber economy, to
differentiate indigenous populations already contacted by and maintaining a relationship with non-
indigenous groups, from isolated indigenous groups, living in the interior of the forest. In these cases, as
Lima (1999) remarked, the term caboclo is used as self-identification, as was observed in the state of Acre ,
where the use of this term by indigenous groups meant an attempt to conceal the ethnic origins due to the
prejudices against them (Aquino 1981). A similar process also was studied by Cardoso de Oliveira (1972)
among the Ticuna Indians in the Amazonas State. There is a large spectrum in which the category of
caboclo is employed throughout the Amazon region, as well as in other parts of Brazil. It is important to
take into account the multiple forms of use and meaning of the category caboclo, although this is beyond
the scope of this study.

19 It was published in Brazil under the title "Santos e Visagens: Um Estudo da Vida Religiosa de Ita"
(Galv~o 1955).









effects of the advance of western colonization, which absorbed them into the regional

society constituted by the Amazonian peasant.

Presenting an historical perspective on "the main forces operating in the shaping of

the modern caboclo culture," Galvao (1952: 150) pointed toward the emergence of

caboclo as an outcome of the assimilation of Indians into regional society. He stated that,

"the initial process was one of selective acculturation on the part of the mixed society

being formed by the Portuguese colonialist and natives, conditioned by the configuration

of the two cultures which came into contact and by the dominance of the former. The

Indians, for the most part, did not remain integrated within tribal society." Subsequently,

the Cabanagem movement and, especially, the rubber economy that incorporated the

natives more ostensibly into the market system, accentuated this process of assimilation,

leading to the formation of the Amazonian peasantry: "The Indian was now definitely a

Brazilian peasant, the caboclo" (Galvdo1952: 149, emphasis in the original).

Emphasizing the coercive power that forced changes in native cultural patterns and

indigenous people's incorporation into regional society as caboclos, Galvao, however,

also emphasized the indigenous cultural vestiges that permeated this regional caboclo

mixed culture, expressed mainly in the religious belief system and in local ecological

knowledge. The author explored the wide range of folk beliefs derived from indigenous

culture that exist alongside Catholicism as an integral part of the caboclo religious

system, which "answer those emotional needs that Catholicism was not able to satisfy"

(Galvao 1952: 151). Therefore, by examining the people's beliefs and practices that

incorporate supernatural beings, such as the Cobra Grande, analogous to that which

occurred in Maguari community, Galvao pointed towards the persistence of indigenous









beliefs and elements, "but no longer as an aboriginal religion. These beliefs and elements

were modified and became a part of the caboclo religion without affecting significantly

the main superstructure -that is, Catholicism" (1952: 156).

The belief in Cobra Grande, as well as in enchanted dolphins (botos), were

analyzed by Galvao as part of the complex of supernatural beings that inhabit the waters

of the rivers and streams in an "enchanted kingdom." Encompassing the shamanism

system, these supernatural beings living in the water were named Companheiros do

Fundo (fellow-beings of deep waters), and they comprised the familiar spirits the

shamans (paje) call upon "during their seances. The power of a pe will depend upon

the number of Companheiros at his disposal" (Galvao 1952: 123). A powerful shaman

was also distinguished by his capacity to travel under the water, who was then called

sacaca, and who was believed to use the skin of Cobra Grande to undertake this travel.

"Sacacas are not thought to die like common people. They disappear, according to

general belief, to live forever in the enchanted kingdom of the deep waters" (p. 124).

Alongside the religious symbolic system of the enchanted beings, Galvao (1952)

also highlighted the contribution of native knowledge of the environment to shaping the

caboclo culture. "The indigenous contribution to the new Amazon culture was important

because it provided traits which facilitated the control of the environment, such as native

agriculture, foods, means of transportation, materials for habitations and diverse crafts.

In short, the basic controls of a specialized environment, the tropical forest, to which the

Portuguese were foreigners and not adapted, were fundamentally Indian" (p. 150).

Although emphasizing the extensive indigenous influence in the new emerging culture,









the author underlined that it followed Iberian patterns, which changed the indigenous

production system for local consumption to one for the commercial market.

3.3.3 Caboclo Identity: Without Script or History

Galvdo's take on caboclo culture, along with that presented by Wagley in his

"Amazon Town, A Study of Man in the Tropics," published in 1953 and based on

fieldwork carried out in collaboration with Galvdo, came to be the main references for

analyses on the Amazon peasant category. Despite this initial effort to understand the

dynamic nature of caboclo social organization, few studies were subsequently devoted to

the theme. One exception is the collection dedicated to the study of caboclo, coordinated

by E. P. Parker (1985). Writing the book's preface, Wagley called attention to the

neglect of studies on caboclo in the ethnology and sociology of the Amazon Valley,

which contrasted with a number of studies carried out on indigenous groups despite the

fact that the caboclo population "outnumbers the tribal Indians many times."

Highlighting the problematic "nature of the term caboclo," Wagley pointed out that the

book's text helps not only "to clarify our image of life in the Amazon; it also clarifies

many ill-conceived stereotypes about the Amazon peasantry" (Wagley 1985: VII).

Despite the concerns in portraying the Amazon peasants in a more positive

manner, the collection's texts tended to reproduce the perspective of the acculturation

studies in which the social organization of the caboclo was characterized by cultural

absences and losses, as residues of societies that succumbed under the effects of

colonization. Approaching the emergence of caboclo class and culture in the Amazon

region as a result of the miscegenation between indigenous populations and poor

Portuguese descendants, Parker (1985: 35), stated that "what emerged from this

destructive period were caboclos: disenfranchised and culturally deprived Amerindians









and mixed-blood offspring engaged in desultory subsistence activities and collection of

forest products." In this way, Nugent (1993: XXI) accurately highlighted the

misrepresentations projected onto these Amazonian social groups, asserting that: "They

are treated as contingent, incomplete, haphazard melding of the detritus of aboriginal

social formations and the remnants of European commercial experiments. They are

defined in terms of what they are not (aboriginal, national) rather than in positive terms."

As an historical phenomenon, the configuration of the caboclo, or the caboclization

as Parker referred to it, was presented in most texts of the collection as an effective

cultural adaptation to the ecological environment and the conditions engendered by

colonization, which accommodated indigenous technology and knowledge to exploit

resources alongside social and religious organizations imposed by Iberian-Catholic

colonization. As a result, caboclo was characterized as presenting a pattern of nuclear

families that live isolated along the rivers and tributaries, where they develop subsistence

activities and collect forest products, with occasional production for the market.

Spirituality was performed through catholic celebrations, although native beliefs still

make up a part of the symbolic universe representing an inheritance of a past that is over.

"This transformed AmerIndian was now the caboclo of Amazonia: a solitary actor

struggling to adapt without benefit of script or history" (Parker 1985: 39).

This representation of caboclo as a "culturally despoiled Indian" was also present

in the texts of Anderson and Weinstein in which they emphasized the importance of this

social category in the Cabanagem revolt, and in the development of the rubber economy.

Anderson (1985: 53) identified "precisely these people, once stripped of their cultural









identity and forced to accept the mandates of a foreign culture and religion, who became

the foundation of caboclo society."

Notwithstanding the contribution of these studies to the understanding of the

transformation that occurred in the native culture, the construction of caboclo as a

"deculturated Indian" tended to mistakenly decree the complete extinction of any

differentiated indigenous ethnic identity, as occurred in relation to the region of the

Lower Tapaj6s. The generalized designation of the category of caboclo to vast rural

populations in the Amazon region who descended from indigenous peoples, such as those

found in the Flona Tapaj6s, has concealed the varied dynamics that emerged in the post-

colonial social landscape. As a template, in Harris's terms (1998), this category qualifies

a large population as a historic product that contradictorily removes it from the "benefit"

of the history. Without antecedents, the caboclo culture can be described only from the

nineteenth-century; before that, there is only a trace of destruction and extermination of

the indigenous. "Whatever possibilities, if any, that had existed for them to recreate their

former sociocultural existence were lost forever" (Parker 1985: 37). Yet, as will be seen

in Chapter 7, the resurgence of indigenous identity among the Taquara, Marituba and

Braganca community people shows that the possibilities were not over yet.

The important point to be emphasized is that the implications of this caboclo

construction are not just theoretical, but are also reflected in State policies. It was

precisely these people denominated caboclo -consideredl iti hit history, i ititnit an

identity- who came to be the main target for the displacements promoted by Amazon

frontier expansion policies that started to take place in the region in the late 1960s. The

creation and implementation of Flona Tapaj6s epitomizes this, as will be discussed ahead.









3.4 Land Use Pattern and People Identification

This brief look at the major historical events that successively altered the native

socio-cultural organizations in the Lower Tapaj6s, and their subsequent representations,

discloses the general frame in which most of the present-day social groups are found in

the region, including the communities localized in the Flona Tapaj6s, the object of the

analysis in this dissertation. In the colonial period, it showed the combined impacts of

the missions and Directorate led to severe disruption of prior indigenous groups, and

favored the Mundurucu expansion and their domination over the region and over

indigenous groups that remained. During the period of Independence, the Cabanagem

and the rubber boom in the last quarter of the nineteenth century came to alter

significantly the panorama of these regional social and economic relations that had been

forged by the colonial apparatus. The development of the rubber economy, which in the

Lower Tapaj6s displayed a distinguished facet on account of the attempts to implement

rubber plantations, precipitated a more intensive occupation of the region and an increase

in economic production, molding social and economic relations as well as the forms of

land occupation that would be predominant by the late 1960s, when Amazon frontier

expansion policies started to be enforced.

In concluding, I would like, first, to point out the main characteristics of the pattern

of land occupation that resulted from this process and came to predominate among the

eighteen communities localized in the Flona Tapaj6s; and, second, to clarify the way I am

identifying these communities.

3.4.1 Land Occupation Pattern

The land occupation pattern found among the eighteen communities in the Flona

Tapaj6s reproduces the main pattern that was established by the regional native groups in









the post-colonial period, after their prior forms of territorial occupation had been

transformed. Shaped, thus, by a larger historical process, this pattern of land occupation

is based, as Almeida (1988) defined, on a common system of land use, whose ownership

is based directly on the work developed by the nuclei families, with rules that are

consensually established.

Identifying this system among the Amazonian peasants, Almeida (1988: 183)

remarked that land was not viewed as a permanent individual possession. According to

him, this view of the land reflects the peasant right's rules that "prescribe methods for

cultivation in extended areas of land that are utilized in accordance with the desire of

each family group, without requiring continuous and permanent areas or having a set of

productive activities confined in an specific parcel of land. There is no continuation

among the cultivation areas of a family group. The crop fields are found distributed in

the several places that are consensually designated for cultivation." Among these

cultivation areas, which are appropriated individually by the family nucleus, common

areas are also established, which do not belong to any family in particular but, rather, are

for communal use by all family groups. In this way, this land use system combines

communal areas with rules for individual possession. "The house and its adjacent garden

are appropriated individually by the respective family groups, in the same way that the

harvest's products and other fruits of their crop fields are" (1988: 183).

Thus, shaped from the middle nineteenth century and disseminated among the

several social groups throughout Amazon region, this land occupation system is found in

the Lower Tapaj6s region not only among the communities in the Flona Tapaj6s, but also

among other regional peasant groups. These regional social groups also displayed the









configuration of the socio-political and spatial unit called "community." "Community"

denotes a set of common rights of residence and the use of the resources over a defined

area, as well as in relation to their social organizations, bestowing community autonomy

in the internal decisions and over a territorial space. The introduction of the term

"community" was attributed to the work of social organization promoted in the 1960s by

the Catholic Church through the "Comunidades Eclesiais de Base" (CEB) (Ecclesiastic

Base Communities) (Lins e Silva 1980; Lima 1999).

As Lins e Silva (1980) explained, these works developed through the CEBs

reflected a new posture of the Catholic Church in relation to rural social groups. The

Church envisioned the involvement of the villages' residents directly in proselytizing and

in developing activities such as alphabetization, health care, and economic projects.

These activities were developed through the creation of the "community council"

(conselho comunitdrio), which would represent community interests, and promote social

projects along with religious functions. The accomplishment of these works, which

initially were essentially religious in character, led to the incorporation by rural

populations of the ideal of "community" as a group socially organized, coming,

gradually, to integrate also the political-administrative and territorial instances.

Each "community," constituted by one or more family nuclei, started to have an

official representation composed of a president, a vice-president, a treasurer, and a fiscal

council. As a socio-political organization, the "community" also started to have control

over a territorial space, whose limits between the "communities" were defined between

them and materialized through the clearing of the pathways that interconnected each

other. Once a year, each community cleaned part of the pathway that belonged to it.









Despite the variations that can be found among them, these communities developed

a complex system of resource use with different levels of appropriation and domains.

This system designates areas that were of common domain, as defined internally by the

communities, including areas for hunting, fishing, collecting oils, fruits, timber, straw,

etc. Other areas were demarcated to be used by individuals of particular family groups.

These included agricultural and rubber fields. While the areas in which the forest and

aquatic resources were found tended to be shared among communities, especially, those

closer to each other, the areas where the residences and the agricultural and rubber fields

were located were understood to be the domain of a specific community, and, for these

areas, limits between communities were established. In many cases, the limits between

communities tended to constitute an object of dispute between them, especially when a

new community established itself in the region.

Therefore, despite sharing a similar land occupation pattern, each "community" had

autonomy over its internal social organization and over the spaces and the resources

understood to be of its domain. However, the domain of a community over such space

and resources did not prevent the members of another community to also make use of the

resources that were considered to belong to the collectivity. Thus, for example, even

recognizing that a certain lake belonged to a particular community, members from other

communities could fish in this lake. In these cases, people established rules that did not

allow commercial fishing or predatory techniques, in the same way that rules were

established for other forest resources. Disrespecting these rules constituted a motive for

conflict among the communities.









In short, emerging from a larger historical process that involved most of the native

groups in the Lower Tapaj6s region, this was the predominant pattern of land use found

among the communities in the Flona Tapaj6s when the reserve was created. As will be

seen ahead, the superposition of the reserve's limits over community lands imposed a

new form of land occupation and resource use that collided directly with this communal

pattern of land use.

3.4.2 Identifying the Community People

Although sharing a common historical process and land use pattern, the eighteen

communities in the Flona Tapaj6s cannot be understood as a homogenous unit. There

existed differences among the communities that derived from their particular historical

and social configurations. There were communities such as Marai, Jaguarari and Pini

that have existed for over two centuries, originating as old indigenous villages. The

community of Marai came to be dominated by rubber entrepreneurs from the late

nineteenth century to the 1960s, when new political and economic forces started to

emerge. In the Piquiatuba community, people attributed its origins to the beginning of

the twentieth century. By contrast, there were also communities that were established

more recently, such as Jamaraqua, which was founded in the early 1990s, when a division

within the Maguari community occurred as a result of internal disputes. The same

happened with Braganca and Marituba communities, which were formed when they

separated from the Marai community.

The populations of some of these communities were also highly diverse. The Tauri

community, for example, while an old village, was inhabited by an assorted composition

of people from several places, the outcome of an intensive migration that took place

during the last two decades, among other factors. The Maguary and Sdo Domingos









communities also showed a varied population composition. By contrast, communities

such as Taquara, Jaguarari, or Pini were relatively homogeneous. Differences among

communities were also reflected in their religious organizations. While in some

communities, all inhabitants considered themselves to be Catholics, in other

communities, there were people who also followed the Pentecostal Christian religions,

such as Assemblkia de Deus (Assembly of God) and Igreja da Paz (Peace Church).

These differences, besides others, found among the communities in the Flona

Tapaj6s, highlight the need to be cautious when analyzing them. Although sharing

general characteristics, the product of a common historical process, each of the

communities had their particular histories and internal social organizations. Moreover,

prior to the creation of the Flona Tapaj6s, the eighteen communities had few and

dispersed linkages among them, deriving primarily from kinship bonds and participation

in community religious festivities and other entertainment activities. It was the process

of creation and implementation of this forest reserve, and attempts to displace people,

that fostered stronger relationships among these communities. In this process, these

communities came to constitute a social unit that started to be identified by the reserve's

administration as the riverine communities of the Flona Tapaj6s and, more recently, as

traditional people.

As discussed earlier, although the community people tended to be categorized by

others as caboclo, they not only did not identify themselves as such but refused such a

category. Thus, for this reason, I do not call them by this term. Additionally, three

communities started to claim the Mundurucu ethnic identity, thereby, distinguishing

themselves from the others, even in relation to the category of "traditional people."









Therefore, to approach the engagement of these communities in the process of creation

and implementation of the Flona Tapaj6s, I chose to identify them as "communities of

resistance."

This choice has in mind two objectives: first, to move away from the categories

used by the official environmental agency; and, second, to emphasize the common

process of resistance undertaken by these communities to guarantee access to their

territories, which initially united them but later separated them. At first, when the

"communities of resistance" struggled to avoid being displaced, they constituted a

politically organized social unit. However, later, when they won the right to reside in the

reserve's area, three of the communities began identifying themselves as Mundurucu

Indians. This movement led to the creation of two distinct groups: indigenous and non-

indigenous. Thus, the term "community of resistance" is applied to identify them in the

resistance process to avoid the dispossession from their lands, and to stress the rupture

moment that separated them in distinct arenas in the struggle for the land.














CHAPTER 4
SHAPING THE FRONTIER'S FORESTS INTO NATIONAL FORESTS

4.1 Introduction

Although proposals for forest reserve policies that promoted controlled exploitation

of the resources based on principles of scientific forestry were first drawn up at the

beginning of the twentieth century in Brazil, it was only in the late 1960s that the country

came to adopt National Forests as part of its forest policies. Imbedded in the Amazon

frontier expansion policies that started to be undertaken by the military government in the

late 1960s, forestry in the Amazon region became an important sector to increase the

Amazon's economic value and integrate the region into the national political economy.

This chapter focuses initially on the process of the creation and implementation of

forest reserves known as National Forests that were first implemented in the United

States in the late nineteenth century. Following the tradition in scientific forestry

management generated in Germany to set aside for the State the direct control over the

forest resources, the National Forest reserves became the main instrument of State forest

policies. The second part of the chapter explores the development of Brazilian forest

policies from the beginning of the 20th century up to beginning of the 1970s, when the

first forest reserve was created and implemented in the Amazon region to promote

systematized and planned timber production.









4.2 Scientific Forestry Management and National Forests:

4.2.1 Reconceptualizing Forests and Modes of Resource Appropriation

4.2.1.1 The emergence of scientific forestry management

The category of National Forests, designating state forest reserves for timber

production based on scientific principles, was created at the beginning of the twentieth

century in the United States, consolidating a movement that had begun three decades

earlier for the establishment of reserves for environmental protection (Steen 1992;

Worster 1987). The move to create forest reserves under State control to promote timber

production, however, stretches back to the late eighteenth century with the emergence of

scientific forestry in Germany, which was motivated by the need of the State to guarantee

wood supply (Watkins 1998; Lowood 1991). The increasing demand for wood, caused

by population growth and incipient industrialization, led the State to take more direct

control over forest resources, designating areas to explore based on scientific and

technical principles that would make wood exploitation a sustained and profitable

economic activity.

In his analysis of the emergence of scientific forestry management in Germany in

the second half of the eighteenth-century, Lowood (1991: 315-316) credited the initial

establishment of forest science to the cameral sciences," a term that was "derived from

Kammer (chamber) in which the prince's advisors traditionally deliberated." The

camera sciences were first introduced in Prussia in 1727 at the universities of Halle and

Frankfurt, and soon became part of most university curricula in Germany. Lowood also

attributed to these camera sciences, the Staatswisssenschaften, the application of "a

variety of economic, administrative, and social practices to rational or scientific scrutiny,"









in which professionals were trained in a "body of theory and techniques needed for the

administration of the state and its domains" (p. 316, emphasis in the original).

Constituting one of the major sources of revenue for the State economy in central

Europe, forests represented an important sector of State administration, thereby requiring

special attention from the camera sciences. In line with the state's concerns, the

increasing demand for wood and the risks of wood shortage on account of forest

deterioration led the camera officials to pursue new ways to more efficiently manage and

control forest resources, and to make forests subject to careful production. Making

reference to the initial publications on the theme, Lowood (1991: 320) remarked that

"The first writers on forest science were led by men trained in the camera sciences-

financial officials and chief foresters who expected economic disaster if the condition of

the forests continued its downward slide."

The initial steps toward a forest science stumbled on the very concept of the

"forest," which by the middle eighteenth-century was ambiguously defined (Kiess 1998;

Watkins 1998; Lowood 1991). Discussing this ambiguity, Watkins (1998) pointed out

the variety of ways in which the term forest was applied over time, from one country to

other. Exemplifying the English case, the author highlighted the different connotations of

forest from medieval times to the modem period, explaining that the medieval Royal

Forests were areas of special hunting rights for the monarchy. Some of them, such as

Exmoor Forest, were comprised of just a few trees: "most were made up of tracts of land

which could contain villages, heaths, arable land pasture and woodland" (Watkins 1998:

1). Sherwood Forest included the whole town of Nottingham, and most of it was

comprised of agricultural lands and heaths. Watkins observed that at that time, "There




Full Text

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A FOREST OF DISPUTES: STRUGGLES OVER SPACES, RESOURCES, AND SOCIAL IDENTITIES IN AMAZONIA By EDVIGES MARTA IORIS A DISSERTATION PRESENTED TO THE GRADUATE SCHOOL OF THE UNIVERSITY OF FLOR IDA IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA 2005

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Copyright 2005 by Edviges Marta Ioris

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To community people in the Lower Tapajs Ri ver, for their strong history of resistance.

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iv ACKNOWLEDGMENTS Notwithstanding the satisfaction of having co mpleted this disser tation, it was not an easy task and was only possible thanks to several kind people who, in many ways, encouraged and supported me throughout this voya ge. First of all, I would like to thank my parents who always have encouraged me to keep pursuing my studies. I only regret that my father was not able to see his da ughter as a doctor, as he passed away soon after I had finished the first draft of this dissertation. To my advisor, Dr. Marianne Schmink, I am afraid I might not have adequate words to express my immense gratitude for all the support and encouragement she provided during my Ph.D. program. Her inte llectual brightness and generous attention were my main motivations that helped me carry out the studies and the research for this dissertation, as well as remain firmly focuse d on completing its final version. I am very thankful for her friendship and her accurate advice that shed light on my recurring doubts. I am also thankful to the other profes sors on my committee, who also provided support in the development of the dissertation project: Dr. Janaki Alavalapati, who led me to know about American forest policies, a nd was always prompt to assist me in my inquiries; Dr. Anthony Oliver-Smith, whose en thusiasm about anthropology and keen knowledge inspire his students, and who taught classes that were illuminating in defining my research project, as well as his pers onal suggestions; Dr. Anthony B. Anderson, who was my first advisor when I initiated my res earch in the Amazon region in the late 1980s,

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v and since then has followed my progress. I also thank Dr. Mary He lena Allegretti who took part in the defens e of the dissertation. For the Ph.D. program I had financial support from several institutions, which I would like to acknowledge: Instituto Internacional de Educao do Brasil (IEB) and World Wildlife Fund in Brazil (WWF-Br azil) through the IEB/WWF: Natureza & Sociedade Program; Tropical Conservation a nd Development Program (TCD), at the Center for Latin American Studies of the University of Florida; Russell E. Train Education for Nature (EFN) Program of the World Wildlife Fund (WWF); and International Chapter P.E.O. Sisterhood. Peopl e from each of these programs were very supportive, and I want to express my gratit ude especially to Maria Jos Gontijo and Camila Pinheiro de Castro from IEB/ WWF: Natureza & Sociedade Program; Hannah Covert from the TCD Program; Lesley O Malley and Mercedes Gonzles from EFN/WWF; and Marlynn L. Fell from Inte rnational Chapter P.E.O. Sisterhood. At the Department of Anthropology at th e University of Florida, I want to especially thank Karen Jones for her always diligent and kind attention to the students, and Patricia King. I want to also thank the Department of Anthropol ogy at the University of Braslia, where I was an Associate Resear cher while I was carrying out the fieldwork, and want to especially thank Dr. Henyo T. Ba rretto, for his always prompt attention to my research. I wish also to thank Dr. Jean Dubois, in Braslia, and Dr. Clara Pandolfo, in Belm, for their valuable information to the research. In the field, so many people helped me deve lop my research that the list would be enormous. Thus, without citing names, I woul d like to remark my gratitude to people from the communities studied, who so kindly accepted my research and provided their

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vi best support to make my stay in the field a pleasurable time. To them, I dedicate this dissertation. I want also to thank the NGO representa tives, who also provided invaluable assistance, especially from the Grupo Cons cincia Indgena (GCI), Sindicato dos Trabalhadores Rurais de Santarm (STR/STR), Instituto Cultural Boanerges Sena, and Projeto Sade e Alegria (PSA). IBAMAs re presentatives also were cooperative in facilitating the development of the rese arch and in providing assistance. There are also many friends whose compan ionship provided immeasurable support. Among them, I would like to highlight my thanks to Jennifer L. Hale, my American sister, Neila Soares, Omaira Bolaos, Richard Wallace, Noemi and Roberto Porro, William, Joelma and Paul Losch, and Flornci o A. Vaz. My thanks go to Samantha Stone-Jovicich, who not only offered her friendship but also accepted kindly to edit the dissertation. Finally, I want to thank my sister Cirlei Ioris and my nephews and godsons Luke and Jlio Ioris Bullen for their love, and my sweet heart Marco Antonio Salgado Mendes, for his love and his companionship in all mome nts of this dissertation. I love him too.

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vii TABLE OF CONTENTS page ACKNOWLEDGMENTS.................................................................................................iv LIST OF FIGURES.............................................................................................................x ABSTRACT....................................................................................................................... xi CHAPTER 1 INTRODUCTION...................................................................................................1 1.1 Encountering the Subject: Spaces and Social Identities.............................1 1.2 The Research Undertaken............................................................................9 2 REMODELING FOREST SPACES AND SOCIAL RELATIONS.....................14 2.1 Environmental Reserves in the Amazon Region and Social Conflicts......14 2.1.1 The Emergence of National Forests in the Amazon Region..........14 2.1.2 Policies for Expanding the Amazon Economic Frontiers..............18 2.1.3 Social Conflicts in Forest Reserves...............................................22 2.2 State Control over Forest Re sources and Social Relations........................26 2.2.1 Peoples Representation in State Planning....................................26 2.2.2 Modeling the Utopian Dream of the State Modernization Project ............................................................................................32 2.2.3 Disciplinary Practices Toward Forest Spaces and Social Organizations.................................................................................37 3 CHANGING SPACES AND NATIVE SO CIAL IDENTITIES IN THE LOWER TAPAJS REGION...............................................................................42 3.1 Introduction................................................................................................42 3.1.1 Days of Enchantment.....................................................................42 3.1.2 Overview on the Santarm Region................................................47 3.2 A Historical Overview of the Lower Tapajs Region...............................49 3.2.1 The Cross and the Sword: The Colonial Occupation.....................49 3.2.1.1 The religious missions: Gathering souls and extending frontiers..............................................................................49 3.2.1.2 Indian Directorate: Secula r dominion over Indians and frontiers..............................................................................53

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viii 3.2.1.3 The arrival of Mundurucu Indi ans in the Lower Tapajs Valley.................................................................................56 3.2.2 Brazil Independent: Revolts and the Rubber Boom......................59 3.2.2.1 Cabanagem : The uprising of native people.......................59 3.2.2.2 The development of the rubber economy..........................62 3.3 Representations of Caboclo Social Identity...............................................66 3.3.1 Erasing Indians from the Pages on the Lower Tapajs Valley......66 3.3.2 Companheiros do Fundo : Emerging from Indian to Caboclo.......72 3.3.3 Caboclo Identity: Without Script or History.................................76 3.4 Land Use Pattern and People Identification...............................................79 3.4.1 Land Occupation Pattern................................................................79 3.4.2 Identifying the Community People................................................83 4 SHAPING THE FRONTIERS FORE STS INTO NATIONAL FORESTS.........86 4.1 Introduction................................................................................................86 4.2 Scientific Forestry Management and National Forests:.............................87 4.2.1 Reconceptualizing Forests and Modes of Resource Appropriation.................................................................................87 4.2.1.1 The emergence of scientific forestry management............87 4.2.1.2 The movement to create American forest reserves............91 4.3 The Political Economy of Brazilian Forests............................................102 4.3.1 Initial Proposals to Cr eate National Forests.................................102 4.3.2 The First Forest Code and Forest Reserves.................................105 4.3.3 Difficulties to Export Brazilian Timber.......................................112 4.3.4 FAOs Collaboration in the Amazon Region and the First Forestry School............................................................................115 4.4 The Geo-Political Project for the Amazon Forest....................................122 5 THE SCIENTIFIC FOREST AND COMMUNITY SOCIAL CONFLICTS.....134 5.1 Introduction..............................................................................................134 5.2 Flona Tapajs and the Communities of Resistance.................................136 5.2.1 Flona Tapajs in the Context of the Programmed Network.....136 5.2.2 Displacing People to Make Them Wageworkers.........................144 5.3 Community Resistance: Land and Political Organization.......................149 5.3.1 The Rural Workers Union and Organizational Power................149 5.3.2 The Defense of the Community Territorial Area.........................159 5.3.3 The Moral Economy of Community Resistance..........................166 5.3.4 The Ongoing Disputes over Territory and Resources..................170 6 SHAPING TRADITIONAL PEOP LE IN NATIONAL FORESTS...................179 6.1 Introduction..............................................................................................179 6.2 The Green Years: The Amazon Social and Conservation Agenda..........181 6.2.1 Our Nature Program: The Makeup of the Social and Environmental Agenda................................................................181

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ix 6.2.2 The International Pilot Program (PPG-7)....................................189 6.2.3 The National Forests in the Pilot Program...................................192 6.2.4 Flona Tapajs Component of PROMANEJO..............................194 6.2.5 Participation and Decision Ma king: Demands from Overseas....197 6.3 The Making of the Traditional People.....................................................200 6.3.1 Traditional People in the Intern ational Field of Conservation.202 6.3.2 Traditional People in Brazil.....................................................205 6.4 Flona Tapajs and Traditional People Relationship................................209 6.4.1 Disputes over the ITTO Project Area..........................................212 6.4.2 The Land-use Concession............................................................217 6.4.3 Promanejo: Working with Community People............................222 6.4.4 Managing Poultry in the Forest....................................................227 6.4.5 The Project for Copaiba a nd Andiroba Oil Production...............234 6.5 Traditional People and National Forests..................................................237 7 RECOVERING OLD CULTURAL TR ADITIONS: THE INDIGENOUS MOVEMENT......................................................................................................241 7.1 Introduction..............................................................................................241 7.2 Indigenous Territory and Identity: The Process of Territorialization..242 7.3 Resurgence of Cultural Traditi ons and the Struggle for Land.................247 7.3.1 Revival from the Ashes: Ethnic Identity Movement in the Taquara Community....................................................................247 7.3.2 The Marituba and Bragana Communities: Political Leadership and Social Cohesion.....................................................................254 7.3.3 Ritual Ties and Affirmation of Ethnic Identity............................260 7.3.4 In Search of Encantados ..............................................................262 7.3.6 Rearrangement of Political Representations................................267 7.3.7 The Movement To Claim Land....................................................271 7.4 Losing the Sense of Shame of Being Indian............................................277 8 CONCLUSION....................................................................................................281 APPENDIX:PICTURES..................................................................................................288 LIST OF REFERENCES.................................................................................................295 BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH...........................................................................................314

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x LIST OF FIGURES Figure page 2-1 Tapajs National Forest......................................................................................15 3-1 Tapajs National Forest in the re gion of the lower Tapajs River.....................46 A-1 The meeting of the Tapajs River with the Amazon River..............................288 A-2 Port in the Santarm city...................................................................................289 A-3 Fordlndia.........................................................................................................289 A-4 Rubber plantation in Belterra............................................................................290 A-5 IBAMA office in Tapajs National Forest.......................................................290 A-6 Ritual to mother-earth in Bragana community................................................291 A-7 Ritual to mother-water in Taquara community.................................................291 A-8 Children playing theater in Piquiatuba community..........................................292 A-9 Andiroba oil production....................................................................................292 A-10 People going to clean the line demarcation ( Pico das Communidades /Community Line)....................................................................293 A-11 Cattle-ranch in Tapajs National Forest...........................................................293 A-12 ITTO Project in the Tapajs National Forest....................................................294 A-13 Community signal ag ainst ITTO Project..........................................................294

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xi Abstract of Dissertation Pres ented to the Graduate School of the University of Florida in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy A FOREST OF DISPUTES: STRUGGLES OVER SPACES, RESOURCES, AND SOCIAL IDENTITIES IN AMAZONIA By Edviges Marta Ioris December 2005 Chair: Marianne Schminck Major Department: Anthropology Focusing on the creation and implementation of the Tapajs National Forest (Flona Tapajs) in Brazil, this dissertation analyz es on the processes of social and spatial transformation precipitated by state policies that were implemented to exert control over resources and social organizations. Comprising one of the strategies of the geo-political project to expand the Amazon economic frontiers, the establishment of this forest reserve in 1974 altered forest social spaces not only by imposing new forms of thinking about and accessing forest resources, but also by reshaping community social identity. Flona Tapajs was the first government fore st reserve created and implemented in the Amazon region, with the objective of promo ting research and pla nned exploitation of forest resources for timber production. The estab lishment of this forest reserve led to the eruption of intense conflicts with local social groups, in particular with eighteen peasant communities, due to the encroachment of the reserves boundaries onto their territories, and government attempts to displace peopl e and impose severe restrictions on their

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xii natural resource management and livelihood st rategies. Resistance by these communities to these restrictions and outright expulsi ons engendered severe conflicts with the government. As a result, two decades later, in 1994, the government changed the legal status of the reserve to admit the permanen ce of these communities who started to be designated as traditional people. Three of these communities, however, did not accept the designation of traditional people and th is precipitated an indigenous movement to reinstate the Mundurucu ethnic identity, wh ich implied a new arrangement in the reserves spaces. Using a combination of structured in-dep th interviews, participatory research methods, and archival research, the study exam ines these three moments related to Flona Tapajs spaces and community social identities. The results show that the definition of the reserves spatial composition was dependent on the construction of community social identity. Playing a key role in the reserv es spatial configuration, the construction of community social identity, however, was revealed to be constituted of a remarkable field of disputes, wherein communities, state a nd multilateral agency ideologies and apparatuses, grassroots organizations, envi ronmental discourses, and economic interests interacted.

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1 CHAPTER 1 INTRODUCTION 1.1 Encountering the Subject: Spaces and Social Identities This dissertation is fundamentally concer ned with the processes of social and natural landscape transformation that ensue fr om official State policies. The focus of analysis is the creation and establishment of environmental reserves in the Brazilian Amazon, specifically the Tapaj s National Forest (Flona Ta pajs), a forest reserve created by the federal government in 1974 in th e municipality of Santarm, Par. Flona Tapajs was the first government forest rese rve created and implemented in the Amazon region, with the objective of promoting resear ch and planned exploi tation of the forest resources for timber production. My interest in developing a study on th is subject sprang from a socio-economic survey I carried out in 1996 in eigh teen long-term resident communities1 whose territories overlapped with the Flona Tapajs. The objective of this survey was to provide information on community land occupation, resource use, and livelihood strategies to assist in the definition of an area to be designated for these communities, whose purpose was to serve as a means to resolve conflicts rega rding community land tenure that had dragged on since the creation of the Flona Tapajs. This survey was carried out as part of the Pilot Program to Support Forest Management in the Amaznia 1 So Domingos, Maguari, Jamaraqu, Acaratinga, Jaguarari, Pedreira, Piquiatuba, Marituba, Marai, Nazar, Tauari, Pini, Taquara, Prainha, Itapaiuna, Paraso, Itapuama, and Jatoarana. The term community, as used here, refers to local peoples definition of village and their social organization. This will be further discussed in Chapter 3.

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2 (PROMANEJO PPG-7), a subprogram of the inte rnational Pilot Program to Conserve the Brazilian Rain Forest (PPG-7) launche d in 1992 by the Brazi lian government, and administrated by the World Bank through the Ra in Forest Trust Fund Resolution. As we will discuss in more detail in Chapter 6, Flona Tapajs was chosen as one site for the implementation of Pilot Program actions. Despite differences in their history, the majority of these communities was made up of indigenous descendents with a long and cl ose relationship with we stern society. These communities social identification had been broadly ascribed as caboclo(a) although most of the people did not recognize themselves by such a term. Rather, when I was carrying out the survey in 1996, people identified themselves in a variety of ways, such as rural worker, indigenous descendants, and Tapajs son (as a reference to being born along the Tapajs River); or more frequently, as belonging to a certain community or other: I am from the Piquiatuba Community; I am from the Taquara Community, and so forth. I did not hear people identifying themselves as caboclo (masculine) or cabocla (feminine), except for some community leaders who were taking part in meetings to discuss land tenure issues: We are Tapajs caboclos. In Chapter 3, we will see that in the Amazon region, caboclo is a controversial, and multifaceted, social category applied to mixed societies that or iginated from pre-colonial Amerindian descendants and poor Europeans. So me scholars have used the term caboclo to refer to the typically Amazonian peasantry (Harris 1998 ; Nugent 1993; Parker 1985; Lins e Silva 1980; Ross 1978; Wagley 1976). The eighteen communities long history of occupancy in the region was directly threatened by the creation and implementa tion of the Flona Tapajs on account of

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3 National Forest legislation that did not allow permanent resi dents in the reserve. Thus, when the implementation of Flona Tapajs was initiated, federal government agencies responsible for the implementation of Flona s (National Forests) started to undertake procedures to dispossess the local communities from their lands. Claming land rights, most people did not accept displacement, and th ey strongly resisted, which resulted in an endless quarrel between them and the Flona Tapajs administration. There had been some attempts to solve the community land i ssue in the Flona Tapa js area, but all had been unsuccessful due to disagreements on both sides. In 1996 PROMANEJO was promoting an additional attempt to resolve community land tenure conflicts, considered to be the main obstacle to the pr ojects implementation (Fatheuer 1997). This initial implementation of PROMANE JO took place at a time when National Forests stipulating the removal of local inhabitants were being reconsidered by environmental governmental agencies, to allow long-term resident communities to stay in the reserve. After some years of discussion, this change was put in to legislation in 2000, when the National Congress approved the new version of the law that governs environmental reserves in Brazil (SNUC 2000). According to this new version, National Forests accepted the presence of commun ities recognized as traditional people. Therefore, as traditional people, the comm unities in the Flona Tapajs acquired legal recognition of their rights to remain in thei r lands twenty six year s after the reserves creation, and their areas of occupation were in corporated into the reserves management plan. Looking at this process in the Flona Tapa js, from initial government attempts to displace people to the change in legislati on and the subsequent acceptance of traditional

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4 people in the reserves area, my initial intent in carrying out a study on this case was to understand the different rationale s underlying the environmenta l reserve policies in both situations: the reserves crea tion (1974), and the change in legislation (2000). In particular, I wanted to u nderstand the importance of community resistance in precipitating this change in reserve policies, and how the social ca tegory of traditional people came to play a significant role in transforming the initial reserves design to allow people to stay in the reserve area. Why had such an identifica tion that had not been even claimed previously by the people been as cribed to them? What were the factors and interests (material and ideologi cal) in the reserves policies that converged in order to (re)shape such social and landscape units: National Forest/tr aditional people ? The reality I encountered in 1996 had show n itself to be complex and dynamic, indicating the need for solid th eoretical tools to understand the course of these changes. However, the complexity was even greater wh en I arrived in the field in 2002, to initiate my research. There, I learne d about the resurgence of indi genous ethnic id entities among three communities: Taquara, Bragana and Marituba. Beginni ng with the Taquara community in 1998, these three communities un dertook efforts to revitalize indigenous cultural traditions, and starte d to recognize themselves as belonging to the Mundurucu ethnicity. By reclaiming their indigenous identities which in Brazil gives them a special status and access to health, education, and land rights, these three communities demanded recognition of their land rights from FUNAI ( Fundao Nacional do ndio ), the Brazilian governmental agency for indigenous peoples. In response, FUNAI initiated procedures to demarcate these indigenous lands, and, c onsequently, the boundaries of the Flona

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5 Tapajs have been in the process of being redefined once again. In the midst of this community land tenure resolution, the indi genous identity movement among these communities challenged again the official intent in relation to Flona Tapajs. Yet, the indigenous identity movement challenged not only the government-defined arrangements, but also the way I was thi nking about my research and seeking to understand the changes that were taking place in Flona Tapajs. It led to new questions, making me reevaluate the earlie r versions of my research project. Primarily, why did these three communities take such a stand ri ght in the middle of government efforts to incorporate the category of traditional pe ople in reserve policie s which would have allowed them to stay on their lands? What were the motivations underlying this movement to reclaim their indigenous identiti es, and what was its meaning in relation to the category of traditional people that was be ing used by external authorities to define them? Why did they not accommodate themselves to such a categorization and its associated rights? These new questions emerged during my res earch at a time when my main concern was to understand what it meant to be tradi tional people in this ne w context of reserve policies, and how this social category had emerged as a condition for communities presence in the reserve. Facing these new questions, my first impression was that this indigenous movement had unduly co mplicated the early version of my research project. However, further examination of the issue sugge sted that searching fo r responses to these questions might also help shed light on th e social category of traditional people that had emerged in the National Forest reserve. Observing indigenous organization toward reinstating an ethnic identity, and how this ar ticulation had promoted a means for they to

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6 redirect the course of land tenur e resolution in Flona Tapajs, I started to realize the close relation between community social identity and the successive definiti ons of the reserves spaces. By mapping out the different official identit ies attributed to these communities in the Flona Tapajs, and their co rresponding spatial arrangements in the reserve, I was able to identify three main regions where spaces and social identities overlapped, which showed that the definitions of the reserv es spaces were depende nt on the production of community social identity. Playing a key role in the reserves spatial configuration, the production of community social identity, howev er, was revealed to be constituted of a remarkable field of disputes, epitomizing th e main struggles between community people and governmental agencies responsible for th e reserves administration. This portrait pointed out the importance of this forest re serve not only in terms of forest resources exploitation, but also of social organizations. The analysis that follows in the next chap ters focused on community social identity as the critical issue in the definition of the Flona Tapajs spatial composition. In Chapter 2, I discuss the main theoretical refe rences employed to examine the changes of spaces and social identities precipitated by th e creation and implementation of this forest reserve. Based on the existing literature, Chap ter 3 focuses on histor ical antecedents that shaped the social and identity compositi on of the Lower Tapajs region, and more specifically the community people in Flona Tapajs. This chapter has two main objectives: 1) to point out the major historical events that since colonial times have taken place in the region, which caused profound alte rations in the native socio-cultural and territorial organizations, a nd shaped the pattern of social organization and land

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7 occupation found among these communities when the reserve was created; and, 2) to discuss the main social identity representations in the literature that have been attributed to this pattern of social and territorial organization, which was characterized as caboclo In Chapter 4, I also take a historical pers pective, tracing the development of forest reserves known as National Forests, which were adopted by the Brazilian government in the late 1960s and, soon af ter, started to be implemented in the Amazon region, beginning with Flona Tapajs, created in 1974. Highlighting the historical antecedents of the category of National Forest, this chapter first focuses on the emergence of scientific forestry management in the late eighteenth century in Germany, which, later, decisively influenced the movement toward creating and implementing forest reserves in the United States in the late nineteenth century. The obj ective of the chapter is to show that the emergence of National Forests inaugurate d a new model of forest administration, becoming the main instrument of state forest policies that late r expanded to several countries. Although in Brazil the category of National Forest was adopted only in the late 1960s, concerns regarding forest rese rves had been gradually incorporated in government policies since the beginning of the century. The second part of this chapter explores the development of Brazilian forest policies from the early 1900s to the early 1970s, when forest reserves were first implemented in the Amazon region to promote controlled timber exploitation. The focus of analysis in Chapter 5 is the creation and implementation of Flona Tapajs and the subsequent confrontations that emerged due to attempts to displace the community people whose lands overlapped with th e reserve. First, this chapter looks at the creation of this forest reserve in the context of ge o-political frontier expansion

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8 implemented by the government in the late 1960s in the Amazon region. In doing so, I aim to clarify the governments stand in re lation to this forest reserve and peoples displacement from it. Second, the analysis fo cuses on peoples resistance against such a government project, and their strategies for pol itical articulation. Th e analysis was based on fieldwork data collected from community people; official documents, primarily surveys carried out by the IBAMA offices in Braslia and in Santarm; and interviews carried out with IBAMA employees and forest experts who were i nvolved in the creation and implementation of Flona Tapajs. In us ing these different s ources of data, this chapter seeks to understand the emergence of this forest reserve in the broader sociopolitical context and explore the dive rgent positions between government and communities, which precipitated the ongoing dis putes over resources, territory, and social identity. Chapter 6 focuses on the efforts to redefine spaces and community social identity in Flona Tapajs, which coincided with the change in reserve policies to permit traditional people to live in National Forests. As in the previous chapter, this chapter also looks at the broader socio-political c ontext, this time the late 1980s when the Amazon forest became the center of internationa l environmentalists concerns. I first seek to discuss the main political pressures that determined the course of environmental policies, and decisively influenced to change the govern ments relationship with community people, specifically the acceptance of their permanence in the reserve and recognizing them as traditional people. I also discuss the development of the category of traditional people, and its official adoption in Brazil in the 1990s, which originat ed in the encounter between social rights and environmentalist movements that first emerged in the Amazon

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9 region in the middle 1980s. I follow this with an analysis of the significance of this change in Flona Tapajs for community people as well as for reserve policies, which not only established new parameters for and understa ndings of territory and forest resources, but also re-conceptualized community soci al identity. The analysis drew on data collected in the field among community people, interviews with governmental employees, and official documents. In Chapter 7, I focus on the indigenous movement that emerged among the Taquara, Marituba, and Bragana communities, who reclaimed their indigenous ethnic identity by claiming to belong to Mundurucu ethnicity. Based on data collected from interviews and direct observat ion in these communities, this chapter seeks to show the main internal and external reasons that favor ed the emergence of this ethnic movement, and challenged government efforts to admit th em in the reserves area as traditional people. The combination of both types of pressures led these communities to take old cultural references, and claim a different ethnic identity that implied a new form of social identification and reserv e spatial composition. Finally, in the conclusion, I summarize the main points discussed in each of these chapters and assess the achievements reach ed by the implementation of Flona Tapajs toward disciplining spaces, timber e xploitation, and social relations. 1.2 The Research Undertaken The research that supports this study was carried out at different moments beginning in 1996, when I had my first contact with the communities in Flona Tapajs and with the reserves administration, and conducted a survey on community land occupation, resource use, and liv elihood strategies. As indicate d earlier, this survey was part of the Pilot Program to Support th e Forest Management in the Amaznia

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10 (PROMANEJO PPG-7), which supported efforts to demarcate an area for these communities. The activities of the PROMANEJO program in Flona Tapajs were conducted by IMAFLORA ( Instituto de Manejo e Certificao Florestal e Agrcola ), an NGO located in Piracicaba, in the state of So Paulo, which hired me to carry out the survey. In February 1996, IMAFLORA organized a workshop with several representatives from the communities, and from government and non-governmental organizations, to discuss the methodology to be applied in the survey. The fieldwork was carried out from March to April 1996, during which I visited most of the communities, and the results presented in a workshop in July. Deciding to continue research on social conflicts in envi ronmental reserves in the Amazon region, I entered the cultural anthropol ogy program of the Un iversity of Florida in 1999, and started to define a dissertation rese arch project. In June 2000, I returned to Santarm for a short-term visit to the co mmunities in the Flona Tapajs, with the objective of updating my information and furthe r elaborating the research proposal. The focus of this short-term fieldwork was comm unity land tenure resolution, which had been underway since 1996. Spending a month and a half visiting five communities, I interviewed people who had key positions in th e communities, such as representatives of associations and elderly people. Additio nally, I interviewed IBAMA employees in Santarm and in Braslia, and representa tives of non-governmental organizations, and carried out archival research. In 2002, I returned to spend a year ca rrying out fieldwork, which involved collecting different types of data in different sites of inquiry. To conduct the research, I established three fields of investigation.

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11 One was related to the State forest reserve policies, their historical development in Brazil, and the official procedures undertaken to define and implement Flona Tapajs. This field of investigation involved exam ining documents produced by state agencies related to the creation and maintenance of forest reserves, including laws, regulations, management plans, administrative proce ss, technical cooperation programs, maps, reports, research, and economic projects. Th e documents were collected from federal government offices in Braslia (capital of Br azil, where most documents were located); at regional state offices in Belm (capital of Par state, where Flona Tapajs is located); and local state offices in the munici pality of Santarm. In additio n to an extensive survey of these documents, I also carried out a series of indepth interviews with the government representatives responsible for protected areas and environmental po licies in Brazil, as well as with non-governmental forest experts who were involved in the creation of Flona Tapajs. In Flona Tapajs, I also visited th e majority of research projects that were underway. These investigations were undert aken during the months of March, August and December 2002. The second field of investigation was fo cused on the communities stand with the objective to understand their perspe ctives regarding the creation of this forest reserve. Besides identifying the communities socio-economic, political and religious structures, I also carried out interviews with people who had key positions in the communities, such as representatives of associations and elde rs, eliciting their per ceptions on and their responses to the creation of the reserve. I gave special attention to the community resistance process, investigati ng their strategies for political actions that were undertaken through their associations, at the community level, and the Union of the Rural Workers

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12 and other non-governmental agencies, at a regi onal level. In order to understand this process historically, I worked on oral histories with the most distinguished community agents who had conducted the resistance against displacement from the reserve. I also mapped the main forms of community land occupation and productive activities, and interviewed people about thei r changing perceptions and use of forest resources, in order to comp are their goals and concerns with the government objectives and management plans of the reserve. Thus I sought to outline how the communities had used the resources historically and the cha nges they made in response to being in a National Forest area. With regards to the recent move to allow traditional people to reside in the reserve, I focused on the comm unity development projects, their importance to the community social organizations and livelihood strategies, a nd peoples responses to these projects. Finally, I carried out di rect observation and indepth interviews to understand peoples social iden tification, focusing on peoples perceptions about the different social identities that had been attributed to them. The fieldwork among community people was carried out in two moments in 2002: April-July, and September-December. During th is time, I selected three communities in which to spend larger periods of time. These were the communities of Piquiatuba, Maguary and Taquara, where I stayed one m onth each. I chose these three communities because of their geographical location, importa nce in terms of political resistance, and their location as places where most of the meetings held to solve the land tenure took place. Besides these characteristics, Taquara community was also chosen because of the indigenous movement that emerged there. Among other communities, my visits were shorter, varying from one to two weeks.

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13 The third field of investigation was re lated to the environmental movement, specifically its discourses and practices that have provide d material and ideological support for forest reserve policies, and more specifically for the creation and implementation of Flona Tapajs. I analy zed documents of the main non-governmental agencies directly involved with the reserves issues and carried out interviews with their representatives, as well as representatives of the multilateral agencies, such as the World Bank, specifically those who worked on the Pilo t Project (PPG-7) in the Flona Tapajs. In addition, I examined texts and documents pr oduced by researchers at various research institutions that were directly or indirectly related to forest policies and that discussed concepts, methods and programs regarding th e creation and maintenance of the forest reserves. Besides investigations directly related to the research pr oject, in 2003 I also carried out two studies on indigenous communities fo r FUNAI, and have included these data in my research. The first survey, which I carri ed out as an invited anthropologist for a Working Group (GT), was conducted in May among indigenous communities located along the Arapiuns River, in the Lower Ta pajs region. The second study was conducted in August-September, when I coordinated the GT to carry out studies to identify and demarcate indigenous lands of the three indi genous communities, Taquara, Bragana and Marituba, in order to proceed with their legal recognition.

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14 CHAPTER 2 REMODELING FOREST SPACES AND SOCIAL RELATIONS 2.1 Environmental Reserves in the Amazon Region and Social Conflicts 2.1.1 The Emergence of National Forests in the Amazon Region Although in Brazil there exists a discourse on the conservation of forest resources under the category of National Fo rests, it has a different connotation from, for example, the National Parks in which the whole area is designated for full-protection and the resources cannot be exploited. Both kinds of reserves are areas under State control, but, as will be seen throughout this dissertation, in Brazil, the primary objective of National Forests is the promotion of management for timber production, along with the protection of watersheds and rivers, and scientific research. The creation of the Tapajs National Fore st (Flona Tapajs) in 1974 represented the establishment of the first state envi ronmental reserve in the Amazon region (see Figure 2.1). At that time, th e only forest reserve previous ly created (in 1961) had not been implemented, and there was no other kind of state reserve in the region. Designated to promote timber production, the creation and implementation of the Flona Tapajs took place in the context of the Amazon frontier expansion policies that started to be undertaken by the military government in the beginning of the 1970s. These policies promoted the establishment not only of forest reserves for timber e xploitation but also of several other reserves designated for full-pr otection, inaugurating for the first time an ample program of reserve policies envisi oning a new rationale of forest resource exploitation and environmenta l conservation in the region.

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15 Figure 2-1. Tapajs National Forest

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16 Although in the south of Brazil forest reserves with analogous objectives had previously been established, it was not until the 1965 Forest Code, which replaced the previous code of 1934, that the term Nationa l Forest was first applied and defined in legislation. Despite its objective of pr omoting timber production, the category of National Forest, according to the 1965 Forest Code, was more broadly defined as public areas designated by the government for economic technical, or social purposes (Law n 4.771, September 15, 1965). This category of reserve could be implemented at the national level, as a National Forest, at the stat e level, as a State Forest, or at the local level, as a Municipal Forest. The change that took place in forest le gislation was followed by changes in the executive structure. Two years after the 1965 Forest Code was passed, in 1967 the federal government eliminated existing envi ronmental agencies, and created the IBDF (Brazilian Institute of Forest Development), an agency under the Agriculture Ministry responsible for the elaboration, implementa tion, and administration of environmental policy programs, including the environmental reserves.1 In 1979, the federal government elaborated the National Syst em of Conservation Units ( Sistema Nacional de Unidades de Conservao -SNUC) in an attempt to reconceptu alize and expand the categories of reserves.2 The SNUC categories of reserves we re denominated Conservation Units ( Unidades de Conservao ), and were classified into two sets of reserves: those 1 Later, in 1989, IBDF was replaced by IBAMA (Br azilian Institute of the En vironment and of Natural Resources). 2 The National System of Conservation Units (S NUC) was only passed into law in 2000. More information in Chapter 6.

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17 designated for Indirect Use, which incl uded National Parks, Biological Reserves, Ecological Station, and Ecological Reserves; and those designated for Direct Use, which included the National Forests, and Ar eas of Environmental Protection. The first set of reserves was designated for full protect ion, which meant that a ny activity that alters or destroys the preservation of natural reso urces would be prohibited, and the second set was designated to bring togeth er conservation with restrict ed economic activities. The configuration of these different categories of reserve implied distinctive objectives and strategies in terms of re source conservation and exploi tation. The main objective established for the National Forests was to pr omote the management of forest resources, with an emphasis on timber production, along with scientific research and resource protection. These government policies and program s would create the conditions for a significant expansion, beginning in the mid-1970s, of environmental reserves in the Amazon to promote conservation and management of forest resources. Starting in 1974, with the creation of the Flona Tapajs, on the lower Tapajs River, and the Amaznia National Park, in the upper Tapajs River, by ten years later the Amazon region would boast twenty-four federal envi ronmental reserves five Natio nal Parks, five Biological Reserves, twelve Ecological Stations, and two National Forests covering an area of approximately 12 millions hectares (R icardo and Capobianco 2001: 246-250). This extensive program to create and impl ement the first environmental reserves in the Amazon region was organized under the same development plans that were instituted by the federal government for frontier expansion in the Amazon, which the military government began promoting in the late 1960s ( Barretto 2001a; Schmink and Wood

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18 1992, 1984; Foresta 1991; Guimares 1991). As we will see below, through these frontier expansion policies the military pulle d off the most ambitious and extensive government development program to incor porate the Amazon region into the national political economy (Schmink and Wood 1992; 1984; Browder 1988; Bunker 1985; Moran 1983; Hecht 1982; Mahar 1979; Goodland 1975). 2.1.2 Policies for Expanding the Amazon Economic Frontiers State policies promoting the e xpansion of the Amazonian fr ontiers date back to the colonial times. Portuguese Crown policies to possess the region and to push the Amazon frontiers westward were marked by intense di sputes, especially with the Spanish Crown. Later, soon after independence, the newly form ed Brazilian State de feated the regional separatist movement, known as the Cabanagem which had been trying to separate the Amazon region from the Brazilian political a nd territorial domain. The rubber boom in the late nineteenth century resulted in the expansion of territorial frontiers, with the creation of the state of Acre, a region that was taken from Bolivia at the beginning of the twentieth century, and with th e incorporation of the Amaz on economy into the national economy as rubber became Braz ils second export product (Oliv eira 1983; Santos 1980). The prompt decline of the Amazon r ubber economy at the beginning of the twentieth century, followed by a small rubber boon duri ng the World War II period, disrupted this process of in corporating the Amazon region into the national political economy. However, starting in the 1950s, the Brazilian government, based on the national-developmentism policies of the post-World War II period, started to promote policies to integrate the Amazon region. This was epitomized by the construction of the Belm-Braslia highway concluded in 1960, the sa me year the new capital, Braslia, was inaugurated.

