OPERATIVE TOPOGRAPHY: AN AGENT FOR PLACE-MAKING IN THE AGE OF GLOBALIZATION By BING HU A DISSERTATION PRESENTED TO THE GRADUATE SCHOOL OF THE UNIVERSITY OF FLOR IDA IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA 2005
Copyright 2005 by Bing Hu
To my parents
iv ACKNOWLEDGMENTS I would like first to express my gratitude to Professors William Tilson and Robert McCarter who made the writing of this disser tation possible. Their cr itical readings and guidance were indispensable and much appreciated. They helped and guided me through all stages of this project. I also wish to thank Professors Maelee Foster, Nancy Clark, and John Krigbaum for their critical dialogue and productive comments. In a ddition, Professor Wowo Ding provided current information on Chinese vi llages. I thank Professor Kai Gong for engaging my scholarly interest and providing crucial data regarding Yuliang Village. I also want to recognize the c ontributions of Lei Bao, Ping Chen, Li Li, Ming Ge, and Jing Zhuge to my study. My thanks also go to Professor Xunz heng Zhong. Without his guidance during my graduate years in China, I could not have proceeded so far in academic research and design. I also want to thank Diane Fischler for proofreading this dissertation. Finally, I would like to thank my parents and si sters for their love and support.
v TABLE OF CONTENTS page ACKNOWLEDGMENTS.................................................................................................iv LIST OF FIGURES.........................................................................................................viii ABSTRACT.....................................................................................................................xi ii CHAPTER PART ONE 1 INTRODUCTION........................................................................................................1 Background...................................................................................................................1 Problem Statement........................................................................................................4 Purpose of Study.........................................................................................................15 Organization and Research Design.............................................................................15 Research Method and Methodological Framework....................................................21 Research Method for Place-making: Â“Eve ntÂ” as a Tool to Understand Place and a Generator for Future Place-making........................................................21 Approach to Intervention in a Chinese Traditional Village................................29 a) Landing....................................................................................................30 b) Experiencing............................................................................................31 c) Mapping...................................................................................................32 d) Transforming............................................................................................35 2 LANDING..................................................................................................................37 Globalization and Regional Culture...........................................................................37 Place.......................................................................................................................... ..43 Regionalism................................................................................................................47 Regional (local) and Global.................................................................................50 Tradition and Modernity......................................................................................52 Imitation and Redefinition...................................................................................54 Advanced Technology and Local Craft...............................................................58 Inclusions, Exclusions , and Contributions..................................................................61
vi 3 TOPOGRAPHY AS PLACE-MAKING....................................................................66 Notions of Topography...............................................................................................66 Etymology of Topography ..................................................................................66 Topography Encapsulates Human Experience....................................................69 Topography Encapsulates Dwelling....................................................................71 Topography Encapsulates Memory and Time.....................................................74 Topography Is Operative.....................................................................................77 Topography as an Agent to Redefine Regional Architecture.....................................78 Concepts of Topography in Architecture............................................................78 Topography with the City in the Past..................................................................84 Topography in the Age of Globalization.............................................................92 Operations of Topography..........................................................................................95 Reciprocity..........................................................................................................97 Mobility.............................................................................................................103 Thickening.........................................................................................................111 Materiality.........................................................................................................120 PART TWO 4 LANDING: NOTIONS ABOUT TOPOGRAPHY IN THE SITING SELECTION IN CHINA................................................................................................................128 Philosophical Basis for Fengshui Theory.................................................................129 Textural History of Related to Fengshui..................................................................132 Fengshui (Wind and Water).....................................................................134 Kanyu , Dili , Yingyang ............................................................135 ChÂ’i ...............................................................................................................137 Natural Environment as Human Body......................................................................137 Siting Selection.........................................................................................................140 Ideal Location for City, Village, and Tomb......................................................140 Notions of Orientation for Siting Selection.......................................................144 Evaluations of Topogra phy Selected by Fengshui............................................146 a) An enclosed spatial structure.................................................................146 b) Landmark with orientation.....................................................................152 Real Constructions....................................................................................................154 5 EXPERIENCING.....................................................................................................164 Natural Environment................................................................................................166 Location.............................................................................................................166 Surrounding Environment.................................................................................167 Social and Cultural Environment..............................................................................172 Origin of the Village and Yuliang Dam............................................................172 Lineage Bonds and Scholar-Merchants.............................................................173 Current Situation...............................................................................................176 Social Changes..................................................................................................177
vii Artificial Environment..............................................................................................189 Structure of Yuliang Village.............................................................................189 a) Fish-shaped structure.............................................................................189 b) Yuliang Street........................................................................................193 c) Lanes, wharves and Yuliang Dam.........................................................199 Composition......................................................................................................206 a) Clan ancestral halls and temples............................................................206 b) Commercial housing..............................................................................208 c) Residential housing................................................................................211 d) New buildings........................................................................................215 6 MAPPING................................................................................................................223 Topography as Boundary..........................................................................................224 Reciprocity between Topogr aphy and Spatial Fabric...............................................228 Water Constructs the Village....................................................................................234 Spatial Fabric as a Labyrinth....................................................................................245 Empty Center and Flourishing Edge.........................................................................248 Multi-programmatic Public Spaces..........................................................................253 Wetting Events..........................................................................................................256 7 TRANSFORMING...................................................................................................260 Current Problems and Situation................................................................................262 Guidelines for Rehabilitation of Yuliang Village.....................................................265 Strengthen Regional Link..................................................................................265 a) South Gate itinerary...............................................................................267 b) Ziyang Gate itinerary.............................................................................272 c) Changqing Road itinerary......................................................................277 Recover Operations of Farmland, Scenes, and Water.......................................283 Manage the Spatial Fabric.................................................................................291 8 CONCLUSIONS......................................................................................................303 APPENDIX A CHINESE DYNASTIES AND TIME PERIODS....................................................308 B YUANHE TANG SHOP..........................................................................................309 C BA WEIZU FORMER RESIDENCE......................................................................311 D THE SECRETARY OF THE INTE RIORÂ’S STANDARDS FOR THE TREATMENT OF HISTOR ICAL PROPERTIES...................................................314 LIST OF REFERENCES.................................................................................................316 BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH...........................................................................................328
viii LIST OF FIGURES Figure page 1-1. Newly-built city and village.........................................................................................8 1-2. Fragrant Hill Hotel in Beijing, China, by I.M. Pei, 1982...........................................10 1-3. Detail of the Shanxi Museum of History, XiÂ’an, by Jinqiu Zhang, 1991...................10 1-4. Beijing Library, by Ti ngbao Yang, Nianci Dai, Bo Zhang, Liangyong Wu, and Yuanqiang Huang, 1989...........................................................................................11 1-5. Location of Huizhou area...........................................................................................20 1-6. Paintings of XinÂ’an School.........................................................................................20 1-7. Javanese house............................................................................................................ 26 1-8. Wayang in Javanese house.........................................................................................27 1-9. Hamburg, 1841...........................................................................................................34 1-10. Mapping of Hamburg by Petra Kempf.....................................................................34 3-1. Topography encapsulates dwelling............................................................................73 3-2. Rocked Hand , Dennis Oppenheim..............................................................................74 3-3. Ideal topography for royal tombs in China.................................................................79 3-4. Middle School in Morbio Inferiore, Switzerland.......................................................83 3-5. Grid layout............................................................................................................... ...88 3-6. The Continuous Monument: Canyon 1, Superstudio, 1970.......................................89 3-7. Comparison of existing streets with Maya urban infrastructure.................................90 3-8. Villa DallÂ’ Ava in Paris, Rem Koolhaas...................................................................100 3-9. Swimming pool in Leca da Palmeira, Alvaro Siza...................................................102
ix 3-10. Process in land........................................................................................................10 5 3-11. Theatre Square (Schouwburgpl ein) in Rotterdam, West 8.....................................107 3-12. Villa VPRO in Hilversum, MVRDV......................................................................109 3-13. Yokohama International Port Terminal, Foreign Office Architects.......................110 3-14. City of Culture in Galicia, Peter Eisenman............................................................112 3-15. Bellinzona............................................................................................................... 115 3-16. Monte Carraso, Luigi Snozzi..................................................................................118 3-17. Re-Dressing the Eiffel............................................................................................120 3-18. Landscape in Acropolis, Dimitris Pikionis.............................................................123 3-19. Hotel Xenia in Mykonos, Aris Konstantinidis.......................................................124 3-20. Stone House in Tavole, Herzog and De Meuron....................................................126 4-1. Diagrams of ideal locations......................................................................................141 4-2. Ideal location for housing.........................................................................................142 4-3. Ideal model of tomb..................................................................................................143 4-4. Orientation and wind................................................................................................145 4-5. Ideal model of topography........................................................................................147 4-6. Three layers for the capital.......................................................................................148 4-7. White Clouds over Hsiao and Hsiang, Chien Wang, 1668......................................149 4-8. Misty Mountains and Rushi ng Streams, KÂ’un tsÂ’an, 1660.......................................151 4-9. Axis in the topography model..................................................................................152 4-10. Cities in China........................................................................................................15 5 4-11. City layout.............................................................................................................. 158 4-12. Comparison.............................................................................................................16 1 5-1. Location of Shexian Town and Yuliang Village......................................................168 5-2. Overall view of Yuliang...........................................................................................169
x 5-3. Map of rivers converging in Yuliang.......................................................................171 5-4. Diagram of temples and ancestral halls with the spatial fabric................................174 5-5. Plan of Yuliang in 1931............................................................................................179 5-6. Sketches of Sishui Guitang .......................................................................................179 5-7. Commercial streets...................................................................................................181 5-8. Poster for building a new Dazhai (village)...............................................................184 5-9. Locations of factories and school.............................................................................184 5-10. New and old............................................................................................................18 7 5-11. View of new buildings............................................................................................188 5-12. Overall plan of Yuliang Village.............................................................................190 5-13. Diagram of site plan and section............................................................................192 5-14. Structure of the village...........................................................................................192 5-15. Plan of Shexian Town with Yuliang Village..........................................................194 5-16. Overall plan of Yuliang Street within the village...................................................195 5-17. Diagram of experiencing phases.............................................................................196 5-18. View of Yuliang Street...........................................................................................197 5-19. Leshan Lane space..................................................................................................200 5-20. Wharves and dam...................................................................................................201 5-21. Locations of temples and ancestral halls................................................................207 5-22. Zhonghu Temple.....................................................................................................208 5-23. Diagram of the Yuanhe Tang Shop........................................................................210 5-24. The Yuanhe Tang Shop of traditional Chinese medicines.....................................210 5-25. Diagram of types of commercial housing...............................................................211 5-26. Diagram of the Ba Weizu Former Residence.........................................................213 5-27. Ba Weizu Former Residence..................................................................................213
xi 5-28. School, 2004...........................................................................................................21 6 5-29. Tea factory.............................................................................................................. 217 5-30. Tourist entrance......................................................................................................219 5-31. New route for tourists.............................................................................................221 6-1. Plan of the village in 1931........................................................................................225 6-2. Developing models...................................................................................................225 6-3. Developing orientation after 1949............................................................................226 6-4. Location of farmland in the village..........................................................................227 6-5. Pagoda as the focal point..........................................................................................230 6-6. Natural environmen t as the focal point.....................................................................232 6-7. Education facility as the focal point.........................................................................233 6-8. Diagram on the idea of Shuikou ...............................................................................235 6-9. Z-shape river in front of the village..........................................................................235 6-10. Sishui guitang.........................................................................................................23 7 6-11. Typical sky well......................................................................................................238 6-12. Secondary fabric structure......................................................................................239 6-13. Diagram of the section of the sky well ground.......................................................241 6-14. Sky well in the Congbao Ci....................................................................................242 6-15. Drainage in the street and lanes..............................................................................243 6-16. Water constructs the daily life for the local people................................................244 6-17. Samples of lane spaces...........................................................................................245 6-18. Views of lanes........................................................................................................246 6-19. Labyrinthine entrances to the village......................................................................247 6-20. Diagram of programs along th e north-south orientation........................................249 6-21. Diagram of the coordinate axes for programs........................................................250
xii 6-22. Location for newly constructed buildings..............................................................251 6-23. Center and edge......................................................................................................252 6-24. Space around the Lion Pavilion..............................................................................255 6-25. Procession of September Boat Event in Yuliang....................................................258 7-1. Regional link............................................................................................................. 266 7-2. South Gate itinerary..................................................................................................269 7-3. Buildings at the intersection of Changqing Road and Yuliang Street......................271 7-4. Baiyun Chanyun.......................................................................................................272 7-5. Ziyang itinerary........................................................................................................27 4 7-6. Wooden structure at the entrance of Hengkeng Lane...............................................276 7-7. New buildings along Changqing Road.....................................................................278 7-8. Changqing Road itinerary.........................................................................................279 7-9. Buildings need to be demolished and renovated......................................................281 7-10. Viewing platform....................................................................................................282 7-11. Farmland................................................................................................................. 286 7-12. Eight scenes............................................................................................................2 87 7-13. Ziyang Bridge.........................................................................................................289 7-14. Recover wharves and waterfront............................................................................290 7-15. Lanes and wharves need be managed.....................................................................293 7-16. Diaojiao Wooden House.........................................................................................294 7-17. Newly built lane space............................................................................................295 7-18. Materiality.............................................................................................................. 297 7-19. Proposal for managing buildings............................................................................301 B-1. Yuanhe Tang Shop...................................................................................................309 C-1. Ba Weizu Former Residence...................................................................................311
xiii Abstract of Dissertation Pres ented to the Graduate School of the University of Florida in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy OPERATIVE TOPOGRAPHY: AN AGENT FOR PLACE-MAKING IN THE AGE OF GLOBALIZATION By Bing Hu May 2005 Chair: William Tilson Cochair: Robert McCarter Major Department: Architecture This study established a place-making stra tegy to examine the regional identity and formulate interactions between the globa l and the regional in the discourse of architecture. This place-making strategy al so limits and establishes a methodology to achieve regional id entity in a world of globalization. Topography in my study was regarded as an agent to redefine regional architecture and cities under the pressures of globaliz ation. At one level, the study of topography provides a re-examination of the concept of place in contemporary cultures and a rereading of the relationship between globaliz ation and regional culture. On a more concrete level, the roles of topography in siting selec tion, formation, and future development of a Chinese village were explor ed in order to re-c onstruct identity to Chinese villages that are experiencing transformation under the pressures of globalization.
xiv Topography is not simply the contours of a given place, but a dynamic 3dimensional structure with ever-shifting laye rs embedded within. It is a matrix with embedded human memory and experience and an accumulation of diverse forces, events, and actors. It is globalized as well as local ized. This position encourages us to view topography as a potential to create place. Mo reover, topography is not a framed picture. Through its four operationsÂ—reciprocity, m obility, thickening, and materialityÂ— topography has constructed a mechanism for pur suing the collective social relations and generating the social conditions of its making. Topography has played an important role in the construction of Chinese villages. Yuliang , a village in the Huizhou area of China, was selected as an exemplary instance for my study of the impact of topography on c onstruction and rehabilitation. Based on the actions of landing, experiencing, and mapping th e village, topography was found to relate to the village in the following ways: Topography as boundary, Reciprocity between topography and spatial fabric, Water constructs the village, Spatial fabric as a labyrinth, Empty center and flourishing edge, Multi -programmatic public spaces and Wetting events. Recovering topography, therefore, become s the priority in the process of transforming the village today. Design guideline s for rehabilitation of the village (Build regional link, Recover operati ons of farmland, scenes and waterfront, and Manage the spatial fabric) not only deal with aesthetic and architectural principles, but they also attempt to build a new context and directi on for the built environment as a mediator between architecture and the environment and fo r the way that we develop the village in the age of globalization.
1 PART ONE: CHAPTER 1 INTRODUCTION Background Globalization1 is an international matrix, as we ll as a disputed term. Globalization derives from the interactions among nations in terms of the flow of capital, labor, products, technology, and ideas. These intera ctions are arrays of transnational connectivity that blur, cross, and challe nge existing national boundaries and become global activities. In his book The Lexus and the Olive Tree , Thomas L. Friedman stated: Globalization is not a phenomenon. It is not just some passing trend. Today it is an overarching international system shaping th e domestic politics and foreign relations of virtually every country, and we need to understand it as such.2 The notion of system implies that globa lization is not a fashion phenomenon with high and low tides. It is inscribed into every field. Globalization is a system and a matrix 1 The definition of the term globalization is multidimensional. Thomas L. Friedman, in his book The Lexus and the Olive Tree , wrote that Â“[t]he inexorable integration of markets, nation-states, and technologies to a degree never witnessed beforeÂ—in a way that is enabling individuals, corporations and nation-states to reach around the world farther, faster, deeper and chea per than ever before . . . the spread of free-market capitalism to virtually every country in the worldÂ” (pp. 7-8). Martin Albrow defines globalization as Â“the historical transformation constituted by the sum of par ticular forms and instances of . . . [m]aking or being made global (i) by the active dissemination of practices, values, technology and other human products throughout the globe (ii) when global practices and so on exercise an increasing influence over people's lives (iii) when the globe serves as a focus for, or a premise in shaping, human activities" (Martin Albrow, The Global Age: State and Society beyond the Age , Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 1997, p. 88). Philip McMichael regards globalization as Â“integration on the basis of a project pursuing market rule on a global scaleÂ” (Philip McMichael, Development and Social Change: A Global Perspective , Thousand Oaks, CA: Pine Forge Press, 2nd edition, 2000, pp. xxiii, 149). 2 Thomas L. Friedman, The Lexus and the Olive Tree , (New York: Farrar, Straus and Giroux, 1999), p. 7. In this book, Friedman poin ts out that todayÂ’s era of globalization, which replaced the Cold War system, is a similar international system, with its own unique attr ibutes. The globalization system is not static, but a dynamic ongoing process. The driving idea behind it is free-market capitalism. It has its own dominant culture. It has its own defining technologies: computerization, miniaturization, digitization, satellite communication, fiber optics and the Internet.
2 to generate and develop something newÂ— expanding the global linkage, lighting up the global consciousness, strengthening tec hnological communication and cooperation, reorganizing social life on a global scale, and shaping the economic and political structures. It is becoming the foundati on for contemporary society. Globalization, therefore, appears as an unstoppable force and a central clichÃ© employed in national development. Globalization is a disputed term consisti ng of three major aspects. One aspect concerns the role of globalization in th e development of contemporary societies. Friedman sees globalization as a process to enable Â“individuals, corporations and nationstates to reach round the world farther, faster, deeper and ch eaper than ever before.Â” But some social scholars such as Philip McMich ael regard globalizati on as a project of economic liberalization that subj ects states and individuals to more-intense market forces. Another aspect concerns whet her globalization is historic al or contemporary. Martin Albrow, in The Global Age , argues that global practices, values, and technologies impel us to enter a new Â“global age.Â” In contra st, Immanuel Maurice Wallerstein equates globalization with age-old capitalism.3 The third and last aspect is about homogenization in terms of economic, social, and physical structures; homogenization is one of the characteristics of globalization. Current globalization seems be beset by paradoxes.4 The 3 In his article Â“Globalization or the Age of Tran sition?,Â” Immanuel Maurice Wallerstein acclaims that regarding globalization as a phenomenon of 1990s leads to ignore the real issue and history. In his view, globalization has existed for 500 years. It is not new at all. (Source: http://globalization.about.com/gi/dynamic/offsite .htm?site=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.emory.edu%2FSOC%2 Fglobalization%2Fissues.html. La st accessed on March 15, 2005.) 4 At the 50th Anniversary Symposium of the Aspen Institute, Qu een Noor of Jordan stated that Â“our world grows more fragmented even while it becomes more interconnected. . . . People whose only remaining possession is their culture are relying on ethnic and relig ious divisions to reinforce their sense of identity in an increasingly impersonal, homogenized worldÂ—a world growing more polarized and unstable due to the widening gulf between the haves and the have nots and the know nots.Â” (Queen Noor of Jordan,
3 obvious manifestation of globalization, however , has still favored homogenization over regard for uniqueness and independence. With advances in electronic media and telecommunications, the flow of inform ation compresses time and space in the relationships among world cultures, ec onomies, and the built environment. Homogenization as a universal model that attemp ts to cross regional differences results in constant anxiety about locating oneself in a wo rld of unity and about identifying relevant differences for an individual culture. This c onstant anxiety is the e xpression of a cultural crisis. In the opinion of Ignasi de SolÃ -Morales RubiÃ³, this Â“cultural crisis is a crisis of universal models. It is not possible today to formulate an aesthetic system with sufficient validity to make it applicable be yond the individual circumstance.Â”5 This statement indicates that differences am ong world cultures and physical environments continue to exist and cannot be eliminated. Ev ery culture looks back to its past to locate its roots and origins. The interrelation between culture a nd memory gives us the clue that in our contemporary world regional culture cannot exis t without the influen ce of its traditional characteristics. However, the cultural crisis does not lead us to isolate regional culture. As we know, culture is not closed or static; developments are ba sed on cross-fertilization with other cultures.6 Currently, regional or national cu ltures are unavoidably fusing with outside cultural influences in a world of globalization. Pa ul Ricoeur, in his article Â“Globalization and Culture,Â” address at 50th Anniversary Symposium of the Aspen Institute, YaleGlobal Online Magazine: http://yaleg lobal.yale.edu/about/academicpapers.jsp. Last accessed on January 31, 2005.) 5 Ignasi de SolÃ -Morales RubiÃ³, Â“From Contrast to Analogy: Developments in the Concept of Architectural Intervention,Â” in Kate Nesbitt (ed.), Theorizing a New Agenda for Architecture: An Anthology of Architecture Theo ry 1965-1995 , (New York: Princeton Architect ural Press, 1997), p. 235. 6 See statement from Alan Colquhoun Â“Three Kinds of Historicism,Â” in Kate Nesbitt (ed.), Theorizing a New Agenda for Architecture , pp. 202-209.
4 Â“Universal Civilization and National Cultures , Â”7 pointed out that the connection of regional or national culture with Â“world cult ureÂ” exists on four levels: 1) human activity; 2) development of techniques; 3) rationa l politics; and 4) economics. The tendency toward homogenization today has sw ept the entire world so that regional identity is left out of the equation. This phenomenon raises important discussions and questions about architecture, its institutions, and its outcomes . Thus a paradox is revealed and a question is formulated: Do we need regional identi ty? And if so, how can regional identity be achieved? With regard to architecture, the qu estion is translated into how to make place for regional identity in the age of globalization? This study established a place-making strate gy that examines the regional identity and formulates interactions between the gl obal and the regional in the discourse of architecture. It also limits and establishes a methodology to achieve regional identity in a world of globalization. Problem Statement My study addressed the interven tion of architectural facilitie s in traditi onal contexts in terms of three topics: re gionalism, place, and topography. The contemporary architectural phenomenon manifests the cultural crisis in the shock of objects, as well as duplicated images . Duplicated images indicate two kinds of methods. One method is Â“McDonaldizati on,Â” resulting from economic marketing strategies. These buildingsÂ—vi sually and functionally similar with an international characterÂ—are totally new. But they turn up everywhere with the character of Â“nonplaceÂ” that Marc AugÃ© defines as Â“a space wh ich cannot be defined as relational, or 7 Paul Ricoeur, Â“Universal Civilization and National Cultures,Â” History and Truth , (Evanston, IL: Northwestern University Press, 1965), pp. 271-284.
5 historical, or concerned with identity,Â”8 such as shopping malls, motorways, and airports. All over the world, these buildings have a si milar form and function; therefore, they express solely a corporate identity. The other method is to mimic traditional forms and details to deny placelessness, such as the comm unity of Seaside in Florida. Designers cite Marblehead, Massachusetts; Princeton, New Jers ey; and Oak Park, Illinois, as codes to regulate urban and ar chitectural design.9 The traditional American town models are utilized without considering historical time and the process of c ontinual change that shaped them. At the same time, some new bu ildings are juxtaposed with old buildings without thinking about the surrounding traditiona l context. Consequently, these buildings try to stand out, and they become shocking images in the traditional context. They make people feel lost in a collaged environmen t. Creating shocking images or duplicated images is not the way to make place in the age of globalization. These two phenomena regard globalization and regiona lism as unrelated poles on diffe rent sides. Each method ignores the opposite side and tries to domina nt, ultimately cutting off interaction between them. A similar phenomenon occurs in China. Under ChinaÂ’s open-door policies since 1978, China has been unavoidably involved in the process of globalization. As a consequence of reforming policies, great changes in urban and rural areasÂ—on the economic, scientific and technological, and consumption levelsÂ—have affected social structure. China is experiencing tremendous economic expansion, soci al dislocation, and 8 Marc AugÃ©, Non-Places: Introduction to an Anthropology of Supermodernity , (London: Verso, 1995), pp. 77-78. 9 David Mohney (ed.), Any: Seaside and the Real World: A Debate on American Urbanism , July/August 1993 Number 1, (New York: Anyone Corporation), 1993.
6 environmental transformation. Statistics show that average annual growth for the Gross National Product (GNP) between 1986 and 2001 was 9.2%, which is higher than most other areas in the world.10 At the same time, state sectors gradually lost their dominant position with the development of the economy. According to a World Bank report on the Chinese private sector in 2000,11 the output of the private sector has grown an average of 71% per year since 1980, and non-state employment has raised an average of 41% per year. Rapid emergence of urban spatial econom ies results in the spatial expansion of cities due to the influx of rural immigr ants into the cities. According to the China Statistical Yearbook 2002 , the urban proportion of the popul ation increased from 17.92% in 1978 to 37.66% in 2001. The entire country is in a dramatic process of urbanization.12 Towns turn into cities; cities turn into metropolises; metropolis es turn into megalopolises. At the same time, under the national devel opment strategy of controlling the population of cities, new towns are being set up. Agricultur al lands of the past are used for industrial purposes, as well as the urban sprawl. As a result, during the 4 years since 2000, grain production in China has dropped constantly, whil e ever less land is used for farming. In 10 China Statistics Yearbook 2002 , (Complied by National Bureau of Statistics of China), shows that the average annual growth rates for Gross National Products during three periodsÂ—1986 to 1990, 1991 to 1995, and 1996 to 2001Â—are 7.9%, 11.6%, and 8.1%, respectively. According to a World Bank study, from 1985 to 95, the average annual growth rate of GNP in Europe and Central Asia was -3.5%, 0.3% in Latin America and the Caribbean, -1.1% in Sub-Saharan Af rica, -0.3% in Middle East and North Africa, and 2.9% in South Asia. 11 The report was released on October 26, 2000. The study began in June, 1999. (Source: http://web.worldbank.org/WBSITE/EXTERNAL/NEW S/0,,contentMDK:20018900~menuPK:34460~page PK:64003015~piPK:6 4003012~theSitePK:4607,00 .html. Last accessed on February 7, 2005). 12 Chinese urbanization has its own patterns and processes. For further research on Chinese urbanization, an overview and administrative and demographic factors are given in Cities with Invisible Walls (Kam Wing Chan, Oxford University Press, 1994). In terms of an alysis of the land development processes, A G-O Yeh and F. Wu, in their article Â“The New Land Deve lopment Process and Urban Development in Chinese CitiesÂ” ( International Journal of Urban and Regional Research 20 (2), pp. 330-353), articulates these changes. Michael Leaf discusses planning implicati on in the article Â“Urban Planning and Urban Reality under Chinese Economic Reforms,Â” ( Journal of Planning Education and Research 18, pp. 145-153).
7 2002, only 100 million hectares of farming la nd was sown to grain crops, 15 million hectares less than in 1998.13 In the process of urbanization and globaliza tion in China, the conflicts between old and new, between local and global, and between past and future infuse all places: from urban space to rural villages, from city cente rs to residential communities, from high-rise buildings to courtyard housing. On the one hand, to meet the population explosion, to support stable development of the economy, and to provide a suitable living environment, high-rise apartments and office buildings ar e rapidly replacing lo w-rise traditional neighborhoods.14 In this process, the involvement of foreign design firms15 and global design ideas has brought a universal Â“international st yleÂ” to China that has resulted in the loss of the traditional characte r of these cities. Many historic cities are being transformed into international modern cities. On the other hand, the influx of rural migrants into cities has destroyed some traditional villages.16 Due to the loss of popul ation, especially young people, in rural areas, these traditional vill ages are losing their vigor and are rapidly disappearing. At the same time, many ne w cities and villages are rapidly rising, especially in the southeastern coastal re gion where ChinaÂ’s economic growth is the highest (Figure 1-1). These villages were built almost entirely according to the guidelines 13 Statistics refers to Beijing Review February 26, 2004. 14 One example cited in Forty Years of Chinese Architecture , (Edited by Baosheng Chen, Shanghai: Tongji University Press, 1992, pp. 240-241) is the Quyang New Village project, which is located in Shanghai. The project is a residential district with shopping center, an entertainment center, sp orts clubs, and libraries, totally occupying 80 hectares of land. The residentia l types include 24-story apartment towers and a 6-story complex. 15 Beckett International of Santa Monica, California, designed the Great Wall Hotel (1983) in Beijing, which was one of the first appearances of the glass curt ain-wall system in China. Since then a large number of Western design firms are involved in Chinese projects. 16 Refer to villages which were established more than 500 years ago, but they stop being developed after the middle of the19th century due to geographic, economic, and social factors.
8 imported from the West, which intended to improve the living conditions for local people. But sometimes local people are not wi lling to move into these universal-style villages.17 A B Figure 1-1. Newly-built city a nd village. A) View of Shenzhen: a city near Hong Kong. It began as a small fishing village. With in 10 years, it developed into the most important city in southern China. B) Huaxi Village, Jiangyin County, Jiangsu Province: well known for rapid development based on collectivism. 17 The Yangtze Evening Daily reported that in a village in Anhui, the community administration constructed some Â“beautiful villas for the villages in a unified styl e, but the farmers were unwilling to move in and the houses were still unoccupied.
9 In contrast to these Western and Â“int ernational styleÂ” desi gns, other designers returned to traditional arch itectural forms and elements without any adjustments or modification to make them fit into a modern framework. Borrowing forms or details from traditional architecture to convey respect for the past has been a popular design method in China since I.M. Pei designed Fragrant Hill Hotel in Beijing in 1982 (Figure 1-2). The project was built on the site of an 18th century Qing Dynasty garden. Pei embedded several ideas of traditional Chinese architect ure and gardens into modern architecture such as the relationship between the interi or and exterior. He also borrowed some traditional windows from Chinese gardens to e xpress the Chinese culture. He seems to have appreciated Â“a direct rec koning with (traditi onal Chinese architecture) rather than diffusion of different programmatic elements.Â”18 In 1982, at a conference held by the Society of Chinese Architects, this project was praised as being elegant and distinctive. Fragrant Hill Hotel lifted up as a national model or lighthouse to illuminate Chinese approaches combining modernity and traditi on. Some designers, unfortunately, simply saw this approach as copying traditional elem ents. Some designers even use concrete to mimic Chinese wooden structure and details (F igure 1-3). Another ex emplary instance is Â“Big Roof.Â” A controversy about Â“Big RoofÂ” once swept the 1950s. It came back again to be a favorite in the 1980s based on this background.19 Big Roof became a token form of architecture to express Chinese id entity in the 1980s (Figure 1-4). 18 Peter G. Rowe and Seng Kuan, Architectural Encounters with Essence and Form in Modern China , (Cambridge, MA: The MIT Press, 2002), p. 148. 19 Rowe, in his book Architectural Encounters with Essence and Form in Modern China, gives a good overview on Â“Big Roof.Â”
10 Figure 1-2. Fragrant Hill Hote l in Beijing, China, by I.M. Pei, 1982. (Source: Peter G. Rowe and Seng Kuan, Architectural Encounters w ith Essence and Form in Modern China , Cambridge, MA: The MIT Press, 2002, p. 147.) Figure 1-3. Detail of the Shanxi Museum of History, XiÂ’an, by Jinqiu Zhang, 1991. (Source: Rowe and Kuan, Architectural Encounters w ith Essence and Form in Modern China , p. 180.)
11 Figure 1-4. Beijing Library, by Tingbao Yang, Nianci Dai, Bo Zhang, Liangyong Wu, and Yuanqiang Huang, 1989. (Source: Rowe and Kuan, Architectural Encounters with Essence and Form in Modern China , p. 153.) The current situation in China shows that under pressure of globalization, Chinese designers hold opposing viewpoi nts: One side cheers for th e international style and throws away traditional context. The other si de decides to neglect the influence of the outside world and the current social and cultu ral situation, and instead selects traditional forms as places of refuge. This situation in China brings up a series of questions that Chinese and also Western scholar s are attempting to answer: How to redefine regionalism? How to understand the global Non-Place? If possible, how can architecture be gl obally fluid yet cont extually specific? Based on problems of the current situa tion, the first concern that my study addressed is the relationship between globalization and regi onalism. Since globalization is unstoppable and reveals a cultural cris is, the notion of regionalism must be reexamined.
12 The doctrine of regionalism is traditionally associated with identity of the past. Symbolic representations of regional architectu re are always indexed to certain traditional forms, details, and construction technologies. These representations assume that one ideal and duplicable model exists, embedded within regional architectur e. This notion of regional architecture regards regionalism as a stable and enclosed object. Without a doubt, this understanding leads architectural practice to mimic trad itional forms. This consideration fails to explore cultural orig insÂ—social and techni cal situationsÂ—behind these forms. It also neglects th e fact that the formulation of identity is a process of selfaccumulation and exchange with the outside. It denies that looking toward the future is the way to be faithful to the spirit of the past. Colquhoun, in his article Â“Concept of Regionalism,Â”20 even doubts whether an ideal model actually exists. He argues that even if it does exist, the reference to forms and details oversimplifies what makes authentic, regional architecture. In fact, the notion of place is beyond memo ry. It has been associated with space, experience, and the human body. Society nowadays is not a simple cultural experience. It is multicultural because of mass immigrati on in and among nations. Multicultural people left their mark on the place. At the same time, increased mobility and telecommunications and the rise of new medi a have also altered our experience of time 20 Alan Colquhoun, Â“Concept of Regionalism,Â” in G.B. Nalbantoglu and C.T. Wong (eds.), Postcolonial Spaces , (Princeton, NJ: Princeton Architectural Press, 1997), pp. 13-23. Colquhoun regards regionalism as seeking an authentic social model. Â“A ccording to this model, all societie s contain a core, or essence, that must be discovered and preservedÂ” (p. 17). But the formulation of regionalism reveals that regionalism originated from a desire to recall th e past when traditional heritage seemed to be threatened by the process of industrialization. Based on it, Colquhoun asked if th ere is an authentic thing existing that goes through all periods of time. Meanwhile, he sugg ests, if there is an authentic thing existing, that the cultural situation is a complex system. Mimicking the forms is to simplif y the idea of an authentic, regional architecture. The causal relations that existed between the form and enviro nment, sensitivity to context, scale and so on could be possibilities to reveal the authentic.
13 and place. All these phenomena indicate that in a new age the notion of place needs to be embodied by a renewed role in order to build a bridge between globalization and regionalism. Only when regionalism is rega rded as an open systemÂ—whose essence is developing with timeÂ—can the conflict be tween globalization and regionalism be resolved, balance between them be achieve d, and a sense of place be brought back. My study also addressed the relationsh ip between place and topography. Given the current situation in China, how to make plac e in the age of globaliz ation is the essential problem. To solve this problem, we must r eexamine the basic elements and process to make place. Furthermore, the potential and importance of topography in making place will be explored. In demonstrating how a structure was basically composed, Gottfried Semper summarized a structure in four elements: 1) th e hearth or fireplace; 2) the earthwork; 3) the framework and the roof; and 4) the infill screen. The current situation in China shows that when designers consider regionalism, th ey focus only on the framework and the infill screen. Their practices are based on the understa nding of place as a stable and enclosed concept, which is an obstacle for interac tion between globalization and regionalism. The exterior expression of architectural cons truction may introduce people to a certain cultural and social atmosphere, but, more im portantly, place is a generator, not just a container of actions. In the words of SolÃ -Morales, place results from the production of an event.21 Place-making for a region never stops. It may have originated from the past; then at a certain peri od it may have arrived at a matu re and relatively stable state. However, the process of place-making remain s flux and transforms with the changes in 21 Ignasi de SolÃ -Morales RubiÃ³, Differences , (Cambridge, MA: The MIT Press, 1999), p. 104.
14 cultural and social situations. The motive of these transformations is Â“event.Â” Events that happened or will happen are clues that help us understand place and make place for the future. Topography, the barrier of events, is inscribed by past events, and is the stage for future events. Topography should not be simply regarded as a contour of a given place. Actually, it has ever-shifting layers with cult ural and social values embedded within it.22 Research on the relationship of place to topography elaborates on the roles of events in the process of making place, explores t opography as an agent to create regional architecture in the age of globalization, and supplies implications for research and practice based on Chinese today. The last principle concern of my stud y was the impact of topography on the rehabilitation of Chinese villages. Chin ese practices above seldom address the topography on which the building is construc ted. The potential of topography in making place is neglected. In Chinese philosophy, Human beings, Earth, and Heaven are regarded as three elements to unite the universal. The construction of traditional Chinese cities, villages, tombs, and buildings subscr ibed to this philosophy. Without the study of topography in the process of ma king place in the discourse of Chinese architecture, the essence of Chinese architecture can not be achieved and the rehabilitation of Chinese tradition villages will not be successful. Th e impact of topography on siting selection, development, and the future of Chinese vill ages was explored to find a way to bring identity back to them. 22 The notion of topography is explored in detail in Chapter 3.
15 Purpose of Study This study calls for redefining regional identity in the ag e of globalization, reexamines the notion of topography, and de termines its relevance to place-makingÂ— both in theory and in practice. It also examines the potential of topography as a methodology to redefine regional architect ure, and establishes a methodology to understand Chinese cities and villages. Fu rthermore, it supplies guidelines for rehabilitation of traditional Chinese cities and villages in the age of globalization. The objectives of this research can be summarized as follows: 1. To understand the interacti on between globalization a nd regional culture. 2. To understand place and time, mobility and fix ity in the discourse of architecture in the age of globalization. 3. To explore the potential of topography in the process of making place and its potential of creating regional architecture. 4. To address the potential of topography fo r rehabilitation of Chinese cities and villages through a case study. Organization and Research Design The organization of the work is base d on answering the following questions: What is the relationship between globalization and regional culture? What is the notion of place today? How does it have an impact on our understanding of regionalism? In the age of globalization, does regionalism still make sense? If so, what is the difference between present definitions of re gionalism with its earlier incarnations such as the early 20th century avant-garde? In terms of constructing regional identity, does Â“Cri tical RegionalismÂ” that Alexander Tzonis, Liane Lefaivre and Kenneth Frampton indicated still have a current impact the practitioners? What is the potential of topography in pl ace-making? What kind of operations of topography could contribute to place-making? What kind of roles did topography play in the siting selection and development of Chinese villages in the past?
16 What could topography contribut e to rehabilitation of Ch inese villages based on the understanding of what is the ideal village or town and what is the current situation in China? To address these questions, the study include s two parts. Part one includes the first three chapters, which builds prin ciples and design strategies for how to redefine regional architecture. Part two includes the following ch apters, which applies these strategies in a case study of a Chinese village. In part one, through the study on the re lationship between globalization and regionalism, the notions of place and differe nce will be clarified. Through the study of the relationship of topography with place-making, operative topography23 is brought up as an agent to redefine regional architect ure in the age of globalization. Based on the understanding of topography as an open syst em, the operations of topography in making place are expected to be achieved. Part two, the study of a Chines e village consists an explanation and exploration of part one. The impact of topography on its siting selection and development and the essence of the village are expected to be understood. How topography has influenced setting up guidelines for rehabilitation and in serting into a traditiona l village will also be explored. However, since China has plenty of sources for study, the criteria to select the case study in this research need to be identified. In order to achieve the objectives of this research, the case should be a typical site with current common problems, as well as a special site with its own char acters. The first decision to be made is whether the case is 23 The notion of operative topography will be explored in detail in Chapter 3. In the Oxford English Dictionary (compact edition), one notion of the term operative is Â“characterized by operating or working; active in producing, or having the po wer to produce, effects; exerting forc e, energy, or influenceÂ” (p. 1995). The term operative implies that topography is a system and is capable of producing.
17 urban or rural, whether it is ne w or traditional, and whether it is relative developed or less developed. Villages in China are selected for this research in order to bring up polarized reactions to the previous research qu estions. The reasons are threefold: First, villages are gathering places for habitation and organizing units for agricultural cultivation. A lthough China is experienci ng tremendous urbanization, villages are still the basic un its for habitation. Statistics show s that China continues to be a largely rural country with 63% of th e population living in rural areas (about 796 million) in 2001. At the same time, agriculture has been ChinaÂ’s foundation on the economic, cultural and social levelsÂ—even in the 21st century. There is a vast plurality of villages scattered across China. Therefore, the villagesÂ’ past , present, and future are of great importance and certainly worth of an in-depth study. Second, villages not only entail the regi onal set of parameters, but they also confront the pressure of transformation due to industrialization and globalization. The regional set of parameters defines how spaces are allocated, how a program is distributed, or how hierarchy and social class are understood. It also defines the formation and development of villages. Meanwhile, villages are not static systems, but responsive as well as adaptive. They are responsive and se nsitive to the natural environment and the changes of cultural and social situations.24 The recent developments of society due to industrialization and globalization insert new facilities, such as many industrial factor ies and grocery stores, into the traditional village fabric. Due to the influx of rural mi grants into cities, traditional villages are 24 This notion will be explored in the case of Yuliang Village.
18 Â“empty.Â” Instead of rehabilitation of these traditional villages, some new villages are being planned and built in order to bring a modern lifestyle to villagers. But villagers are not willing to move into these new villages.25 All these factors show that the pressure of industrialization and globalizati on is threatening villages. Third, comparing studies on cities regard ing architecture, re search on developing and design strategies for vill ages is neglected in China.26 Cities and towns are the major fields for architects. In villages, it is the local craftsmen who work on the constructions, not planners and designers. To some extent , building without pla nners carries on the feature of traditional villages, which is that villages developed without planners in the past. However, the self-determinant mass constr uction today destroys th e sense of place. For these reasons, the village named Yuliang27 ( in Huizhou28 was selected as an exemplary instance (Figure 1-5). For centu ries, the prominent features of the Huizhou area have been its natural environment, its numerous merchants, and its famous resident scholars and government officials. The Hu izhou region is a mountainous area with 25 In her dissertation Generation of a Village: The Study of Villages in the ZJG Region , Wowo Ding mentioned that the Â“square grid shapedÂ” new village s in Zhang Jia Gang Region (ZJG) were built by avoiding the contradiction of the existing village. Her survey shows that the local people do not seem to be interested in them because they feel that they are being forced to live there. But the administration preferred the new villages because they improve the living conditions of the local people as well as saving land. In the view of Ding, the new villages actually occupy more lands and break the balance of the land usage. In her dissertation, she also mentioned that some news also show that new villages are not welcomed by the local people. Yangtze Evening Daily once reported that a village administration built some new housing for the villagers in a unified style, but the farmers we re not willing to move in and the houses were still unoccupied. 26 Academic research on Chinese villages is explored in Â“Inclusions, Exclusions and ContributionsÂ” in Chapter 2. 27 This study follows the Hanyu Pinyin romanization system, (literally Â“spelled soundÂ”) as a method for pronunciation and translation of Chinese characters, including Chinese personal and place names. Pinyin is a translation system developed in the 1950s to roma nize the sounds of Chinese characters as they are pronounced in the national Chinese language, known as Putong Hua (Mandarin). 28 Huizhou is the traditional name dating back to Song Dynasty (960 Â– 1279 C.E.). It is located in the southeastern of Anhui Province, about 223.7 miles (360 km) southeast of Shanghai.
19 extensive rivers. In the past, pe ople moved into this area to avoid wars. In this sense, the mountains impelled the formation of the Huizhou area. Because of its geographic situationÂ—lack of flat spaces for agricultura l activities, the local land could not support the population. The local residents had to go out for business. Their business was so successful that Huizhou merchants in the Ming Dynasty and Qing Dynasty29 had a decisive position in the economic development. The success of their business created an opportunity for the local people to develop e ducational facilities. In Chinese Confucian tradition, merchants were located on the bottom rung in the hierarchy of occupations. The highest were scholars and government official s. In order to be recognized by their community, Huizhou merchants constructed scho ols and academies. As one consequence, many young men were involved in government administration. For instance, there were 130 Jinshi during the Northern Song (960 1126C.E.) who came from the Huizhou area. The other consequence was that a unique regional culture was formed. The Huizhou area was the foundation for Li Xue and the XinÂ’an School31( Figure 16). An outstanding trait was therefore form ulized. Merchants and scholars were tied together in the Huizhou area. 29 Ming Dynasty: 1368 Â– 1644 C.E. Qing (ChÂ’ing) Dynasty: 1644 Â– 1912 C.E. 30 Jinshi The title was issued to those who passed the highest level of national civil examinations. These people had opportunities to become government officials. 31 A Hui style of painting was developed during the 7th century, which reflected a strong interest in the literati style of painting, which later was called Xian Â’an School. Literati Style paintings Â“tended to be primarily ink on paper, created in a manner that would exhibit the movement of the brush rather than depict reality in minute or colorful representation.Â” (Nancy Berliner, Yin Yu Tang: The Architecture and Daily Life of a Chinese House , Boston: Tuttle Publishing, 2003, p. 15.)
20 Figure 1-5. Location of Huizhou ar ea. (Source: Nancy Berliner, Yin Yu Tang: The Architecture and Daily Life of a Chinese House , Boston: Tuttle Publishing, 2003.) A B Figure 1-6. Paintings of XinÂ’ an School. A) Zan Ni(1301Â–1374 C.E.), Wind Among the Trees on the River-bank . The Metropolitan Museum of Art, Bequest of John M. Crawford, Jr. 1988. B) Hongren (1610Â–1664), Landscape , Reverend Richard Fabian Collection, San Francisco, CA.
21 Today the Huizhou area is experiencing a tran sformation. It is located at the edge of the southeastern coast region where econom ic growth is the highest in China. The economic development in the Huizhou area whic h is impacted by the southeastern coast region is changing people living and built environment. Yuliang is the epitome of traditional villages in the Huizhou Area, and it is also an excellent example of Chinese society, culture, and architecture. It ha d a glorious history but lags behind in the modern age. During the Ming Dynasty, Yuliang became an important wharf to connect the Huizhou area w ith the other part of China. Yuliang is located at the point where f our rivers converge so it became an important commercial center for the whole area. But replacement of transportation methods alerted its status, and the entire village began to stagnate. At the same time, newly built houses are changing the spirit of Yuliang. Due to Yuliang Â’s historical value and the problems in its recent developmentÂ—which scores of Chines e villages are also facing todayÂ—it was chosen as the case study for this research. Research Method and Methodological Framework The case study is the main method for this re search. It will be utilized to analyze contemporary projects to explore the poten tial of topography to redefine regional architecture, as well as to study the current situation in China. Research Method for Place-making: Â“EventÂ” as a Tool to Understand Place and a Generator for Future Place-making How to understand the traditional and regional architecture is crucial for intervention in a traditional context. If th e understanding of regional architecture is not
22 timeless and fixed, but constructed,32 the question is formulated: What are the driving forces for place making? Ignasi de SolÃ -Morales RubiÃ³, in his Â“P lace: Permanence or Production,Â” indicates that place is the production of ev ents. Â“Architecture has always been as much as the event in a space as about the space itself.Â”33 Architecture is not only to create space, but also to construct possibilities for activi ties and events. In SolÃ -MoralesÂ’ opinion, the idea that reality could be built on unive rsal rationality, which was th e basis of modernity, enters into crisis. The contemporary phenomenon in ar t is to experience at Â“discrete points, diverse, heterogeneous to the highest degree.Â”34 It indicates that it is not possible to look for continuity and stability in the current situation. Based on thes e ideas, SolÃ -Morales describes Â“eventÂ” as the driving force for place -making because of its threefold character. The event is a vibration, as Deleuze has wr itten in an appraisal of Alfred North WhiteheadÂ’s thinking. It is the undulation of an element that extends across those that follow it, establishing, like a light or sound wave, a system of harmonics in the air that subsist for a time before dissi pating. But the event is also a point of encounter, a conjunction whereby the lines of a limitless itinerary cross with others to create nodal points of outstanding inte nsity. Finally, the even t is a grasping, the action of a subject who, with in the chaotic flux of events, arrests those moments that most attract or impel, in order to hold on to them. 35 Place is not only a physical site, but also the expression of social and cultural meaning. Since place is intimately related to human activities, ther e is no doubt that the ordering of a particular place could not be considered independent of social ordering. Indeed, Â“The social does not exist prior to the place nor is spatialised, temporalised 32 This notion of regional architect ure is explored in Chapter 2. 33 Bernard Tschumi, Â“The Architecture and the Event,Â” Architecture Design 1992 Jan. Feb., v. 62, n. 1-2, pp. 24-27. 34 SolÃ -Morales, Differences , p. 61. 35 SolÃ -Morales, Differences , p. 102.
23 ordering-and so it cannot be that out wh ich, or solely by means of which, place is Â‘constructed.Â’Â”36 Event is the action of humans, the ac tion for place making. Event embodies the social and cultural values of human activities. Through this action, place is endowed with experience and memory. The Greek temple, as Ma rtin Heidegger illustrates in his article Â“The Origin of the Work of Art,Â” standing in a beautiful valley, vi sualizes, symbolizes, gathers, and unites the surrounding environm ent with the repres entation of the God. Before the establishment of the temple, the meaning of the landscape (the valley) was Â“hidden.Â” The temple brings it out into th e open. The presence of stone reveals the existence of air, the storm, the sun, the light, and the sky. It sets fort h the earth to be an earth. The existence of a temple is therefore to make a site become a place, that is, to uncover the meanings potentially present in th e given environment. At the same time, the temple gathers the paths and relations whic h embody a human beingÂ’s eventsÂ—Â“birth and death, disaster and blessing, victory and di sgrace, endurance and decline.Â” Â“The allgoverning expanse of this open relational contex t is the world of this historical people, and makes the nation itself return to its elf for the fulfillment of its vocation.Â”37 The events set forth the temple with experience and memory. Event makes the sense of place mobile. The human body moves in the built place, and events continue to unfold within the place, such as upbringing, education, contemplation, and conviviality. Different events entail different experiences and 36 J.E. Malpas, Place and Experience: A Philosophical Topography , (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1999), p. 36. 37 Martin Heidegger, Â“The Origin of the Wo rk of Art,Â” in David Farrell Krell (ed.), Basic Writings , (San Francisco: Harper Collins Publishers, 1993), p. 167.
24 meanings to human beings. All these events co ntinue to bring social meanings into place and incarnate their marks on place. These events modify the image, identity and archaeological memory of place. The sense of place is remade continuously when it is encountered with different human beings a nd different events. It is never fixed and grounded.38 The origin of events may be from the outsi de condition of this region, as well as the inside. For example, outside conditions, such as globalization, will impact place due to the changes of cultura l and social conditions caused by outside forces. The globalization actually functions as a network to connect di fferent places. The Â“hereÂ” place interacts with other places in the network and adapts with outside forces. Event appears to be indissolubly linked to time. Event is as temporal as place. According to the Oxford English Dictionar y, the term Â“eventÂ” is associated with Â“occurrence.Â” Event indexes anything happe ning or Â“anything that happens or is contemplated as happening.Â”39 Event is a Â“point of encounter,Â” a temporal phenomenon. But the notion of Â“eventÂ” is different from th e notion of Â“occurrence. Â” Event is that which Â“follows upon a course of proceedings; the outcome, issue; that which proceeds from the operation of a cause; a consequence, result.Â”40 Event does not occur incidentally as occurrence does.41 Occurrence is occasional. On the cont rary, event is part of a process. Event is not only the consequence of other caus es, but it also will stimulate the shake like a Â“vibrationÂ” defined by SolÃ -Morales. The Â“v ibrationÂ” is a turning point, a driving force 38 This notion will be explored in Chapter 2. 39 The Oxford English Dictionary , (London: Oxford University Press, Compact Edition, 1971), p. 907. 40 Ibid., p. 907. 41 In the OED , the definition of occurrence is Â“an incidental meeting or encounterÂ” (p. 1971).
25 for the future development. Jacques Derrida suggested the incor poration of the terms Â“eventÂ” and Â“invention.Â” Events acceler ate the transformation and construction conditions to reconsider the traditional si tuations. Events reorganize the traditional elements with new thoughts from events. Meanwhile, events are tools for the understanding of a specific place. Events incarnate memory in place. The establishm ent of Rome and the siting selection of villages in China42 both show that events or rites of a city provide a hint to understand its history. Joseph Rykw ert states that: Many of the puzzling features of ancient to wns can be explained if they are related to these rites. Such a confrontation may even provide a guide to the form of the ancient city, because the performing of the rites actually fixed the physical shape of the city.43 Fred Thompson44 explored the understanding of Japanese space through the understanding of the annual festivals in Ja panese villages. With the advent of Obon ,45 the sequential exterior space is explored. Thr ough a procession, the mountain, trees, Buddhist temple, and village shrine are united. These pa rts are understood in rela tion to the elusive whole. The music and dance for the festival of Matsuri46 are also tools for understanding Japan. The expression and mask on the actorÂ’s face, the actorsÂ’ gestures and dress, the accountrements (two swords and fan), and the music accompanying these dances are 42 The process of Romulus to set up Rome is explored in The Idea of a Town (Joseph Rykwert, Cambridge, MA: The MIT Press, 1988). The ev ents in the siting selection are explored in the chapter Notions of Topography in the Siting Selection in China . 43 Joseph Rykwert, The Idea of a Town , (Cambridge, MA: The MIT Press, 1988), p. 30. 44 Fred Thompson, Sheri Blake and Yasumasa Someya, Ritual and Space (Research Report). 45 A Buddhist festival for the souls of the dead is usually held in August. 46 Matsuri is a three-day festival which combines two original festivals; Shinme i-sha (September 7-8) and Yakushi-do (from September 8-9).
26 based on the Japanese understanding of th e world, the world of gods, and the outside world. The music and dance are often location specific, indicating a strong tie between political and religious organi zations during the festival. In the architectural discipline, in order to identify characteristics of traditional settlements, structure, form, and function are always selected as Wolff Schoemaker, Thomas Karsten, and Henri Maclaine Point di d in their studies of the Javanese house. Schoemaker brought out the idea of candi structures to build a new Indo-European tradition. Karsten and Point st udied function and form. They argued that the spatial arrangementÂ—the pendapa , pringgitan , and dalem47Â—is the element for understanding the Javanese house (Figure 1-7). Figure 1-7. Javanese house. Left: Axonometric . Right: Section drawi ng: from left to right, the pendapa , pringgitan , and dalem . (Source: Stephen Cairns, Â“ReSurfacing: Architecture, Wayang , and the Â‘Javanese House,Â’Â” Postcolonial Spaces , G.B. Nalbantoglu and C.T. Wong (ed.), New York: Princeton Architectural Press, 1997, p. 79.) However, Stephen Cairns resurfaces the re presentation of archite cture in a tectonic way to explore what is left and excluded by the disciplineÂ’s emphasis on structure, form 47 The pendapa , pringgitan and dalem are three key pavilions in the Â“Jav anese houseÂ” as Figure 1-7 shows. Â“The pavilions are structurally and formally independent and are held together in tension by an axis threaded through them. . . .The pendapa is traditionally not enclosed any way. . . .The dalem , on the other hand, is wrapped in a brick, timber or woven bamboo screen that completely encloses the space.Â” (Stephen Cairns, Â“Re-Surfaci ng: Architecture, Wayang , and the Â‘Javanese House,Â’Â” in Nalbantoglu and Wong (eds.), Postcolonial Spaces , New York: Princeton Architectural Press, p. 79).
27 and function. His study focuses on the space for the wayang48 performances in the pringgitan . This space shows the connection between the pendapa and the dalem in the traditional Javanese house. The particular frame, screen, and shadow structure of wayang Â“operate outside the represen tational structure of dichotom y between subject Â‘positionÂ’ and Â‘object world.Â’Â”49 (Figure 1-8.) A B Figure 1-8. Wayang in Javanese house. A: left, scene from wayang performance; right, private side of wayang performance. B: left, wayang puppets; right, wayang performance. (Source: Cairns, Â“Re-Surfacing: Architecture, Wayang , and the Â‘Javanese House,Â’Â” pp. 84-85.) In the cases of Thompson and Cairns, th ey both study regional identity by means of event and place or space which contains event. Borrowing from their method, event will 48 Wayang , literally shadow. It also describes the Javane se shadow play. (Reference: Cairns, p. 85). 49 Cairns, Â“Re-Surfaci ng: Architecture, Wayang , and the Â‘Javanese House,Â’Â” p. 88.
28 be treated as a tool to understand Chinese villagesÂ’ past and li ght up the future of construction in Chinese villages. On the one hand, as ThompsonÂ’s study indi cates, festival and daily life will improve the understanding of public and privat e spatial structure, which reverberates throughout modern Chinese society. The econo mic development, the clan relation, and the effect of globalization will be events to impact and reshape the land and place. On the other hand, for a Chinese village, t opography is also an important Â“eventÂ” to understand the village. It indexes the past and the future of the village, just as the tectonic wayang means to a Javanese house. The unde rstanding of topography benefits the understanding of the region. The siting selection, formation, and development of Chinese villages are based on the topography embraci ng them. Moreover, topography is not only the container of human activiti es, but also the embodiment of Chinese understanding of nature and religion. Water, in Yuliang, for ex ample, has been an important factor in place-making. It had a decisive impact on the siting selection, because the inhabitantsÂ’ lives depend on water. At the same time wa ter has a special religious meaning for the local residents. They believe th at water will bring sons and wealth to them, and also the courtyard in housing. Sometimes the orientati on of their housing entr ance also shows that water is Â“eventÂ” for the village. In summary, based on the understandi ng of the nature of Â“event,Â” its vibration , temporarily and grasping characteristics defined by SolÃ -Morales , Â“eventÂ” is regarded as a way to understand the village and the local inhabitantsÂ’ culture. It is also a generator for place-making to reshape the land as a demo cratic reflection of modern society and emerging conditions in the rehabili tation of the Chinese village.
29 Approach to Intervention in a Chinese Traditional Village Taking into account the methodological implic ation of Â“event,Â” th e intervention in a Chinese village is regarded as a proce ss, a continuous and unending process. The process is a Â“vibration,Â” whic h is the consequence of form er events and actions, which will impact the following events. The approach for intervention in this study is divided into a series of phases based on the unders tanding of Christophe GirotÂ’s idea about how outsiders could blend their ex perience and intuition with th e local. Girot, in his Â“Four Trace Concepts in Landscape Architecture,Â” summarized four stepsÂ—Landing, Grounding, Finding and Founding50Â—for the mixture of the outsiders with the local. The presentation of verbal nouns in these four steps is constr ucted as nouns while maintaining the regimen of verbs. The regimen of the ve rbs implies continuation and a carrying on. At the same time, it is also i ndissolubly linked to time. As a process, intervention into a Chinese vi llage is divided into four phases in this studyÂ—Landing, Experiencing, Mapping and Tr ansforming. These phases also utilize verbal nouns, and they are also Â“events.Â” These phases are embedded with a temporal feature, but are dependent on each other. E ach phase is based on former actions. Each phase will also impact the following acti on. Sometimes they overlap. There are no cut lines among these four phases. In fact, thes e four phases weave t ogether without exact starting and ending points to separate them. Th e attempt to divide the process into four aspects makes it easy to organize and examine actions in the intervention. In each phase, there are different scenarios. All these s cenarios are composed of actions for the intervention. These scenarios communicate w ith each other, impact on each other, and 50 Christophe Girot, Â“Four Trace Concepts in Landscape Architect ure,Â” in James Corner (ed.), Recovering Landscape , (New York: Princeton Architectural Press, 1999), pp. 61-64.
30 ultimately index to the final result of th e intervention. As previously mentioned, topography as Â“eventÂ” is the to ol to understand Chinese vill ages. Throughout these four phases, topography has been a central theme and remains a continuous thread. a) Landing Landing is the first act to lead up to site acknowledgment according to Girot defines. The moment of la nding and entering a site is of prime importance. Landing means to arrive from the outside and to t ouch the local ground. Â“LandingÂ” in Chinese is Â“Zhuo LuÂ” ( ). Â“ZhuoÂ” ( ) as a verb means Â“to land.Â” Â“LuÂ” ( ) as a noun means Â“the ground.Â” The notion of Â“landingÂ” in Ch inese emphasizes Â“to be grounded,Â” rather than to refer to the landing action itself. To be grounded is to cross the threshold, invoking Â“the passage from the unknown to the known, from the vastness of the outside world to the more exact bounda ries of a specific site.Â”51 Landing not only means Â“landing of actions,Â” but it is also Â“landing of thoughts.Â” As designers, we are invariably Â‘outsideÂ’ of the local. On the one hand, one needs to keep his own thoughts about how the lo cal is viewed. In this way, th e local can be presented in a new and potentially inventive way. On th e other side, outsiders need to study local scenarios in order to correctly understand the local. Â“Landing of thought sÂ” is a process to combine thoughts of outsiders with those of the locals. Impressions and insights provoked by landing often last thr ough the entire design process. A landing of thoughts may start from the hi story of the local. As Rudolph Steiner mentioned, every site on Earth has a histor y. Reading the history of the built form is reading cultural history. This does not mean we are engaged history directly, but our 51 Girot, Â“Four Trace Concepts in Landscape Architecture,Â” p. 61.