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19 Yet, despite these initial efforts, it was not until the early 1970s, with the Amazon frontier expansion policies under the military authoritarian re gime, that the region came to be effectively incorporated into the national economy. As Becker (1992: 131-133) remarked, the discourse of national integrati on of Amaznia, first outlined in the 1950s, assumed a more elaborated form in the 1970s, when it was promoted to maximum priority.3 In 1970, the Program of National Integr ation (PIN) was crea ted, promoting an ambitious colonization program and the implem entation of an extensive network of roads and ports to facilitate the occupation of the spaces in the Amazon considered to be empty. As Schmink and Wood (1992:71) noted, "the colonization program was impressive in scope and design. Seeking main ly to lessen the pressures for land reform in the South and Northeastern regions of the country, PIN was delineated to promote development and the establishment of 100,000 farmers in the Amazon region through colonization projects, to be administered by the Brazilian Institute for Colonization and Agrarian Reform (INCRA). To promote this occupation model, the federal government assumed control over the lands one hundred kilometers on either side of federal roads. This meant, for example, that the federal government controlled over 70 percent of the state of Par, and the entire state of Acre. PIN also promoted the improvement of th e region's infrastructure, by building an extensive network of roads, por t facilities, and airports. During this process of the occupation of the Amazon, the Transamaz nica and Santarm-Cuiab highways had fundamental strategic importance, interconne cting Brazil from east to west, and from south to north. Taking control over all la nds lying one hundred kilometers on each side 3 All quotations reproduced from texts written in Portug uese, as well as the interviews carried out in this language, were translated by the author.

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20 of these highways, the federal government esta blished most of the colonization projects there. These two highways cross each othe r at the boundary between the municipalities of Itaituba and Santarm, in the state of Par. It was not inconsequent ial that precisely at this location, where the Transamaznica and Santarm-Cuiab highways cross each other, and thousands of people from various regions of the country were settled into colonization projects, that the Flona Tapajs was established. In 1974, the Second Amazon Development Pl an (PDMAII) replaced PIN, giving a new dimension to government projects in th e Amazon region. Continuing the thrust of Amazon frontier expansion policies, PDMAII envisioned the implementation of fifteen economic growth poles called Poloamaznia . Governed by a new and stronger bureaucratic structure, and provi ding infrastructure and credit and fiscal incentives to the private sector, the growth poles were base d on a new political and economic rationality, which was the redirect(ion of) public and priv ate investment into areas deemed to have economic potential (Schmink and Wood 1992: 78) Becker (1992: 133) remarked that, from that moment on, the government became more selective, no longer operating at a macro-regional scale but, instead, at a sub-regional scale. The implementation of all these large proj ects demanded significa nt infrastructure to facilitate the installation of the mineral prospecting areas transportation of production, and energy generation for the mineral proce ssing units. Besides road construction, PDMAII also provided for the construction and m odernization of ports and airports in the region, and the building of hydroelectric dams su ch as Tucuru and Balbina. All of these economic undertakings significan tly impacted the local economy and power relations. The traditional economy, which had been base d on forest extractive activities, was

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21 replaced by large-scale capitalist enterprises whose interests were located outside of the region, thereby displacing the local power structure. The timber sector was similarly impacte d. Regional timber production, as we will see later, was considered to be backward, disorganized, and unpr oductive. Envisioning the modernization of the regional timber indus try, the wood sector was contemplated in the PDMA II through the PoloTapajs to be implemented in the Tapajs River Valley, as expressed in the Development Policies for Forest Resources and Rational Use of the Amaznia Soils. Responding to an old claim for a strong and resourceful forest policy that favored the timber export, PDMA II s ponsored an ample forest program providing not only fiscal incentives to the timber industry, but also th e creation of National Forests in the Amazon region to promote timber e xploitation, launched w ith the creation and implementation of the Flona Tapajs. The opening of new economic frontiers, wherein natural resources becam e a target for accelerated exploi tation, not only re-shaped local social and economic relations, but also re -conceptualized the natural environment, producing areas of forest reserves and other re gulations to discipline access to and control over forest resources. At the same time that the federal government was implementing forest reserves for timber production in the Amazon region, it also established the first reserves designated for full-protection of forest resources. In th e same year that Flona Tapajs was created, the federal government also created the fi rst National Park in the Amazon region, also located in the Tapajs River Valley. As some scholars have emphasized, the environmental discourse and practice of the Brazilian State in the Amazon region have been remarkably closely associated with the economic development programs that were

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22 implemented during the expansion policies of Amazon frontiers (Barretto 2001a; Foresta 1991; Guimares 1991). Analyzing this re lation between ecology and development, Guimares (1991: 130-31) highlighted that i n this period most of the institutional structure to deal with resource management and environmental protection was set in motion, and it was also the period in wh ich the bulk of Brazilian environmental legislation was enacted. 2.1.3 Social Conflicts in Forest Reserves Up to 1974, when the Tapajs National Fo rest was created, the people here had a very tranquil life, working for their subsistence, plan ting their field crops, fishing, hunting. Suddenly, someone from IBDF came out saying that we could not work any more, we could not plant our field crops, we should not cut down the trees any more. He said that it was prohibited because a Nati onal Forest had been created in the area, which, from now on, was the nations property a National Forest that should not have any family residing inside it. With some variations, I hear d versions like this regarding the creation of Tapajs National Forest (Flona Tapajs) from practically all the people I interviewed in each community I visited in 1996, when I first carried out a study on the eighteen communities whose lands overl apped with Flona Tapajs. Listening to peoples narrativ es about Flona Tapajs creation, I learned about the severe disruptions caused by the reserves impl ementation with regards to access to forest resources and common land rights they had de veloped over a long history of occupancy. As they explained to me, when Flona Tapa js started to be implemented, government attempts to displace people provoked a str ong community reaction, and many refused to be removed from their lands. Organizi ng via the Union of the Rural Workers, community people strongly fought not only to remain on their land, but also to maintain

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23 access and control over their area and the resources they saw as enough to meet their needs. One of the community actions was to demarcate, in 1984, the boundaries of the area they were claiming. It was not only forced displacement that the government tried to impose on communities, but also restrictions to access to forest resources, the source of their livelihood needs. They were prevented from planting field crops in the most central forest areas, as well from hunting game. According to several people, government employees justified the creation of Flona Tapajs, and the attempts to displace people and to restrict resource, because it was to pr otect the forest. Expressing resentment, the people frequently pondered: Why did they create a National Forest to protect the forest? We have been here forever, as were our grandfathers and great-grandfathers, and we never damaged the forest. This forest still exists because we have been here protecting it. As I carried out this study, I learned for th e first time about the social conflicts over the creation and implementation of environmen tal reserves in the Amazon region starting in the 1970s. Perhaps from a nave viewpoi nt, I had not thought beforehand about environmental protection areas as promoting such extensive social conflicts. Rather, I had seen them as places in which government efforts were undertaken to promote nature conservation. It was remarkable to realize, from the Flona Tapajs case, the extent of social conflicts in rural areas that may have been created as a result of the implementation of environmental reserves in the Amazon region. The social conflicts in Flona Tapajs di d not take place in isolation. Rather, analogous conflicts emerged in most reserv es that were created during the 1970s and

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24 1980s in the Amazon region. Although thes e reserves followed regulations that prohibited the presence of residents inside the reserves boundaries regardless of the differences in conservation and resource ex ploitation purposes, the majority of these reserves overlapped with terr itories of a huge number of so cial groups who, according to legislation, had to be removed from the reserv es area. Despite the fact that the creation of these reserves implied their displacement, local people had not had any participation in designing the reserve proposal (M oreira et al. 1996:12), and, as in the Flona Tapajs case, they came to know about its creation only wh en the government initiated efforts to displace them. One of the most notorious cases of forced displacement of long-term residents due to the encroachment of reserve bounda ries took place among the Afro-Brazilian communities, known as Remanescentes de Comunidades de Quilombo, 4 whose territory was superposed by the limits of th e Trombetas Biological Reserve (Trombetas REBIO), created in 1979, in the state of Par (Acevedo and Castro 1994). The most restrictive reserve, in terms of the cons ervation of natural resources, the Trombetas REBIO was responsible for the displacement of several families from their lands, and for cutting their access to resources for their livelihood needs. Literally, the Biological Reserve took possession over the sources for living production: the fish in the lakes, rivers and tributaries, the seeds and fruits co llected in the forest, the vines and the straw to cover houses and make handicrafts, and the wood to fabricate canoes (Acevedo and Castro 1994: 209). 4 Remanescentes das Comunidades de Quilombos (Descendents of Quilombos Communities) is an historical category to designate the descendants of slaves who escaped to remote places where they founded the quilombos In 1988, the new Brazilian Constitution recognized the legal status of the areas of Remascentes de Comunidades de Quilombos (Art. 68), bestowing rights to the quilombola people on their territories.

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25 Ja National Park, created in 1980, and the Anavilhanas Ecological Station, created in 1981, both in the state of Amazonas, al so engendered disputes with peasant communities, as Barretto (2001a) showed in his dissertation on the creation and establishment of these two reserves. In th ese situations, however, peoples displacement was not as significant, though that was not the ca se for restrictions on access to resources. Later, in the 1990s, the Ja Park changed th e relation between the park and the people, involving the local traditional riverine peopl e in [the reserves] plan (FVA 1991: 11, op. cit.: 476), in spite of park legislation. Although there are poorly documented records, most environmental reserves in the Amazon region, both the fu lly-protected and those for direct use, faced the dilemma of human presen ce, as was discussed in the International Seminar about the Presence of Human Populat ion in Protected Areas, which took place in Braslia, in November 1996 (Moreira et al. 1996) The creation of these reserves brought about a new reality for the people living in those regions: they no longer controlled th eir territories according to historically constituted relationships, but ra ther, as federal reserves, it was the State that defined the laws that would regulate the areas occupati on and resource exploi tation. This direct State intervention in these areas, through the creation a nd implementation of these reserves, redefined the rights and means for their appropriation, re defining territorial boundaries in a biased manner that was notably against communities interests. As a resident from Flona Tapajs area expressed: from now on, it was the nations property a National Forest that should not hav e any family residing inside it.

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26 2.2 State Control over Forest Resources and Social Relations 2.2.1 Peoples Representation in State Planning Although forest reserve areas under St ate domain and control have been implemented only recently in the Amazon region, they are not a new phenomenon in terms of reassigning access to fore st resources and as a source of social conflicts in rural areas. Early in modern Europe, forests were also remarkable fields of disputes between conflicting conceptions on forest rights, as E.P. Thompson (1975) demonstrated in his examination of the The Origin of the Bl ack Act sanctioned in England in 1723, which made deer stalking in disguise at nigh t or cutting down young trees in royal forests offenses subject to the death penalty. In his analysis, E.P. Thompson exposed how 18th century British society battled to redefine the domain and control of the forests, as revealed in the multifaceted struggles over acc ess to its resources that followed the enclosures. Converting certain customary peasant uses of forest resources and game into crimes, the implementation of the Black Act revealed, in fact, attempts to impose a new forest economy by adding new modes of appropriation of the resources and new economic values, and, in the process, break ing down old communal rights over forest areas. A century later France experienced a similar process with the implementation of the 1827 National Forest Code, which, as Sahlin s (1994: X) pointed out, systematically restricted forest use-rights essential to thei r [peasants] agricultural and pastoral way of life. Analyzing the peasant resistance m ovement against such restrictions, whose protagonists played out the drama that came to be known as the war of the demoiselles, Sahlins also revealed a society undergoing chan ges in the conception of forest rights and exploitation, refashioning a new forest economy at the expense of old customary uses. In

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27 both cases, in England as well as in France, Forest conflict was, in origin, a conflict between users and exploiters (Thompson 1975: 245), between those who had the forest as a source for reproducing cultural and econom ic lifestyles and those who saw the forest as a source for economic accumulation. Peasant resistance in both cases tried to restore previous access to forested areas, which was being undermined by the inexorable transformations that impinged on old forest rights and resource exploitation by new political and economic relations. The creation and implementation of envir onmental reserves in the Amazon region beginning in the mid-1970s also represented an imposition of a new model of forest administration that confronted customary us es of forest resources, generating severe social conflicts. Despite the scope of these social conflicts, there is little knowledge on the dynamics of particular cases. The littl e that has been written has focused on the conflicts in fully-protected reserves, such as National Parks, Biological Reserves or Ecological Stations (Barretto 2001a; Diegues 199 8; Acevedo and Castro 1994). There is practically nothing written about conflicts in National Forests, though records register the encroachment of this type of reserve on terr itories of various soci al groups practically everywhere where they have been imp lemented (Ricardo and Capobianco 2001). Existing studies on National Forest policie s have generally overlooked the issues regarding social conflic ts in these reserves. Notwithstanding the absence of studies on these cases, the social conflicts generated by the attempts of outright expulsion from the National Forests, such as in the case of Flona Tapajs, reveal the enormity of the disputes between governmental spheres responsible for forest policies a nd local people, especi ally peasant societies. Currently, at

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28 IBAMA (Brazilian Institute of the Environm ent and of Natural Resources) offices, the measures taken to remove people from the Nati onal Forests areas have been considered mistakes, outcomes of governmental miscon ception regarding reserve administration. Once, when I asked an IBAMA employee abou t the initial governmental attempts to displace people from Flona Tapajs, he just an swered: It was absurd. In answer to the same question, another employee, who worked at IBDF at the time Flona Tapajs was created, said: It was imprudent, but it was the effect of that political moment. We did not know anything about the existence of thes e people in Amaznia. We just knew that the region was an empty place. The (false) projection of the Amazon regi on as an empty place, concealing local forms of social organizations, especially peasant groups, is well discussed in the academic literature. In his book, Amazonian Caboclo Society: An Essay on Invisibility and Peasant Economy, Nugent (1993) presented an interesting analysis on the Amazonian peasants known as Caboclos, underlining the histor ical process that concealed the organization of these regional social groups, who the author called neoAmazonians. As the author remarked, Gen erally speaking, such societies as have emerged in the interstices of colonial appara tus have never been granted full status as integral social forms (p. XXI). Based on fieldwork carried out in the m unicipality of Santarm, in the Lower Tapajs, the same region this dissertati on focuses on, Nugent (1993) discussed the perceptions drawn on Amazon peasants in poli tical or academic spheres. According to him, Amazonian peasants known as caboclos have been continuously misrepresented through stereotypes that devalue their social or ganizations and, as a re sult, have isolated

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29 them from the benefits of local development polic ies. The author asserted that in spite of the unprecedented attention to the Amazon regi on in recent years, Amazon peasants are not entirely overlooked, but when present th ey are almost always in the background, heavily shaded by larger, natu ral features. They are view able, but rarely viewed neoAmazonians are more often depicted as popul ations, migratory trends or inhabitants rather than integral members of real societies (Nugent 1993: 20). The main focus of Nugents analysis was to understand the reasons underlying what he understood as virtual invisibilitie s projected onto Amazon rural populations, reflected in both state policies and Amazonian academic research. Nugent pointed to these invisibilities as being fundamentally rooted in th e image projected of Amaznia as a natural domain in which so ciety is intrusive (1993: 20), and to a sort of pathology attributed to caboclos He argued that caboclos are generally seen as having a kind of lost link between civilization and natu re, with no ties to their pre-colonial societies and unable to build a new social organization. Th e author remarked that Amaznia has been portrayed by the West as a universe in which society has been continuously subordinated to nature, while waiting for external and deci sive intervention to domesticate it and to replace what are considered pathological social relations According to Nugent (1993: 32), the creation of modern Amaznia involv ed the eradication of Amazonian societies and the emergence of Amaznia as primarily a natural space. For Nugent (1993), the consequences of this discourse of the Amazon, which repeatedly was reinforced by images emphasi zing natures dominance over society, have endorsed social invisibilitie s, especially with regards to Amazon peasants. Understanding that such an i nvisibility is reflected in ma ny national and international

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30 interests, especially economic interests, he pointed out the use of arguments about scarcity of resources and the global good. As a repository of relatively cheap natural resources, many of which have been exhaus ted in other places, Amaznia became a focus of attention for large-scale entrepreneurs, as well as for environmentalists, with state and multilateral agencies, such as the World Bank, as the most articulate voices. According to the author, for both environmentalists a nd donors/investors, Amazonian peasants have been of marginal interest, and thus kept off the agenda From the environmentalist perspective, Amazonian peasants have been c onsidered as unable to manage the forest without destroying it. And, from the point of view of these la rge-scale forms of extraction, Amazonian peasants are at best an irrelevance, hence it is not surprising to find that they are ignore d (Nugent 1993: 36). By highlighting how Amazon so cial groups identified as caboclo have been disqualified as beneficiaries of environmen tal and development programs, Nugent (1993) accurately pointed toward the need to reth ink the ways in which they have been represented in academia and by political sphe res. The analysis developed by Nugent represents the most innovativ e approach to th e construction of the category of caboclo by pointing out the power mechanisms that su stain the repetitive misrepresentation of Amazonian peasant groups, and the political and economic implications as reflected in official policies. These can be seen in th e case of the communities in Flona Tapajs, especially during the initial phase of the reserves implementation, when the government attempted to displace pe ople. Identified as caboclos these people were also misrepresented as squatters occasional occupants or, even, intruders categories which ignored or removed any attachments people might have to the land or to a complex social

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31 organization. In the reserves reports of th at period, the communities are frequently described as deprived of knowledge about soil s and other activities related to forest resources. However, insofar as Nugents analysis sheds lights on the reasons underlying the persistent misrepresentations of these Amazonian social groups, the notion of invisibility presents some constraints for analyzing the social conflicts in Flona Tapajs. The notion of invisibles would lead us to understand the social conflicts caused by the governments attempts to displ ace people as an outcome of a government mistake that disregarded them in the reserv es project. Consequently, the change in legislation permitting traditional people to remain in National Forests, and incorporating community land occupancy into reserve planning, would be understood as a rectification of initia l governmental misconstruction. However, as the emergence of the indigenous movement among the three communitie s in Flona Tapajs demonstrates, this explanation would not elucidat e why the social conflicts were not resolved after this change in legislati on had taken place. The three moments in which forest spaces a nd social identities were redefined in Flona Tapajs suggest a more complex pro cess, whose understandi ng cannot be reached by the notion of invisibility. If these communities had been invisible to the State, and neglected in the reserve s planning, the government would not have undertaken such enormous efforts to displace the people from the area, nor delayed to such an extent to revert its position, in spite of strong community resistance Instead, the government attempted to apply several forms of coercion a nd restrictions on forest resource access in order to force the peoples removal. This i ndicated that, in this process, the community

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32 people were not invisible or neglected but, ra ther, that they and their displacement from the area were the target of state planning pol icies to control forest spaces and social relations. As Malkki (1995: 496) asserted: Involuntary or forced movements of people are always only one aspect of much larger constellations of so ciopolitical and cultural process and practices. Thus, I analyze the attempts of peopl es displacement as being an explicit government strategy to control people and space s, and not because they were invisible in the eyes of the government, as Nuge nt (1994) would argue. Therefore, the governments acceptance, later on, of the local communities in the reserve as traditional people cannot be understood as reflecting a mi nor adjustment. Rather, in the face of community resistance, this acceptance on the part of government wa s as a strategy to continue to exert control over spaces and social relations. In the same way, I analyze the indigenous movement that emerged in reserv e as reflecting peoples resistance to these new forms of social and spatial control, embedded in the category of traditional people that was imposed by the government. 2.2.2 Modeling the Utopian Dream of the State Modernization Project It was in reading James Scotts book Seeing like a State (1998) that I first started to think about the creation and implementa tion of the Tapajs National Forest, among other environmental reserves created in the Amazon regi on beginning in the mid-1970s, as a process of social and na tural landscape rec onfiguration driven by State governmental planning. Analyzing the implementation and failures of other governmental programs of social engineering that ha d significant social and envi ronmental impacts such as collectivization in Russia, the building of modern cities like Braslia, and the creation of compulsory villages in Tanzania Scott demonstrated how social and landscape

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33 transformations are promoted by state planni ng policies, or, as he says, how thoroughly society and the environment have been refash ioned by the state map of legibility (1998: 3). By state map of legibilit y, the author has in mind th e processes by which the state simplifies nature and society, by trying to fit th em into standardized categories that better adjust to the state cadastral map. These st ate simplifications, Scott remarked, not only reduce social realities into a more legibl e and convenient format for administrative actions, but when allied with state power, e nable much of the real ity they depicted to be remade. Thus, a state cadastral map crea ted to designate taxa ble property-holders does not merely describe a system of land tenure; it creates such a system through its ability to give its categories the force of law (Scott 1998: 3). Exploring the foundation of modern statecra ft, Scott highlighted that governance by the modern state depends on simplified and stan dardized units that the state can service and administer. This dependence derives from the need of the modern state to act for complex and multifaceted social organizati ons, and modes of resource and spatial appropriation, which in the eyes of the stat e look like a cacophony: The nightmare is experienced not by those whose particular practices are be ing represented but by those state officials who aspire to a uniform, ho mogenous, national administrative code (Scott 1998: 35). Therefore, in order to make admi nistrative actions poten tially more operable and to be able to exert cont rol, i.e. to be able to gove rn, the modern state calls for dismembering complex social and spatial rela tions and reshaping them into simple and uniform units that can be more easily manipul ated and controlled. To the degree that the

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34 subjects can be treated as standardized un its, the power of reso lution in the planning exercise is enhanced (Scott 1998: 346). Scotts perspective was elaborated precise ly from the invention of scientific forestry in late eighteenthcentury Germany, which, as will be seen in Chapter 4, came to form the basis for forestry schools and National Forests worldwide. Although recognizing its importance in hi storical terms, Scott, howev er, treats the invention of scientific forestry as a metaphor. Thus, placi ng the emergence of scientific forestry in the context of centralized statemaking initiatives of the period, when officials became aware of the risk of shortage of wood and the need for more efficient instruments for forest control and planning, Scott pointed out the succes sive and more precise methods of forest measurements that were devel oped and gave the forest leg ibility. Such legibility allowed state officials not only to exert co ntrol over forest re sources, but also to manipulate tree species accordi ng to economic interests. The standardizing techniques and utilitar ian viewpoint of that moment favored monocropped forest management for the sa ke of economic productivity, precluding the natural forest that had greater diversity but was less profitable in monetary terms. Additionally, the development of scientific forestry promised substantial compensation for centralized forest management. As Sc ott (1998: 18) asserted, this controlled environment of the redesigned,5 scientific forest promised many striking advantages. It could be synoptically surveyed by the chief forester; it could be mo re easily supervised and harvested according to cen tralized, long-range plans; it provided a steady, uniform commodity, thereby eliminating one major sour ce of revenue fluctuat ion; and it created a 5 Scott informed in an endnote (note 16, p. 360) that he adopted the term redesigned from C. Masers book, The Redesigned Forest (1988).

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35 legible natural terrain that f acilitated manipulation and expe rimentation. That was the utopian dream of scientific forestry for a perfec tly legible forest planted with sameaged, single-species, unif orm trees (Scott 1998: 82). Thus, applying this perspective of a ra tionalized and homogeneous forest, with straight rows of uniform trees in large tr acts and free of underbrush, Scott unveiled the rationale of modern statecraft in relying on standardization a nd simplification, essential to the practice of scientific forest management. Just as scientific forestry reduced complex habitats by implementing uniform and replicat ed units that could be abstracted from reality and expressed in standardized categorie s, the state modernization project relied on deconstructing complex social and spatial relations and reshaping them into simplified and standardized units, which will be easiest to monitor, count, assess, and manage (Scott 1998: 81-2). As the object and instrume nt of modern state planning, the modeling of simplified and standardized social and landscape units affords legibility and amenability required by state officials. This synchronized optic of the modern statec raft developed by Scott is evocative of the panoptical modality of power in Foucaults Discipline and Punish (1995). To explain this panoptical modality of power, Foucault took the example of a modern invention that reproduces the homogenization rationale on soci al and spatial rela tions underlying the power structures in contemporary western so ciety. The example was Jeremy Benthams Panopticon prison project, whose architectural structure consisted of a large circular building wherein the prisoners were housed in small individual cells around the circumference of the circle, with an observa tion tower at the center of the building from

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36 which all cells could be monitored. Just as wi th scientific forestry, this prison archetype also promised to maximize observation a nd control through a synchronized optic. Like the invention of scientific forestr y, the panopticon prison project was also used as a laboratory for the design of disciplinary techniques for homogenizing and standardizing spaces and individual behavi ors. Foucault (1995: 218) defined the disciplines as specific techniques for assuri ng the ordering of huma n multiplicity, and applied his panoptical concept of power to th e entire social body, that is, to all societys power apparatuses. Thus, this concept of power was not understood as a separate entity, localized in a specific part of the soci al structure or appropriated by somebody in particular, but rather, was found distributed a nd exercised at various levels throughout the social chain, not only those pertaining to the State. Scott, by contrast, applied his perspective on power specifically to the State, which was disseminated through its administrative ap paratus as a way to ensure governance. Differently from Foucault, who was concerned in disclosing the effects of truth that this power produces Scott was concerned with reveali ng the main hindrances that have occurred in contemporary times to great modern government planning, which systematically attempts to deconstruct co mplex social and spatial relations, and to reshape them into simplifie d and centralized units. Thus, Scotts analysis is about a utopian pur suit of perfect state control over spaces and social relations. According to him, this utopian pursuit is moved by a highmodernist ideology, which he defined as a se t of beliefs about scientific and technical progress, and above all, th e rational design of social order commensurate with the scientific understanding of natural laws It originated, of course, in the West, as a by-

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37 product of unprecedented progress in science an d industry (Scott 1998: 4). Underlining the need to distinguish high modernism ideo logy from scientific practice, the author pointed out that, high modernism was about interests as well as faith (Scott 1998: 4, emphasis in the original), thus it was about ut opia. The combination of a strong legibility stratagem with the motivation of high-modernist ideology, shaped the utopian dream of state modernization for administrative interven tions and social engineering aspirations. 2.2.3 Disciplinary Practices Toward Fores t Spaces and Social Organizations Scotts analysis of state planning offers a stimulating framework for understanding the introduction of forest rese rves in the Amazon region and the social conflicts that emerged from this process, of which Flona Tapajs is a part. As will be seen in the next chapters, the conceptualization and planning of these reserves followed an extensive program based on rigorous scientific criter ia, developed through technical cooperation with the Food and Agriculture Organization of the United Nations (FAO). The program reinforced scientific and technological prem ises, which underlined Brazils military geopolitical project. Thus, pursuing, in Scotts (1998) terms, the utopian dream of the visionary state modernization project the conceptualization and planning of the forest reserves followed a high-modernist ideology to impose a rational planning of forest resource exploitation. In that way, constituting an object and an instrument of the states modernization project for the Amazon region, the designation of vast areas as environmental reserves, with similar and centralized administrative ch aracteristics, reflected those simplified and homogenized mechanisms Scott identified in th e modern states efforts to exert control over spaces and social relations. As part of the disciplinary practices used to impose a new socio-economic and environmental order liness, the introducti on of these forest

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38 reserves in the Amazon region remodeled the fo rest spaces into categories that could be managed and controlled from central offices Thus, comprising the strategies that underlined the geo-political project for territ orial control of the Amazon, the creation and implementation of forest reserves provided a sophisticated instru ment to synoptically exert control over vast areas of forest in the region. Applying Scotts analytical framework, one can view the Brazilian governments initial attempts to displace peopl e, as in the case of Flona Ta pajs, as a strategy to impose social and spatial control. The complex social organization and multiples uses of forest resources of local communities challenged th e government proposal to reshape forest spaces into a simplified category of forest rese rve. They also challenged the proposal to promote modernization and speci alization of forest industr y production. Therefore, to convert forest spaces into th e category of reserve and en sure the federal government exclusive access over vast areas of forest, necessitated not only the transformation of these forests into administrative units but al so the withdrawal of local people, thus, dismembering complex community social and spatial relations. In this manner, the federal government could liberate the rese rve from complex intertwined community relations with the land, which, as Scott (1998: 39 ) discussed, is critical for modern state plannings imposition of a pr opriety system in line w ith its fiscal grid. Thus, approaching the creation and impleme ntation of Flona Tapajs as reflecting disciplinary practices for territorial and soci al control allows us also to assess the resistance movements that emerged among local people against such a government project. Viewing peoples resistance as a challenge to the utopian dream of the state modernization projects Scott (1998: 49) asserted that we must keep in mind not only

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39 the capacity of state simplifications to transf orm the world but also the capacity of society to modify, subvert, block, and even ove rturn the categories imposed upon it. As previously indicated, in Flona Tapajs one can identify two types of resistance movements that emerged. The first was local peoples reaction against the categories of squatters, occasional occupants, or intrude rs, which were attributed to them when the reserves initial proposal was to remove th em from the area. This local reaction led to the change in legislation that subsequently permitted their presence in the reserve as traditional people. The second type of resistance movement that emerged was represented by the recognition, among thr ee communities, as having an indigenous identity, and their rejection of the category of traditional people attributed to them as a condition for them to remain in the reserve. In both of these types of resistance movements against being categor ized, in the first case, as squatter or occasional occupants, and, in the second case, as traditional people one sees community people reacting against government attempts to reduce them into categories that were defined by central planning. However, different from Scotts perspectiv e, I see these resistance movements in Flona Tapajs as more than simply count er-reactions to failures in the state modernization project to recognize them in th e initial planning of the reserve. Alluding to the frustration underlying the utopian dream of scientific forestry which disregarded the symbiotic relation among the various elem ents in nature, seen as hindering the promised results Scott (1998) attributed th e main hindrances to government programs of social engineering to administrativ e inappropriateness coming from the oversimplification present in the visionary map of state planning, whic h tends to ignore the

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40 diversity of local social reali ties. Such understanding would also lead us to explain the conflicts in Flona Tapajs, ge nerated by the attempts to displace the local people from the reserve, as an outcome of the administratio ns ignorance of local social organizations, and, as such, not elucidating the continuation of them even after the change in legislation that allowed the permanence of comm unity people in the reserve. By reducing the role of the State to its administrative actions, Scotts analysis also tends to obfuscate the relative importance of other agencies, other than the administrative apparatus, that might also have an influe nce on the objectives and design of a state project. In addition to lo cal peoples resistance, th e history of Flona Tapajs demonstrates the importance of the co mplex interplay among local, national and international governmental and non-government al agencies, such as the Pilot Program (PPG-7). Although Scott asserted that high-m odernism is about interests, he did not assess how these multiple interests converge and interact to (re)shape social and landscape units, as in the case of Flona Tapa js. In a review of Scotts book, Mann (2001: 1814-15) also pointed out that Scott exaggerates the independence of the state, and ignores economic interests that run stat e project planning, as well as the multiple facets that comprise state composition, th ereby, overlooking the fact that even opponents of high modernism inhabit states. Even though the goals of modern statecraf t are identifiable in the Flona Tapajs project, Scotts emphasis on a moderating and co herent state runs the risk of limiting the analysis and ignoring the dynamics of the power relations present in the reserves creation and implementation, and, especially, with regard to community social identities. As such, the change in National Forest legislation permitting traditional people in these

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41 types of reserves, and the indigenous social movements to reclaim an ethnic identity, will be examined, in the way Foucault (1995: 308) suggests, as an effect and instrument of complex power relations, wherein different cultural systems, gr assroots organizations, environmental discourses, economic interests, state and multilateral agency ideologies and apparatuses interact.

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42 CHAPTER 3 CHANGING SPACES AND NATIVE SOCIAL IDENTITIES IN THE LOWER TAPAJS REGION 3.1 Introduction 3.1.1 Days of Enchantment It was early June 2002, when I was visiting the Maguari community that we started to hear comments about the appearance of Cobra Grande (literally Big Snake). It was said that it had been appearing to some people near the Aramana bay, approximately two hours down the Tapajs River by boat. By then, I had heard several versions from people who had either seen the Cobra Grande, or had been invol ved in different incidents with this enchanted being ( Encantado ) that lives under the water, but it was the first time that the local people were expe riencing such a phenomenon while I was in the field. In general, the communitys people seemed to be a little apprehensive when talking about the appearance of Cobra Grande and every story had new information to add to the occurrence. Some people were afraid of seeing Cobra Grande in the river, like Maria and Madalena,1 who decided to walk four hours to Belterra to get a bus to Santarm, instead of taking the boat as they usually would have done. Cobra Grande was described as a huge snake, wi th red eyes and a pair of horns on its forehead, and its appearance that week stimulated recollec tions of many other similar accounts that made incredulous people doubt their skepticism about the existence of 1 All cited names of community people and official employees who did not hold a position of trust are fictitious in order to protect their privacy. The only r eal names are those from officials who were in charge in an authoritative position.

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43 Cobra Grande Pedro, the son-in-law of my hos t family, was one who had had these kinds of doubts. Yet, that week, he went with his small boat (called a rabeta ) to pick up his uncle, who was coming from Santarm, and when they were coming back, the bottom of the boat crashed into something underwater that they could not see, almost making the boat sink. They arrived home ve ry tense; they were quite sure they had crashed into Cobra Grande Pedros uncle was very pale and, after telling us about the crash, he asked me if he could borrow my camera to take a picture of Cobra Grande in case it appeared in the river that night. Pedro, on the other hand, was very quiet, and when I asked him about the incident he said that he did not want to talk about it at that moment. The following day he came to see me and sa id: Edviges, now I can talk to you about what happened yesterday. Look, Im not saying that I dont believe that Cobra Grande exists, but I dont think that we crashed into it yesterday. I think we crashed into a treetop (which stay submersed during the ra iny season when the rive r is rising). Pedro said that he had gone back ear ly that morning where they ha d crashed, to reassure himself about what had occurred. Tereza, a forty-five-years old woman, how ever, was much more confident that Cobra Grande existed. When I was talking with her about the appearance of Cobra Grande she said that she was quite sure that this Cobra Grande was dona2 Ivardina. Who is dona Ivardina? I asked her. She told me that Ivardina was a woman who lived in Aramanai, and, when she was around forty y ears old she started to behave in a strange way. Irvadina used to walk around with a pile of firewood in her arms for days, day after 2 Dona is a term of reverence used before a married womans name or before an older single womans name. It implies respect and courtesy. For men, the term is seu ( seu Pedro). It is equivalent in English to mistress or lady; and mister to men.

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44 day. One day she disappeared completely, and her family searched for her for weeks but they could not find any sign of her. Tereza sa id that it happened about thirty years ago, and Irvardinas family decided, at that time, to see Saulo, a famous healer from Taquara community, who later died in 1998. According to Tereza, Saulo confirmed that Ivardina had been enchanted, and he instructed Ivardinas family how to perform the disenchantment. He said that a member of Ivardinas family needed to go to a fountainhead at midnight and wait for a big alli gator to emerge. The person there did not need to be afraid, and when the alligator emer ged he had to strike a piece of wood against the alligators forehead. But, you know E dviges, commented Tereza, no one from Irvadinas family had the courag e to do that. Saulo had said that this disenchantment had to be carried out no late r than eight years [from the time she disappeared], because this was the amount of time she would stay alive if she had not been enchanted yet. After eight years, Ivardina would st ay enchanted forever. She co ncluded the story, saying: if it had been me, I would not have been afraid and I would have gone there to beat the alligator. But nobody did, and Ivardina became enchanted forever. That is why I am sure that this Cobra Grande is dona Ivardina. Saulo had said that if she were not disenchanted, so many things would start happe ning and Ivardina would come back to get someone from her family to take back to th e city where she has lived since then. Last year a big alligator appeared over here; it was so big that it did not seem to be a normal alligator. Now, this Cobra Grande I am sure it is dona Ivardina. She is looking for someone to take with her. * * The Maguari community is the second vill age in the Flona Tapajs, going from north to south. It is located in a very pret ty place along the Tapaj s River, where in the

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45 summer (August to January), when the rainy se ason ends, its sky-blue waters contrast beautifully with the white, th in sand of the beaches that em erge as the waters go running down to meet the muddy Amazon River in front of Santarm city. At a distance of two hours by boat from Santarm, the black waters of the Arapiuns River enter into the Tapajs River in front of the Alter do Cho bay, enlarging the ri verbed to thirteen kilometers (6.2 nautical miles). The immensity of the waters that cover this vast area surrounded by a dense tropical forest3 has been the site not on ly of enchanted places inhabited by supernatural beings who inter act with human beings, influencing peoples behaviors but also of successive socio-po litical events that since colonial times significantly altered nati ve socio-cultural orga nizations and their respective territories. The story of Cobra Grande and her enchanted fellow-beings that took place in Maguari village illustrates this transformation in nati ve culture, which led to the blurring of ethnic boundaries in much of present-da y Amazonian culture (Slater 2002: 69). This chapter takes a brief look at the main historical events responsible for these socio-cultural changes in th e Lower Tapajs region (see Figure 3.1). In presenting a historical perspective, I have two main objectives: 1) to point out the major events that since colonial times have transformed the na tive social and spatial compositions in the region, and shaped the pattern of socio-cultu ral organization and land occupation of the communities whose territories were encroached by the creation and implementation of Flona Tapajs; and 2) to percei ve the representations in the literature on this pattern of socio-cultural and territorial or ganization, which was a target to be again altered with the implementation of this reserv e project from the middle 1970s. 3 Although tropical forest predominate the region, some areas, especially around A lter do Cho, are covered by typical savanna vegetation, called cerrado in Brazil.

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46 Figure 3-1. Tapajs National Forest in th e region of the lower Tapajs River

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47 3.1.2 Overview on the Santarm Region The municipality of Santarm is located in the southwestern region of the state of Par, an area categorized by IBGE4 as a micro-region of the Middle Paraense Amazon ( microregio do Mdio Amazonas Paraense ), but more commonly known as the Lower Amazon. The territorial extension of the municipality origina lly encompassed 26,058 km2. In 1987, it was reduced to create the muni cipality of Ruroplis, located alongside the Transamaznica highway. Santarm, the mu nicipalitys central city and the second most important city of the state of Par, is located between Belm, the states capital, and Manaus, the capital of the state of Amazonas. These three Amazonian cities, connected by the Amazon River, were founded during th e Portuguese colonization of the region. The mouth of the Tapajs River, which is fo rmed by the Teles Pires and Juruena Rivers that originate in the state of Mato Grosso, constituted the main entrance to central Brazil. Santarm was founded on the site of an Indi an village whose people were identified as Tapaj, the name bestowed to the river th at flows past it. With its location at the confluence of the Tapajs with the Amazon Ri ver, Santarm has stood as an important commercial port between the two major Am azonian cities, Belm and Manaus, and throughout its history has been an importa nt political and economical center of the Amazon region. In his book on Santarms history, A.C. Ferreira Reis (1979: 158), a renowned scholar of Amazonian hist ory and distinguished politician,5 highlighted that Santarm, as an active cen ter of commercial enterprise on the Tapajs, benefited 4 IBGE ( Instituto Brasileiro de Geografia e Estatistica / Brazilian Institute of Geog raphy and Statistics) is the governmental agency responsible for collecting demographic, social, and economic census data. 5 Arthur Cezar Ferreira Reis published several books on Amazonian history. He was a professor at the University of Rio de Janeiro, the University Flum inense (Rio de Janeiro), and the Fundao Getlio Vargas. He was also the first Superintendent of the Economic Valorization Plan for Amaznia (SPVEA), created in 1952; Deputy for Amazonas State; and stat e governor just after the military coup in 1964.

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48 intensively from its geographic position, repr esenting, for this reas on, one of the best economic situations of all the vast Amazonian interior. When the British naturalist Henry W. Bates visited the region in 1851, he viewed Santarm as the most civilized and important settlement on the banks of the ma in river from Peru to the Atlantic (1962: 208), although he noted that it did not have more than 2,500 people. At that time, Santarm was described as comprising two areas: the urban nucleus, where white people, who consis ted basically of merchants,6 and government representatives lived ; and, next to the urban center, the Aldeia, an indigenous settlement, which today is a neighborhood ( bairro ) in the center of the city. Although this division of the city was described in most accounts by the chroniclers who visited Santarm during the nineteen th century, they did not id entify the ethnicity of the Aldeia s Indians. Bates, who observed an indigenous celebration while in Santarm, documented that some costumes indigenous people wore were made by the Mundurucu Indians. However, he did not identify the Aldeia s Indians as pertaining to the Mundurucu ethnic group. This is echoed in most chronicles written at that ti me not only about Santarm but also about the Lower Tapajs River valley. In 2004, the municipality of Santarm had a population of 262, 672 inhabitants, of which 186, 518 lived in Santarm and 76,154 in ru ral areas (GT Interministerial da BR163, 2004). A significant demographic incr ease occurred in the mid-1970s, when Santarm citys population reached around 100,000 as a result of an immigration wave, from the south and northeast of the countr y, promoted by the opening of the Amazon frontiers. In 1970, official census data (IBGE 1973) indicated a total of 132,456 people 6 Reis (1979: 160) gave an account of thirty co mmercial establishments in Santarm by 1868.

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49 living in the municipality. A decade earlier, in 1960, the total m unicipalitys population was 91,954 inhabitants, 87.4% of whom had been born in Par. These data contrasted with those of a century earlier, when a cen sus carried out in 1 862 indicated a population of only 14,730 inhabitants in the Tapajs valley, the great majority of whom were native people (Reis 1979). 3.2 A Historical Overview of the Lower Tapajs Region 3.2.1 The Cross and the Sword: The Colonial Occupation 3.2.1.1 The religious missions : Gathering souls and extending frontiers When colonial occupation began in the seventeenth century, the region of the Lower Tapajs River sheltered a huge and diverse indigenous population which included the Tapaj, Arapiuns, Tupinamb, Corariense Iruri, Borary, Matayus, Mawe, to cite a few (Santos 1999; Vaz 1997; Menndez 1992, 1981; Reis 1979; Nimuendaj 1949). The first written observations of the region we re made by the Portuguese explorer Pedro Teixeira in 1626, when, sponsored by the Portuguese Crown, he navigated the Tapajs River for a distance of twelve leagues (thirt y-five nautical miles), until he, presumably, reached the Alter do Cho bay. There, Pedro Teixeira negotiated with the Indians, whom he identified as Tapaj, exchanging goods for forty men who were taken to Belm as slaves. Two years later, Pedro Teixeira along with Bento Rodrigues de Oliveira, navigated the Tapajs River for the second tim e. The objective was to capture Indians, and increase the colonial presence in the area. In his ethnogra phic panorama of the region surrounding the Tapajs and Madeira Ri vers, Menndez (1981) highlighted that by the arrival of colonizers in the middle seventeenth cen tury, Tapajs and Tupinamb predominated numerically and militar ily among the other Indian groups.

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50 With its numerous native populations and extraordinary strategic geographical position controlling the entrance to centra l regions of the Amazon, the mouth of the Tapajs River into Amazon River was criti cal to the Portuguese occupation, which was still in dispute with the Spanish Crown ove r the possession of this part of the Amazon region. Yet, the initial movement to assu re the Portuguese Crown the possession over this part of Amazon region was undertaken by religion missions, more notably, the Jesuit Order.7 In 1661 the Jesuits founde d the Tapaj Mission ( Misso dos Tapaj ), where today is Santarm city. Four years late r, Tapaj Mission was considered the most important of the Province of Gro Par and Maranho8 (Santos 1999; Menndez 1981). Besides Tapaj Indians, in this mission were also assembled Indians of several other ethnicities, such as Tupinamb, Arapiuns Corarienses, and Comandys. However, according to Menndez (1992: 318), thirty year s after catechization was initiated, the populous village situated at the mouth of the Tapajs River had been drastically reduced, and by this time, Tupinamb was no longe r mentioned as an ethnic group. The Jesuit actions gained new vigor in the Lower Tapajs River with the royal concession given in 1693, which designated to the Jesuit Order the catechization of the whole area of the right bank of the Amazon Ri ver toward the south. The control Jesuits had over Indians was a source of constant conf licts between missionari es and the colonial administration. These conflicts forced the tran sfer of the Tapaj Mi ssion to the region of the mouth of the Arapiuns River into the Tapajs River, where today is located the village of Vila Franca under the name of Misso de Nossa Senhora da Assuno dos 7 The same process that in Spanish was known as reducciones. 8 The north Province of Gro Par and Maranho encompassed the region from current Maranho State to Amazonas State.

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51 Arapiuns. Nimuendaj (1949: 55) informed that in this transfer were taken the rest of the Tapaj tribe along with Comandys, Go anacus, Marxgoaras, Arpuai, Arapucs, Andirgoaris (Mawes do Andir ?) and other groups (Moreira Pinto: I). Thus, it seems that the Tapaj and Urucuc no lo nger existed as tribes. Expanding the missionary action along the Tapajs River, Jesuits founded three other missions in the period between 1722 and 1740. In 1722 the Misso de So Jos dos Maitap was founded, around twelve hundred miles south of Santarm, where the Pinhel village is currently located, on the right bank of the Tapajs River. In the next year, in 1723, the Misso dos Borary was founded, where Alter do Cho is now located, on the left bank of the Tapaj s River. And, finally, in 1740, the Misso de Santo Incio, also called Misso dos Tupinambaranas, was established where Vila Boim currently is, on the right bank of the Tapajs River. Through these missions, the Jesuits exerted control for almost a centur y throughout the area that encompasses the basins of the Tapajs and Madeira Rivers, and played a fundamental role in the occupation of the area [by Portugal] as well as in the dislocation pro cess that the Indians suffered (Menndez 1992: 301). In his study on the transformation of Am azonian Indians by Jesuits, Park (1985: 11-12) pointed out that, the siting of these mission villages was not arbitrary but instead reflected careful planning on the part of the [Jesuit] Society villages were located at strategic points along the main channel and major tributaries. Control over village Indians was absolute: settlers were prohibi ted access to the village common and were obliged to submit formal requests for AmerIndi an labor directly to the Society. By transferring Indians of differe nt ethnicities and from diffe rent places, not only in the

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52 Tapajs River basin but also in the Made ira River basin, the Jesuit missions were responsible for the main territo rial and socio-cultural rearra ngements in the region during this first moment of the colonial period. Bringing together se veral ethnic groups under the same linguistic regime, the Lngua Geral9 or Nhengatu and the same work and religious system, Catholicism, the Jesuit mi ssion promoted the abandonment of the native language, and of their specifi c forms of social and cultu ral organization, as well as realigned inter-ethnic relati ons. As Menndez (1981) remarked, the decline of the Tapajs and Tupinamb Indians opened new spaces for other groups that had been dominated up to then by these two ethnic groups The mobility of indigenous groups that previously existed was profoundly accelerate d, leading to massive dislocations and territorial loss, as well as the disappearance of several other ethnic gr oups. This mobility was also reinforced by the escapes of indi genous people from the missions, who did not adapt themselves to the work regime. Therefore, the Jesuits not only helped the Portuguese Crown guarantee the expansion of frontiers toward the west, wh ich was regulated by the Madrid Treaty in 1750, but they were also respons ible for the drasti c reduction of the native population and the disruption of their social and cultural organizations. Although the Jesuit missions and their relationship with Indians in the Lowe r Tapajs region still demands further studies to assess more accurately the effects of this process on native people, studies that already exist allow us to assert that current regi onal patterns of socio-cultural organization and territorial occupation are pr ofoundly rooted in this init ial moment of colonization, wherein the Jesuit missions had a distingui shed role. The religious celebrations, 9 Lngua Geral is the Tupi-Guarani pidgen promoted by the Jesuits.

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53 especially those honoring Saint Ignacio de Loyola in Vila Bo im, that attract people from all over the Tapajs River, express the strong influence the Jesuits exerted on the regional religious system. Lngua Geral is still a significant linguistic reference for most community people of the Lower Tapajs, which they recurrently recognize as lngua indgena (indigenous language), and also as falar feio (speak badly). Although Lngua Geral is no longer spoken at th e present time, it is very common for people to say but my grandparents spoke it. When Nimuen daj visited the Lower Tapajs region in the 1920s, he registered that the majority of local names of the region belong to Lngua Geral which is not completely extinct yet (Nimuendaj 1949: 98). After having played a critical role in guaranteeing the e xpansion of frontiers for the Portuguese Crown, and once it was no longer in the crowns inte rest for them to control the Indians, the Jesuits lost authority ove r the natives in 1775, and soon after were expelled from the Americas and forced into exile. Without the Jesuit missions, a new phase was initiated for the Indi ans of the Lower Tapajs. This was the implementation of the policies of the I ndian Directorate ( Diretrio dos ndios ), whose prominent politician was the Prime Minister Sebastio Jos de Carvalho e Melo, known as Marquis de Pombal. 3.2.1.2 Indian Directorate: Secular dominion over Indians and frontiers Although the Jesuits had controlled the enti re the region of the Lower Tapajs for almost a century, the Portuguese Crown also ha d undertaken some dir ect actions. In the same year the Tapaj Mission was founded, in 1661, King Joo V authorized the building of a fort in the same place where the mission was established. The objective of constructing the fort, completed in 1694, was to gain access to the upper Amazon River, which at that moment belonged to the Span ish Crown, in accordance to the Tordesilhas

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54 Treaty. Between the seventeenth century and the fi rst half of the ei ghteenth century, the Lusitanian Crown focused on controlling navigation, envisi oning the extension of its frontiers. As previously mentioned, th e control the Jesuits had over indigenous populations was frequently a source of conflic t with the interests of the colonizers who sought to get Indians for labor. Records of several incidents between missionaries and secular colonizers, as well as of the transf er of the Tapaj Mission to the mouth of Arapiuns River, attest to the permanent tension between them for control over the natives. Starting in the second half of the 1750s, changes in Portuguese policies regarding the colony resulted in changes in the control over natives, whic h were laid out in a set of policies known as the Indian Directorate. Based on the Directorate policies, in 1755 the Portuguese Crown extinguished the Jesuit religious missions, expelled the Jesuits from the Americas, and begun to exert direct control over the indi genous population. The main objective of the Indian Directorate was to incorporate the natives into the regional economy as labor, of which there was a chronic scarcity in the regi on. Parker (1985: 28) highlighted that The Directorate, wh ile taking into account the necessity to accommodate the immediate needs of settlers as well as Amerindians, had as a major long-term goal the creation of an agricu ltural economy in Amazonia modeled on the plantation economy of the Northeast. Besides shutting down the Jesuit missions, th e Directorate policies also prohibited the use of Lngua Geral and designated Portuguese as th e official language. With the missions gone, the areas where they had been located were transformed into Villages and their control given to secular powers. Designated by the Crown, the Indian Director

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55 had direct control over the entire Village. In the Villages, the previous policy of separating Amerindians and Europeans was scrapp ed. Portuguese settlers were no longer prohibited from residing in American villages, but they were to be submitted to close scrutiny by the director before their peti tion for residence was granted. Likewise, intermarriage between Port uguese and Amerindians, pr eviously looked upon with disfavor, was now vigorously encouraged by co lonial authorities (Parker 1985: 26). In the Lower Tapajs these proce dures started in 1758, when the new Gro Par and Maranho Governor, Francisco Xavier de Me ndona Furtado, Marquis de Pombals stepbrother, visited the regi on on a expedition to demarcate the Lusitanian frontiers, and to officially establish the new Villages and designate their Directors. Arriving at the Tapajs River, the Governor went initially to Alter do Cho, where the Borary mission had been founded, and there he installed the Vila de Alter do Cho, on March 6, 1758. Three days later, on March 9, the Governor es tablished the Vila de Boim, in the place of the Santo Incio mission; the next day the Lugar10 de Pinhel, in the region where the So Jos dos Maitapu mission had been founded. Returning to the mouth of the Tapajs River, the Governor established the Vila Fr anca, in the place of Nossa Senhora da Assuno dos Arapiuns, and on March 14, the Vila de Santarm (Santos 1992). A Vilas administration was comprised of a Director, a Senate overseen by a Judge, and three or four town councilors ( vereador ). In this new situation, the indigenous b ecame more susceptible to colonizers actions. The consequences of the Directorat es policies accentuated the disintegration of native social and cultural organizations, whic h the natives had been enduring since the 10 Lugar was the designation given to places inhabited by few people, as opposed to Vila.

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56 wars of captures ( guerras de captura ) and the religious missions. Parker (1985) estimated that during the Directorate period th ere was a decline of 39% in the Amazonian native population. In relation to the Lower Ta pajs, the weakening of local native groups allowed for the advance of the Mundurucu Indi ans, whose original territory was located in the upper Tapajs River. 3.2.1.3 The arrival of Mundurucu Indians in the Lower Tapajs Valley While the Indians of the Lower Tapajs cont inued to suffer from the effects of the Directorate policies, which failed to increas e the Amazon agricultural economy, the last quarter of the eighteenth century also brought about new social relations as a result of the expansion of the territorial basis of th e Mundurucu Indians toward the Amazon River valley. The first information on the Munduruc u Indians in the Lower Tapajs region was registered in 1773, when they attacked the fort of Santarm (Ramos 2000; Rodrigues 1993; Menndez 1981; Murphy and Murphy 1954; Nimuendaj 1949). This attack represented the beginn ing of the Mundurucu territorial expansion toward the region of Lower Tapajs. The original Mundurucu territory was loca ted in the central areas of the upper Tapajs River, a region known as the high fields ( campos altos ), which mark the transition from the Amazon forest to the central savannas. By the end of the eighteenth century, the Mundurucu had expanded their territo ry into a vast area that encompassed the region between the basins of the Tapa js and Madeira Rivers up to the Lower Amazon River. In 1817, Aires de Casa l (1947) denominated this area as Mundurucnia due to the predominance of Mundurucu he found there. Known for their bellicose propensity, the Mundurucu terrified not only th e white population but also

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57 other native groups, and came to belligerently and culturally dominate the Tapajs River valley during the nineteenth century (Ramos 2000: 27). The main motivation underlying this vast expansion of the M undurucu territory has been attributed to their annual war expediti ons in search of enemy heads, which were mummified and exhibited as powerful trophie s. Analyzing the significance of these practices to the Mundurucu system of values and cultural representa tions, anthropologists Murphy and Murphy, who pioneered the study on the Mundurucus religious system in the early 1950s, asserted that to the headhunters, known as Dajeboisi the trophy was a source of magical power that assured abundanc e of game animal, and conferred prestige within the group. The headhunters, with their head-trophy, took part in the hunting expeditions as special guests because their si mple presence was considered to be enough to please the Me da caa (Mother of Hunting, or Mother of Game Animals). Besides prestige, the warrior who obtained the trophy became responsible for organizing the ceremonies related to it, which occurred duri ng a period of three su ccessive rainy seasons after a war expedition (Murphy 1960; Murphy and Murphy 1954). It was, thus, during these annual war e xpeditions that the Mundurucu Indians expanded their territory. By th e turn of the eighteenth century, they reached the regions from the central fields of the upper Tapaj s River to the Lower Amazon River, between the Tapajs and Madeira Rivers. It is pr ecisely during this Mundurucu expansion down the rivers that the first information on this so ciety started to be noted. Encouraged by the search for head-trophies, Mundurucu were expa nding their territory toward lower courses of the rivers at the same time as the lo cal native groups were being undermined and weakened by the advance of colonial power in the Lower Tapajs River. In their

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58 expansion into this region, the Mundurucu found a territory that had been encroached upon for over a century, and native groups who had suffered from strong impacts on both their socio-political organizations and on their demographic composition, as had happened with the Tapaj and Tupinamb who had dominated the region at the beginning of the colonial period. According to Menndez (1981), the Mundur ucu expansion represented the most important event in the realignment of inter-et hnic relations in the Lower Tapajs region. This was reinforced by the alliance Mundur ucu Indians made with the Portuguese colonial administration in 1795, when Munduruc u Indians started to be used in battle front lines against other hostile Indian groups. There is little information on how this alliance was attained. Murphy and Murphy (19 54) explained that it was a move made by the Indians, apparently motivated by the de sire to obtain manufactured goods, especially those made of iron. Yet, the literature has st ressed that as a result of this alliance, the Mundurucu were used by the colonial forces against other native groups who opposed the advance into their terri torial occupation. Therefore, through this alliance with the colo nial apparatus, which was able to take advantage of existing intertribal antagonism s, the Mundurucu Indians displaced several other native groups, and came to dominate th e whole Tapajs River Valley during the nineteenth century. For the colonial settle rs, this alliance with the Mundurucu helped them not only to secure the Lower Tapajs re gion against hostile I ndian groups, but also to expand the occupation toward the northern region of the Tapajs-Madeira River. Such an alliance was again reinforced when th e Mundurucu Indians cooperated with the incipient Brazilian independent governm ent (imperial government) against the

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59 Cabanos, who conducted a separatist move ment in the 1830s in the north of the country. 3.2.2 Brazil Independent: Revolts and the Rubber Boom 3.2.2.1 Cabanagem : The uprising of native people Brazil came to be officially independent from Portugal in 1822, when Don Pedro I, son of Portugals King Don Joo VI, broke o ff relations with the Portuguese court and became Brazils Emperor. His initial efforts to shape the Brazilian national State were challenged not only in the international sphere but also, and especia lly, internally. Don Pedro I resigned nine years later, and his five-year-old son Don Pedro II took over nine years later to become the second Brazilian Em peror. Don Pedro II stayed in power for sixty-five years, until the monarchical system was changed to the republican system in 1889, and he was exiled. If troubles were hard for Don Pedro I, for the little boy Emperor the situation during his initial reign was worse for he faced several separatist movements during the 1830s all over the claimed Brazilian territory. One of the most important separatist movements, which came to be known as the Cabanagem, took place in the Amazon region, in th e states of Par and Amazonas. Recognized as the most grass-roots among so cial movements that rebelled against national imperial forces, the Cabanagem was largely carried out by indigenous, black and mestizo populations (Di Paolo 1990), who were called Cabanos In the attempt to establish a revolutionary regime in the north, from 1835-36, the Cabanos deposed representatives of the imperia l government and took over contro l in Belm, the capital of Par. The same happened in Santarm, where the Cabanos movement constituted one of the main sites of resistance, coming to be an autonomous political center in 1836.