31 understanding of historical events is vital in developing a sensitive approach. History is sensitive, and provides hints for today and futu re. Â“It is most importa nt to have points of reference. The old is the basis for what we make new. If our aim is to achieve a high quality again then we cannot start at zero. . . . If we discard everyt hing then we destroy the soul of the district along w ith the physical characteristics.Â”52 Tracing the villagesÂ’ historyÂ—the villagesÂ’ positi on in the development of Ch ina, the process of siting selection, formation of the villages, and expl oration of the Fengshui theory (which is a part of history, see Chapter 4)Â—is th e way to land on Chinese villages. b) Experiencing Compared with landing, which is mos tly an instant moment of understanding, experiencing is more about a process with poten tial repeated actions. It is a process to be localized . In Chinese, Â“experiencingÂ” c onsists of two Chinese characters. One is Â“TiÂ” ( ), a noun, meaning Â“body.Â” The other is Â“YanÂ” ( ), a verb, meaning Â“to examine.Â” The action of experiencing in Chinese contains two notions: 1) that the action is related to human body, emphasizing to examine thr ough self-action, not based on othersÂ’ experience or description; 2) the action ha s two stages from the character Â“YanÂ” ( )Â— first to identify thing , then to examine the authenticity through multiple Â“visits.Â” The emphasis on self-action and the two stag es of examination indicate that the action of experiencing is a proces s. It is an act of rejecti on of preconception and a process exploring successive layers, both visible and invisible. The in visible layers sometimes are more important because they are the sources fo r designers to dig deep er about the site and for designers to distance themselves from others, as well as trad itional expressions. 52 Alvaro Siza, in: Visie op de stad. Op. cit. S. 25.
32 Experiencing is also a process to merge a personÂ’s thoughts with the locals and to identify the inspirations for future design work. History comes alive by discovering the past in the architectur e and landscape, and it brings back traces of memory. Current pressure is exposed by discovering the chaos and conflict, and the future comes out by di scovering the essences of the physical and social system in the village. A site has two qualitiesÂ—physique and memory. A village contains physical environment (topography, climate and land) and social environment (humanistic, cultural, and social changes). A village is the carrier of the residentsÂ’ existence and is part of their lives. In the eyes of the vill agers, the built form is not material, but a vessel containing various social relationships between peopl e and material, people and nature, and among people themselves. Wandering around the site an d listening to the villagers, these visible or invisible layers remaining under the ground become available to inspection c) Mapping Mapping is a project of making. Traits of maps show features of the action of mapping. Edward S. Casey offers four primary traits of a map: 1) presenting itself as a visual configure; 2) operati ng by a process of self-inclusion; 3) the capable to represent; and 4) the manner of this very reference.53 Maps are not mirrors of reality. They are Â“presentational symbols.Â” At the same time, it presents a particular view based on the representation of makers. It is a personal explanation and representation of place. The notion of maps as Â“an experimentation in cont act with the realÂ” indi cates two features of the action of mapping. One feat ure is to select personal position in the process of 53 Edward S. Casey, Representing Place: Landscape Paintings & Maps , (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 2002), pp. 172-173.
33 representation, which is also expressed in its Chinese characters. Â“MappingÂ” could be translated into Â“Ding WeiÂ” ( ) in Chinese.54 Â“DingÂ” ( ) as a verb means Â“to locate.Â” Â“WeiÂ” ( ) as a noun means Â“position.Â” Â“Ding WeiÂ” ( ) means to select where one wants to Â“standÂ” and what one wants to expr ess. The position that one is in ultimately impacts how decisions are made. The second f eature is that mapping is process to unfold potential and reveal something new. It is based on the real ity, but at the time beyond the reality. It is both an activity and an insight to discover ne w forces and new views for the people. It sets the stage for the future. Instead of mapping as a means of appropr iation, we might begin to see it as a means of emancipation and enablement, liberating phenomena and potential from the encasements of convention and habit.55 Mapping is not tracing the rea lity. In some sense, it not only explains the history, but also inaugurates new worlds out of the old. Gilles Deleuze calls for Â“making a map not a tracing.Â” He states: What distinguishes the map from the tracing is that it is entirely oriented toward an experimentation in contact with th e real. The map does not reproduce an unconscious closed in upon itself; it c onstructs the unconscious. It fosters connection between fields, the removal of blockages on bodies without organs, the maximum opening of bodies without organs onto a plane of consistency. . . . The map has to do with performance , whereas the tracing alwa ys involves an Â“alleged competence.Â”56 54 There could be several translations of Â“mappingÂ” into Chinese, which depends on different disciplines. For instance, mapping in the discourse of Urban Planning means Â“planning.Â” For geography, it means Â“making maps.Â” 55 James Corner, Â“Agency of Mapping: Speculation, Critique and Invention,Â” in Denis Cosgrove (ed.) , Mappings , (London: Reaktion Books, 1999), p. 252. 56 Gilles Deleuze and Felix Guattari, A Thousand Plateaus , in Brian Massumi (trans.), (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1987), p. 12.
34 Figure 1-9. Hamburg, 1841. (Source: Petra Kempf, City Limits , New York: Princeton Architectural Press, 2002, p. 141.) Figure 1-10. Mapping of Hamburg by Petra Kempf. (Source: Kempf, City Limits , pp. 160-161.) In Petra KemptÂ’ project 57 (Figure 1-9 and 1-10), the city Hamburg is regarded as a collection of ever-shifting layers according to both co mplementary and conflicting components. Mapping provides Â“a distant equality to view our representations: abstract 57 Met[R]onymy 1: done by Petra Kempf. Published in Young Architects 3: City Limits, (New York, Princeton Architect ure Press, 2002) , p. 139 .
35 yet tangible, analytic yet didactic, descriptive yet open programmatically.Â”58 Kempt remakes territory by the means of layering. Not only are physical objects and forms layered, but also political a nd social processes are mapped. It becomes a complexity of the intended program for the site. Mapping the Chinese village means to laye r the natural environment, the spatial fabric, the individual buildings, and the pol itical, economic, and social processes. Although they are parts or elem ents, they are cohesive at one layer but dismembered in relation to others. The purpos e of layering is to unfold the program of topography on making place. Through layering, oneÂ’s position in the Chinese village is identified. Through mapping, the invisible layers, such as the reciprocity between topography and spatial fabric, the function of water on th e villageÂ’s construction, and the social expression of events, are emancipated. The expe rience is then enriched and the potential of the site is unfolded. d) Transforming It is the moment when the prior thre e acts are synthesized into a new and transformed construction of the site.59 The term Â“transformingÂ” in Chinese combines two Chinese characters ( ), literally meaning Â“turnÂ” and Â“melt.Â” Two actions are involved into the process of transforming based on th e Chinese notion. Â“TurningÂ” means to bring something new to a place, something that ma y change and redirect a particular site. Â“MeltingÂ” means that these alternations shoul d be grounded into the site, and melted into the old Â“fabric.Â” It is an action that entail s difference between the old and the new, as 58 Ibid., p. 141. 59 Refer to GirotÂ’s notion on Â“Founding.Â” (Girot, Â“Fou r Trace Concepts in Lands cape Architecture,Â” p. 64.)
36 well as creates something new from their coex istence. It is not an instant moment of action. It is an action that needs time to be accomplished. An ideal village develops over time while retaining traces of memory in form and event. The introduction of new factors of the ne w age, the inscription of rich diversities of settings for human experience, and the e xpression of differences between today and the past are the guides for transformation. The transformation may be either conservative, which refers to some past event or circum stance, or innovative, which imports something new to a place. Examples can range from the insertion of a new project to the framing of some new point of view, or to simply changi ng the use of a particular place. For Chinese villages, topography is the driving force fo r the action of transf ormation. Through the rehabilitation of that topography constructs th e village, the past of the village is merged into the present, the future of the village is redirected.
37 CHAPTER 2 LANDING This chapter contains a literature review . Girot specifically de fines the action of landing to ground problems and look for wa ys out. Landing here is the action to ground the notion of globalization, place, and regiona lism in the age of globalization. Landing is also the action to set the st age to examine the notion of topography and further research on Chinese villages. Globalization and Regional Culture Globalization is a dominant characteristic of the late 20th century, although industrialization, urbanization, a nd internationalization were tendencies for expansion in the past. Compared to these paradigms, contemporary globalization is much more extensive in geographical and disciplinary scop e, and its impact is more widespread and culturally deeper. Moreover, technica l advances in electronic media and telecommunications have increased the pace of globalization in contemporary times, leading to a tendency towards homogeniza tion. Consequently, the conflict between universal civilization and regional culture is more incisive today. Globalization is celebrated as a token of social development, but on the other hand, re gional culture seems unnecessary to globalization. Rem K oolhaas, in Â“Generic Cities,Â”1 believes that globalization could have no relational, histori cal or identity associations. This position 1 Rem Koolhaas, Â“Generic Cities,Â” in Rem Koolhaas and Bruce Mau, S, M, L, XL , (New York: Monacelli, 1998), p. 1248.
38 actually cuts the link between globalization and regional culture, and it refuses the possibility of a blend between them. The relationship of globalization with regional culture should not be simply regarded as a binary opposition. Paul Ricoeur, in his article Â“ Universal Civilization and National Cultures,Â”2 suggests that sustaining the Â“authe nticÂ” culture depe nds on creativity of the regional culture while encountering the influences of civilization as well as appropriation of the past culture. The possi bility of merging th em results from the features of globalization and th eir dependence on each other. Ricoeur indicates that Â“universal civiliza tionÂ” and Â“national cultureÂ” are different.3 He defines the techno-scientific handling of nature as the work of civilization and the social construction of meaning as the work of culture. But these two concepts are a dialectical pair: both are needed for human development. In RicoeurÂ’s explanation on the relations hip of Â“universal civilizationÂ” with Â“national culture,Â” as well as with regional pl ace, Â“universal civilizationÂ” is abstracted into a pure and rational process, and Â“na tional cultureÂ” is regarded as comprising 2 Paul Ricoeur, Â“Universal Civilization and National Cultures,Â” History and Truth , (Evanston, IL: Northwestern University Press, 1965), pp. 271-284. 3 Ricoeur designated a fivefold character of Â“universal civilization.Â” He wrote: Â“Human dimension: It is a purely abstract and rational unity of mankind which leads to all the other manifestations of modern civilization. Development of technics: This development may be understood as a revival of traditional tools on the basis of the consequences and applications of this single science. Existence of a rational politics: It is a concept of the rationalization of power represented by an administration. The modern State has recognizable univer sal structure. Not only is there the single political experience of mankind, but all regimes also have a certain path in common; as soon as certain levels of comfort, instruction, and culture are attained, we see th em all inescapably evolve from a dictatorial form to a democratic form. Existence of a rational, universal economy: Calculations concerning contingencies, techniques of marketcontrol, plans of forecasting and d ecisions, all of these have somethi ng in common despite the oppositions of capitalism and authoritarian socialism. Universal way of living: This way of living is manifested by the unavoidable standardization of housing and clothing.Â”
39 configurations of value, pr inciples, and ideals, which ar e historically and regionally unique. When civilization is endowed with univers al character, the premise is that mankind is regarded as one single unity. As one single unity, the diversity among individuals, groups, and regions is excluded. The human experience is abst racted as one unity. What is left is the biological pro cess of the human body, the activit y as life itself, and the pure relationship between human beings and nature. In this sense, civilization becomes a pure and rational process. As a pure and rational progress, civiliza tion narrows language into univocal terms so that it becomes techo-logic. Here ensues a reexam ination in the tools (means)-ends logic. Ricoeur writes: There is progress where one can disti nguish the phenomenon of the deposit of tools. We have to take the expression Â“t oolsÂ” in a very broad sense, covering both the property technical realm of instruments and of machines.4 Technology is the mediation in the re lationship between man and nature. Historically, technology develops out of tool-techniques thro ugh machine-techniques to the present electronic-techniques. Tec hnology goes through transformations, which correspond to its timely commitment. Martin Heidegger, in Â“The Question Concerning Technology,Â”5 expounded meansends logic in techniques. In his mind, means are considered as compulsory and universal, as the Â“genuine language,Â” whereas ends sink into the vanishing a nd particular and are called forth by the means. He refers to the roots of the word techne Â—used by the ancient 4 Paul Ricoeur, Â“Universal Civilization and National Cultures,Â” p. 276. 5 Martin Heidegger, The Question Concerning Technology and Other Essays , William Lovitt (trans.), (New York: Garland Publishing, Inc., 1977).
40 GreeksÂ—as the simultaneous activities and skills of the craftsperson, the arts of the mind, and the fine arts: technology, id ea, and art. In his mind, not only is technology a means to an end, but the means and the end reflect each other and interact in a complex way. We create technology but technology also create s us. He calls this process Â“enframing.Â” Technology as idea and poesis is made explicit in his characterization of the essence of technology as a mode of reveali ng what is hiddenÂ—a coming to presence, a starting on its way to arrival, a responsible o ccasioning of this process in space-time. For Heidegger, technology is the place where truth happens. Heidegger used the Rhine River as a prime example. The poet HÃ¶lderlin saw a stunning display of natu ral beauty from it, whereas today we see it as a resource, waiting to be dammed and used to produce electricity. Heidegger points out that although society still sees the Rhine as beautiful object, it no longer sees beauty as the essence of the Rhine. In Heidegger's words, the beauty of the Rhine is now seen in Â“no othe r way than as an object on call for inspection by a tour group ordered ther e by the vacation industry.Â”6 The example of the Rhine not only explores the techo-logic, but also reveals that civilization is not only a pro cess but also a progress of ma nkind. It is Â“a phenomenon of accumulation and a phenomenon of improvement.Â”7 Civilization means to replace past tools utilized for mankind with new technology in order to recognize and adapt the world in a new way. Although Â“universal civilizationÂ” is abstra cted as a rational process and as techologic, it is always endowed with human act ivities and mediation between human beings 6 Martin Heidegger, The Question Concerning Technology and Other Essays , p.16. 7 Ricoeur, Â“Universal Civilization and National Cultures,Â” p. 274.
41 and nature. Social work is regarded as th e work of regional cu lture. In this view, Â“universal civilizationÂ” and regional culture have the poten tial to impact each other. Regional culture is an open system. It ha s the potential to cooperate and combine with other cultures. Maria Gabriela Rebok, in Â“ Civilization and Cultural Identity in Postmodernity ,Â”8 referred to the Spanish language to set a path for culture to encounter other cultures. She set a struct ural threefold dimension for cu lture and argued that culture is capable of encountering othe r cultures based on the growth of freedom in cultures. This freedom encourages the plurality of langua ges. The openness of a culture allows its development. Â“A cultural tradition stays aliv e only if it constantly creates itself anew.Â”9 Only through giving meanings to this enc ounter between regional culture and outside cultures can we avoid repeating the pa st and have a chance for the future. As a part of progress, globalization is needed for the development of regional culture. A regional culture is c onsidered dead as soon as it is no longer renewed. Progress is the outside force or agent used in reshap ing regional culture. For regional culture to survive, it has to be capable of creativity to sustain and absorb ideas of the civilization in order to give meaning to their encounter. Although globalization is regarded as Â“ universalization,Â” it becomes Â“localÂ” because the universal ideas and processes have to be absorbed and adopted by different groups of people. Roland Robertson, in Â“G localization: Time-Space and Homogeneity8 Maria Gabriela Rebok, Â“Civilization and Cultural Identity in Postmodernity,Â” Topoi 17, (Kluwer Academic Publishers, 1998), pp. 29-36. 9 Ricoeur, Â“Universal Civilization and National Cultures,Â” p. 280.
42 Heterogeneity,Â”10 picks the global marketers as an instance to argue that sometimes globalization is localized stra tegically. In this sense, gl obalization is diversified and interpreted by regional culture in order to have effects. Based on this analysis, it is clear that globalization and re gional culture are interdependent. The conflict between them originates from the dual character of Â“universal civilizationÂ” in its encounter of Â“national cu lture,Â” which simultaneously destroys and spurs regional culture. Co mpared with the traditional, Â“universal civilizationÂ” is not intrinsic to regional place and culture. Â“Uni versal civilizationÂ” somehow caused destruction to regional cu lture. The worldwide financial networksÂ— from the ubiquitous presence of chain stor es and fast food, to advertisements for universally available consumer goodsÂ—all these phenomena are part of present-day effects of universal civilizati on. It Â“exerts a sort of attri tion or wearing away at the expense of the cultural resources which have made the great civiliz ations of the past.Â”11 However, the destruction to regional cultu re and place is not the reason to reject globalization. On the contrary, it recalls us to reexamine the method to merge them. It encourages us to safeguard regional place a nd culture, to examine its origins, and to remain faithful to historical patterns with emerging change. It implies that in the encounter of Â“universal ci vilizationÂ” and Â“regional cu lture,Â” we should not give preference to one or the other. We should s ituate the emerging globa l civilization in the diversity of regional culture s and all regional cultures in the universe of a global 10 Roland Robertson, Â“Glocalization: Time-Space and Homogeneity-Heterog eneity,Â” in Mike Featherstone, Scott Lash, and Roland Robertson (eds.), Global Modernities , (London: Sage Publications, 1995), pp. 2544. 11 Ricoeur, Â“Universal Civilization and National Cultures,Â” p. 276.
43 civilization. The encounter is a two-fold process involving being globalized and localized . Place Â“Can you imagine what it would be like if there were no places in the world?Â” Due to the importance of place to human beings and ignorance by human beings in modern timesÂ—Â“place has been regarded as an impove rished second cousin of Time and Space, those two colossal cosmic partne rs that tower over modernity.Â”12 Edward S. Casey calls for a return to place. Place is also favored by regionalists, especially at the time when homogenization dominates contemporary thoughts because, for them, place represents identity and uniqueness. The etymology Â“placeÂ” makes evident that the idea of place has been associated with space, openness, and extension. Â“PlaceÂ” in classical Latin platea means a Â“broad wayÂ” or Â“open space.Â” But place is not equal to space. Place is more than phys ical space, not a simple Â“containerÂ” as Aristotle addressed. Â“A place in which one can dwell is a place that provides a space in which dwelling can occurÂ—it Â‘gives spaceÂ’ to the possibility of dwellingÂ—and yet a place to dwell must be more than just a Â‘spaceÂ’ alone.Â”13 It is clear that place is prior to space. Aldo van Eyck even claimed that pl ace means more for human beings than space.14 Place constructs conditions that will build space and create connection between 12 Edward S. Casey, Getting Back into Place , (Bloomington, IL: Indiana University Press, 1993), p. xiv. 13 J.E. Malpas, Place and Experience: A Philosophical Topography , (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1999), p. 22. 14 In Team 10 Primer , (edited by Alison Smithson, 1965), Aldo van Eyck stated that Â“space has no room, time not a moment for man. He is excluded. . . . Whatever space an d time mean, place and occasion mean more.Â” (p. 43). His statement is based on the unders tanding of human activities as mobility and temporality. In this sense, place and occasion mean more for man than space and time.
44 human beings and dwelling. E ugene Victor Walter in his Placeways , defines place as a unity of physique and morale. In China, philosophers took the similar position with Walter. Laozi once utilized a vessel to expr ess the relationship of building and dwelling. In his mind, the building is the vesselÂ—th e containerÂ—for dwelling. Dwelling is the contents in the vessel. In this sense, Laozi indi cated that place contains physical forms and Â“moraleÂ” as well as Walter indicated. Place is an energy that both generates a nd locates human experience, Â“generating representations and causing changes in awareness.Â”15 Place is an open and yet bounded realm within which the being of the world can appear and within which events can take place. Place and human activities are inte rtwined. The human body moves within the built place, and events happen in the place. Al l these events bring social meaning into being and also change the meaning and identity of place. The meaning and identity of place is not stable or fixed, but constructed and changed with human actions. It is clearly shown in the development of Lausanne, Switzerland. Bernard Cache, in Earth Moves , shows that the token of Lausanne, Switzerland, was changed from the perched CitÃ© to the city of the Bourg crest. It was then changed to the city of the valley that stretches along the Flon , and finally to the city of the Leman slope surrounded by the Ceinture Pichard . No matter what resulted in this continuous change, sometimes due to the religion, someti mes due to the technical development or needs for communications, the id entity of the city has neve r stayed at one point. It transformed from one point to another. This success of transformati on contributed to the new construction appropriate to the situation at that time. The city identities are, 15 Eugene Victor Walter, Placeways , (Chapel Hill, NC: The University of North Carolina Press, 1988), p. 131.
45 therefore, set up through a se ries of constructions. These constructions seem to be indissolubly linked to the noti on of time. These constructions did not ground the place with certain image and certain memory. The case of Lausanne not only shows that place is c onstructed but also explains SolÃ -MoralesÂ’s statement that place is the production of an event. In Â“Place: Permanence or Production,Â” SolÃ -Morales cites the work of the anthropologist Marcel Detienne to question the notion of place. Detienne said Â“the re are free places, vacant, available. . . . First gestures, initial st eps: to begin, to inaugurate, to establish.Â”16 In SolÃ -MoralesÂ’s eyes, this process of making place uncovers the temporality of place. Place is not permanent. The characters of event, its temporality, vibration and grasping17 unveil the notion of place. Event is more than activity. Its temporality denies place as archaeological memory and images; its vibration makes sure that place has the en ergy to generate and change human experience as well as being ch anged; its grasping claims place as a strong expression of human needs and desire, as well as containers of human actions. The case of Lausanne relays a message th at topography not only contains physical features, but also political, social, and cultura l meanings. The shift of sites for tokens of the city expressed the shift of peopleÂ’s needs, politics, reli gion, and society. These needs were inscribed into topography, which give s the topography a memory and history. For example, the decision to locate a cathedral in CitÃ© carried religious and political significance. Today, CitÃ© still is the token for the c ity because it is the place of Â“predilection, whether as a seat for the Va ud parliament or as the place for local 16 SolÃ -Morales, Difference , p. 101. 17 See the exploration of Â“eventÂ” in Chapter 1 in this study. In Â“event,Â” the definitions of characters of event by SolÃ -Morales are given.
46 festivities.Â”18 The activities today re call the memory of topography of the past. The memory of topography organizes todayÂ’s programs. The above analysis of place starts from the term Â“ spaceÂ” in the definition of place (Â“open spaceÂ”) and finishes with the reconsid eration of place as a constructed scenario, which indicates the notion of time. How does th e term Â“openÂ” operate in the definition of place? On the one hand, the notion of Â“openÂ” in this definition would seem to be explored by place as a generator for space, which is s hown above. On the other hand, the notion of Â“openÂ” may be explored from the view of the boundary of place. Open indicates extension. The extension of place is more than to break through the physical limitation of space. If so, this extension to some degree is still limited to within a certain place. In fact, at the time that place is recognize d, the boundary of place is accepted. To open is to cross the boundary and interact with other places. Places are thus internally differentiated a nd interconnected in terms of other placesthus places are juxtaposed and intersect w ith one another; places also contain other places so that one can move inwards to find other places nested within a place as well as move outwards to a more encompassing localeÂ… The Â‘nestingÂ’ places, for instance, is a significant point of connection between place and memory.19 In contemporary time, the frequent migrati on of people, interna lly and externally, makes more evident that place is the production of the blend of the here place with the outside place, not as the production within and from itself. This position encourages us to see place not as a geographically fixed and determined Â“vern acular,Â” but as temporal and mobile. 18 Bernard Cache, Earth Moves: The Furnishing of Territories , (Cambridge, MA: The MIT Press, 1995), p. 14. 19 Malpas, Place and Experience , p. 34.
47 Place is not Â“grounded.Â” It articu lates itself and shifts through movement . In the view of John Rajchman, Â“ungroundednessÂ” frees place from the heaviness of Earth and bring a new perspective for people. Â“Once we give up the belief that our life-world is rooted in the ground, we may thus come to a point where Â“ungroundednessÂ” is no longer experienced as existential anxi ety and despair but as a freed om and lightness that finally allows us to move.Â”20 This position also clarifies the relationship between globalization and regional culture as a dial ectical pair. It also questions the thought that the remaining traditional style of buildings is the way to making place in contemporary time. Regionalism Regionalism has its l ongevity from Vitruvius21 to John Ruskin and Lewis Mumford.22 Regionalism had been regarded as standing against the mainstream in the field of architecture during diffe rent periods. At the end of 17th century, some scholars, such as Anthony, Earl of Shaftesbury, urged fo r an architecture that drew from nature, rejecting symmetry and absolutism.23 Romantic Regionalism in the 18th century was against the order and regularity inherent in Neo-Classicalism. For Ruskin, architecture is 20 John Rajchman, Constructions , (Cambridge, MA: The MIT Press, 1997), p. 88. 21 In Chapters 1 and 2, Book VI, De Re Architectura , Vitruvius introduced the term Â“regionalÂ” to the building. For him, regional architecture was constr ucted by specific exterior and interior conditions. Different environments and characteristics of a house resulted in different buildings going from region to region. 22 Alexander Tzonis and Liane Lefaivre identify five historical phases for the evolution of regionalism: the picturesque, the romantic, the Nazi Heimat , the commercial, and critical regionalism in Â“Critical Regionalism,Â” Critical Regionalism: The Pomona Meeting Proceedings , (Pomona, CA: The College of Environmental Design, 1991), pp. 3-28. 23 Anthony, Earl of Shaftesbury (1621-1683), in his Characteristics of Men, Manners, Opinions , stated that Â“I sing of NatureÂ’s order in creating beings, and celeb rate the beauties which resolve in thee, the source and principle of all beauty and perfectio n. . . . We contemplate (Nature) w ith more delight in these original wilds than in the artificial labyrinths and feigned w ildernesses of the palace.Â” (Source: Alexander Tzonis, Â“Introduction an Architecture of the Present: Critical Regionalism and the Design of Identity,Â” Critical Regionalism: Architecture and Identity in a Globalized World , Munich: Prestel, 2003, p. 14).
48 built as a Â“memory machineÂ” to reconstruc t lost Â“authority.Â” Ruskin preferred conservation rather than restoration. In his views, restoration means to recover to the original condition, which erased human memory and experience. Mumford, in Sticks and Stones , reconfigured the concept of regional architecture by hi s critique on Â“imperialÂ” Beaux Arts buildings. Today, due to the cr isis of globalization and environment, regionalism is put forward in order to bring id entity, tradition, and place back to people. Â“Critical RegionalismÂ” is the contemporary trend. It is clear that regionalism indicates the local and speci fic to a region. It indicates that all regions contain a core and an esse nce, which recall the specialty of a region. Ironically, within a special region, conditions are homogeneous. The specific region is occupied by similar objects that have comm on characters. Regionalism seems to identify the common characters in a distinct area and pr esent it to the future. A crucial question is formulated: What is the common character of a region that is different from other regions? How can they be identified? And mo re importantly, how are they projected? Preservation, exploration, and mimesis of traditional forms and utilization of local materials and craft have been strategies for regionalism. Even for an approach Â“Critical Regionalism,Â” an interest has remained in spec ific elements from the region that can be used to make place. Critical Regionalism is based on Norberg-SchulzÂ’s Â“genuis loci.Â” The genius loci comes from the materials and formal constitution of a place, Â“structure of spaceÂ” in his words, and Â“general comprehensiv e atmosphereÂ” or aura. Using this basis, Frampton calls the new regionalism as the res onance of a re-appropriation of the sense of place, of the tectonic, of light and climate, of local material and craft, of topography. Under the call for identity and difference in the contemporary, some designers return to
49 traditional forms to express the genius loci as a response to Critical Regionalism. In fact, this backtracks to the regionalism of the 18th century. Therefore, Alan Colquhoun, in his Â“The Concept of Regionalism,Â” claims that Critical Regionalism will remain trapped in formalism, and the term Â“criticalÂ” has no specific meaning if Critical Regionalism focuses only on the expression of traditional form as a method for place-making. Contrary to the critique of Col quhoun, however, Critical RegionalismÂ’s contribution to architectural theory lies in its analysis of re gionalism as a condition distancing itself from a movement. Frampton a ttempts to retreat regionalism from the sentimental by attaching the word Â“critical.Â” Critical, 24 in the specialized usage of Kant and the Frankfurt School, means to challenge both the world as it exists and underlying world views. Critical Regionalism challenges th e idea that regionalism is simply a return to traditional situations. A clear distincti on is noted by Harwell Hamilton Harris. Based on his experience in California, he identif ied two kinds of Regionalism. One kind is Â“Regionalism of Restriction,Â” wh ich is the Â“result of standing still while the rest of the world changes.Â”25 It is self-proud. It cares more for preserving an obscure dialect than for 24 The Frankfurt SchoolÂ’s Critical Theory is the foundation for FramptonÂ’s Critical Regionalism. Â“My [Frampton] affinity for the critical theory of the Fr ankfurt School has no doubt colored my view of the world period and made me acutely aware of the dark side of the Enlightenment which, in the name of unreasonable reason, has brought man to a situation where he begins to be as alienated from its production as from the natural world.Â” (Kenneth Frampton, Modern Architecture: A Critical History , New York: Thames and Hudson, 3rd Edition, 1992), p. 9. The Frankfurt account of the e ssential distinguishing features of a Â“criti cal theoryÂ” consists of three aspects: 1) Critical theories have special standing as guides for human action in that: they are aimed at producing enlightenment in the agents who hold them; they are inherently emancipatory, i. e., they are free agents from a kind of coercion which is at least partly self-imposed from self-frustration of conscious human action. 2) Critical theories have cognitive conten t, i.e., they are forms of knowledge. 3) Critical theories differ epistemologically in essential ways from theories in the natural sciences. Theories in natural science are Â“objectifyingÂ”; critical theories are Â“reflectiveÂ”. 25 Harwell Hamilton Harris, Â“Regionalism and Nationalism,Â” Student Publication of the School of Design North Carolina State of the University of North Carolina at Raleigh, Volume 14, Number 5, p. 27.
50 expressing a new idea. Romantic Regionalism in the 18th century is typical of this kind of regionalism. The other kind is Â“Regionalism of Liberation,Â” which is Â“in tune with the emerging thought of the time.Â”26 Â“Its value is that its manifestation has significance for the world outside itself.Â”27 Â“Regionalism of LiberationÂ” makes the notion of regionalism different from the notion of vernacular architecture, which is usua lly defined as architec ture with traditional form, technology, and materials. If vernacular architecture represents the past and the value of traditional culture and society, regional architecture represents the present and reveals contemporary situations. Regionalism is not static, but mobile. Authentic Regionalism should be open to the ever-cha nging world and respond to the changes of time and the outside world. Only through gi ving meanings to the encounter between regional culture and outside cu ltures can we avoid going ba ck to the past by simply repeating it. Only by bringing new informati on into regional culture can it survive and develop. The impact of the outside world and the changes of situations in the specific region are the sources for the development of regional architecture. Therefore, regional architecture is not a geographically fixed and determined vernacular. The concept of Â“Regionalism of LiberationÂ” makes us reexamine the following binary ideas: regional (local) and global, tradition and modernity, imitation and redefinition, advanced te chnology and local craft. Regional and Global Every regional culture necessarily has a unive rsal side to it. It is steadily open to influences that come from other parts of the world, and fr om other cultures, 26 Ibid., p. 27. 27 Ibid., p. 27.
51 separated from the local region in space or tim e or both together. It would be useful if we formed the habit of never using th e word regional without mentally adding to it the idea of universalÂ–remembering the c onstant contact and interchange between local scene and the wide world that lies beyond it. To make the best use of local resources, we must often seek help from people or ideas or technical methods that original elsewhere. . . . As with a human being, every culture must both be itself and transcend itself; it must make the most of its limitations and must be open to fresh experience and yet it must maintain its integrity. In no other art is that process more sharply focused than in architecture. 28 Regionalism has been seen as a rejection of Â“universalÂ” order. In fact, regionalism should be regarded as a complementary trend to globalization instea d of a contradictory one. Rem Koolhaas, in Â“Generic Cities,Â” states that globalization is an unstoppable force that cannot be impacted by the local situa tion. He celebrates the generic city as the expression of globalization at the level of ur ban planning. It Â“is nothi ng but a reflection of present need and present ability. It is the city without history.Â”29 That globalization dominates regional culture is based on the t hought that differences can be ignored. The urban is a spatially conditioned and expresse d social practice. Cities are not the same even under the impact of globali zation: Tokyo is not Shanghai. As Marc Gilbert states, Tokyo and New York, as megalopolis cities, look similar if we focus on the image of the city. But the facts that impact construction of cities are different. Â“New York has property divisions, zo ning laws and a tradit ion of using land as commodity that allows row houses to be transformed into skyscrapers. Tokyo does not: urban practice there produces low-lying, fi ne-grained and driving ranges for golf.Â”30 28 Lewis Mumford, The South in Architecture , (New York: Harcourt, Brace and company 1941), p. 38. 29 Koolhaas, Â“Generic Cities,Â” p. 1250. 30 Mark Gilbert, On Beyond Koolhaas: Identity, Samene ss and the Crisis of City Planning , (Source: http://wuv.uibk.ac.at/pdf/g ilbert_city.pdf, Accessed on September 19, 2004).
52 Tokyo changes without an overall plan and t ypically at a slow speed than a globaleconomized make-over. These facts show the difference in the identities between Tokyo and New York. These facts are rooted in the pa st and extended themselves into the future. In the globalized world, regional identity c ould be eradicated. At the same time, globalization is an outside force for regiona lism to evolve. At the level of economy, the interaction between region and gl obal is unavoidable. At the level of culture, culture is more complicated and fluid, but not closed or static. Cultural deve lopments are based on cross-fertilization with other cultures. The en counter of the regional with the global is a process to be globalized as well as localized. Tradition and Modernity Etymologically, Â“traditionÂ” is derived from the Latin verb tradere , meaning to pass on to another. In the Oxford English Dictionary ( OED ), the definition of this term is Â“the action of handing over to a nother; delivery, transfer.Â”31 Â“TraditionÂ” in Chinese consists of two Chinese characters. One is Â“ChuanÂ” , meaning Â“to pass onÂ” as indicated in English. The other is Â“TongÂ” . Â“TongÂ” is a verb, which means Â“to unite parts,Â” while as a noun it means Â“unity.Â” In these two definitions, the action of Â“passing onÂ” is identical. In the definition from the OED , there is no mention about what is handed down or in what manner. Maybe it is a physic al or a cultural cons truction handed down to the next generation. The Chinese notion of Â“traditionÂ” indicates stability. Combining these two versions, the notion of Â“traditio nÂ” indicates an implicit balance between stability and transformation. 31 The Oxford English Dictionary (compact edition), p. 3371.
53 The action of Â“passing onÂ” in fact is a pr ocess of keeping and transforming. Besides keeping what it had, the process of passing on to othersÂ—no matter in oral format or written formatÂ—includes the action of transfor mation. Â“Passing onÂ” needs a carrier to do this action. Sometimes the carrier is an individual. Sometimes it is a group of people. In the process of passing on, what is hande d down is unavoidably impacted by these carriers, depending on how they view the world. It is a view biased by their prior beliefs as well as their desires. The notion of Â“TongÂ” in Â“traditionÂ” indicates that in the process of transformation and acts of possession, there are still important elements that remain discernible. These traditions are actually selected. From a whole possible area of past and present, certain meanings and practices are chosen for emphasis, certain other mean ings and practices are neglected and excluded. . . . Some of these meanings a nd practices are reinte rpreted, diluted, or put into forms which support or at least do not contradict other elements within the effective dominant culture.32 In this process of selection, it is unavoida ble that human needs and desires play an important role. Human selection of these elemen ts indicates that some criteria exist. The criteria may be political need s, or social demands, or sometimes related to aesthetic tastes. No matter what the crit eria, they are doubtless based on the present situation, not the past. The past provides only the sources, an d the present selects part of them to be passed on. Traditions have been transformed and re defined to adapt to the present. The relation of tradition w ith modernity (Â“dominant cultureÂ”) is not opposite, but Â“meltsÂ” into 32 Tan Hock Beng, Â“Modernizing Appropriations/ Approaching Modernity,Â” in Alexander Tzonis, Liane Lefaivre and Bruno Stagno (eds.), Tropic Architecture: Critical Regionalism in the Age of Globalization , (New York: Wiley-Academy, 2001), p. 102.
54 modernity. Transformation is not equal to viol ent changes. Alterations in the process of transformation are not abrupt and separable fr om the dominant culture. These alterations are melted into tradition and cooperative to the dominant culture. Transformation is a process, not an instinct acti on. The melting process has str uggles and concessions, finally becoming one. Tradition is a product of cultural development which is a state of intervention, compromise, con tinuity, and discontinuity. On ly when we understand that tradition experiences undergoing changes and keeps continually developing will we find a balance and connection between regionali sm and globalization, between tradition and modernity. Imitation and Redefinition The question of how to approach traditi on separates Critical Regionalism from other concepts of regionalism in history. Preservation of valuable historical build ings is undoubtedly necessary in certain circumstances. But imitation of historical build ings in order to reca ll the past is not the right way to represent regional culture becau se this method simplifies regional identity into physical forms. As mentioned before, tradition is not stable but constructed. Â“Traditions which survive are the ones that evolve constantly, and become subject to reinterpretation and renewed adaptation to the present.Â”33 The traditional forms continue to evolve and transform. Imitation of past fo rms and elements is based on ignorance of evolvement of tradition. 33 Alexander Tzonis & Liane Lefaivre, Â“The Suppression and Rethinking of Regionalism and Tropicalism After 1945,Â” in Tzonis, Lefaivre and Stagno (eds.), Tropic Architecture: Critical Regionalism in the Age of Globalization , p. 24.
55 Ricoeur asks the questions, Â“How to become modern and to return to sources; how to revive an old, dormant civilization a nd take part in universal civilization.Â”34 Critical Regionalism brought out the concept of defamiliarization to express resistance in order to argue that the idea of local place can be cons tructed and lived in as a positive force in contemporary culture. In the view of Alexander Tzonis and Liane Lefaivre, defamiliarization is a suitable method, which is used to represent regional elements in an unfamiliar light. They believe that Â“the operations of identifying, decomposing, recomposing regional elements in a new way are part of the universal skill set of architects.Â”35 This makes it possible that an Â“o utsiderÂ” could carry out Critical Regionalism committed to the understanding of local constraints. Defamiliarization 36 means that a critical reevaluation of lo cal culture, employing modernist strategies, elevates their proposed regionalism above the parochial. It is inst rumental only in its current critical phase. Defamiliarization is a process of redefiniti onÂ—which is based on understanding tradition not as a fix referenceÂ—so we coul d catch the opportunities of today and deal with them in contemporary situations. In some sense, through redefinition we go back to the past, face the present, and open the future. 34 Ricoeur, Â“Universal Civilization and National Cultures,Â” pp. 276-277. 35 Alexander Tzonis and Liane Lefaivre, Â“Why Criti cal Regionalism Today?,Â” in Kate Nesbitt (ed.), Theorizing a New Agenda for Architecture: An Anthology of Architecture Theory 1965-1995 , (New York: Princeton Architectural Press,1997), p. 489. 36 In their article, Â“Why Critical Regionalism Today?,Â” Tzonis and Lefaivre state that Â“it selects these regional elements for their potential to act as sup port, physical or conceptual, of human contact and community, what we may call Â‘ place-definingÂ’ elements , and incorporates them Â‘strangelyÂ’ rather than Â‘familiarly.Â’ In other words, it makes them appear distant, hard to grasp, difficult, even disturbing. It frames as if it were the sense of place in a strange sense of disp lacement. . . . Hence, through appropriately chosen poetic devices of defamiliarization, critical regionalism makes the building appear to enter into an imagined dialogue with the viewer.Â” (p. 489)
56 However, if we stick to that Â“Iden tifying, decomposing, recomposing regional elementsÂ” is the only way to redefine regiona l architecture, it is easy to be trapped in formalism just as some scholars regard vernacular architecture as sources to meet contemporary cultural circumstances. It is one of the reasons that Critical Regionalism has its many critics. In his book Uncommon Ground , David Leatherbarrow utilized the analysis of Aris Konstan tinidis on Greek arch itecture to show that although the vernacular context could be seen as basic cond itions used to guide and to determine the spaces and materials of modern building, it is not necessarily ordinary. Instead of ancient temples, Konstantinidis illustrated a market in Athens as Â“profoundly Greek in spirit, appearance, plasticity and artistic wisdom.Â”37 The market exemplified the Â“ordinary and essential.Â” This place is not pure vernacular and pre-moder n, but it is particular about ways of living. It is a consequence of regul ar use and familiar elements surrounding us. As examined above, what we need from tradition is what continues to survive from the past time, what it should be adapted with current situations. KonstantinidisÂ’s analysis shows that what we need from tradition is Â“ways of living.Â” Ways of living may be expressed loudly or silently, ma ybe in vernacular architecture, in its form and structure, or in tectonic details as wayang performances in the pringgitan . The expression may exist in a familiar way but we may be unaware of it, Â“for they are just as remote as they are familiar, as mute as sensible, as silence as expressive.Â”38 But these things that are carried from the past to the present will also be meaningful for the future. 37 Aris Konstantinidis studied the market in his book Elements for Self-Knowledge . (Athens: Graphic Arts Karydakis Brothers Ltd., 1975, pp. 163-312.) 38 David Leatherbarrow, Uncommon Ground: Architecture, Technology, and Topography , (Cambridge, MA: The MIT Press, 2000), p. 284.
57 Redefinition means that we do not want to keep the world as same as before. We opt for difference. Difference is not only the starting point to unders tand the attributes of a particular place, but also a starting point to build a connection between the past and the present. John Rajchman calls for lightness to: try out a concept to risk a nother freer, more mobile, mo re experimental sort of relation, where a concep t is not shown in a single fo rmal trait or signature but assembles and reassembles many different design features past and present in an original manner, linked to a larger comp lex that looks to architectures yet to come.39 It is regarded as the disappearance of th e anchoring of place, region, or proximity in the new technological world-c ity of postindustria l capitalism and a re lease from the tradition. In the view of Italo Calvino, lightness for literature is Â“the strength to change the face of realityÂ”; the search for Â“lightne ss is a reaction to the weight of living.Â”40 However, lightness is not a cut from tradition, and it is not a missing of the present either. Lightness is also not simply related to the past and present. It calls for Â“original,Â” which is more radical than defamilization . But both of them emphasize the distance and difference from the past and an ambiguous conne ction to the past. For Gilles Deleuze, as for Bernard Cache, what is si gnificant about the fold is th at it provides a way to rethink the relationship between the in terior and exterior, between the past and present, and between architecture and landscape. In the view of Greg Lynn, the folding is not deconstructive, but a more fluid logic of conn ectivity. It is not to emphasize or express the differences, but to link differences betw een form and their contexts. For Casey, the deconstructive is the means to the realizati on of possibilities. That is an activity of 39 Rajchman, Constructions , p. 38. 40 Italo Calvino, Â“Lightness,Â” in Todd Gannon (ed.), The Light Construction Reader , (New York: The Monacelli Press, 2002), p. 253.
58 limitation and resemblance. The folding is an ac tivity of the actualization of the virtual, which operates by differentiation, diverg ence, and creation. Peter EisenmanÂ’s development of Rebstockpark, Frankfurt, ma y not be a good example as an architectural project, but it clarifies the concept of folding, which is utilized in the discourse of architecture. He unfolded two existing urban contextsÂ—the modernis t isolated point and block or linear slab and the perimeter block as a basic unit. In folding, he indexed complexities in urban space. On the one hand, it explains the relationship between folding and unfolding. On the other hand, from th e process of his desi gn, it indicates that although the final consequence of design through folding visually is a stranger to the past images, its source was rooted in the past and the context. Advanced Technology and Local Craft Technology is easy to understand as phys ical objects or knowledge. Actually, technology is never distant from social Â“d imension.Â” Technology and place are never opposed. Heidegger examines technology, or techne , through ontology. In his mind, the essence of technology is Â“enframi ng,Â” a process to reveal. In The Question Concerning Technology , he states that we create technology, but tec hnology also creates us. Technology enters the innermost recesses of human existence, transforming the way we know and think. Technology is, in essence, a mode of human existence. Based on his ideas, technology is seen as a process of so cial construction and a dialog between the Â“geographicalÂ” location and sense of place. Donald MacKenzie and Judith Wajcman, in their article Â“Introductory Essay,Â” show that technology has three defining aspect s: 1) physical object; 2) human activities;
59 and 3) knowledge.41 The interaction between human be ings and technology is the glue that binds the discourse of places and tec hnologies. In other words, their encounter embodies technology and place with the concept of Â“space.Â” Henri Lefebvre, in The Production of Space , mentions that when technology act s upon nature, the social space is produced. At the same time, each society or each mode of production produces its own peculiar type of space.42 Place is made based on the entrance of technology. Technology is inscribed with sense of place when it en ters into each society. The relationship of technology and place is mutually made and making. Compared with strict Modernism and Po stmodernism, the doctrine of Critical Regionalism proposes a major renovation to th ese modernist ideologies that avoid a simple opposition between place and technol ogy. Place and technology are both positive forces for Critical Regionalism. Critical Re gionalism demands resp ect for place. At the same time, it prefers the maki ng of architecture as a tectoni c fact. Technology is a media to express analogy and difference in making place. Modernism is synonymous with the process of modernization and the replacemen t of old technology with new technology. Frampton illustrates samples of international style buildings from various countries to prove that modernism devalues place and regionalism. Postmodernism is developed 41 Donald MacKenzie and Ju dith Wajcman (eds.), The Social Shaping of Technology , (Milton Keynes, Philadelphia: Open University Press), 1985 , p. 3. Steven A. Moore, in his Â“Technology, Place and the Nonmodern Thesis , Â” ( Journal of Architecture Education , February 2001, pp. 130-139), utilizes the definition of technology from M acKenzie and Wajcman and the definition of place from John Agnew to prove that place and technology both have similar Â“structures.Â” Agnew, in Place and Politics , states that place has three levels: locale, Â“the setting in which so cial relations are constitu tesÂ”; location, objective location, Â“the geographical are encompassing the settings for social interactionÂ”; sense of place, the local Â“structure of feelings,Â” similar to Norberg-Schulz. In the view of Moore, the locale in place and the human activities in technology hold place and technology together. (John Agnew, Place and Politics: The Geographical Mediation of State and Society, Boston: Allen & Unwin, 1987, p. 28). 42 Henri Lefebvre, The Production of Space , Donald Nicholson-Smith (trans.), (Oxford, UK: Blackwell, 1991), p. 31.
60 simply as an opposition to modernism. Its theo retical and aesthetic formulations of place rely heavily on culture familiarity. Postmodernists create places consistent with formal determinism, but not consistent with tec hnology. From the projects of Postmodernism, we sometimes see its reaction to Â“placeÂ” main ly as a Â“faÃ§ade.Â” Technology seems to have no place in making place. Since technology is related to place-m aking, what kind of roles do local and advanced technologies play in the process of place-making? Local craft is in essence the history of the local. Advanced technology is required for future development of the region. Usually advanced tec hnology is regarded as discont inuous and destructive to traditional craft and ways of making. As a ma tter of fact, considering cultural context does not mean neglecting modern technology. Ba sed on the understanding of tradition as an evolving process, advanced technology can be viewed as one of our choices to redefine tradition and one way to combine regional culture w ith universal culture. When technology is input into a certain place, it wi ll absorb other conditions of design, such as economic, social, and practical conditions, be cause design and constr uction are processes by which technology is objectified. The local craft is important in understanding basic conditions for place, but not the model to be copied. In the process of place-making, technology be comes questionable if it becomes an event in itself: When a building becomes a symb ol of advanced techno logy or local craft, it is merely self-referential. Australian arch itect Glenn Murcutt said that Â“I like an architecture where the technology is incidental or, alternatively, is integrated in such a
61 way as to be mute.Â”43 Being mute does not mean to be ne glected. Being mute is a gesture to avoid self-reference and go back to its essence Â“enframing,Â” as Heidegger defines. As we have seen, regionalism is not tim eless but constructed. It reveals that regionalism, as a production of place-making, is temporary. It is not permanent. Any specific period leaves marks on place. But any architecture in any pe riod of time should not be regarded as the end of regionalism. Meanwhile, this understa nding of regionalism also reveals that it is a Â“vibration.Â” It could extend, fl ow, and impact in a certain area. The reason that certain comm on characters in architecture happened in a specific region is based on similar constellations of events th at occur in that area. Under the force of globalization, this view of regionalism seems to be complementary to globalization, and accepts regional culture, society, technology, economy, and ecology. Inclusions, Exclusions, and Contributions As mentioned in Chapter 1, my study cal ls for a place-making strategy that examines the regional identity and formulat es interactions between the global and the regional in the discourse of ar chitecture. It also limits and establishes a methodology to achieve regional id entity in a world of globalization. My study includes two parts: 1) exploring the potential of top ography to redefine regional architecture; and 2) studying rehabili tation of a Chinese traditional village from this frame of reference. Based on the literature review, it is clear that regional architecture is a complex system, including cultural, political, and so cial impacts. The research on regional architecture has been focused on form and st ructure. Recently scholars have studied how 43 Kenneth Frampton (ed.), The Jerusalem Seminar in Architecture: Technology, Place and Architecture , (New York: Rizzoli, 1996), p. 75.
62 to redefine regional architect ure from the view of climate or tectonic expression. Topography, however, has been noticeably abused or ignored. In fact, topography is not simply geographic terrain. It is a place e ngraved with human ac tivities and embodied with cultural and social values. My study on the potential of topography to redefine regional architecture attempts to fill this ga p and to observe regional architecture from a different perspective. Notions of place, tr adition, and regionalis m are reexamined in terms of topography in order to understand th em in contemporary s ituations and build strategies for intervention into traditional or historic contexts. The emphasis on topography in my study is re stricted to place-making, its potential meaning for contemporary cities, and its poten tial design strategies summarized from contemporary design works. This study will not examine geographic attributes. In other words, studies not included ar e1) how different geographic te rritories redefine different regional architecture and 2) in similar ge ographic situations, why different regional architecture exists and what makes this difference happens. Although my study calls for attention of topography on its creating regional arch itecture, topography is never regarded as the only source or even the decisive force in every case to redefine regional architecture. My study utilizes the potential of topogr aphy to create regional architecture in Chinese villages. The studies of China become a timely issue in many disciplines in the West because of recent rapid development and dramatic changes occurring in China. At this point, in the field of architecture, rese arch is based on how to preserve and keep existing buildings in their original conditi on as the Getty Conservation Institute (GCI) and the State Administration fo r Cultural Heritage (SACH) have done in China with the
63 collaboration of the Australian Heritage Commission (AHC). They, along with a China governmental body, developed Principles for Conservation of Heritage Sites in China 44 to guide the conservation and management of cultural sites in the country. From the title of the document, we could see that their rese arch is limited within the scope of heritage sites. They state that the principles are the universal codes for conservation in China. In its Articles 19 and 21, the document says th at Â“intervention should be minimalÂ” and Â“physical remains should be conserved in th eir historical condition without the loss of evidence.Â” All these statements convey one mess age: Conservation is to keep what it has and the principles for developing these sites as living communities ar e not to be touched. Other recent research regards vernacular architecture as a model. Vernacular style, form, materials, and details are their focus as the MIT Housing Research Center studies the Chinese housing.45 Besides the focus of form, they also conduct some research on technology in order to set up some strategi es for heating and cooling to create a sustainable housing. Although their goal cate rs to contemporary needs to call for sustainable environment, their positionÂ—regar ding vernacular architec ture as model to design form and typology for housingÂ—is questionable. In China, the research on villages focused mainly on documentation from the 1930s to the 1980s. The documentation continued into the 1990s, but the compute technologies are widely input and utilized to construc t 3-dimensional models of villages and 44 The Getty Conservation Institute and China ICOMOS, Principles for Conservation of Heritage Sites in China , translated by China ICOMOS, edited by Neville Agnew and Martha Demas, Source: http://www.icomos.org/australia/images/pdf/china_prin .pdf, 2000. (Last accessed on March 16, 2005.) 45 The MIT research is accessed from http://chinahous ing.mit.edu/english/chin a/vernacular/index.html. (Last accessed on March 16, 2005.)
64 buildings.46 At the end of the 1980s, the situati on changed. The discip lines of history, folklore, religion, anthropology, geography and polit ics were incorporated into studies of Chinese villages.47 The interaction of different discip lines pushes research on villages to break the former Â“form-functionÂ” research method. Villages are examined based on the background of cultural and social environment. However, their studies still stay on how to understand traditional villages in a certain cultural environment from their past. They neglect the function of time on the development of villages. In other words, how traditional villages react to contemporary situations is not included. Although these studies propose that the village is a system, their subjects for research focus mostly on building typology. Topography is treate d only as a physical territory. The position of my study is to view the village as a whole and read it and its architecture from the view of topogr aphy, which impacts villageÂ’s formation, development, and future. My study focuses on ho w to rehabilitate and adapt the village or current situations instead of keeping it as an original one. The study on rehabilitation stays at the level of the fabric, not at th e level of individual buildings. Of course, architectural discourse could not handle rehabilitation of traditional villages alone. Rehabilitation encompasses cooperation and consideration from the views of politics, 46 School of Architecture in the Southeast University, China, has a program to m easure villages in situ. Southeast University Press has published a series of books on these villages. In their books Tangyue , Zhangqi , Yuliang and Zhifeng , digital models are used to show the structures of villages and individual buildings. 47 In the study on vernacular architecture in Fujian Province, An Pan, based on interactions of different disciplines, states that vernacular architecture in Fuji an Province is a complicated system with multifactors, multilayers, and multi-indexes, and summarizes that the architectural typology, the overall plan and features of forms originated from cultural environment. In 1992 and 1994, Qingwen Wang published two papers about impacts of natural and social environment on the difference of vernacular architecture in China. In the early 1990s, Zhihua Cheng, Qingxi Lou and Qiuxiang Li did fieldwork on some villages in Zhejiang Province. They observed villages as part of a regional culture. They regarded all types of buildings in villages as a system to express regional culture, not as individual typology to express function.
65 economics, culture, and architecture. In my study, the roles of architecture in rehabilitation of traditional villages are th e major concern, but the research could not avoid discussing economic and political issues . At the same time, my study attempts to build a new view about preserva tion in China. Historical preservation should be based on preserving sites as Â“livingÂ” commun ities, not as Â“exhibitionÂ” museums.
66 CHAPTER 3 TOPOGRAPHY AS PLACE-MAKING Notions of Topography Etymology of Topography The sources to redefine regi onal architecture that Critical Regionalism refers to are site-specific factors, Â“rangi ng from the topography, considering as a three dimensional matrix into which the structure is fitted, to the varying play of local light across the structure. . . . and climate.Â”1 In this view, topography is rega rded as the potential to create regional architecture, but the no tion of topography is of the very opacity in this statement. Concepts of topography are often not dis tinguished from the notions of simply geographic features, the cont ours of a given place. Et ymologically, topography in Chinese ( ) means the shape of ground. But in fact topography is a complex word. Without doubt, topography is a physical environm ent. However, topography is not simply a surface issue. The land, mountains and hills, rivers and seas, and plants on the ground, are all physical features of topography. They are three-dime nsional structures that have visual and spatial impact on inhabitants. In his research on Japanese mountain areas, Tadahiko Higuchi applied Kevin LynchÂ’s methodology2 on an analysis of urban settings to landscape. Boundaries, focus-center-goal, directionality, and domain become four 1 Kenneth Frampton, Modern Architecture , (London: Thames and Hudson Ltd., 3rd Edition, 1997), p. 327. 2 Kevin Lynch in The Image of the City abstracted urban spaces as landmark, path, node, edge, and district. HiguchiÂ’s work is based on Kevin LynchÂ’s work, The Image of the City , and Christian Norberg-SchulzÂ’s Existence, Space, and Architecture .
67 elements for Higuchi to give structural identity to landscapes . Topography becomes a spatial structure, a three-dimensional matrix. But topography is never a purely physical subj ect, no matter whether it is treated as a surface or a 3-dimensional matrix. Etymologically, topography combines the Greek word topos with the Greek word graphein or Latin graphia . The word topos , a prefix of Â“topography,Â” means place. In the classical language, topos carried the important notion of dimensionality, while it suggested only objective features of a place. In the Physics , Aristotle defined topos as Â“the first unchangeable limit of that which surrounds.Â”3 Topos became a motionless boundary of a container, which was different from what is inside and what goes through changes. On the contrary, the term chora is used to describe the volume of the container by Ar istotle. In ancient Greek, chora stands out as quality of place. Later, Christians named sacred places Topoi ,4 which extended the notion of topos to include human experience, memory, and activities. The Oxford English Dictionary extends the notion of topography into three major items: 5 1. The science or practice of describing a particular place, city, town, manor, parish, or tract of land. The accurate and detail ed delineation and description of any locality. b) A detailed description or delineat ion of the features of a locality. 3 Aristotle, Physics , iv 5, 212a20, translated as given in AristotleÂ’s Physics Books, III and IV , Edward Hussey (trans.), (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1983). 4 In Placeways , E.V. Walter mentioned that the term topos first appeared in the work of Aeschylus. It was not until around 470 B.C. that Topos in this work only suggested location, comparing to chora as the love of a place. In Hellenistic Greek, about the 3rd century B.C., Â“The Septuagint spread topos throughout its translation of the Hebrew Bible as th e Greek word for a holy place. Later, the Christians also called sacred places topoi , and the term chora carried technical and ad ministrative meanings.Â” ( Placeways , p. 120.) 5 The Oxford English Dictionary (compact edition), p. 3354.
68 c) Localization, local dist ribution; the study of this. 2. The features of a region or locality collectively. 3. a) The determination of the position of the various parts and organs of the body; regional anatomy. b) The determination and naming of the di fferent regions or parts of the surface of an animal. In broad terms, topography has four main senses: 1) spec ific features within a place or region; 2) relations among co mponents in a structure; 3) a representation, not a mirror; and 4) localization. Etymologically graphein meant writing or repr esenting, which entails topography two current meanings: a Â“graphic represen tationÂ” of a place or region on a map, indicating their relative positions and elevations Â” or a Â“detailed, precise descriptionÂ” of a place or region.6 The description of a place mean s the creation of a metaphorical equivalent in words of a landscape. But descript ion is more than that. It is also an action of mapping (see Chapter 1 about mapping ), mapping the relative pos itions and elevation of features of a place, as well as mapping the relation between th e natural environment and human beings. Localization is the other key word. It designates that topography is the representation of particulars, a nd it reveals the knowledge of th e place not as a type but as a place itself. It is about Â“a quite unique place not to be found elsewhere on earth.Â”7 It is the production of localization. 6 From American HeritageÂ® Dictionary of the English Language. 7 Casey, Representing Place: Landscape Painting & Maps , p. 196.
69 Topography Encapsulates Human Experience We walk upon the earth, rejo icing in our body as it rise s and falls following the undulating surface of the earth, feeling the breeze slipping across your face, touching rocks and trees, enj oying the bright light on rocks, the color of the sky. . . . The nature forces, the geometry of the eart h, the quality of the light and air single out this land as a birthplace of civilization. Dimitris Pikionis, Sentimental Topography , 1988.8 In Dimitris PikionisÂ’s de scription, two figures are brought into play: human sentiment and objects on the site. The stuff of our Â“innerÂ” lives is to be found in the exterior spaces and places themselves ar e incorporated Â“withinÂ” us. The outside and inside are intimate and ready to be reve rsed. Topography becomes the sentimental place that people touch Â“outsideÂ” and embody Â“ins ide.Â” It is the place that arouses people rejoicing, sadness and feeling about life through the earth, light, air a nd temperature. This kind of tie concerns human identity not only on an individual level, but also on the level of a group or community. It establishes a territory of topography and connects it to a region and makes it special to this group. In Topophilia ,9 Yi-Fu Tuan argues that different topographies, to some degree, construct various world views specific to diffe rent groups of people. Even in a similar environment, world views could be differe nt. He divides topography into four major typesÂ—1) forest; 2) semiarid plateau; 3) land between forest a nd grass land; and 4) riverine environment. Inhabitants of a forest, such as BaMbuti Pygmies of the Congo rainforest, do not have the sense of a dist ant view because the horizon is absent. In a world without an open view, there is no outst anding pole as a reference to measure the 8 Dimitris Pikionis, Â“Sentimental Topography,Â” in Scott Marble (ed.), Architecture and Body , (New York: Rizzoli, 1988). 9 Yi-Fu Tuan, Topophilia: A Study of Environmental Perception, Attitudes, and Values , (New York: Columbia University Press, 1974).
70 distance. In a forest world lacking seasons, the sky, and the earth, pe opleÂ’s lives, dancing, clothing, bedding, and rites are all about tr ees and wood. These activities are from, around, and within the forest. Th e colorful and layered lands in the semiarid plateau (mesas, buttes, cliffs and so forth) construc t a vertical dimension of the cosmos for the Pueblo Indians of the American Southwest. The sky, the earth, th e sun, and agriculture play prominent roles in their mythology. The s un is Â“fatherÂ” and the earth is Â“motherÂ”; The dichotomized environment that is between the forest and grassl and sets up dualistic attitudes. For the African tribe called Lele of Kasai, the forest is a heaven. The grassland where the hunt was located was unpleasant in the hot days. The forest is for men, the grassland for women. Men worked in forest, women in grassland. Â“The dualistic organization of its economic, social and reli gious life seems inextr icably bounded to the dichotomy in nature.Â”10 In the riverine environment, different conditions could make different world views. Egypt and Mesopot amia contain rivers. But the Egyptian environment is symmetrically disposed al ong the Nile River because of its desert location. The Mesopotamian landscape is complex, merging sand, plains, swamps and lakes. Therefore, the sun and the Nile are important in Egyptian history and myth. The balance and vertical axis are expressed. Considering the mixture of landscapes in Mesopotamia, the god for Mesopotamia is not unique. There was a pantheon of gods to supervise the universe. This polarity made Mesopotamians be lieve that universal order had to be Â“maintained and administered,Â” which is connected with its political organization in that period in the view of Tuan. 10 Tuan, Topophilia, p. 84.
71 Moreover, with the evolution of societ y and culture, attitudes toward an environment can change over time. Mountains, for example, have always been viewed with awe at an early stage of human history because they we re difficult to approach and were dangerous. Due to its distance from human daily needs, the word mountain was embodied with religious meaning at the beginning. In China, mountain was regarded as one of four components of a world along with earth, sky, and human beings. The mountain is the pole that c onnects earth and heaven. In modern times, a mountain is always viewed as a scene and recreation resource because of the development of technology and culture. The impact of topography on human worl d views shows that topography is bound to the organization of its physical built envir onment, economic, social and religious life. Although topography may not be the decisive fact or for building world views, it provides the sensory stimuli for human activities and experience. The change of attitudes towards mountain proves that the physical setting was not regarded as uniform and constant. The impact of topography on human experience has changed over time. Topography Encapsulates Dwelling Martin Heidegger set a theoretical gr ound for considering topography in placemaking. In Â“the Origin of the Work of Art, Â” a Greek temple with the statue of a god inside is depicted as standi ng in the middle of a rock-cleft valley, which opens up a world as well as Â“sets forth the earth.Â” Standing there, the building rests on the rocky ground. Th is resting of the work draws up out of the rock the obscurity of that rockÂ’s bulky yet spontaneous support. Standing there, the buildi ng holds its ground against the storm raging above it and so first makes the storm itself manifest in its violence. The luster and gleam of the stone, though itself apparently glowing only by the grace of the sun, first brings to radiance the light of the day, the breadth of the sky, the darkness of the night. . . .