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60 With ample participation by indige nous groups and black populations, Cabanos in Santarm confronted and displaced, in 1836-37, the local imperial government and, in the process, assured the establishment of a revol utionary government even after forces loyal to the Crown had retaken control of Belm. Besides Santarm, the vicinities of Vila Franca, Alter do Cho and Ecuipiranga al so constituted a strong focus of Cabanos resistance in the Lower Tapajs region. Ec uipiranga, strategically located on the right bank of the Amazon River, in a place with a connection to the Tapajs River by land, was the main headquarters of the Cabanos militias. However, after a short victorious period, loyal forces defeated the Cabanos in 1837, initially retaking control over Santarm and, subsequently, the remainder of the areas occupied by the resistance. Records indicate that the Mundurucu Indi ans, who in this period had already expanded their territory to the Lower Amazon River and antagonized most indigenous groups in the region, had an ambiguous partic ipation in this move ment, some supporting the Cabanos and others supporting the loyal forces as mercenaries (Mendez 1992). The acknowledgement of Mundurucu Indians as loya l forces was registered by Bates in his journey on the Tapajs in which he affirmed that, the principal Tushaua of the whole tribe or nation, named Joaquim, was rewarded with a commission in the Brazilian army, in acknowledge of the assistance he gave to legal authorities duri ng the rebellion of 183536 (Bates 1962: 274). After retaking control over Santarm the loyal forces strongly repressed the rebels, persecuting and kill ing, leading to a pop ulation decrease among indigenous groups. Despite poor records on the number of deaths that occurred during the Cabanagem period, it is estimated that 30% of the Amazonian population perished during the combats

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61 and subsequent repression. While visiting the Lower Tapajs region two decades later, Bates registered several examples of this re pression. In Alter do Cho, he noticed that the Indians were always hostile to the Portuguese, and during th e disorders of 1935-6 joined the rebels in their attack on Santar m. Few of them escaped the subsequent slaughter, and for this reason there is now s carcely an old or middle-aged man in the place (Bates 1962: 241-242). The flight of indigenous people, running away from the repressions perpetrated by loyal forces, cons tituted another factor in the continuous process of indigenous dislocation from their te rritories, adding to the previous effects caused by the religion missions and the Directorate. It is sti ll frequent, nowadays, to hear among the communities in the Flona Tapajs life histories that trace back to the dislocation and flight of th eir ancestors on account of the Cabanagem movement, as in the case of Antonio, a ninety-five year ol d man who lives in Piquiatuba community. According to Antonio, his grand-grandmother lived in Alter do Ch o, where she and her relatives had a home and planted field crops: Antonio: When the Cabanagem war was declared, which was a war of the Brazilians that got Cabanos to fight against Portuguese people, grand-grandmother and her family ran away. My grandmother said th at they ran away to be free, because my aunt was married to a Portuguese man. The first place they arrived was there, in the Bararoara igarap but that was not good enough and th ey decided to move again to Marai. Afterward, the war came to an end, and they were freed. The people who came from Alter do Cho were dispersed in Tauari some (went) to Marai, some to Pini, looking for better lands to wor k. And we stayed here. All the locations cited by Antonio Marai, Tauari, Pini are at the present time communities in the area of Flona Tapajs, wh ich reminds us of the long existence of these populations in this locale. Bates also made reference to these places, as well as to Acaratinga, Jaguarari and Tapai una. The consequences of the Cabanagem movement for native groups of the Lower Tapajs River remain poorly studied to allow us to make any

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62 deeper inferences (also the case for most of the historical events that followed in the region). However, it can surely be said that the Cabanagem movement was the most important factor in the dispersion of I ndians from their terri tories and in the reconfiguration of inter-ethnic relations in the post-indepen dence period. Whereas some indigenous groups had to abandon their areas and run away from police repression, the Mundurucu Indians held on tight to thei r territorial contro l in the region. Although the alliance the Mundur ucu Indians had made with early settlers favored them, allowing them to settle throughout the Tapajs River valley, the intensified contact with merchants from the middle nineteenth century, especially during the rubber boom, gradually profoundly transformed the Mundur ucu socio-cultural organization. The rubber economy more intensiv ely incorporated the Munduruc u, as well the remainder of the indigenous groups of the Lower Tapaj s region, into the labor force, thereby intensifying their relationship with the market economy. 3.2.2.2 The development of the rubber economy The development of the rubber industry in th e last quarter of the nineteenth century brought about the economic landscape and spatial occupation that would predominate for over a century in the Lower Tapajs region. Writing on the development of the rubber economy in the Tapajs region, Re is (1979: 167) pointed out th at before the rush that revealed the state of Acre and promoted th e occupation of the valley of the Purus and Juru Rivers, Tapajs was the frontier in the forest conquest to extr act the rubber trees milk. The discovery of vast areas of rubbe r trees in the upper Ta pajs River led to an intensification of commercial establishments in Santarm, which became the center that commanded the commerce and the expedition to the seringais of Tapajs and the Lower Amazon River. This process also led to an increase in population growth. Whereas data

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63 in 1883 indicated a population of 8,745 people in the municipality of Santarm, a census carried out forty years later, in 1920, indicated an increase to 41,546 people (Reis 1979). Yet, the rubber economy in the Lower Tapajs region was not based on rubber extraction from native plants ( Hevea brasiliensis ), as in the case of the upper Tapajs River and the state of Acre, but on trees that were cultivated. The cultivation of rubber trees was a practice already developed by local Indians, which intensified with increases in the demand for the latex. It was from th is region, more precisely around the Vila de Boim, where in 1740 the Misso de Santo In cio was founded, that is said that the English explorer Henry Wickham11 took rubber seeds to the Kew Garden greenhouses in London in the1870s, to be subsequently replan ted in Malaysia. This was the reason why the Amazon rubber economy declined five decad es later, and create d resentment among Santarm people, as expressed by Paulo Rodrig ues dos Santos (1999: 400), an intellectual from Santarm (who died in 1974), in his writ ing on the sordid and brutal rubber history that bestowed sad celebrity to Santarm. With the increase in demand for Amaz on rubber production, the cultivation of rubber trees was intensified, en couraged by merchants in Santarm and along the Tapajs River, including foreign merc hants. Such was the case of the Moiss Abrahan Cohen family, in Vila de Boim. Moiss Abraha n Cohen was a Jewish merchant from Spain, who arrived in Vila de Boim in 1870 a nd subsequently installed a commercial establishment that prospered with the rubbe r economy. Through the system of providing 11 In his Brazil and the Struggle for Rubber Dean (1987) discussed this perspective attributed to Henry Wickham, understanding it as a myth involving the transfer of rubber out of the Brazilian Amazon and its domestication in Southeast Asia. For the author, this is the myth of Henry Wickham, the English hero, bestower of rubber seeds. This is the myth of Henr y Wickham, the English rogue, thief of rubber seeds (Dean 1987: 7).

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64 supplies in exchange for rubber, whic h in Amaznia came to be known as the aviamento system, native people started to get indebted, and to pay their debts, they gave not only rubber but also rubber tree s (local people say ponta de seringa ). In this way, the Cohen family graduall y took possession of a great part of the cultivated rubber trees ( seringal ) on the right and left banks of the Tapajs River. In order to continue to obtain goods, local popul ations then began working for the Cohen family in the collection of the rubber. Taking possession of these segingais the Cohen family controlled a large part of the rubber production in the Lower Tapajs region. This appropriation of the seringal took place among several communities that today are in the area of Flona Tapajs, such as the Munduruc u Indians of Bragana and Marituba, and the non-indigenous communities of Nazar, Marai, Pini and Prainha. With the decline of the rubber economy, most of these seringais were later sold to other landlords. However, beginning in the 1970s, many of them were bought back by local community people, including Mundurucu Indians from Brag ana and Marituba communities. Rubber production from these cultivated seringais followed in the steps of the general changes that came with the decline of the Amazon rubber economy in the second decade of the twentieth century. From th e 1910s onward, Amazon rubber production lost the market to Asian production, until Wo rld War II, when Amazonian production of rubber once again increased. However, befo re the second Amazon rubber boom in the 1940s, the region of the Lower Tapajs experien ced a brief moment of increased rubber production with the arrival, in 1927, of the Companhia Ford Industrial do Brasil the Brazilian subsidiary of the Ford Motor Comp any, which had arrived to establish a rubber plantation in the same way it had been done in Asian forests.

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65 Ford received from the Brazilian government a concession of one million hectares alongside the Tapajs River. The enterpri se provided a new spurt in the regional economy, as well as led to demographic grow th. In his study on the experience of the Ford Company in Tapajs, Costa (1993: 38) informed us that, thousands of people were mobilized, vast areas were deforested and cu ltivated, advanced t echnology was installed, and two urban nuclei, Belterra and Fordlndia,12 were equipped to be the operational centers. Millions of dollars were spent. In 1945, after eighteen years of operation, the Company was closed down and all its equi pment was transferred to the Brazilian Government based on a symbolic price. De spite the short time of the Ford Company enterprise,13 it was fundamental for reactivating th e cultivation of r ubber trees in the region and incrementing the local economy and its demographic density. There are two main theses that explai n the enterprises bankruptcy. One was developed by Dean (1987), who pointed out technical problems, asserting that the proliferation of diseases prevented rubber production. The second thesis was developed by Costa (1993), who attributed the Ford Co mpanys main problems to labor shortage. According to Costa, although the Ford Company had taken considerable effort to attract workers, such as by paying higher wages than those offered in the region and many other parts of Brazil, the company was unsuccessful in maintaining the workers in a systematic way required for rubber production. Local la bor, most of it provided by indigenous descendants, chose to maintain their peasan t production structure instead of working full12 Fordlndia was the place up Tapajs River where the rubber plantation was esta blished; and Belterra was the administrative center from which rubber was exported. 13 With the collapse of the Ford Company Belterra becam e an area under the jurisdiction of the Agriculture Ministry, and in 1995, it was turned into a municipality in which the Flona Tapajs is inserted.

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66 time on the companys payroll. I met seve ral men from the communities in the Flona Tapajs who had worked for the Ford Company, and they used to say that they just worked a period of time during the year, then returned home to plant the field crops, go fishing ( fazer roado, pegar um peixinho ). With the Ford Companys liquidation in 1945, and also with th e second decline of the Amazon rubber economy on account of th e domination of Asian rubber in the international market, the ec onomy of the Lower Tapajs region underwent a new period of stagnation. The increasing devaluation of Amazon rubber led to the collapse of several seringais and commercial establishments that existed along Tapajs River. This allowed local community people to reclaim the areas of rubbe r trees that had been under the control of the merchants, and regain rela tive autonomy of their social and productive organizations. This peasant pattern of social and economic organization was again altered starting in the late 1960s, when Amaz on frontier expansion pol icies started to be implemented in the region. The more imme diate effect of th ese policies in the communities that are the object of this dissert ation was the creation and establishment of the Tapajs National Forest, which will be examined in Chapter 5. For the moment, it is important to understand how these commun ities, which exhibit a long history of occupancy, intertwined with several forms of encroachment, have been represented in the literature. 3.3 Representations of Caboclo Social Identity 3.3.1 Erasing Indians from the Pages on the Lower Tapajs Valley As mentioned earlier, when I first carri ed out a study on the communities in the Flona Tapajs, the people were introduced to me as caboclo, or caboclo do Tapajs. On the other hand, I did not hear commun ities people identifying themselves as

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67 caboclo (masculine) or cabocla (feminine), except during so me meetings to discuss land tenure issues, when it was noticeable that they were tr ying to establish a position about land rights coming from long-term occupancy: We are Caboclo of Tapajs, who have been here forever. It was not an identity th ey claimed every day, and not infrequently they refused to identify themse lves as such, sometimes expressing disgust with the term. Individually, frequently they (especially me n) introduced themselves as a rural worker. As a collectivity, it was more common for them to identify themselves as belonging to a certain co mmunity or other. I am from Piquiatuba Community; I am from Taquara Community, and so on. The community peoples descent was attribut ed to several origins. Most of them recognized themselves to be indigenous des cendants, although, in general, they did not specify the ethnic group, just mentioning th at my grandfather or grandmother was Indian. Sometimes, they named the place of origin of their ancestors, when it was different from the place where they currently resided: my grandfather was an Indian from Arapiuns River, Indian from Alte r do Cho, and so on. Sometimes, they expressed indigenous origins by saying: m y grandmother spoke only the indigenous language. It was very common, also, that they attributed mixed origins to themselves: my grandfather was the son of an Indian with Portuguese; Indian with Cearense.14 Maria, from the Piquiatuba community, explained to me: in my family we have everything: there are Indian, Portuguese, Cearense, Paraense,15 it is all mixed. There are also those people who recognize indigenous des cent but no longer claim to be Indian: It 14 People from the state of Cear, in the northeast region. 15 People from the state of Par.

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68 is true that all of us are indigenous desce ndants, but it no longer is in our blood. The recognition of belonging to a differentiated indigenous ethnic identity began in 1998, when the people of Taquara, Marituba a nd Bragana communities began to identify themselves as Mundurucu Indians. Despite these strong, and often ambiguous, references to an indigenous legacy, reinforced presently by the movement to re state indigenous traditions among the three communities, there is an absolute silence in the literature on the Lower Tapajs region since the middle nineteenth century regard ing the indigenous popul ation belonging to a diverse ethnic group, except to a small number of Mundurucu settlements. Yet, by the end of the century, even these Indians were no longer cited as a dist inct ethnic group, just those Mundurucu inhabiting the region of upper Ta pajs River. The British naturalist H. W. Bates,16 who arrived in Santarm in Novemb er 1851, and produced the most detailed and extensive records of the social composition and native lifestyle along Tapajs River during the middle nineteenth century, did not identify any ethnic groups among the several Indians he met, or even among those who worked for him. The exception were the Mundurucu the naturalist visited in the Cupa ri River, a tributary of the Tapajs River, which currently forms the southern boundary of the Flona Tapajs, as well as the Mundurucu of the upper Tapajs River. Regard ing Alter do Cho, Bates informed us that the place was originally an i ndigenous settlement, named Bura ri, yet, at that moment, it was inhabited by semi-civilized Indians li ving in profound misery (Bates 1976: 161). 16 In his book The Naturalist on the River Amazons, first published in 1876, Bates (1976) reported on his expedition undertaken from June to October 1852. Bate s spent three and half years in the Tapajs region, where he undertook several expeditions up the Tapajs River,

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69 Although referring to most of the places wh ere the community people in the Flona Tapajs are presently located, Bates, however did not mention the people living there. By the end of nineteenth century, when the French explorer H. Coundreau (1976) navigated the Tapajs from July 1895 to January 1986 to carry out a scientific expedition sponsored by Par s Governor, he did not mention any indigenous group in the region of the Lower Tapajs. The first settlement after Santar m to which Coundreau made reference was Vila de Boim, where the Santo Incio Mission was founded, about which he noted that among these settlements that emerge and disappear after a more or less a brief and happy existence, the first set tlement up the river from the mouth, is Boim, on the left bank (1976: 16). Coundreau re marked that the place already existed a century earlier with the name of Santo Incio, but the following decadence had made Boim almost disappear. He estimated that Boim must have had at that moment a maximum of fifty houses, but was not sure if they were inhabited. Regarding Pinhel, where the Misso de So Jos dos Maitap was founded, he only mentioned the existence of vestiges of an ancient aldeia. In contrast, Coundr eau provided detailed information on Mundurucu Indian culture in the upper Tapajs River. In the 1920s, when the German archeologist Curt Unkel, who adopted the Guarani Indian name of Nimuendaj and became known as Curt Ni muendaj, carried out surveys around the Santarm region, he wrote only about the Tapaj Indians and registered the extinction of this extensiv e native group as a result of the effects of colonization (Nimuendaj 1949). Subsequent archeological studies, such as those carried out by B. Meggers (1996) also found the extermination of indigenous groups in the Tapajs region. In Amazonia: Man and Culture in a Counter feit Paradise, Meggers asserted: at the

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70 time the Amazon was discovered, the Tapaj s region was thickly populated By the beginning of the eighteenth century, howeve r, only a few scattered remnants of the indigenous population survived, the major ity having succumbed to slave raiding, missionization, disease, and other introductions of European civilization. Deculturation proceeded so rapidly that the linguistic affiliation of the Tapajs Indians is unknown, except that it was not Tupian (Meggers 1996: 131-132). A similar perspective was also shown by Br azilian anthropologist Darcy Ribeiro in his Os ndios e a Civilizao (Indians and Civilization), first published in 1970, which was comprised of a set of articles initially published in the 1950s in which the author discussed the problem of ethnic extermination and the survival of Brazilian Indians in the twentieth century. With regard to the Indians of Tapajs River, the author pointed out the severe impacts on native demographic and so cio-cultural organization since colonial times, and asserted: Of all tr ibes, some courageous groups remained in the upper rivers, preferring there to face the at tack of hostile tribes instead of being subjugated. The majority, however, was engaged in the new so ciety (Ribeiro 1979: 41). The publication of this book represented the firs t important effort to construct a sociological framework to analyze contemporary Brazilian indigenous gr oups. Ribeiro developed the concept of ethnic transfiguration ( transfigurao tnica ) to explain the process of transformation and acculturation of Indian groups who came in to contact with more powerful cultures without, however, losing their central ethn ic characteristics. The limitations Ribeiro pointed out to complete Indians assimilation into the regional society stemmed from the prejudices that transverse th e relationship between these he called transfigured Indians and non-Indian people.

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71 Anthropological studies car ried out beginning in the late 1940s elucidated the conditions of indigenous desce ndants whose social and cultur al organizations had been strongly impacted by the advance of colonial forces, yet still held elements of vanishing indigenous cultures. Following this perspec tive, the American anthropologists Robert and Yolanda Murphy developed the first anthropological st udies on Mundurucu Indians, carrying out fieldwork among them in the ea rly 1950s. The first article the authors published on the Mundurucu was in Portuguese,17 in which they presented the initial version of an analysis they subsequently developed on the acculturation process among the Mundurucu Indians (Murphy and Murphy 1954) Contrasting the conditions of the Mundurucu Indians in the 1950s with those in earlier peri ods, when the headhunters wars underpinned the main Mundur ucu cultural institutions, th e anthropologists asserted that among Mundurucu Indians the loss of cu lture was generalized, however, the most affected have been those residents of the bank of the Tapajs (1954: 16). Murphy and Murphy (1954: 13) distinguish ed three different Mundurucu Indians groups: 1) those living in the high fiel ds of the upper Tapajs River, called campineiros, 2) those living along the Curur River, of the middle Tapa js, a section of the river where there are waterfalls; and 3) those living among th e Brazilian population of Tapajs. Whereas the anthropologists described th e cultural and socio-economic organization of the two first groups, regardi ng the third group, they declared in one paragraph that little needs to be said about the rema ining 200 Mundurucu living among the Brazilian population of Tapajs Th ese Mundurucu are gradually losing their 17 It was published by the Institute of Anthropology and Ethnology of Par, in Belm, under the title As condies atuais dos Mundurucu (The current conditions of the Mundurucu).

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72 identity and starting to inte grate into that amorphous rural Brazilian population, generally known by the denomination of caboclos (1954: 43). The perspective on Mundurucu assi milation into the category of caboclo reflected the acculturation theories that predominated in the American anthropological literature in the 1940-50s. Prioritizing the focus on cu ltural loss and the absorption of western cultural traces by ethnic groups in contact with non-indige nous populations, these studies on the Amazon region pointed to inexorable pr ocesses of obliterati on of native culture, and its transformation into a regional caboclo culture of the typical Amazonian peasant (Wagley 1985, 1976; Parker 1985; Anderson 1985; Weinstein 1985; Ross 1978; Wagley and Galvo 1961; Galvo 1952). 3.3.2 Companheiros do Fundo : Emerging from Indian to Caboclo There is no consensus among scholars about the etymology of the word caboclo Whereas Costa Perreira (1975) asserts that caboclo derives from tupi caa-boc which means one who comes from the forest, in th e Brazilian dictionary Aurlio Buarque de Hollanda Ferreira (2000) suggests that th e word derives from the tupi word kariboka which means son of white man. The Brazilian dictionary also mentions caboclo as signifying mestizo of white with Indian, and ancien t denomination for Indians, and in figurative terms as a distrustful ( desconfiada ) or treacherous ( traioiera ) person. Colloquially in the Amazon region, the term caboclo has been largely attributed to rural social groups, descendants of indigenous people who lost their main ethnic identity through the effects of colonization, a nd who are of mixed origins. As most scholars have pointed out, colloquially caboclo was generally not a term used for self-identification, but rather as us ed by others to refer to a category of people whom they see as inferior (Lima 1999; Harris 1998; Nugent 1993; Wagley 1985, 1976;

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73 Lins e Silva 1980). For example, urban people were inclined to identify rural people as caboclo while people from big cities also identi fied the people from smaller towns as caboclo In the rural areas, class differentiation could also be a criter ion to attribute the category of caboclo (the higher class attributes caboclo to the lower class).18 With a strong pejorative connotation, the term usually was associated with the adjectives rural, indigenous, rustic, illiterate, and uncivilized, in opposition to urban, white, literate, and civilized, a reason why people tended to reject being identified as caboclos as was found in the Flona Tapajs. Different from the relational perspec tive in the colloquial use of the term caboclo in anthropological studies Lima (1999) noted that the concept points toward a fixed social category, the historical Amazonian peasantry that emerged from colonial policies. Pioneering the studies on class caboclo formation, the Brazilian anthropologist E. Galvo, a student and colleague of Charles Wa gley, carried out the first anthropological study on caboclo social organization in his dissertation19 defended in 1952, at Columbia University. Focusing on the caboclo religious system, Galvos main interest was to understand the transformations that were ta king place in native cultural systems under the 18 The term caboclo is also found in some indigenous contexts, especially related to the rubber economy, to differentiate indigenous populations already contacted by and maintaining a relationship with nonindigenous groups, from isolated indigenous groups, living in the interior of the forest. In these cases, as Lima (1999) remarked, the term caboclo is used as self-identification, as was observed in the state of Acre where the use of this term by indigenous groups meant an attempt to conceal the ethnic origins due to the prejudices against them (Aquino 1981). A similar process also was studied by Cardoso de Oliveira (1972) among the Ticuna Indians in the Amazonas State. There is a large spectrum in which the category of caboclo is employed throughout the Amazon region, as well as in other parts of Brazil. It is important to take into account the multiple forms of use and meaning of the category caboclo, although this is beyond the scope of this study. 19 It was published in Brazil under the title Santos e Visagens: Um Estudo da Vida Religiosa de Ita (Galvo 1955).

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74 effects of the advance of western colonizati on, which absorbed them into the regional society constituted by the Amazonian peasant. Presenting an historical pers pective on the main forces operating in the shaping of the modern caboclo culture, Galvo (1952: 150) poi nted toward the emergence of caboclo as an outcome of the assimilation of Indian s into regional society. He stated that, the initial process was one of selective acculturation on the part of the mixed society being formed by the Portuguese colonialist and natives, conditioned by the configuration of the two cultures which came into contac t and by the dominance of the former. The Indians, for the most part, did not remain inte grated within tribal so ciety. Subsequently, the Cabanagem movement and, especia lly, the rubber economy th at incorporated the natives more ostensibly into the market sy stem, accentuated this process of assimilation, leading to the formation of the Amazonian p easantry: The Indian was now definitely a Brazilian peasant, the caboclo (Galvo1952: 149, emphasis in the original). Emphasizing the coercive power that forced changes in native cultural patterns and indigenous peoples incorporati on into regional society as caboclos Galvo, however, also emphasized the indigenous cultural ve stiges that permeated this regional caboclo mixed culture, expressed mainly in the reli gious belief system and in local ecological knowledge. The author explored the wide range of folk be liefs derived from indigenous culture that exist alongside Catholic ism as an integral part of the caboclo religious system, which answer those emotional needs th at Catholicism was not able to satisfy (Galvo 1952: 151). Therefore, by examini ng the peoples beliefs and practices that incorporate supernatural beings, such as the Cobra Grande analogous to that which occurred in Maguari community, Galvo point ed towards the persistence of indigenous

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75 beliefs and elements, but no longer as an abor iginal religion. These beliefs and elements were modified and became a part of the caboclo religion without a ffecting significantly the main superstructure that is, Catholicism (1952: 156). The belief in Cobra Grande as well as in enchanted dolphins ( botos ), were analyzed by Galvo as part of the complex of supernatural beings th at inhabit the waters of the rivers and streams in an enchanted kingdom. Encompassing the shamanism system, these supernatural beings living in the water were named Companheiros do Fundo (fellow-beings of deep waters), and they comprised the familiar spirits the shamans ( paj ) call upon during their san ces. The power of a paj will depend upon the number of Companheiros at his disposal (Galvo 1952: 123). A powerful shaman was also distinguished by his capacity to tr avel under the water, who was then called sacaca and who was believed to use the skin of Cobra Grande to undertake this travel. Sacacas are not thought to die like common people. They disappear, according to general belief, to live forever in the ench anted kingdom of the deep waters (p. 124). Alongside the religious symbolic system of the enchanted beings, Galvo (1952) also highlighted the contribu tion of native knowledge of the environment to shaping the caboclo culture. The indigenous contribution to the new Am azon culture was important because it provided traits which facilitated the control of the environment, such as native agriculture, foods, means of transportation, materials for ha bitations and diverse crafts. In short, the basic controls of a specialized environment, th e tropical forest, to which the Portuguese were foreigners and not adapte d, were fundamentally Indian (p. 150). Although emphasizing the extensive indigenous influence in the new emerging culture,

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76 the author underlined that it followed Ib erian patterns, which changed the indigenous production system for local consumption to one for the commercial market. 3.3.3 Caboclo Identity: Without Script or History Galvos take on caboclo culture, along with that pr esented by Wagley in his Amazon Town, A Study of Man in the Tropics, published in 1953 and based on fieldwork carried out in collabo ration with Galvo, came to be the main references for analyses on the Amazon peasant category. Desp ite this initial effo rt to understand the dynamic nature of caboclo social organization, few studies were subsequently devoted to the theme. One exception is the co llection dedicated to the study of caboclo coordinated by E. P. Parker (1985). Writing the books pr eface, Wagley called attention to the neglect of studies on caboclo in the ethnology and sociology of the Amazon Valley, which contrasted with a number of studies carried out on indigenous groups despite the fact that the caboclo population outnumbers the tribal Indians many times. Highlighting the problematic nature of the term caboclo, Wagley pointed out that the books text helps not only to clarify our imag e of life in the Amaz on; it also clarifies many ill-conceived stereotypes about the Amazon peasantry (Wagley 1985: VII). Despite the concerns in portraying the Amazon peas ants in a more positive manner, the collections texts tended to repr oduce the perspective of the acculturation studies in which the soci al organization of the caboclo was characterized by cultural absences and losses, as residues of soci eties that succumbed under the effects of colonization. Approaching the emergence of caboclo class and culture in the Amazon region as a result of the miscegenation between indigenous populations and poor Portuguese descendants, Park er (1985: 35), stated that what emerged from this destructive period were caboclos : disenfranchised and culturally deprived Amerindians

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77 and mixed-blood offspring engaged in desultory subsistence activities and collection of forest products. In this way, Nugent (1993: XXI) accurately highlighted the misrepresentations projected onto these Amazo nian social groups, asserting that: They are treated as contingent, incomplete, haph azard melding of the detritus of aboriginal social formations and the remnants of Eur opean commercial experiments. They are defined in terms of what they are not (aboriginal national) rather than in positive terms. As an historical phenomenon, the configuration of the caboclo, or the caboclization as Parker referred to it, was presented in mo st texts of the collection as an effective cultural adaptation to the ecological envi ronment and the conditions engendered by colonization, which accommodated indigenous technology and knowledge to exploit resources alongside social and religious or ganizations imposed by Iberian-Catholic colonization. As a result, caboclo was char acterized as presenting a pattern of nuclear families that live isolated along the rivers and tributaries, where they develop subsistence activities and collect forest products, w ith occasional production for the market. Spirituality was performed through catholic celebrations, although native beliefs still make up a part of the symbolic universe represen ting an inheritance of a past that is over. This transformed AmerIndian was now the caboclo of Amazonia: a solitary actor struggling to adapt without benefit of script or history (Parker 1985: 39). This representation of caboclo as a culturally despoile d Indian was also present in the texts of Anderson and Weinstein in wh ich they emphasized the importance of this social category in the Cabanagem revolt, and in the developm ent of the rubber economy. Anderson (1985: 53) identified p recisely these people, once stripped of their cultural

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78 identity and forced to accept the mandates of a foreign culture and religion, who became the foundation of caboclo society. Notwithstanding the contribution of thes e studies to the understanding of the transformation that occurred in the native culture, the construction of caboclo as a deculturated Indian tended to mistakenly decree the complete extinction of any differentiated indigenous ethni c identity, as occurred in re lation to the region of the Lower Tapajs. The generalized designation of the category of caboclo to vast rural populations in the Amazon region who descende d from indigenous peoples, such as those found in the Flona Tapajs, has concealed the varied dynamics that emerged in the postcolonial social landscape. As a template, in Harriss terms (1998), this category qualifies a large population as a historic product that contradictorily removes it from the benefit of the history. Without antecedents, the caboclo culture can be described only from the nineteenth-century; before that, there is only a trace of destruction and extermination of the indigenous. Whatever possibilities, if any, that had existed for them to recreate their former sociocultural existence were lost foreve r (Parker 1985: 37). Yet, as will be seen in Chapter 7, the resurgence of indigenous identity among the Ta quara, Marituba and Bragana community people shows that the possibilities we re not over yet. The important point to be emphasized is that the implications of this caboclo construction are not just theore tical, but are also reflected in State policies. It was precisely these people denominated caboclo considered without history, without an identity who came to be the main target for the displacements promoted by Amazon frontier expansion policies that started to ta ke place in the region in the late 1960s. The creation and implementation of Flona Tapajs epitomizes this, as will be discussed ahead.

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79 3.4 Land Use Pattern and People Identification This brief look at the major historical ev ents that successively altered the native socio-cultural organizations in the Lower Tapa js, and their subsequent representations, discloses the general frame in which most of the present-day social groups are found in the region, including the communities localized in the Flona Tapajs, the object of the analysis in this dissertation. In the coloni al period, it showed the combined impacts of the missions and Directorate led to severe disruption of prior indigenous groups, and favored the Mundurucu expansion and th eir domination over the region and over indigenous groups that remained. Du ring the period of Independence, the Cabanagem and the rubber boom in the last quarter of the nineteenth century came to alter significantly the panorama of th ese regional social and economi c relations that had been forged by the colonial apparatus. The deve lopment of the rubber economy, which in the Lower Tapajs displayed a distinguished facet on account of the attempts to implement rubber plantations, precipitated a more intensiv e occupation of the region and an increase in economic production, molding social and eco nomic relations as well as the forms of land occupation that would be predominant by the late 1960s, when Amazon frontier expansion policies started to be enforced. In concluding, I would like, first, to point out the main characteristics of the pattern of land occupation that result ed from this process and came to predominate among the eighteen communities localized in the Flona Ta pajs; and, second, to clarify the way I am identifying these communities. 3.4.1 Land Occupation Pattern The land occupation pattern found among th e eighteen communities in the Flona Tapajs reproduces the main pattern that was established by the regional native groups in

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80 the post-colonial period, after their prior forms of territorial occupation had been transformed. Shaped, thus, by a larger histori cal process, this patte rn of land occupation is based, as Almeida (1988) defined, on a co mmon system of land use, whose ownership is based directly on the work developed by the nuclei families, with rules that are consensually established. Identifying this system among the Amazonian peasants, Almeida (1988: 183) remarked that land was not viewed as a pe rmanent individual possession. According to him, this view of the land reflects the peasan t rights rules that p rescribe methods for cultivation in extended areas of land that are utilized in accordance with the desire of each family group, without requiring continuous and permanent areas or having a set of productive activities confined in an specifi c parcel of land. Ther e is no continuation among the cultivation areas of a family group. The crop fields are found distributed in the several places that are consensually designated for cultivation. Among these cultivation areas, which are appropriated in dividually by the family nucleus, common areas are also established, whic h do not belong to any family in particular but, rather, are for communal use by all family groups. In this way, this land use system combines communal areas with rules for individual posse ssion. The house and its adjacent garden are appropriated individually by the respectiv e family groups, in the same way that the harvests products and other fruits of their crop fields are (1988: 183). Thus, shaped from the middle nineteenth century and disseminated among the several social groups throughout Amazon region, this land occ upation system is found in the Lower Tapajs region not only among the communities in the Flona Tapajs, but also among other regional peasant groups. These regional social groups also displayed the

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81 configuration of the socio-pol itical and spatial unit calle d community. Community denotes a set of common rights of residence a nd the use of the resources over a defined area, as well as in relation to their social organizations, bestowi ng community autonomy in the internal decisions a nd over a territorial space. The introduction of the term community was attributed to the work of social organization promoted in the 1960s by the Catholic Church through the Comunidades Eclesiais de Base (CEB) (Ecclesiastic Base Communities) (Lins e S ilva 1980; Lima 1999). As Lins e Silva (1980) explained, th ese works developed through the CEBs reflected a new posture of the Catholic Chur ch in relation to rural social groups. The Church envisioned the involvement of the villages residents di rectly in proselytizing and in developing activities such as alphabetiz ation, health care, and economic projects. These activities were deve loped through the creation of the community council ( conselho comunitrio ), which would represent community interests, and promote social projects along with religious functions. The accomplishm ent of these works, which initially were essentially religious in char acter, led to the incorporation by rural populations of the ideal of community as a group socially organized, coming, gradually, to integrate also the politicaladministrative and territorial instances. Each community, constituted by one or more family nuclei, started to have an official representation composed of a presiden t, a vice-president, a treasurer, and a fiscal council. As a socio-political organization, the community al so started to have control over a territorial space, whos e limits between the communities were defined between them and materialized through the clearing of the pathways that interconnected each other. Once a year, each community cleaned part of the pathway that belonged to it.

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82 Despite the variations that can be fo und among them, these communities developed a complex system of resource use with differe nt levels of appropriation and domains. This system designates areas that were of common domain, as defined internally by the communities, including areas for hunting, fish ing, collecting oils, fruits, timber, straw, etc. Other areas were demarcated to be used by individuals of particular family groups. These included agricultural and rubber fields While the areas in which the forest and aquatic resources were found tended to be shared among communities, especially, those closer to each other, the areas where the re sidences and the agricu ltural and rubber fields were located were understood to be the dom ain of a specific community, and, for these areas, limits between communities were establ ished. In many cases, the limits between communities tended to constitute an object of dispute between them, especially when a new community establishe d itself in the region. Therefore, despite sharing a similar la nd occupation pattern, each community had autonomy over its internal social organization and over the spaces and the resources understood to be of its domain. However, the domain of a community over such space and resources did not prevent the members of another community to also make use of the resources that were considered to belong to the collectivity. Thus, for example, even recognizing that a certain lake belonged to a particular community, members from other communities could fish in this lake. In thes e cases, people established rules that did not allow commercial fishing or predatory techni ques, in the same way that rules were established for other forest resources. Disr especting these rules constituted a motive for conflict among the communities.

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83 In short, emerging from a larger historical process that involved most of the native groups in the Lower Tapajs region, this wa s the predominant patte rn of land use found among the communities in the Flona Tapajs when the reserve was created. As will be seen ahead, the superposition of the reserv es limits over community lands imposed a new form of land occupation and resource use th at collided directly with this communal pattern of land use. 3.4.2 Identifying the Community People Although sharing a common historical proc ess and land use pattern, the eighteen communities in the Flona Tapajs cannot be understood as a homogenous unit. There existed differences among the communities that derived from their pa rticular historical and social configurations. There were comm unities such as Marai, Jaguarari and Pini that have existed for over two centuries, or iginating as old indigenous villages. The community of Marai came to be dominate d by rubber entrepreneurs from the late nineteenth century to the 1960s, when new po litical and economic forces started to emerge. In the Piquiatuba community, people attributed its origins to the beginning of the twentieth century. By contrast, there we re also communities that were established more recently, such as Jamaraqua, which wa s founded in the early 1990s, when a division within the Maguari community occurred as a result of internal disputes. The same happened with Bragana and Marituba comm unities, which were formed when they separated from the Marai community. The populations of some of these communitie s were also highly diverse. The Tauri community, for example, while an old villag e, was inhabited by an assorted composition of people from several places, the outcome of an intensive migration that took place during the last two decades, among other f actors. The Maguary and So Domingos

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84 communities also showed a varied populat ion composition. By contrast, communities such as Taquara, Jaguarari, or Pini were relatively homogeneous. Differences among communities were also reflected in their religious organizations. While in some communities, all inhabitants considered themselves to be Catholics, in other communities, there were people who also followed the Pentecostal Christian religions, such as Assemblia de Deus (Assembly of God) and Igreja da Paz (Peace Church). These differences, besides others, found among the communities in the Flona Tapajs, highlight the need to be cauti ous when analyzing them. Although sharing general characteristics, the product of a co mmon historical process, each of the communities had their particular histories and internal social organizations. Moreover, prior to the creation of the Flona Tapajs, the eighteen communities had few and dispersed linkages among them, deriving prim arily from kinship bonds and participation in community religious festivities and other en tertainment activities. It was the process of creation and implementation of this forest reserve, and attempts to displace people, that fostered stronger relationships among th ese communities. In this process, these communities came to constitute a social unit that started to be identified by the reserves administration as the riverine communities of the Flona Tapajs and, more recently, as traditional people As discussed earlier, although the commun ity people tended to be categorized by others as caboclo they not only did not identify themse lves as such but refused such a category. Thus, for this reason, I do not cal l them by this term. Additionally, three communities started to claim the Mundurucu ethnic identity, thereby, distinguishing themselves from the others, even in relati on to the category of traditional people.

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85 Therefore, to approach the engagement of these communities in the process of creation and implementation of the Flona Tapajs, I chose to identify them as communities of resistance. This choice has in mind two objectives: fi rst, to move away from the categories used by the official environmental ag ency; and, second, to emphasize the common process of resistance undertaken by these co mmunities to guarantee access to their territories, which initially united them but la ter separated them. At first, when the communities of resistance struggled to avoid being displaced, they constituted a politically organized social unit. However, later, when they won the right to reside in the reserves area, three of the communities began identifying themselves as Mundurucu Indians. This movement led to the crea tion of two distinct groups: indigenous and nonindigenous. Thus, the term community of resi stance is applied to identify them in the resistance process to avoid the dispossession from their lands, and to stress the rupture moment that separated them in distinct arenas in the struggle for the land.

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86 CHAPTER 4 SHAPING THE FRONTIERS FORE STS INTO NATIONAL FORESTS 4.1 Introduction Although proposals for forest reserve policies that promoted controlled exploitation of the resources based on principles of scie ntific forestry were first drawn up at the beginning of the twentieth century in Brazil, it was only in the late 1960s that the country came to adopt National Forests as part of it s forest policies. Imbedded in the Amazon frontier expansion policies that started to be undertaken by the military government in the late 1960s, forestry in the Amazon region b ecame an important sector to increase the Amazons economic value and integrate the re gion into the national political economy. This chapter focuses initially on the pro cess of the creation and implementation of forest reserves known as National Forests th at were first implemented in the United States in the late nineteenth century. Fo llowing the tradition in scientific forestry management generated in Germany to set asid e for the State the direct control over the forest resources, the National Forest reserves became the main instru ment of State forest policies. The second part of the chapter explores the deve lopment of Brazilian forest policies from the beginning of the 20th century up to beginning of the 1970s, when the first forest reserve was created and imple mented in the Amazon region to promote systematized and planned timber production.

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87 4.2 Scientific Forestry Manageme nt and National Forests: 4.2.1 Reconceptualizing Forests and Mo des of Resource Appropriation 4.2.1.1 The emergence of scientific forestry management The category of National Forests, designa ting state forest reserves for timber production based on scientific principles, was created at the beginning of the twentieth century in the United States consolidating a movement that had begun three decades earlier for the establishmen t of reserves for environm ental protection (Steen 1992; Worster 1987). The move to create forest re serves under State control to promote timber production, however, stretches back to the late eighteenth century w ith the emergence of scientific forestry in Germany, which was motiv ated by the need of th e State to guarantee wood supply (Watkins 1998; Lowood 1991). The increasing demand for wood, caused by population growth and incipien t industrialization, led the St ate to take more direct control over forest resources designating areas to expl ore based on scientific and technical principles that would make wood exploitation a sustained and profitable economic activity. In his analysis of the emergence of scient ific forestry management in Germany in the second half of the eighteenth-centur y, Lowood (1991: 315-316) credited the initial establishment of forest science to the cameral sciences, a term that was derived from Kammer (chamber) in which the princes adviso rs traditionally deliberated. The cameral sciences were first in troduced in Prussia in 1727 at the universities of Halle and Frankfurt, and soon became part of most uni versity curricula in Germany. Lowood also attributed to these cameral sciences, the Staatswisssenschaften the application of a variety of economic, administrative, and social practices to rational or scientific scrutiny,

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88 in which professionals were trained in a body of theory and tec hniques needed for the administration of the state and its doma ins (p. 316, emphasis in the original). Constituting one of the major sources of revenue for the State economy in central Europe, forests represented an important sect or of State administration, thereby requiring special attention from the cameral sciences In line with the states concerns, the increasing demand for wood and the risks of wood shortage on account of forest deterioration led the cameral o fficials to pursue new ways to more efficiently manage and control forest resources, and to make fore sts subject to careful production. Making reference to the initial pub lications on the theme, Lowood (1991: 320) remarked that The first writers on forest science were led by men trained in the cameral sciencesfinancial officials and chief fo resters who expected economic disaster if the condition of the forests continued its downward slide. The initial steps toward a forest scien ce stumbled on the very concept of the forest, which by the middle eighteenth-cent ury was ambiguously defined (Kiess 1998; Watkins 1998; Lowood 1991). Discussing this ambiguity, Watkins (1998) pointed out the variety of ways in which the term forest was applied over time, from one country to other. Exemplifying the English case, the auth or highlighted the diffe rent connotations of forest from medieval times to the modern period, explaining that the medieval Royal Forests were areas of special hunting rights for the monarchy. Some of them, such as Exmoor Forest, were comprised of just a few trees: most were made up of tracts of land which could contain villages, heaths, arable land pasture a nd woodland (Watkins 1998: 1). Sherwood Forest included the whole town of Nottingham, and most of it was comprised of agricultural lands and heaths. Watkins observed that at that time, There

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89 was no direct connection between the idea of forest and the concept of woodland: medieval forests were administrative units mo re akin to a modern national park than a plantation of trees. With the decline in Crown interest, especially from eighteenth century onwards, the term forest became increasingly associated with those wooded areas, such as New Forest and the Fo rest of Dean (Watkins 1998: 2). Similarly, Kiess (1998: 13) observed the application in Germany of the word Forst which first appeared in the middle seventh-ce ntury, in a variety of different contexts: Smaller woods, but also stretche s of open country were called Forst. Discussing the possessions of the Abbey of Weissenburg, the au thor pointed out the difference between ordinary woods called silva and the forest called forastis that is a wood under special right, whose size was expressed by the num ber of pigs which can be fed in the particular forest (p. 15). Th ese different connotations of th e term forest that were being employed by the middle of the eighteenth -century did not permit a more precise definition of the concept that objectified its field of study. Beginning in the 1760s, however, better-trained official s, equipped with publication for the exchange of ideas, promoted the notion that the forest could be defined precisely and studied objectively (Lowood 1991: 320). In the early 1760s, Ge rmany founded the first forestry school, consolidating the principles and practices of sound forest management that promised wood supply. Emerging from the cameral science, the new forest science was shaping its contours as an independent di scipline by disseminating specifi c rules and procedures to handle issues of forest management that al lowed for better fiscal grid attainment. Discussing the emphasis on quantitative forest mathematics in these procedures, which

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90 were aimed at quantifying forest wood pr oduction, Lowood (1991: 317) attributed it to the spirit of quantification that permeat ed State fiscal planni ng, which established a tradition of quantitative re sources management. Embedded in this spirit of quantification, foresters in pa rticular were gradually deve loping special techniques for systematizing sound forest measurements that would fit into admini strative practices and set the basis for the new science. Examining these progressive techniques, Lowood (1991) pointed to the transition from the approach on area-based systems to one based on wood mass, as a decisive step in quantitative forest management. This wood mass approach was developed by J.G. Beckmann, a forester inspector from Saxony, whose deep concern for preserving the wood supply led him to construct a system of forest economy that rested on practical technique for measuring the quantity of standing wood in the forest (Lowood 1991: 325). Distinguishing trees though size categor y found in intervals of a few yards, Beckmann developed a method to determine th e mass of wood for more precise forest assessment and official planning. Mathematically oriented foresters, such as C.C. Oettelt, who used geometry to estimate volume or mass of wood, gradually improved Beckmanns method by coming up with measurements with such accuracy that they permitted not only to determine wood mass, but also to predict and contro l it. Shedding light on the mathematical reasoning that formed the basis of other met hods to deal with forest management that were elaborated to fulfill fiscal concerns in Germany, Lowood (1991) showed how links were forged between administration and scien ce that led to the form ation of a regulated and standardized forest that could be abst racted and more effici ently controlled from

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91 tables on officials desks. Such an approach to the forest, which the author credited as entirely German, was thus elaborated base d on the three quantitative principles that shaped the field of forestry science in Ge rmany: minimum diversity, the balance sheet, and sustained yield. The result was quantific ation and rationalizati on as applied to both the description of nature and the regulati on of economic practice (Lowood 1991: 316). This German perspective of scientific forestry management produced monocultures of even-age forests, and it became an arch etype for imposing on disorderly nature the neatly arranged constructs of science (L owood 1991: 340). In historical terms, this perspective represented the cr eation of a new conceptualizat ion of forests and modes of resource appropriation that was adopted by othe r countries, decisively influencing forest policies worldwide: Theories, practices and instructional models from Germany provided the starting point for every other national effort in forestry science and management until the end of the nineteen th century (Lowood 1991: 317). Leading the way was France, which imported scientific forestry management in 1820, seven years before implementing its first National Forest Code. Emigrating to America, scientific forestry management positively influenced the conservation movement and forest policies in the United States in the last quarter of the ninet eenth century, led by professionals trained in German and French schools who created th e concept of National Forests to designate state forest reserves for sust ained timber production. 4.2.1.2 The movement to create American forest reserves Western frontier expansion, coupled with changes in the land ownership structure and regulations to discipline a ccess to and control over the fo rest resources, precipitated the creation of the first forest reserves in the West of the United States in the late nineteenth century, which preceded the consol idation of the National Forest System in

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92 the first decade of the twentie th century. Looking at the origins of the national forest system, Steen (1992: 4) stated that The national forest story is a story about land During the nineteenth century, fully one-half of the nation was transferred from federal ownership to state and private ownership countless transactions of quarter-sections, full sections, or more. Federal land agents dipping quill pens into inkwells and recording by hand the fruits of three thousands statut es that Congress had passed by 1880 to dispose of the public domain. According to Steen, the creation of the first fo rest reserves in the late nineteenth century reverted the trend fo rged in Homestead programs, and constituted a major exception to the rule (1992: 4) by pr oviding the State large chunks of land to maintain under forest cover, in stead of for agricultural use. The appearance of these forest reserves wa s also associated with the conservation movement that emerged in the middle of the century, which was epitomized by the creation of Yellowstone National Park in 1872, and the first national forest nine years later. Remarking on what he sees as a c onservation legacy of the American forest reserves, Steen (1992: 3) mentioned that those who were the architects of the conservation movement were i nvariably involved with the na tional forests. Similarly, the historian Worster (1993) attributed the emergence of the conservation movement to a reaction against what was considered a perv asive private land appr opriation. Making a direct relation between forest deteriorati on and the creation of the reserves, Worster (1993: 103) emphasized that beginning a bout a hundred years ago, the conservation movement began to take form in the Unite d States, focusing at first on establishing a community interest in our forest ed lands, particularly in the we stern states and territories. Under private exploitation, abetted by the ol d federal land disposal policies, American

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93 forests were disappearing at an alarming rate, threatening th e long-term security of the nation. Scholars such as Limerick (1992: 14-15) however, have questioned such an assumption. The author observed that although throughout the 1870s and 1880s, a number of people used the phrase timber famine to express concerns about the prospect of scarcity and advocated reforestation as a remedy, the origins of this change in thinking had surprisingly little to do with the West. Limerick remarked that by that time in the Western U.S., forest exploitation ex isted to support mines, or aboveground to build and heat houses, the timber business of the Pacific Northwest and the Rockies had barely began. Depletion of forests, such as that in the Great Lakes was a phenomenon that had not yet occurred in the Western U.S. The author disagreed with the claim that the frontier ended in 1890, a renowned st atement made by the historian Frederick J. Turner in 1893, in which he proclaimed the closing of the first period of American history. Turners statement that the fron tier had gone came to decisively influence the ideological basis of the conservation move ment, helping to shape what Cronon (1995: 76) regarded as the myth of the vanishing frontier. Thus, arguing against the myth of a va nished West, Limerick (1992: 13-14) asserted that the westward movement di d not stop at 1890; millions more people moved into the West in the twentieth century. If one went by numbers, one would have to call the nineteenth century westward movement th e frail prelude to the much more significant twentieth century westward movement. Acco rding to the author, the forest reserves created in the late ni neteenth century in the West were not a response to immediate forest

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94 deterioration caused by overexploitation, but they came out of some peoples genuine shift in mood, orientation, se nse of future (p. 15). This genuine shift also reflected th e concerns about the increasing demand for wood and the need to control the market for wood. Mapping out the logging industry in the East, Shands (1992: 23) poi nted out that Commercial logging on a grand scale came to Michigan in the 1860s, and shortly ther eafter to Wisconsin and Minnesota. The magnificent white pines were cut first, with the timber sent to build Chicago and other Midwest cities. In 1892 some 9 billion board fe et of white pine lumber was produced in the three states. That was the apogee of the wh ite pine era in the Lake States; thereafter, the supply of white pine fell precipitously, a nd loggers turned to other species maple, oak, hemlock, cedar, poplar, and jackpine, seeking for opportunistic markets. The growing development of the timber i ndustry soon motivated the creation of the American Forestry Association, a citi zens organization founded in 1875, whose importance was reflected in the incorporation of forest-based activities in the Executive Branch of the Department of Agriculture a year later, in 1876. The importance of both sectors in shaping American forest policies is highlighted by Steen (1992: 5), who noted that by 1890, the U.S. Division of Forestry ha d grown in stature adequate to also be a key player along with the American Forest ry Association. Together, these two institutions, representative of the timber industry, led the ma in efforts to create the first forest reserves in the West and to impose regulations on timber exploitation. As Steen (1992: 5) observed, it was no coincidence that the driving force in both institutions was Bernhard Eduard Fernow, a German forester engineer who had immigrated to U.S. in 1876, where he became the third head of the Division of Forestry in 1886.

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95 In his analysis of Fernows importance to American national forest policy, Miller (1992: 289) noted that he bega n his apprenticeship in the Pr ussian Forestry Department, and after that had received advanced training fo r two and a half years at the departments famed academy at Muenden, where he studied under G. Heyer, among others, and worked at several of the departments fore sts. Following his American wife, Fernow arrived in America in 1876. In the decade befo re he became the head of the Division of Forestry, he had only a few j obs in his profession, since, as Miller (1992: 289) noted, forestry, as it was practiced in much of Europe, was generally unknown in the United States. However, the studies Fernow ca rried out on North American forests and the economic conditions of the lumber-based industries, promulgated him as a driving force in the fledgling American Forest Congress and to succeed Nath aniel Egleston, in 1888, at the Division of Forestry. There, Fe rnow found a poorly organized office without personnel to assist him, and no delineation of a federal forest system, no public lands set aside for the practice of his profession (Miller (1992: 290). Ta king on the task to change this situation, Fernow engaged actively in defending the establishment of forest regulations and the adoption of a set of principles of forest management on behalf of the federal government. Fernow strongly influenced the Amer ican Forestry Association (AFA) by disseminating German ideas that forest grow th is to be treated as a crop to be reproduced as soon as harvested, and that the timberlands should be permanently invested capital, from whic h only the interest is used (Fernow 1891, cited in Miller 1992: 291). Based on this perspective of th e forest, AFA started to disseminate the philosophy that timber and other resources sh ould be made available in a rational and

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96 economic manner and defended the creation of forest reserves and regulations for the use of forest resources (Muhn 1992: 262). It was to the initiatives of the American Forestry Association that scholars have attrib uted the incorporation of the famous Section 24 in the Forest Reserve Act of 1891, which allowed the Presiden t to set apart and reserve public land beari ng forests whether commercia l value or not, as public reservations. A section that Gifford Pinchot who became the first director of the U.S. Forest Service, defined in his Breaking Ne w Ground (1947: 85) as the most important legislation in the history of Forestry in America the beginning and the basis of our whole National Forest system. Although the Forest Reserve Act authorized the President to create forest reserves, there was no clear definition, regulation, or specification of admini strative authority for the implementation and management of the reserves. Arnold (1992: 309) observed that, the forest reserves had no original primary purpose Forest reserves were intended to specifically preserve the watersheds, to pr ovide for controlled timber cutting within reserves, to prevent fraud, monopoly The orig inal forest reserves were intended for both preservation and use. The ambiguity in the definition of the forest reserves was reflected in the creation of the Yellowstone Park Timberla nd Reserves that took place three weeks after the Forest Reserve Act had been voted on. This forest reserve was created in an area surrounding the southern and eastern lim its of Yellowstone National Park, upon the request to expand the parks border s. However, instead, it was turned into the first national forest in the United St ates (Steen 1992). The current Grand Canyon

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97 National Park1 also was originally created, in 1893, as a forest reserve, the Grand Canyon Forest Reserve. The absence of specific administrative power to administer the forest reserves made it difficult for the Department of Interior a nd the General Land Office, responsible for the forest reserves, to advance beyond simply de marcating the reserves areas. As Steen (1992: 7) pointed out, the job was only half done in 1891; still needed was authorization to manage the reserves and clarification of the purposes for which they could be established. Promptly in 1892, Congress began a six-year effort to round out a forest reserve agenda. The Forest Management Act, passed into law in 1897, provided for the first management of forest reserves and au thorized funds for their administration, opening the forest reserves to timber cutting, mining, and livestock grazing. Yet, it was just a first step of a long journey until the National Fo rest System was established a decade later with its clear conceptualizati on and definition of rules for ma naging the reserves. In this process, Gifford Pinchot emerged as the mo st prominent personage, whom Woster (1987: 266) called the major architect of th e Progressive conservation ideology. Managing national forests for the nations economy: Gifford Pinchot studied at the French Forest School at Nancy, where he gained knowledge of model forests not only in France, but also in Germany and Switzer land. Returning to Am erica in the early 1890s, Pinchots first job was at Biltmore, to work on a management plan for George Vanderbilts project for the first American large-scale experiment in forestry. The project had been proposed to Vanderbilt by Frederick L. Olmsted, the famous landscape architect who designed Central Park, Bostons Fens, and Niag ara Falls, to cite a few 1 In 1919, President Woodrow Wilson signed into legislation a law that transformed the reserve into the Grand Canyon National Park.

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98 (Spirn 1995). In Biltmore, Spirn (1995: 100) noted, Olmsted saw an opportunity to demonstrate the promise of forestry techniques for the management of land used for recreation. It was also an opportunity for Pi nchot, who was anxious to apply the forest management knowledge he had acquired in Europe, as he recorded in his biography: Here was my chance. Biltmore could be made to prove what America did not yet understand, that trees could be cut and the forest preserved at one and the same time (Pinchot 1947: 48). Working under Olmsteds supervision at Biltmore, and also as a consulting forester for other j obs, Pinchot gained notoriety in forestry circles, advocating, alongside Fernow, the principles of sustainedyield forest management. Worster (1993: 145) observed that, for both men, nature was l ittle more than a utilitarian commodity to be managed and harveste d for the common good. Pinchots political ability al so helped him to climb up the power structures. In 1896, he became secretary of the Congress of National Forest Commission, which was established by the National Acad emy of Sciences at the requ est of the Secretary of the Interior, to investigate the forest reserve situ ation in the West and to formulate a call for action. This call had originated within the American Forestry Association meeting in 1895 (Miller 1992), which was worried about the meager results in th e implementation of forest reserve policy. Besides Pinchot, th e National Academy of Sciences Commission was constituted by Arnold Hague, William Br ewer, Alexander Agassiz, Wolcott Gibbs, and John Muir, the last as an unofficial commission member. The Commission was charged to produce a report to present to President Cleveland on Washingtons Birthday in 1897.

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99 The Commissions report recommended that remaining American public lands not be excluded from future uses, stating that: T hey must be made to perform their part in the economy of the Nation. Unless the reserved lands of the public domain are made to contribute to the welfare and prosperity of the country, th ey should be thrown open to settlement and the whole syst em of reserved lands abandone d (cited in Worster 1987: 266). With this emphasis on the nations ec onomy, the report not only led to the enactment of the Forest Management Act, sa nctioned in the next ye ar, but also to the President setting aside twenty million acres of forest reserves for the practice of forestry. During this process, Pinchot replaced, in 1898, Fernow in the U.S. Division of Forestry. Having resigned in the summer of 1898, Fernow moved to the New York State College of Forestry at Cornell University, where he became the head of the newly statefunded school of forestry, the fi rst undergraduate fore stry school in the United States. In Baltimore, in the same year, Pinchot was succeeded by Carl A. Schenck, a German forester, who, besides taking ch arge of managing Vanderbilt s forest experiment, also founded a forestry school at the high school level (Schenck 1974). With Scheck in America, Butler (1974) noted, there were three forestry engineers in the country, each of whom helped establish the base for the implem entation of scientific forestry management at academic institutions and in governmental agencies. In Washington, at the Division of Forestr y, Pinchot undertook efforts to apply on a national scale the notions of sc ientific forestry he had lear ned in Europe. Following the ideas disseminated by Fernow, Pinchot (1907: 16) defended that, as in the case of agricultural lands, forest rese rves also should be managed to produce the most valuable crops of timber and wood, year after year, w ithout interruption. Examining Pinchots

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100 achievements, Worster (1987: 267) remarked that behind Pinchots conservation philosophy lay an environmental tradition stre tching all the way back to the eighteenth century: progressive, scientific agriculture. Pinchot also defended the need for trained professionals, whose absence in the United St ates led him to donate, with his family, $150, 000 to Yale University to open the first graduate forestry school in 1900, offering a two-year course leading to a masters degree in forestry (Butler 1974). The objective of the Yale Forest School was to provide pr ofessional foresters for the governments Division of Forestry, which was being administrated by Pinchot. To guarantee support to implement his fore stry plans for large forest reserves, Pinchot worked alongside the mining industr y, which depended heavily on forest resources, but, as Dempsey (1992) noted, was af raid of being prevented from exploring in the forest reserves. Pinchot worked activ ely with The American Institute of Mining Engineers (AIME), founded in 1871, to dissemina te his plan for rational management of forests. At the 1898 AIME meeting, he assu red them that mining would not be prevented in forest reserves. This had been the polic y of Fernow, the former administrator of the Division of Forestry, who had dedicated part of his career to mining and who, for most of his life, was actively associated with the American Institute of Mining Engineers. Dempsey (1992: 102) noted that Pinchot built upon Fernows relationship with the mining industry and used every possible public relations tactic to keep the support of miners and other user groups. In his job, Pinchot worked to reassure miners that prospecting and mining are unchecked. The re sources of the National Forests must be used and the country opened out. Therefore th e more mining and pr ospecting, the better (Pinchot 1907: 11).

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101 With the support of the mining industry for fo restry, Pinchot was able to create an effective governmental agency to admini ster forest reserves. Under Theodore Roosevelts presidency, a president w ho was acclaimed for his achievements in expanding U.S. national parks and forests, Pinchot managed to transfer the forest agencies from the Department of the Interior to the Department of Agriculture in 1905, when he established the Bureau of Forestr y. Two years later, in 1907, the Bureau of Forestry was renamed the U.S. Forest Serv ice, and all forest reserves under its jurisdiction were renamed as national forests. In that year, the U.S. Forest Service already had a hundred and fifty National Forest s established in the West, with a hundred thirty-four of these reserves create d just between 1905 and 1907, totaling over 140 millions acres. With these large chunks of forest lands available to manage, Pinchot (1907) could apply his ambitious plans to prove that trees coul d be cut and the forest preserved at the same time Following the tradition that originated in Germany to set aside for the State direct control over forest resources, the U.S. Fore st Service, under Pinchots administration, consolidated in America the principles of scientific forestry management, and inaugurated a new model of forest administ ration, which was soon expanded to Canada and Central America. After World War II, Na tional Forests were also expanded to South America, where they were adopted in Br azil in the late 1960s, and soon after, implemented in the Amazon region. Like in the Western United States, in the Amazon region, the creation and establis hment of National Forests was directly associated with State policies for expandi ng economic frontiers.

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102 4.3 The Political Economy of Brazilian Forests 4.3.1 Initial Proposals to Create National Forests The most effective voices, at the begi nning of the twentieth-century, calling attention to the problem of deforestation a nd the need for State regulations to protect forests are attributed to scientists employed in the various scientific institutions created in the last quarter of the previous century. Many of them were Europeans, familiar with forest management experiences in their coun tries, who knew about the creation of forest reserves in America. Their calls for envi ronmentalist protection had them facing what Dean (1996: 232) described as a structural contradiction, on account of being employed by governmental agencies that were dominated by large landowners who opposed any restriction on propriety rights or access to na tural resources resulting from conservationist measures. Among these scientists, Alberto Loefgr en was a pioneering force behind the campaign in Brazil for the implementation of a national forest code, national parks, and a national forest service. Loef gren was a Swedish botanist who arrived in Brazil as part of a botanical expedition and was contracted to direct the Meteorological and Botanical sections of the Geological and Geographical Commission of the state of So Paulo. Dean (1996: 233) credited him to be the most effective of the first generation of Paulista scientists, observing that, by 1899, through th e force of Loefgrens arguments and his connections with the landed elite, his Bota nical Section was redesi gnated the Forest and Botanical Service, elevated to the same rank as the commission, which was responsible for promoting conservation, bett er exploitation, and reforesta tion of the forests. During the time Loefgren was in charge, he carri ed out several experiments to test the domestication of imported plants, and he exam ined numerous varieties of native plants

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103 for their foraging and medicinal potential, and as sources of industrial raw material. He also advocated conservative exploitation of the woodlands through rational forest management, and the implementation of stat e and national forests similar to those established in the United States. Another important scientist at that time was the German botanist Hermann von Ihering, who came to Brazil, invited by Landisl au de Souza Mello Neto, director of the National Museum, a botanist trained in France. When the Paulista Museum was created in 1895, von Ihering became the director, and, la ter, in 1910 he founded the Alto da Serra Biological Station. With 500 hectares, Von Iher ing donated this Ecolog ical Station to the state, which came to constitute the oldest state park in Brazil. During the time von Ihering spent in Brazil, he de veloped several studies on tropic al forests and he was very engaged in defending governmental programs pr omoting forest and fauna conservation. In his article on the devastation and cons ervation of the forests, written in 1911, von Ihering (1911) pointed out that forest conservation depended on three major problems that were related to firewood, the exploitati on of timber resources, and the protection of watersheds and the rivers course. In this article, he also defended the importance of disseminating silviculture, and proposed a program to organize a forest service in Brazil. State authorities were not completely uncon cerned with forest deterioration, despite the timid efforts to protect forest resour ces. In 1911, the Horto Florestal do Rio de Janeiro was separated from the Botanical Gard en, to produce and distribute seedlings of forest and fructiferous species. In the 1920s, the Horto Florestal was transformed into the federal Forest Service. In his message to Congress in 1920 to set up a Forest Service, President Epitcio Pessoa declar ed that among the civilized countries that have large

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104 extensions of forests and rich lands, probably Brazil is the on ly one that does not have a forest code the need to preserve and restor e the countrys forest cover must be one of our major concerns (cited in Pereira 1950: 14). The Forest Service, thus, was created as a special section of the Ministry of Agri culture, Industry and Co mmerce, but it did not have substantial official fina ncial support or a code to impl ement a forest policy, and, as such, a decade later its activities conti nued to be limited to the production and distribution of seedlings, most of them for street beautification. In terms of forest reserves, the Forest Service was put in charge of managing the forest areas that protected the water sources that supplied the city of Rio de Janeiro, and it re quested that states donate forested areas to implement reserves. In the early 1920s, Brazil started to have s poradic contacts with the U.S. Forest Service, which had begun to demonstrate an in terest in forest resources in Latin America and eventually collaborated with the Brazi lian government. Focusing on these initial contacts, Dean (1996: 284-285) at tributed such an in terest to the fact that shortly after World War I, which had prodigally consumed hardwood reserves, the U.S. Forest Service became convinced that the industrial countries would soon experience a critical shortage of hardwoods and that the United States would much increase its imports from Latin America. Looking at the future, these initi al contacts, however, do not seem to have accomplished much more than to establish a diplomatic relationshi p. Some American foresters were sent by the U.S. Forest Serv ice to Brazil, where they alerted government officials about the need for specialized fore st management, as did Roy Nash (1926: 381), who suggested that Brazilians s hould be sent to Nancy or Oxfo rd or Yale to be trained as tropical foresters. Some foresters were also hired to help orga nize the newly created

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105 Forest Service (Dean 1996). The major American forestry experience in Brazil in the late 1920s, was not focused on managing timber, but on the large-scale cultivation of rubber trees by the Ford Motor Company in the Amazon region. 4.3.2 The First Forest Code and Forest Reserves The decade of the 1930s initiated in Brazil the creation and establishment of forest reserves and regulations on re source exploitation, which came into effect through the creation of the first national Forest Code issu ed in 1934. Several changes in the political and economic spheres precipitated changes in the power structure of the State during the period known as the Second Republic. At th e beginning of the twentieth century, the coffee economy showed signs of the chronic crises that it had been suffering from since the abolition of slavery in 1888. The crisis had worsened with the expansion of the coffee economy to other countries, which led to increased market competition, and with an international crisis that reached its peak in World War I. Several government measures to protect Brazilian coffee pri ces, such as the prohibition on planting new coffee trees in 1903, and subsidies, were ineff ective in preventing the effects caused later by the 1929 financial crisis, which led several great coffee landowners into bankruptcy. The sectors of the emerging industrial, urban middle-class, and working classes associated with regional elites who were discontented with the privileged coffee landowners from So Paulo and Rio de Janeiro who dominated the State at the time, set in motion the revolution of 1930, which broug ht Getlio Vargas into power, a political chief from the southern state of Rio Gra nde do Sul who led a populist alliance. The aspirations of these classes for economic liberalization and State democratization called for a new constitution, which was enacted in 1934. The issues surrounding forest resources, which had become the subject of intense debate during the last two decades,

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106 were addressed with the creati on of the first national Forest Code. In the same year, in 1934, the Vargas government also created the Federal Forest Council, and several other codes to regulate scientific expeditions, water use, mining, and, later, in 1938, hunting, and in 1943, fishing. Passed into law on January 23, through the decree no 23.793, the 1934 Forest Code stated in its first article that the existing fo rests in the national territory constitute assets of common interest to all inhabitants of the countr y, whose property rights are recognized, except for the limita tions established by law, es pecially by this Code. Recognizing forests as a doma in of public interest, the 1934 Forest Code gave the State the responsibilities to manage and protect forest resources, denying, for the first time, the absolute right of property by imposing several regulations that prohib ited, even on private holdings, deforestation along wate rcourses, and the cutting of trees sheltering rare species and those protecting watersheds (Dean 1996; Volpato 1981). The 1934 Forest Code classified forests into four categories, wh ich were defined by the function attributed to them. Th e first category of forests was called Floresta Protetora (Protector Forest), which included fo rests located in watersheds and along water courses that helped diminish soil eros ion, fix dunes, protect si tes of rare natural beauty, and/or house rare species of nativ e fauna, and defend nations borders. The second category of forest, Floresta Remanescente (Remaining Forest), included remaining native forests that were consider ed necessary to be preserved for their biological and aesthetic values. These forest s would comprise the national, state, and municipal parks. The third category, Floresta Modelo (Model Forest) included forests cultivated by private initiatives for economic purposes. And, finall y, the fourth category,

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107 Floresta de Rendimento (Profitable Forest) included all forests that did not fit in the previous three categories. The Code placed Protector and Remaining Fo rests under direct State control, which meant that any private property located in thes e types of forest would be possessed by the State and the owner indemnified. The Federal Forest Service, located in the Ministry of Agriculture, was put in charge of classifying and determining the categories of forests, in addition to creating national parks and the esta blishment of model forests. It was also responsible for the inspection of the new fo rest legislation, and the implementation of regional and municipal offices, which were implemented gradually. While the offices were being implemented, the re sponsibility for enforcing th e forest legislation fell to local authorities. This co ntinued, for the most part, up to the late 1960s, when a new Forest Code was created. The large spectrum of the Forest Services responsibilities, and the vagueness of the forest cate gories, led to successive rede finitions and restructuring of the governmental apparatus, which had been put into operation in the second half of the1930s, after Getulio Vargas coup d'tat in November of 1937. With the backing of the army, Getlio Va rgas closed the Congress and established a corporatist dictatorship that not only frustrated the democratic aspirations of some sectors that had helped him come into power but also, and especially, increased State interventionism. Reorganizing the Ministry of Agriculture in 1938, through decree no 982, Vargas created new departme nts and structurally rearra nged previous ones. The Forest Service was directly subordinated to the Minister of Ag riculture, and it was designated to promote the protection of th e countrys forests, their inspection and conservation, silviculture, and the organization of the national parks a nd forest reserves.

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108 The Forest Service was incorporated in to the Second Secti on of the Irrigation, Reforestation, and Colonization Service that was part of the National Department of Vegetable Production. In 1939, this government also created the National Parks Section, which was responsible for the creation of the first three national parks: the Itatiaia National Park in 1937, and Iguau and Serra dos Orgos in 1939, a ll in the southeast region (Barretto 2001a). All of these structural cha nges in the Ministry of Agri culture reflected, in part, government concerns with fuel shortages that had occurred during the pre-wartime period, and led to the promotion of refore station programs along railroad tracks (Dean 1996: 263). However, the main reason behind the governments direct intervention in wood production was not the fear of shortage, but the surplus of wood and the need to regulate the timber market. In the 1940s, the timber industry, which had its origins in the Southern Brazil Lumber and Colonization Company2 from the 1910s, and had expanded over the next two decades, started to suffer as a result of a large stock of wood that was not reaching the market due to deficien cies in transportation, which caused the deterioration of two-thirds of the wood produc tion. A second problem was related to the steady decline in wood prices in Buenos Aire s, the only export market at the time, on account of the large quantity of wood sent th ere (Volpato 1981; Gualberto 1949). These 2 In 1906, the British Brazil Railway Company started to construct a railroa d to connect So Paulo to the city of Rio Grande, in the state of Rio Grande do Sul. This railroad was administered by the entrepreneur Percival Faquhar, the same man who was in charge of the construction of the Madeira-Mamor Railway, the first railway built in 1907-1912 in the Amazon region, which linked Santo Antonio in the state of Rondnia to Guajar-Mirin, on the frontier with Bolivia. As part of the acco rd behind the So Paulo-Rio Grande railroad construction, the Brazilian governme nt gave the Brazil Railway Company lands fifteen kilometers on both sides of the railway. In 1909, the Brazil Railway Company cr eated the Southern Brazil Lumber and Colonization Company, a consortium with American and Canadian capital, to develop colonization programs and to set up the biggest timber enterprise of South America, especially to exploit the pine tree Araucaria angustifolia

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109 claims were taken to the federal government that determined restrictions to timber production, to the establishment of the sa wmills, and to the amount of wood to be exported. Additionally, in 1941, the fe deral government also created the Instituto Nacional do Pinho (INP -Pine National Institute), whic h came to be the operational basis of Brazilian forest policies by the late 1960s. Initially, the INP was created as the Pine Service, subordinated to the Defense Commission of the National Economy, however a year later, on October 08, 1942, it was restructured as an institute through decree no 4.813. On October 28, through decree no 10.744, the federal government also legalized the Instituto Nacional do Mate (INM -Mate National Institute, related to the industry of the erva-mate ( Illex paraguaisenses )), which had been created in 1938. Both institutes were subordinated to the Ministry of Work, Industry, and Commerce, and th eir main objective was to de fend the class interests of entrepreneurs related to, resp ectively, the pine tree and erva-mate industry. Although national in their title, thes e two institutes worked effectively in the four southernmost states of So Paulo, Paran, Santa Catarina and Rio Grande do Sul, where the industrial economy of both forest sectors was in operation. By this time, the cellulose industry for paper production had also started to be developed, including the well known Melhoramentos Company and Klabin Pa ran Company (Rodrigues 1999). Constituting the main political instrument of the timber entrepreneur class, INPs president was selected by the countrys pres ident, but INPs policie s were defined by the Deliberation Commission ( Junta Deliberativa ), composed by eight re presentatives of the entrepreneur class (producers, industrials and exporters) and of the government of the four southern states, which were responsible for 80% of the national timber production.

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110 The timber entrepreneurs also provided the resources for INPs maintenance expenses, which were obtained from a tax of 1% of the timber produced. This financial independence from the State, certainly, afforded the IN P better performance in the activities carried out, and gave the entrepreneur class greater power, particularly with regard to controlling wood prices. Defending the regulations of wood prices that were set by INP, its president, Virgilio Guadalberto, expressed in the late 1940s: In relation to prices, the good performance obtained from the control esta blished by INP assured timber commerce and industry such prosperity that it came to be one of the main products for export (4o place) (Guadalberto 1949: 11). Yet, in the same article, INPs presiden t remarked on the good performance of the rationing measures imposed on sawmill production since the beginning of 1940, which reduced timber producti on to two-thirds of its capacity: from 45,000 railway wagons of sawn timber down to 15,000, which represented an equivalent volume to the normal stock required to mainta in the regular market supply (1949: 14). In other words, in order to regulate pri ces, timber production was operating at a scale much smaller than its real potential. Yet, INPs strength was not derived only fr om its capacity to regulate the price of wood, but also from the technical and inst itutional support it provided to the timber enterprise. Just after being created, in a ddition to the headquarters in Rio de Janeiro, Brazils capital at the time, INP implemented four regional offices in the states of So Paulo, Paran, Santa Catarina, and Rio Grande do Sul, as well as twenty seven county offices. According to Guadalberto (1 949), in 1949, INPs Deliberation Commission dictated that half of its reve nue should be applied in silvicu lture, which led the institute to

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111 implement, over a period of five years, eight forestry experimental stations in the four states, and one in the state of Minas Gerais where a plantation of around fourteen million tree pines ( Araucaria angustifolia ) had been established, and many other native and exotic species tested. To implement these fo restry stations, IPN requested land from the states, but most of them were purchased, such as in the case of the first Forestry Station, implemented in So Paulo, in the municipality of Capo Bonito. The land for this Forest Station was bought in two parts: the firs t comprised 1,819.6 hectares, and the second, 456,03 hectares, to be reforested with Araucaria angustifolia and, afterward, Pinus elliottii was also introduced. INPs stations were not forested areas, but most of them were old and unproductive coffee farms. Late r, when the IBDF was created in 1967, all of these INP Forestry Stations were transf ormed into National Forests (Salomo 1997). The reforestation program developed by INP built on a similar program that had been carried out by Edmundo Navarro de Andr ade, when he founded the Forest Service of the Paulista Railroad Company in 1904. By the late 1940s, there were eighteen of these forestry stations established along the railway, comprised of plantations of thirtyeight million eucalyptus trees.3 The dissemination of eucalyptus plantations by the middle century had been considerable in stat e of So Paulo, where it was estimated that over a billion trees had been cultivat ed (ABEF 1952: 241). Highlighting the achievements of INPs reforestation efforts, its president attributed to the timber industry 3 In 1904, the president of the Paulista Railroad, Ant nio Prado, a former minister of agriculture under the Empire, hired his young nephew Edmundo Navarro de Andrade, an agronomist, to establish a forest station. Navarro de Andrade created a number of experimental stations to test several native and exotic species to determine which would provide better profits as fuelwood and fast-growing species. This proved to be the genus Eucalyptus a native of Australia, (Barretto 2001a; Dean 1996). Considered the father of eucalyptus culture in Brazil (Macedo and Machado 2003 ), Navarro de Andrad e organized during hi s administration of the Forest Paulista Railroad Service seventeen forest stations covering an area of 175 square kilometers, with large plantations of distinct eucalyptus varieties.

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112 entrepreneurs the glory of being provided the financial resources for the decisive implementation of national si lviculture (Guadalb erto 1949: 13-14). The president, however, recognized that the tim ber industry suffered from difficulties of a technical order and advocated the need for further inve stments in technical scientific knowledge, which was increasingly recognized as being deficient. By the middle of the 1940s, especially after World War II, the southern timber industry faced several challenges. On the pol itical front, President Getlio Vargas was overthrown from power in 1945, and democratiz ation was again underway. A year later, the new government created the Araripe-Apodi Forest Reserve in the northeast region, which is considered to constitute the first Brazilian national forest.4 4.3.3 Difficulties to Export Brazilian Timber Throughout the 1940s and 1950s, the timber i ndustry in the south of Brazil faced problems selling to the external market. These problems were accentuated with the world crisis in the postwar period. Although Argen tina continued to be the principal export market, restrictive economic measures im plemented overseas directly negatively impacted wood prices. A report written by th e Brazilian government and sent to the Provisional Agenda of the Fourth Meeting of the Latin-American Forest Commission that 4 This forest reserve was created comprising two parts, one in the Serra do Arararipe, in the states of Cear, Pernambuco and Piau, and other, in the Serra do Ap odi, between the states of Cear and Rio Grande do Norte. Not clearly defined, this fore st reserve was later classified as a Floresta de Rendimento, and its decree (no 9.226/1946) established that, at the appropriate time, regulations for the area would be defined and the reserve would be administered by the Nationa l Parks Section of the Forest Service. Arimatea (1996) attributed the creation of this forest reserve to conservationist concerns related to the protection of the watersheds that irrigated the valleys of the Serr a do Arararipe and Serra do Apodi, which, besides comprising islands of forest, also encompassed different ecosystems, such as cerrado and caatinga Given the ecological characteristics of the ar ea, Castro (1997) noted that accord ing to the 1934 Forest Code, the Araripe-Apodi Forest Reserve should have been more appropriately classified in the category of Protection or Remaining Forests, which were designated to the na tional parks. Considering it a mistake, the author remarked that such a misconstruction was kept in the 1 965 Forest Code that designated the reserves area as a national forest, instead of a conservation area.

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113 took place in Buenos Aires in June 1952 (ABEF 1952), informed that the Brazilian timber industry was experiencing a severe crisis as a result of the currency devaluation implemented by England in 1948, and followed by other European countries, which made Brazilian wood prices less competitive. The report also mentioned that a temporary solution had been taken through accords that guaranteed the exchange of Brazilian wood for foreign industrialized goods, but it ha d ceased in 1951, aggravating again the vulnerable situation of the external wood commerce. The international crisis accentuated exis ting concerns over competitive prices for wood. The lack of price competitiveness was at tributed, mainly, to Brazils rudimentary methods of timber exploitation and production, as well as to inadequate transportation infrastructure. As mentioned in the 1952 Brazi lian report, in general, the felling of trees and the production of planks were done manua lly with axes or manual saws, and planks were transported to the sawmills by wagons drawn by oxen, trucks, or tractor (ABEF 1952: 242). INPs president Guad alberto had discussed the need to improve the Brazilian timber industry in order to be able to offer co mpetitive prices on the international market. He pointed out the need to improve the i ndustrys technical level and the methods of work in all phases of timber production in or der to assure that all types of wood, of uniform quality, have competitive prices (Guadalberto 1949: 11). For him, this depended fundamentally on the development of scientific research and the promotion of specialized technical training. INP had already put in motion some steps, such as the establishment of the School for Timber Clas sification and Measurement in Joinvile, in the state of Santa Catarina, and other projects in association with research institutes to

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114 train professionals for the pra ctice of the rational administration of forests (Guadalberto 1949: 12). INPs presidents view was to incr ease Brazilian wood production in the international market, and he was also cons cious of the importance of political and technical articulation with international fore stry agencies. He advocated that Brazil cannot remain estranged or secondary in the de bates in which forest issues are examined by international congresses (Guadalberto 1949: 12). Refl ecting these concerns, INP participated in 1947 in inte rnational conferences on fo rests in Czechoslovakia and Swaziland, and managed to hold in Brazil the Latin-American Confer ence on Forests and Forest Products, which took place in Terespolis in the state of Rio de Janeiro, in 1948. As a contribution to the Confer ence, INP started to publish the Anurio Brasileiro de Economia Florestal (ABEF Brazilian Forest Economy Yearbook), which reported not only INPs activities, but also fo rest research that was being carried out in Brazil and in other countries, becoming the main publica tion disseminating scie ntific knowledge on forest issues. In 1953, INP also organized the First Br azilian Forest Congress from September 13-19 in Curitiba, capital of the state of Paran, with the participation of several sectors of the government and the entrepreneur class. Besides several recommendations for the improvement of the timber industry, the Conf erence also suggested that studies and research in the realm of forest ry be intensified, to obtain, in the shortest time possible, the conservation of forests and the reforestation of devastated areas (ABEF 1953: 124). To improve forest scientific knowledge, the Conference recommended the creation of a specific discipline of Silviculture in the Ag riculture Colleges in Brazil and the National

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115 Forest School. In addition, it recommended establishing valuable collaborations with the technicians belonging to the Food a nd Agriculture Organization of the United Nations to foster a continued exchange of national and foreign foresters (ABEF 1953: 126). FAO started in 1951 to carry out economic studies in the forests of the Amazon region to gather data of interest for th e improvement of regional timber production (Heinsdijk 1963: 197). This collaboration was important not only in terms of having provided the first studies on Amazonian ti mber potentialities, but also in the implementation of the first undergraduate forestry school in Brazil. 4.3.4 FAOs Collaboration in the Amazon Region and the First Forestry School FAOs collaboration was initiated in the early 1950s to carry out studies on Amazon forests. In 1951, former President Getlio Vargas came into power for the second time as Brazils president. In his new government mandate for nationalist development, the exploitation of natura l resources by State monopolies was made a priority (Guimares 1991). In his previous government, Vargas had created the National Department of Mineral Production (DNPM) in 1934, the Vale do Rio Doce Company (CVRD) in 1942 for iron ore exploitation, a nd the National Steel Company in 1945. In his second term, Vargas nationalized, in 1952, the Special Steels Company (ACESITA), founded in 1942, and created the Brazilian Oil Company (PETROBRS) and the So Franscisco Hydroelectric Company (CHESF) in 1953. Brazil depended heavily on forest resour ces for domestic and industrial energy needs. Estimates indicate that wood and ch arcoal represented 79 pe rcent of all energy consumed in Brazil in the late 1940s (Dean 1996). This led the Vargas government to turn its attention to the northern region of the country. In his first term, Vargas

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116 government had been responsible for the shor t revival of the Amazonian rubber economy during World War II, when approximately fifty-five thousand migrants from the northeast were led to the Amazon region. In his new mandate, the Vargas government created the Superintendency for the Valo rization of the Amazon (SPVEA) in 1953 to implement development programs to be sponsored by a special fund. In the same year, in order to proceed with regional economic development planning, the federal government established the geo-political category of Amaznia Legal (Legal Amaznia) through Law no 1806 (Pandolfo 1990). This expanded the frontiers of the Amazon region by incorporating vast areas of the states of Maranho, Mato Grosso and Gois (the area that is currently the state of Tocantins, created in 1988). Following post-war development polic ies on economic planning, the second Vargas government created new economic sect ors, seeking to increase natural resource exploitation, especially mining and timber. The first industry to be established in the region was in the early 1950s, ICOMI, a consortium of Brazilian companies and Bethlehem Steel, put in operation to exploit manganese deposits in Amap (Schmink and Wood 1992). In this period, FAO provided th e Brazilian government with assistance to develop a regional timber industry. Under the UN/FAO Expanded Technical Assistance Program, signed in April 1951 by the Minister of Agriculture, studies were initially developed by a team of three foresters, Kelvin McGrath, Maurice Gallant and Ren Gachot, the teams head, who arrived in the Amazon region in late November The team was to provide information on three issues: timber exploitation and transpor tation; the timber industry, sawmills and the preparation of personnel; and, commercial poten tial and distribution of timber. After a

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117 year, the first report written by FAOs team fo r the Brazilian government asserted that in the Amazon basin there was no true forest e xploitation as it is ge nerally conceived. Wood extraction is just an appendix of the rural economy (Gachot 1952: 245). The FAO team also found that timber production was sporadic, based on few species that were exploited manually, and was not very prof itable, due primarily to the large distances between production centers and the market, and the precario us means of transportation.5 The few sawmills found in the area were badly equipped and lacked trained personnel. FAOs experts also pointed out several ecol ogical and economic prob lems regarding the precarious conditions of wood extraction in the region. In their view, unplanned wood exploitation would inevitably put some speci es at risk, as was happening with the Pau rosa tree ( Aniba rosaeodora ), which the experts suggest ed to no longer exploit. Despite the meager timber production found, the FAO team indicated that there existed a great potential for the improvemen t of the timber industry in the Amazon region, although it would require long-term pla nning. The team pointed to the immensity of the region, and emphasized the lack of data as a significant chal lenge that had to be overcome in order to produce the informati on needed to determine the nature and importance of the forest industr ies that should be created and developed. This job will be inevitably long (Gachot 1952: 246). They presented a wo rk plan, which was divided in two parts. The first part was a short-te rm program to immediately improve the existing timber production system, through the introduction of mechanical sawmills and the 5 FAOs final report informed that, one may say that the Amazon Valley is still in a stage of unorganized forest exploitation. Wood is delivered on a contractua l basis. This means that it is impossible for anyone wanting wood in quantities of 5 to 10 or 50 m3 to buy it at a sawmill from existing stocks. A wood contractor would have to be contacted, who would deliver the wood sometime in the future, as the trees would have to be chosen and cut first (Heinsdijk 1966: 17).

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118 training of personnel. For the training of skilled workers for the wood industry, the FAO team proposed the creation of the Wood T echnology Center, which was inaugurated in 1957. Placed under the authority of the SPVEA, this Center was installed in the city of Santarm, and, in 2002, it become the Federal Rural University of Amaznia (UFRA), with an emphasis on forestry. The second part was a long-term program which proposed a series of forest inventories to assess the most favorable forest ed areas for industrial development, and the implementation of research stations to study tr opical silviculture a nd to install a pilot project for the production of pulp paper. The FAO foresters highlighted that without carrying out a study of the forest and its pot ential, it will not be possible to think seriously about the elaborati on of a rational plan indispen sable to the development of the existing wealth (Gachot 1952: 247). In order to accomplish this, they considered it crucial that FAOs collaboration and the dir ect cooperation of Brazilian technicians be continued. The FAO proposed to proceed with extensive forest studies to scientifically determine the ecological characteristics and timber potential before implementing development forest policies. These initial FAO studies set up the basis for further scientific knowledge production on forests, which guided the forest policies implemented by the military government in the region in the late 1960s. These long-term studies were carried out in the region beginning in 1953 with new technicians sent by FAO. Dammis Heinsdijk, a forester with five years experience in Surinam, supervised and trained the team th at undertook forest inventories. Designated as the Forest Inventory Section of the UNFAO Mission, forest inve ntories were carried out, by 1961, in ten micro-regions in the state of Par, two in the state of Amazonas, and

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119 one in Amap, at the time a territory. Be sides supervising the inventory work in the Amazon Valley, at the request of the Director of the Federal Service, Heinsdijk also carried out a forest inventory in the south of the country. The second part of the FAO Mission was re lated to the silviculture program. John Pitt, a specialist in silviculture with extensive experience in Africa and Asia, was designated to establish severa l research stations to study the dynamics of Amazon forests in order to elaborate a Technical Plan for Orderliness and Management of the Amazonian Forest, with the objective to domesticate, cu ltivate and exploit economically the forest (Pitt 1969). Pitt installed five research stations, one in Curu-Una, two in Santarm, and two in Amap. In Amap, Pitt carried out experimentations alongside the railway that transported ICOMIs manganese, where he introd uced and studied the behavior of exotic species. Initiating silvicultu ral practices in Amaznia, Pi tt spent seven years in the region, up to 1961, when the accord for FAOs te chnical collaboration terminated, and he left to teach Tropical Silvicultu re at Oxford University. Besides providing access to data collected, the final report of FAOs studies also provided several recommendations to the Brazilian government for sound Forest Administration (Heinsdijk 1966: 2). Am ong them, the report recommended a program of forestry extension to train professionals, the establishment of fo rest reserves, and a restructuring of the State forest apparatu s. It was recommended that the present Department of Renewable Natural Resour ces and the Instituto Nacional do Pinho be combined into a single independent Fede ral Agency called The Federal Forest Administration to be placed directly under the President of the Republic (Heinsdijk 1966: 1). The author also recommended th at the FAO Forest I nventory Section be

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120 incorporated into a Management Planning Department, which should be charged with the preparation of management plans for all th e Forest Reserves to secure their protection and to place them under proper management to secure their su stained productivity (Heinsdijk 1966: 2). Based on these recomm endations, Brazil create d in 1961 the first forest reserve in Amaznia, the Caxuian Fore st Reserve. This forest reserve, however, was only implemented much later by the military government, which also followed the recommendation to unite the dispersed fore stry agencies into one single federal administration, creating the Brazilian Institut e for Forest Development (IBDF) in 1967. FAOs Mission also included c ontributing to create and implement the first forestry undergraduate school in Brazil, which was founded in 1960. The proposal to create a National Forest School had been repeatedly defended in the forestry debates that had been taking place since the first Latin-Amer ican Conference in Terespolis in 1948. Some South American countries had alrea dy implemented forestry schools, such as Colombia in 1950, Chile in 1952, and Arge ntina in 1958. In 1956, when President Jucelino Kubitschek took over, David de Azam buja, an agronomist with a specialization in silviculture, was designated director of the Forest Service and he initiated a campaign to create a forestry school (Macedo and Machado 2003). The proposal to create the National Forest School (ENF) was written in 1958 by Paulo Ferreira de Souza. Upon its publication, the proposal found fe rtile soil in the environmen tal movement and helped mobilize public opinion about the problems of forest expl oitation. A working group was created to draw up an action pl an to deal with forest issu es. The group was comprised of David de Azambuja, Wanderbilt Duarte de Barros (Vegetal Production National Department director), Victor A. Farah (F orest National Council president), Armando N.

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121 Sampaio (Forest Council of So Paulos presiden t), Larcio Osse (Servi ce Forest chief of the Belgo-Mineira Steel Comp any), and Arthur Miranda Ba stos (Head of the Forest Inventory Section of th e UN-FAO Mission). This working group incorporated in thei r plan Souzas proposal for a National Forest School (ENF), to be installed at the Agronomy National School (ENA) of the Rural University of Brazil, in Rio de Ja neiro. Created officially in May 30, 1960, through the decree no 48.247, the ENF, however, was desi gnated to operate at the State Rural University of Minas Gerais, in Vio sa. According to Macedo and Machado (2003), the Presidents decision to move the location of ENF was based on his desire to privilege his birth state. Classes at ENF initiated in May 1960, and a new accord with FAO was established to send professors to teach at the school. Yet, th e poor installations at Viosa University, and political problems between th e state of Minas Gerais and the federal government, almost ended the accord with FAO. This led to the transfer, in late 1963, of ENF to Curitiba, to Paran University. Remarking on FAOs cooperation in the creation of this first Brazilian forestry school, Mace do and Machado (2003: 55) asserted that the FAOs accord had crucial importance for the fo rest science in Brazil, as well as for shaping the outline of the Brazilian forest professional. Discontented with the transference of EFN to Curitiba, the state of Minas Gerais created, in February 1964, the Superior Sc hool of Forests (ESF), the second Brazilian forestry school. After the militarys coup d' tat in March 1964, the government promoted a vast reform of the educational system, and several other forestry schools were created, training the professionals hired by th e government forest agencies.

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122 4.4 The Geo-Political Project for the Amazon Forest The day of the tropical hardwoods is at hand . R. Nash (1926: 382) Although government efforts to implement forest policies promoting the modernization of the timber industry in th e Amazon region were in itiated in the early 1950s, it was not until the early 1970s, with th e authoritarian military government, that such a project started to take a more elaborat e shape. Inserted in the national program to accelerate the modernization of the industrial sector of the country, wood became a strategic resource, which conti nued to provide four-fifths of all the energy produced in Brazil (ABEF 1968). Despite this high depe ndence on forest resources, the Southern region of Brazil was still responsible for 86% of the countrys tim ber production. In the Amazon region, although there was a large dive rsity of tree species, only a few species were being exploited, of which over 80% were being harvested from floodplain forests (varzeas forests) due to the facility in access and transportation, as was the case of Virola surinamensis (Dubois 1967). However, the military governments plan to expand timber production envisioned not only supplying an increasi ng internal demand, but also in creasing timber exports. As previously discussed, since the 1940s the Br azilian timber industry had been trying to enter the international timber market, but faced difficulties to compete with countries where planned and resourceful forest policies afforded better timber prices and quality production. Although data published by the FAO in 1967 indicated an increase in forest products consumption and production worldwid e (ABEF 1968), the precarious conditions of the Brazilian timber industry prevented it to from taking greater advantage of the huge stock of potential wood available, which was simply being burned.

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123 The critiques of Brazils underutilization of forest resources and, where there was exploitation, the depletion of forests without providing benefits for the nation economy, increased considerably throughout the 1950s and 1960s, motivated, in particular, by FAOs studies. There were several calls fo r the establishment of an articulated and efficient forest policy that promoted a more intensive and profitable forest resource exploitation, such as Wanderbilt Duarte de Barros, agronomy engineer from the Forest Service, expressed in his arti cle published in 1961. Highligh ting the importance of forest resources for the national economy, Barro s remarked on the negative position concerning a forest policy in Brazil that an nihilated the forest pot ential. Similarly, two years earlier, David de Azambuja, Director of the Forest Service, wrote an article showing the advantages, in the American Na tional Forest System, in converting forest resources to benefits to the very nation (A zambuja 1958: 36), and defended the need of Brazil to follow the same dire ction in order to protect the forest from depletion. These authors proclaimed that although Brazil had an enormous timber potential, without an efficient forest reserve polic y the resources would vanish without providing benefits to the countrys economy. In his study on Brazili an forests, A. Aubrville (1959: 230), a member of the Overseas Science Academy in France, emphasized that, with regards to the Amazon forest, it was useless to carry ou t forest inventories, survey forest maps, promote silviculture, in a forest that has not yet been designated by law to be kept as a permanent forest. All governments that want to preserve part of their forests must guarantee them as permanent public domains th ere is no more efficient or more logical forest policy than this one.

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124 The claims of these forestry experts found fe rtile terrain in the military geo-political project to expand the Amazons frontiers, in wh ich direct State territorial and resource control was a decisive factor in promo ting accelerated modernization and economic development (Becker 1992; Wood and Schmink 1992). Following several bureaucratic and legislation reforms implemented by the new military government, the 1934 Forest Code was replaced in 1965 (Law no 4771, September 15). The 1965 Forest Code reinforced the position that forests are a public domain under strict control of the federal government, and centralized all act ions related to forest policie s. Considering the forests as strategic resources, the Forest Code prescr ibed several laws to discipline and control forest access and exploitation. Different from other regi ons, in the Amazon region the Code required the preservation of 50% of the forest cover on privately-owned properties, and established that timber e xploitation could only be carri ed out with a management plan following strict technical criteria. As previously indicated, the 1965 Forest Code also established two sets of categories of environmental reserves, to be created by the State: fully-protected reserves which incl uded National, State and Municipal Parks, and Biological Reserves; and direct-use rese rves which could be managed for economic, technical or social purposes, such as National, State, and Municipal Forests. The great change introduced in the new Forest Code was the economic valorization of the forests that would come to underlie fore st policies. This incl uded fiscal incentives for reforestation. The Codes Article no 41 stated that the offici al credit agencies would concede priority to reforestation projects, and designated the National Monetary Council to define the regulations for loans for privat e reforestation programs. A year later, in 1966, the federal government created the Law of Fiscal Incentives (Law no 5.106,

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125 September 2, 1966), which offered fi scal incentives to forest en terprises, which were also allowed to deduct 50% from their income tax in the case of reforest ation projects. The Law of Fiscal Incentives was sanctioned in the same month that the federal government replaced the SPVEA by the Superintende ncy for Amazon Development (SUDAM/ Law no 5.173, October 27), which was created to plan and coordinate acti ons to promote the development of the Amazon. Endowed with ample resources, SUDA M was also put in charge of formulating and promoting initia tives and resources for economic development in the Amazon region. It was precisely the fiscal incentives that presented the main justification for the creation, in 1967, of the IBDF (Brazilian Institute for Fore st Development), which was put in charge of formulating and executing the forest policies as well as environmental reserves, becoming responsible simultaneousl y for both forest and conservation policies of all the national territory. The importance of IBDF for the implementation of fiscal incentives was expressed in IBDFs docum ent, called Letter from Braslia ( Carta de Braslia ), published soon after the institutes creation. The Letter from Braslia established the premises for the forest pol icy to be implemented by the newly founded IBDF, which was given the task to promot e the rational utilization, protection and conservation of renewable natural resources and forest developm ent in the country (IBDF 1968: 25). Explaining the governments in terest in expanding pr ivate initiatives in reforestation programs, via the 1966 Law of Fi scal Incentives, the document stated that [the government] had realized that the country n eeded to create an agency not just to put that Law into practice, but also to estab lish a normative policy that embraced all the national territory, taking into consideration the complexity and diversity of the multiple

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126 forests, with their specific characteristics (ABEF 1968: 26-27). Thus, IBDF was designated to execute the fiscal incentive law according to specific legislative measures, supporting reforestation projects by private initiatives. As indicated in the IBDF document, the fi scal incentives for reforestation programs were directed to the Southern and Southeas tern regions. In the period between 1967 and 1968, IBDF received 610 applic ations, of which 351 were a pproved for plantations of Pinus Eliotti, Pinheiro Brasileiro and eucalyptus in the states of So Paulo, Minas Gerais, Paran, Santa Catarina and Rio Grande do Sul. The main objective was to increase the production of cellulose, panel products, and char coal to supply the steel industry With this emphasis on reforestation programs, in pa rticular tree farming, it is not surprising that IBDF, replacing the pr evious environmental agencies, such the Mate National Institute, the Pinho National Institute, a nd the Department of Renewable Natural Resources, was also placed under the Ministry of Agriculture and had General Sylvio Pinto da Luz as its first president. A range of the new forest policies for the Amazon region was put in motion in 1970 after the announcement of the impressive Program of National In tegration (PIN). Besides promoting an ambitious colonizati on program and the implementation of an extensive network of roads and ports, PIN also sponsored a vast range of activities related to technical and scientific knowledge aimed at supporting government development programs to accelerate the modernization of the Amazon economy. In her analysis on the military geo-political project to speed up the process of modernization of the Amazon economy, Becker (1992) pointed to the contro l over the scientif ic and technological sectors as the landmark that differentiated it from previous government attempts to

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127 integrate the region into the national political economy. According to her, the premises of the geo-political project were not determ ined by the countrys geography or simply by the physical appropriation of th e territory and the natural re sources. Instead, the author asserted, they resided in the intentionalit y in controlling the m odern scientific and technological vector to exert dominion over time and space, understood as a necessary condition to accelerate the rhythm and the scale of economic growth (Becker (1992: 132). For her, it also repres ented a condition to consolidate and increase the role of the State, which was considered the only act or able to conduct eco nomic changes through rational planning. Therefore, beginning in the 1970s, the fe deral government began promoting a number of surveys on natural resources in the Amazon region, invol ving several research institutions and governmental and multilateral agencies. Under the supervision of the newly created SUDAM, the government cr eated in October 2 9, 1970, the Commission for the Amaznia Radargramtrico Survey to carry out an exte nsive aerial survey to map the regions topography, geology, vegetation, soils, and mineral deposits in the Amaznia, pre-Amaznia, and part of th e Northeast region, which was developed through the Radar Amaznia or RADAR project (RADAMBRASIL 1979). In this initial phase, the RADAR project involved various national agencies, such as the National Institute for Space Research (INPE) and the National Department of Mineral Production, as well as international agencies such as the National Aeronautics and Space Administration (NASA) and the U.S. Air For ce, which provided the most extensive and comprehensive inventory of natural resources in the Amazon region.

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128 The federal government also promoted ex tensive forest resource inventories through the Forest Development and Research Project (PRODEPEF), a new cooperative project between the Brazilian government and FAO to build on and intensify the previous forest surveys. PRODEPEF was created from an agreement established in 1971 between the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) and the Brazilian government to carry out the Forestry Developmen t and Research Project in Brazil (PNUD/FAO/IBDF/BRA-45 Project), with the FAO as the executing agency and IBDF as the government partner agency. PRODEPEF s main objectives were to strengthen IBDF technically and institutionally, and to make available extensive information on Brazilian forest potential to support national forest deve lopment planning. Given the diversity of the forest, forest surveys were subdivided in three areas: the Amazon region, the Central region ( Cerrado regions), and the Southern region. Coordinated by IBDF in the Amazon re gion, PRODEPEF was carried out by the Amaznia Operation Group (GOA), whic h was created on February 23, 1972 (Port./IBDF no 2.708) to define and control a policy fo r the rational utiliz ation of natural resources in the Amazon regi on, and involved several ot her agencies, including the North Region Coordination of the Agricu ltural Ministry, Agro-pecuaria Research Institute of the North, Department of Natu ral Resources of SUDAM, National Institute for Amazon Research (INPA), INCRA, and INPE. Dr. Jean Debuis, a Belgian FAO expert, coordinated the Subgroup of Studies and Research that carried out fo rest surveys along the Transamazon Highways. Besides prov iding a database of the forest resources to support the modernization of the forest industry, especially for timber production,

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129 these surveys also envisioned the definition of forest areas to be de signated as reserves (FAO/IBDF 1978). The team carrying out these initials forest surveys outlined the proposal for the Tapajs National Forest and the Amaznia Nati onal Park, the first two federal reserves created in the Amazon region, bot h in the Tapajs Valley. The creation of these reserves in 1974 foreshadowed the main objective of PDAM II, implemented from 1975 to 1979, for a policy on forest resources in the Amaz on region that simultaneously promoted the conservation and management of the forest resources. The concept of growth poles ( Poloamaznia) in the PDAM II identified the Tapajs Valley for the development of a timber industry pole. At same time, in th e upper Tapajs River, gold mining that had been carried out since th e 1950s on a small scale, by garimpeiros also was given a new emphasis and a new gold rush was promoted th at attracted thousands of people to the region (Schmink and Wood 1992). It is worthwh ile to note, once again, that the first two federal reserves in the Amazon region were cr eated precisely in this valley, specifically, in the Lower and Upper Tapajs River. The selection of the Tapajs Valley fo r the establishment of a timber production pole followed the trail opened by the FAO Mission since the early 1950s to support the modernization of the regional timber industr y. Besides forest inventories, several experiments promoted by FAO were still unde rway. In Santarm, the Wood Technology Center began operating in August 1957 under SPE VEA supervision, and was replaced in 1966 by SUDAM, to train profession als in the modern technique s of the timber industry. Additionally, there were experime nts in silviculture that had been initiated by John Pitt in the Curu-Una station, southwest Santarm. Th e continuation of thes e initial efforts was

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130 projected in PDAM IIs National Integration and Occupation of the Brazilian Universe, which focused on FAOs recommendations to replace what were considered backward and predatory methods of timber exploitation. PDAM IIs Policy for Forest Resources Development and Rational Use of the soils of Amaznia stated clearly that the main objective was to transform wood exploitation into a planned, institutionaliz ed, and permanent ac tivity, putting the emphasis on exploitation of the forest in terra-firme (SUDAM 1974: 24). This focus on terra-firme meant replacing the prevailing expl oitation in the floodplain areas ( vrzea ), which were dominated by soft woods, with the exploitation of hard woods. PDAM II also suggested the creation of the category of Floresta de Rendimento (Profitable Forest), which could be exploited by private entities th rough projects that ha d to meet technical criteria including regene ration and reforestation (w ith high-value species). As many scholars have pointed out, the Poloamaznia program signified a redirection from small-scale production to large-scale production under monopolistic enterprises, especially thos e capable of exporting their production. Schmink and Wood (1992: 5) observed that, this perspective saw capital accumulation, foreign investment, and big economic projects as a means of ach ieving high rates of growth. Embedded in such a view was a preference for large, capit al intensive investments rather than for small, labor-oriented projects. Also re marking on the scientific and technological emphasis embedded in these development plans, the authors underlined that Poloamaznia s approach invoked a firm belief in advanced technology as a means to promote the general welfare and to resolve ex ternal difficulties associated with economic growth, such as environmental degradation and the displacement of people (Schmink

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131 and Wood 1992: 5). It was especially rema rkable that the regions unorganized timber exploitation, and its backward operational and transportati on methods, were considered the main obstacles to the development of th e timber export sector. Therefore, assuring the control over vast areas of lands and giving priority to private capital and to large-scale development projects that were furnished with massive subsidies and fiscal incentives, the federal government undertook several stra tegies designed to consolidate national competitive power (Guimares 1991: 182). The creation of the Tapajs National Fore st in 1974, was the first and the most direct product of such a visionary forest po licy. Located at the center of Polo Tapajs, Flona Tapajs was created to help promote the modernization of the timber industry and to consolidate the co mpetitive power of the regional timber industry. Improvements in transportation infrastructure were also undert aken, with the construc tion of roads and the expansion and modernization of the port of Santarm. Alongside IBDF, SUDAM also actively suppo rted a forest policy for the Amazon region that promoted timber exportation. In 1978, SUDAM presented the Development Program for the Amazonian Timber S ector, defined under Clara Pandolfos coordination, to formulate a forest policy considered adequate for the interests of the region (Pandolfo 1978: 5, emphasis added). U nder the title The Brazilian Amazon Forest: Economic-Ecological Approach, the Program remarked on the increasing demand for tropical timber in the international market and the process of forest depletion that was occurring in Africa and Southeast As ia, and called the Amazon region the last great reserve of tropi cal timber in the world (Pandol fo 1978: 22). Defending the need for Brazil to take advantage of the increasing demand for ha rdwoods in the international

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132 market, the Program proposed the establishmen t of twelve Profitable Forests across the Amazon region. These forests would be im plemented by the State and exploited by private entities through a system of concessi ons, representing one of the more vigorous incentives to the entrepreneur class (Pandolfo 1978: 40). The Profitable Forests proposed by S UDAM were not implemented, and a concession system, allowing private entities to exploit timber in st ate forest reserves, was still being debated in 2005 in governmental forums. On the other hand, starting in 1980, massive subsidies aimed to increase timber exportation were provided by CACEX6 (currently SECEX), the government agency at the Central Bank responsible for the export sector. These subsidies stimulated a remarkable increase in timber exports, and introduced Amazonian hardwoods to the intern ational market. Anal yzing the effect of CACEX subsidies on the timber sector, Brow der (1987: 297) pointed out that, in 1979, prior to the export subsidy pr ograms in question, mahogany ( Sweitenia macrophylla ) lumber exports accounted for less than 10 per cent of all Brazilian lumber exports. By 1983, when the subsidy programs were in full operation, mahogany lumber had grown to more than 30 percent of all Brazilian lumber export. It was most visible in relation to the United States, the major importer of Brazilian mahogany. While in 1974 mahogany represented 29 percent of the lumber export to the United States, in 1984 it grew to 67 percent (Browder 1987). Thanks to massive subsidies and institutional support, Brazil finally reached its goal to participate in the international timber market. As Nash anticipated sixty years earlier, the day of the tropica l hardwoods [was] at hand (Nash 1926: 382). 6 Resolutions no 643 and 674.

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133 It was precisely at the beginning of the 1980s, when Brazilian wood production had securely entered the international market, th at the implementation of Flona Tapajs was truly initiated, and several administrativ e actions were put into motion. These government interventions resulted in confr ontation with several groups residing in the reserve, who did not accept the displacement that this forest project implied. As part of the strategies to develop a competitive timber industry, the creation and implementation of the Flona Tapajs imposed on the groups liv ing in the area a new mode of forest economy that favored the export sector at the ex pense of customary uses of the resources. The conflicts generated by these different c onceptions of forest uses pervade Flona Tapajs history, and have led to significant restructurings of the original project reserve.