72 Tree and grass, eagle and bull, snake and cr icket first enter into their distinctive shapes and thus come to appear as what they are.11 Before the temple, earth is wild and hidden. When the work is set up, earth is manifested as the Â“foundationÂ” for the temple . It is the ground Â“on which and in which man bases his dwelling.Â”12 Topography becomes the first issue for habitants to deal with and to take into account of Â“dwelling.Â” No matter if it is a prehistoric hut like Terra Amata, France, or the passage cave in New Grange, Ireland, or a zi ggurat, no matter if the work is on the ground, under the ground, within the ground, or above the ground (hanging over or on the platform), earth is the Â“native groundÂ” of a people or a region shown in its manner of bu ilding (Figure 3-1). As chora , topography offers body a refuge, a shelter. It was renamed by exploring how earth figures in our existe nce. It is presented by exploring how it shows its elf in our being. When earth is set forth by the work, it is humanized, carrying on dwelling. When the temple is set up, stone, sun, ai r, plants, and earth are transformed into being. At the same time, a world is founded. Mircea Eliade, in his book The Sacred and the Profane mentioned that to settle in a territory is equivalent to consecrating it and to founding a world.13 The temple is regarded as a connection with gods. It is also regarded as communication between earth and sky.14 At the same time, it connects the surrounding paths and reveals relations. A world around the temple is constructed. The temple 11 Heidegger, Â“The Origin of the Work of Art,Â” Basic Writing , David Farrell Krell (ed.), (New York: HarperCollins Publishers, Inc., 1993), pp. 167-168. 12 Ibid., p. 168. 13 Mircea Eliade, The Sacred and the Profane: The Nature of Religion, Willard R. Trask (trans.), (New York: Harper & Row, Publishers, 1959). 14 The names of Babylonian sanctuaries demonstrate the templesÂ’ function as links between earth and heaven. Babylonian sanctuaries are called Â“Mountains of the House,Â” Â“Mountains of Storms,Â” Â“Link
73 A B C D Figure 3-1. Topography encapsulates dwelling. A) Terra Amata, France. B) New Grange, Ireland. C) Xianyang Palace, China (350-207 B.C.). D) Abu Simbel, Egypt. (Source: A, B &D: Spiro Kostof, A History of Architecture: Settings and Rituals , New York: Oxford University Press, 1995, pp. 23, 32, & 66. C: Yun Qiao (ed.), Ancient Chinese Architecture , Beijing: China Publishing Company, 1982, p.33.) between Heaven and Earth,Â” and the like. (Refer to Eliade, The Sacred and the Profane: The Nature of Religion , p. 40.)
74 becomes the center of this world. Actually when people settled in a territory, they always regarded their places as the center of the wo rld, especially when economy stayed at the gathering or small-hunting stage. The Achilp a committed a sacred pole in their place as the center of their world. The sacred pole repr esents a cosmic axis to build a connection with the sky, as well as a protector for their li ves. They even carried the pole with them in order not to be far away from their center. The pole constructs a habitable and holy place for the Achilpa. With the pole, their holy world and ordinary live s are constructed. The Â“settlementÂ” turns the territory habitable. The concept about the center position actually separates place Â“hereÂ” from place Â“there.Â” Earth , therefore, is embodied with hierarchy. Earth is never a motionless land agai n. Wild land becomes topography. Topography Encapsulates Memory and Time Figure 3-2. Rocked Hand , Dennis Oppenheim. (Source: Lucy R. Lippard, Overlay , New York: Pantheon Books, 1983, p. 53.) The Body Art piece made by Dennis Oppenhe im (Figure 3-2) makes a bridge between aspects of nature and aspects of body. His hand was placed on the rocky field, stones were added on the hand, and finally, wi th the passage of time, his hand became part of the rocky topography. In this sense, the body activ ates topography. This image
75 encapsulates that human experience and memo ry are inscribed and incised on, into and within topography over time. Rocked Hand shows the depth of topography. The feature of topography as a three-dimens ional structure is expressed not only at the geographic level, but also at the level of culture and hi story. The interaction between topography and human beings impacts both of th em and inscribes memory on each other. As Casey emphasizes, the connection between me mory and place is also indicative of the close interconnection between memory and the body. Â“The idea that mental life is fundamentally a matter of the integration of a self with respect to both space and time, and so with respect to a temporally and sp atially extended placeÂ—a place, it might be added in which it is possible to actÂ—is cen tral to any proper u nderstanding of the possibility of thought or experience as such.Â”15As topography intertwines with human activities and time, it is not a unitary whole, but is unders tood as overlapping layers. Memory is often thought in c onnection with the dimensionalit y of time. In fact, it seems that memory is as much tied to the spatial as it is to the temporal. The dimensionality of time and space gives memory layers and constitutes a three-dimensional structure for memory. It, therefore, thicke ns topography. At the same time, topography is not a framed picture because human activities conti nuously work on it. Topography is altered continuously and is self-transformed. Theref ore, it becomes a dynamically 3-dimensional structure, not a Â“fixedÂ” surface. Mappi ng topography reveals different layers of topography, and it explores the depth of topography. The two levels of topography as a 3-dimens ional structure, physical as well as cultural and historical, ar e interwoven. The physical 3dimensional structure of 15 Edward S. Casey, Remembering: A Phenomenological Study , (Bloomington, IL: Indiana University Press, 1987), p. 107.
76 topography is the Â“outsideÂ” expression of human response to nature. The cultural and historic one is Â“the insideÂ” of this re sponse. There is no clear limitation or boundary between Â“insideÂ” and Â“outside.Â” Topography is not something encountered in memory, but rather is integrated into the Â“stretchedÂ” nature and possibility of memory and experience. Casey draws attention to what he says amounts to Â“an elective affinity between memory and place,Â” writing that Not only is each suited to the ot her; each calls for the other. What is contained in place is on its way to being well remembered. What is remembered in place is wellgrounded if it is remembered as being in a particular place-space that may well take precedence over the time of its occurrence.16 The existence of physical topography and cultural and historical topography depends on each other and represents each ot her. Each layer in topography at the geographic level corresponds w ith each layer at the cultu ral and historical level. In terms of layers, the connection between the geographic level and the cultural and historical level is a Â“horiz ontalÂ” link. As mentioned befo re, topography contains depth. Within geographic topography or cultural and historical topography, the Â“verticalÂ” link among layers also exists in each one. Memory requires a grasp of the successiveness of events, but it also requires a grasp of the spa tial nesting of events and objects in relation to other events and objects. Layers in Â“ver tical dimensionÂ” should be considered as Â“transparencyÂ” or Â“translucent.Â” In other words, layers are not separated. In the process of layering, the bottom and above ones always impact each other. The genius loci is the consequence of interactions among these layers, the collage of these layers. 16 Casey, Remembering: A Phenomenological Study , pp. 214-215.
77 Topography Is Operative Topography is considered here as an operative matrix. Operative indicates Â“a system or device capable of fostering combin atorial evolutionary developments based on open logics.Â”17 Its system lies in its complexity of ge ography, culture, and history. The armature for a topographical system is the dimensionality of time. The dimensionality of time constructed geographic layers chronological ly. It also construc ted the overlapping layers of culture and history. The system of topography is a matrix,18 a matrix with human memory and experience embedded within it. The matrix is a mechanism for pursuing the collective social re lations and generating the soci al conditions of its making. It is an accumulation of divers e forces, events, and actors. Topography works as a matrix because of its openness. Topography orients, centers, and frames our experi ence through dwelling. It is al tered and self-transformed. Although not a simple picture, it is a reflecti on not only of our practic al and technological capacities, but also of our culture an d societyÂ—of our needs, our hopes, our preoccupations, and dreams as they exist within a specific cultural landscape. It is a place where past and present interplay, a pl ace where regional characters and a global civilization meet, and a place where nature and humans interact. Topography localizes the global. 17 The Metapolis Dictionary of Advanced Architecture , (Barcelona: Actar, 2003), p. 464. 18 In the OED , the main notions of the term matrix are 1) Pl. in older Latin, pregnant animal. 2) A place or medium in which something is Â“bred,Â” produced, or developed. 3) An embedding or enclosing mass. 4) A mold in which something is cast or shaped. The OED (compact edition), p. 1744.
78 Topography as an Agent to Redefine Regional Architecture Topographical conditions that intertwine physical and cultural circumstances were interpreted as the basis for and subjec t matter of the buildingÂ’s iconographic content. 19 Place-making in the age of globalization is the process of interaction between being globalized and being localized . From the etymological e xploration of topography, topography is an open matrix which is capable of absorbing outside forces. At the same time, it embodies memory from the past. As a matrix, it has the ability to be globalized , as well as localized , and to be an agent to create re gional architecture because it is the starting point to take dwelling into account. Concepts of Topography in Architecture Conventional wisdom recalls Gottfried SemperÂ’s statement to consider the relationship between topography and architec ture. Semper articulated that the four elements of architecture are the fireplace, the mound, the roof, and the enclosure. Without doubt, the fireplace is ce ntral. After the settlement of fireplace, the here and there are identified, as well as the sacred and the profane are separated. The mound seems secondary to other elements. Howeve r, in the process to identify here and there , Â“the mound joined at once with the hearth and was soon needed to raise it off the ground.Â”20 Setting upon the ground is the first task for place-making and architecture. It is the primary relationship that humans need to c onfront in the proce ss of dwelling. Upon it, Â“the more ephemeral form of the tectonic frame literally took its ground.Â”21 19 Leatherbarrow, Uncommon Ground , p. viii. 20 Gottfried Semper, Â“The Four Elements of Arch itecture,Â” in Harry Francis Mallgrave (trans.), The Four Elements and Architecture and Other Writings, (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1989), p. 102. 21 Kenneth Frampton, Studies in Tectonic Culture , (Cambridge, MA: The MIT Press, 1995), p. 85.
79 Where to put the first stone for the construction means more than setting the distinction of here and there for the present. It is also to set up the Â“hearthÂ” for the future. Chinese tombs are, sometimes, more significant than the residences. These tombs are living places for the death. The ancient Chines e considered death as an extension of living. The dead will impact on the living. Theref ore, if the remains of the ancestors are buried in auspicious grounds, the descendant s will be happy and successful in life. The burial ground must not only ha ve the profile of a ground drag on, but it also processes the breath of cosmic life (Figure 3-3). Figure 3-3. Ideal topography for royal tomb s in China. (Source: Qiheng Wang (ed.), Research of Fengshui Theory , Tanjing: University of Tanjing Press, 1992, p. 140.)
80 The relationship among man, architecture, a nd nature is a long-standing problem on the theoretical and practical levels. HeideggerÂ’s position that the relationship to nature is crucial to rich human experience is shared by many theories and architects, including Vittorio Gregotti, Christian Norberg-Sc hulz, and Kenneth Frampton. Following Heidegger, Gregotti believes the origin of ar chitecture is to place the first stone on the ground to recognize it as a place. Gr egottiÂ’s site strategy is to Â“building the site.Â” In his opinion, the environment is composed of traces of its own history. Â“If geography is therefore the way in which the signs of hist ory solidify and are superimposed in a form, the architectural project has the task of drawing atten tion to the essence of the environmental context through the transformation of form.Â”22 In GregottiÂ’s eyes, the area of landscape and nature is Â“the sum total of all things and of their past configurations.Â”23 Here the concepts Â“cultureÂ” and Â“environmentÂ” overlap, as do the concepts of Â“manÂ” and Â“nature.Â” The site is extende d towards the fabric of nei ghborhood and the city, not just a construction plot. The site is defined geographically, hi storically, and culturally. Topography becomes a field or a territory. Given that the role of topography in se tting up the Â“hearth,Â” architects always consider and start their work on a geographical scale. Gregotti says in order to bring out the specificity of the site and to ensure the built frame could fit into the connections we need to construct and modify the Â“shape of the territory.Â” Norberg-Schulz claims that the architectsÂ’ aim is to discover the genius loci and design in a way that accounts for the 22 Vittorio Gregotti, Â“Territory and Architecture,Â” Kate Nesbitt (ed.), Theorizing a New Agenda for Architecture: An Anthology of Architecture Theory 1965-1995 , (New York: Princeton Architectural Press, 1997), p. 340. 23 Ibid., p. 340.
81 singular presence. In some sense, he calls fo r manÂ’s intervention to intensify the natural attitudes of the situation. For Critical Re gionalism, making a place is reflected in its interest in constructing the site. FramptonÂ’s idea on Â“build the siteÂ” is from Gregotti, Botta, and Norberg-Schulz. Â“Build the siteÂ” is to modify, meas ure, situate, and utilize the landscape to meet the environment as a geographical tota lity without separating it from its historical organization. And he emphasi zes the aesthetics as well as ecology. His method is a kind of a tectonic approach. Th ese three statements by Gregotti, NorbergSchulz, and Frampton call for a Â“project of the site.Â” Besides the standpoint of topography as stimulus for place-making, architectural space is another starting point to deal w ith topography. Flowing space is advocated by modernism, which makes Â“object architectureÂ” turn into Â“environmental architecture.Â” Leatherbarrow considers three ways to establish continuity between the building and its location (topography) : the buildingÂ’s horiz ontal levels, flowing space, and back to front. Space in modern architecture is uniquely expansive and continuous. Â“It extends and flows from here and there, through and acro ss not only individual rooms, buildings, and sites but entire cities and their surrounding landscape, and farther towards the barely visible horizon, then even beyond it.Â”24 Space expresses a horizontal state. In this sense, walls came to have less a role in defining setti ngs than the platforms, the floors, ceilings, and intermediate levels. This use of the buildingÂ’s levels meant that architectural boundaries became akin to other top ographical modulations. The idea of horizontal level actually attempts to joint the in side space with the outside field. Horizontal level thinking thus inaugurated the field of understanding. 24 Leatherbarrow, Uncommon Ground , p. 25.
82 The idea of horizontal level , in the view of Leatherb arrow, gives impact on the horizontal connection of architecture with the outside environment (flowing space). Actually horizontal level also has an impact on the Â“v erticalÂ” connection when the ground is raised up by platforms. Maya Temples such as the Temple of the Giant Jaguar in Tikal, ziggurats such as the White Temp le in Warka, the Parthenon on the top of Acropolis, and Chinese altars in the capital s, show that platforms are utilized to contribute to gods and build connections betw een human beings and the sky and earth. In this regard, horizontal level is expressed in a Â“vertical dimension.Â” Â“They had completely changed the landscape and supplie d their visual life with a greatness corresponding to the greatness of their gods.Â”25 The handling of topography means that th e actual or primary responsibility of architecture is the construction of the pl ace. The response to a geographical scale is presented not only at the level of formal char acteristics. Along with geometry, space, and materiality, it is concerned with city struct ure, cultural backgrounds, and living patterns. Mario Botta, in his project report on the Mi ddle School in Morbio Inferiore, Switzerland, states: In respect to its surroundings , the architectural design affords an opportunity not to construct on a site, but to construct that si te, so that the architecture can join in a direct link with the qualities of history a nd of memories peculiar to that place, in token of the aspirations and va lues of contemporary culture.26 The Middle School project achieves this aim in its relationship with the surrounding environment and through the simplicit y and clarity to unite the environment. 25 JÃ¸rn Utzon, Â“Platforms and Plateaus: The Ideas of a Danish Architect,Â” Zodiac 10 (1962), pp. 112-140. (Source: Frampton, Studies in Tectonic Culture , p. 255.) 26 Emilio Battisti and Kenneth Frampton, Mario Botta: Architecture and Projects in the Â’70 , (Milano: Electa, 1979), p. 82.
83 Through the handing of topography, the project se ts forth the environment, reconstructs the fabric of the village, and responds to the cultural needs (Figure 3-4). A B C Figure 3-4. Middle School in Morbio Infe riore, Switzerland. (Source: A&B: Emilio Battisti, and Kenneth Frampton, Mario Botta: Architecture and Projects in the Â’70 , Electa, 1979, p. 82. C: Emilio Pizzi (ed.), Mario Botta: The Complete Works Volume 1. 1960-1985 , Zurich: Artemis, 1993, p. 38.)
84 The school is located at the edge of the developed area in the village. The project responds to the geographical s cale by reconstructing the edge of the villag e and building a connection between the scenario landscape in the front of the school and the wooded environment at the back. The primary form seems to stands against the rural landscape, but it connects the two different environmen ts by the slim spaces between classroom units. In this regard, the primary form un ites the environment, reveals the orderly landscape, and sets forth the wooded environment. At the same time, the primary form also holds an interior Â“urb an landscape,Â” which is cr eated by the central passage, articulation of space and void, and skylights. The relation of earth with sky and human beings with these natural elements is e xpressed. The project also responds to the problems of the community, especially the n eed to create space, a physical place to express cultural needs. Between the clas sroom units and the gymnasium block, the natural ground is transformed into an open th eater, which reminds pe ople of open theaters in ancient Greece. Norberg-Schulz once argues that Andrea PalladioÂ’s Â“typicalÂ” villas are echoed by BottaÂ’s analogous unity of the general and the particular.27 Therefore, a new relationship between human beings and topogra phy is expressed, which is Â“sensitive to ancient values as well as capable of generating new cu ltural expressions.Â”28 Topography with the City in the Past Topography has a strong link with the city and a prim ary concern in citiesÂ’ establishment in theory and practice. In th e views of theorists such as Aristotle and Vitruvius, the location of citi es should be fine and healthy based on consideration of 27 Christian Norberg-Schulz, Â“Introduction,Â” in Mirko Zardini, The Architecture of Mario Botta , (New York: Rizzoli International Publications, Inc., 1985). 28 Emilio Pizzi (ed.), Mario Botta: The Complete Works Volume 1. 1960-1985 , (Zurich: Artemis, 1993), p. 38.
85 orientation, wind, and weather. In practice, the defensive as pects and their accessibility are always two major concerns for the cityÂ’s siting selection. For instance, the Huizhou area in China was chosen as a habitable site in a period of wars because it is a mountain area with abundant rivers. So that topogra phy supplies protection, necessities for the inhabitantsÂ’ living, and convenien ce to connect to the outside world. It is similar in the West. The town Agrigent um was founded about 580 B.C.. It, as many other towns on the southern coast of Sicily c ited by Joseph Rykwert in his book The Idea of a Town , Â“faced to the Mediterranean and was protected by the Athenean rock, along all its northern limit.Â”29 This demonstrates that defense and acce ssibility constituted them. Besides these two aspects, the religious meanings embedde d within topography are also important for siting selection. For the Chinese, different m ountains and water have their religious and cosmological meanings.30 Identifying and Â“tastingÂ” topography for the siting selection determines the future of people who live there (see details in Chapter 4). For the Japanese, topography as a physical matrix has its own visual and sp atial identity, as Higuchi acclaims in his dissertation The Visual and Spatial Structure of Landscape . Considering topography, boundary, focus-centergoal, directionality, and domain are expressions for visual and sp atial structures. At the same time, different topographies 29 Joseph Rykwert, The Idea of a Town , (Cambridge, MA: The MIT Press, 1988), p. 41. 30 Religious meanings of mountains in China are based on the shape, height, and length of the mountains. For water, it is based on the direction of the flow, the speed of flow, the shap e of the water course, the depth of the water, and the sound the water makes. For example, mountains with the square shape are related to Saturn and earth (Earth is one of five elem ents that Chinese believe ar e the essence of the world. The others are fire, wood, metal, and water); with c onical shape, mountains are related to Mars and fire, which is regarded as a most dangerous conjunction. (Source: Stephen Skinner, The Living Earth Manual of Feng Shui , London: ARKANA, 1989, pp. 44-58.)
86 embody different symbols for the Japanese. For instance, the secluded valley type functions Â“as a passage way to the ot her world or to the land of the gods.Â”31 After the establishment of cities, the link between topography and cities still continues and develops. When the notion of the city is changed, the notion of topography has to be changed in order to produce the city. We can return to the example of the city of Lausanne, as discussed before. The city is located between the Swiss plateau and the lake. There are four kinds of topography for i nhabitants in this area. The alluvial beach, the glacial moraine crest, a valle y, and the narrow spur of the CitÃ© .32 The construction of the city changed from the alluvial beach to the CitÃ© , and then to the crest, finally the construction was built in the valley. The cha nges of construction were based on different readings of topography in different cultural and economic situations. For example, the first choice was the alluvial beach because of its accessibility. The ve rtical spur of the CitÃ© for the cathedral as the second choice wa s due to spiritual considerations. Cache states that Â“history itself usually multiplies the sites of urban implantation according to the shifting relations between a city and its territory.Â”33 The shift in some sense is defined by cultural, economic, and social conditions. The shif t, from here to there, or from here to there then back to here, gives the territory a memory and a history so that territories are surfaces of variable curvature bearing di verse Â“singularities.Â” The shifting relation between the construction of the city and topography also changed the meanings of territory as place. The continuous implanta tion maybe happened in the same place or 31 Tadahiko Higuchi, The Visual and Spatial Structure of Landscape , Charles Terry (trans.), (Cambridge, MA: The MIT Press, 1988), p. 144. 32 The case of Lausanne is based on the study of Bernard Cache in hi s Â“Territorial Image,Â” Earth Moves. 33 Cache, Earth Moves, p. 6.
87 maybe in another place, which made the terr itory mobile and fluid. The feature of the modulation or variation of the surface makes earth itself become Â“weightless.Â”34 The mobility and fluidity of topography is also expressed when outside forces integrated into the local. The grid layout is picked out as an exempl ary instance to imply the notion of being globalized, as we ll as being localized, in topography. The grid pattern was not unique of the West in ancient times. It was also utilized for citiesÂ’ layout in China and E gypt. In China, an old book titled Kaogong Ji describes nine squares as the principle to construct the city.35 The grid layout was first introduced to the West by the Greeks.36 As a mechanism, the gridded plan extended toward other Western cities at th e level of practic e and theory. In The Ten Books of Architecture , Leon Battista Alberti proposed city pl anning as a totality with geometric configurations. Although in the view of the technique, the gr id pattern seems similar in the Eastern and Western worlds (Figure 3-5), and it co uld not be Â“isolated from its social religious context to percolate over decades.Â”37 34 The Â“weightlessnessÂ” of place is ex plored by John Rajchman in his book Constructions . He uses the concept of Â“lightnessÂ” to state that Â“indeed it [earth] is just when it is not taken as ground that the earth may be called Â‘light.Â’Â” (p. 46). He defi nes Â“lightnessÂ” as the Â“release of a freer space from the unnecessary loads that tradition asks us to bear. It is an inventive, m obile lightness that would invert the priority of critique with respect to experiment in the traditi onal ideological vocations of architectureÂ” ( Constructions , p. 42). 35 More details about Kaogong Ji are in Chapter 4. 36 Spiro Kostof, in A History of Architecture , argues that although Â“the orthogonal planning is of course as old as Egypt . . . none of the pre-Greek grids can be considered fully coordinated systems of public and residential buildings with coherently organized blocksÂ” (p. 141). 37 Rykwert, The Idea of a Town , p. 86.
88 A. B Figure 3-5. Grid layout. A) Canonical plan of the royal Zhou capital in the Kaogong Ji Tu . B) Miletus, Turkey. (Source: A: Yinong Xu, The Chinese City in Space and Time: The Development of Urban Form in Suzhou , Honolulu: University of HawaiÂ’i Press, 2000, p. 35. B: Kostof, A History of Architecture: Settings and Rituals , p. 142.) In China, the capital city is regarded as a cosmic focal point and the center of the world. The Chinese understanding of the world is expressed in the city layout by orientation, the square shape which is related to earth , the number 9 (as the principle to set up streets, roads, and gates, which is re ligiously regarded as the maximum number in China), and the center location for the palace (emperors are regarded as sons of the Heaven). Based on these features, the cosmol ogical meanings are embedded within cities. Even city gates have cosmological symbo lism, and sometimes politics was expressed through this symbolism.38 In Miletus, the grid pattern is integrated in the configuration of topography so that certain stre ets could run through the leng th of the peninsular. The public and residential buildings are coordinated, which is di fferent from China. In the Chinese grid, there is no specific grid for public space. The dominant center position is 38 Yinong Xu, in his book The Chinese City in Space and Time (Honolulu: University of HawaiÂ’i Press, 2000), cites the meanings of the Suzhou city gates to demonstrate this point (pp. 50-52).
89 for the palace or government buildings, whic h reveals Chinese social order. These two cases show that the seemingly universal gr id layout at its emerging stage had been localized, implying cultural difference. In colonial periods, the grid layout as an outside force was inserted into some cities which had no origin for the rectangular patt ern. The discovery of new land by Columbus brought the chance for a gridded plan as a Â“globa lizationÂ” force inserted into America, as did the Spanish grid in Mexico. In the pro cess of insertion, the continuous, isotropic surface of the grid stretches out like a second skin to topography, seemingly absorbing all dimensions and context (F igure 3-6). Actually, the outside grid is laid over on local situations. Figure 3-6. The Continuous Monument: Ca nyon 1, Superstudio, 1970. (Source: Jim Burn, Arthropods .)
90 Mark Childress Lindsay, in his dissertation Spanish Merida: Overlaying the Maya City , points out that in Merida39 there are two distinct patter ns. One pattern is the formal Spanish city plan with Â“a re ctilinear grid centered on a pl aza, and a subdivision into onequarter block urban lots for households.;Â” The other pattern is Â“a series of anomalies in parts of the regular Spanish grid.Â”40 The existence of anomalies resulted from reuse and adaptation of part of the Maya infrastruc ture of Tilhoo. The an omalies localized the Spanish grid by enlarging blocks adjacent to the plaza, aligning the grid based on the true cardinal coordinates, keeping the original fa bric of the San Benito complex, including streets in the north and south of the complex (Figure 3-7). Figure 3-7. Comparison of existi ng streets with Maya urban in frastructure. (Source: Mark Childress Lindsay, Spanish Merida: Overlaying the Maya City , Dissertation, University of Florida, 1999, p. 67.) 39 Merida was once the abandoned center of the Maya city of Tihoo, also called Ich cann si ho. In 1541, Spaniards settled there as their new colonial capital. (Source: Mark Childress Lindsay, Spanish Merida: Overlaying the Maya City , Dissertation, University of Florida, 1999, p. 1.) 40 Mark Childress Lindsay, Spanish Merida: Overlaying the Maya City , (Dissertation, University of Florida, 1999), p. 39.
91 The law of Indies in 1573 instituted the gridded plan as a basis for the foundation of the American city. The gridded plan became localized in America because not only of the continental one-mile grid resulted from the inscri ption of the CongressÂ’s Land Ordinance of 1785, but also of the different ci ty scenarios afterwards built on this gridded plan, which were based on the changes of po litics, culture and economy. These scenarios in the American city are different from those in the European city.41 The expression of the gridded plan in Me rida and American cities indicates that when the grid waves into a region, it settles down into localities even if it looks like a global environment. From this perspective, the grid as a Â“second skinÂ” of topography is both the global and local, as well as mobile and fluid. The grid as the second skin of topography also suggests that topography is not just a nature environment. It also is presented as an urban surface, which Alex Wall defines in Programming the Urban Surface . He refers to the Â“extensiv e and inclusive ground-plane of the city, to the Â‘fieldÂ’ that accommodates buildings, roads, utilizes, open spaces, 41 In X-Urbanism , Mario Gandelsonas summarized seven urban scenes for the Western city: the Renaissance City, the Baroque City, the Gridded Ameri can City, the city of Skyscrapers, the Modernist City, the Suburban city and the X-Urban City. Since th e gridded plan was wide-swept in American cities, the scenarios based on the gridded plan continued to change. After the development of elevators by Elisha Graves Otis, the city became a city for skyscrapers, Â“a city where the section becomes independent of the planÂ” (p. 23). The buildings at that time behaved as Â“scatteredÂ” objects, not as part of a Â“collectiveÂ” fabric of attached buildings, as in the case of the European city. Then Modernist ideology activated streets by inserting Â“greenÂ” fields into the grid. The Interstate Highway Act of 1956 promoted Â“the dominance of the car as the favored means of transportation and, as a consequence, brought the demise of public transportationÂ” (p. 30). This change not only accelerated the decline of pedestrian and public space, but also set an oppositional pattern and concept to the downtown city, the suburban city. In the 1970s and 1980s, the globalization of the finance industry blurred the oppos ition of suburban versus central city by Â“exurban office campus,Â” which defines Â“a new multiuse urbanity, with a very low density and a total dependence on the automobile.Â” Reprogramming and the field of parking becomes characteristics of this time. X-urban city defines Â“a new urbanity not organized anymore in oppositional terms such as center versus periphery but as multi-center city, not as a dominant totality versus subordinated parts but as a nonhierarchical fragmented urbanized territory.Â”
92 neighborhood, and natural habits.Â” 42 In the view of its formulation, the character of topography derives not only from natural c onditions but also, perhaps in a larger measure, from a collective and organized approach to its management.43 It is not just a picturesque view, but one of many produc tive entities within the metropolis. Topography in the Age of Globalization In the age of globalization, the mutati on of population, economy, and information changes the city from a historical and instit utional core surrounded by suburbs to a multicenter city without hierarchy organized in a web-like sprawl. The mutation also causes programs changed in districts and buildings. People, vehicles, goods, and information are all in a state of movement and influx. Under new pressure s of mobility, congestion, and service economy, transportation, energy, comm unication infrastructures become main features of the city. Mobili ty defines that everything is in motion, changing and interacting due to different forces weaving toge ther continuously. This shift in the idea of city in the age of globaliza tion is summarized by Alex Wall in three aspects: 44 1) The rise of new kinds of urban site s: These are the ambiguous areas that are caught between enclaves. They are called peripheral sites. 2) The remarkable increase in mobility a nd access: including transportation, density of population, instab ility of capital and invest ment, and the abundance of information and media. 3) A fundamental paradigm shift from view ing cities in form terms to looking at them in dynamic ways. 42 Alex Wall, Â“Programming the Urban Surface,Â” in James Corner (ed.), Recovering Landscape , (New York: Princeton Architectural Press, 1999), p. 233. 43 Notions from Steen A. B. HoyerÂ’s analysis of Danish landscape in Recovering Landscape . 44 Wall, Â“Programming the Urban Surface,Â” p. 234.
93 Therefore, the dynamic and temporal become the characters of the city. Based on the effects of globalization and its influe nce on urban development and architecture, architectural design is not about the proce sses of formation. It is about issues of temporality, efficacy, and change, which make the cities Â“more adaptive, more fluid, more capable of accommodating changing demands and unforeseen circumstances.Â”45 It is an attempt for architecture to step out of being only an Â“objective.Â” At the same time, the city in the age of glob alization needs diversity and difference because bodies moving in place are becoming more diverse. It provides the city with a cohesive heterogeneity which Jeff Kipnis, in his essay Â“Towards a New Architecture,Â” defines a cohesive heterogeneity as being Â“engendered out of an intensive coherence in the elements themselves,Â” as opposed to Â“out of ex tensive incoherence and contradiction.Â” Transformation, temporality, and connec tivity for the contemporary city and architecture find a lot of in spirations in the generative logic of topography. Given its notion as dwelling and memory, topography is a collector or distributor of cultural and social needs. It is an accumulation of processes and events, containing different functions, programs, geometries, and distribut ive arrangements. It is always in the ongoing process of transformation, making fu ture developments. The process of transformation upon and within topography is never finished or completed. This transformation is localized because these tran sformations are driven by local cultural and social needs. In other words, topography is th e result of countless for ces and initiatives, changing something old and merging into something new. During the process of 45 Ibid., p. 246.
94 transformation, the temporality and mob ility are embedded within topography, which corresponds with the feat ures of contemporary architecture and city. Connectivity in the medieval city was e xpressed by the city fabric. But buildings today, acting as isolated or s hocking objects, cannot take th is responsibility to hold the city together. The void space has to become the factor instead of the solid. Topography, as mentioned before, is not only a natural e nvironment, but it al so includes the urban surface like the gridded pla n. Its feature of unbounded extension both in space and time decides its organization of space and object s. Topography could provide the cohesion among the heterogeneous elements of the city. The French landscape designer Yves Brunier believes landscape is becoming the only method to establis h the connection in the contemporary city because of its spatial activity.46 Besides the connectivity, topography also builds continuity. The surface of a territory is mobile and fluid, which is the characteristic of contemporary space. Contemporary space focuses on multiprograms, mobility, and flows. In other words, contemporary space is temporary and horizontal. The extension of t opography could be utilized to strengthen the Â“horizontalÂ” contemporary space. Some architects, such as Dimitris Pikionis, Aris Konstantinidis, Julieanna Preston, Luigi Snozzi, Rem Koolh aas, and MVRDV, and their oeuvre will be analyzed. This analysis will summarize th e potential operations of topography that is expected to foster a development between topography and building or a city based upon its open logics. 46 Yves Brunier had worked on several urban projects with Jean Nouvel and Rem Koolhaas. In the Yves Brunier: Landscape Architect (Edited by Michel Jacques, Basel: BirkhÃ¤user, 1996), Rem Koolhaas states that Brunier confirmed his awareness Â“that landscap e was in the process of becoming the only medium capable of establishing connection in the cityÂ” (p. 90).
95 In summary, topography can contribute to place-making in the contemporary time by invoking its technical and material dimensi ons because it is humanized, and it is the place that the global meets the local. The advanced and local technology and materials encounter and define a new dimension here; it objectifies the material. On the one hand, it supplies reference for buildi ng construction as a physical 3dimensional structure. On the other hand, it objectifies traces of peopleÂ’s experi ence and memory which are inscribed within it; it programs the surface in order to bring connectivity and continuity to cities; it enhances shared social relations a nd becomes a mechanism to generate the social conditions of its making because it humani zes people by accumulating and distributing social and cultural needs. These contribu tions of topography for place-making propose itself as an agent to create regional architecture. Operations of Topography Operative topography has the potential to construct a place in the age of globalization. The place that topography attemp ts to make should embrace two features: difference and ambiguity. The scope of Â“differenceÂ” indexes difference between place and difference within place. Difference between places implies bringing regional identity back in the globalized environment. Difference within place is based on the understand ing of place as a process of events and of placeÂ’s features as mobility and temporality. Difference within place emphasizes the difference between the past a nd the present and denies the permanence of the sense of place. Through difference, the city has a chance to be redirected and reshaped to reflect the emerging conditions a nd modern needs. To ach ieve this goal, the operative topography should entail the potenti al of transformati on and ambiguity.
96 As mentioned in Chapter 1, transformation is the moment of a new and transformed construction of the site. It is an action with two phases. One phase is to bring something new to a place, something that may change a nd redirect a particular site. The other phase is to melt something new into the existing that still entails difference between the old and the new. In this process, the notions of place, identity, and topography become more complex and rich in events. The two phases of transformation, coupled with the notion of difference, determine ambiguity as th e other feature for place-making today. Ambiguity is indeterminate and implic itly changing. In the Oxford English Dictionary, the term Â“ambiguity Â” has three major meanings: An uncertainty, a dubiety Capability of being understood in two or more possible senses or ways; double or dubious signification, ambiguousness A word or phase susceptible of more th an one meaning; an equivocal expression47 Etymologically, ambiguity deals with the relationship between two parts of one thing . These two parts must have some features opposite each other, and at the same time, embody the same importance and Â“an equivocal expressionÂ” so that a balance between them is created. This results in the uncertainty of the thing . Walter Benjamin extends the understanding of the relationship between tw o parts from Â“balanceÂ” to a Â“dialectic image.Â” Â“Ambiguity is the figurative appearan ce of the dialectic, the law of the dialectic at a standstill.Â”48 Furthermore, John Berger believes that authenticity results from the ambiguity of experience.49 Considering Benjamin and BergerÂ’s understanding, ambiguity 47 The OED (Compact version), p. 68. 48 Walter Benjamin, C harles Baudelaire , (London: Verso, 1974), p. 171. 49 In his book Keeping a Rendezvous (London: Granta Books, 1992), John Berger states that Â“authenticity comes from a single faithfulness: that to th e ambiguity of experience . . .Â” (p. 216).
97 discloses the relationship between the global and the local in their encounter, and it renders their identity uncertai n. This opens up possibilities for regional interpretation and meets the notion of Â“cityÂ” today. Based upon open logics, operative topography is expected to foster a development between topography and building or city in order to express the difference and ambiguity of place. This relationship and development is expressed through four operations: 1) reciprocity; 2) mobility; 3) thickening; and 4) materiality. Classifying operations does not mean to categorize buildings and concentrate on the subjects themse lves, but rather to disclose the relationship between topography and architecture or city. Operations actually overlap. In the following section, the operations ar e explored through their own conceptual frameworks and some architectsÂ’ works. Reciprocity Reciprocity is a language of ambiguity , representing ambiguity through uncertainty of identities. In the views of Anita Berrizb eitia and Linda Pollak, reciprocity Â“diminishes physical and conceptual separations between architecture and landsca pe, as well as the traditional hierarchies that privilege one over the other.Â”50 It stands against hierarchy. It is an ordering of principles between architect ure and urban fabric, as well as between architecture and landscape. Landscape is not secondary to architecture and not a background for architecture. Reciprocity is to reassemble the split between humankind and nature. Reciprocity also re defines the nature based on th e analysis of a spatial and temporal process. As a response to Â“objectÂ” ar chitecture, reciprocity also reassembles the 50 Anita Berrizbeitia and Linda Pollak, Inside/Outside: Between Architecture and Landscape , (Gloucester, Mass.: Rockport Publishers, Inc., 1999), p. 14.
98 split of architecture and urban fabric. In the age of globalization, transportation facilities and multi-programs structures and parking lo ts become signatures for the city. These infrastructures are highly fluid within its logic system. To bring out the connective potential, the infrastructure has to be Â“t echnologyÂ” topography, going between city events and Â“insideÂ” programs. The infrastructure ex tends inside connectivity toward the outside to hold the city together. Meanwhile, reciprocity provides a way to r econsider the threshol d. The threshold is not the obstacle for entering one field to anot her. In the view of Eliade, it is Â“the paradoxical place where those worlds (the sa cred and the profane place) communicate, where passage from the profane to the sacred world becomes possible.Â”51 Threshold is the first place for two separate wo rlds to interact, as well as to identify themselves, as Heidegger once acclaims, Â“A boundary is not th at at which something stops but, as the Greeks recognized, the boundary is that from which something begins its essential unfolding .Â”52 Moreover, Â“ passage Â” indicates the spatial quality of threshold. The spatial threshold suggests that the ope ration of reciprocity entails the consideration of inbetween space, as well as geometry, form, and scale, sometimes, by contrast, sometimes by harmony. The communication between two wo rlds is created through the shaping of space, the handling of material, and the understanding of geometry. However, the interpretation of reciprocity is not just about the gestures ma de to tie together outside and inside. It begins with one decision or large-scale decisi ons that stimulate and support local strategies. 51 Eliade, The Sacred and The Profane , p. 25. 52 Heidegger, Â“Building Dwelling Thinking,Â” Basic Writings , p. 356.
99 In the Villa DallÂ’ Ava, Paris, Rem K oolhaasÂ’s reciprocal operations lie in integrating urban and suburban scales in to architectural scale and demolishing the threshold between landscape and architecture so that architecture becomes landscape. The site is divided into three belts: garde n, building, and driveway. The garden belt runs through the site to keep the visual relati on among the surrounding buildings in order to integrate the suburban fabric in to the individual site (Figur e 3-8 A). On the roof level, two different views are presented. One is a vi ewpoint toward the Eiffel Tower, an urban scale; the other is towards the neighboring pool and house, a community scale (Figures 38 C, 3-8 D). As a person moves in the site from the low level to the roof level, a series of scales is presentedÂ—first, the community scale, then the building scale, and finally back to the urban and community scale. This e xperience blurs the boundary of the public and the private, the social life and the private life. In the project, the threshold between ar chitecture and landscape is broken by four elements: 1) house partially r ecessed into the ground; 2) a pool floating on the roof; 3) living room extending out into the garden; a nd 4) the pole forest supporting the hanging bedroom. The floating pool replicates a second ground within the building which Â“question(s) both the identity of the pool as landscape and the house as architectureÂ”53 (see Figure 3-8 B). The pole forest questions architecture and lands cape by functioning as a bearing structure, but looki ng like landscape (Figure 3-8 E) . The living room shows the design works from inside, then extends towa rd the outside. As a consequence, it breaks the boundary of the interior and the exterior (figure 3-8 F).Through these operations, the 53 Berrizbeitia and Pollak, Inside/Outside: Between Architecture and Landscape , p. 32.
100 whole house is read in its entirety with th e landscape. The thre shold between topography and building becomes ambiguous. A B C D Figure 3-8. Villa DallÂ’ Ava in Paris, Rem K oolhaas. A) Plan. B) Section. C) Looking east from the roof. D) Looking west fr om the roof. (Source: A, B, C, &D: Alejandro Zaera (ed.), OMA/ Rem Koolhaas 1987-1993 , El Croquis 53, 1994, pp. 144, 150, 154-155.)
101 E F Figure 3-8. Continued. E) The pole forest. F) The living room . (Source: E: Zaera (ed.), OMA/ Rem Koolhaas 1987-1993 , p. 158. F: Anita Berrizbeitia and Linda Pollak, Inside/Outside: Between Ar chitecture and Landscape, Rockport Publishers, Inc., 1999, p. 33.) Geometry, scale, and materials are tools for Alvaro Siza to blur architecture and topography. The swimming pool in Leca da Palm eira is a reversal of the ground. The construction is strongly determined by its geometry. This is not a purely mimetic relationship, but a transfor mation of the landscape. The project reveals the interaction of ar tificial and natural geometries through body movement. According to the section strategy fo r the road, the road level is about 20 feet above sea level. The project is inserted under the road level so that it can hardly be seen from above. In the process of walking down from the road level to th e sea level, a series of oriented interior spaces is exposed.54 The light and shadow, the enclosure and openness, the body scale and natura l scale weave together in th is architectural space. The architectural space here becomes a transition between land and sea, road and beach, and 54 William Curtis describes the experience of this arch itectural space as: Â“the visitors descend a ramp and pass under a hovering concrete slab through a series of almost closed, shaded passageways running parallel to the shore and leading to the changing rooms and other facilities. The bather then emerges from a labyrinth of walls which deny the view, to discover a single diagonal plane which guides him or her towards the pools but also launches the eye towards a harbour extending into the sea several kilometers to the south.Â” (Â“Alvaro Siza: An Architecture of Edges,Â” in Richard C. Levene (ed.), Alvaro Siza:1958-1994 , El Croquis 68-69, 1994, p. 42.)
102 artificial environment and natural environm ent. After going through this architectural space, the sea is exposed and set forth by arti ficial edges. In this movement process, layers of topography are exposed. In the process of revealing and transf orming, the stretching out plan, boundaries, and edges are fundamental for reciprocity. The low walls, steps, and edges of the pool are cut into or added to the t opography. These slightest incisions in the landscape Â“afford a gradual transition from the hard line of th e sea wall to the fluid boundary of the sea.Â”55 They unfold the identity of land and sea as He idegger states. At the same time, they build an ambiguous edge between archit ecture and topography (Figure 3-9). A Figure 3-9. Swimming pool in Leca da Palmeira , Alvaro Siza. A) Plan and section of swimming pool. (Source: A: Kenneth Frampton, Alvaro Siza: Complete Works , Phaidon Press Limited, 1999, p. 100.) 55 Curtis, Â“Alvaro Siza: An Architecture of Edges,Â” in Richard C. Levene, (ed.), Alvaro Siza:1958-1994 , (El Croquis 68-69, 1994), p. 42.
103 B C D Figure 3-9. Continued. B) View from the road. C) Overall view. D) View from the pool for children toward the pool for adults . (Source: B & D: Richard C. Levene (ed.), Alvaro Siza:1958-1994 , El Croquis 68-69, 1994, pp. 58, 62. C: Frampton, Alvaro Siza: Complete Works , p. 99.) Mobility Mobility is a flow of perpetual motion and continuous multiplicity. It stands against the static. Mobility, at the leve l of architecture, is supposed to: 1) construct flowing space to blur exterior and interior sp ace; 2) blur the edge of arch itecture for new geographies of transition; 3) redefine the ground, wall, and roof; and 4) supply uncertain programs to promote and encourage new events. At the level of the city, mobility is supposed to insert movements, to construct a ne w field or new forms of urban space to connect the city together, and to encourage geological proces ses generated by imbrications of diverse
104 forces. It supplies the space for transition a nd anticipates the uncertainties of future development. It implies a fluid logic of conn ectivity rather than deconstruction. To some extent, topography, as the potential of inscriptio n of mobility into city and architecture, is regarded as living matter. Anifa Berrizbeita criticized the Bos Park56 as It is less an indication of a concern for the Â“genius of the placeÂ”, which derives from a visual and an experiential interpreta tion of the site, and more of an interest in objectifying the landscape as living matte r and in intensifying the raw materiality of the varying conditions of the site.57 In the Bos Park, the landscape is regarded as a process. The process is shown by how landscape worksÂ—how Â“provi sionalÂ” and Â“permanentÂ” plants58 grow to become a new forest, and how the drainage system works on the site. The presentation of the landscape becomes related with programs and time, not as static scenes. The programs are distributed evenly around the site, which breaks the threshold between the center and the edge (Figure 3-10) . The disappearance of center and edge propels topography to be connectivity, and it holds diffe rent elements and programs together. The ideas in Bos Park have great influence on OMA and West 8. They both engage process and materiality in their projects. 56 The project of Bos Park was approved by the city co uncil of Amsterdam in 1929. Cornelis Van Eesteren and Jacopa Mulder designed it based on the idea of process. The conceptualization of process is reflected on its drainage, plant growth, and managing the wate r. All these allow the restoration of a continuous ground plane on the site and allow for the planting and growth of a new forest. 57 Anifa Berrizbeita, Â“The Amsterdam Bos: The Modern Public Park and the Construction of Collective Experience,Â” Recovering Landscape , p. 192. 58 In this project, a Â“provisionalÂ” forest refers to fast growing alders, willows, poplars, and birch. A Â“permanentÂ” landscape refers to the slower growing ash, maple, oak, and beech.
105 A B. C Figure 3-10. Process in land. A) Diagra m Bos Park. B) Planning Diagrams, MelunSenart new town, OMA. C) Diagram of Parc de la Villette, OMA. (Source: A: Anifa Berrizbeita, Â“The Amsterdam Bos: The Modern Public Park and the Construction of Collective Experience,Â” Recovering Landscape , p. 191. B: Alex Wall, Â“Programming Urban Surface,Â” Recovering Landscape , p. 238. C: Jacques Lucan, OMA-Rem Koolhaas: Architecture 1970-1990, New York: Princeton Architecture Press, 1991, p. 89.) West 8 expresses the similar idea about process in an urban plaza, Theatre Square (Schouwburgplein) in Rotterdam. The plaza is lo cated in the center of the city, working
106 as a void space to connect shops, offices, trai n station, theatre, and the concert hall. In this project, the process is explored by function fluctuat ions and geological processes as the operations of mobility. Social life takes the place of plants and drainage system in the Bos Park to show the urban plaza as a livi ng matter. The plaza, therefore, becomes a stage for a diversity of uses and embodies different interpretations over time. The arrangement of different materials on the ground indicates different zones for programs (Figures 3-11 A, 3-11 B). For example, the ea st side of the plaza is paved with wood and rubber, functioning as a rest area, because it receives sunlit th e longest. Different interpretations of the plaza depend on the activities of human beings and different performances of ground and lighting over time. The center area of th e plaza is lightened by the fluorescent tubes below the perforated d eck at night, which floats on the ground. The lighting position could be changed by vi sitors. All these m ovements of physical elements change the sense of the plaza. In terms of human activities, the program is utilized as the generator to connect human beings, landscape, and urbanism. On the square, the visitor becomes an actor or sp ectator. Adriaan Geuze argues that new urban inhabitants could create and find their own meaning in the place they use so that topography becomes fluid and unites the urban fabric. The urbanite is self-assured and well-inf ormed, finds his freedom and chooses his own sub-cultures. The city is his domai n, exciting and seductive. He has proved himself capable of finding his way around the new landscape and of making places his own.59 59 Gerrie Andels, Â“Challenging Landscape for Explorer: Estrangement and Reconciliation in the Work of West 8,Â” Archis 2 , February, 1994, pp. 83-112.
107 A B C D Figure 3-11. Theatre Square (Schouwburgplein) in Rotterdam, West 8. A): Programmatic Diagram. B) Square carpet. C) View of the plaza. D) Daytime. (Source: A, B & C: Luca Molinari (ed.), West 8 , Milano: Skira editore S.p.A., 2000, pp. 77, 78, 75. D: A+U 1998: 09, No. 336, p. 149.)
108 The operations of mobility in Villa VPRO in Hilversum work from the inside because it is located in an area where buildings are relatively closer to each other. For VPRO, its old premises were a group of 13 villas as offices. The features of villas as offices are the inspiration for this project. Th is project blurs the interior condition and the urban condition through folding space and in serting movement. Â“Inside, the building manifests itself as an uninterrupted continuation of the landscape surface.Â”60 The floors are urbanized and they are interacted through ramps, mini-hills, gra nd stairs, and slopes. The urban elements, such as patio and terr ace and geological formations, are introduced into the interior (Figure 3-12 B). As a cons equence, the curving and folding floors create different spaces and types for offices, which implies the metaphor of a Â“villaÂ” condition which existed in the old office building. The merging of the interior and exterior is based on the oriented views from the inside toward the outside, li ght and shadows, minimal intr oduction on the landscape, and even giving back a bit of natu re in the form of a roof garden. In some sense, the landscape surface is created within the buildings . The exterior expres sion of the interior folding space in Villa VPRO is not as evid ent as Yokohama Interna tional Port Terminal. Compared with the Port Terminal, in some sense, Villa VPRO is flowing, but selfrestrained within a box (Figure 3-12). 60 Bart Lootsma, Â“Synthetic Regionalism: The Dutc h Landscape toward a Second Modernity,Â” in James Corner (ed.), Recovering Landscape , p. 264.
109 A B C D Figure 3-12. Villa VPRO in Hilversum, MVRDV. A) Section. B & C) Interior views. D) FaÃ§ade. (Source: A+U 1998:09, No. 336, pp. 46-61.) Yokohama International Port Terminal, de signed by Foreign Office Architects, is a topographic architecture, a figured ground a nd a grounded figure. The building becomes the multi-layered topography by operations of surfaces. The genetic surfaces represent mobility by space and the gestur e of the form that they create. The surfaces are
110 continuous but not uniform, while reconcili ng the complexity of the program. The surfaces also blur boundaries of floors, wa lls, roofs, doors and windows. The form is intended to mediate between the competing di mensions of the programÂ—the differences between land and sea, natives and foreigners, city and harbor, and pub lic and private. The gesture of form is a replica of the sea wave, but at the same time, it presents the texture of the desert. The programs of the project, as an entrance to the cit y, a rest place for the local, as well as an outside stage for perfor mance, mixed the local with the outsiders. The project is presented as a Â“middleÂ” land be tween an artificial city and a natural environment (Figure 3-13). A B C Figure 3-13. Yokohama International Port Te rminal, Foreign Office Architects. A) Topographic building. B & C) Floor/ Door/ Window. (Source: A & B: Architecture Review, January 2003, pp. 27-35. C: Architecture Interieure (Architecture Installation) 307 , Mars 2003, pp. 78-83.)
111 Thickening Seemingly the connection of topography with architecture and the city is relatively on the ground level. Topography has no abso lute ground level. The ground level is not fixed. It changed with forces operating on it ove r time. The forces may come from nature or social and cultural events. Meanwhile, the ground level as the gr ound of architecture is absolutely not a 2-dimensional surface, but a 3-dimensional space. The 3-dimensional space is not an underground space below the surface, but a spatial condition which may incorporate a manifold of aboves and belo ws. In other words, the ground level is a negotiated condition. Moreover, topography is not just a physical mass. It is a matrix with cultural, economical, and ecological situations. The cultu ral and social forces thicken topography over time. The operation of thickening stands against topography as surface and line. It is the action to develop a system. The operation is the merging of severa l layers, such as topography, traditional grids, and cultural or soci al needs. It is an attempt to go over the categorical distinctions of figure and ground by merging geological formations, street plan, and buildings into a uni fied, nonhierarchical system. In his project of City of Culture in Galicia, Spain, Peter Eisenman suggests architecture as an open territory with differe nt layers, which utili zes genetic coding to respond to a new social logic. The social coding has two sources. One s ource is the coquille shell. The other source is the orthogonal grid of the old city of Santiago. The shell wa s the symbol of the city. Eisenman imposed the shape of the shell in to the fabric grid of the old city in order
112 to Â“create an internal genetic pr ogram for contemporary Santiago.Â”61 The shell and the grid are superimposed on the geographic si te (Figure 3-14 A). The geographic site combines the two genetic codes and distorts the two flat geometries, Â“generating a topological surface that superposes ol d and new in a simultaneous matrix.Â”62 At the same time, the genetic coding transforms the ge ographic site into topography. Materiality is planned to use native stone to resemble geol ogical formations more than to resemble buildings. A Figure 3-14. City of Culture in Galicia, Pe ter Eisenman. A) Superimposed. (Source: A: Domus: Architecttura, No. 824, March 2000, p. 6.) 61 Â“Peter Eisenman in Conver sation with Gunther Uhlig,Â” Domus: Architecttura, No. 824, March 2000, p. 15. 62 Refer to Architecture January 2003, pp. 70-73.
113 B C Figure 3-14. Continued. B) Diagra m of plan. C) Site. (Source: B: Domus: Architecttura, No. 824, March 2000, p. 10. C: Architecture , January 2003, p. 70.) At first glance, the gesture of the Ticino Sc hool projects seems very assertive in the environment. The projects are pure ma ssesÂ—strong vocabulary, straightforward construction, and materials, which seemingl y stand alone in the landscape. All these evolve into an opposite attitude to the design of buildings as a response to their sites. However, some designers, such as Luigi Snoz zi and Aurelio Galfetti, follow the similar strategy as Eisenman did to thicken topogra phy, but their final forms are opposite to that
114 of Eisenman. The site has been re-defined as part of architecture through these architectsÂ’ personal interventions tangentially rather than representationally. The operation of thickening in the Ti cino projects is based on an intimate understanding of the Ticino situ ations. It is expressed fi rst by their selection of construction sites, which are always located in the peripheries of cities. Snozzi once said: Â“The big region, with its historical and cultu ral heritage, is now threatened by two basic developments: on the one hand, the exodus of population from the more remote and inaccessible areas, and on the other, the pro cess of the agglomeration of villages on the peripheries of cities, which puts its entir e culture heritage in serious danger.Â”63 SnozziÂ’s attitudes to the making of place challenge th e conventional polarities of contemporary urban architecture, which seems to have roots from Richard SerraÂ’s a ttitude to the social issue.64 Snozzi and Galfetti both seek to transf orm the destruction of the landscape in Ticino and the trivializat ion of its heritage by engaging th e specifics of place. They both attempt to unfold the potential of the sites fo r the future, which has already been inscribed with the sites. The Sports Center and Reconstr uction of the Castelgrande in Bellinzona, both cause attention to rethink the relationship between the historical context and the new intervention. Galfetti, in these two projects, designed some new parts to reconstruct the old fabric and reorganize the urban conditi on. The Sports Center extends from the old 63Thomas Deckker, Â“The Re-invention of the Site,Â” in Jan Birksted (ed.), Relating Architecture to Landscape , (London: E & FN Spon, 1999), p.161. 64 Richard SerraÂ’s attitude to this social issue is: Â“One of the basic problems posed by any context (landscape, urban, or architectural) is that of content. . . to be effectiv e my work must disengage itself from the already existing content of the site. One method of adding to an existing context and thereby changing the content is through analyzing and assimilating specific environmental componentsÂ—boundaries, edges, buildings, paths, streets, and the entire physiognomy of the site.Â” (Richard Serra, Â“Notes from Sight point Road,Â” Perspecta 19, p. 157.)
115 city fabric to the edge of th e river. On the one hand, it esta blishes the boundary for future development. On the other hand, the sports ce nter works as a linear wall. In the open field, the linear wall unites the environment a nd connects the city and the river. The city space is accentuated to continue . In the Reconstruction of the Castelgrande project, the new places are straightforward and are create d within the fabric. The new landscape is included inside and outside the castle wa lls. The elevator and Â“murataÂ” are the two Galfetti interventions to create new links to the town. The elevator with an entrance from the new town Plaza del Sole leads to the expe rience of castle from an inaccessible spot, a new spot in the city fabric to the inner cav e. The Â“murata,Â” which is the remains of the 15th century town wall of the Sforza castle, stre tches out like a grass pier into the town. Both of these projects, through the new interv ention and Â“linear walls, Â” reread the history of the city, redefine the topography, and redire ct the future of the city (Figure 3-15). A Figure 3-15. Bellinzona. A) Plan of Bellin zona (showing the Sports Center and the Castelgrande and Â“MurataÂ”). (Source: A: Thomas Deckker, Â“The Re-invention of the Site,Â” in Jan Birksted (ed.), Relating Architecture to Landscape , London: E & FN Spon, 1999, p.162.)
116 B C D E Figure 3-15. Continued. B) Aerial view of the Sport Center. C) Sports center. D) Elevator motor-room in the Castelgrande. E) Â“M urataÂ” showing new landscaping of the castle. (Source: B &C: Mario Botta & Mirko Zardini, Aurelio Galfetti , Barcelona: GG, 1989, pp. 23-24. D & E: D eckker, Â“The Re-invention of the Site,Â” pp. 160, 164.)
117 Every inserted building in Monte Carraso expresses SnozziÂ’s preference: simple geometric forms using in situ concrete. The gesture of SnozziÂ’s overall plan has two expressions. One expression is an attempt to increase the density and strengthen the center. The other expression is an attempt to reconstruct the edge of the village (Figure 316 A). The overall plan has a definitive center and an increase in density of the facilities and the fabric. The new center is located at the site of the oldest bu ilding in the town, the medieval monastery. Snozzi has reconstructed some of the or iginal fabric and some new interventions to define this monumental cent er and accentuate its spat ial continuities. The ring road in the front of the center plaza, the city hall, th e mayorÂ’s house, the gymnastic complex, and a bank are utilized to create the place. In the pr ocess of creati ng place, the meanings of each element are transforme d. The monumental place transformed the conventional center into a place surrounde d by school and cemeteryÂ—on emerging life and death. And Â“the new fabric of the school , such as the enormous light-hoods over the classrooms, forms a new historical layer; the lightÂ–hoods act not onl y as a new, serial, form to be read against the existing fabric , but are inhabitable as separate study areas within each classroom.Â”65 The bank has a faÃ§ade within a faÃ§ade, which makes it stands out from the center plaza. The Â“doubleÂ” faÃ§ad e also indicates the Â“doubleÂ” programs of the bankÂ—private housing is above the bank. The mayor house, which takes on the role to define one edge of the ri ng road and the monumental plaza , gives a town-like presence. The town-like presence, coupled with the se mi-public porch, blurs distinction of the private and the public (Figure 3-16). 65 Thomas Deckker, Â“The Re-invention of the Site,Â” p. 167.
118 A B C Figure 3-16. Monte Carraso, Luigi Snozzi. A) Overall plan. B) Center plans (before and after Luigi SnozziÂ’s alteration.) C) Detail s of the center plaza. D) View of the center plaza (view of the school ). (Source: A: Luigi Snozzi, Monte Carasso , Basel: BirkhÃ¤user Verlag, 1995, p. 69. B& C: Casabella 506, October 1984, pp.53, 55.)
119 D E Figure 3-16. Continued. D) View of the cen ter plaza (view of the school). E) Bank. (Source: D: Bauwelt , 13 February, 1998, p. 31. E: Casabella 506, October 1984, p. 56.) Julieanna Preston in her Re-Dressing the Eiffel suggests that Ground resists being reduced to an abstracti on, it is neither a line, coating nor inbetween spacer. Her project to fashion a new landscape surface beneath the Eiffel Tower therefore probes the depth of surface. It utilizes techniques and practices of sewing to manipulate surface as material having spatial depthÂ—ground as a deep surface.66 66 Mark Taylor (ed.), Â“Surface Consciousness,Â” Architectural Design , Vol. 73 No. 2, 2003, p. 81.
120 The ground is sewed in order to present the loading effect of th e downward force of the Eiffel Tower on the ground. The ground become s fragments, but these fragments are united by material joints to maintain the continuity of the ground. At the same time, different scale spaces are created by sewing the ground. These spaces are associated with tourists, performances and the local people. In this sense, the ground is involved with Â“the production of public landscape, urban fittings and spatial interiors.Â”67 Topography is endowed with the social, spatial, and material depth (Figure 3-17). A B C D Figure 3-17. Re-Dressing the Eiffel. (S ource: Mark Taylor (ed.), Â“Surface Consciousness,Â” Architectural Design , Vol. 73 No. 2, 2003, pp. 81-85.) Materiality Here there are stone formations shaped by divine forcesÂ—rocks, broken boulders, dust born of the fruitful ground, its partic les, as uncountable as the stars. I stoop and pick up a stone. I caress it with my eyes, with my fingers. It is a piece of grey limestone. Fire moul ded its divine shape, water sculpted it and endowed it 67 Ibid., p. 85.