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134 CHAPTER 5 THE SCIENTIFIC FOREST AND COMMUNITY SOCIAL CONFLICTS 5.1 Introduction One time when I was visiting the Maguari vi llage, I talked to Helena and Simo, a couple who had twelve children, about the seve ral projects that had been implemented to technically and economically assist comm unity people. The couple had a strong leadership in the community and had been e ngaged in the various projects developed by governmental and non-governmental organizatio ns. Upon my request, they explained to me the new methods for cultivation of r ubber trees that they were taught by a governmental institution that provided commun ity technical assistance. Then, I asked them what had changed with this technical assistance, and the woma n, thinking for a little while, said: as tirinhas (the straight little rows). Immediately, I looked out the window and I could see that most of the rubber trees in the garden had been planted in straight rows much like those described by Scott (1992) as a product of modern forestry techniques. I asked them what they did be fore the government technical assistance, and the woman explained: We used to plant one tree here, another over there, and another over there, all of them mi xed with other plants. In a general way, the community system of production is based on a multiplicity of forest resources, which are managed by incorporating cultivated species with native ones, analogous to the Amazonian agro-forestry system (Ande rson 1990; Denevan and Padoch 1988; Padoch et al 1985). The focus of tec hnical assistance on maximizing production by implementing an orderly monocrop system reflects the tendency to overlook

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135 community knowledge for the sake of scientific principles. Discussing the trend toward homogenizing and standardizing social and economic relations in modern statecraft, Scott (1998: 93) highlighted that the advantages promised by a highmodernist ideology are validated with the authority of scientific knowledge and it s tendency to disallow other competing sources of judgment. As pointed out, the view that scientific principles were needed to overcome the backward state of the technical and econom ic development of the Amazon region was firmly embedded in Amazon frontier expans ion policies (Barrett o 2001a; Becker 1992; Schmink and Wood 1992; Foresta 1991). This was particularly relevant for the timber sector, whose unsystematic methods of exploita tion and transportation were considered to be the main causes of the s ectors poor performance that depleted forest resources without providing adequate profits. Tec hnical improvements and planned exploitation were, then, viewed as conditions for the accel eration of the modernization of the timber industry, which needed to reduce its wastef ulness by promoting a rational use of resources. The rationale underlying such an assumption, also reflected in many other sectors, soon revealed the intention to rea llocate spaces and resources from local social groups in favor of large enterprises, most of which were located outside the region. This reallocation would generate an intense process of social a nd environmental conflict. The creation and implementation of Flona Tapa js reflected part of this process. While responding to the governme nt interests to modernize th e regional timber industry, the establishment of Flona Tapajs also sign ified for the community people the strongest interference in their forms of spacial and socio-economic organizations. This pushed communities to organize a remarkable resist ance movement, resulting in a conflictual

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136 relationship between community people, w hom I call communities of resistance, and the government agency responsible for the rese rve. This chapter focuses on the process of the creation and implementation of Flona Ta pajs and the conflicti ng relationship that was established with the communities of re sistance. I focus on the period from the early 1970s, when Flona Tapajs was create d, up until the beginning of the 1990s, when negotiations to solve the conflicts over community lands were initiated, and the government agency began taking into cons ideration the possibility of peoples permanence in the reserve. 5.2 Flona Tapajs and the Communities of Resistance 5.2.1 Flona Tapajs in the Context of the Programmed Network When Flona Tapajs was created in 1974, comprising an area of approximately 600,000 hectares, the reserves limits were practi cally all located with in the municipality of Santarm. In 1996, however, the limits of the municipality of Santarm were redefined with the creation of the municipality of Belterra, a possession of the Ministry of Agriculture since 1945, when the Ford Co mpany donated it back to the Brazilian government. Thus, in this new spatial rearra ngement, Flona Tapajs extended into the new municipality of Belterra, encompassing around sixty percent of the municipalitys territory. While it was a territory of the federal gove rnment, Belterra was an important base for the development of the PRODEPEF forest su rveys that were carried out beginning in the 1970s. Belterra had been very well e quipped by the Ford Company, which built a number of houses, offices, and research stati ons, in addition to seve ral urban facilities. After being given to the Brazili an government, Belterra became a unit of the Ministry of Agriculture, operating under SPVEA supervisi on as a research stat ion to support, in

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137 particular, rubber cultivation. Belterra was al so an important point of reference for the localization of Flona Tapajs, whose creation, as previously indicated, was proposed and outlined by the same PRODEPEF team that had carried out the forest surveys. In an interview with Dr. Jean Dubois, who c oordinated the PRODEPEF Subgroup of Studies and Research, and was present when the bor ders of Flona Tapajs were outlined, he explained the importance of Belterra in this process: Edviges: Why was Flona Tapajs created in such a location? Dr. Dubois: You know, all the people, IBDF s employees and the forest research and management team who took part in the PRODEPEF, were housed in Belterra. There was good infrastructure, with houses and offices that were also financed by FAO. Actually, you know, there were two areas w ith very good infrastructure, which were Belterra and Fordlndia. At the time Flona Tapajs was created, Fordlndia1 was a very old place that had very good infrastructure, but Belterra had a much better one. I think that by this time, there was no other forest ar ea with two such consistent characteristics: with infrastructure and proximity. These were also the reasons for this choice. Although infrastructure and proximity to an urban center with port facilities were important criteria for the localization of Flona Tapajs, the defin ition of the reserves limits turned out to be problematic from severa l points of views. One of the most serious aspects was with regards to the overlapping of the reserves bounda ries with those of lands belonging to a large num ber of social groups. Alt hough Flona Tapajs had been created in the contex t of the planned government actions to expand the Amazonian economic frontiers, relying on a large database, no popul ation and/or agra rian survey had been carried out prior to the creation of the reserve, despit e the fact that the National Forest category did not allow pe ople to reside in the area. 1 Fordlndia was the other Ford Company base, established in the Middle Tapajs River for rubber cultivation.

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138 Without a preliminary social and agrari an survey, the Flona Tapajs overlapped with the lands of not only the eighteen communities2 located along the Tapajs River, but also of many other communities. One of these communities was So Jorge, which was comprised of mostly immigrants from th e northeast, and was located along of the Santarm-Cuib highway in an area called planalto. The reserve also overlapped with the lands belonging to long-term resident fam ilies along the Cupari River, in the central region of Flona Tapajs, which also held part of the municipality of Aveiro, created in 1962. Besides these areas, the borders of Flona Tapajs also extended into part of the area of the Itaituba Integrated Colonization Project (PIC-Itaituba), which had settled 571 families in 1973 (Ianni 1979:62). The overlapping of Flona Tapajs with th ese populations land s generated several social, institutional, and admi nistrative conflicts, including in the municipality of Aveiro, whose administration conflicted with the re serve federal legislation. Moreover, the region surrounding the Transamazon and Santar m-Cuib Highways had been primarily designated for colonization projects that had been implemented under PIN, and the majority of these lands was under INCRA (National Institute for Colonization and Agrarian Reform) administration. The creati on of Flona Tapajs in the same area that had been designated for colonization projec ts also caused an administrative conflict between INCRA and IBDF, both agencies under the Ministry of Agriculture, which were responsible for overseeing the colonization proj ects and Flona Tapajs, respectively. At the same time that INCRA was settling fam ilies in the area, IBDF started to take measures to displace people from there. The creation of Flona Ta pajs in this region, 2 So Domingos, Maguari, Jamaraqu, Acaratinga, Jaguarari, Pedreira, Piquiatuba, Marituba, Nazar, Marai, Tauari, Pini, Taquara, Prainha, Pa raiso, Itapaiuna, Jatoarana, and Itapuama.

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139 overlapping with previously established govern mental colonization pr ojects, reflected the changes in the policies for expanding th e Amazon economic frontiers, from PIN to PDAM II, with the original emphasis on co lonization projects changed in favor of intensive exploitation of natural resources by large enterprises. The creation of Flona Tapajs also turned out to be problematic from a technical point of view. Although Flona Tapajs ha d been created to promote planned and intensive timber production, the reserve had one of the lowest densities of wood in the region. According to Dr. Dubois, this had o ccurred because preliminary studies to assess the wood potential of the area had not been carr ied out, as he explaine d in an interview: Edviges: Are you saying that Flona Tapaj s was created without studies, without a forest survey? Dr. Dubois: Yeah, without preliminary fo rest surveys. Perhaps some parcels studied by Dammis Heinsdijk3 were in Flona Tapajs area, but more intensive surveys to provide a precise idea of the wood potential were not carried out. For example, when Flona Tapajs was created, the identification of the forest typology, of the types of the forests that existed, had not been yet carri ed out I was present when the group with Wanderbilt decided to create Flona Tapajs. It was he, Wanderbilt Duarte de Barros, David Azambuja4, K. Oedekoven from FAO, and me These four people went to Belterra, where Wanderbilt said: lets go enter into the forest neighboring Belterra. We went to this forest, it was a flooded area, a nd, thus, Wanderbilt said: lets establish here, in this region, Flona Tapajs. He took a ma p and [Debois drew a map in the air with four sides, reproducing Wanderbi lts hand movements at that moment] Flona Tapajs was created, without surveys, without studies It was a misstep; it was created in a hurry, without accumulating information, without seeing in the field that most of the forest did not have any timber potential. Without knowing, I presume, that the north of the area is practically dominated by baba [palm], a plateau, where there is a scarcity of water, and the regeneration of the species is very difficu lt due to the high concentration of roots. After this area dominated by baba there is high-density forest, without baba and just a few vines. This part has more water resources, and it is where there are better conditions for the survival of the communities of forest people. After this region, there is a progressive gradation from this forest to a forest with an increasing quantity of vines. Then, at a certain point, you have a forest with high and dispersed canopies, which are 3 Dammis Heinsdijk carried out the first forest surveys in the region in the 1950s through the FAO Mission. 4 Wanderbilt Duarte de Barros and David Azambuja, former Forest Services administrators.

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140 like towers of vegetation covered with vines, and, then, the vine forest or cipoal Penetration into the cipoal is very difficult because the vines injure the people. It covers most of the south of the Flona, where there is no wood, but it was a refuge for game. Yet, despite that, I think the Flona was good b ecause it guaranteed a refuge for hunting. I did not find any documentation at IBAMA s offices that presented the official justification for the creation and the locali zation of Flona Tapajs. Although IBAMAs employees informed me that a document spelling out the motives for the reserves creation should have been written, it was not found, possibly having been lost. The decree that officially created Flona Tapa js only states the reserves creation, in accordance to the specific legislation for Na tional Forests. The government procedures in the creation of Flona Tapajs seem to have o ccurred, in a similar fashion, in the case of Amaznia National Park, created in the same y ear and same valley as Flona Tapajs. As Foresta (1991: 33) points out, The first major protected na tural area in Amaznia, a million-hectare national park on the banks of the Tapajs River in eastern Par, was established by presidential decree in 1974, but the event wa s anomalous. The parks location and shape had been decided by regional planners with no input from conservationists, and it was unconnected to a ny wider conservation plans. The author considered the creation of this national park to be anomalous, since the rest of the fullyprotected reserves created duri ng the period of 197484 were drafted usin g solid scientific data. The absence of official documentation justifying the creation of Flona Tapajs prevents us from assessing, in more detail, th e governments reasons for establishing this forest reserve. As Dr. Dubois described, mo st of Flona Tapajs was covered by a forest that did not have any timber pot ential, and it would have served better, in his opinion, to protect wild game. The highdensity forest with timber potential covered only a small

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141 part of the reserve, precisely where the co mmunity areas of occupation were located. As most of the (commercial) timber is located in this part of the rese rves forest, which the communities depend on for their liv elihood needs, it came to cons titute the focal point of the conflicts between the communities and the government. Before I discuss these conflicts in more deta il, I would like to return to this central question: why was the first forest reserve for timber exploitation in the Amazon region created without first carrying out forest surv eys, which were a central component of the Amazon frontier expansion policies at the time (PDAM II), to assess whether or not the area was appropriate for timber exploitation? To understand such an apparent contradi ction we need to see the problems generated with the creation of the reserve not as simply a mistake coming from the disregard of the technical component, or of the existing social organizations. As Schmink and Wood (1987: 48) remarked about governmental land use planning for the Amazon region: expertise, although a necessary component of effective project design, is hardly sufficient. To understand the cont radictions found in the process of creation and establishment of Flona Tapa js, it might be better to ap ply the analytical framework developed by Becker (1992), in which she point ed out the manipulation of the territory as part of the strategies us ed to accelerate economic modernization without altering the social hierarchical structure. Becker (1992) asserted that the milita ry geo-political proj ect represented an imposition on the national territory of a pow erful network of double control: technical and political, which was related to government al programs and projects and to public and private enterprises. She called this programmed network ( malha programada ), whose

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142 components were comprised of: the great ne twork of road and ports, urban centers, telecommunications, and hydroelectrical projec ts, that were designed to integrate the spaces; the creation of new te rritories with federal administrative units, allowing the federal government to exert direct and absolu te authority; fiscal subsidies to large enterprises that encouraged the private ap propriation of land; and incentives that stimulated the migration of people, creating a mobile labor force. The imposition of this programmed network allowed for an accelera ted incorporation of natural resources and the formation of a mobile labor force. In the region of the Tapajs Valley, several of these components of the programmed network can be identified. The region was cut by the construction of both the Transamazon and Santarm-Cuib Highway s; ports were expanded and modernized; colonization projects and gold mining were promoted, triggering large waves of migration; and, with the creation and implem entation of Flona Tapa js, a new territory was superimposed in the region under absolute state control. In this context, the establishment of Flona Tapajs can be unders tood as comprising the strategies of the programmed network, which responded, simu ltaneously, to the objectives of imposing territorial control and the fo rmation of a mobile labor fo rce by displacing community people. Thus, analyzing the creation of Flona Tapa js from this perspective, the reserve was less important technically (as a site for implementing scientific forestry for the production of timber) than as an instrument to exert social and territo rial control. As Becker (1992: 136) highlight ed, State management of the territory was eminently strategic, involving direct ad ministration not only in economic terms, but also power

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143 relations The territorial displacement ( desterritorializao ) and the volatilization of the places were implicit goals of the geopolitical project, best owing to the social question a clear environmental dimension a nd vice-versa, and to Brazil a peculiar position on this issue in the international scenario. Beckers analytical framework is also useful for understanding the forest conservation discourse on Flona Tapajs that was used to justify the initial attempts to displace people, as discussed in Chapter 2, which was also applied in different ways throughout the reserves histor y. Disguised by a forest c onservation discourse that conceals the nature of the social conflicts a nd the reserves technical failures, the creation and the establishment of Flona Tapajs was one of the strategies of the programmed network used to impose a new territory that was less concerned with the principles of scientific forestry management to regulat e timber exploitation, than it was with controlling spaces and social relations. This explains why forest surveys had not been carried out prior to the reserves creation, and why the low timber potential of the area was not a central issue to the reserves creation. Manipulating the territory through the programmed network, the geo-political project altered the center-peri phery structure, which, Becker (1992: 136) remarked, did not constitute a clear division line between the modern and the archaic, but, instead, produced a hybrid, ambivalent, and unstable st ructure, yet very dynamic, even at the spatial level. It was, precise ly, in the context of the conf licts that emerged between the programmed network and what Becker called the lived space ( espao vivido ), that forms of resistance took place to deny th e governmental project and to propose alternatives to the st ate spatial planning.

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144 5.2.2 Displacing People to Make Them Wageworkers The first information about the communities in Flona Tapajs, whom I am calling communities of resistance, was recorded by the reserves admini stration only in 1978, four years after the reserve s creation, when IBDF starte d to carry out a survey, a preliminary step in the process to dispo ssess community people from their respective lands (IBDF 1978). The report on the results of this survey was the only document I found at IBAMAs offices in Braslia and in Santarm, showing the measures and posture adopted by the governmental agency from 1978 to 1983. The report also informed that their work in Flona Tapajs had been initiated in August 1978, when the PoloAmaznia liberated the financial resources for the rese rves implementation. However, some efforts had been taken beforehand, such as the atte mpt to obtain a certificate signed by the people who were located in the areas of the colonization project (P IC-Itaituba) on top of which the reserve had also been superimposed. The certificate constituted a document to be signed by the people, declaring that they had been informed by the forest engine er Rionaldo Rolo de Almeida, who directed Flona Tapajs for many years, and that they were aware th at the area they intended to occupy [was} part of the Tapajs National Forest , and that any deforestation on their lands could constitute a violation against the Law. No copies of this certificate were signed, but there are the signatures of two w itnesses saying that the dwellers were aware of the document and they had refused to sign it. On the other hand, the communities located along the Tapajs River came to officially know about the creation of Flona Tapajs, and the fact that they would be removed from the area, only when the 1978 survey started to be carri ed out, as explained by Jos from Piquiatuba community:

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145 Edviges: How did you find out about Flona Tapajs? Jos: First, we started to hear many co mments that a Flona had been created, but we did not understand very well what it meant. Later, they arrived here to carry out a survey and they said: We are from IBDF. IBDF is a government agency and we are authorized to carry out a survey about wh at you do, what you plant, what you possess, it is a requirement of the government. Nobody he re dared to ask them what it meant or what it did not mean. At the time, nobody he re knew what IBDF was; it was the first time they came here. They came by boat. There was a citizen named Paulo, who was the person that did the job. Among the commun ity people, nobody knew what IBDF was or knew about the proposal of what they were as king for. We started to tell them about everything we had: how many y ears we had been here, the si ze of the area worked, all about these things they asked questions a bout. Everybody answered them. Then, at a certain point, they said that th ey were taking these data to indemnify us to leave here. That was the reason we resisted; we t hought that it should not be like that! The 1978 IBDF report presented a long list of the people residing in the reserve, who were identified in different ways. One set of people were calle d settled colonists ( colonos assentados ), people who had been established in the area before the creation of Flona Tapajs, which included sixty-two peopl es names, as well as colonists settled after the reserves creation, wh ich included seventeen people. The second set was people who had resided in the reserves area befo re its creation, including the estimated one thousand people in the Aveiro city, and fam ilies existing before the reserve creation and residing along the Tapajs River, including seven hundred and twenty families (IBDF 1978). The report also mentioned people who had received compensation for having to leave their lands, including seventy-one colo nists along the Santarm-Cuib Highway, and people from the communities of Igarap -Tinga, Tabocal, Margem Direita do Rio Tapajs, Itapaiuna, Rio Cupar, Jaguarary, and So Joo. The report concluded with a proposal to ex clude four areas from the limits of Flona Tapajs. One was the area of Aveiro city ; the second was the area of the colonization settlement (PIC-Itaituba); the third, the ar ea of So Jorge; and finally, the community

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146 area along the Tapajs River, at the time, co mposed of sixteen communities. Although the report recommended excluding the commun ity area from the reserves limits, the report also included a list of people from th ese communities to be compensated. It was not clarified why both of these proposals were made. Except for Aveiro, the proposal to exclude these areas from Flona Tapajss limits became a controversial subject of discussion throughout the reserves history. Currently, the offici al proposal states that the remaining colonization settlements, Aveir o, and So Jorge, are excluded from Flona Tapajs although the situation of these areas ha s not yet been officially resolved. Any change in the reserves limits must be sanctioned by the Congress. The community areas along the Tapajs River certainly became the most controversial among these areas. The propos al has changed directions, from initially recommending peoples displacement from th e area and relocation to another region outside the reserves limits, to, finally, allowing communities to remain inside the reserve, as has been sanctioned in the new 2000 SNUC. The 1978 reports proposal to exclude the areas from the reserves limits was justified by the great expenditure that would be necessary to compensate people fo r taking away their lands, and because the community areas were significantly poor in te rms of forest resources, and they were comprised of sandy soils that do not allow mechanized exploitation (IBDF 1978: 3). Possibly, this first proposal also took into cons ideration peoples resist ance that started to be articulated at the time. The controversy around the issue of peoples displacement was reflected in an interview with Dr. Dubois, in which he said: Dr. Dubois: IBAMA [IBDF] created pr oblems on account of being socially insensitive. Now, what are you going to do ? Are you going to take these people out of there? That was the question, which focused all the attention on Tapajs. I had the proposal to create enclaves in the Flona to k eep the communities. I said to them [IBDFs

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147 employees]: you can train these peop le to become forest workers ( operrios florestais ). If not, you are going to bring lumber enterprise s that will bring workers from outside the Flona. But they did not accept. Edviges: What was the justification for that? Dr. Dubois: They had no justification, th ey just did not want to. There was Rionaldo; he wanted the communities out of th ere. It was a strong struggle; many years passed before protection for the communities was assured. In an interview with Eleazar Volpato, w ho worked at IBDF beginning in the 1970s, and currently is a professor at the University of Braslia, he also em phasized that in IBDF there existed internal disputes with rega rds to the permanence of the communities in Flona Tapajs. Similarly to Dubois, Volpat o said: At that moment there were some people at IBDF who did not accept the idea of keeping the communities in Flona Tapajs, but I said to them that, if we kept the community people, they could work for the enterprises that would exploit the forest. In his dissertation on the fully-protected reserves in the Amazon region, Barretto (2001a ) also noted the exis tence, within the government, of divergences and controversia l proposals, which reflected the diverse interests and conceptions regarding environmen tal conservation issues. The same can be observed in relation to Flona Tapajs, alt hough we can perceive a dominant tendency to exclude people from the reserve, partic ularly during the initial moment of the implementation of the reserve. The process of peoples displacement fr om Flona Tapajs was poorly documented, although several nuclei of families were removed from their lands, including some families from the colonization project, all the long-term resident families that were located in the reserves southern region, a nd the communities of So Joo, Terra Rica, and Jacamim in the northeaste rn region, whose numbers and possessions were described

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148 in official documents as being of occasional occurrence and of little importance. In the So Joo and Terra Rica communities, IB DF built the reserves headquarters, with offices and other facilities. Antonio, who was from the So Joo community and is now living with his family in the community of Acaratinga, commented on how people had left the place they were living: Edviges: How did you leave So Joo? Antonio: When this story of Flona Tapaj s started, the teachers and the catechizers ( catequistas ) were the first to leave, and then other families. Only four families stayed there who did not have a school for their ch ildren, and we did not have a choice other than to leave. So Joo and Terra Rica had the best lands for planting. The land was dark, and we could plant everyt hing we wanted to. When I left So Joo, I asked Feitosa if we could live in Maguary. He said that I could do that, but I could not work, to plant my field crops. I stayed some time over there, and then I moved to Santarm, where I suffered an accident, and broke my leg. For four years, I was just dealing with this leg. So, I decided to come back to Acarati nga, but this land now belongs to the PSA.5 A similar explanation was provided by Lori val, who was from Terra Rica and now is living in the Maguary community: Lorival: I was disoriented, I had no inform ation about the Union, about my rights. Everything he [IBDFs employee] said, I agreed with. I was th e last to sign the accord to leave the land. First, I regist ered, but it was sent back and I had to do it again. Rionaldo took pictures and told us that we were going to be compensated. Although the discussion to implement Flona Tapajs included different positions in relation to the communities of resistance, even those who defended the permanence of the communities in the reserve justified the po ssibility of engaging them in the activities 5 CEAPS/ Sade e Alegria Project (PSA Health and Happiness Proj ect), is an NGO that has been working with some communities since the late 1980s. In 1993, PSA bought this land, encompassing 3,400 hectares, which was part of the area that had been registered by Arnaldo Freitas, a Portuguese merchant who had come and settled in Aramana in the early twentieth century. According to community people, Arnaldo Freitas acquired the are through the debt system ( sistema de endividamento ), which consisted of providing goods to people, and as they could not pay him back, Arnaldo Freitas started to take possession of the rubber trees of the indebted people. His son Carlos Freitas, residing in Rio de Janeiro, had inherited this part of the area, and soon after, he sold it to an en trepreneur from Belm, who sold it to PSA. From a legal point of view, this land transaction is not permitted since the National Forest legislation does not allow private titles to areas in the reserve, which is cons idered public lands. This has been a point of disagreements between PSA and the Flona Tapajs administration, as well as with part of the community residents from Maguari, Jamaraqu and Acaratinga, wh o did not accept PSAs control over the area.

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149 of timber exploitation, or as Dubois defined, as forest workers. As pointed out in Chapter 3, the Ford Company, in the 1930s a nd 1940s, had attempted a similar frustrating attempt and, according to Costa (1993), labor was the major reason behind the enterprises bankruptcy. Desp ite offering relatively high wa ges, the Ford Company was unable to break the historical dependence peas ants had with the land and to turn them into wage workers on the companys payroll. Costa identified this as a form of peasant resistance against economic specialization. Whereas the Ford Company had been unsuccessful in transforming peasant land relations through incentives of high wages, the creation and implementation of Flona Tapajs presented a more radical proposal to break off peoples ties to the land by forcibly removing people from the area and clos ing off access to forest spaces. Both of these strategies were important in brea king off peoples ties w ith the land and in transforming them into an available work for ce, while, at same time, liberating the forest for timber exploitation. The social conflicts th at emerged from this process did not occur only in Flona Tapajs, but also on the other si de of the Tapajs River, on the left bank, where timber enterprises had been established and had started to exploit timber in forest areas occupied by several long-term residing communities. Facing similar processes of exploitation, these rural communities also strong ly resisted the advance of the new forest economy. 5.3 Community Resistance: Land and Political Organization 5.3.1 The Rural Workers Union and Organizational Power The beginning of the 1980s was decisive for the expansion of the timber sector in the Tapajs Valley, motivated, especially, by fisc al incentives for export that were made available by the federal government. Followi ng the export policies of the early 1980s to

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150 accelerate economic growth, the federal gover nment implemented two lines of export credits eligible to producer-exporters, to obtai n short-term capital fo r about 25 percent of its true cost, called the CACEX Resolution 674 (Browder 1987). These incentives had a strong impact on the development of the Am azon timber sector, which reached the longterm objective of exporting hard wood. As Browder (1987: 286) showed, from 1980 to 1984, a veritable boom in mahogany6 lumber production ensued, fueled by export incentives. Mahogany became one of the Amaz ons premier export staples, constituting over 30 percent of all Brazilian lumber expor t in 1983. Browders analysis focused, mainly, on the process that occurred in the state of Rondnia, wher e logging operations were intertwined with agricultural activities promoted through col onization projects and large-scale farms and ranches. The number of sawmills registered in 1980 in the Amazon region reached five hundred and forty-two, c oncentrated primarily in the states of Rondnia (two hundred and thirty sawmills) and Par (two hundred and seventy sawmills) (IBDF/ Programa Tapajs 1982). In the Tapajs Valley, as previously di scussed, several governmental efforts, including the creation and implementation of Flona Tapa js, had been undertaken to promote the development of large-scale timber production. Although the number of sawmills did not increase significantly in the re gion, with eighteen sawmills registered in 1981, the export of timber had been initiated, representing sixty percent of the timber production in the same year. This timber e xport was triggered, mainl y, by the arrival of large timber enterprises, such as the Am azonex Exportadora Ltda., the Santa Isabel 6 Sweitenia macrophylla

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151 Agroflorestal Ltda., and the Comercial Madeir as Exportao S&A (CEMEX), to cite the most prominent. CEMEX was the only sawmill that came to initially exploit timber in Flona Tapajs, in 1984, in an area of two hundred he ctares, and, in the late 1990s, through the ITTO Project, which will be discussed la ter on. The other two sawmills, Amazonex and Santa Isabel, had selected the forest areas lo cated on the left bank of the Tapajs River, where the Tapajs-Arapiuns Extractive Reserve was later created in 1998. In his analysis on the peasant movement that emerged in th e Lower Tapajs region in the earlier 1980s, Leroy (1991: 116) mentioned that these two ti mber enterprises had been favored with SUDAMs incentives, and intende d to occupy the left bank of the Tapajs River, in a extension of about 60 kilometers in the front, from Camet, in the municipality of Aveiro, to Arapiuns River, for 100 kilometers in the back. This area wa s occupied by several long-term residing communities, as in the case of those in Flona Tapajs. The arrival of these two enterprises to exploit timber trigge red several conflicts with these communities, which mounted a strong resistance in an attempt to retain th eir areas of occupation and to limit the extent to which the enterprises could use the forest. The conflicts that took place among the communities on the left bank of the Tapajs River occurred simultaneously with t hose in Flona Tapajs, and reflected the advance of governmental policies to consolidat e a timber pole in the region, which at the time was fueled by export incentives (B rowder 1987: 286). Although social conflicts had initially emerged when Flona Tapajs wa s created in 1974, when I carried out my first study in the reserve in 1996, there was little information available on the issue, with the exception of some official documents. The only reference to these conflicts was

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152 found in Leroys book (1991), Uma Chama na Amaznia (A Flame in Amaznia), in which the author focused on the social rural movements that took place in the region of Santarm during the 1980s. In this study, Leroy mentioned the resistance movement mounted by the communities in Flona Tapaj s, among other social mobilizations that occurred in the region, all of which had been articulated mainly through the Union of the Rural Workers from Santarm ( Sindicato dos Trabalhadores Rurais de Santarm ). Among the communities of resistance it wa s common to hear them talk of the importance of seeking the Union to help them defend their permanence in the area, as explained Pedro, one of the leader s from the Piquiatuba community: Pedro: The Union was very important to us. There was Geraldo Pastana7, and he helped us very much in this battle. We neve r had participated in the Union, but when this Flona started and they started to say that we had to leave, we asked: and now, what are we going to do? If we left, where would we go? Then, the people from the Union said to us: do not leave, you have to resist, a nd do not sign any document for IBDF. After that, we started to organize through the Union, to organize Union Sections ( Delegacias Sindicais ). Therefore, with the Union we were guaranteed to stay here. The participation of the peopl e of the communities in the Union signified their first association with a broader political organi zation. Up to then, community political organizations existed only at the local level, and community Presidents were the leaders of these organizations, as discussed in the Chapter 3. The involvement with the Union added to community representations the new so cial category of the rural worker, which many community people identified themselv es as. The Union was the alternative organization community people had through whic h they could organize themselves to defend their lands. It was at the beginning of the 1980s that they experienced the most active moment, not only because it coincide d with the period when the native rural 7 Geraldo Pastana was one of the most prominent leader s in the organization of the Rural Workers Union. He later became a State Deputy, and, in October 2004, was elected mayor of the m unicipality of Belterra.

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153 people began to be displaced from their lands by the new economic model, but also with the arrival of those who had been a ttracted by the coloni zation projects. The colonization projects, which began in the 1980s, when PIN was replaced by PDAM II, had started to show the effects of the governments shift from colonization projects to large-scale mini ng and farming and ranch enterprises. As previously indicated, the region south of Santarm, n ear where the Transamazon and SantarmCuib highways crossed, had been initially designated as areas to promote intense occupation through colonization projects. T housand of people had ar rived in the region, especially from the South, but also from the Northeast, and new urban nuclei had been created, such as Rurpolis Presidente Mdi ci, inaugurated in 1973 by President Mdici himself. However, by the late 1970s, these co lonists started to perceive that the dreams of having land to work were closer to a ni ghtmare. As Leroy (1991: 69) remarked, the colonists thinking they had arrived in the Promised Land found themselves two kilometers from the inferno (emphasis in th e original). The colonists not only did not find any infrastructure, but they also faced di seases, such as malaria, for which they had no medical assistance. They also had no access to markets to sell their production, mainly because, during most parts of the year, the highways were impassable due to heavy rains and lack of maintenance. Mo reover, lands that had been designated for colonization projects starte d to be taken by large farming entrepreneurs, who took advantage of the fiscal incentives available. The life story of one couple, Anibal and Beatriz, from Rio Grande do Sul, who lived in the Acaratinga community, in Fl ona Tapajs, is illustrative of the disillusionments found in the colonization proj ects. Anibal was descendent of a Polish

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154 family that had lived in Rio Grande do Su l for three generations. Beatriz was the youngest of a Russian family, who lived in Sibe ria and moved to Brazil at the beginning of the century, escaping from War World I, and resided in Rio Grande do Sul, in the municipality of So Luis Gonzaga. Accord ing to Beatriz, when the couple had heard about the colonization projects around the Transamazon Highway, they saw the chance to have a piece of land again, which they had lo st in the South. Af ter taking a week-long trip by bus, the couple with thei r four children arrived in 1980 in the region of Rurpolis, where they had to fight for the land with a fa rmer who was trying to obtain legal title to it in his name. The conflict was resolved with the intermediation of INCRA, and after a year of living in a sh elter built with plastic materials, and having planted the first field crops, the family started to be victimized w ith malaria. The adopted son was the most affected, who died in the city of Santarm, after arriving there very weak. The difficult conditions of the highways prevented them fr om taking the corpse back home, and he was buried without the family present. Tell ing me the story, Beatriz cried for not having had the chance to see her son for the last time. Although surviving, all of the familys members have suffered from the same disease, which eventually forced them to abandon the place. In Beatriz words: Beatriz: Our calamity was malaria. When we arrived here, nobody knew what malaria was, we did not know the medicine that was necessary to take, and we had no medical assistance. I liked that place and I did not want to leave. The land was very good; everything that we planted grew vigorous ly. But, malaria re turned, from time to time, and made us sick. Soon we recuperate d, and malaria came back again. Once, I was the only one in my house who did not have ma laria, and we did not have money to buy the medicine. We had only our last pig. The n, I took this pig and went to Rurpolis to sell the pig and buy the medicine. When I arri ved there, all the pe ople I found were also trying to sell something to buy medicine. The man at grocery store told me that he could not even buy my pig, because everybody had a thing to sell and he had nobody to buy from him. Thus, I went home and said to my family: Let us go away from here; if not, we all are going to die. Then, we abandoned the place and we went to live in Santarm

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155 city, but there we had nothing to do and we m oved to a place in Vila Amazonas, in the Lower Amazon River. There were so many mo squitoes that it was impossible to stay there, so, after four years we moved again, th is time to the left margin of the Tapajs River. We were living there when we found out about this land in Acaratinga, which we bought in 1990, and we came here. Here, it is very good. There is no disease, no mosquito, the land is fine, and now, as my husband and I are retired, we have some financial support to help with our expenses too. I think the only thing left is to be buried here. This last move by Beatriz and Anibals family to live in Acaratinga reflected previous ties established with community people in Flona Tapajs during the mobilizations with the Rural Workers Union that started in the late 1970s and in which people from colonization projects had had an active role. In hi s analysis on this process, Leroy (1991) summarized the diverse form s of land conflicts that were occurring simultaneously among various sectors of the ru ral population in the region. He showed that from the moment they unified their struggles, the mobilizations became more effective, which were operated initially through meetings promoted by the Catholic Church, and then, by the Rural Workers Un ion. According to the author, although the colonists were apparently at the periphery of the emerging moveme nt, the tragic saga they were experiencing was its elf a training school and made them, in a second moment, the central actors. Moreover, during the catechetic weeks [ semanas catequticas ] they met rural workers from other regions and star ted, thus, to create important ties for the future (Leroy 1991: 68-69). The movement b ecame especially strong when, in the late 1970s, leaders from these diverse rural sect ors began organizing an opposition movement against the Unions directors w ho were seen as representatives of the government, not of the rural workers. The moveme nt, known as the Union Chain ( Corrente Sindical ), was victorious in the Union election in 1980, with Geraldo Pastana elected as president.

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156 Three years later, the Union had a ne w election in 1983, and Avelino Ganzer, a colonist from Rio Grande do Sul who arri ved in the region in 1972, was elected as president. Leroy (1991) noted that the atte mpt to prevent him from taking over the Union led the defeated candidate, associated with local politicians who were against rural workers interests, to ask that the Unions elec tion be nullified due to irregularities. Even so, the victorious president took over in A ugust 1983, with the presen ce of Luiz Incio Lula da Silva, Brazils current president, and former labor leader. Yet, in December 1983, the Court accepted the petition to nullify the elections, and called for an intervention in the Union. This intervention mobilized thousands of rural people in Santarm who did not allow the courts comm issioner, escorted by policemen, to enter the Unions office. Given this resistance, the court revoked the initial decision and cancelled the attempt to inte rvene in the Union. The co mmunity people from Flona Tapajs were very active in this resist ance movement, as Pedro from Piquitauba community always liked to enthusiastically recall: Pedro: You should have seen when the c ourts commissioner arrived with so many policemen to pick up the keys to enter the Un ion. We were four thousand people in front of the Union8. Then, Avelino Ganzer asked us: Should I give them the keys? We answered: No, do not give them the keys! Th en, we all gathered together, arms linked, and started to push the commissioner and th e policemen, who ran away. It was a big victory! This account of the mobilization to guar antee the Union elections illustrates the organizational power of the several sectors of rural people in the Santarm region, among them the community people in Flona Tapajs, who had mobilized Union support to help them resist against government attempts to di splace them from the lands they occupied. As Oliver-Smith (1996: 79) asserted, res ettlement means uprooting people from the 8 Leroy (1991) reported that one thousand and fi ve hundred people participated in this event.

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157 environments in which the vast majority of their meaningful activit ies have taken place and on which much of their unders tanding of life is based. Ch allenging the intent of the government to relocate them, communities or ganized themselves into a resistance movement, which had allies in these several rural sectors. This mobilization took on a dimension that the reserves administra tion was not able to deal with. Since the beginning, Flona Tapajs admi nistrative structure and, mainly, the personnel team had been too small to adequa tely manage the extensive problems that emerged during the implementation of the reserve. The 1978 IBDF Report already emphasized that the lack of personnel was ma king it impossible to protect the forest against deforestation and against the invasi ons in the reserves area that were taking place. Some of these invasions, referred to in the 1978 IBDF Report, were occurring in the area of So Jorge, and were being carri ed out largely by people from the state of Maranho. They were instigated by the creat ion of Flona Tapajs and the subsequent government attempts to displace people, as it was explained to me by Ivanor, who was from Maranho and was one of the community leaders: Edviges: How did the peopl e arrive in So Jorge? Ivanor: We were just six families in So Jorge when Flona Tapajs was created. I arrived there in the late 1960s. Before, I was working in the garimpos in the upper Tapajs River, but, after three airplane accide nts, I gave up exploiting gold and I decided to buy a piece of land. Then, IBDF came to sa y that we had to leave. We started to think: What are we going to do? Alone, we knew that we would not be strong enough to resist. Thus, we decided to go to Maranho a nd to bring more people from there to help us defend our lands. So, we went to Ma ranho and brought back two trucks full of people. In 2003, the So Jorge community had ove r three hundred families, who were known as Maranhenses, whose settlement in the region resulted from IBDFs inability to deal with the conflicts ge nerated. Through the years, one can read in the reserves

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158 reports the repetitive complaints of the ad ministration regarding the insufficient number of employees to deal with these problems in the reserve. For example, the 1990 DIMAF Activities Report (DIMAF/IBAMA 1990) on Na tional Forests in the Amazon, stated: We must remark that the great difficulties found in the work requi red for the creation, implementation and consolidation of the National Forests are caused by human and financial resource scarcity (D IMAF/IBAMA 1990: 3). By th e early 2000s, the situation had not changed. When I interviewed Flona Tapajss director in 2002, Angelo de Lima Francisco, he complained about the lack of personnel to assist him with the reserves administration and audits. His team had onl y four employees, and none with a college degree. 9 The precarious conditions of Flona Tapa js administrative structure and its inability to adequately deal with the commun ity issues during the process of the reserves implementation, influenced their decision to change their pos ition on peoples displacement from the area. This situation wa s very different, for example, from that of the Trombetas Biological Reserve, which had been created in 1979 near the Rio do Norte Mining, which also had been established in 1979 to extract bauxite. Foresta (1991: 199) noted that, as IBDF hoped, the Trobetas re serve received fina ncial support from Poloamazonia program, enabling most of the caboclos10 to be removed and most of the private land to be purchased. The Trombe tas reserve had a staff of ten in 1986, large by Amazon standards. Without enough institu tional and financial support, and facing strong community resistance, Flona Tapajs administration had no alternative but to 9 In 2003, IBAMA hired four more employees with an undergraduate degree to work in Flona Tapajs; however, this was insufficient for the reserves administration needs. 10 The caboclos the author is making reference are the Quilombos descendents, as seen in Chapter 2.

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159 change their initial plan to displace people to one that designated an area of the reserve for the communities of resistance. However, the next step required in defining the community area, came to be a long and conflic tual process that, despite some advances, has not yet reached a definitive solution. 5.3.2 The Defense of the Community Territorial Area While the communities of resistance were able to mobilize and stop the attempts at massive displacement and to force IBDF to review the initia l boundaries of Flona Tapajs, the step that followed, which was th e definition of the forest area for community uses, also became a strongly controversia l subject between th e communities and the governmental agency. As previously discusse d, the first community su rvey carried out in 1978 had recommended that four population ar eas be placed outsi de the reserves boundaries, including the area of the comm unities of resistance located along the Tapajs River. Although not contemplated in itially, this recommendation was taken into consideration when the first Management Plan for Flona Tapajs was defined in 1982. In 1982, the president of IBDF at the time, Mauro Silva Reis, presented the first pilot project for forest management, which was called Tapajs Program: Research and Experimental Exploitation of the Humi d Tropical Forest (IBDF/Programa Tapajs 1982). The Tapajs Program envisioned the implementation of a pilot project for timber exploitation in an area of 136 thousand hectares in Flona Tapajs, based on the rational management of the tropical forest. This wa s seen as representing an alternative to the production of timber from cultivated, homogene ous forests. Echoing the arguments for a disciplined method of forest exploitation, the Program em phasized that although timber production in the Amazon region had increa sed, up to now, methods of timber exploitation have been charac terized by rudimentary extractio n techniques that have led

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160 to the reduction of species of economic value Itinerant timber extraction by autonomous lumber merchants is still accentuated (IBDF/ Programa Tapajs 1982: 1516). The Program stressed the excellent c onditions for transportation by land or by water that existed, made available by an extensiv e road network and the improvement of the port in Santarm city, as well as emphasized th e existence of high de nsities of wood in the area of Flona Tapajs. The Management Plan selected an area of Flona Tapajs that was 171,000 hectares, which represented approximately 30 percent of the reserve. Of these 171,000 hectares, 131,000 hectares were set aside for timber management, and the remaining 35,000 hectares were subdivided into five areas, each for a different use: 1) 22,000 hectares for community people, 2) 7,500 hectares for non-productive forest, 3) 1,000 hectares for research, 4) 3,500 hectares for biological reserves, and 5) 1,000 hectares for watershed protection. In the area designated for timbe r management a pilot project was to be implemented that would serve as a model fo r timber exploitation in the Amazon region, based on the principles of scientific tropi cal forestry, and with an entrepreneurial character. With a complex administrative structure, the pilot project was to bring together research institutions, such as EMBRAPA and SUDAM, IBDF, and private entrepreneurs to manage a thousand hectares of forest annually, starting in 1983 or 1984. However, the pilot project was not actually initiated until the late 1990s, in a much smaller area, through the implemen tation of an ITTO Project. I was not able to reconstr uct all of the dynamics that underlay the initial pilot project to manage timber in an area of Fl ona Tapajs. In 1984, only CEMEX harvested timber from two hundred hectares, but I di d not find any documentation about this.

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161 Possibly, the absence of specifi c legislation for National Fo rests, and regulations for private initiatives to exploit ti mber in the reserve, explain the long delay to put the pilot project in operation. However, with regards to the area designate d for the communities of resistance, conflicts that emerged also prevented the development of the pilot program for timber management. In the text of the Tapajs Pr ogram there is no information about how the size of the area was defined, nor about the terms under which this land would be operated, specifically, whether or not it would be placed outside the reserves boundaries. The Program only stated, among the objectives of the Management Plan, to demarcate the areas currently occupied, promoting land tenu re regulation, and, in order to create a labor force, to provide for the engagement of the residents of Tapajs National Forest in agro-silvicultural activities, from which was expect ed the creation of two hundred new jobs in forestry activities. On May 09, 1983, IBDF held a meeting in Santarm city to inform the communities of resistance of the decision to designate an area of Flona Tapajs for them. The report of this meeting did not state anything about the size of the area proposed. It only says that all the people present at the meeti ng were unanimous in agreeing with IBDFs proposal (IBDF/FLONA Tapajs 1983: 2). However, according to community representatives with whom I spoke, IBDF had held that meeting with community people selected at random, who were not recognized as th e representatives of the communities and, hence, who had no legitimacy to negotiate. IBDF representatives, initially, had tried to invite the communities l eaders, but they refused to participate. In

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162 most of the interviews carried out with comm unity leaders, I perceived their refusal in negotiating with the governmental agency as a political strategy of resistance. This meeting took place in May; howeve r, one month earlier, in April of 1983, IBDF already had contracted the 8 Batalho de Contruo e Engenharia do Comando Militar da Amaznia11 (8 BEC) to set aside 27,600 ha fr om Flona Tapajos to give to the communities. This area extended approximately four kilometers from the Tapajs River bank to the center of forest, which, as IB DFs 1978 Report asserted, was poor in its forest resources and constituted by sandy soils. These forest and soil characteristics were well known to the community people, whose livelihood production systems and the modes of forest use were not taken into cons ideration when this area was demarcated. Therefore, in September of the same year, when the community people found out that the 8 BEC was demarcating this area, people we nt there and intercepted the demarcation work. The tension created by this interruption was reported by the 8 BEC, which stated that, due to the state of tension in the ar ea, this Command is very concerned for the employees of this Unit (8 BEC, of. No 11/1983/STR). Due to the resistance by communities, and the rising tensions, the contract between IBDF and 8 BEC was broken off the next month. According to the community people, the de marcation work was intercepted because the area did not accommodate their real necessi ties, as highlighted in remarks by Mrio from the Pedreira community, and Pe dro from the Piquiatuba community: Pedro: When the 8 BEC was contracted to make the demarcation, the area was too small. It would not reach more than twenty hectares per family. Thus, the communities went there and stopped the demarcation because it would be a big loss for our families. If 11 This was a special unit of the Brazilian Army res ponsible for providing infrastructure to the Amazon Region.

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163 we were to accept only twenty hectares pe r family, how would it be twenty years from now? Where would we go to work? Mrio: We did not accept the IBDF demar cation line because we understood that it was too small. It would provide us only with a sandy area and we would lose the opportunity to have fertile lands a nd a forested area, where we have andiroba oil, mahogany, vines, nuts, hunting The area that IBDF had designated fo r the communities had taken into consideration only the areas adjacent to pe oples residences, and had not taken into account the complexity of community produc tion systems that were based on multiple uses of forest resources. Although most of the permanent community residences were located along the Tapajs River, which the communities called the beira , the central forested areas, called mata or reas de mata (areas of forest ) were important parts of the community productive system and the community symbolic universe. The mata areas were fundamental for the family producti on unit because they pr ovided a significant part of the products that consumed daily, such as game, fruits, oils, and medicines, in addition to the forest resources needed for house and boat constructi on and maintenance. In these mata areas, the community peopl e also established the colnias or stios, agricultural fields that repr esented an essential compone nt in the constitution and dynamic of family social and productive organization. Generally, the colnias constituted a family production unit that was planted in the most central forest areas, four to seven kilo meters from the rivers banks. In some communities, they could be located at a greater distance, in areas called planalto, whose soils were significantly more fertile in contrast with the sandy soils found in the beira. The colnias usually encompassed an area of around five hectares, where field crops (roados ) were planted that pr ovided daily food and we re at the center of

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164 economic transactions, mainly, through the production of the farinha (manioc flour). The field crops were planted according to a system of shifting cultivation, in which cultivated area were left to rest after three years of use, and other perennial species were planted, especially rubber trees, but also many other varieties. In the colnias was also installed the casa de farinha (manioc flour house), which comprised the technical instruments for farinha production. The community people commented that in the past, families used to live in the colnias and in the areas of beira , at different times of the year. During the rainy season, from Ju ly to December, they lived in the colnias, and during the dry season, from January to June, in the areas of beira. Over the last decades, however, this has been changing, and, currently, people went daily to the colnias to work, and returned to thei r homes, usually located at the beira, at the end of the day. Interfering directly with the community production system, the ar ea that IBDF tried to impose on the communities would have prevented them from having access to better soils for the planting of the colnias, in addition to forest resources that were only found in these central areas. The areas of beira and mata were not dissociated but complementary for the community production sy stem, as well as the lakes and rivers, whose resources were managed to allow for a diversity of liveli hood strategies that followed norms of reciprocity and several ot her community regulations. Moreover, the mata areas sheltered the Curupira and the Mapinguari the mata s guardians, who composed the community symbolic system al ong with enchanted beings sheltered in the rivers waters, such as Cobra Grande and Boto Based on a complex system of values, symbols, and beliefs, the comm unitys relation with the mata areas conferred to them a

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165 distinction in terms of social identity. As Lins e Silva (1980) also observed in her study on peasant communities in the Santarm regi on, this distinction expressed an opposition to other peasant groups that were established in the region, such as colonists from South (the Gachos ) or Northeast (the Cearenses the Maranhenses ). Therefore, the area IBDF was trying to impose on the communities would not just prevent them from accessing forest resources fo r their economic activities, but also would have disrupted their socio-cultural beliefs and practices. In re action to the IBDFs attempt to demarcate an area that did not c ontemplate community forms of forest uses and values, the community people decided to demarcate an area themselves as a way to guarantee that they retained access to the lands they considered necessary for their livelihood strategies. Thus, in May 1984, all sixteen communities of resistance jointly demarcated an area that extended ten kilome ters from the Tapajs River bank to the center of the forest. The demarcation line was named the Pico das Comunidades (Communities Line) in opposition to the Pico do IBDF (IBDFs Line), which IBDF had been trying to impose. Pedro expl ained how this process was achieved: Pedro: We, all the communities, all toge ther with the support of the (Rural Workers) Union, decided after several meetings that we had to demarcate an area that encompassed ten kilometers [from the bank of the Tapajs River to the center of the forest]. We held meetings in Piquiatuba because here was the most centrally-located community. We had three large assemblies, with the par ticipation of over two hundred people in each meeting to decide what we were going to do. Our thought was ten kilometers, and that was the decision. Then, on the same day, all the communities started the cut the forest to demarcate the area, and, as we had decided, when each community had finished the job, we shot with our shotguns to let them know that the job was done. This demarcation took three weeks because it wa s so difficult. We went to the center of the forest, where some people made shelters, others made the measurements, and others started to cut the trees. When it was Satu rday, we went back home, and when it was Monday, we went up to the forest again. We had a strong feeling of resistance. You should have seen the spirit of resistance we had over here!

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166 The area demarcated by the communities was double in size that of the area that IBDF had designated for them. The decision of the communities to demarcate their own area was strongly influenced by the demar cation process undertaken by communities on the left bank of the Tapajs River two year s earlier, when Amazonex Exportadora Ltda and Santa Isabel Agroflorestal Ltda star ted to exploit timber on their lands. As previously discussed, beginning in the 1980s the two timber enterprises came to the Santarm region and initiated timber exploita tion in forested areas occupied by several communities, which did not accept this and, th rough strong mobilization, were able to stop the companies plans (Leroy 1991). Af ter several meetings of negotiations, the community people made an accord with the co mpanies representatives to establish a limit of thirteen kilometers from the river s bank where the companies could not exploit timber. These limits were materialized through a boundary line that the community people demarcated in 1981. The success of these communities inspired the communities in Flona Tapajs to follow the same strategy. 5.3.3 The Moral Economy of Community Resistance Both of these forms of community resist ance, the first to avoid displacement and, the second, to demarcate an area the commun ities claimed to be necessary for their livelihood strategies, represented part of the same process to defend themselves against government attempts to transform them into wage workers for the timber industry. Initially, the attempts of displacement were more radical, since the original plan to move people out of the reserve, would have tota lly broken off commun ity peoples relation with the land, leaving no othe r subsistence alternative other than to become laborers. Although the government subsequently decided against outright removal, the area IBDF had initially designated to these communities of resistance would have had almost the

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167 same effects as total displacement. The desi gnation of an area that met only part of the needs to maintain the communities producti ve and cultural systems, by leaving out access to most of the forest resources, w ould certainly have represented a drastic reduction in family sources of revenue, wh ich would have forced people to look for alternative sources of income as laborers. Therefore, even softening the attempts of induced-displacement, the reduction of forest areas would not prevent the dismem bering of the community production system, nor those of the complex social relations that regulate the functioning of such a system. Although the basis of community social and productive organi zation rested on the family nuclei, these nuclei did not constitute a se lf-limited group. Rather through the annual agricultural calendar of activit ies, families established a pa ttern of mutual cooperation among themselves to carry out activities such as slash and burning of forest areas to plant the field crops ( roados ). It was through these recipr ocal relationships that the community social unit was created and main tained, and the pattern of land use was established, in which land and forest res ources were not underst ood as the object of individual appropriation, but were regulated by norms that ensured common use. The breaking off the production system, as would have occurred if families had been relocated to the IDBF proposed area, w ould, inevitably, cause a rupture in these reciprocal relations that maintain the community social cohesion. Moreover, without having access to and control over the mata areas, not only would the community sources of revenue be strongly affected, but so would the autonomy of the communities in relation to their territories and socio-cultural organizations. To defend the land was also an act to defend social and spatial relations

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168 that historically had determined the occupati on of the territory. As Oliver Smith (1996: 96) pointed out in his anal ysis on the significance of resistance against forceddisplacements, the voices that question the development model of modern society [were] insisting that territory not only consis t of resources, but is also the basis of a particular way of life that the peop le have a right to maintain. This perspective evokes Scotts (198 4) discussion of the moral economy underlying peasant social and political organi zations, in which the author analyzed the nature of the social dynamite that leads to the eruption of peasant uprisings. Focusing on South Asian rebellions, the author shed light on the moral principles that guide peasant social behavior, and their objections to the dominant political order that might lead to revolt. Under the premise that p easants shape their economic life in order to ensure the safety-first of their subsistence, Scott showed peasant subsistence as a moral claim governed by norms of reciprocity. Acco rding to him, under the notion that every service received, solicited or not, demands a return, peasants build their relationships based on the assumption that subsistence is an unalienable social right. This, according to the author, provides peasan ts with the criteria to assess notions of justice and legitimacy in the relationships that are establ ished among the villagers, with patrons, or with the state. Justice and legitimacy will, then, be contingent upon the performance of obligation for which it is responsible (S cott 1984: 181). Disrespect for these obligations, violation of the rules of reciprocity that ensu re peasant subsistence was, thus, the breakpoint that produces and justifies upr isings. Not surprisingly, the Asian taxation system imposed by the colonial powers on the pe asants was frequently the main fuel, the dynamite that detonated historical peasant rebell ions. Based on a colonial rationale that

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169 ignored principles of reciprocity that made the basic notion of safety-first effective, the tax system repeatedly threatened peasant rights to their subsistence, es pecially in times of scarcity. As Scott (1984) stated in the books preface, his analysis of the moral-economy of Asian rebellions was intended to demonstrat e that the problem of exploitation and rebellion is thus not just a problem of calories and income but is a question of peasant conception of social justice, of rights and ob ligations, of reciprocity (p. VII). A similar idea also had been presented by E.P. Thom pson (1971) in his The Moral Economy of the English Crowd in the Eight eenth-Century, in which the author asserted that popular rebellions follow moral principles and were not just a direct, spasmodic, irrational response to hunger (Thompson 1971: 136), as economists generally argued. In both cases, the authors demonstrated that pattern s of moral and ethical values informed notions of rights, justice, and reasona ble price underlying social riots. The infringement of those morals values was the usual occasion for direct action(Thompson 1971: 79). This perspective can also be applied to understand the community political actions of the communities in Flona Tapajs to defe nd the land that provided their basic means of subsistence. Yet, as previously discussed, s ubsistence did not entail just the acquisition of material resources, but al so an underlying complex so cial relation system. The attempts of the government to displace people or their efforts to designate a smaller area, would have not only prevented the reproducti on of the material means for community subsistence, but also the value system and th e forms of social organization that supported the community subsistence strategies. The resistance mounted by the communities did

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170 not intend to only secure their residence in th e area, but also, as Oliver-Smith (1996: 96) remarked, a particular way of life. While the communities of resistance demarcated an area that guaranteed them access to forest resources, IBDF never recogni zed the area claimed by the communities. Even later, IBAMA resisted for a long time to accept the area demanded by them. For a long time, the communities of resistance were given unofficial rights to the area they demarcated, but these were marked by a consta nt process of dispute and suspicion. As such, for the communities their relationship with the territory would never be same, demanding a continuous state of vi gilance to maintain relative control of their territory. 5.3.4 The Ongoing Disputes over Territory and Resources Within the disputes that have defined the relationship between the communities and IBDF, there were continuous complaints abou t the restrictions on access and exploitation of forest resources imposed by the government al agency. One of these restrictions was related to the prohibition on hunting. When I first carried out a survey among the communities in 1996, the theme was practically a taboo. Nobody wanted to talk about it, and when they did, people spoke with irony. In answers about hunting practices, they just used to say: We are prohibited to do that. In the first socio-economic survey carried out by IBAMA, in 1993, among the communities in Flona Tapajs, the final report stated that, although community people denied that they hunted, several wild animals bones had been seen around the hous es. The report also mentioned that the people declined to talk about the subject becau se they were afraid of IBAMAs sanctions (Santos 1993). Other peoples complaints were rela ted to the prohibition on cultivating roados in forested areas that were over tw enty years old. The restriction to cultivate in these forest

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171 areas affected, mainly, the establishment of the colnias or stios which were planted in the most centrally-located areas of the forest. Many families that lived in these areas had to move to the areas of beira as had happened with Claras family in the Piquiatuba community. Edviges: Why did you leave your colnia ? Clara: We lived there in the mata at the bottom of th e mountain, behind the Vaiquem-quer where at that time nobody resided. The n, when the Flona was created, they [IBDFs employees] went there to my house a nd said that we had to leave. I do not remember for sure the name of the man who cam e there. But, he said that we had to leave, that we could go to resi de in Piquiatuba or in Pedrei ra. We could choose. They still promised to pay an indemnity, and they sa id if we did not agree to leave, they would take us out of here anyway. They also said that we could no longer cut trees that were larger, that we could only plant the roados in the capoeiras.12 I did not want to leave because I was not used to living in the middle of the village. I like to raise my hens in the garden, but, in the village, they go to the neighbors gardens; and the children also go to the neighbors houses and they touch things th at do not belong to us. I prefer more distance, but we had to leave, and I still ha ve a rubber area over there. Then, my husband and I came to Piquiatuba to ask for a place to build our house. The compensation they promised to pay, I never heard anything about that. A statement by Lauro also illustrate s IBDFs position at the time: Lauro: It was a time when IBDF said th at the people who had dwellings located behind the seven kilometers, where they wo rked and had the fruit trees, where the stios were established, were to be indemnified. Therefore, many of us stopped working in the planalto area. But, it was a malevolence of IBDF, because we never received this indemnity; it was just a promise. Now the people are just in the beira where the land is poor; it has only sand, and th ere are a lot of ants ( sava ) and production is minimal. When carrying out the survey in 1996, I interviewed Sebastio Santos da Silva, who was Flona Tapajs director at the time, and had worked before as the assistant of the former director. When I asked him about these prohibitions, he explained that there was no prohibition, but an orientatio n in relation to the areas th at could be cultivated. At that time, Flona Tapajs had not yet specific official regulations defining the activities 12 Capoeira is the name given to the vegetation that starts to grow after the roado areas are no longer cultivated. Generally, capoeiras are considered to be less than thirty years old.