121 with a fine covering of clay that has alte rnating patches of white and rust, with a yellow tinge. I turn it over in my hands . I study the harmony of its contours. I delight in the way its hollows and protrusi ons, light and the shadows, balance each other on the surface. I feel you grow, expanding in my imagination. Your lateral surfaces turn into slopes, ridges, noble precipices. Your hollows become caverns, where water silently trickl es from the cracks in the rose-coloured rock. Stone, you compose the lineaments of this landscape. You are the landscape. You are the Temple that is to crown the precipitous rock of your own Acropolis. Dimitris Pikionis, A Sentimental Topography .68 The stone in Dimitris PikionisÂ’s hand was bor n in the landscape. It is reshaped over time. Meanwhile, it is shaping the land. Piki onis touched it and felt it. It grows in his mind, becoming a representative of the place. This position about materiality encourages us to stand against relegation of material as only to service of form. Materiality is a living matter. It continuously transforms the site and is transformed by the site. It plays an active role between the place and human beings . Â“It has less to do with the beauty of materials than with how they operateÂ—to inde x and express temporality, to represent the site, or to support a phenomenological reading of a place.Â”69 The operations of materiality display how matter can be a generator of sense, disclose the cultural and natural characteristic s in the sites, and establish links with conditions of being and temporality. In The City in History , Lewis Mumford wrote that the Landscape in Acropolis designed by Dimitris Pikionis (Figure 3-18) is sensitive and primitive. It reveals the contemporary mind steeped in the anci ent culture, but fr ee from imitating. 68 Mega XI, Dimitris Pikionis: Architect 1887-1968 , London: AA Publications, 1989, p. 68. 69 Berrizbeitia and Pollak, Inside/Outside: Between Architecture and Landscape , p. 48.
122 The project was requested to link the site with the Agora and the Karamanlis Hill. It explored the topography, the light and shadow, the material s, and the texture of ground through the design on the walks. The paths l eading to the Acropolis are paved with sacred rocks and sacred patterns. Squares, circles, tria ngles, fish, children, sun, a flower, the waves of the sea, the ru ins of the cityÂ—a wide range of symbols and metaphysical concepts are composed with the stone, tiles, and little pieces of gravel. The scales of patterns and materials and their color, shape and texture are changed. On the whole, the paving designs are simple but inventive as a re sponse to the spirit of the site, down to the last detail. The edge and the path are not sepa rated. The plants and the slight incisions of pavement into the ground make the edge and the path flow together . The integration of paving designs with plant life also defines accu rate exploitation of views. They offer different views, near and far, sometimes orie nting toward a specific visual group. In this sense, the stones orient human beingsÂ’ m ovements and experiences in the place. At the same time, his close collaboration with craftsmen and his strategy to make the pavements free the walks from imitating the past. The design is steeped into the site, but is embedded with contemporary values. Aris Konstantinidis once sa id, Â“There are cases when the form of the landscape imposes the use of a material.Â”70 And he defined architecture as Â“geographicÂ”Â—every building grows on a particular site as a self-evident natural element. 70 Leatherbarrow, Uncommon Ground , p. 190.
123 A B C D Figure 3-18. Landscape in Acropolis, Dimitris Pikionis. A) Arial view of the Acropolis. B) View of the Acropolis. C) Plan of the path. D) Walkway toward the Acropolis. (Source: A: Mega XI, Dimitris Piki onis: Architect 1887-1968 , London: AA publications, 1989, p. 4. B: Quaderns , No. 190, July 1991, p. 78. C: AA Files 20, Autumn 1990, p. 59. D: Casabella 638, October 1996, p. 57.)
124 In his project Hotel Xenia in Mykonos (Fi gure 3-19), the granite used for the walls was quarried locally, guaranteeing the con tinuity between building and terrain. The pattern of horizontal striation, accentuated by retaining walls and thick slabs, repeats the form and appearance of some plateau in th e surrounding terrain. The contrast between the color of the land and the buildingÂ’s horizont al gesture is expressed by the whitewashed concrete. It demonstrates a kind of continuity that tolerates interru ptions, a harmony that remains hidden beneath outward differe nces through modern materials. Figure 3-19. Hotel Xenia in Mykonos, Aris Konstantinidis. (Source: Leatherbarrow, Uncommon Ground , p. 192.) Jacques Herzog concludes that Â“the reality of architecture does not simply coincide with what is built, but rather finds its mani festation in its materials.Â” He locates the reality of architecture in materials because Â“t hey find their highest ma nifestation . . . once they have been removed from their natural context.Â”71 71 Refer to Philip Ursprung (ed.), Herzog & De Meuron: Natural History , Baden, Switzerland: Lars Muller Publishers, 2002, p. 54.
125 In HerzogÂ’s Stone House, materially provi des a phenomenological reading of the materiality of the site and of its transformation into c onstruction. The concept of the project is based on a concrete frame, flushed with a mantle of local stone rubble packed into a dry-laid wall (Figure 3-20). The impressi on of the house is not only an affinity but also a contrast. The shared material beco mes a connection between architecture and nature. By locating the building so that it e ngages one of the existing terraces on the site, the ground level and first floor assume the terrace elevations, becoming continuous with the existing site topography. Materiality pr ovides a phenomenological reading of the materiality of the site and of its translation into construc tion. The contrast between the stone and concrete frame triggers a flashback to Robert SmithsonÂ’s metal boxes filled with pieces of rock (Figure 3-20 C). They both open a gap be tween natural material with artifice (metal boxes and concrete frame) in Â“geological time.Â” At the same time, the rubble wall becomes a picture of nature wh ich is assigned to a concrete frame. The relationship between the stones and the frame is clearly expressed in the corner of the building. The corner concrete column is hidden behind the faÃ§ade, allowing the stone to continue uninterrupted. This relationship Â“r esembles the building like the dry-laid walls of the landscape.Â”72 72 Berrizbeitia and Pollak, Inside/Outside: Between Architecture and Landscape , p. 56.
126 A B C D Figure 3-20. Stone House in Tavole, Herzog and De Meuron. A) Pla n. B) View. C) NonSite: Line of Wreckage, Robert Smithson. D) Detail of the corner. (Source: A & D: Berrizbeitia and Pollak, Inside/Outside: Be tween Architecture and Landscape , p. 57. B: Philip Ursprung (ed.), Herzog & De Meuron , p. 46. C: Jack Flam (ed.), Robert Smithson: The Collected Writings , Berkeley: University of Californi a Press, Ltd., 1996, p. 204.)
127 The four operations explored here Â—reciprocity, mobility, thickening, and materialityÂ—constitute a process of th e production of genera tive topography. These operations blur the distincti on between architecture and t opography, architecture and city, figure and ground, private life and social life in order to recons truct the past, generate the sense of the place, correspond to the present, and anticipat e the future. Each operation functions to add several layers on topogra phy; they overlap and interact to present topography like an agent to create identity.
128 PART TWO: CHAPTER 4 LANDING: NOTIONS ABOUT TOPOGRAPHY IN THE SITING SELECTION IN CHINA The first three chapters re-examined the notions of place, regionalism and topography in the age of globalization, as we ll as the potential of topography in placemaking. The following chapters present feasibil ity studies to explor e the potential of topography in the rehabilitation of a Chinese village that is expe riencing transformation under the pressure of globalization. The me thods for the following study are based on the actions of landing, experiencing, mapping, and transforming, as mentioned in Chapter 1. There are three major traditional theories on architecture in China. The first theory is called Fengshui ( ), which concerns the relationshi p between architecture and the environment. The second theory is called Yingzao Fashi ( ), which concerns materials and construction methods. The third theory is called Zaoyuan Lun ( ), which concerns the design of gardens in residences and palaces. The first action, landing, starts from the understanding of the Fengshui theory. Of these theories, Fengshui is more important in understanding the relatio nship of the village and city with topography. Fengshui literally means Wind ( and Water ( . Stephen Skinner notes: ItÂ’s the art of living in harmony with th e land, and deriving the greatest benefit, peace, prosperity from being in th e right place at the right time.1 1 Stephen Skinner, The Living Earth Manual of Feng Shui , (London: Arkana, 1989), p. 5.
129 According to the record,2 at the formative period of Fengshui, the geomancer held up a stick on top of a mound and observed the sh adow of the stick in the sunshine. He did this in order to set the timing and orientat ion, which was similar to the process of how Romulus identified the boundary for Rome.3 At the same time, he identified yin and yang for the surrounding environment. For geomancers, Fengshui is an event to investigate the Earth, taste the water, and identify the orientat ion in order to locate the site in the right place. Philosophical Basis for Fengshui Theory The idea of Fengshui originated from the wo rship of landscape. It had its origins in Chinese philosophical thoughts about production, living, and village development. In terms of Chinese philosophies, no matter the school of thought, the essential idea is similar: Earth, Nature, Humans, and Cosmos ar e part of a harmonious natural order. In ancient times, Chinese cultural and social development was based on an agricultural civilization. People learned about the relationship between human beings and nature from living, planting crops, and reaping. On the one hand, the ancients noticed that humans could not control nature because at that time the technical level was so low that humans were not capable of transforming nature. On the contrary, human activities were manipulated by nature. On the other hand, they realized that nature follows its own path. 2 In a chapter named Gongliu in the book Shi Jing (Books of Odes), the process is described of a geomancer named Liu Gong investigating the environment, planning and constructing the village and buildings for the people living before the Zhou Dynasty. ( Shi Jing : Writers / compliers unknown. Zhou Dynasty, 9th to 15th centuries B.C.). 3 Plutarch in the Life of Romulus describes that Â“[Romulus] fitted a brazen ploughshare to the plough, and, yoking together a bull and a cow, drove himself a deep line or furrow round the bounds; while the business of all those that followed after was to see that whethe r was thrown up should be turned all inwards towards the city, and not to let any clod lie outside.Â” (Source: Rykwert, The Idea of a Town , p. 29.)
130 Following the attributes is a better way to survive in nature. This idea had great influence on Chinese ideology and lifestyle, and made people admire nature. Confucianism and Taoism are two major schools of Chinese philosophy. In some aspects, such as building a fair and stable society on earth and seei ng the artificial and restrictive structures of society, the early Taoist classi cs appear as a reaction against Confucian civil morality. However, Confucia nism and Taoism have something common: they are both impacted by the idea of Yin and Yang from Yi Xue .4 In Yi Xue , the world is regarded as the cons equence of the interaction of Yin and Yang , two opposite forces. For Taoism, every object is a unity of opposites, a unity of interaction and transformation. Taoism studies these two opposit es from the view of their relationship. Confucianism also believes that everything has two sides, but rega rds these opposites as stable units. Confucianism focuses more on the humansÂ’ reaction to these two opposites. Confucians believe that people should ha ve no tendency between these two opposites. Taking the neutral position becomes its cent ral thought. The other thought is that they both regard the question of how to make human s and cosmos as a unit as one of the core unit of their philosophies.5 In Taoism, everything is regard ed as having its own attributes. 4 Yi Xue was formulated around the period 11th B.C. Â– 221 B.C.. 5 Confucianism and Taoism were founded in the Zhou Dynasty (1122 Â– 221 B.C.) and flourished in the Han Dynasty. At the end of the Zhou Dynasty, the growth of many family-states diminished the central control of the emperor. These states had their own capitals. They tried to absorb others. In the view of John King Fairbank, violence in the Zhou Dynasty inspired the late Zhou philosophers. A considerable group of thinkers emerged in this period, which is called Â“h undred schools.Â” This situation paralleled the GrecoRoman world. Confucius (551 Â– 479 B.C.) was a contemporary of the great figures in Greece (Plato, 429 Â– 347B.C., Aristotle, 384 Â– 321 B.C., et al.). A book called Lun Yu (Alalects) was compiled by disciples of Confucius. Confucianism, as a rationale for organizing society, Â“began with the cosmic order and its hierarchy of superior-inferior relationships. Parents were superior to children, men to women, rulers to subjects.Â” (John King Fairbank, China: A New History , Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1998, p. 51). In the ideology of Confucianism, everybody has his own rule in the society. If everyone follows his rule, the society would be stable. Daoism originated from Laozi ( ). Laozi Zhu ( ), written by Bi Wang ( ) (226 Â– 249 A.D.), comments on the thoughts of Laozi, which is the major Chinese reference to
131 Complying with attributes of objects is the way to unify human and nature. In Confucianism, nature is equated with life. In re turn, life is equated with nature. It is said that when you are experiencing the beauty of nature, you are experiencing the meanings of life. For both of them, nature and humans are inseparable. Although these two philosophies both have great impact on Chinese society, Taoism is concerned as a major philosophi cal basis for the Fengshui theory by some scholars such as Henry B. Lin. In The Art Science of Feng Shui , Lin states that in its formative period, Fengshui was, in particular, linked to the ideas of yin yang and the five elements from Taoist theories.6 One of reasons for this scenario is that Taoism puts more energy in exploring how a bala nce between nature and man is maintained. And the term Tao ( ) means Â“the way,Â” or the forces inherent in nature. Taoism also refers to a code of behavior that is in harmony with the natural order,7 which corresponds to the Fengshui theory that is about how indi vidual buildings, villages and c ities should deal with nature. Confucianism like Taoism also explores the way to keep a balance between humans and nature. Although Confucianism focuses more on how to build a perfect society, its idea about order is still expressed in Fengshui. We take the Â“bedroomÂ” as an example. In Fengshui, the parentsÂ’ bedroom should be on the east side (Dragon side) of buildings. the study of Laozi. Â“The early Daoist argued that human moral ideas are the reflection of human depravity, that the idea of filial piety springs from the fact of impiety, that a Confucian statement of the rules of propriety is really a reflection of the worldÂ’s moral disorder.Â” (Ibid., p. 54.) It is the school Â“most opposite to the elitist prescriptions of Confucianism.Â” (Ibid., p. 53.) The impact of these two philosophies on the Chinese is described by Fairbank as Â“the Chinese sc holar was a Confucian when in office and a Daoist when out of office.Â” (Ibid., p. 53.) 6 Henry B. Lin, The Art Science of Feng Shui , (St. Paul: Minnesota: Llewelly n Publications, 2000), p. 3. Five elements are water, fire, wood, metal, and earth . Wood signifies the whole vegetative cover of the Earth. In the view of Skinner, wood is Â“organic matter.Â” (Skinner, The Living Earth Manual of Feng Shui , p. 63.) Metal symbolizes things fabricated or purified from the Earth. 7 Damian Sharp, Simple Feng Shui, (Berkeley, CA: Conari Press, 1999), p. 3.
132 ChildrenÂ’s bedrooms should be on the west si de. After the parents have passed away, the first son could live on the east side. The idea of family order in Confucianism is that children must obey and respect parents (paren ts occupy the perfect location of Fengshui). After the parents pass away, the first son must be regarded and respec ted as Â“fatherÂ” (the first son should move to the east side where the parents once lived). This idea is expressed clearly in Confucianism. Taoism and Confucianism have great in fluence on Fengshui during its different phases. In the formative period of Fengs hui, TaoismÂ—as a philosophy to emphasize the harmony between nature and human beings Â—had more influence because Fengshui originated from the worship of nature. By comparison, Confucianism is more concerned about constructing social order. When Fengshui is involved in arrangi ng Â“order,Â” such as orientation and room disposition,8 Confucianism takes over the role. Textural History of Related to Fengshui9 Fengshui theory is still utilized as an im portant siting selection theory in China. The siting selection for cities and villages ha s been an important issue for the Chinese because it is related to peopleÂ’s future, their health, their property, and the prospect of their descendants. This activity was first r ecorded from the turn of the Shang Dynasty10 to 8 The connection between orientation and social order in China is explored in Notions of Orientation for Siting Selection in this chapter. 9 Many scholars think the only material that can be regarded as primarily relevant for the study of urbanism in ancient times is properly attested archaeological ev idence, while the transmitted texts must be considered as secondary importance. In the view of Yinong Xu, it is very difficult to access archaeological sites when the study is on the construction of ancient Chinese cities or villages which could be traced back 2,000 years. Chinese architecture is built of wood that is easily destroyed by wars and fires. It is easily demolished and then rebuilt. This study has to rely on literary evidence. Sometimes literary evidence which shows the impact of Fengshui on the physical constructi on of cities more than 2,000 years history is scarce. Therefore, this part of the study is based on the analysis of literary evidence, but not based on the analysis of archaeological sites. 10 Shang Dynasty: 1766 Â– 1122 B.C..
133 the Zhou (Chou) Dynasty.11 It is described in an ancient book titled Shang Shu ( Book of Documents),12 which states that the governmen t officer had asked geomancers to choose the site for his residence before the construction. Tracing the documents during that period, scattered ideas on th e siting selection were recorded, but not elaborated on in a systematic way. In the Han Dynasty,13 a formulated system of ideas about the siting selection was born, which was named Fengshui. In some sense, the root of this systematic theory contributed to the political needs.14 Broadly speaking, it is an environmental theory. In the view of Stephen Feuchtwang, it is : to be in the right place facing the right direction doing the right thi ng at the right time, then, a cr oss between being practically efficient and being ritually correct. It is being in tune with the universe. The considerations of topography in Fe ngshui are the key issues because its underlying principles conformed to the long-la sting world view of the Chinese people. Many of its ideas and symbols are derived from ancient cosmic conceptions that were the backbone of the orthodox cosmology. All these will supply clues for modern designers to rethink topography in the siteÂ’s construction and build a link between the interior and the exterior. 11 Zhou Dynasty: 1122 Â– 221 B.C.. 12 Shang Shu : Writers unknown. 10th century B.C. to ca. 320 A.D.. 13 Han Dynasty: 206 B.C. Â– 220 A.D.. 14 Qing (ChÂ’in) Dynasty (221 Â– 206 B.C.), just before the Han Dynasty, was the first dynasty to unite the whole country in Chinese history. Before this dynasty, there were tens of thousands of philosophies, currencies, and writings existing at the same time. In the Qing Dynasty, the empire urged the unity of philosophy, language, and currency. In such a background, several important Chinese traditional philosophies began to merge, and Co nfucianism became the dominating on e. Theories on siting selection began to be formulated as a system.
134 Fengshui (Wind and Water) Although Fengshui was formulated in the Han Dynasty, we can still find some sources in fragmentary expositions containe d in many Pre-Han Dynasty documents. We can also find sources in the recorded ancient architectural archives embodying cosmological concepts of that age. T oday, most scholars argue that the term Fengshui (wind and water) was first documented in Zang Jing ( Burial Book )15: ChÂ’i rides the winds and disperses, meets the water and stays. So in the old time, the people gather ChÂ’i not to disperse it, but to vitalize and accumulate it. This is called Fengshui.16 Fengshui, for geomancers, is an activity to investigate the earth, taste the water, identify the orientation, and locate the right place. In the record of Zhou Li (Records of the Rites of Zhou),17 the activities related to Fengshui were divided into two parts. One part was to observe and evaluate the natu ral environment to select the location for planning for the sites, which was an actual survey on the site. The other part was to evaluate the auspicious and sini ster orientation for the city, village, buildings, and tombs. It also was to judge the timing for cons truction, which was done by astrology and the Chinese Eight Diagrams.18 This classification results in the formulations of two schools of Fengshui called Form School and Compass School by Skinner. 15 Zang Jing (Burial Book): Attributed to Pu Guo (276 A.D. Â– 324). 16 Translation refers to Huei Min LuÂ’s Acupuncture and Siting (ACSA Conference Proceedings). 17 Zhou Li (Records of the Rites of Zhou), Compliers unknown, Western Han Dynasty, perhaps containing some materials from the late Zhou Dynasty. 18 Eight Diagrams originated from IÂ’Ching . The IÂ’Ching is a binary system of divination derived from the two basic units Yin and Yang. Â“A trigram is a threetier combination of Yin and Yang lines: consequently there are 23 or eight possible trigrams.Â” (Skinner, The Living Earth Manual of Feng Shui , p. 69.)
135 Kanyu , Dili , Yingyang The term Fengshui is always related to other Chinese characters, such as Kanyu , Dili , Yingyang and so on . The statement about Fengshui alwa ys belonged to the chapter titled Kanyu in ancient Chinese books so that Kanyu became the other name for Fengshui. The term Kanyu was first shown in the old book Huainanzi (Book of Huai Nan). The notion of this term in the context of that book was: The Taos of Heaven and Earth result in the exchange of Yin and Yang. Sometimes they are against each other, sometimes they are in tune with each other. The former is bad, and the latter is a sign of luck.19 In the Analytical Dictionary of Characters, Shuowen Jiezi ,20 Kanyu Â’s meaning is Heaven and Earth. Kan means the Tao of Heaven. Yu means the Tao of Earth. The term of Dili (geography) was first reco rded during the Spring and Autumn Period (722 Â– 481B.C.). Di means Â“the Earth,Â” and Li means Â“textures, rules, or Tao .Â” In the Tang Dynasty,21 a scholar named Yingda Kong defined Dili as Â“Earth has mountains and flatlands. These mountains and fl atlands have their ow n features and Taos. It is called Dili (geography).Â”22 Its relation to Fengshui was first explored by folklore in 19 Huinanzi (the Book of Huai Nan): Written by the group of Scholars gathered by Liu An (179 Â– 122 B.C.), Western Han, ca. 120 B.C., Zj ed., (Beijing: Zhonghua Shuju, 1954), Volume 3, Â“ Tianwen Xun Â”. 20 Shuowen Jiezi (Analytical Dictionary of Characters): Written by Shen Xu (ca. 58 Â– 147 A.D.), Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1963. 21 Tang Dynasty: 618A.D. Â– 907. 22 Jian Shi, Â“ ,Â” in Qiheng Wang(ed.), Fengshui Yanjiu (Research of Feng Shui Theory), Tianjing: Tianjing University Press, 1992, p. 17.
136 the book Zhou Yi (Book of Changes of The Zhou),23 which said that people should investigate Earth as well as observe Heaven. And in the Jin Dynasty, a scholar stated that the activity of the Huang emperor to investigate Earth is called Fengshui. Yinyang is an important notion in Chinese philosophy. The ancient Chinese understood that everything in the universe has opposite sides while observing the universal phenomena. These two sides are opposite each other and complement each other. In the Analytical Dictionary of Characters, Yin means black, the south of water and the north of mountains. Yang means high and bright, the north of water and the south of mountains. The term Yingyang first came from a chapter named Gongliu in the book Shi Jing (Books of Odes). This chapter described how people selected a site before the Zhou Dynasty. Besides the or ientation and timing, mountains and waters were also examined in order to identify their yin and yang . Since then identifying Yinyang has been the main issue for Fengshui. When this concept is involved in Fengshui , it is expressed on different levels. In Fengshui, Yin and Yang can be related to orientation, t ypes of buildings, natural forms, and so on. Regarding South, buildings fo r living and water are regarded as Yang with positive attributes. Regarding North, graves a nd tombs, and mountains are regarded as Yin with negative attributes. And alth ough mountains are overall treated as Yin , they also could be divided into Yin and Yang . High mountains are regarded with more negative attributes. Flat ground is regarded as a more positive attribute. However, no matter whether Yin/Yang refers to any visible or invisible force of nature, the essence of the 23 Zhou Yi ( Book of Changes of The Zhou), Compiler unknown, Zhou Dynasty with Western Han Dynasty additions. Sz ed. Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1980.
137 relationship between Yin and Yang has not been changed. Ke eping a balance between Yin and Yang is still the key to Fengshui, as well as Taoism. ChÂ’i ChÂ’i is a medium to build a bridge am ong different forces and keep a balance among them. In SkinnerÂ’s opinion,24 ChÂ’i has no equivalent word in Western terminology, except perhaps for Â“breath of life. Â” ChÂ’i can be the energy flowing through the acupuncture meridians of the body, the force to bring fertile crops , the energy carried in the winds and by the water. It is defi ned philosophically as Â“objectively existing being,Â” Â“matter/ energy.Â” ChÂ’i from the North is listless; from the South, it is energetic; from the West, erratic and unpredictable; from the East , neutering and protective.25 Skinner divided ChÂ’i into three levels: Ea rth, Heaven, and Weather. The weather ChÂ’i, including Feng and Shui, are the movable Ch Â’i, the fluctuating el ements distributed between the more fixed ChÂ’i of Heaven and Earth to mediate them. In terms of architecture and siting, the practice of Feng Shui discerns all kinds of ChÂ’i: to follow or restore what they are and where they are, th en locate site and architecture in a suitable atmosphere of ChÂ’i in order to keep a ba lance of humanÂ’s ChÂ’i with NatureÂ’s ChÂ’i. The ancients accumulated ChÂ’i, made it indispensable, and moved it in order to keep it at rest at some place.26 Natural Environment as Human Body As mentioned before, anci ent Chinese people understood the relationship between Humans with Nature through thei r experience. They then cons tructed this relationship as 24 Skinner, The Living Earth Manual of Feng Shui , p. 17. 25 Sharp, Simple Feng Shui , p. 23. 26 PÂ’u Kuo, Tsang-Shu , (Taichung: Reichen Shu-chu, 1976), Chu:an 2, p. 4.
138 a philosophical base for the Chinese. In Lao Zi ,27 there are four elements for the universe: Tao, Heaven, Earth, and Humanity. Heaven, Humanity and Earth are regarded as a trinity. Without Heaven and Earth, th ere would be no world. Without Humanity, there would be no development. Within this trinity, Humanity is embedded in the natural order as an active though not dominant player. ManÂ’s role in the natural order is not to impose his will on Nature but rather to assist in the expression of that which is appropriate to the natural order of things . It is incumbent upon man to understand the inner expression and meaning of natural phenomena and enhance and assist that expression and meaning. In general, humanity and the universe are united. This idea had great influence on Chinese ideo logy and lifestyle, and impelled people to admire nature. This belief that Humanity is united with Nature makes the ancestors turn to the human body to explain some natural phenomen a which they could not understand. For example, when the ancients could not unders tand how the clouds and fog come about, they regarded these natural phenomena as the breathing air for the mountains and Heaven, just as humans needs air. An ancient my th illustrates how nature is related to the human body in our ancestorsÂ’ minds. It was said that the origin of the world lay in a primordial egg, which hatched a god who liv ed 18,000 years. When he died, his head split and became the sun and moon, his blood the rivers and seas, his hair the plants, his limbs the mountains, his voice the thunder, his perspiration the rain, his breath the wind, and his fleas the ancestors of man. 27 It was written by Lao Zi , who is regarded as the originator of Taoism. But no documents prove his biography. It is said that this book was written between 1122 B.C. and 221 B.C..
139 Moreover, in the Huangdi Zhaijing ( The Yellow EmperorÂ’s House-siting Manual),28 topographic forms and configurations are linked to the human body: water and underground springs are the blood and veins; earth-ground is the skin and flesh; the grass-wood is the hair; the hut house is the cl othes; the door-gate is the hat and belt as ornaments. In Fengshui, the mountain is regarded as the bones of the body, and the water as the blood and veins of the body. Considering the mountain, stones are regarded as bones of the mountain, earth the flesh, water the blood, woods the skin. All these documents, myths, and old books illustrate the connection of nature with the human body at the exterior level. More over, the Chinese built a spiritual (inside) connection between them. The Chinese utili ze the idea of ChÂ’i to show that the mountains and waters also have ChÂ’i existing inside them, just as man does. The concept of ChÂ’i was first utilized in Chinese traditional medicine. In Chinese medicine, ChÂ’i is the energy of the bodyÂ’s breath, which is concen trated in various parts of the body. The energy is naturally accumulated and may be enha nced at certain points, which is called Xue . Yin and Yang are two kinds of ChÂ’i. Balancing these two kinds of ChÂ’i in the human body is the purpose of Chinese medici ne. For Taoism, it extends the concept of ChÂ’i into the universe and infuses all things. In TaoistsÂ’ minds, ChÂ’i also gives energy to the natural elements besides humans. ChÂ’i is the source for the water moving, the plants growing, and the cloud forming. As humans ha ve various personali ties, mountains and waters are considered to have different ChÂ’i, which gives them different qualities. In 28 Huangdi Zhaijing (The Yellow EmperorÂ’s House-siting Manual), Wei Wang , Liu Song, 15th century A.D., Sq ed. Shanghai: Shanghai guji chubanshe, 1987.
140 Fengshui, mountains are investig ated by their different shapes , height, and the length of mountain veins to identify their qualities. And the direction of the flow, the speed of the flow, the shape of the water course, the depth of the water, and the sound the water makes are criteria for the qualities of water. All thes e qualities decide the qualities of ChÂ’i within them, which will also affect the ChÂ’i of hu mans who live with them. It is a symbiotic relation between the outside and the inside. Within Fengshui, its final aim is to identify an ideal site with strong quali ties of ChÂ’i that will bring good life and fortune to people by means of investigating different topography and the features of the topography, More importantly, geomancers need to identify the Xue , which is the point in the natural environment where ChÂ’i is gather ing at its greatest efficacy. Generally, the Chinese link nature with the human body both on the outside and the inside. The link is based on the Chinese philo sophy that humans and nature are united as one universe. Siting Selection Ideal Location for City, Village, and Tomb In Fengshui, the ideal location for villages (Figure 4-1 A) is in the hills, which surround the site on three sides. Water should be in the south. The hill to the south should be lower than the one to the north. The orient ation of the village is related to color, animals, seasons, and elements. The natural form s in these four directions are associated with these four animal symbols, which are the guardians of the place. To the north are distant and higher hills, whic h represent the Black Tortoi se. The south should be open and facing a gentle slope or other form easily identified as the Red Raven. The Red Raven should not have a dominant feature that might overshadow the buildings. In
141 Fengshui, positive currents of ChÂ’i, particular ly those generated by a Dragon hill (located in the east), are said to produce a healthy and harmonious environment, prolong life, and even bring material prosperity. A B Figure 4-1. Diagrams of ideal locations. A) Id eal location for villag e. B) Ideal location for city. (Source: Qiheng Wang, Research of Feng Shui Theory , Tianjing: Tianjing University Press, 1992, p. 27.) The ideal location for a city is similar to finding a site for villa ges (Figure. 4-1 B). Facing south, located on a slope running down fr om the north to the south, sitting in an enclosed environment, and hiding Shui Kuo (the points that water flows into or out of the site) are the common determinants for villages and cities. But compared to villages, the siting selection for cities pays more atte ntion to the distant landscapes, which form the second layer surrounding the site. The layout of the city appears to be a state of symmetry. The ideal location for housing (Figure 4-2) is among the hills to the back, pool to the front, river to the left, and road to the right side. Even housing has two sides: Green Dragon side (to the east) and White Tiger side (to the west ). The Dragon side should be open for air. The Tiger side should be closed without openings. This rule is for the first
142 floor, but not for the second floor because small rooms are always on the second floor, which will not influence the whole faÃ§ade.29 Figure 4-2. Ideal location for housing. (Source: Wang, Research of Feng Shui Theory , p. 27. Revised by author.) In terms of tombs, sometimes they are mo re important than the residences for the Chinese. The ancient Chinese considered death as an extension of living. Death impacts the living. Therefore, if the remains of the an cestors are buried in auspicious grounds, the descendants will be happy and successful in life. The burial ground must not only have the profile of a ground Dragon, but it also must also process the breath of cosmic life. A lack of cosmic breath would affect the wellbeing of the dead and the fortunes of their descendants. This idea is followed by v illagers and emperors. In villages, the Xue ( best location for ChÂ’i) is always given to tombs of ancestors or ancestorsÂ’ halls. For royal tombs (Figure 4-3), Fengshui is strictly followed in the selection of the site. These tombs are a living place for death. In royal tombs, there are gardens and residence buildings as well as halls. In some sense, the ideal location for royal tombs is similar to 29 Qiheng Wang (ed.), Research of Feng Shui Theory , p. 27 (Chinese Version).