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172 that could be carried out in the reserve. The restrictions IBDF was imposing on the communities were based on general guideline s outlined in the 1967 Forest Code, and these clearly pointed toward relocating the pe ople to the area IBDF initially had tried to demarcate, where the timber resources were scarce and the soils did not permit mechanical exploitation. These conflicting conceptualizati ons, between the communities and the governmental agency, regarding forest re sources are reminiscent of those found by Peluso (1992: 11) in her analysis on Javas forests, in which she observed that coercion has a different effect on labor ers extracting resources for th e state than it has on other rural dwellers illegally extracting resources for themselves (emphasis in the original). Understanding the increasing use of coercion to exert social and re source control as indicative of declining state power and authority in the face of peoples resistance, Peluso asserted that, coercion is thus not an end in itself but a part of the evolving process in which one side pursues control over the re sources claimed by other side (1992: 11). Although restrictions on access to forest resources, or an orientation, in the words of the former reserves director, had been im posed by the reserves administration, it had difficulty enforcing them due to the continuous lack of personnel to au dit the area. This allowed the communities to disregard governme ntal intervention and, to some extent, keep secret their activities in the forest areas.13 13 The difficulties the IBDF faced to patrol the reserves area were reflected also in other sectors, as in the region around the So Jorge community, especially, because of the expansion of the cattle farms by entrepreneurs from Santarm. The ex pansion of these cattle farms started to occur with intensity from the middle 1980s, representing a vast defo rested area at the center of the re serve, which, even presently, the reserves direction has not been able to stop.

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173 The disputes regarding access to these forest areas were again rekindled when the government attempted to implement the pr oject called Tapajs National Forest Management for Sustainable Industrial Timber Production14 (Hernandez Filho et al 1993). More commonly known as the ITTO Pr oject, it had been elaborated in 1989, when IBDF was in the process of bei ng replaced by IBAMA. Envisioning the exploitation of timber in an area of five thous and hectares in Flona Tapajs, the proposal for the ITTO Project had involved seve ral governmental, multilateral, and nongovernmental agencies. With financia l support from the British agency ODA15 (Overseas Development Agency), this project resulted fr om a joint effort of the National Institute for Space Research (INPE), IBAMA, ProNature Foundation (FUNATURA), and ITTO (International Tropical Timber Organi zation), with the collaboration of EMBRAPA/CPATU16, UFP/FCAP17, and SUDAM. The ITTO Project signified an attemp t to develop, once again, the first Management Plan for Flona Tapajs that had be en defined in 1982 to exploit timber in an area over a hundred thousand hectares. Based on this initial mana gement proposal, the ITTO Project was to be implemented in a smaller area, encompassing five thousand hectares, which, however, overlapped with appr oximately twenty-five percent of the area claimed by the communities. The community people found out about the project only in 14 Manejo da Floresta Nacional do Tapajs para Produo Sustentada de Madeira Industrial . 15 UK contribution was 1,096.500 spread over five years, half of the Brazilian government contribution (Synnott 1991). 16 EMBRAPA/CPATU ( Empresa Brasileira de Pesquisa Agropecuria/Centro de Pesquisa do Trpico mido a Brazilian institution for agriculture research). 17UFP (Univeridade Federal do Par)/FCAP (Faculdade de Cincias Agrrias do Par), Federal University of Par.

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174 1990, when they met researchers in the field carrying out surveys to identify the tree species. In the same way that the com munities of resistance had prevented the continuation of the demarcation work that was taken by the 8o BEC in 1982, they also intercepted the ITTO project-related research work. The community reaction worried the donor agency, which, afraid of negative re percussions that the conflict could cause, demanded the resolution of the community la nd tenure conflicts. That new situation created, for the first time, an opportunity for a negotiation process between the community and the governmental agency, whic h was IBAMA at the time, to reach an accord on community land occupancy. This process was initiated with a mee ting that occurred in April 1992, in which representatives from the communities pa rticipated, as well as IBAMA, and nongovernmental organizations, such as the Rural Workers Union, the Land Pastoral Commission (CPT, a Catholic Church orga nization), and the Health and Happiness Project (PSA, Projeto Sade e Alegria ) that had been working with the communities since 1987, in addition to other municipal and fe deral governmental agencies. In this first meeting, participants decided to create a w ork group that would include representatives from all the communities and governmental and non-governmental agencies that had a relationship to Flona Tapajs. This gr oup was named the Flona Tapajs Work Group. Composed of representatives of the co mmunities and other sectors of civil and governmental society, the Flona Tapajs Work Group was officially recognized by the municipality decree no 18, on April 3, 1992. In April of 1992, the Work Group organized a workshop that lasted ten days to decide about the size of the area for the co mmunities. In this workshop, the communities

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175 proposed the demarcation of an area of one hundred hectares per family, but IBAMA did not agreed with the proposal. Given the di fferences in opinion, the Work Group decided to carry out a socio-economic study in order to define the area to be set aside for the communities. In addition to the socio-ec onomic survey, the Group also decided to consult all community members about the lega l status of the proposed community area. There were three proposals presented to comm unity members: 1) an area placed outside the boundaries of Flona Tapajs, 2) an area outside Flona Tapajs and transformed into an Environmental Protection Area18 (APA), or 3) an area that would remain in the Flona Tapajs but the families would have a concession to use it. Coordinated by C. Santos, a sociologist from IBAMA, the Flona Tapajs Work Group carried out the socio-economic survey a year later, between June 6 and 29, 1993. According to the survey report, the area to be designed to the communities should encompass an area of 60,376 hectares, which act ually coincided with the area claimed by communities and demarcated nine years earlier. After having carried out the socioeconomic survey, the Work Group initiated the process of cons ultations with the community people to decide about the three pr oposals on the legal st atus of the area. Although this process had been initiated in 1933, the discussion of the decision of the community was postponed until February 1996, when the Pilot Program to Conserve the Brazilian Rainforest (PROMANEJO-PP/G7) was initiated, which will be discussed in the next chapter. The long delay in achieving a resolution w ith regard to the community land tenure conflicts was due to the difficulty of the disputes revolving around access to and control 18 APA ( rea de Proteo Ambiental ) is one of the categories of Conservation Units, included among of the Direct Use sub-category.

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176 of forest resources. For the governmental agency, to accept the area claimed by the communities would have represented the loss of the part of the reserve where most of the timber resources were found, and the ITTO Project. For the communities, the governments proposed area would have mean t a severe reduction of their territory, which would have affected not only the comm unities sources of income, but also their forms of social and spatial organizations and their autonomy over them. Each with strong reasons to defend their position, both the communities and the government remained locked in their respective standpoint. The governmental agency, however, starte d to be pressured by the multilateral agencies financing the ITTO project. They were concerned about th e ways in which the conflicts with the communities, which revolve d over timber exploitation, might resonate in the larger environmental movement. Regionally, the communities had already articulated with the environmental grassroo ts organizations that had sprung up in the 1980s, such as the GDA (Amaznia Defense Group). In 1993, several social and environmental non-governmental organizati ons from Santarm published a document expressing their position against the ITTO Project, which, according to them, was disregarding community interests in favor of pr ivate timber enterprises (STR et al 1993). The document also complained about the lack of accountability in the project. Although the project had created a Consultant Committ ee with local agencies to advise on the projects activities, these ag encies had never been cont acted, and many did not even know about the existence of the project. Th e document concluded that the projects activities should be stopped until the issues related to community land were defined, and a study on social and environmenta l impacts was carried out.

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177 The communities articulation that had starte d to occur with broa der sectors of civil society, mainly with those engaged in envi ronmental issues, brought a new dimension to the community political mobilization. This community association with the environmental movement reflected a larger mobilization that started to take place throughout the Amazon region starting in the middle 1980s, when there were indications that a probable obliteration of the forest was inevitable, termed the Decade of Destruction. It was an im portant moment for the Amazon, whose accelerated process of deforestation and land expr opriation conflicts caused by the development policies implemented starting in the ea rly 1970, fostered the constr uction of alliances between social and environmental movements, epitomi zed by the creation of the Alliance of the Forest People ( Aliana dos Povos da Floresta ).19 This alliance launched an international cam paign, in which they placed the blame on multilateral agencies, such as the Worl d Bank, for the social and environmental catastrophe in the Amazon. In doing so, they we re able to capture th e attention of these agencies on issues related to development pl ans, as happened with the paving of the 364 Highway, in the western Amazon. Pressured by international mob ilization, the World Bank had to review its financial support fo r the paving of the 364 Highway, and ended up including, as conditions, measures to assure native territories and ar eas of environmental protection to mitigate social and enviro nmental impacts (Schmink and Wood 1992). In this context, the community mobilization in Flona Tapajs, which started to take on a broader dimension, also caught the atte ntion of the agencies involved in the implementation of the ITTO Project. This wa s further bolstered w ith the introduction of 19 For a list of the several governmental and non-gove rnmental agencies involv ed in Amazon social and environmental issues starting in the 1980 s, see Arnt and Schwartzman (1992).

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178 the PROMANEJO project, in 1994, which stipul ated that the community land tenure conflicts be resolved prior to the implementatio n of the project, as will be discussed in the next chapter.

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179 CHAPTER 6 SHAPING TRADITIONAL PEOP LE IN NATIONAL FORESTS 6.1 Introduction When I returned to the field in 2000 for a short-term period of fieldwork to prepare my doctoral research project, I observed for the first time two new social identification movements among the communities: 1) toward identifying as traditional people, and, 2) toward identifying as Mundurucu Indians, such as in the case of the Taquara community. Although these forms of social id entification started to occur in the late 1990s, they were associated with the major ev ents related to the environmental reserve policies from a decade earlier. Beginning in the mid-1980s, the Amazon forest started to call the attention of the inte rnational environmental move ment due to the accelerated process of deforestation that was occurring in the region, which was attributed to the economic occupation model that had been implemented since the early 1970s. Government development policies were bei ng blamed for promoti ng an irreversible ecological catastrophe, putting at risk of oblite ration the last remaining tropical forest, thirty three percent of which was located in Brazil. The satellite images from LANDSAT published by INPE in 1987 showed the largest-s cale burning of the forest ever recorded in the history of the region (Anderson 1990). The global effects such deforestation might cause in terms of biodiversity impoverishme nt and climate disequilibrium, led Amaznia to be at the center of the internationa l environmental debate mobilizing academic institutions, grassroots movements, govern ments, multilateral agencies, and the press worldwide.

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180 Concurrently, several grassroots move ments spread out throughout the Amazon region in reaction to the accentuated territorial and resource degradation promoted by the advance of economic forces. The defense of native territories a nd the integrity of resources found strong support from the envi ronmental movement, providing the basis for the most significant partners hip in terms of mob ilization to ensure social rights and maintenance of forest resources. The campai gns, such those that occurred in relation to the Yanomami Indians (Albert 1992), or the seringueiro movement in Acre proposing the creation of the extractive reserves (Allegretti 2002), represented part of this mobilization to defend native territories associated w ith the defense of the Amazon forest. Social rights and environmentalist age ndas found together a common ground, with internationally voices mobilizing against destructive government social and environmental policies, and turning the preser vation of the Amazon forest the center of international concerns. As Hurrell (1992: 414) observed, the political impact of the social mobilization in the Amazon was largely the result of these transnational ties and their contribution to the inte rnational campaign against Br azilian government policies, rather than the result of the direct pressure on the government in Brasilia. The campaign for stopping the alarming Amazon forest degrada tion gained force with the assassination of the seringueiro leader Chico Mendes in December 1988, which had significant coverage in the international media, which portrayed him as the Rain forest defender hero (Allegretti 2002). In this context of intern ational attention on the Amazon, a response emerged both internally and externally Internally, the Brazili an government launched the Nossa Natureza Program (Our Nature Program), char acterizing what Schmink and Wood (1992)

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181 called green geopolitics. Externally, the international community launched the PPG-7 Pilot Program, announced at the UN Summit in Rio de Janeiro in 1992, the ECO-92. Both programs would directly affect Nati onal Forest policies regarding community people, and decisively influenced the negotia tion process that was taking place in Flona Tapajs regarding community land tenure a nd the incorporation of the category of traditional people in the rese rves program. This chapter focuses on this process that defined new policies to deal with community territory and forest resource appropriation, and fostered a re-conceptualization of community social identity. 6.2 The Green Years: The Amazon Social and Conservation Agenda 6.2.1 Our Nature Program: The Makeup of the Social and Environmental Agenda Responding to international pressures, by the late 1980s, under the civilian New Republic, the Brazilian government implemente d several environmental policy measures, which were markedly nationalist in characte r. Barretto (2001a) remarked that the nationalist reaction of Presid ent Sarneys government, expressed both internally and externally, followed and reinforced the Brazi lian governments stand, dating back to the UNs 1972 Stockholm Conference on the Human E nvironment, that developing countries should not have to sacrifice economic devel opment for environmental issues. Besides economic growth, the government also had emphasized the suspicion that developed countries were using environmental conservati on to restrain the development of Brazil, and were interested in taking possession of the Amazon region. Internationally, this Brazilian government stance was manifested in President Sarneys refusal to participate in the United Nations General Assembly on global atmosphere protection in 1989, as well as in the Brazilian delegati ons rejection, at th is conference, of any reference to

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182 Amaznia in the final report, and of French President Mitterands pr oposal to strengthen the United Nations capacity to intervene on issues concerning the environment.1 While seeking to reduce international pre ssures by counterattack ing with nationalist arguments, the Sarney government launched in 1988 a new environmental plan called Program for the Defense of the Le gal Amaznia Ecosystem Complex Programa Nossa Natureza (Decree no 96.944, October 12, 1988). Comprising a number of actions to be implemented on several fronts, the Nossa Natureza Program defined as its main objective the establishment of conditions for the utili zation and preservation of the environment and renewable natural resources in Legal Amaznia, which will be implemented through a concentration of efforts among all governmental agencies with the cooperation of other segments of society involved in the pres ervation of the environment (PNN 1989: 2). Part of the broader geopolitical strategies designed to ensure military and economic occupation in the Amazon border region, the Nossa Natureza Program was subdivided into six Inter-ministerial Work Groups, whos e activities were coordinated by the Special Secretariat on National Defense (SADEN) und er the command of General Bayma Denis, who was both the military chief of staff and the former general secretary of the National Security Council (which was replaced by SADEN). 1 The nationalist reaction against supposed internationa l intervention in the Amazon region was also echoed by the Brazilian Congress, which fueled the debate su rrounding the internationalization of Amaznia. In 1988, congressmen representing government interests organized the second Parliamentary Inquiry Commission (CPI) to investigate the threat of internalization of the Amazon region. This CPI, which was called the CPI on the Internationalization of Amaznia, focused on both the indigenous and international environmental movements, which were accused of or chestrating a campaign to limit Brazilian sovereignty over the Amazon region. Two years earlier, in 1 986, when the Congress was drafting the new Brazilian Constitution, approved in 1988, the Camera of Deputies had already created a CPI to investigate the same supposed menaces of an internationalization of Am aznia, which was known as the CPI do CIMI (Missionary Indian Council), the Catholic organization that provided support for the indigenous movement. In fact, this CPI revealed attempts to restrain indigeno us land rights that were, at the time, under discussion in the Constitutional Assembly.

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183 One of these Working Groups was th e VI Working Group on Environmental Protection, Indigenous Communities, and Ex tractive Producers, which envisioned promoting measures to discipline the occupa tion and the rational exploitation of Legal Amaznia based on territorial orderliness (PNN 1989: 5). These measures included an Ecological-Economic Zoning ( Zoneamento Ecolgico Econmico ) of areas in the Amazon, and the solicitation of internati onal financial resour ces through bilateral cooperation. Schmink and Wood (1992: 124) remarked that, this aspect of Nossa Natureza as well as other milita ry policies adopted in the la te 1980s relied on the concept of strategic set asides. The zoning a pproach based on ecol ogical expropriations permitted whole territories to be put under m ilitary control while ostensibly satisfying environmental pressure groups. In the context of the Nossa Natureza Program, Sarneys government restructured several government agencies related to envir onmental affairs. This included replacing IBDF by IBAMA, which was created in February 22, 1989 (Law no 7.735), and was directly subordinated to the Presidentia l Environmental Secretary. Besides IBDF, IBAMA also took over the re sponsibilities of SE MA (Special Secretariat for the Environment), SUDEPE (Supe rintendency for Fishing Development), and SUDHEVEA (Superintendency for Rubber Development) In the same year, in 1989, IBAMA contracted FUNATURA, a non-governmental or ganization, to draft a first proposal to restructure the National System of Conserva tion Units (SNUC). It was only after a decade of discussion, in 2000, that SNUC was officially created (Law no 9.985). It is during this period that Barretto (2001a) identified what he called the fourth generation of fully-protected reserves in Brazil. These initially included five national

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184 parks and four biological reserves, all created by the government in 1989. Among these however, were only two national parks cr eated in the Amazon region, the Serra do Divisor and the Monte Roraima National Parks. These were located, respectively, by the international borders of the states of Acre and Roraima, and represented eighty-four percent of the national park areas crea ted between 1986-1989 in Brazil. While the Sarney government established few fully-pro tected reserves in the Amazon region, by contrast, it created several reserves of direct use, including national forests. As can be seen in Table 5-1., during the years 1988-90, twenty-three national forests were created, twenty-one in the Amazon region alone. Pr ior to the establishment of these national forests, only three other national forests had been created. These were Flona Caxuian in 1961, Flona Tapajs in 1974, and Flona Jamari in 1984. Despite the increase in the number of nati onal forests in the Amazon region in the late 1980s, their creation had less to do with an increase in forestry policies, as one might assume, than it had with mining interests, and the dismissal of demands from native social groups for control over territories. The controversial governmental measures implemented with regards to the territory of the Yanomami Indians, as well as the territories of the Remanescentes de Quilobos communities, were illustrative of a twoprong governmental strategy, permitting, as Schmink and Wood (1992: 124) remarked, these protected areas to be us ed for particular purposes. In August 1988, the president of FUNAI ( Fundao Nacional do ndio the governmental agency responsible for Indian affairs) announced the Directive 160 for the demarcation of the Yanomami lands, which was redrawn in November of that year as Directive 250. These directives reduced and divided the Yanomami lands into nineteen

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185 Table 6-1. National Forests created in the Amazon Region National Forest State Extens ion (ha) Decree number Date Altamira PA 689,012 2.483 02/02/1998 Amap AP 412,000 96.630 04/10/1989 Amazonas AM 1,573.000 97.546 03/01/1989 Bom Futuro RO 280,000 96.187 06/21/1988 Carajs PA 411,948 2.486 02/02/1998 Caxiuan PA 200,000 239 11/28/1961 Cubate AM 416,532 99.105 03/09/1990 Cuiari AM 109,518 99.109 03/09/1990 Humait AM 468,790 2.485 02/02/1998 Iana AM 200,561 99.110 03/09/1990 Iana Aiari AM 491,400 99.108 03/09/1990 Itacainas PA 141,400 2.480 02/02/1998 Itaituba I PA 220,034 2.481 02/02/1998 Itaituba II PA 440,500 2.482 02/02/1998 Jamari RO 215,000 90.224 09/25/1984 Macau AC 172,475 96.189 06/21/1988 Mapi-Inauini AC 311,000 98.051 08/14/1989 Pari Cachoeira I AM 18,000 98.440 11/23/1989 Pari Cachoeira II AM 654,000 98.441 11/23/1989 Pau-Rosa AM 827,877 08/07/2001 Pirauiara AM 631,436 99.111 03/09/1990 Purus AM 256,000 96.190 06/21/1988 Roraima RR 2,664.685 97.545 03/01/1989 Santa Rosa do Purus AM 230,257 08/07/2001 So Francisco AC 21,600 08/07/2001 Saracataquera PA 429,600 98.704 12/27/1989 Tapajs PA 600,000 73.684 02/19/1974 Tapirap Aquiri PA 190,000 97.720 05/05/1989 Tarauac I AM 647,744 99.112 03/09/1990 Tarauac II AM 559,504 99.113 03/09/1990 Tef AM 1,020.000 97.629 04/10/1989 Uru AM 66,496 99.106 03/09/1990 Xi AM 407,935 99.107 03/09/1990 Xingu PA 252,790 2.484 02/02/1998 Source: Ricardo and Capobianco (2001)

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186 separate and disjointed areas that were enclosed within the Amazonas and Roraima National Forests and the Pico da Neblina Nati onal Park (ten within the Roraima National Forest; five within the Amazon National Fores t; and four within Pico da Neblina National Park) (Albert 1992). Pico da Neblina Na tional Park was created in 1979, while the Amazonas and the Roraima National Forests were created in 1989, overlapping ninetyfive percent of the Yanonami la nds (Ricardo and Capobianco 2001). By creating these national forests within indigenous lands, the government tried a legal loophole to undermine in digenous rights to their territory, which had been safeguarded by the new Brazilian Constitu tion approved by the National Congress in 1988. Similar situations of converting indi genous lands into na tional forests also happened in the upper Rio Negro, and in the st ates of Acre and Southern Amazonas. Analyzing these governmental Directiv es regarding Yanomami lands, Albert (1992) remarked on their relation with the Calha Norte project2 and military concerns about the exploitation of the considerable mi neral deposits in the state of Roraima and other regions of the Solimes and Amaz on basin, which had significant areas of indigenous lands, especially Yanomami territory The author remarked that the federal government, envisioning taking direct contro l over these areas, started to promote a succession of measures, including the creati on of the national forests, to reduce indigenous territories in order to facilitate the access of larg e-scale mining companies to 2 Made public in October of 1986, Calha Norte was formulated by the National Security Council, defining as its objective the establishment of military co lonies, an improved communication and transportation network, energy resources and basic services in order to bring economic investments to the region. Alleging threats to national security, Calha Norte was justified by the existence of guerrilla movements, narcotics trade networks in neighboring countries, and, remarkably, the danger of indigenous groups becoming independent states, with special emphasis on the Yanomami case. In August 1989, Calha Norte Project was reinforced and extended to western Amaznia (Schmink and Wood 1992, Albert 1992; Oliveira 1990).

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187 the deposits located in the lands (Albert 1992: 52-3). At the same time that the federal government was converting indigenous lands into National Forests, IBAMA was drafting a law to authorize mining exploitation in these reserves, which was passed in 1989 (Law 7.805, 18 July 1989). These governmental measures also had a di rect effect on the territories of the Remascentes de Quilombos communities, in northwestern Par state, on the border with Venezuela, with the creation, in December 1989, of the Sarac-Taquera National Forest. As previously discussed, in chapter 2, thes e communities had been displaced from the Trombetas Biological Reserve (Trombetas RE BIO), created in 1979, the same year the Rio do Norte mining company started to expl oit bauxite from the region (Acevedo and Castro 1998). Consequently, most of the resi dents left their lands and moved to the other side of the river or to the upper river. The people who move d to the area across from the REBIO area, founding the community of Boa Vista one of the twenty-two Remascentes de Quilombos communities in the region, claimed right s to their lands, as sanctioned by the new Constitution that had been created a y ear earlier, in 1988. However, instead of conceding the Remascentes de Quilombos lands, the federal gove rnment created Flona Sarac-Taquera in an area of 429,600 hectares, encircling the Boa Vist a area. This left the Boa Vista community with only 1,800 hect ares, to which the community was given tenure rights in 1995. Created when these communities were strongly mobilizing to claim land recognition, Flona Sarac-Taquera served to render irrelevant their demands, and to protect the Rio do Norte mining interests in the Flona area, where the mining offices and the bauxite processing units were located. Ba rretto (2001a) noticed a similar strategy in

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188 the creation of the Monte Ro raima National Park, whose boundaries extended into the lands of the Raposa do Sol indigenous peoples in the area of the Con tigo River, where the construction of a hydroelectric was planned. Th e author remarks that while in the late 1970s some sectors of the federal government were against the establishment of national parks in frontier areas, claiming risks to th e national sovereignty, in the late 1980s, in the context of social mobili zation and advances in territo rial rights of the indigenous people, seringueiros quilombolas and others, the ParNas [Na tional Parks] could function as instruments to disallow these social de mands and to reinforce the presence of the federal power in the frontier through the establishment of state territories (Barretto 2001a: 447). The governments use of National Forests as an attempt to dismiss native demands for territorial control also decisively infl uenced the community land conflicts in Flona Tapajs. The governments conversion of native territories into National Forests reflected a new policy on how to deal with these rural communities, whose territories would be incorporated in the reserves plans. The forest reserve policy was no longer one of exclusion, but quite the opposite, of incl usion of communities territories. However, this was done in order to maintain the reserve under direct state contro l. It was at this moment that the process of negotiation with the community people in Flona Tapajs was initiated, and their permanence in the reserve was contemplat ed. This process was also strongly influenced by the seringueiros (rubber tappers) mobilization, in the state of Acre, for the creation of Extractive Reserv es, which added new complexities to the debate surrounding community land tenure.

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189 It was in the last month of Sarneys gove rnment that the first Extractive Reserve (RESEX)3 was created in Brazil, the Alto Juru Ex tractive Reserve, in the state of Acre, covering an area contiguous to the Se rra do Divisor National Park (Decree no 98.863, January 23, 1990).4 Prior to the creation of the first RESEX in 1990, INCRA created the first Extractive Settlement Project ( Projeto de Assentamento Extrativista PAE) in 1987. Four month later, Chico Mendes was killed by a rancher, who declared himself to be the owner of a forest area in Acre that had been designated for the creation of a PAE. Chico Mendes death intensified calls to create extractive reserves. Proclaimed as an alterna tive land occupation model that reconciled social rights and environmental protection (Allegretti 2002) the rubber tappers movement and the creation of RESEX influenced the new gove rnmental policy for the communities who resided in Flona Tapajs and were fighting for their own land rights. This process became yet more complex with the appear ance of the PPG-7 Pilot Program, which contemplated National Forests in program activities. 6.2.2 The International Pilot Program (PPG-7) The G-7 Pilot Program to Conserve th e Brazilian Rain Forest (PPG-7 Pilot Program) was formally launched in 1992 by th e Rain Forest Trust Fund Resolution. It resulted from an initiative proposed by German Chancellor Helmut Ko hl in July of 1990 3 The proposal to create Extractive Reserves had been in itiated in 1985, at the First National Meeting of the Seringueiros in Brasilia, as a means for rubber tappers to get possession of forest areas they occupied, that were being also claimed by large cattle ranchers (Allegretti 2002; 1994). Led by Chico Mendes, a rubber tapper leader who traveled to the United States to speak at the BID Annual Meeting, the seringueiros movement was successful in forcing BID to incorpor ate rubber tappers demands in its PMACI program (Mendes 1996). 4 In the last two days of his government, on March 12 and 13 of 1990, Sarney also created the RESEX Chico Mendes, in Acre; the RESEX Rio Cajari, in Amap; and the RESEX Ouro Preto, in Rondnia.

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190 at the summit meeting of the Group of Seve n (G-7) industrial countries in Houston, where participating countries called for a plan to protect the Amazoni an tropical forests, in cooperation with the Brazilian government. After this meeting, representatives of the Brazilian Government, the World Bank, and th e European Union worked together to outline the first version of the PPG-7 Pilot Program. This first version, published in April 1991, was severely criticized by several sectors of non-governmental orga nizations that complained a bout the lack of integration of the Program with civil so ciety and Amazonian social reality. As Fatheuer (1994) reported, in response, non-governmental or ganizations working in the Amazon region joined efforts to guarantee the participation of civil society in the planning of the Pilot Program. A new version of the Pilot Progr am was presented at a meeting with nongovernmental organizations in July 1991 in Brasilia, where the Amazonian Work Group (GTA) was created to increase the involvement of civil society in the Program. GTA drafted a document expressing agreement with the Pilot Programs general objectives, yet suggesting modifications as a condition for its approval. Simultaneously, at the international level, civil society also started to mobilize to guarantee participation in the designing of the Pilot Program. In the first week of July 1991, the NGOs Friends of the Earth and the Association Solidarite Tiers Monde organized a meeting in Luxemburg with the pa rticipation of represen tatives of Brazilian, European, and North-American NGOs. At the meeting, participants produced a document that reinforced previous critiques about the lack of particip ation of civil society and failures in integrating th e regional political and econom ic realities in the Pilot Program proposal.

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191 Despite these coordinated critiques, dele gates of the G-7 and the European Union approved the Pilot Program in December 1991, at the summit meeting that took place in London, and together with the Netherlands, they pledged some $250 million for program activities. A Rain Forest Trust Fund was es tablished in 1992 with an initial grant of approximately $50 million, and the World Bank was designated to coordinate the program for the donors and the Br azilian government, and to admi nister the trust fund. In Brazil, the Pilot Program was in stituted on July 5, 1992 (Decree no 563), at the UN Summit in Rio de Janeiro, with the following general objectives: To demonstrate that sustainable economi c development and conservation of the environment can be pursued simultaneous ly in the tropical rain forests; To preserve the biodivers ity of the rain forests; To reduce the rain forest s contribution to the wo rlds emission of greenhouse gases; To set an example of inte rnational cooperation between industrial and developing countries on global environmental problems. International cooperation through the Pilot Program5 to prevent Amazonian environmental degradation, which was understood as part of the global environmental problem, was synchronized w ith the international policies of the Collor government. These policies were brought about as a result of considerable pressure from social and environmental movements, national and intern ational. As Barretto (2001a) analyzed, 5 The Pilot Program was structured to involve several governmental and multilateral agencies, in collaboration with non-governmental organizations, comprising a large and complex network. The Pilot Programs activities were distributed among the severa l sub-programs and projects that pursued five main lines of action: 1) Experimentation and demonstration (promotion of applied experimentation by local communities and government in conservation, sustainable development and environmental education initiatives); 2) Conservation (improved management of natural resources and protected areas, including environmental reserves and Indian Lands); 3) Institutional strengthening (encouragement of public institutions to shape and enforce sound environmental policies, in cooperation with civic organizations, the private sector and society at large); 4) Scientific research (increase in scientific knowledge about tropical forests and their sustainable management use); and, 5) Lessons learned and dissemination (conclusions and knowledge gained from Program made widely available).

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192 Amaznia and the indigenous and environmental issues occupied a di stinct place in the Collor government, which made changes to ex isting environmental policies to better respond to the broader objectives of international policies. According to the author, these objectives were related to in terests to liberali ze the economy, and to meet the growing environmental concerns of the industrialized countries as a way to strengthen the ties with these countries that was progressively weakening as a re sult of the changes that were taking place in Eastern Europe. It is against this background that Barr eto (2001) explained a set of measures implemented by the Collor government, such as the nomination of the internationally known ecologist Jos Lutzemberger as Secret ary for the Environment, and the detonation of the illegal landing strip made by garimpeiros in the Yanomami Indian Land, which received extensive press cove r age and internatio nal support. At the same time, the Collor government also promoted some effec tive measures, such as the demarcation of the Yanomami Lands in one contiguous area, revoking the previous decree that had dispersed the lands. As the author notice d, The immediate objective of these actions was to flatter the industrialized countries and to show that Brazil was in position to export environmental public goods to the rest of the world, exchanging the conservation of the tropical forests for financial, technological and institutional support from its international partners (Barreto 2001: 449). 6.2.3 The National Forests in the Pilot Program Initially, the National Forests were contemplat ed in the Pilot Program as part of the sub-project called conservati on units of direct use, which included the Extractive Reserves and National Forests. The general objective was to develop and test models for

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193 conservation and sustainable use of natural res ources in conservation units of direct use, with the emphasis on the part icipation of civil society (World Bank 1993). This subproject envisioned strengthening the implemen tation in National Forests of sustainable forest resource management projects that co uld be replicated in other parts of the Amazon region. The Pilot Program had highlig hted that although ther e were twenty-four National Forests in the Amazon region ( 12.6 million hectares, which corresponded to approximately 2.6 percent of the region), not one had been fully implemented. Thus, the Tapajs, Tef, and Caxiuan National Forests were the three national forests chosen to implement the sub-project called conservation units of direct use. For each one of these national forests an Integration and Part icipatory Management Plan (MISP) was to be implemented that would provide s upport for the reserves management and administration. The intent of these activities was to prom ote an intensive participation of local communities, as well as other interest groups involved in reserve issues. This was understood as a requirement for sub-projec t success. The World Bank mission in 1993 established that the success of the sub-project will depend predominantly on the adequate participation of the social groups invol ved directly or indirectly in it. Special attention must be given to integration of the FLONAS [National Forests] resident populations, timber enterprises, regional and local public administrations, and nongovernmental organizations in the elaborat ion of the project as well as in its implementation (World Bank, 1993: 2). Even so, in its initial phase, the Flona Project faced many conceptual, institutional, and financ ial problems. One important aspect was,

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194 precisely, related to the lack of involvement of the local popu lation and the definition of a participatory management model. As Fatheuer (1997) discussed, there were general complaints from several nongovernmental organizations that the project did not, in r eality, promote mechanisms for greater participation. In 1994, the World Bank and donors refused IBAMAs version of the sub-project for national forests, and it was redesigned the next year with the collaboration of IMAFLORA.6 After several modifications, its final version was included as Flona Tapajs sub-project in the so-called the Pro ject to Support the Forest Management in the Amaznia (PRO MANEJO), which was subdivided in four components: 1) Strategic Analysis and Recommendation for Public Policies; 2) Promising Initiatives for Forest Manageme nt; 3) Pilot Program for Monitoring and Control; and 4) Flona Tapajs. Taking a participatory appr oach, these components we re to promote initial activities, called pre-investment activities, to support the implementation of pilot experiences that could contribute to the de velopment of sustainable uses of forest resources in the Amazon region. For the objec tive of this present analysis, I focus only on component 4 (Flona Tapajs). 6.2.4 Flona Tapajs Component of PROMANEJO Component 4 (Flona Tapajs) of Promanejo defined the pre-investment activities to be developed specifically in Flona Tapaj s, precluding, thus, the Tef and Caxiuan National Forests in this phase of the projec t. IMAFLORA was contracted to draft a participatory Management Plan for Flona Tapa js. A first workshop was held in October 6 IMAFLORA ( Instituto de Manejo e Certificao Florestal, Forest Management and Certification Institute ).

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195 1995, on a boat that navigated around Flona Tapa js. In this workshop, in which fiftyfour representatives of several nation al and local-level governmental and nongovernmental organizations participated, th e conflicts regarding community land tenure became the central point of discussion, a nd were understood as the main obstacle to Promanejo activities in Flona Tapajos. Th e workshops participants determined that defining community land tenure was a pre-condi tion for the drafting of Flona Tapajs management plan, and they decided that Promanejo pre-investment activities would concentrate on the elaboration of the Fl ona Tapajs Management Plan and on the definition of the communities areas. The workshops participants also deci ded to support the community election process that had started in 1993 to determine whether the community area to be defined would be excluded or not from Flona Tapa js' limits. In February 1996, the Flona Tapajs Work Group carried out a vote, which re vealed that seventy three percent of the communities residents opted to have the area excluded from Flona Tapajs. This vote took place at the same time IMAFLORA wa s conducting a second workshop in Santarm to define the methodology to be applied in mapping the community area's uses. I was contracted by IMAFLORA as an anthropologis t to be responsible fo r the social issues related to community mapping. Although representatives of different interest groups participated in this workshop, the histor ical tensions between IBAMA and local communities still played a strong role in th e discussion, and were increased when the vote's results were revealed. IBAMA did not support the community's clai m to have their lands excluded from the area of Flona Tapajs. This had b een the governments position since 1989, when

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196 several National Forests were created, supe rimposed on native territories and opened up to mining. The permanence inside the boundaries of the national forests of traditional peoples who provided evidence of inhabiti ng the area before the publication of the reserve creation decree had been authori zed in October 27 of 1994, when President Itamar Franco passed into legislation the first National Forest regulation (Decree no 1.298, Art. 8). None of the community people kn ew about this regulation, when I carried out the socio-economic survey in 1996. The community mapping was carried out between March 20 and April 18, 1996, to identify the historical and social organizat ions of the communities and their natural resource management systems. In addition, a study of the forest st ructure was carried out in the community areas. Based on all of this information, which was analyzed and systematized in the next three months in Piracicaba (in the state of So Paulo), IMAFLORA drafted a proposal of the areas size for the eighteen communities. The calculation of the area took in to account the size and dyna mic of the eight production systems identified in the mapping process, as well as population growth, which resulted in a proposed area of 67,625.91 hectares. This proposal was around 6,000 hectares bigger than the two previous proposals, one of which had been defined by local communities carried out the demarcation in 1983, and the other defined on the socioeconomic survey carried out by IBAMA in 1993. The results from this community mappi ng and the proposal of the area to be designated for the communities were sent to all governmental and non-governmental representatives involved in the project and di scussed in a final workshop that took place in Santarm on July 22-25, 1996. In this workshop, IMAFLORA also presented the

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197 proposal for Flona Tapajs Management Pla n. Although there were some disagreements about Flona Tapajs Management Plan, the community area proposed was generally agreed upon by all participan ts, including IBAMA. Despite IBAMAs initial, apparent approva l of the community area proposed, the government agency later rejected the proposal disregarding all the work that had been carried out with the community people as part of the Proman ejo pre-investment activities of Flona Tapajs. Instead, IBAMA decide d to propose its own ar ea concession to the communities. And, despite the f act that community people had voted to have their lands placed out of the reserves borders, IBAM A followed the official government position, defined in 1994, when the National Forest decree authorizing the permanence of traditional people was passed into legislation. Before analyzing this process of government acceptance of the traditional peop le in Flona Tapajs area, I want to discuss briefly the participatory approach that was taken in the component 4 of Promanejo. 6.2.5 Participation and Decision Ma king: Demands from Overseas The activities of the Flona Tapajs component promoted the intensive participation of the local communities, as well as other interests related to reserve issues, which followed the participatory approach emphasized in the preliminary versions of the Pilot Program. As Fatheuer observed, considering the initial history of Flona Tapajs, such an approach means a radical change (Fathe uer 1998: 63). However, IBAMAs rejection of the community area that had been drafted by IMAFLORA, with the active participation of the communities and based on the community mapping exercises and ecological studies, sent a clear signal to co mmunities that they had no decision-making

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198 power. IBAMAs proposed concession area m eant that the community area would fall under the governments control. While trying to understand IBAMAs reasons and procedures regarding its ultimate stand, I had difficulty getting information fr om officials. Selma Barra Melgao, who became Chief of Flona Tapajs in late 1996, was the only official who talked more directly about the issue but, even so, she did so with some reluctan ce. When I asked her why the 1995-96 consultation process had not be en considered by IBAMA, and why they had not initially been open a bout their position, she answered: Melgao: I think that the negotiation [w ith the community people] started to happen later on. First, IBAMA never wanted to separate Flona [Tapajs]. You should recall that, at that moment, IBAMA did not sp eak; it did not manifest its opinion. I think it was IBAMAs strategy. That is my opi nion, because, at that moment, Virgilio7 was the person who gave and took the commands, and what he said nobody disagreed with. Moreover, IBAMA did not order that study (to be carried out) but the Ministry of the Environment ordered it. IB AMA had already developed a socio-economic study in 1993 of the community area That is why I think the negotiation started onl y after that [after IMAFLORAs activities]. At that moment, Virgilio was the interlocutor, someone who could not even speak in the name of IB AMA, because he was not part of IBAMA employees. Edviges: Please, explain to me why IBAM A did not take part in these activities, and only the Ministry of the Enviro nment. How did that happen? Melgao: It was because Virgilio was a fr iend of the people from the World Bank. The World Bank contracted him and, then, it was a done deal. IBAMA was always left out of the story. Thus, IBAMA took a positi on of not showing its position. It was more or less deliberate. I recall the only meeti ng I took part init was a strange thing. IBAMA stayed apart, (from) the other [peopl e] discussing over there. It was a very strange thing. That is why I took a position when I came here: I did not want IMAFLORA working here, because IMAFLORA was placed as if were the owner of Flona Tapajs. IBAMA should take back (control of) these issues. Discussing how IBAMA was formed, from ad ministrative agencies with different origins, trajectories and prerogatives in rela tion to the environment and national territorial 7 Virgilio Vianna was the Executive-Director of IMAFLORA.

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199 configuration, Barretto (2001a: 446) remarked that the governmental agency has an institutional culture marked by internal rivalries a nd divergent interpretations on the meanings of environmental policies. The au thor also attributed to IBAMA the tendency to have a certain exclusivity in state envir onmental administration, and to be suspicious and resistant to initiatives based on cooperation with non-go vernmental organizations. Melgaos comments reflect this internally heterogeneous governmen tal structure and the resistance against non-governmental organi zations, in this case IMAFLORA, conducting activities for which IBAMA underst ood itself to be responsible. In the case of Flona Tapajs, the role of IBAMA in the Pilot Program was a sensitive issue since, as i ndicated earlier, the World Ba nk had rejected the proposal presented by IBAMA in favor of a proposal th at was more participat ory and that was to be implemented by IMAFLORA, in partnershi p with IBAMA. However, the latter proposal, while it highlighted the need for a broad consultation process to capture local demands, ignored the institutional power relationships and the complicated decisionmaking processes. In doing so, it created the illusion that the community land tenure conflict would be solved based on the results of the Promanejo-component 4 activities. At no time did IBAMA explicitly express, or was it ever questioned, that in the case of disagreement with the final results, the gove rnmental agency would disregard them as it did. Although the activities of the Promanejo-component 4 we re carried out specifically to solve the land tenure conflict, they had not established clear rules to guarantee that the results would be accepted by all inte rest groups, including IBAMA. In his article about community-based forest ry approaches that have been recently adopted in forest policies, Gauld (2000: 231) pointed out that the a pparent transition from

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200 top-down models towards community-based ap proaches were not as substantive or innovative as they may initially appear. Th e author highlighted, th rough an analysis of case studies, that there often exists a gap be tween discourse and pract ice, in part because the adoption of community-based forest pol icies was less a product of local demand and understanding of forest management than of compliance with direc tives and policies of donor agencies, in order to be able to take advantage of international funding (Gauld 2000: 236). A similar situation happened in Fl ona Tapajs, with regards to component 4 activities. The participatory approach adopt ed responded more directly to the broader directives and policies of the Pilot Program than to a new IBAMA conceptualization of community participation in forest management policies. In the absence of clear rules and agreements, IBAMA was able to conceal its position in relation to the defi nition of the community area. Without an opportunity to reveal its position, and havi ng to take part in the pr ocess on account of broader international governmental policies (PPG -7), IBAMA was forced to simulate participation. This led, ultimately, to frustrat ion on both sides, and reinforced previous tensions and suspicions between the governme ntal agency and the local communities. These tensions were reflected in the second phase of Prom anejo activities, and in the governments attempts to convince the comm unity people to accept a new identity as traditional people, which would give them access to the community concession area. 6.3 The Making of the Traditional People As previously mentioned, when the Decr ee that regularized the National Forests was passed into legislation in 1994, authoriz ing the permanence of traditional peoples in Flonas, the community people in Flona Tapajs had no idea of these changes. Traditional people was not a social identific ation claimed previously by the community

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201 people in Flona Tapajs, but rather was crea ted by the government during the process of redefining and legalizing the category of the National Forest. The term traditional people started to be formally applied beginni ng in the 1990s, holding o fficial status with the creation in 1992 of the Na tional Center for Sustainable Development of Traditional Peoples (CNPT), an agency of IBAMA esta blished to deal with the creation and implementation of the Extractive Reserves. The policy makers involved in the creation of the CNPT justified the use of the term traditional people as a government response to the demands expressed by the population who traditionally and culturally subsist from extractivism and renewable natural resources (Siqueira and Bellia 1992: 7, emphasis added). However, it was not until the late 1990s that the communities of Flona Tapajs found out about their status, in the eyes of the government, as traditional people. The official acknowledgment of traditio nal peoples was incorporated in the National System of Conservation Units ( Sistema Nacional de Un idades de Conservao SNUC), passed into law in 2000. Besides re -conceptualizing and cr eating new sets of reserves, SNUC incorporated the category of traditional people as a way to make it legal for existing communities to remain in th e reserves that previously had been called Direct Use and renamed Sustainable Use reserves (SNUC 2000). These included National Forests, Extractive Reserves, and Sustainable Development Reserves,8 a new category of reserve. For the Extractive Reserves and the Sustainable Development Reserves, the presence of t raditional people was a condition for the creation of the reserves, while for National Forests their permanence was admitted if they previously 8 The category of Sustainable Use also includes th e reserves denominated as Environmental Protection Area, the Area of Relevant Ecological Interest, W ildlife Reserve, and Privat e Reserve of the Natural Patrimony, but they do not involve traditional people.

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202 inhabited the reserves area. In both cases, the traditiona l occupation patterns and the modes of resource appropriation became subordinated to the government-defined management plan established for the reserves. 6.3.1 Traditional People in the In ternational Field of Conservation Several authors have discussed the notion of traditional people as it is officially applied in Brazil (Lima 2002, 1996; Esterci 2002; Barretto 2001b; Cunha and Almeida 2001; Diegues 1998; Vianna 1996). They have located its emergence in the encounter between the social rights and environmental movements that started to take place in the Amazon region in the mid-1980s. In his sociogenesis of the notion of traditional people, Barretto (2001a) pointed out its adoptio n in Brazil resonated with the debate on the presence of human groups in protected areas that first began in the international field of conservation the 1960s. The international debate about the pres ence of people in na tional parks and the social conflicts caused by the reserves im plementation, took on a br oader expression in the 1980s, especially among organizations that allied human rights with conservation, such as Cultural Survival and the Envi ronmental Defense Fund. In February 1985, Cultural Survival published an entire issue de dicated to the theme Parks and People, in which the editor, Jason Clay, criticized th e outright expulsion of local communities from protected areas and proposed that these co mmunities be incorporated in conservation areas. He asserted that, protected areas could ensure the survival of habitats as well as the indigenous inhabitants. Reserves can either preserve traditional lifestyles or slow the rate of change to levels acceptable and c ontrolled by local residents. The indigenous inhabitants can benefit from prot ection of their rights to traditional areas as well as the sale of goods or income generated from tourism (Clay 1985: 2).

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203 Most of these organizations that aligned human rights w ith conservation started to proclaim that the exclusion of local people from the creation and establishment of protected areas not only was re sulting in social conflicts, but was also detrimental to the objectives of conservation. This perspect ive has been discussed by many authors who have studied the theme. Looking at two na tional parks, one in Thailand and other in Madagascar, Ghimire (1994) examined the ne gative effects of the reserves on local communities, and demonstrated that removing people from the areas had led to increased land degradation, since the displaced people were compelled to overexploit resources outside the reserve boundaries. She also dem onstrated that the lack of involvement of these communities in establishing these rese rves had necessitated greater expenditures by the governments to implement more sophisticated policing systems. Brechin et al. (2000: 2) argued that a new conceptu alization of nature protecti on was needed that must be socially and politically feasible and morall y just. If not, interventions will most likely generate increasing levels of resistance and conflict at all geographic scales, thus derailing attempts at protection. As Barretto (2001b) noted, these arguments c onstitute part of a series of critiques against the fences and fines approach that was being applied to manage fully-protected reserves, especially in tropical regions. To overcome the conflicts caused by this dominant approach, the pla nners and the decision-maker s started to establish the cooperation and the support from the local population as sine qua non condition for the long-term achievement of the reserves ma nagement (Barretto (2001a: 6, emphasis in the original).

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204 Intensifying this debate, i ndigenous knowledge began to be valorized, supported, especially, by ethno-botanical studies that revealed that native resource management practices often favored not just the maintena nce, but also the promotion of biological diversity (Posey and Bale 1992; Bale 1989; Posey 1985; Alcorn 1981; Carneiro 1978). As such, these social groups started to be represented as stewards for better understanding complex tropical environments, and their invol vement in the establishment of reserves began to be seen as a way to contribute to conservation purposes. Notably, Clay (1985: 5) declared that, the key to understanding su stained activities in fragile environments begins with local residents. Their knowledge is valuable to the future of the earths environment and peoples. This perspective on the partic ipation of local social gr oups as a means for achieving conservation purposes was influential in the construction of the notion of traditional people as a broad category that encapsulat ed innumerable social groups despite their heterogeneous, specific forms of territorial ities and socio-cultural organizations. Attributing to these diverse peoples a traditi onality, this notion te nded to highlight the relationship these social groups established with natural re sources in the environment they exploited, which was considered to cau se low environmental impacts, thus not preventing conservation goals. Vianna ( 1996: 107-108) pointed out that the term traditional used in several internati onal documents and publications was applied indistinctly as an adjective fo r types of management, types of societies, forms of natural resources utilization, territory, modes of life, specific groups, and cultural types. As this author and others discussed, the notion of t raditional people used in the international field of conservation repres ented local social groups as part of the ecosystems to be

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205 protected and, as such, they were expected to pledge themselves to conservation achievements. Thus, although recognizing the rights of these social groups to selfdetermination regarding their socio-cultura l and economic organizations, the notion of traditional people, entangled with the cons ervation principles re vealed, as Barretto (2001a: 15) noted, an ambivalence because it su bordinates their management systems to practical interests in administrating prot ected areas, making them accept an exogenous agenda. 6.3.2 Traditional People in Brazil Resonating, thus, with the in ternational debate on the pr esence of human groups in protected areas, the introduction of the noti on of traditional pe ople in Brazil is attributed to the anthropol ogist Antonio Carlos Diegues (Barretto 2001b; Vianna 1996). Vianna (1996: 20) recognized him as the p ioneer in the discussion on the relationship between population and protecte d areas, one of those responsi ble for the introduction of this discussion in the environmental field in a broader way. She also attributed to him a significant influence on the ideas related to the construction of the category of traditional people, by having inco rporated it in several of th e official regulations that ended up permitting the presence of resident s in reserves, as well as by having founded many non-governmental organizations occupied with these issues. In his The Myth of the Untouchable Nature, Diegues (1998) discussed the problems regarding social conflicts caus ed by the creation and implementation of protected areas overlapping the territories of a large number of social groups with a long history of occupancy. Criticizing the eradi cation of these people from reserves, the author attributed such a model of reserve s without people to a misconception on nature protection that disregards the influences of human actions on the formation of most areas

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206 considered to be in a natural state. The au thors arguments sought to show the inaccuracy of this model of reserve for local social realities, which has generated endless social conflicts in rural areas worldwide. Discussing the theme in Brazil, the aut hor focused on those social groups who present a large variety of modes of life and differentiated cultures that might be considered traditional (Diegues 1998: 14). Although recognizing that indigenous groups also comprise traditional peoples, the author did not include them in this category, pointing to the existence of specifi c legislation for Indi an Groups. Under Brazilian law, Indian Groups are ensured terr itorial rights over any other private or public possession. Therefore, excludi ng indigenous people, Diegues characterized traditional people as peasants, who are the fruit of intense miscegenation among the white colonizer, the Portuguese, the native indige nous population, and the black slave (1998: 14). Among them, he included a large spect rum of social groups, such as the caiaras from So Paulo and Rio de Janeiro, the caipiras from the South region, the pantaneira communities from the Pantanal region, the fishing communities from the seacoast, the riverine people from the Amazon region, among others. Attributing their origins to the colonial period, the author argued that their relative isolation allowed these social groups to develop particular modes of life that involved a great dependency on natural cycles, profound knowledge about biological cycles and of natural resources, patrimonial technologies, symbols, myths, and, even, a specific language (Diegues 1998: 14-15). Besides the influence of the internationa l conservation debate, Vianna (1996) and Barretto (2001a) identified two other influen ces on the construction of the notion of traditional people in Brazil. One was th e Brazilian anthropo-ge ographical studies on

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207 regional cultural types, which were defined based on the conc ept of rustic societies or cultures. Discussing these assumptions, Barre tto (2001a: 17) looked at the biological and cultural premises of this conceptual mode l, remarking on the strong emphasis placed on regional sub-cultures inhe ritance of indigenous pract ices and knowledge. This connected regional cultures to indigenous people and, thus, t o ensure them a room under the conceptual umbrella of traditional people who were considered as encompassing the positive characteristics for nature conserva tion (Barretto 2001b: 17, emphasis in the original). The other factor influenci ng the notion of traditional people in Brazil was the social grassroots movements that first em erged in the Amazon region in the mid-1980s and that incorporated environmental issues into their political activism. Cunha and Almeida (2001: 184) remarked that this associ ation made possible a s urprising change in the ideological route: Amazonian traditional pe oples, considered thus far as hindrances to development, were promoted to the frontline of modernity. The most notable example was the rubber tapper movement in the state of Acre, which proposed to reconcile social rights and conservation through th e creation of Extractive Rese rves. For the authors, a tacit accord between the social rights and e nvironmental agendas was created. According to them, Amazonian social groups, overall, ar e disposed to negotiation: in exchange for territorial control, they pledge themselves to promote environmental protection (2001: 184) Recognizing that the categor y of traditional people is a western construction, a fruit of the colonial encounter, Cunha and Al meida (2001: 184) stated that initi ally the category grouped together rubber tappers ( seringueiros ) and Brazil-nut collectors

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208 ( castanheiros ) from Amazon region. However, during the 1990s, the category was expanded to embrace several other social groups throughout the country, who shared a history of low environmental impact and a curr ent interest in retaking the control over the territory they exploit. As such, Cunha a nd Almeida defined tradi tional people as an extensional category, since it has the tendenc y to progressively ch ange and incorporate many other social groups: It denotes a ca tegory still little inhabited, but it already comprises some members and has candida tes to come in (2001: 184-185). Therefore, under the category of traditional people several social groups in the Amazonian region, deprived of a specific ethn ic identity, and who had been officially categorized as posseiros (squatters) (Lima 2002), were afforded a legitimacy that gave them, for the first time, official rights over the territory they occ upied. Esterci (2002) remarked that this reflected a process of re defining and reclassifying social segments in the region that included ecological criteria. This occurred simu ltaneously with the redefinition of spaces, through the establishm ent of environmental reserves, and the redefinition of the rules to use a nd to access natural resources. While the incorporation of an environmental dimension to social identities has significantly advanced regional grassroots m ovements in their efforts toward gaining rights to their territories, on the other hand, the official construction of the notion of traditional people must be taken with care, especially with regard to its adoption in National Forests. As Barretto (2001a) accura tely pointed out, th e construction of the notion of traditional people, based on re gional types and strongly attached to environmental criteria, has simplified the dive rsity of cultural practic es and naturalized them. In this process, tra ditional people were reduced to instruments to be used by

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209 government agencies to help meet the objectiv es of reserve management plans. It was expected that traditional people never change their modes of life so as not to affect environmental conservation objectives. As such, the category of traditional people tends to conspire against th e autonomy of these social groups by subjugating their forms of social organization to an externally define d environmental political rationality. This is especially relevant with regard to Nati onal Forests, whose 2000 legislation confined peoples autonomy, as will be discussed in the next section. 6.4 Flona Tapajs and Traditional People Relationship When I returned to the field in 2000 fo r pre-dissertation fieldwork, my main concern was about the progress regarding comm unity land tenure resolution. This soon appeared to be no easy task. In Brasilia, at IBAMAs offices, I had been informed that the community area would not be excluded fr om Flona Tapajs; instead, it had been designated an area for community use accordi ng to the reserves Management Plan. However, the communities permanence in the reserve had not yet be en legalized because the legal mechanisms by which to accomplish this remained uncertain. Yet IBAMAs officials said that it was being discussed under the judi cial concept of land-use concessions, which was similar to that applied for the Extrac tive Reserves, in which the state retains land ownership (t enure) but provides residents with usufruct rights to the natural resources for a minimum period of thir ty years (Allegretti 1990). I was unable to get information on the reasons why the borders of Flona Tapajs could not be changed and the area of the communities placed outsi de its borders, as had been requested by them. I did not find official documents cl early stating the deci sions taken, and found resistance from the officials to talk about it.

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210 Among the community people, I observed th at they had difficulty explaining the official situation of their lands. Many of them said that they knew that they could stay in the area, but they did not understand the c onditions or the area they could occupy. Aldemar, from the Piquiatuba community, comp lained: IBAMA came here and said that now, everything will be Flona. They say that there is no need to demarcate the area and, then, we can use the entire forest of the Flona So, what does it mean? Does it mean that, if we can exploit all areas within the Fl ona, IBAMA can also come and exploit our lands? There was also a noticeable misunde rstanding in relation to the term land-use concession that was under disc ussion. Several of them co mplained about it, saying, like Davi: It must be us from the communities who give concessions to IBAMA, and not the contrary. We were living here before IBAM A came; thus, it should be us who give the concession to IBAMA to use it. The community people also were frustrate d about the work that had been carried out in 1996, as part of the Promanejo pre-inve stment activities, which was aimed at trying to solve the community land tenure. As they were expecting their lands to be excluded from Flona Tapajs, the new and incomprehe nsible IBAMA stand caused feelings of disappointment, as there had not been any advances in terms of resolving the land issues. The people commented: Edviges, IBAMA said that the study you carried out did not serve for anything. This f eeling of frustration was expr essed particularly among the people from the Taquara community, who had began to identify themselves as Mundurucu Indians, and were claiming r ecognition of their lands with FUNAI. Several changes had also occurred at th e IBAMA regional office. Promanejo had established a regional base in Santarm with a team of t echnicians, whose office was in

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211 the IBAMA building. This regional base was established to put in motion the activities of the second phase of Promanejo Component 4: Flona Tapajs of the Pilot Program. This component included activities related to the definition and execution of the Management Plan for the reserve, the improve ment of the reserve s infrastructure, the acquisition of motor vehicles, support fo r community organization and productive projects, and promotion of eco-tourism a nd environmental education. Therefore, Promanejo became the main support for th e administration of the reserve. Flona Tapajs administrative sector had undergone some changes on account of the implementation of Promanejo. As previously indicated, in 1996, the former chief of Flona Tapajs, Sebastio Santos Silva, was replaced by the sociologist Selma Barra Melgao, who had worked in Acre and had ta ken part in the last workshop of the Promanejo pre-investment activities. The re placement of the former director had been under discussion since the development of th e Promanejo pre-investment activities, because of his problematic relationship with the community people, which had impeded attempts to negotiate with them. With the new approach taken in Flona Tapajs, which emphasized that the communities should take part in defining and implementing the reserves program, it was decided that it was necessary to have some one with the ability to establish a dialogue with the communities. Melgao was put in charge of undertaking this task, whose most sensitive theme wa s to convince the communities to accept the placement of their lands within the rese rve and under its Management Plan. Melgao remained as Flona Tapajss chief only until 1998, when she left to replace the director of the regional IBAM A office, the forester Nicola Sebastio Tancredi, who disagreed with IBAMAs national director with regard to the creation of

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212 the Tapajs-Arapiuns Extractive Reserve, the first of its kind in the region. Two years later, in 2000, she replaced the director of the IBAMA state office in Belm, who had been dismissed because of suspected corruption. Despite her short term as chief of Flona Tapajs, and after that, as IBAMAs regi onal director, Melgao s administration was fundamental in the implementation of the new process in Flona Tapajs, which had started to incorporate the communities in the reserves program. Under her administration, several measures were undertak en to resolve the community land tenure conflict. This included settling the disputes th at emerged in relation to the ITTO project, the Use Plan for the communities, and the creation of the Management Group ( Grupo Gestor ) of Flona Tapajs, in which representa tives of the several governmental and nongovernmental agencies took part. 6.4.1 Disputes over the ITTO Project Area As was previously discussed, throughout th e history of social conflicts in Flona Tapajs, the official government position taken has been to avoid splitting the community area from the reserve. In 1995-96, the Proman ejo pre-investment activities in a certain way restrained IBAMAs intents since it took into account the community demand to remove their lands from Flona Tapajs. Once more, IBAMA struggled to avoid breaking up the reserve, and succeeded by rejecting th e area that had been proposed based on the studies that had been carried out by IMAFLORA and the consultations with communities. In late Nove mber of 1996, the National Fore st Division (DIFLONA) sent an assessment team to DEREF (Department of Forest Resources), stressing that this community area proposal would cause an impo ssible arrangement to be administered (DIFLONA/process no 3560/96).

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213 A reading of official documents revealed that IBAMA did not actually have a final position with regard to the community area In November 1997, IBAMA drafted four proposals for the locatio n of the community areas, base d on studies carried out in 1993 and 1996. The first proposal contemplated an area of 60,373 hectares (proposed by the 1993 study) that would provide th e communities with collective or individual title, the latter limited to thirty hectares per family to be regulated through INCRA. This proposal warned that in the case of individual title INCRA could also use the area to place landless families, since the area greatly exceeds the needs of the families that traditionally reside there (IBAMA/DIFLONA 1997). The second proposal envisioned the exclusion of an area that extended ten kilometers into fo rest from the river, to be created as an Extractive Reserve. The th ird proposal focused on this area of ten kilometers, but excluded five kilometers for the community use for residences and agriculture fields, and placed the other five kilo meters as a Legal Reserve. In this case, the communities would be provided with a land-use concession ( Concesso de Uso ). And, finally, the fourth proposal was similar to the third proposal, ex cept that it proposed that the ten kilometers would be pl aced within the reserve boundaries. In these proposals, except for the Extr active Reserve proposal, one can perceive IBAMAs persistent avoidance to place th e area claimed by the communities outside Flona Tapajs boundaries. They kept insi sting on the initial 1983 IBDF attempt to demarcate the community area. IBAMA official s persisted that the area claimed by the communities greatly exceeded the needs of the fam ilies that traditionally resided there despite the fact that this c ontradicted the results of bot h the 1993 and 1996 studies that had established this as a minimum area. Although IBAMA bega n to recognize the

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214 families as traditional, they tried to define what these communities needs were, and as such, disregarded community claims to their lands. Among the main reasons underlying the gove rnments resistance to concede the entire area claimed by the communities was an attempt to avoid losing the forest area with timber potential, especially regard ing the ITTO project, which was designed overlapping with the area claimed by the co mmunities and was stopped due to conflicts. On account of these disputes, by late 1997 the ITTO project had run the risk of being canceled by ODA, the main project sponsor, af ter almost a decade of waiting to be implemented. ODAs representative Gordon Amstrong, who actively took part in the workshops during the Promanejo pre-investment activities, had made clear his position to avoid conflicts with the co mmunities, making community land resolution a condition for the implementation of the ITTO project. At the same time, the communities had starte d to intensely mobilize to protest the ITTO project, demanding the withdrawal of the part of the project that overlapped their lands. Soliciting the support of several local non-governmental organizations, this mobilization intensified as a resu lt of the Public Consultation ( Audincia Pblica ), which presented the environmental impact repor t (EIA/RIMA), on May 16, 1997, in Santarm. These NGOs jointly wrote a document for this Public Consultation, in which they demanded that community land tenure be reso lved as a condition for the approval of the project. Community representatives, especi ally from Piquiatuba and Marituba, the two communities directly affected by the ITTO project, sent se veral letters to governmental agencies, stating that they were rejecting the ITTO project.

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215 It was at this moment that community peopl e started to self-identify as traditional people, as seen in the letter sent by people from Piquiatuba to IBAMA and the Environment Ministry: Our position as traditional people is against the implementation of the ITTO project in th e area that is superposed over our community lands (Piquiatuba/Marituba 1997). By identifying themselves as traditional people, the communities were claiming the long-establishe d rights they understood they had to the territory they occupied. Community mobilization against the imple mentation of the ITTO project caught the attention of environmental non-government al organizations, such as Greenpeace and Friends of the Earth. These organizations not only endorsed the community claims, but also complained about several of the t echnical components of the project, which, according to them, did not follow Forest Certif ication norms and criteria. In their view, the project did not guarantee th e sustainable exploitation of timber, as it was supposed to, and there was a lack of transparency in the project. The impact of this mobilization was felt in a meeting that took place in March 1998, in Brasilia, at IBAMAs headquarters. Twenty-one people participated, including IBAM As president, Eduardo Martins, ITTOs General Coordinator, Cleuber Delano Jos Delano, Flona Tapajs Chief, Selma Melgao, and representatives from non-governmental organizations such as GTA (Amaznia Working Group), Friends of the Earth, IM AFLORA, WWF (World Wildlife Fund), Greenpeace, IMAZON, FASE, Union of Rural Workers, and the Piquiatuba community. At this meeting, the group presented a docum ent with some technical modifications, and reiterated that the projects area of imp lementation had to be agreed upon by the communities.

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216 The power of this mobilization had led, a y ear before, IBAMA officials to negotiate directly with the community and to establis h an accord with them regarding the ITTO project. During these nego tiations, IBAMA representatives had tried to defend the importance of the ITTO project, which they saw as representing the first Brazilian attempt to exploit a pilot area through th e sustainable production of timber. The communities, on the other hand, understanding that the implementation of the project would reduce their lands in favor of timbe r exploitation for export, defended their customary rights. These divergent positions and the difficu lty the communities and the governmental agency had in reaching an accord, drove IBAMAs president, Eduardo Martins, to go to the Piquiatuba community to negotiate di rectly with the pe ople in August 1997. Considered an enthusiast of the traditiona l people cause, Martins had created the CNPT in the last week of his first mandate as IBAMA president. In his meeting with community people, Martins demonstrated a se nsitivity to community demands, and made a commitment to reduce the area of the ITTO project that overlapped with the community land. Martins also assured them that IBAMA would provide the communities with a land-use concession contract once the commun ities presented a Utilization Plan of the area. In the end, instead of the initial fi ve thousand hectares designated to the IITO project, the area was reduced to 3,221 hectares Timber exploitation started in late 1999, and was to be concluded in 2004. The Empresa Agropecuria Treviso Ltda / Comercial Madeiras Exportao S&A (CEMEX), known as CEMEX/Tr eviso, won the bidding to exploit the timber.

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217 However, this did not put an end to the story. Although the area of the ITTO project had been reduced, this happened onl y in the Piquiatuba community area, and not in the Marituba community area. Instead, anot her part of the project area that had been removed, had not been in an area claimed by the communities. When I talked with Cleuber D.J. Lisboa, an IBAMA employee and General Coordinator of the ITTO project, about the criteria used to define the exclusion of areas from th e project, he said that they had considered the area proposed by IMAFLORA. He said that they had considered this proposal because ODA was pressuring for th e community land tenure conflict to be resolved, and this proposal was the onl y one IBAMA had at that moment. For IBAMA, especially for its forestry sector, the implementation of the ITTO project was essential because it would repr esent the first timber exploitation in the Amazon region that combined the private sector forest science, a nd governmental forest policies, thereby, consolidating the objectives of the National Forests. It was especially pertinent for Flona Tapajs, which, by then, had not yet developed any timber exploitation project after over tw o decades of existence. Th e ITTO project was expected to provide a model of forest exploitation for the Amazon region. The demands of the community for land and their capacity to mob ilize, however, represented an obstacle. These difficulties also marked the attempts to concede the land-use concession to the community. 6.4.2 The Land-use Concession At the same time that IBAMA was negotiating the ITTO project, the agency also initiated a process to provide the community with a land-use con cession, as had been decided at the time of IBAMA presidents vi sit to the Piquiatuba community. The legal mechanisms, however, had not yet been define d under National Forest legislation; they

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218 were being discussed in the new SNUC that was being elaborated. To solve this problem, IBAMA decided to apply the regul ations governing the Extractive Reserves, which required that residents presen t to the agency a Utilization Plan9 in order to be given usufruct rights for a period of thirty years. Flona Tapajs administrators started to work with communities on the elaboration of the Utilization Plan. After several meeti ngs, the Utilization Plan was voted on at a meeting that took place on December 05, 1997, in the community of Pedreira, with the participation of representatives of twenty-one communities, IBAMA, and nongovernmental organizations. According to the meeting report, most communities approved the Utilization Plan, except for the Tauari, Maguari and Pini communities that declared they had doubts about the terms of the land-use concessi on. The communities approval of the Utilization Plan was necessa ry for the Public Audience meeting that would be held a week later, on December 11, to present to the co mmunity the terms of the land-use concession. After the Public Audience meeting, the comm unity people seemed to become more apprehensive about the terms of the land-use co ncession. The idea that in thirty years the contract would finish and could potentially not be renewed frighten ed them, especially because most of them were firmly demandi ng permanent title to the land. When I went to the field three years later, in 2000, a nd found the issue still unresolved, community complaints revealed fears that the acceptance of these terms would put at risk the future of their children, as Paulo sa id: We already fought for almost thirty years to guarantee our lands. Now, if we accept this concessi on for thirty years, what, then, will happen 9 Presently, the Utilization Plan was renamed as Management Plan.

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219 with our children? Will they have to start to fight all over again? Moreover, as the Utilization Plan only indicates the areas of use and the rules to follow, but does not demarcate the precise boundaries of the area, the community also feared the uncertainty that this presented for them. Jos, one of the leaders of the Piqui atuba community, said: I am not against the land-use concession, but I want to know wher e our area starts and where it ends. The idea that the area woul d be determined based on the Utilization Plan was too vague for them, who had already defi ned the area when they had demarcated the boundaries they were demanding. These communities uncertainties led to the organization of another meeting in 1997, on December 19, in the Tauari community, with the presence of the Procurador Geral da Repblica (Attorney General ) Felcio Pontes. At this meeting, the representatives of th e community expressed their doubts, many of them still calling for the exclusion of the community area from Flona Tapajs, and they finally resolved to postpone the decision about the land-use con cession until March of the following year. In the meantime, additional discussions w ith the communities about the land size and entitlement would be held before a final decision was taken. The communities indecision st arted to worry Flona Tapajs directors, who were taking part in discussion s held by Flona Tapajs Grupo Gestor (Management Group), which had been created in July 1997, th e first of its kind in Brazil. The Grupo Gestor was created with the intent to develop a part icipatory administration of Flona Tapajs. It was comprised of representatives of the co mmunity, local governmental agencies and sectors of the civil society, and later becam e the Consultative Group for National Forests under the new SNUC. The diversity of repres entatives in the Gest or Group, expressing

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220 different interests, such as those of the tim ber industry, community pe ople, and scientific institutions, in a certain way made it difficult for discussions to be conducted. This was apparent in the report of the first Gestor Group meeting, in which the representative of the timber industry insisted on discussing the opening of Flona Tapajs to timber exploitation, and the representative of commun ity people insisted on the need to define community land tenure. Melgao, the chief of Flona Tapajs at the time, insisted that the Gestor Group discuss the reserve policy pl an and not just isolated actions. Yet, as Melgao expressed, the communities unwillingness to make a quick decision regarding the land-use concession became a source of frustration for the Gestor Group. In an interview, while she was the director of the regional IBAMA office in Santarm, she said: The meetings of the Ge stor Group were irritating. Every time, they [community people] wanted something diffe rent. Once, they wanted an Extractive Reserve, another time they wanted somethi ng else. Nobody in the Group could stand to discuss it any more. Nobody was taking the co mmunity seriously anymore. While the Gestor Group was getting annoyed with th e communities indecision, on the other hand, the communities began to realize that their doubts were not unfounded at all, and that the land-use concession was actually very complicated to implement. For example, IBAMA employees ended up finding out that the agency did not actually have the authority to provide the land-use concession because mo st of Flona Tapajs did not belong to IBAMA, but to INCRA. For IBAMA to get jurisdiction over Flona Ta pajos, a series of bureaucratic steps would have to be undertaken.10 This was a cold shower fo r IBAMAs directors, and it 10 IBAMA had already outlined the decree to be assign ed by the President of Brazil, which would provide the communities in Flona Tapajs with the land-use conc ession. This procedure required that the lands of

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221 reinforced the communities suspicions. To ease the situation, IBAMA decided to provide what was called a Termo de Ajustamento de Conduta (Adjustment of Conduct Term), which was signed in May 1998 by re presentatives of IBAMA and the Federal Public Ministry, and gave the communities the right to remain and exploit the resources in Flona Tapajs until the la nd-use concession was provide d. Talking about these bureaucratic difficulties, Angelo Francisco de Lima, Flona Tapajs chief in 2001, said that he had selected land regularization as a pr iority for his administ ration. By late 2003, INCRA had transferred the lands in the Fl ona to the Service for the Union Patrimony (SPU), the first step in the process before the lands could be offi cially transferred to IBAMA. These intricate bureaucratic procedures, and th e lack of an articulate policy to deal with the community people, postponed IBAM A attempts to come to terms with the community about land tenure, and prevente d the official incorporation of the communities in the reserves program. The unresolved community land tenure issue became the main obstacle for the implementation of the second phase of Promanejo, as will be seen in the next section. It also was responsible for creating a rupture in the relationship between IBAMA and the indigenous communities, which I will discuss in the next chapter. the area were officially under IBAM A responsibility. However, in the early 1970s, these lands had been transferred, in the social interest of agrarian reform, to INCRA. Besides INCRA, there were also several private titles in the area. To provide the land-use co ncession, IBAMA needed to dispossess owne rs of their private land titles, and obtain from INCRA the remain ing lands. Yet, INCRA coul d not transfer the lands directly to IBAMA, but had to first transfer them to the Service for the Union Patrimony (SPU) that, then, could transfer them to IBAMA.

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222 6.4.3 Promanejo: Working with Community People With the financial support of around $5 m illion to be expended over a period of five years, the second phase of Promanejo-co mponent 4 in Flona Tapajs was planned to be initiated after the pre-i nvestment activities. For Promanejo-Component 4, two main lines of action were established: to support the management of the reserve with emphasis on the participation of civil so ciety; and, to generate and s upport pilot expe riences that were alternatives to traditional land uses with emphasis on community forest management. The main objective was to provide the conditions for the effective implementation of the reserves goals, and for the establishment of a relationship with the community people, who IBAMA had started to recognize as tradi tional people and, thus, supported their incorporation in the reserv es program. Therefore, in an attempt to help overcome the reserves deficiencies the Promanejo-com ponent 4 second phase initiated several activities rela ted to surveillance, tourism, infrastructure, and community projects11. For the purpose of this disserta tion, I will only focus on the community projects. Although the precondition for the impleme ntation of the second phase of Promanejo-Component 4 was the resolution of the conflicts regarding community land tenure, by late 1997, the situati on remained unresolved. Wit hout a clear definition about the designation of the community area, the peop le started to mobili ze again to pressure the governmental agency for a final solu tion. As Promanejo reports emphasized, community discontentment constituted the main problem for the implementation of the 11 The 2001 Promanejo activities report attributed the reserves ineffectiveness also to the absence of qualified human resources, shortage of financial resources, limited operational capacity, and inappropriate reserve management.

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223 activities. This unresolved situation al so brought up a controversial issue, which revolved around Promanejo fi nancial resources for the communities. As some communities continued to claim the exclusion of their lands from the reserve, there was an understanding that these communities would not have access to these financial resources because they were designated for communities in Flona Tapajs, not outside At a Promanejo meeting in Santarm, in 2000, Antonio C. Hummel, the executive director of Promanejo in Manaus at the time, and, later (2003-2005), DIFLONAs director, stated: The rules are clear; th e resources are for the communities in Flona Tapajs, in the reserves area, and not for t hose outside Flona. Those who do not want to remain will not have rights to them. Hummels position, which came to prevail, created new forms of discontentment and suspicion among community people, and ag gravated their internal divisions. Two weeks after this meeting, Adilson, the leader from the Pini community, complained that: These projects are a kind of pill that IBAMA wants to give us to forget the land issue. They said that only the communities that a ccept to remain in Flona could have the resources. Those who want the exclusion woul d not have the right to them. What does it mean? It means people are forced to accept IBAMAs proposal. Similar understandings led many communities to refuse Promanejos projects. Moreover, although the Promanejo resources were designated for the communities, there were not clear definitions about what projects would be implemented, by whom, or how. This created unattainable expectations among the community people, as well as disputes among the non-governmental organiza tions working with the communities to administer the Promanejo funds (Fauther 1997). Intensifying the dispute, PSA, the

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224 largest NGO in Santarm at the time, had al ready presented a proposal for administering the Promanejo resources in 1996, followed by other non-governmental organizations that also started to request participation in the re source allocation, such as the Rural Workers Union and GDA (Amaznia Defe nse Group). To resolve the disputes, the Promanejo coordination decided that the resources w ould go directly to th e communities, through their grassroots associations, and that nongovernmental organizati ons could participate in the capacity of providing technical a ssistance (Gonalves, Hu mmel, and Francisco n.d.). This Promanejo attempt to transfer the re sponsibility for project initiatives to the communities, however, encountered problem s. In 1997, during the first phase of Promanejo, IMAFLORA organized two works hops to capacitate th e community people in the elaboration of proposals. Desp ite these workshops, by 2000, no community had presented a proposal. Before visiting Santarm in 2000, I first went to the World Bank in Brasilia to obtain information about the pr ojects, and there, Ricardo Tarifa, responsible for Promanejo affairs, said to me: I do not understand; the money is there available for the communities, but so far, no proposal has b een presented. It seems that they do not want the projects. Tarifa was not wrong at all. Carrying out my research in the field, I heard several versions from community people about conflicting perspec tives on what the community projects should be, which had ended up discouraging communities from sending a project application. Among the Taquara community people, I found the bitterest complaints The representatives who had participated in the IMAFLORA workshops had left in the middle of the workshop activities, and the community ha d decided that they would not request any projects from

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225 Promanejo. Daniel, one of the community leader s, explained: We were taking part in the IMAFLORA workshop. Then, they started to ask us to make a map of the community people. I got so angry! You know, after a year making all those maps for the socioeconomic survey in 1996, they asked us to do everything again. I am not a child to play with maps all the time. Moreover, everything that we wanted for the project, they said was not possible. If I cannot have a project that I want I do not want any other. This was the moment when the Taquara community ended thei r relationship with IBAMA. A year later, this was one of the co mmunities that started to identify themselves as indigenous people, as will be discussed in the next chapter. I also heard a complaint from one of the leaders of the Tauari comm unity, who said: I cried on that day. You know, we had defined a nice proposal duri ng the IMAFLORA work shop to install a mobile sawmill. Yet, when we presented the project they said that it was not possible, that it would destroy the forest and so many things that I crie d with anger. Then, I said that I did not want any other thing. In the Pedreira community, where a pou ltry project was initiated in 2002, I also heard similar comments. When I asked the community leader why they had decided to raise hens, he said: Actually, we wanted a pr oject for wildlife management. We wanted to manage turtles in the lake behind the comm unity area, on the way to Acaratinga. But, then, the technicians came here and said that it was too di fficult and it was better not to do that. We tried to have a project to manage wild game and they said again it was not possible. The only possible thing that remain ed was the hens, so, we said ok, bring the hens.

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226 After several drafts, Promanejo finally defined the kinds of project proposals communities were allowed to submit for fundi ng. It was established that community project proposals could follow one or more of the following five priority thematic areas: 1) Low-impact forest management, for the production and commercialization of non-timber resources; 2) Agro-forestry system s, for the introduction and cultivation of forest species; 3) Community health, for preventative health actions; 4) Community organization, for strengthening the community association; and 5) Forest extension training, for the technicians work ing with projects. Promanej o also established that the proposals needed to reconcile sustainable ma nagement of the resources with revenue generation. There was little motivation for the comm unity people to take advantage of Promanejo resources. In the four years of Promanejo-component 4 implementation, from 1998 to 2002, only a few families from six communities engaged in the Promanejo projects. I suggest that the lack of motiva tion was a reflection of communities resistance to the governments attempts to adjust their production systems to f it the reserves goals, which Promanejo was responsible for consolida ting. The poultry-raisi ng project, like the andiroba and copaiba12 oil production project, both discusse d briefly in the next section, reflect Promanejo attempts to alter communitie s production systems in favor of activities that specifically reduce the pressure on fore st resources and the communities need for larger areas. I discuss both projects because they greatly differ from existing community livelihood strategies: one repres ents the introduction of an economic activity completely 12 Andiroba ( Carapa guianensis Aubl.) and copaiba ( Copaifera spp).

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227 alien to community livelihood strategies; th e other is based on an activity already developed by community people but not for intensive commercialization purposes. 6.4.4 Managing Poultry in the Forest The poultry-raising project was officially called Community Project for Aviculture and Cultivation of Agro-forest ry Systems, but more commonly known among the community people as the hens proj ect. The project was implemented in four communities Maguary, Pedreira, Piqui atuba, and Nazar at a cost of $12,293 for each community, which was requested through the AITA and ASMIPRUT, both community associations. The tec hnical assistance was provided by Projeto Sade e Alegria (PSA),13 at a cost of $95,193. Although PSA had proposed to assist all the twenty-two communities, only these four comm unities had accepted to take part, and, even so, only a segment of each of these comm unities had been interested. The objective of the project was the implemen tation of an integrated syst em of aviculture and agroforestry systems (SAFs) to improve food quali ty and diversify family revenue. The plan was to plant thirty-six hectares of SAFs, as well as construct a building for poultry raising designated for consumption and commercialization. Under discussion since 1998, th e project took a long time to become effective, and there were several controvers ial versions about its inception. As indicated earlier, for most of the communities, the project had not been requested by the communities themselves. Rather, as in the case of the Pedreira community, the poultry project was the only option given by the Promanejo technicians, who refused their demand for a project to manage turtles or wild game. The Prom anejo coordination expl ained that the poultry 13 PSA ( Projeto Sade e Alegria -Health and Happiness Proj ect), a NGO from Santarm.

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228 raising project was presented as a way to appease frustrated expectations about the financial resources that would be provided during the Promanejo second phase. According to the coordination, the anticipation of resources generate d expectations about several kinds of projects that were not attain able within Promanejo objectives. This was aggravated by the long delay in the liberaliza tion of the resources, due to the complexity of bureaucratic procedures of these multilateral programs. As this situation fueled community discontentment, and the poultry -raising project was the only community project underway, the coordi nation decided to support it to avoid creating new expectations and frustrations. PSAs coordinator, Caetano Scannavino, expl ained that the project originated from the need they perceived for co mmunity people to improve the quality of their diet. He said they had observed throughout the years wo rking with these communities that their nutrition and cultivation systems were deficien t, and, as such, the objective of the project was to help communities overcome these scarcities. When I asked him why they decided to promote such intensive poultry raising instead of techniques more adapted to community traditions, he just answered that it was the idea, and s uggested that I talk directly with the technicians responsible for project implemen tation to get more details. However, continuous changes in the PSA tec hnicians team prevented me from getting more precise information about the project s conceptualization. Participating in a meeting that took place in 2000 in the Piquiat uba community to discuss the project with the PSA technician and Promanej os consultants, the PSA techni cian explained to me that when he started to work at PSA the project was already being discu ssed, and he just had to accept it as it stood and to try to do his be st. He admitted that he was not confident

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229 about the projects success, since it applie d techniques unfamiliar to the community and was time consuming. Moreover, he was con cerned about the fact that there was no understanding about the projects potent ial impacts on the communities existing production systems, or about the environmen tal impacts that intensive poultry raising could cause. For unknown reasons, he did not remain a long time in the PSA team. The PSA technicians concerns, however, ma de sense. Project implementation not only disregarded such concerns, but also im posed a complex and bureaucratic operation, conflicting in many ways with the communities existing production systems. Implementation of the project was initiated in late 2001, w ith several seminars about project management, visits to poultry farm s to learn the techniques required, production of nursery plants, and the cons truction of the chicken coop. For this construction, people were contracted to work. Promanejo had requested that communities plant field crops to ensure that the hens would be fed. Each community group was responsible for its own cultivation plot, or could also provide an equivalent quantity from individual field crops. This constituted the first problem. Except for the Maguary community, no other community was able to provide for the hens provision, and it reflected a mistake in the conceptualization about colle ctive work in the community production systems. Although families in the communities join tly prepare the agricultural fields ( roados) the harvesting is done on an individual family basis. The idea of collective field crops, established in the project, di sregarded these community forms of work, as well as the divergences among the family nucle i, and assumed, instead, that they were harmonious. Moreover, the project was ex cessively centralized, controlled by the technicians, as Ferreira Neto (2002) accurately pointed out in his assessment. Most of the

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230 groups were not able to deal with the requirements set by the project, failing to provide food for the hens, which had to be bought. The arrival of the chicks in the communities in July 2002 was a complex operation, as was the system for raising them, both of which reflected the projects dissonance with the communities production systems. The chicks were bought in So Paulo, and were transported to Santarm by airplane and, fr om Santarm to the communities, by boat. The transportation of the chicks demanded ex treme care, since any stress tended to kill them. A week before the chicks arrival, the PSA technician visited each of the communities to explain what needed to be done. I was in the Piquiatuba community when he came for a meeting. The technici an started the meeting by explaining how the chicks were going to be transpor ted and said: First of all, there is an important point to be emphasized: after the chicks arrive, the moth er or the father cannot say that they do not have time to care for the chicks, and se nd the children to do it. The chicks are too sensitive; they get stressed so easily. A dditionally, the chicks require food and medicines in the right amount, and the child ren are not able to do that. Listening as he explaining these instructions, I immediately recalled th e children I observed in the morning feeding the chicks, an activity that ge nerally is their responsibility in the household division of tasks. In front of the chicken coop that ha d been constructed with Promanejo money was a plaque on which was written: Pr ohibited entrance of children. Two hundred and twenty five chicks were bought for each community group; approximately twenty-five chicks died per group during their transportation. Initially, the project planned to buy four hundred and fift y chicks for each community group, but the lack of food for the chickens made the tech nicians reduce the quantity. Even with fewer

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231 chicks, the poultry raising t echniques demanded intensive care twenty-four hours a day. This directly affected community time us e. Children having been prohibited, the responsibility was left to an a dult to care for a group of chicks that were maintained in a closed area. It required that they pay clos e attention to any wounds, in order to prevent attacks by others that might kill the injured ch ick. Food and medicine had to be given in the right amounts and at the right time, and te mperature and light had to be controlled. To meet all of these demands, the community groups had to establish rotating turns for every person during the day and night. In Piquiatuba, the group es tablished two shifts: one from 6:00 am to 6:00 pm, and the other fr om 6:00 pm to 6:00am. Once I visited the poultry raising project in Piqui atuba, and I met Josefa, who was taking her turn at caring for the chicks. When I asked her about he r day, she said: It wa s so sad, nobody to talk to, just looking at the chicks all day long. The time people had to spend on the poultry project was much greater than they used for their domestic animals. Raising chickens among the communities is only one component of their production system. Chicke ns are raised to supply food in the absence of other animal protein, and are eaten, main ly, by sick people. Chicken for daily consumption was not considered strong food.14 Usually, the time spent for raising hens was distributed throughout th e day, and carried out by women and children. Raised openly in the garden, around the house, the ch ickens were closed up only at night, to avoid attacks from predators. As chicks, th ey were generally cared for by the housewife; when they grew up, the children took over th e responsibility for feeding them. Besides providing a source of food, chickens were al so important commercially. Constituting the 14 An analysis of the perceptions about strong food in opposition to weak food among peasant communities in Lower Tapajs region is found in Lins and Silva (1980).

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232 main source of revenue for housewives, I obser ved several times chickens being used as currency for exchanging goods. The poultry raising system that was imple mented through the project disregarded these community strategies, in addition to de manding time that was subtracted from other production activities. The communities production systems had been based on exploitation of a variety of re sources throughout the yearly cal endar, whose sustainability rested precisely in this multiplicity of strategi es. Having to spend a day per week to care for hens not taking into consideration the time spent on meetings, trainings, and other project activities altered the communities organization of time by forcing them to concentrate efforts in one specialized activ ity. In this case, specialization not only interfered in the communities organization of production ac tivities, but also had not provided any compensation. An average of twenty families per commun ity group took part in the project. The distribution of the two hundred hens that ha d been successfully raised for this large number of families provided each family with only ten hens. To reach this number did not require the expensive project or the time spent. The survey I had carried out among the communities revealed that, with the exception of a few, most families customarily kept a minimum of ten hens. In 2003, when I re turned to field, I was told that the project had temporarily stopped, and that the rema ining hens had been distributed among the family groups. The thirty-six hectares pla nned to implement the SAFs had been reduced to 0.25 hectares for each group, with the cultivation of four species. In his assessment of Prom anejo community projects, Fe rreira Neto (2002) also highlighted the problem that the poultry proj ect was pushed on the communities for lack

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233 of other options. The author emphasized that the proposal was not built with the communities traditional producti on systems in mind. One of the effects, he remarks, was the little dominion of the groups over the proposal and, consequently, the lack of motivation to execute it. The communities have not appropriated the project for themselves. It was the project of Promanej o, or project of PSA (Ferreira Neto 2002: 8). I also heard people saying that the project was Promanejos or PSAs, and observed that people had littl e understanding about the term S AFs. Once, in the Piquiatuba community, Marinalvo, the owners house where I was being received as guest, called me to talk to him and asked me: Edviges, what is SAFs? Surprised with the question, in few words, I answered that the SAFs were ba sed on the cultivation of different species in the same area. He, then, looked outside the house and asked me again: But, is that not what we have always done? I commented that the development of SAFs came precisely from the native system, especially, from Am azon region, which, like theirs, used to mix several kinds of species. He then, took some time to th ink and wondered: Why, then, do the technicians come here to teach us what we have already taught to them? Although it was hard to find someone defe nding the poultry project, its lack of success cannot be taken as inconsequential. It was not just one more unsuccessful and frustrating project, but it also disorgan ized the communities production systems, a consequence which was left to the communities to resolve. In her assessment of the Promanejo-Component 4, Padovan (2002: 26) al erted that, it is the very community people who become the main injured party, ge nerating, moreover, a strong distrust and aloofness from them with regard to issues re lated directly or indirectly to the global management of the reserve. In fact, di strust and aloofness had characterized the

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234 relationship between the community people and reserve since the beginning. Similar to the reserves difficulties in getting implem ented, the poultry projects lack of success cannot be attributed simply to technical problems that disregarded the communities traditional production systems. The proposal was the object of intense discussion, and several experts pointed out the problems for its implementation. Rather, the problem was with the poultry projects main purpose, which was to prioritize the reserves objective to lessen the pressure on timber resources, withou t taking into consideration the impacts for the communities production systems. 6.4.5 The Project for Copaiba and Andiroba Oil Production The project for production of the oil of andiroba ( Carapa guianensis Aubl.) and copaiba ( Copaifera spp) started to be implemented in July 2000, initially with families from the communities of So Domingos and Narar, and, later, in 2002, with families from the Pedreira community. This proj ect also was requested through AITA and ASMIPRUT, and its value was $9,506 for each community. The main objective of the project was to provide infrastr ucture to intensify the producti on of andiroba and copaiba oils. Andiroba oil is extracted from the trees seeds, and copaiba oil is extracted directly from the trees trunks; both are applied fo r medicinal purposes. Oil production, an activity extensively carried out in the regi on is, however, customarily done on a small scale for domestic uses and, occasionally, fo r commercialization. The project envisioned increasing and improving oil production to supply the cosmetic industry. The proposal for the oil project was an in itiative of the Proman ejo coordination in Santarm. To accelerate the process, Vivian e Araujo Gonalvez, Promanejos technical coordinator, took the proposal to the commun ity people. Initially, just the communities of So Domingos and Narar accepted to particip ate, with thirteen and twelve families,

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235 respectively. The project provided for these families the construction of a building for the production and storage of the oils, traini ng to improve the quali ty of production, and market studies. In spite of some minor problems, the oil project initially was evaluated positively by an external assessment team hired by Prom anejo (Padovan 2002; Ferreira Neto 2002). The project was considered to be techni cally sound and to have a good level of participation, in terms of the project being based on a well-known traditional activity and the high level of involvement of the people in the project. The pr ojects results were already showing an increase in oil pr oduction and commercialization, although much lower than the goals initially established, which were to reach a minimum of four thousand liters a year. In 2002, So Domingos sold a hundred liters of oil and Nazar sold three hundred and twenty, which corres ponded to an average increase of 290% in relation to 1998 production leve ls (Ferreira Neto 2002). Although one can identify some levels of su ccess in the project, the goals of the project conflicted with the communities production systems. Andiroba oil is extracted from the seeds, which must be collected from trees that are unequally dispersed in the forest. The production of andiroba oil requir es an average of one hundred kilos of seeds to produce eighteen liters of oil (Shanle y, Cymerys, and Galvo 1998). The quantity required for production in both communities was th e first and most critical problem. In the communities areas, andiroba trees were scarce, which was not the case in the Pedreira community area. Forest surveys had located andiroba trees in more distant areas in Flona Tapajs, along the Highway 163. The collection and transpor tation of the seeds from these areas required a boat and a car. For awhile, Promanejo and the Flona Tapajs

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236 administration provided both vehi cles for transportation. This caused families to depend on outside help to produce oil, in addition to the need to spend more effort and time to collect the seeds, because of the distance to the areas. Similar to raising chickens, andiroba oil production is part of the domestic production system and is essentially a female activity. While men bring the seeds from the forest, women are responsible for extracti ng the oil. In addition, community practices dictate that women who are me nstruating cannot extract the o il or even be present during the processing of the oil. Do mestic andiroba oil production designated for medicinal uses and, eventually, commercialization, was also distributed among the other productive activities along the agriculture calendar. In general, for the communities, individuals cannot claim ownership to andiroba trees and their seeds, unless someone had planted the tree. Andiroba, like land and forest re sources, is viewed by the communities as a common resource to be shared by all. The projects intensificati on of oil production, however, impacted these traditional andiroba practices and rules. For example, the exploitation of andiroba seeds in Flona Tapajs required the submission of a mana gement plan that must be approved by DIFLONA, in Brasilia. This strongly in terfered with the co mmunities autonomy to define the rules of their production systems, as it transferred decision-making power to IBAMA officials. Community resistance to such interferences was part of these particular communities long-term struggles and, certainly, explained the lack of significant community participation in the pr oject, as well as the withdrawal of some families that initially comprised the groups. In 2002, only six families in each community group remained working in the project.

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237 The project did, in fact, in tensify oil production, but it al so promoted dependencies and altered community rules for resource appropriation toward a bureaucratic and specialized activity. This reflected the prio rity given to the studi es on economic market and forest potentials, and the lack of atten tion paid to community forest uses, and the impacts on them. The composition of the Promanejo technical team and expert consultants also reveals the pr iority that was given to ec onomic forest issues, at the expense of community understandings on re sources exploitation. Whereas several economists and foresters were hired for th e Promanejo-Component 4s activities, no social scientists were called at any moment to as sist or to assess the development of the community projects. 6.5 Traditional People and National Forests Although recognizing a series of difficultie s in implementing the projects in the communities in the Flona Tapajs, the coordinators of Promanejo-component 4 have attributed the difficulties to factors that were considered out of the c ontrol of the project. The 2001 Promanejo activities report pointed to se veral difficulties that got in the way of the projects objectives. Among the difficu lties identified as ex ternal, the report highlighted the unresolved community land tenure conflict, and the lack of organizational capacity of community peopl e (PROMANEJO 2001). When I first read this, it sounded strange. First, how c ould the undefined community land tenure be considered an external issue if it represen ted the area in which the community projects would be implemented? While for the Prom anejo coordination the lack of resolution regarding the community lands was external to project activities, for the community people, the definition of the area was a necessary pre-condition for the reserves management plan, which community projects were expected to help consolidate.

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238 The second argument, the lack of organi zational capacity of community people,, also sounded strange to me. After havi ng followed the long history of community resistance against attempts at expulsion, and its contributi on to changing the legislation regarding the presence of community people in reserves, it was difficult for me to accept that for these communities lacked organiz ational capacity. Moreover, the project proposals had to be elaborated according to rigid parameters and externally defined demands, and under a heavy bureaucratic struct ure. As indicated, among the thematic areas, except for community health and commun ity association, the thematic areas related to the productive activities were focused on the promotion of commercial forest uses without taking into consideration the commun ity forest management systems or their socio-cultural organizations. By placing blame on the communities incapacity to organize, the Promanejos coordination, perhap s, was trying to conceal the reality, which was that the communities were resisting b ecause Promanejo did not respond to their demands and interests. Although Promanejo had estab lished that the beneficiar ies were the traditional communities residing in Flona Tapajss perimeters (PROMANEJO 1997), there was no mention of their production systems. The thematic areas were not defined to support community forest uses, but to promote activit ies compatible with the reserves goals to become economically viable through forest exploitation, the main purpose of National Forests. Thus, Promanejo funded projects a nd activities were not aimed at promoting community forms of forest uses, the main focus of their struggl e over the last two decades, but rather at transforming them to meet the purposes of the reserve management plan. In fact, this is clearly written in the Promanejocomponent 4 objectives in

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239 supporting pilot experiences that provide alternatives to traditional land uses (PROMANEJO 2001). One of the sources of the problem lies with the SNUC regulation, which does not recognize, in National Forests, traditional pe oples rights to their territories. Instead, traditional people are admitted on the condition that they previously lived in the area prior to the creati on of the reserve15. This establishes an unequal power relationship, which tends to negate the legitimacy of the pe oples claims to access to their territory and forest resources, and to creat e a relationship of dependency with governmental agencies. This is also reflected in the National Fore sts administrative structure, which has a Consultative Council in which repr esentatives of traditional people can take part of when appropriate (SNUC, Art. 17, 5o). Moreover, National Forest legislation, article no 17, establishes reserves basic objective as sustainable multiple uses of forest resources and scientific research, with emphasis on the exploitation of native forests. Thus, traditional people, who were admitted into the reserve, have to follow the rese rves management plan that is elaborated to respond to these objectives. This m eans that traditional community production systems must be adjusted to fit the reserv es management plan, whose objective, in the case of Flona Tapajs, is the promotion of tim ber exploitation based on the principles of scientific forestry. Not surprisingly, the Prom anejo-component 4 activiti es and objectives were consistent with National Forests objective of making timber exploita tion in the reserves 15 This is a different perspective from the Extractive Reserves, which are created assuming the existence of traditional people, and whose objective is to solve so cial conflicts. For further reading, see Allegretti (2002).

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240 areas economically attainable. Focused on reducing the pressures on timber resources, the Promanejo project dismembered community production systems based on the multiple uses of forest resources, which required larger areas, in favor of specialized economic activities designated to support the market. In other terms, it reflected the processes of simplification and standardization present in modern statecraft, as discussed by Scott (1998), to exert control over spaces a nd social relations. Yet, as the author cautions, we never assume that local practice conforms w ith state theory (Scott 1998: 49); both environmental and human factor s intervene to interfere with the utopian dream in this case, forest modernization. The co mmunities indifference to the globa l reserve management (Padovan 2002) is part of their efforts to resist government attempts to change their forms of relating to spaces and to resources to meet the objectives of the reserve management plan. While people showed some resistance to such interferences, the communities of Taquara, Maritiba and Bragana have taken a more radical position. By reclaiming their indigenous identity, they have transformed th eir struggle, distancing themselves from the traditional people category that had been imposed on them by the government. I discuss this in the next chapter.

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241 CHAPTER 7 RECOVERING OLD CULTURAL TRADITIONS: THE INDIGENOUS MOVEMENT 7.1 Introduction In the previous chapters, I discus sed two key moments related to the (re)construction of community territory and social identity that began with the creation of Flona Tapajs. The first set of events, which took place from 1974 to the early 1990s, was characterized by the governments attempts to displace people from the Flona and its unwillingness to recognize community social orga nization and identities. Rather, in the eyes of the government, commun ity people were identified as caboclo squatters, or occasional occupants and, consequently, were de nied their territorial rights. The second set of events, which started began in 1994, was characterized by the governments acceptance of community peoples permanence in the reserve, after having been officially recognized as traditional people. In this chapter, I focus on a third mo ment in this long hi story of community territory and social identi ty (re)construction, which wa s defined by a process of reinstatement of indigenous identity, star ting in 1998 among the people of the Taquara, Marituba, and Bragana communitie s. I will refer to this as the indigenous movement, which has been characterized by the claim to an ethnic identity and ancient cultural practices, as well as requests for the recognition of their lands with FUNAI. Different from the previous two moments of territori al and identity formation, discussed above, which resulted from direct governmental inte rvention to advance with Flona Tapajs implementation, the indigenous movement em erged from the communities themselves

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242 who started to reconstruct ol d indigenous traditions and to remodel their forms of political and cultural organizations. The i ndigenous movement that arose from three communities in Flona Tapajs area not only de tached these particular communities from their previous associations with other commun ities, separating them into their own social groups, but has also redefined the political field, from which new social and spatial relations have emerged. 7.2 Indigenous Territory and Identity: The Process of Territorialization As previously indicated, the movement to re instate an indigenous identity began in 1998 among the community people from th e Taquara community, who started to recognize themselves as belonging to the Mundurucu ethnicity. In 2001, the communities of Marituba and Bragana also started to self-identify as Mundurucu Indians.1 The emergence of the ethnic identity movement, across these three communities, has caused a schism among the c ommunities of resistance, dividing them into the indigenous and non-indigenous co mmunities, and, consequently, this has impacted their forms of political association and struggle for land. This movement to reconstruct an indigenous identity among these three communities, which expanded throughout the Lower Tapajs region, resonates with the movements that occurred in the 1970-80s in the Brazilian Northeast (Oliveira 1999a). As in the case of the Lower Tapajs, indigenous groups in the Northeast who were considered to be either extinct or residues of a process of decimation and miscegenation that had been initiated with colonization, started a process of cultural reconstruction, 1 Claiming distinct ethnicities, some communities located in the left bank of Tapajs River, in the area of Tapajs-Arapiuns Extractive Reserve, have also undertaken a similar movement toward reinstating indigenous identities.

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243 recognizing themselves as belonging to a diffe rentiated ethnic ident ity. Analyzing this process of ethnic emergence in the North east region, Oliveira ( 1999a) pointed out the notion of territorialization, which the au thor developed to e xplain the processes by which native peoples became the subject of stat e intervention. According to him, this process associates individuals and groups to specific geographical limits, in the process creating ethnic objects through arbitrary mechanisms that ar e outside the control of the native peoples and controlled by the state. Oliveira (1999a) iden tified the first process of te rritorialization, of which the native groups from the Northeast region were a part starting in the middle of the seventeenth century and the first decades of the eighteenth centur y, during the religious missions. A similar process also occurred in the Amazon region, especially, in the Lower Tapajs region, as previously discussed in Chapter 3. In both regions, the religious missions constituted an important mechanism for colonial policy to expand the frontiers and finances of the Portuguese Crown, whic h looked to homogenize several different cultures through catech ization, a strict discipline of work, and, in the Amazon region, through the creation of a generalizable language ( Lngua Geral) In the Amazon and the Northeast, the religious missions created the first mix ( mistura ) of native groups, which subsequently was reinforced by the assimilation policies of the Directorate of the Indians, which encouraged inter-ethnic marriages a nd the occupation of the old mission areas ( aldeamentos ) by white colonizers. By the end of the nineteenth century, indigenous peoples were considered to be extinct, being referred to as just remainders or descendents.

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244 Oliveira (1999a) also identified a second and different process of territorialization that o ccurred among the Northeast Indians beginning in the 1920s, with the arrival of the Indian Protection Se rvice (SPI), the first governmental Indian agency, created in 1911. In subsequent decades, based on state wardship ( tutela ) policies, the government implem ented several SPI offices ( Posto Indgena /Indian Post) in the region, and demarcated lands for severa l Indian groups. For Indian groups, this process resulted in behaviors a nd beliefs that were characteris tic of these protectionist policies, which Oliveira (1998) defined as indianidade being imposed on them. However, in contrast to the Northeast regi on, the indigenous groups in the Lower Tapajs were not subject to this process of state in tervention. The SPI only established one Indian Post and demarcated lands for the Mundurucu Indians in the Upper Tapajs River; there is no record about any similar actions taken in the Lower Tapajs region. As in the Northeast, by the late ninet eenth century, the indigenous groups in the Lower Tapajs were thought to be extinct, and the literature reinforced this perspective, describing them as caboclos This is why the ethnic emergence among communities such as Taquara, Marituba, and Bragana has surp rised academics, as well as governmental and non-governmental agencies, and the regiona l society. From Oliveiras perspective (1999a), this reconstruction m ovement of indigenous identities carried out by these groups that were not recognized by the State, nor described in the literature, comes to constitute another process of territo rialization. In this last process of territorialization, indige nous groups attempted to reestablish a relationship with their origins, reinventing old cultural traditions that allow them to define for themselves an ethnically organized collectivity that differentiates them

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245 from their regional neighbors. This has been happening in Taquara, Marituba and Bragana, where the resumption of rituals, body painting, language, and organizational institutions derived from indigenous traditions of the past represent a part of the attempts to establish a connection to their origins, and to differentiate themselves from other social groups in the area. Oliveira (1999a), however, alerts us that this indigenous movement does not constitute a nostalgic exercise to return to the past that is disconnected from the present: They know that they are very dist ant from their origins in terms of political organization, as well as in terms of cultural and cognitive dimension (1999a: 31). This understanding, however, does not in validate the references and f eelings that are attached to their ethnic origins, but, rather, tends to reinforce them. This can be seen in the explanation provided by, Olavo, from the Taquara community: Olavo: We are Indians as we always were But before, we were ashamed of being Indians because we were taught that to be Indian was aw ful; that Indian was like an animal in the forest. It comes from a l ong time ago, from missions, and after that the Cabanagem always trying to destroy Indian cult ure. Yet, today we are free, we understand that the Indian has value, that ou r culture comes from the past and we do not have to be ashamed of that. This association between indigenous id entity and freedom was frequently expressed in the three communities in Flona Tapajs that began recognizing themselves as Mundurucu Indians. By establishing a connection with their ethnic origins, reinventing old beliefs and rituals, they established cultural parameters that allowed them to feel free in the territory they occupy. This was especially emphasized to IBAMA, which, since the creation of the reserve, has imposed regulations on ri ghts to territory and on existing social relations. In his analysis on the process of ethnic em ergence, Oliveira (1999a) pointed out the importance of territory in social movement s for ethnicity construction, remarking on the

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246 connection between feelings of ethnic belonging and the pl ace of origin, where the individual and his/her magic components are united and identified w ith the very land, coming to integrate a common destiny (1999a : 31). Therefore, the importance of territory in this process mediates the relati onship between the individual and the ethnic group. This can be seen in the communities of Taquara, Marituba and Bragana, with regard to their claim to an indigenous ident ity and their call for the recognition of their lands. As discussed in the previous chapte r, the category of tra ditional people and its use in the context of the National Forest s, has represented a mechanism of the government to exert control over the communities. Moreover, the territory that is vital to establishing this connection between individuals and the ethnic group, reproducing a feeling of belonging, fell outside the control of the three communities that had established themselves as Mundurucu. Therefore, to get control over their territory it was necessary to reestablish the connection w ith the past, with their orig ins, recreating their social organizations under the mantle of old indige nous traditions. It has been through this movement that the Indians of Flona Tapajs have distanced themselves from the category of traditional people, allowi ng them to feel freed to decide about their destiny. This, however, raises an important questio n: why have not other communities in Flona Tapajs taken the same route as th e communities of Taquara, Marituba, and Bragana, if they are all part of the same historical process, and some of them share strong kinship ties? My invest igation suggested that there are two main reasons for the emergence of the indigenous movement. One was to resist against the government imposed category of traditional people, a nd the second was to overcome an internal

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247 political crisis precipitated principally by th e death of their main leaders. Moreover, compared to other communities in the Flona these three communities shared some key characteristics, including similar social a nd religious organizations a strong patriarchal leadership, and shamanism, all of which favored the emergence of an indigenous movement in these particular communities. 7.3 Resurgence of Cultural Traditions and the Struggle for Land 7.3.1 Revival from the Ashes: Ethnic Id entity Movement in the Taquara Community The people in Taquara attributed the founding of the community to Pedro and Maria, who arrived in the ar ea in 1889. Their descendants identified Pedro as being the son of a Mundurucu woman and a Portuguese ma n, and it is because of this Mundurucu descent that the community people recognized themselves as belonging to this ethnic group, although they also recognized othe r ethnic origins among their ascendants, including Tupinamba and Camaruara. Although Pedro and Maria were consid ered the founders of the Taquara community, the couple, however, did not have any children. Instead, they adopted a girl by the name of Anabela, and a boy by the name of Ilcio. In 1908, Anabela married Romeu dos Santos, who was from the Lower Amazon and was identified as a Mundurucu Indian. Anabela and Romeu had four childr en: Irani, who did not get married nor had any children; Carlos, who marri ed and moved to the community of Prainha, but died soon after; Maria Antonia; and Cl ara. In 1938, Antonia married Saulo Cruz, with whom she had five children, although two died as babi es. Antonia died at a young age, and Saulo got remarried, with Clara, Antonias younger sister. Saulo and Maria Candida had six children and adopted four more.

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248 This extended family of Pedro and Mari a constitutes the core of the social organization of the Taquara community, although other families from diverse places also came to settle in the area. With a strong tradition of shamans ( paj) who heal not only the people in the community but also from ot her places, shamanism was at the base of the Taquara communitys belief system, along with Catholicism, and th eir socio-political organization. Among the shamans, the most famous was Saulo, who died in 1988. His healing practices were one of the reasons behind the settlement of these families in the Taquara community. This was the case of Ri cardos family, which originally was from the left bank of Tapajs River. After be ing healed by Saulo, Ricardo decided to remain in the place, as he explained: After being he aled by Saulo, he invited me to do some jobs for him, and I, grateful, accepted. Over tim e, through marriage, strong kinship ties have been established between new families settling in the area and the initial extended family of Pedro and Maria. Saulo was born in the Upper Arapiuns River, a tributary of the Tapajs River, and he identified himself as a Ca maruara Indian. He became kno wn as a shaman not only in the Taquara community, but also throughout the Tapajs Valley. Because of the strong power attributed to him to heal people, Sa ulo was known as the lands medical doctor ( mdico da terra ), as he also identified himself. It was very common to hear people throughout the Tapajs region sayi ng: It was God in heaven and Saulo on earth; what the medical doctor was not able to treat, Saul o healed. Besides receiving people in the Taquara community to treat, Saulo also we nt to Santarm once a month, where hundreds of people waited in lines to be cured by him.

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249 When he was young, Saulo was initiate d in shamanism by Merandolino Cobra Grande, who was referred to as being the most famous shaman the Lower Amazon region had ever seen. It was said that Merandoli no Cobra Grande was married on the earth as well as in the water, a reference to the belief that he became a snake ( Cobra Grande ), and traveled in the waters. It also was said that he did not die, but, instead, that he was deadened [ amortecido ] and was believed to reside in an enchanted city located in the Arapiuns Rivers waters, next to a place called Lago Grande. These beliefs were associated with the shamanistic system of caboclo culture, discussed in Chapter 3. The powerful shaman was distinguished by his capacity to become a snake ( Cobra Grande ), called a sacaca Like Merandolino Cobra Grande, the sacaca does not die like common people, but, instead, he disappear s to live forever in the enc hanted kingdom of the deep waters (Galvo 1952: 124). Although Saulo was considered a powerful shaman, it seems that he did not consider himself a sacaca as he talked about it with Florencio Vaz2 in an interview given in 1995: FV: Are you saying that Mera ndolino Cobra Grande was a sacaca ? L: I am not sure about that. Yet, it is said that the sacaca goes to the depths of the water [ fundo ] I will tell you what I saw. Mera ndolino was dressed in a mans suit, shoes, and hat, and, in the river be hind his house, in the Aruan River3, he fell in the water. I thought he had die d, but that was not what happene d. Two days later, he came back with everything pe rfect, cleaned and dried. FV: Have you traveled underwater [ fundo ]? 2 Florencio Vaz carried out this interview during his ma sters fieldwork. His thes is was on the communities of Tapajs River (Vaz 1997a). Vaz kindly showed me and authorized me to use the interviews in my dissertation. I am grateful for his cooperation. 3 The meeting of Aruan River with Mar River forms the Arapiuns River.

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250 L: No, I have not. Merandolino did not teac h me to do that. When he passed away, I was already living in the Tapajs. FV: Is there any other sacaca in our region? L: I do not think so. I do not know of any other. According to Saulos descendants, alt hough Merandolino had initiated Saulo in the practices of shamanism, it was Lucrecio Ri beiro who continued to work with him and made him a shaman. Lucrecio was the brot her of Saulos father-in-law, as Irani explained: Irani My uncle Saulo got this gift [ dom ] from birth. You know, the paj [shaman] is already born with this gift, but it has to be worked on. If he does not work on this gift, he will go crazy [ zuretado da cabea ], like Saulo was because he had not finished the work. Then, Saulos first wife called he r uncle, Lucrecio Ribeiro, who was also a shaman, to finish the job Merandolino had not finished. Thus, Saulo was treated, and started to heal people. Iranis description resounds with the pr ocess discussed by Taussig (1987: 447) in his study on terror and healing, in which the author notic ed that folk healers and shamans embark on their careers as a way of healing themselves. The resolution of their illness is to become a healer, and their pursuit of this calling is a more or less persistent battle with the forces of illness that lie with in them as much as in their patients To cure is to become a curer. In being healed he is become a healer. Therefore, in crossing what Taussig called the space of death, Saulo came to be recognized as the last powerful healer in the Tapajs Valley. Howe ver, in contrast to his master Merandolino Cobra Grande, Saulo did not consider himself a sacaca since he did not travel underwater, but just as the l ands medical doctor, the way he came to be greatly appreciated and recognized for his strong power to cure.

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251 The shamanism performed within the Taquara community came to constitute the main factor articulating their socio-cultural a nd political organization. Saulo was not just a well-known and respected healer in the regi on, but also the chief of a large extended family, the basis of the community social organization, the president of the community and its main political leader. It was also through his shamanistic practices that the relationship with other social groups in the region was established. Saulos importance for the Taquara community, as well as for th e regional society, was expressed in the homage paid to him after his death. During several rituals I observe d in Taquara, as well as in Marituba and Bragana, Saulo was always invoked as thei r great shaman. This also occurred at a meeting in the Tapajs-Arapiuns RESEX in May 2003, when the RESEXs president, after saying that he had been cure d by Saulo, asked for the people to observe a moment of silence in his memory. It was precisely just after Saulos death that community people in Taquara started the social movement to reclaim indigenous cultural traditions, and began recognizing themselves as belonging to the Mundurucu ethn icity. It was to Saulo that the people in Taquara pointed as the reason why they star ted recognizing themselves as belonging to Mundurucu ethnicity. It was of ten heard from Saulos descen dants that they started to recognize themselves as an indigenous community because Saulo, before passing away, asked to us not forget our ancestors, our culture. According to them, Saulos call had been recorded on cassettes by Florencio Vaz, who had carried out interviews with Saulo and had given them copies of the tape s. Antero, Saulos son and currently the Vice-Cacique of the community, explained that: After my fathers death, we spent a long time listening to the tapes, one tape after the other. We started to ask ourselves: if

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252 our fathers desire was that we recognize our culture, if we are really Indians, why, then, do we not acknowledge that we are Indians? Is it because of shame? Then, let us put the shame aside and to be what we really are. After hearing several similar accounts in the community, it was evident that these tapes had been the main motivation behind the decision to reclaim thei r indigenous identity. However, while the community took up Saul os call, one can dig deeper and see that this was also motivated by a need to find social mechanisms to readjust the community socio-cultural organi zation that undergoes periods of crisis. In his analysis on social dramas, defined as units of ahar monic or disharmonic process, arising in conflict situations, Turner (1974: 39) pointed out that a phase of redressive action follows a stage of crisis in social orga nizations. Expanding on van Genneps seminal theories on rites of passage, which enco mpass three distinct stages of separation, transition, and reaggr egation, often called preliminal liminal and postliminal Turner (1974) examined the transition or liminal period of passage and the spontaneous development of specific communities of commonality, which he denominated as communitas Therefore, understanding that stages of crisis are the turning point or moments of danger and suspense that affect social organizations, the author remarked that, in order to limit the spread of crisis, certain adjustive and redressive mechanisms (), informal or formal, institutionalized or ad hoc, are swiftly brought into operation by leading or structurally representative memb ers of the disturbed social system (Turner 1974: 39, emphasis in the original). For Turner it is in the redressive phase that both pragmatic techniques and symbolic action reach their fullest expression (1974: 41). I

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253 suggest applying this perspective to shed light on the internal reasons for the emergence, within the Taquara community, of an ethnic resurgence movement. For decades, the Taquara community was held together by Saulos leadership, whose shamanistic practices provided the basis for community socio-cultural and political relations. Saulos death caused an irreparable loss, an empty space in the organization of these social re lations. This represented a liminal period for the community since, in Turners words, it wa s a threshold between more or less stable phases of the social process (1974: 39). It was, precise ly, at this moment, in the liminal period following Saulos death, that the Ta quara community began to reinstate old indigenous traditions, in whic h Saulos shamanistic practices were expressed the most elaborately. This move to claim an indige nous identity can be understood as comprising an adjustive or redressive mechanism to overcome the crisis caused by Saulos absence. The vacuum caused by his death, and the immine nt crisis that emer ged from a leaderless community, was filled with a focus on claiming and reasserting their ethnic origins. Although quite different, the Taquara people s reaffirmation of an old indigenous tradition resounds with the i nvention of tradit ions discussed by Hobsbawm (1983), which were the reenactment of old European traditions of the late nineteenth century, including rituals of the British Crown and Scottish dress ( kilt, tartan, and fole music ) Analyzing the invention of tr aditions from a state politic s perspective, the author remarked that the reenactment of these traditions reflected the profound and swift changes that were occurring in Europe during that period, and the need for entirely new, or old, traditions presented a means to ensure or express identity and social cohesion. Therefore, currently thought of as millenaries, th e invention of such traditions came

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254 to constitute an important political instru ment that was manipulated by the state to strengthen a sense of unity and provide an ideological orientation, based on symbols and traditions reconstructed as part of the past, as part of peoples origins. Without extending the discussion, I want to point out that these processes indicate that the reinvention of old traditions, such as happened in Europe, or has been taking place in the Taquara community, constitutes part of the socio-cultural mechanisms to reestablish an order to social relations. Under the mantle of old traditions, the Taquara community has not only redefined the foundation of its social and pol itical organization, but also delimitated ethnic boundaries that a llow them to distinguish themselves from other groups in the region, as a separate or ganized collectivity. While this indigenous movement represented an attempt to detach themselves from the ca tegory of traditional people, it also represented a redressive mechanism used to overcome the crisis caused by the death of their main leader. Like a phoenix, the old indigenous traditions in the Taquara were reborn from Saulos ashes. 7.3.2 The Marituba and Bragana Communiti es: Political Leadership and Social Cohesion The indigenous movement in the Maritu ba and Bragana communities was greatly influenced by the Taquara community. In January 2001, the communities promoted numerous meetings to announce that both comm unities had also joined the movement, by also recognizing themselves as belo nging to the Mundurucu ethnicity. In the recent past, the communities of Marituba and Bragana were comprised of extended families belonging to the Marai co mmunity, as well as the Nazar community, situated in the southern limits of the Marai community. There are several and contradictory narratives about th e historical origins of Marai, but, in general, they point

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255 towards an old indigenous village. The name Ma rai is also attributed to an Indian called Maraio who resided in the place, although nobody was able to identify his ethnic affiliation. According to kinship genealogies, a great part of the people from the four communities descended from Miloca, who wa s referred as an old Indian lady ( ndia velha ), who only spoke the indigenous language, or spoke badly ( falava feio ). Nobody from the communities was able to sa y precisely when Miloca passed way; the data indicated that it was be tween the decades of the 1920s and 1930s. Miloca did not marry, yet had four sons with different me n, and adopted a girl. Except for one of Milocas son, who lives on the left bank of th e Tapajs River, the other sons had already passed away. The communities of Marai, Nazar, Marituba, and Bragana were constituted mainly from Milocas direct descendants. The Nazar community originated from the extended families of Romenio and Josenildo, Milocas sons, who moved in the 1920s to the place where the Nazar community is now located. In the 1930s, Br anca, one of Romenio daughters, married Ronaldo, who was from Jaguarary, another community in Flona Tapajs. After marrying, Branca and Ronaldo lived some time in the Jaguarari community and returned to reside in the Marai community, where R onaldo became the most important leader. Yet, in the 1980s, because of internal comm unity disputes, the Ronaldo/Branca extended family, constituted by their nine children and their respective families, moved to the place where they founded the Bragana community. Laura, one of Ronaldos and Brancas daughter s, was married to the main leader of the Marituba community, who was Noraldino and Flors son. Noraldino was also from the Marai community, yet belonged to a sepa rate extended family. After residing in

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256 several places around the Marai community, the Noraldinos extended family fixed their residence in the place that now is called Marai. There, the Noraldino extended family and the Marilda extended family separated from the Marai community and founded the Marituba community in the be ginning of the 1990s. Marilda was identified as a Borari Indian from Alter do Cho, who moved with her husband, Renato, to a place where the Marituba community was in the 1940s, en couraged by the second rubber boom. Although the four communities share clos e and intricate kinship ties, and, in general, the people admit to being indigenous descendants, only the Marituba and Bragana communities have become involved in the movement to reconstruct their indigenous identity. The ot her two communities, Marai and Nazar, have refused to accept the category of Indian, asserting cons tantly that we are Indian, but I do not want to be Indian. Such differing positions taken by the communities reflect previous disputes and conflicts among these extende d families. The decision taken by the Marituba and Bragana communities to be iden tified as indigenous has reinforced the social boundaries between them and the Ma ria and Nazar communities, by creating a distinction between the Indians and non-I ndians. Looking at the communities main characteristics one comes to understand that their respective so cial, political, and religious organizations were cr itical in the positions taken. As pointed out, the Marituba and Brag ana communities were founded by extended families that separated from Marai community due to internal differences. Ronaldo was the main leader of the Marai community, the community president for several years, and he is attributed as having carried out ma jor community improvements, including having created the community itself. As discu ssed in Chapter 3, th e configuration of

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257 community emerged in the late 19 60s, with the Catholic Churchs Comunidades Eclesiais de Base program. After Ronaldo left the Marai community to establish the Bragana community, Marai suffered from his absence in terms of political leadership, with a frequent turnover of representatives. In Bragana, Ronaldo put into action his leadership skills, creating a new community base d on his direct descendants. Up until his death in 1993, Ronaldo led a unified social group, which, after that, remained unified under Brancas maternal leadership. Marituba followed a similar process. No raldino and Flor had eleven children, and the power of this extended family created internal conflicts, which led them to leave Marai. Allied with the extended family of Marilda and Renato, the Noraldino extended family, the largest, was able to establish the Marituba communit y, over which Noraldino exerted leadership up until his death in 2001. Thus, both the Matituba and Bragana communities were based on relatively hom ogenous family units, whose political representation rested on strong and continuous paternal leader ship that favored internal social cohesion. The situation was different in the Marai and Nazar communities. As previously discussed, the Nazar community was estab lished around the two extended families of Romenio and Josenildo, Milocas sons. Besi des these two major families, other families also settled in the area, creating a more complex social organization, whose political leadership became an object of dispute among the families. The Marai community was reduced in number with the separation of the Marituba and Bragana communities. After Ronaldo left Marai, the community started to suffer because it was unable to replace his strong leadership. The most notable leader that emerged after Ronaldo was Arivaldo,

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258 who, however, was renowned as being rowdy a nd an alcoholic prior to his conversion to the Pentecostal religion, the Assemblia de Deus (Assembly of God), in the middle 1990s. As a Protestant, Arivaldos leadership tended to be contested by the Catholics, which reduced his power in the Marai community. Religion was another aspect that different iated the four communities. While all community people from Marituba and Bragana identified themselves as being Catholic, the people in the Marai and Nazar commun ities claimed different religions. The community people in Marai were divided between Catholics and Crentes (Believers), people who were followers of the Assembleia de Deus religion. In the Nazar community, the people were divide d among three religions: Catholic, Assembleia de Deus and Igreja da Paz (Peace Church), another Penteco stal Christian religion, founded by American missionaries in Santarm that had spread throughout the Tapajs Valley. These different religions created schisms among the extended families, turning the process of community decision-maki ng more complex. Belonging to the Assembleia de Deus or Igreja da Paz was one of the reasons why these community people kept a distance from the indigenous movement. Ar ivaldo, from Marai, told me: I have indigenous heritage, but, as a Crente I cannot recognize myself as Indian. My religion does not permit that. Although some people in the Marai and Nara r communities wanted to participate in the indigenous movement, internal divisions prevented them from doing so. In Marai, Lourdes complained that: We all know that we are Indians; our grand-parents were Indians who lived here for long time, but th e community does not want to accept that. While for these communities, internal dive rgences and the absence of centralized

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259 leadership acted as a barrier to becomi ng involved in the indigenous movement, the communities of Taquara, Marituba, and Bragan a mobilized to affirm an indigenous identity. Among these three communities, one can find another similarity. The decision to participate in the indigenous movement was taken only after their leaders passed away. In the Taquara and Marituba communities, the decision was taken immediately after Saulo and Noraldinos death, respectively. In Bragana, alth ough Ronaldo had passed away in 1993, the extended family remained unified under his memory and reinforced by the presence of his wife Branca, who kept th e children around her, ensuring the familys cohesion. Branca, however, was too old and fra il to carry on. In al l three communities, it was, precisely, at this moment when th e communities found themselves without a paternal leadership that they started the move ment to reinstate an indigenous identity and cultural traditions.4 Thus, it was in this liminal period that the indigenous movement emerged, which acted as a significant mechanism to readjust and ensure community cohesion, which had been threatened by the deaths of their leaders. As Turner (1974: 41) pointed out, in the redressive phase pragmatic techniques and symbolic action re ached their fullest expression. With no leadership to hold them t ogether, these three communities found, in the reenactment of old indigenous traditions, sy mbolic forces from the past that allowed them to reproduce their social cohesion. 4 These characteristics found in the communities of Ma rai and Nazar could be identified also in other communities, such as Piquiatuba and Tauri, located, respectively, in the northern and southern limits of the Marituba/Bragana community. The Piquiatuba community was comprised of two major and three minor family nuclei, which were divided between Catholic and Igreja da Paz followers. In Tauri, despite the long-term establishment of the community in the region, several family nuclei had sold rights to land, and newcomers had established in the community. Divided among dispersed family nuclei, and three religions, the community also had suffered fr om the absence of representative l eadership. Like in Marai, some people in Tauri also expressed the desire to engage in the indigenous movement.

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260 7.3.3 Ritual Ties and Affirmat ion of Ethnic Identity One of the impressive aspects of the ethnic emergence movement among these three communities was the performance of ritu als, some of which were done for large audiences. Soon after starting to recogni ze themselves as M undurucu Indians, the Taquara community organized a great ritual called purac ab (in Nhengatu, peoples party), which took place on December 19-20, 1998. In this purac ab ritual, two hundred and twenty people participated, including people from other communities, located on both bank of the Tapajs River, re presentatives of FUNAI, the Rural Workers Union, CIMI (Missionary Indigenous Counc il), and the indigenous movement from Santarm, Manaus and Belm. On April 10-11, 1999, another celebr ation was organized, the Primeira Missa Indgena (First Indigenous Mass), w ith the same number of participants. The Marituba and Bragana communities ca rried out similar indigenous rituals, when they began identifying themselves as Mu ndurucu Indians. Representatives of both communities had participated in the Taquara r ituals, which had influenced them in their decision to recognize themselves as part of the Mundurucu ethnicity. On January 13-14, 2001, both communities organized a large celebration similar to the one that had occurred in the Taquara community. According to them, it was to inform others that, from then on, they were to be recognized as Mundurucu Indians. It was through these particular celebrations, and others later on, that the indigenous cause started to spread among other communities in the region, and se veral communities started to claim that they belonged to an indigenous ethnicity. Rapidly spreading, this process was marked by ritual celebrations that started to occur at the end of each year, which were called Meetings for Indigenous Recognition

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261 ( Encontros de Reconhecimento Indgena ). On New Years Day, in 2000, the celebration was held in the Jauarituba community, located on the left bank of the Tapajs River, in which the communities of Pinhel, Muratuba and Paran-Pixuna also participated. In 2001, the celebration took place in So Fran cisco, and in the 2002 in the So Pedro community, both located in the region of the Ar apiuns River. For all of these rituals, people dressed in indigenous costumes, and carri ed out activities such as ritual dances and other acts related to i ndigenous culture, as well as po litical discussions regarding indigenous issues. In his analysis of ritual processes, Turner (1974) emphasized the transformative role that rituals play in soci eties, remarking on the several significances they express in the stages of transition in the life of hu man beings. Taking van Genneps discussion of the correlation between status movement and ch ange of spatial position in his analysis on rites of passage, Turner pointed to the diverse meanings and functions in ritual performances, emphasizing that, basically the process and state of liminality represents at once a negation of many, though not all, of th e features of prelimin al social structure and an affirmation of another order of things and relations (1974: 196). Such a perspective seems appropriate to explain the development of these inter-community ritual celebrations. Like baptism, which assimilate s individuals into a moral community, these inter-community ritual celebrations em phasized a double negation of the previous categories attributed to them ( caboclo and traditional people ), and affirmed their selfdefined new identity, that of indigenous people. The spontaneous character of this affirm ation of an indigenous identity, a new status position, needed to be marked ritual istically to recognize new symbols, and to

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262 establish new alliances and reinforce new social bonds. Comprising a set of values, behaviors, and symbols, the rituals endorse so cial cohesion and feelings of loyalty for the common goal of creating a homogeneous so cial unity. Therefore, among the communities in Flona Tapajs one can now fi nd two distinct social groups: those who identify themselves as Mundurucu Indians and those who see themselves as Traditional People 7.3.4 In Search of Encantados The rituals started to be performed not onl y for broader audiences, but also, within the communities themselves. They started to be carried out in conjunction with the reconstruction of other cultural practices. These included restruct uring their political representation, renaming themselves and thei r institutions with indigenous names, preparing indigenous drinks and foods, and adopting the language. The language that was being reinstated is Nhengatu ( Lngua Geral ), not the Mundurucu language. As seen in Chapter 3, Lngua Geral was the language spoken by the Indians in the Lower Tapajs region, at least up to the beginning of the tw entieth century. Through contacts with CIMI in Manaus, the three communities held two c ourses in Nhengatu, which were taught by a linguist who was an expert in the language. After that, the communities invited a Baniwa Indian, from the Upper Negro River, in th e state of Amazonas, who was fluent in Nhengatu, one of his two native language s. He lived in the communities and implemented a program for teaching Nhengatu on a regular basis. This Baniwa Indian eventually settled in the Taquara communit y, after having become engaged to the ViceCacique s daughter. Discussing the process of ethnic affirmati on in the Northeast, Oliveira (1999a) remarked on the particular ways each group re thinks and reconstruc ts their respective

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263 historical process. The author asserted that in these situations, in which the genealogic chain was lost from memory, and there ar e no evident bonds with the old villages ( aldeamentos ) (Oliveira 1999a: 27), the Indians tend to appeal to enchanted beings ( encantados ) as a way of establishing a relations hip with their ancestors, and getting away from the identity as people of mixture which was imposed on them and to which they were submitted. For Oliveira, it is only through the elaboration of utopias (religious/moral/political) that the Indians might overcom e the contradiction between historical objectives and th e feeling of loyalty to thei r origins, transforming ethnic identity into an effective soci al practice, culminating in the process of territorialization (1999: 32). Among the Taquara, Marituba, and Bragan a communities, such an appeal to encantados was expressed in several ways. In the Taquara community, for example, I observed people referring to the Igarap Martanchim the small river on the northern borders of the area, as a sacred place where encantados were purified, a process by which they became prepared to be embodied in the shamans, as Irani explained: Irani: This history comes from a long time ago. Igarap Martanchim means purification of the encantados The sacadas [shamans] said that to be purified, the spirit of the encantados takes a long time; it is like the ca nonization of a saint. Then, after being purified, the spirits are prepared to be embodied in the sacaca; thus, he can heal the people, and expulse the bad spir its through prayer. If the spir it is not purified, it remains over there, and can be embodied in someone who then goes crazy Martanchin is one of these places where the spirit of the encantados is purified, but the modern people have disrespected this river. My uncle Saulo always told us to respect this place because it has an owner. Although one notices that Iranis percep tion of this purification process was influenced by Catholic references it is like the canonization of a saint for the Taquara community, the symbolic significance of this river was directly associated with

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264 the shamanistic practices performed by Saul o, and, later, by two of his sons. The reference to the place as s acred, where the spirits of encantados were purified, brought together all the symbols and values that ke pt the community connect ed to an immediate ancestor (Saulo), and also indicated which cultural references to follow. The appeal to encantados was also reproduced in the r ituals to the waters mother ( me d gua ), or other mother-spirits ( espritos-mes ) found in the nature. One ritual that was dedicated to the waters mother , in which I took part in Taquara, was performed to ask for abundance in fishing ac tivities. The Cacique explained that the ritual was being performed because fish are becoming scarce, and we need to ask her to bring the fish back. The rituals structur e, which was reproduced across a diversity of rituals performed, consisted of dancing rhythmi cally in a large circle to folksongs that were sung in Portuguese as well as in Nh engatu, and followed by drums. The people were dressed in costumes made of palm fibers, and displayed body painting and other indigenous ornaments. The ceremony was c onducted by both the Cacique and the ViceCacique, and by Irani, who was considered to be the religious leader for Catholic as well as indigenous celebrations. During the r ituals, they the political and religious leadersblew smoke around the people, using to bacco that was made of several aromatic herbs and roots. Several times, they invoked the protection of the mo ther-spirits, as well as recalled their ancestors, especially Saulo. As seen in Chapter 3, despite some variati ons, ceremonies for the mother-spirits are present in the literature on the Mundurucu Indians from the various regions. These rituals are performed to please the mother-spiri ts in order to have abundance, especially in hunting or fishing. Up until colonial contac t, great ritual ceremonies, such as the war

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265 to obtain the head-trophy, or inter-village ceremonies at the be ginning of the rainy season, were also carried out to please the mo ther-spirits. Descri bing these inter-village ceremonies, Horton (1948: 279) remarked that they took place in alternate years and noted that the shaman, isolated in a special cabana, invoked the spirits of the animals and fish. A leader conducted the ceremony, who should be both a great warrior and a good singer. Murphy and Murphy (1954; 1958) and Murphy (1960), who studied the Mundurucu Indians in the 1950s, remarked th at their religious system was based on shamanism and on the belief in the mother-spirits of certain species of animals, fish, and plants. As these authors emphasized, these gr eat ceremonies, attributed to the glorious times of the Mundurucu cultural system, stoppe d existing once the process of colonial contact was initiated. Although these references to the mother-spiri ts present similariti es with the current rituals performed in the Taquara, Marituba and Bragana communities, one cannot make a direct connection between these communities and the Mundurucu cultural system from the past, or try to present historical ev idences to support a supposed authenticity of these three communities as Mundurucu Indian s. As Murphy and Murphy (1954: 7) pointed out, the shamanism and beliefs found among Mundurucu Indians in the 1950s seemed common for Amazonia, indicating th at they were not specific to the Mundurucu culture, but could have been part of a larger cultural system, that involved other regional social groups. Additionally, there is a large historical lacuna about the Munducuru expansion into the Lower Tapaj s region, and the relationship established with other native social groups. Although the literature has emphasized the bellicose and

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266 cultural dominion of Mundurucu in the Tapaj s Valley throughout the nineteenth century (Ramos 2000), there is no study that eluc idates how this power was exerted. Although the current rituals to the w ater-mother performed by the three communities in Flona Tapajs paid tribute to the ancient times, they did not reproduce the same meanings as in the past, nor the same structure. In contrast to the performances described by the literature on Mundurucu Indi ans, the rituals in these three communities included several innovative elements, such as people smoking, the smelling-bath ( banho de cheiro ) made with aromatic herbs, Lngua Geral folksongs, and Catholic prayers. The presence of these elements reflected the region al history of which the native social groups in the Lower Tapajs have been a part. Turner (1974: 55) remarked on the dynamic character of the development of ritual symbols, which were not understood as timeless entities but as originating in a nd sustaining processes invol ving temporal changes in social relations. Mentioning the emergence of new existential communitas defined as the direct, immediate, and total confronta tion of human identities (Turner 1974: 169), the author also asserted that in this wa y, there is a cross-influence between new and traditional forms of communitas, leading in so me cases to the recovery of traditional forms that have long been enfeebled or at a low pulse (Turner 1974: 172). Thus, instead of trying to corroborate a supposed genuine c onnection to the old Mundurucu cultural system, the rituals perf ormed by the three communities suggest a continuing and dynamic process of cultural in vention, whose meanings and performance have been changing throughout history. As O liveira (1999b: 117) stat ed, the symbolic manifestations of current Indians will be commonly marked by different cultural traditions The incorporation of exogenous rituals, beliefs, and practices does not

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267 necessarily mean that su ch a culture is no longer authentically indigenous or would belong to acculturated Indians (in the pejora tive meaning of ex-Indians or false Indians ) (emphasis in the original). 7.3.6 Rearrangement of Political Representations As was previously emphasized, for the Ta quara community, shamanism constituted the foundation of their social -cultural and political organi zation, up until Saulos death, their main leader. In this community, ther e was a strong relationship between religious and political spheres. While shamanism, in its own right, played a si gnificant role in the communitys belief system and political or ganization, Catholism also was important. Our Lady of Aparecida was the patron sain t of the community, whose celebration occurred on the 12 of October, besides celebrations every Su nday that were coordinated by Irani, Saulos brother-in-law. Based on these two belief systems, shaminism and Catholicism, the Taquara community estab lished the basis of social and political organization. These aspects of community social and po litical organizations were maintained after Saulos death, although with significan t alterations. Two of Saulos sons became healers, and, in some ways, tried to repr oduce their fathers pract ices. Several people from other communities had sought them to tr eat their diseases. Although both had been initiated into shamanism by Saulo, they used to say that they had not inherited from the their father this capacity to heal. Although bot h were considered to be strong leaders in the community, they were not selected by the community to be their political representatives. This was different from the past, when Saulo represented both the political and religious components of the community.

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268 After claiming Mundurucu origins, the co mmunity also chan ged their political organization, both internally as well as ex ternally. Internally, they replaced the previously categories of president and v ice-president of the community, with the Cacique and the Vice -Cacique who were advised by a group of counselors. While the Vice -Cacique was one of the Saulos sons, the Cacique was married to Saulos granddaughter. The Cacique was from Amorim, a community located on the left bank of the Tapajs River, and, alt hough he recognized his origin as a Tupinamba Indian, he identified himself as a Mundurucu Indian, beca use, he said, I have lived amongst them from the time I got married eighteen years ago. According to the community people, the cacique was chosen because he was a warrior, a term he also used to identify himself. The Marituba and Bragana communities had created similar political organizations, but with some specific particul arities. In the Bragana community, which was constituted by only one extended family, the Cacique was the youngest son, who was actually Branca and Ronaldo s nephew, but as they had raised him, he was considered a son. The Cacique identified himself as a Satar-Maw Indian, because his mother belonged to this ethnicity. The Cacique s brothers filled the positions of second Cacique first and second Tuxaua and Counselor. In this way, a ll of Ronaldos and Brancas sons who lived in the community were involved directly in the pro cess of decision-making. In Marituba, where the community social or ganization was based on two main extended families, the main political representative was the Cacique and his vice was the Tuxaua who was also his son. The Cacique was No raldinos son, who, after the death of his father, replaced him, becoming the main community leader who encouraged the community to engage in the indigenous move ment. In this community, similar to the

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269 Taquara community, the two main representatives, the Cacique and Tuxaua came from the same extended family and this showed this familys power over the other extended families. Although the adoption of the new indigenous terminologies to designate their political representatives was understood to be properly indigenous, they did not reproduce ancient genuine native categories. Instead, as has been very well-documented by the anthropological literature on Amaz onian Indians, the categories of cacique or tuxaua were colonial constructions, which were imposed by the official state apparatus designated to deal with Indians affairs at the time. Frequently, such political representatives were chosen by state officials to serve not just as mediators between them and the Indians, but also as translators (Oliveira 1988). Despite this direct intervention in the polit ical organization of the Indians, it did not prevent cultural mechanisms from being set in motion, to legitimate the chosen cacique. As Oliveira (1999a) points out, the process of territorialization is not a oneway route in which the Indians are passively involved; instead, Indians also appropriate the categories that are imposed on them and use them according to their interests and beliefs, legitimizing, in the process, their soci o-political organizations. This can be seen in the Taquara, Marituba and Bragana comm unities, which, despite adopting categories defined externally caciques and tuxauas appropriated them and molded them according to their own particular ways of conceiving power relations. While internally these communities establis hed their political representations based on cacique and tuxaua externally they also intera cted with broader political organizations. Regionally, the Indians created the Conselho Indgena dos Rios Tapajs

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270 and Arapiuns (CITA Indigenous Council of the Ta pajs and Arapiuns Rivers) in May 2000, which by 2005 involved over thirty indige nous communities in the region. CITA was created after the Indian s had participated in the Marcha Indgena (Indigenous March) to Porto Seguro, in the state of Ba hia, in the April 2000 in reaction to the celebrations of Brazils fivehundred year anniversary. In fact, the Indigenous March was organized to complain against the Indian s conditions after fi ve hundred years of Brazils existence. Eleven Indians from the Tapajs region participated in the Indigenous March, carrying sings that said: reduced but never defeated. The participation in this march increased peoples knowledge at the na tional level about the indigenous movement and their forms of political organization, and encouraged the creation of local forms of representation such as CITA. At the re gional level, CITA articulated with the Coordenao das Organizaes Indgenas da Amazonia Brasileira (COIABCoordination of the Indigenous Organizations of the Brazilian Amazon). At the local level, the main support basi s for the indigenous movement had been provided by the Grupo Conscincia Indgena (GCIIndigenous Consciousness Group), created in 1997 by a team of students and pr ofessors, some of th em from the Federal University of Par (UFPA), working at the campus in Santarm. The people involved in CGI identified themselves as indigenous, a nd most of them were from communities located along the Tapajs and Arapiuns Ri vers who had lived in Santarm for many years. Led by Florencio Vaz, a member of the religious order of Saint Francisco and a professor at UFPA, the group informally in itiated a process of discussion with the objective of recovering the indigenous origins of each person. With the development of the ethnic emergence movement among th e several communities in the region, CGI

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271 decided to restructure itself to be able to provide mo re effective support for the indigenous movement. In 2005, CGI formally became a non-governmental organization. It was through these new forms of social organization and articulation with the indigenous movement in broader spheres that the three communities of Taquara, Marituba, and Bragana were able to embr ace an innovative political strategy that allowed them to distinguish and separate th emselves from other communities in Flona Tapajs, as well as other regional non-Indian groups. Adopting a political system based on cacique or tuxaua representation, these three comm unities distinguished themselves from others based on president and vice-president At the same time, they stopped participating in regional community associ ations, such as the ASPMIPRUT and AITA, the two main organizations of the communities in Flona Tapajs, which had been created in the early 1990s. Instead, regionally, th e Indian communities became involved with CITA, and other broader indi genous organizations, establis hing a new political field (Bourdieu 2003) through which they could mobilize to demand rights to their lands. 7.3.7 The Movement To Claim Land The creation of their own proper political organizations and the reinstatement of indigenous rituals and other cu ltural practices have distinguished the Indian communities from other communities in Flona Tapajs. The distinction made between Indians and non-Indians was also expressed in communities claims to the territory they occupied and in the strategies used to regain contro l over it. Among non-Indian communities there were two predominant trends: one, to accept stay ing in Flona Tapajs area as traditional people, and the other, to have their lands pl aced outside the boundaries of the reserve. The Indians, on the other hand, started to de mand the recognition of their lands according to legislation established in the Indian Stat ute, which guaranteed them the exclusive use

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272 of their territory and resources These three different positio ns in relation to land claims led to divisions among these communities, afte r over two decades of struggling together to avoid displacement and to guarantee land occupation. While politically united in the first struggle, they separated when the struggle was no longer about avoiding displacement but about exerting a me ans of control over their lands. While the position of the non-Indian communities favored establishing some level of relationship with IBAMA, this was not the case for the Indian communities. As previously discussed, the Indian s no longer agreed to take part in any discussion or work headed by IBAMAs representatives. They accepted my own resear ch only after I proved that I did not have any work ing relationship with IBAMA. Expressing an absolute distrust for the government agency, they frequently emphasized that: With IBAMA it does not work. It was years after years of meetings and discussion and we never got anywhere. With IBAMA we will never be th e owners of our lands, of what is ours. Therefore, they refused IBAMAs attempt at resolving the communities land tenure situation in Flona Tapaj by redefining them as traditional people Instead, the Indians started to intensely mobilize to have their la nds recognized under the Indian Statute. The Taquara community was the first to in itiate this process. In August 1998, two of Saulos sons went to the ci ty of Itaituba, in the Middle Tapajs River, to inform the FUNAI regional office of their existence as an indigenous community. At the time, the regional FUNAI administrator was Walter Azevedo Tertulino. After visiting the community, he sent a document to FUNAI in Brasilia, reporting that there were indications that the Taquara residents are Mundurucu Indian s, and made a solicitation for official procedures to begin. He also sent a document to IBAMA, INCRA, and the

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273 Public Ministery to inform them of the indications of Mundurucu Indians in the Taquara community, and that FUNAI was getti ng involved. As the Indians of Taquara explained, when they initially sought FUNA I, the community was not aware about the existence of official Indian rights to territory. This was stated by the tuxaua from the Marituba community, who said that, when we decided to acknowledge that we were Indians, I had no idea about the Indian Statute. Tertulino was an important key figure in th e legitimization of the Indian movement in Flona Tapajs at this initial moment. He visited them frequen tly and spent several days with the communities. He also provided the communities with important information regarding Indians rights, sent frequent reports to the FUNAI in Braslia, as well as defended the Flona Tapajs Indians rights in his interactions with other governmental agencies. The Indians used to talk about him with gratitude, frequently saying that: When Walter came here, he soon said that he had no doubt that we were really Indians. The first official procedure taken to rec ognize the Indian lands was the creation, in 2001, of a Working Group (WG) in the Departme nt of Identification and (Preliminary) Demarcation Studies (DEID) of Indian Lands,5 under the Directory for Land Issues (DAF). The objective of this WG was to carry out a preliminary survey among the indigenous communities in the Lower Tapajs region to identify the Indians demands. The WG was comprised of anthropologists R odrigo Pdua Rodrigues Chaves, the WGs coordinator, and Rita Heloisa de Almeida, and by the FUNAIs regional officer, Walter Azevedo Tertulino. They began their survey at the beginning of April 2001, visiting the 5 Currently, DEID was renamed as General Coordinatio n for Identification and (Preliminary) Demarcation (CGID).

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274 Mundurucu Indians in the Upper and Middle Ta pajs River, and after that, visited the Taquara, Marituba and Bragana communities, and nine communities on the left bank of the Tapajs River, in the area of the Tapajs-Arapiuns RESEX6 (Almeida 2001). The WG final report recomm ended the creation of anothe r WG to carry out studies to identify and demarcation of the Indian Lands of th e communities of Taquara, Marituba, and Bragana in Flona Tapajs.7 The Working Group to carry out these studies was created on 13 of August 2003 (Port. No 799/PRES/2003), and I was given the responsibility to oversee the studies regarding the creation of two Indian Lands, one in Taquara, and the other in Marituba and Bragana. In 2005, the reports of the studies were stil l being assessed by FUNAI. In general, these processes for the official recognition of Indian Lands tend to take years, and, usually, endure very difficult disputes. Aside from having the report approved, the Indian Land proposed needs to be publishe d in the official journal ( Dirio Oficial ), judicial contestations opened, the lands borders demarcated, and, finall y, the decree first signed by the Justice Minister and then by the President. In relation to the two Indian Lands propos ed in Flona Tapajs, the main party challenging the proposal was IBAMA, since th e recognition of these lands would signify the loss of two important parts of the forest of Flona Tapajs. For some IBAMA employees, the recognition of the Indian La nds would render the reserve unfeasible, as expressed by Paulo Grieger, from the Fore st Directory (DIFLONA), in an interview 6 The visits to the communities in the RESEX area were not totally achieved because the FUNAI-United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO) Program, which provided the financial support for WGs coordinator, was temporally canceled, preventing the work conclusion. 7 A year later, DEID included the lands of these three communities on the list of the Indians Lands to be identified in 2003 through the PPTAL (part of the Pilot Pr ogram-PPG-7, designating financial support for regulation of Indian Lands in Brazil).

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275 carried out in Braslia: The demarcation of these Indian Lands will finish Flona Tapajs. In principle, the I ndian Statute guarantees the Indian rights over the territory traditionally occupied, which means that Indians are given priority to the land, over any private or public entitlement. Worried about the potential size of the area of these Indian Lands, IBAMA made some efforts to limit it. In the beginning of September 2002, while FUNAI was taking steps to create the WG to carry out the id entification and demarcation studies of the Indian Lands, Flona Tapajs director Ange lo de Lima Francisco contacted the Public Ministery in Santarm. Making references to previous accords with representatives of the Public Ministry, and warning of potential conflicts with communities in the reserve, Lima asked the Public Minist ry to confine the Indian La nds to the areas that were currently occupied by the communities of Ta quara, Marituba and Bragana, according to the agreement established with all comm unities regarding 67,000 hect ares of collective use (Of. No 044/02, Protocol no. 20002.000320). It was the first document from IBAMA that expressed that there had been an accord with regard to the area of 67,000 hectares proposed in 1996. Alongside IBAMA, some non-Indian families who lived on the lands claimed by Indians also opposed the creation of the I ndian Lands. The legislation regarding indigenous territory did not al low any non-Indian residents in Indian Lands, which meant that these families would be removed from th e area. Such a potential threat, which for the community people represented part of th e drama they had just overcome, generated conflicts between the Indian and non-Indi an communities. The conflicts between communities also revolved around communal fore st resources, to which the non-Indians

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276 communities feared they would lose access. In the Piquiatuba community, which is adjacent to Marituba Indian community, the pe ople asserted that th ey were against the demarcation of the Indian Lands because they assumed that they would not be allowed to fish in the lake located in the Marituba ar ea, which had been used by both communities. FUNAI procedures to legalize the Indian La nds have intensified previous conflicts between Indian and non-Indians communities, as well as precipitated new ones. On the one side, the Indian communities, through thei r indigenous organizations, have demanded legal recognition of their lands. On the ot her side, the non-Indian communities have voiced their opposition to this through thei r community associations and the Rural Workers Union, whose representatives had at tended all the meetings held with the nonIndian communities during the WGs work to identify the Indian Lands. At a regional level, both groups of communities have also had support from some religious institutions. While the Indian communities have had s upport from some segments of the Catholic Church, especially from th e monks of the Saint Francisco Order, the non-Indian communities have had support from other Ca tholic priests, and, especially, from Protestant sectors. As previously discusse d, in most non-Indian communities at least one type of Protestant church, and the pastors tend also to be community leaders, at least in the eyes of their followers. These different positions taken in relati on to Indian Lands have accentuated the divergences between both groups of commun ities, distancing them socially and politically. This situation has also led to an unexpected approximation between the nonIndian communities and IBAMA, as both, for th eir own reasons, want to stop the creation of the Indian Lands.

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277 The mobilization of non-Indian communities against the identification and demarcation of Indian Lands in Flona Tapajs has greatly increased the animosities between the two groups of communities, and acc entuated the schisms between them. In 2005, the process of demarcating and legalizing the Indian Lands was still underway, but it is unpredictable because it will depend f undamentally on the Indians capacity to continue to mobilize and a pply pressure. The Indian Statute by itself does not automatically guarantee that the Indian Lands will be recognized. Moreover, the process is highly bureaucratic and tends to take years to advance. Finally, FUNAI, like IBAMA, is internally divided regardi ng the issue of Indian Lands, a nd frequent pol itical changes within agency often alter the position and actions taken in relation to the processes for land recognition. 7.4 Losing the Sense of Shame of Being Indian In this chapter, I sought to show the pro cess of mobilization in the communities of Taquara, Marituba and Bragana to reinstat e the Mundurucu indigenous identity, which allowed them to differentiate themselves from other communities in Flona Tapajs. I would like to conclude by briefly discussing th e different perspectives of the Indian and non-Indian communities in Flona Tapajs with regards to being Indian Emphasizing the dynamic character of inter-eth nic relations, Barth (1970) st ressed the importance of identifying different values people attribute to certain categories that prevent the interaction between social groups. For the au thor, the greater the differences between these value orientations are, the more constr aints on inter-ethnic interaction they entail (Barth 1970: 18). As could be observed in the Indian and non-Indian communities in Flona Tapajs, differences in values regarding the category Indian had significantly constrained their interaction.

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278 Although the indigenous movement had star ted in 1998, I only took notice of it in 2000 when I returned to the field for a short-te rm survey for my docto ral research. After that, I heard and observed several controvers ial reactions to the indigenous movement among the community people as well as among representatives from grassroots organizations. For some representative s of the Rural Workers Union and nongovernmental organizations, the indigenous movement was seen as weakening the struggle for land. They frequently commented : Taquara is exchanging government for government; it will get away from IBAMA s hands to fall into FUNAIs hands. While among the Indian communities, for obvious reasons, there was a strong positive value attached to the category Indian, among non-Indian communities people tended to see the recognition of indigenous identity as senseless, almost bizarre. Talking about the indigenous movement of Taquara Nelson, from the Pedreira community, commented: It is true that all of us ar e descendants of Indi ans, but this is a retrogression. Tadeu, from the Pini comm unity asserted: Descendants of Indians we are, but it no longer is in our blood. Rinaldo, more irritate d, had doubts: I want to see them prove genetically that they are Indians. Some people said that they were waiting for an anthropologist from FUNAI to take a bl ood test in order to know if they still had Indian blood. When some of them asked me whether I would visi t the Indians, they soon added: Then, you dont need to take clothes because there everybody goes naked, just with body paint. The sarcastic comme nts thrown at the Indians were frequent, reflecting the pejorative value that the categ ory Indian had for these communities. For them, to be recognized as Indian meant a re trocession and, in some cases, a source of

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279 shame, as Tulio, from the Prainha community, adjacent to the Taquara community, remarked during a meeting with the FUNAI WG : I am Indian, but I am ashamed of it. The Indians always revealed that they we re aware of the hostilities toward them, saying that many times these hostilities were ex pressed directly to them, such as when they arrived in some places and the people star ted shouting: there go the Indians. Yet, in general, the Indians commented that they did not get annoyed w ith these hostilities, explaining that it happed because these, our relatives, are not conscious yet. They replied to the non-Indian critiques using simila r arguments: We are Indians because it is in our blood. If these peopl e took a look at the mirror, th ey would know that they are Indians, as they always were. For them, th e recognition of their status as Indian was a matter of raising a sense of consciousness about themselves, about their history, and to break down, as they frequently stressed, the shame of being Indian Explaining the significance of a ritual pe rformed in the Taquara community, Irani emphasized: Irani: Ritual is a ce lebration. The smoke in the ritu al meant that everything was made clear. We knew that we were Indians, that our ancestry was indigenous, and that my father, my mother, all of them belonged to the Mundurucu ethnicity. But, we were somewhat ashamed to say who we were. Then that smoke had so much meaning, clarity, because we were ashamed to say that we were Indians The meaning of that smoke was also about us, who were dispersed over ther e, our people lived disp ersed, and, when that smoke rose, that made it all clear, it open ed our minds and we became aware of who we really are. These differences in perceptions about the category Indian among the communities in Flona Tapajs, which affected their forms of behaviors and associations, divided them into two separate social groups and constrained their interaction. While non-Indian people looked to er ase their indigenous past, th e Indians looked to revive ancient traditions. Therefore, their opposing behaviors have led them to create different forms of political associations and struggl es for land, which in turn, reproduce and

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280 reinforce the differences between them. In other words, these divergent perceptions in relation to the category Indian reflect the struggles over ethnic or regional identity defined by Bourdieu (2003: 221) as a partic ular case of the different struggles over classifications, struggles over the monopoly of the power to make people see and believe, to get them to know and recognize, to impose the legitimate definition of the divisions of the social world and, thereby, to make and unmake groups (emphasis in th e original). The struggles over community so cial identity, which have b een closely associated with the struggles over spaces and resources, that have taken place in Flona Tapajs during its thirty-years of existence reflect this dyna mic of mak(ing) and unmak(ing of) groups.

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281 CHAPTER 8 CONCLUSION Focusing on the creation and implementati on of the Tapajs National Forest, this dissertation discussed the pro cesses of social and spatial transformation precipitated by state policies that were implemented to exert control over resources and social organizations. Comprising one of the strategies of the geo-political project to expand the Amazon economic frontiers, the establishment of this forest reserve altered forest social spaces not only by imposing new forms of th inking about and accessing forest resources, but also by reshaping community social identity. As such, the creation and implementation of the Tapajs National Forest was revealed to be a dynamic process, in which one can distinguish th ree key moments of (re)constr uction of spaces and social organizations. The first moment coincided with the init ial implementation of the reserve, when government efforts focused on removing people in order to liberate the reserves area for planned timber exploitation. Following the m odern state rationale to homogenize spaces and social relations, the establishment of this forest reserve, and the subsequent attempts to displace people, reconfigured forest spaces. It did so by turning the reserve into an administrative unit, which ensured the fede ral government exclusive access to the resources, and by fragmenting the complex community social relations, replacing them by a wageworker system. The government s assessment of the communities as caboclo squatter or occasional occupants essentially, people without an identity and right to land justified the transformation of forest sp aces into a reserve and the displacement of

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282 its communities from the reserve. These governmental efforts to redesign forest spaces into a category of reserve without permanent re sidents were in line wi th the strategies of the programmed network (Becker 1992), in which te rritorial displacement and transformation of spaces comprised the goals of the geo-political project to modernize and accelerate in the Amazon the exploitation of natural resources, and the formation of a mobile labor force. It was in this way that the creation and im plementation of Flona Tapajs operated as an instrument to simultane ously exert social and territorial control. The communities resistance to this projec t forced the government, in the 1990s, to accept peoples permanence in the reserve, which the government did by redefining local people as traditional people. This represented the s econd moment of significant redefinition of spaces and social organizations in Flona Tapajs, which took place in the context of unprecedented worldwide attention on the preservation of the Amazon forest. The international environmental debate to sa ve the Amazon forest from the advance of economic frontiers that had been set in moti on in the early 1970s, resonated with local grassroots movements that were defending rural communities rights to their lands, which were being appropriated by the government and given to large-scale economic enterprises. The defense of native territories and the integr ity of Amazon forest provided a common ground for both social rights and environmental movements, and mobilized academic institutions, grassroots organizati ons, multilateral agencies and the press worldwide, to force the Brazilian government to take effective measures to stop the accelerating deforestation in the region, and to protect native territories. The most notable outcome of the associ ation between the so cial rights and environmental movements was the creation of Extractive Reserves, which influenced the

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283 governments perspective regarding the perm anence of local commun ities in the National Forests. The creation of environmental re serves, such as the Extractive Reserves, designated to promote conservation through cu stomary uses of the resources, and the governments decision to also permit local co mmunities to remain in other types of reserves, such as National Forests, introduced the category of tra ditional people. The diverse social groups already living in th e Amazon lumped together by many, including the government, as caboclo squatter and occasional occupants among other terms had no legal recognition. Therefore, the new SN UC adopted the category of traditional people, a terminology employed in the intern ational debate about human presence in protected areas, and applied it to the set of reserves denominat ed of sustainable uses. As remarked by Lima (2002: 40), followi ng an international terminology, it (the government) decided to invent a traditionality with an ecological identity in order to recognize a peasant population whose de signation (was) hard to define. Making a close association between traditional people and the natural environment, the new SNUC placed a condi tion on communities permanence in the reserves. Communities were obligated to follow reserve management plans, establishing, as Barretto (2001b) pointed out, an instrume ntal relationship that tends to suppress peoples autonomy by subjugating their form s of social organization and livelihood strategies to an exogenously-de fined environmental policy rati onale. This is especially relevant in relation to the category of Nati onal Forests, whose principle objective, as defined in their management plans, is intensive timber exploitation. Although the category of National Forest was based on the concept of multiples uses, the emphasis, according to SNUC legislation, is on the ex ploitation of native forests. Thus, the

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284 permanence of people in National Forests was conditional on them adjusting their forms of relating to forest resources to meet the criteria defined for the reserve to promote commercial timber exploitation. Community resistance to such forms of in terferences that came with the category of traditional people, defined a third key moment in Flona Tapajs history of redefining spaces and social identity. This was the emergence of an indigenous movement to reinstate the Mundurucu ethnic identity am ong three communities in the reserve Taquara, Marituba and Bragana. The indi genous movement of these communities was the immediate reaction against the government s imposition of the ge neric identity of traditional people, whose de finition was based fundament ally on ecological and not socio-cultural criteria, and its correlate effects. It was not only to remain on their lands that these indigenous communities engaged in this struggle, but also to exercise a particular way of life that the category of traditional people de nied. By reclaiming ancient cultural references as a way to distance themselves from this generic and externally-imposed identit y, the Mundurucu Indians from Taquara, Marituba and Bragana redirected their previous forms of struggle for land, turning to FUNAI for assistance in having their territo ries officially recognized as Indian Lands. Therefore, by identifying themselves as Mundurucu Indians, they precipitated a nother redefinition of forest spaces in Flona Tapajs. Throughout these three moments of (re)constr uction of social identities and spaces in Flona Tapajs in its three decades of existe nce, one can perceive a variety of interests, practices, discourses, power mechanisms and forms of mobilization. One can also see that, even in the attempts to displace people, the community people were not neglected,

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285 or not noticed, by the government agencies but, rather, were th e object of significant attention. However, this was not as direct beneficiaries of the re serve project but as objects of intense government ma nipulation of existing social and territorial organizations to serve the interests of the new forest economy. From a hi storical point of view, this did not represent a new stand, but can be traced back to the colonial times and the treatment of regional native social groups ever since. As seen in Chapter 3, historically, Amazoni an native social groups were the target of official programs that focused on eradica ting their social identities and confiscating their territories in order to take advantage of them as a source of labor power. The creation and implementation of Flona Tapajs di d not divert from this endeavor. Rather, it represented, possibly, the most drastic attemp t undertaken by the government in the last century to reduce native social groups work ers integrated in the national political economy. The fundamental difference in this fore st reserve project was that it rested on the enclosure of forest spaces and attempts to displace people from those areas. These would have functioned to break peoples histor ical ties to their la nd, transform them into wageworkers, and liberate the fo rest for timber exploitation. Under the control of technical and scie ntific sectors focused on accelerating the economic growth of the wood industry, the esta blishment of Flona Tapajs also entailed the imposition of scientific and bureaucra tic understandings of forest resource management that counteracted customary uses coming from long histories of occupation. The resistance movements of the communities in the reserve, changes in the political national and international scenario, and th e articulation of the social rights and environmental movements converged to transfor m this reserve project into a remarkable

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286 field of disputes. In this process, spaces and social identities became critical to the government, which worked intensely to ensu re control over re sources and social organizations. In relation to the social groups that li ve in Flona Tapajs, although the initial proposal to remove the people from the re serve was replaced by a conditional agreement to allow existing communities to remain, it was done by reshaping local people into traditional people. Thus, the only populations permitted to remain in the reserve were those recognized by governmental agencies as being traditional people. While most of the community people in Flona Tapajs accepted this new identity, some did not, such as the communities of Taquara, Marituba and Br agana, which mounted a strong resistance. However, the indigenous movement that em erged from these three communities cannot be understood as simply a response to state cont rol to regulate spaces and social relations. It was also an internal res ponse to the imminent crisis caused by the death of their main leaders, in order to maintain community social cohesion. Despite the intensity of the disputes regarding Flona Tapajs, the repeated government efforts to regulate forest social spaces and resource exploitation had some level of success. The reserve was created, representing one the mo st important forest reserves in the Amazon region and for the implementation of government programs. Flona Tapajs has also become a site for sc ientific research, acclaimed as the most studied forest reserve, with over three hundr ed publications. Be sides other research projects underway, Flona Tapajs was also the site for international research initiatives, such as the Large Scale Biosphere-Atmosphere Experiment in Amazonia (LBA Project), designated to understand the climatologi cal, ecological, biogeochemical, and

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287 hydrological functioning of Amazonia and im pacts caused by land use change and the influences on the Earth system. While the government had some success, through the creatio n and implementation of Flona Tapajs, in disciplining spaces and social relations, it was not as successful in relation to the reserves pr imary objective, which was planned timber exploitation. Thirty-years after the reserve was create d, the ITTO Project was the only project implemented to exploit timber, in an area of only 3,6000 hectares. The reasons for this poor performance were attributed to admini strative inadequacies, primarily insufficient financial and human resources to manage the reserve, and inadequate legislation allowing timber exploitation in reserves by private ente rprises. Additionally, the reserves area where most of the commercially valuable wood species were f ound was under dispute with the community people, whose mobiliz ation prevented the development of any timber exploitation project until rights to their lands had been guaranteed. The difficulties the Flona Tapajs admini stration faced in implementing timber exploitation, certainly were, in part, the result of these multi-faceted challenges. However, as this dissertation on Flona Tapajs re veals, at the heart of the issue is the fact that the reserve was created not so much to promote controlled timber production, but to function as instrument for the government to exer t social and territorial control. I suggest that such an understanding of the history of Flona Tapajs, in particular the conflicts between the local community people and government agenci es, might help to better comprehend the poor performance of other National Forests in the Amazon region.

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288 APPENDIX PICTURES Figure A-1 The meeting of the Tapa js River with the Amazon River.

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289 Figure A-2 Port in the Santarm city. Figure A-3. Fordlndia.

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290 Figure A-4 Rubber planta tion in Belterra. Figure A-5. IBAMA office in Tapajs National Forest.

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291 Figure A-6 Ritual to motherearth in Bragana community. Figure A-7 Ritual to mother-w ater in Taquara community.

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292 Figure A-8 Children playing thea ter in Piquiatuba community. Figure A-9 Andiroba oil production

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293 Figure A-10 People going to clean the line demarcation ( Pico das Communidades /Community Line) Figure A-11 Cattle-ranch in Tapajs National Forest.

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294 Figure A-12 ITTO Project in the Tapajs National Forest.. Figure A-13 Community signa l against ITTO Project.

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314 BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH Edviges Marta Ioris was born in Rio Gr ande do Sul, South of Brazil. Her undergraduate studies were carried out at the University of the Sinos River Valley (UNISINOS), So Leopoldo-RS, with a major in social sciences and minor in history. Soon after concluding the undergraduate studies in 1985, she started to work with native peoples in the Amazon region, where she has b een carrying out most of her research. Initially, she worked with indigenous groups in the states of Rondnia and Acre, as a volunteer for a non-governmental organization. In 1988, she was engaged in the research project called Traditional Land Use in th e Amazon Estuary, at the Emlio Goeldi Museum, in Belm, state of Par, to carry out a study on social orga nization and resource management among a riverine community in the Amazon Estuary. In 1992, she started her masters degree in social anthropol ogy at the National Museum of the Federal University of Rio de Janeiro, in Rio de Janeiro, and her thesis was on the Ashaninca Indians living in the state of Acre. Upon the completion of her masters degree, Edviges Ioris was employed as a Prof essor of Sociology at the Fundao Integrada Municipal de Ensino Superior (FIMES), in state of Gois, and also worked as Coordinator of a Medicinal Plants Project for the Afro-Brazi lian community of Cedro. She stopped both jobs to start the Ph.D. program in cultural anthropology at the Univer sity of Florida in 1999, when she retook the research in the Amazon region, carrying out a study on social conflicts in protected areas.