143 the ideal location for villages. The differen ce between them is that the investigating process for royal tombs is more complex and accurate. According to Fengshui detectives, it emphasizes that the mountain is the tomb for the dead. The perfect shapes and features of mountains and waters, combin ed with natural beau ty, and literal beauty are key points for the siting selection of tombs. Figure 4-3. Ideal model of tomb. (Source: Wang, Research of Feng Shui Theory , p. 140.) Mountains and waters have meanings to identify ChÂ’i in Fengshui. When FengsSui is utilized in siting and architecture, two primary natural forms that are respected and
144 utilized are water and mountains. In Taoism, water is regarded as the essence of life, which could gather ChÂ’i. Mount ains are considered as th e intersection of Earth and Heaven, which could disperse energy to th e surrounding land. Water feeds and nourishes, and mountains separate and shelter. It is said that Â“in places where there are only mountains and no water, the fl ow of energy is diminishe d. If there is water but no mountains, the energy will be difficult to harness.Â” The flow, location, depth, purity, and strength of bodies of water are all considered and used to ev aluate the corr ect location for a site or a building. The varying shapes of hills are interprete d into a variety of things . In some cases, mountains and hills are used for special purposes, such as siting temples, shrines, and burial places. Meanwhile, Â“Hills br ing sons and water brings propertyÂ” is a saying that expresses the li nk between the natural worl d and villagersÂ’ lives. Notions of Orientation for Siting Selection Orientation in Fengshui has meanings with in ecology, as well as a relationship to the Chinese social order. In Chinese tradition, the east, west, north, and south are relative to the left, right, back, and front respectively. In Fengshui, the emphasis is on the south in the search for the site. No matter what the functions are, th e sites should run down from the north to the south and be open to the south. Mountains shou ld be located to the back of the site. From the view of ecology, this considerati on of the orientation is reasonable. The preference of the south is easily attributed to the exposure to the sun and the block of strong winds from the north, which benefits the inhabitantsÂ’ livi ng and crop growing. In Fengshui, a strong wind from the north is consid ered the worst, since the wind influences the gathering ChÂ’i on the site (Figure 4-4). The wind from th e south is regarded as the least destructive to ChÂ’i. Th e south wind is regarded as the source which makes ChÂ’i
145 active and circulates throughout th e site. It also provides the re ason that the site should be open to the south. Figure 4-4. Orientation and wind. (Source: Lin, The Art and Science of Feng Shui , p. 87.) The consideration of orientation in Fengshui also respects the Chinese social order. The Chinese believe that facing the north means to acknowledge their allegiance as his subjects. Siting in the north while facing the s outh is a gesture of th e commander. This is metaphorically stressed in a passage in the Lun Yu (Alalects): He who exercises government by means of hi s virtue may be compared to the north polar star, which keeps its place while all the stars turn around it.30 In Yi Zhou Shu (Lost Books of the Zhou), the east and the west were also given special meanings. Orientation was linked to the trinity of the Chinese philosophy. It said: 30 Lun Yu (Alalects): Compiled by disciples of Confucius, Zhou Dynasty (State of Lu), ca. 465 to 450 B.C., Sz ed., Beijing Zhonghua shuju, 1980, juan 2. (Translation by Xu, The Chinese City in Space and Time , p. 33).
146 The Dao of Heaven esteems the left position, hence the sun and moon move westward. The Dao of Earth esteems the right position, hence the waters flow eastward. The Dao of Man esteems the centr al position, hence the ears and eyes serve the heart.31 Some scholars argue that the northwest has a special meaning to the ancient Chinese. Although it is difficult to find the evidence in documents, the survey of some cities provides clues. The inne r circle of the city of Beiji ng has a cut on that corner. And in the capital in the Jin Dynasty, Luoyang, ther e was a high platform in the northwest for the residence of dethroned crown princes. Based on the story of Luoyang, there is a saying that the northwest is not a fortunate place for living. In Figure 4-5, the northwest is identified with the Broken Wind, which im plies that the northwest is not a good orientation for Fengshui. Evaluations of Topography Selected by Fengshui According to the principles of Fengshui, Figure 4-5 identifies the typical natural environment model which is considered perfect for the sites of vill ages, residences, and tombs. a) An enclosed spatial structure An enclosed space is the preferred charac ter for Chinese traditional buildings and city planning. The traditional residence takes the shape of a courtyard within a four-sided enclosure. The city utilized the city walls to encircle the territory. Th is type of enclosure also expresses several layers at the same ti me. In a residence, several courtyards are connected. For a block of residences, walls stil l surround it in several special periods. In a city, there were inner and outer cities. In the capital, an imperial city was located within 31 Yi Zhou Shu (Lost Books of the Zhou): Authors unknown. Zhou Dynasty, ca. 3rd century B.C. Gjc ed., Taibei: Taiwen shangwu yinshuguan, 1956, juan 4/32, p.47. (Translation by Xu, The Chinese City in Space and Time , p. 38).
147 inner city (Figure 4-6). This enclosure with se veral layers is also expressed in the model of the natural environment defined by Fengshui. Figure 4-5. Ideal model of topography. 1) Shao Zu Shan (Minor Ancestor Mountain) 2) Zhu Shan (Locating Mountain) 3) Entrance to the Dagon Lair 4) The site (Dragon Lair) 5) Bright Hall 6) Bai Hu (White Tiger) 7) Hu Shan (Surrounding Mountain) 8) Qing Long (Green Dragon) 9) Hu Shan (Surrounding Mountain) 10) An Shan ( Table Hill) 11)Chao Shan (Worshipping Mountain) 12 ) Curving Water 13) Inner mouth of the river 14) Outer mouth of the rive. (Source: Lin, The Art and Science of Feng Shui, p. 114.)
148 Figure 4-6. Three layers for the capital. From the Figure 4-5, we could see that the inner layer of this model is combined with Zhu Shan32 (Locating Mountain) ,Qing Long ( Green Dragon ), Bai Hu ( White Tiger ) , and An Shan (Table Hill). Zhu Shan , Green Dragon, and White Tiger show a welcoming gesture for the site from the back, the left, and the right. The front of the site is enclosed by the An Shan with Shui Kou Shan ( which is used to hide the mouth of water flowing out of the site ). The outside layer of this model consists of Zu Shan ( Major Ancestor Mountain) and Shao Zu Shan ( Minor Ancestor Mountain) , Hu Shan ( Surrounding Mountain) and Chao Shan ( Worshipping Mountain ). The Zu Shan and Shao Zu Shan are outside of Zhu Shan, Hu Shan outside of Green Dragon and White Tiger, and Chao Shan outside of An Shan. The disposition of these mountains and hills exhibits two layers of enclosure. The expression of two layers of the na tural environment in the Fengshui model shows that the outside environment is as impor tant as the closer environment for people to identify Fengshui. This understanding is al so shown in Chinese landscape paintings. Painters not only draw the view in front of them, but they also draw the distant view 32 Shan in Chinese means mountains.
149 which is not in their eyes, but in their mi nds. The close environment with the distant environment existing in their eyes and in th eir minds, always merge together (Figure 47). Figure 4-7. White Clouds over Hsiao and Hsiang, Chien Wang, 1668. (Source: Osvald Siren, A History of Later Chinese Painting , New York: Hacker Art Books, 1978, Vol. 2, Pl. 175.) This type of enclosed spatial structure has some common points with Jay AppletonÂ’s prospect-refuge theory,33 which predicts that peop le should prefer places and 33 In The Experience of Landscape (London: John Wiley, 1975), the prospective-refuge theory is thus defined: Â“at both human and sub-human level the ability to see and the ability to hide are both important in calculating a creature's surviv al prospects . . . . Where he has an unimpeded opportunity to see we can call it a prospect. Where he has an opportunity to hide, a refuge. . . . To this . . . aesthetic hypothesis we can apply the name prospect-r efuge theoryÂ” (p. 73).
150 environments that allow opportunities to see without being seen. But the root of the formulation of this spatial stru cture could be linked directly to the Chinese attitudes for living. As mentioned before, the ancient Chines e admire nature. They regarded turning to nature as the Tao of Humans. In the mean time, the ancients w ho lacked knowledge and technology to deal with the severe natural environment and phenomena, such as storms and extreme temperature, had to look for an enclosed environment to serve as a refuge to feel safe. The ancients also experienced a long war-period before achieving their first united kingdom. But after being united for ha lf a century, the entire country was once again in a state of civil war. It appears that the Chinese were repeatedly involved in wars at the time of the formulation of the Ch inese philosophy and the Fengshui Theory. The ancients needed to protect themselves and wished to escape from the violence, which resulted in the people requiring a location that could be hidden from the outside chaos. This attitude, along with the Chinese philosophy that emphasizes the need to be in tune with nature, created a foundati on for the Chinese to choose an enclosed spatial structure in the natural environment as ideal locatio ns for their villages, tombs and cities. Chinese living attitudes are always e xpressed in literary texts. In his Preface to the Poem on the Peach Blossom Spring , Yuanming Tao 34 illustrated an ideal site and expressed the typical life that ancient scholars yearned for The fisherman, astonished at such a si ght, pushed ahead, hoping to see what lay behind the forest. Where the forest ended there was a spring that fed the stream, and beyond that a hill. The hill had a sma ll opening in it, from which there seemed to come a gleam of light. Abandoning his boat, the fisherman went through the opening. At first it was narrow, with barely room for a pe rson to pass, but after he had gone twenty or thirty paces, it sudde nly opened out and he could see clearly. 34 Yuanming Tao (365 Â– 427 A.D.): A Chinese famous scholar and poet in the Jin Dynasty.
151 A plain stretched before him, broad and flat, with houses and sheds dotting it, and rich fields, pretty ponds, and mulberry and bamboo around them. Paths ran north and south, east and west across fields, a nd chickens and dogs could be heard from farm to farm . . .35 This depiction of the hidden village is the image of villages that Fengshui is expected to create, a vi llage in an enclosed natural envi ronment isolated from the outside. It is also clearly shown in Chin ese landscape paintings (Figure 4-8). Figure 4-8. Misty Mountains and Rushing Streams, KÂ’un tsÂ’an, 1660. (Source: Osvald Siren, A History of Later Chinese Painting , New York: Hacker Art Books, 1978, Vol. 2, Pl. 198.) 35 Translation referred to Burton Watson (translated and edited), The Columbia Book of Chinese Poetry: From Early Times to the Thirteenth Century , (New York: Columbia University Press, 1984), pp. 142-143.
152 b) Landmark with orientation The conception of landscape that Fengshui is looking for is found in the images of Chinese traditional paintings. Chinese traditional paintings focus on a harmonious combination of the close landscape with the distant landscape, the large with the small, the group and the individual, and the whole and the detail. It is a combination of opposites. The ideal landscape in Fengshui is organized by means of an axis. An axis runs from north to south shaped by the Zu Shan-Site (Ming Tang/ Land Lair)-An Shan-Chao Shan , while the Green Dragon and White Tiger organizes the east-west axis; however, the organization of the landscape is not ab solutely symmetrical. In the south, the existence of Shui Kuo Shan, which is utilized to hide the mouth of the water, brings changes into this symmetry. The varied orient ations, heights, and shapes of the mountains surrounding the site also enrich the views from the site (Figure 4-9). Figure 4-9. Axis in the topogra phy model. (Source: Ke-Tsung Han, Feng Shui and Landscape , Master Thesis: Graduate College of the University of Illinois at Champaign-Urbana, Ann Arbor: A Be ll & Howell Information Company, 1994, p. 24.)
153 In order to formulate a landscape that re veals a combination of closer landscapes with distant landscapes and of the large with the small, the two layers of mountains surrounding the site create at least two layers of an in-position view. The closer landscapes consist of Zhu Shan , Green Dragon , White Tiger , and An Shan . The distant landscapes consist of Zu Shan , Shao Zu Shan , Hu Shan , and Chao Shan . In the front of the site, a river wanders through it, and the An Shan and the Chao Shan in the south are served as the center of the vi ew from the site. Looking back from the south, the site is served with the Zhu Shan , Shao Zu Shan , and Zu Shan as the background in the north.The site is surrounded by the Green Dragon a nd White Tiger in th e east and the west. Fengshui requires that if the m ountains or hills are near to Ming Tang (Land Lair), they should be relatively small. Likewise, they s hould be larger if they are more distant. Fengshui also argues that the proper height of An Shan , the near front hill, should be roughly proportional to the dist ance of a human forehead to the chest, as viewed from Ming Tang. In the site, the viewers c ould see the distant mounta ins as the background for the closer landscapes. This phenomenon is also expressed in Chinese landscape paintings. To shape a view similar to the combinati on of the group with the individual and the whole with the detail, the shapes and gestures of the mountains are two aspects of the site that are utilized to achieve this goal. When the mount ains are located within 100 Chi 36(about 25 meters) from the site , their shapes and features should be studied and expressed. It is similar to the image of individuals and their details. If the mountains are at a distance between 100 Chi and 1,000 Chi , their gestures should be visualized and expressed. It is similar to the image as seen with the whole. In fact, the visual 36 Chi : A Chinese traditional measurement.
154 dimension between 25 meters and 35 meters is regarded as the maximum distance from which people could see objects clearly in details by the Western scholars. Fengshui emphasizes that mountains within this visual dimension should have perfect shapes and details to create pleasure for humans. Real Constructions Unlike villages, residences, and tombs in China, it is difficult to find a city which has been constructed strictly according to the st rict rules of Fengshui. It is also difficult to find literal evidence related to the constructi on of cities. However, evidence which shows that the governor did not follow the advices of geomancers is relatively easier to find.37 The reasons for this are beyond the discussion of this paper. Maybe it contributed to political and social situations at the time that the city was constructed. The fact that there is a lack of evidence to prove that city c onstruction follows Fengshui principles reveals that Â“we should be cautious not to overstretch th e evidence to classify all activities of site selection and symbolism of city constructi on in early Chinese hi story under the term Fengshui or its other alternative terms.Â”38 However, we cannot deny the similarity of the ideal location for cities based on Fengshui with real sites and the cosmological symbolism embedded within the construction of cities. Figure 4-10A shows the location of the capital of the late Shang Dynasty.39 It was located near water and surrounded by mountains. Moreover, so me Japanese scholars40 found a link between the layouts of some 37 Refer to Xu, The Chinese City in Space and Time , 2000. 38 Xu, The Chinese City in Space and Time , p. 201. 39 Shang Dynasty: 1600 Â– 1100B.C.. 40 Refer to the article Â“ Fengshui and the Image of the CityÂ” in (Architectural Culture in Japan), No. 5, 1986.
155 Chinese traditional cities with cosmology. For example, the city ChangÂ’an (Figure 4-10 B) in the Han Dynasty had north walls that mimicked of the Big Dipper. Its south city walls were regarded as a mimic of the Litt le Dipper. The river in the city of Luoyang (Figure 4-10 C) in the Sui and Tang dynastie s was regarded as the mimic of the Galaxy. A B Figure 4-10. Cities in China. A) The location of Yin. B) City of ChangÂ’an. (Source: A: Guxi Pan, Chinese Architectural History , Beijing: Chinese Jiangong Zhuban She, 1983, p. 5. B: Wang, Research of Feng Shui Theory , p. 305.)
156 C Figure 4-10. Continued. C) City of Luoyang. (Source: C: Laurence G. Liu, Chinese Architecture , London: Academy Editions, 1989, p. 46.) a) Records in Kaogong Ji41 In fact, the layout of the Chinese traditiona l cities was strongly influenced by an old book titled Kaogong Ji . It described the characteristic features of the principles of city buildings at four levels: site selec tion, cardinal orienta tion, city layout, and arrangement of structures. Ideologically, being situated at the center is favored by the Chinese, as well as other cultures.42 The Chinese call the country , literally meaning the country in the 41 Kaogong Ji : It is a book about technology shown in the Wars Period (403 Â– 221 B.C.). The book contains some depiction of the city construction. 42 Eliade describes many different myths, rites, and be liefs in order to show that different people have a similar desire to be situated at the center of the world. Furthermore, Eliade cites Palestine, the city of Jerusalem, and the temple in Jerusalem as examples to demonstrate this tendency. The similar situation also happened in ancient Italy and among the ancient Germans. (Eliade, The Sacred and the Profane , pp. 3647.)
157 middle of the world. The center position is also taken into account to select the sites for cities. Arthur Wright, author of The Cosmol ogy of the Chinese Cit y, suggests that the systematized organic characteristics of Han Confucian ideology were expressed in the siting of a capital. According to WrightÂ’s wo rds, the city layout is Â“in relation to the forces of nature and to the hypostasi zed powers that given all phenomena.Â”43 And as recorded in Kaogong Ji, once the site has been decided, the first step of the construction work is to survey the contours of the site by the use of plumb lines a nd water levels at its four corners and then grade the site to a leve l piece of ground. The north-south direction was preferred in Kaogong Ji. The preference has its roots in the social order mentioned above: north as demanding, south as yielding. The city layout in Kaogong Ji shows that cities exhi bit axial symmetry, are located along northsouth direction, are enclosed by walls, are desi gnated with a square plan, and its gateways open to all four directions (Figure 4-11). The artificers, as they built the capital, dema rcated it as a square with sides of nine Li,44 each side has three gateways. Within the capital there were nine longitudinal and nine latitudinal avenues, each of th e former being nine chariot tracks wide.45 The layout shows the city as a microcosm a nd at the very center of Earth. In ancient China, Earth was perceived as a square checkerboard and Heaven as a round one. The form of a square was obviously Â“taken to be a prerequisite for th e general morphology of an ideal capital that would be a replica of the earth.Â”46 The divided nine squares had their 43 Arthur F. Wright, Â“The Cosmology of the Chinese City,Â” in G. William Skinner (ed.), The City in Late Imperial China , (Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 1977), p. 47. 44 Li: A Chinese traditional unit for length. 45 Zhou Li , juan 41, p. 289. Translation by Paul Wheatley (trans.), The Pivot of the Four Quarters , (Chicago: Aldine Pub. Co., 1971), p. 411. Minimal revision from the author. 46 Xu, The Chinese City in Space and Time , p. 34.
158 A B Figure 4-11. City layout. A) Canonical plan of the royal Zhou capital in the Sanli tu jizhu . B) Canonical plan of the royal Zhou capital in the Kaogong Ji Tu . (Source: Xu, The Chinese City in Space and Time , pp. 34-35.) roots in Chinese folklore. It was said that a legendary Emperor Yu divided the land of China into nine regions, or nine provinces, af ter having mastered the water. Furthermore, the Middle Kingdom was thought to hold a central place among the nine greater regions of the whole world. Â“It is ther efore reasonable to think of the city that was subdivided into nine units, with the royal palace in the center, as a microcosm embedded in a concentric system, from the Chinese empire up to the scale of the whole world, on the pivot of which resided the Son of the Heaven.Â”47 In all these capitals, temples, and altars of worship are constructed as integral parts of the palace. In terms of the dis position of principle structures, the Kaogong Ji states that in cities the Ancestral Hall shall be on the left (east), and the Altar to the God of the Earth on the right (west). The south-facing palace wa s placed in the center. The imperial court should be in front of it. The market should be at the back. This arrangement is based on 47 Ibid., p. 35.
159 the relationship between orient ation and the trinity of the Chinese philosophy, which was mentioned before. The ancestors, on the one hand, like the father to his s on, the husband to his wife, and the king to his subjects, are the yang characters, and therefore analogous to Heaven.48 Commerce was granted a rather lo w status in social life so the market was given the place of least honor and minimum yang influence. It was located in the north extremity of the city in contrast with the sout hern location of the royal hall. The principles about city construction described in Kaogong Ji were obeyed in most city construction in Chin a, from the political centers such as ChangÂ’an and Luoyang in the Jin and Tang dynasties, and Beijing in the Ming and Qing dynasties, to the local centers such as Suzhou. In fact, the depictions reflect to a degree the value system of the pre-Han period; it was a reflect ion of peoplesÂ’ attitude to Heaven, Man and Earth. In the view of Xu, this order endured because it was not arbitrary; it was based on an understanding of Nature, the eternal standard. What does not change [in the universe] is the proper position [of each of the myriad things]. Heaven is above; Earth is below. The monarch faces south; the subjects face north. The father sits and the son pr ostrates himself. These are what do not change.49 b) A reflection of philosophies Confucianism focuses upon building a social order: the officers should yield to the emperor; the son should yield to the fath er, the woman should yield to the man. Its reflection on the physical cons truction is order and symmetr y. In city construction, the 48 Refer to the concept of Xu and his notes in The Chinese City in Space and Time , p. 258, No. 44. 49 Zhou Yi Qianzaodu , (Penetration of Qian And the Zhou Yi ), Writers unknown, Han Dynasty, ca. 1st century B.C., Sq ed., Shanghai: Shanghai guji chubanshe, 1987, Juan A.2. Translation by Xu , The Chinese City in Space and Time , p. 39.
160 center position of the palace, th e position of the ancestral hall, and the position of market show the social order. The layout of gate s and route systems d ecides the symmetric spatial structure in the city. And this order is also reflected in the la yout of the residence. Due to the relation between society and the fa mily, the residence shows the similar order and symmetrical layout. The center of residence is the ancestral hall, the parents live near it. The bedroom for the first son lives in the east. If parents pass away, the first son could then move into the parentsÂ’ bedroom. Compared to the layout of the city and the residence, the layout of the village and the garden are a physical reflection of Ta oism. Taoism focuses on the harmony between nature and man. From the view of physical construction, more na tural elements are involved into the village and garden, and their forms express a kind of freedom. The order and symmetry are not the methods to or ganize the space in them. Although the city and garden both have walls as boundaries to separate the inte rior from the exterior, the city utilizes the city wall to bl ock the natural life out. The garden50 utilizes the garden walls to block the social life (social or der) out. The garden, which is always an attachment to the residence or palace, shows the peopleÂ’s admiration for natural environment. They are enclosed within walls, but eager for the village life, which is close to nature (Figure 4-12.). Th is binary phenomenon explains FairbankÂ’s statementÂ— Â“Chinese scholar was a Confucian when in office and a Daoist when out of office.Â”51 50 Chinese gardens always exist in the city, seldom in the villages. 51 Fairbank, China: A New History , p. 53.
161 A B Figure 4-12. Comparison. A) Yecheng city plan. B) Residence: Courtyard, Beijing. (Source: A: Laurence G. Liu, Chinese Architecture , p. 43. B: Werner Blaser, Courtyard House in China: Tradition and Present , Basel: Birkhauser Verlag, 1995, 2nd edition, p. 18.)
162 C D Figure 4-12. Continued. C) Village: Xiaoqi , Anhui. D) Garden: Liu Yuan, Suzhou. (Source: C: Gong Kai (ed.), Xiaoqi , Nanjing: Southeast University Press, 2000, p. 33. D: Frances Ya-sing Tsu, Landscape Design in Chinese Gardens , New York: McGraw-Hill Book Company, 1988, p. 198.) Generally speaking, for Fengshui, topography has its own life just like the human body, with energy inside to breathe and to gr ow. It can impact peopleÂ’s future, their health, property, and descendants. The ha rmonious connection of the environment and humans is the notion of Fengshui.
163 The roots for the siting selections base d on Fengshui are Chinese philosophies and the peopleÂ’s needs at the leve l of physics, psychology, and so cial order. The landscape chosen by Fengshui is an enclosed spatial st ructure with two axes. The landscape is a combination of the close landscapes and the distant landscapes, the large and the small, the group and the individual, and the whole a nd the detail. This is the conception of Chinese traditional paintings. Orientation in the siting selection is given with the meaning of Chinese philosophy, and it is the expression of the social order. The method for Fengshui to identify the natural environmen t meets modern research about the human pleasure distance. Comparing villages with cities and gardens with residences, it is clear that villages and gardens are the physical expression of Taoism, which focuses on the harmony between nature and man. Cities and residences are the expression of the ideals of Confucianism, which creates a set of social orders for the Chinese.
164 CHAPTER 51 EXPERIENCING The Fengshui theory unfolds the relati onship between topography and the village from the view of the Chinese. Through invest igation, tasting, and identification, Fengshui becomes an event to set up Chin ese villages and cities. Through this event, the social and cultural values are embedded within topography. Understandi ng the Fengshui theory is the action of Â“landing thoughtsÂ” in order to provide hints to expl ore the hidden layers beneath the ground and supply directions for furthe r intervention into the villages. Experiencing is the action to localize the Fengshui theory in order to examine the specific meaning of topography for the local resi dents and to identify local features. The impact of the Fengshui theory on the villag e determines the analytical method in the process of experiencing the village. As a general rule, th e Fengshui theory determines the natural environment for the village. It in scribes the social order and cosmological consideration on topography and construction. It therefore embodies the village as a system with physical space and memory. At the same time, it cooperates with local situations to create different villages and cities. Experiencing the village, therefore, exists at three levels: the natural environment, soci al and cultural environment, and artificial environment. Through experiencing the natu ral environment (regi onal link and local geographic conditions), the specific meani ng of the local surroundings for the foundation of the village is explored. Through experiencing the local so cial and cultural environment 1 In Chapters 5, 6 and 7, the original Autocad drawing of YuliangÂ’s overall plan was provided by Kai Gong. The original Autocad drawing showed the village situation in 1990. The author revised it based on the site investigation in June, 2004. The revised Autocad drawing is used on different analysis in this study.
165 (social structure, economic system, policies and regulations, ethic traditions, religious belief, neighborhood specifications, and so fort h), the process of the formulation of local features is disclosed. Through experiencing th e artificial environmen t, the impact of topography on the construction of the village is objectified. Experiencing the village is to explore succes sive layers, both visible and invisible. Experiencing is the action clarifies what is important for the structure of the village and the ordinary life of the local people. It shows what are outside forces that impact the structure and the villagersÂ’ life , and what are the real determinants for the future of the village. In this sense, experiencing is overlapped with mapping. Experiencing is the foundation for mapping and it provides sources for the analysis in mapping. The overlap between experiencing and ma pping brings some difficulty in writing two chapters related to thes e two respective actions. Because they share some sources, repeating these sources in these two chapte rs seems unavoidable. In order to avoid repeating too much, some materi als in this study, even through they are part of the results of experiencing, are included in Chapter 6 Mapping . For instance, in the Chapter 6 Mapping , Â“water constructs the villageÂ” is one of the conclusions through action mapping. Most of the materials related to Â“wat er constructs the villageÂ” or inspirations for this conclusion, such as courtyards in housing and folk customs which should be part of the analysis of artificial environment in this chapter, will be included in Chapter 6 Mapping . Meanwhile, the mapping of ancestral ha lls and wharves, part of mapping the regional links, the spatial fabric and site are included in this chapter. As a consequence, in some degree, this chapter is general analysis. The chapter Mapping is the analysis closely related to what will impact on the action of transformation.
166 Natural Environment Yuliang Village is not a traditional agricultural village as other villages in the Huizhou area are because of its location a nd environment. It was once a center of commerce, transportation, goods collecti on and distribution site, and a place for businessmen and boatmen to reside. Location Yuliang Village is located in Shexian County ( ), in the Huizhou area.2 The Ancient Huizhou area covers part of the s outh Anhui Province and part of the north Jiangxi Province (Figure 1-5). Due to political chaos and frequent military campaigns, the Chinese migrated from the Central Plains area toward southern China. Three of the largest population movements occurred at the en d of the Western Jin, Tang and Northern Song dynasties. The Huizhou area became a dest ination for migrants because of its beautiful mountains and water, a nd the fact that it formed a relatively separate geographic unit to avoid the political and military chao s. As the population increased, the Huizhou area consisted of six counties: Shexian, Xiuning, Qimen, Yixia n, Jixi, and Wuyuan. According to the documentation on some villages in the Huizhou area, such as Tangyue , Zhifeng , and Zhanqi , edited by Kai Gong, most of the villages existing today in the Huizhou area were founded during the Tang Dynasty. As traditional Chinese architecture was made of wood, these buildings were easily destroyed by fire and difficult to maintain. Therefore, there are few buildi ngs constructed during the Tang Dynasty that remain. Most of major existing buildings in these villages were constructed in the Ming or Qing Dynasty. 2 Huizhou was an ancient regulation area, dating back to the Song Dynasty (960 Â– 1279). It is about 360 kilometers (223.7 mils) southwest of Shanghai.
167 Shexian County ( ) was established at the beginning of the Qing Dynasty (221 Â– 207 B.C.).3 She ( ) means the place that mountains and water gather. Shexian County has a myriad of mountains and an extensiv e river system. According to Shexian County government statistics, Shexian has a tota l of 2,680 square ki lometers (about 662,219 acres). Mountains and hills make up 94.58% of the land, while valleys and plains make up 5.42%.4 Surrounding Environment Yuliang Village is located about one kilome ter southeast of the county town called Shexian Town (Figure 5-1). The vill ageÂ’s core occupies 5 hectares. The siting selection of Yuliang was accord ing to the Fengshui theory. The ideal location for villages in Fengshui is that the village is locat ed in the north and surrounded on three sides by hills and that water is in th e south. The hill in the south is lower than that in the north. Yuliang Village back s Wuliao Mountain, Wanluo Mountain, Wenzheng Mountain, and faces Ziyang Mountain across th e river. The location of mountains and hills and the Z-shaped river in the south of the village corres pond with the rules of Fengshui about the ideal location of villages (Figure 5-2). In the front of Yuliang Village, there are four rivers (Fengle, Fuzi, Bushe and Yangzhi) converging into one, which is called the Lianjiang River. The Lianjiang flows from the west to the east in the south of th e village, making a Z-shaped bend at Yuliang. The Lianjiang River turns into the XinÂ’an River, finally flowing into the ocean through Zhejiang Province (Figure 5-3). The XinÂ’an River was the main connection for the 3 Shexian Zhi (Records of Shexian County), (Beijing: Zhongyang Shuju, 1995), p. 13. 4 Shexian Zhi (Records of Shexian County), p. 3.
168 Huizhou area to outside areas in the past, especially with the metropolis of Hangzhou and Suzhou. Hangzhou was once the capital during seve ral periods in China. From these two cities, goods were distribu ted to the entire country. A B Figure 5-1. Location of Shexian Town and Yuliang Village. A) Map. B) Diagram of regional link. (Source: A: Kai Gong (ed.), Yuliang , Nanjing: Southeast University Press, 1998, p. 2. Modified by the author.)
169 A B C Figure 5-2. Overall view of Yuliang. A) 3-D model. B) South elevation of the Lianji ang River. C) North el evation of the Lianjia ng River. (3-D model was done by students from Southeast University, China.)
170 D E Figure 5-2.Continued. D) View the village from the opposit e hill. E) View at the en trance of the village.
171 Figure 5-3. Map of rivers converging in Yuliang. Yuliang was the starting point in the XinÂ’an River in Hu izhou. In the past, water transportation was the main transportation method because mountains and hills cover most of lands in the Huizhou area. Yuliang, theref ore, became an important pier to collect and distribute goods. It was a water transp ortation center from wh ich people and goods could go into or out of the northern part of Shexian County, Jixi County, and Xiuning County. The village was once called the First Wharf of water transportation from the ancient Shexian County to the city of Ha ngzhou. Hundreds of boats would be tied up along the wharves in the village when the villa ge was at its height of prosperity. When spring tides came, it took only two or three da ys for goods to be transported to Hangzhou.
172 There is a great disparity be tween the flood level and the lo west water level. In flood years, both ends of Yuliang are threatened by water. From the analysis of the na tural environment, it is clear that two factors determine the features of the village. One factor is the close geogra phic connection between Yuliang and Shexian Town. This connection in the past defines Yuliang Village functioning as one part of the county town in the past, which will also impact its future. The other factor is its important position in the water transp ortation system, which defines that water has much more influence in the construc tion of Yuliang than other villages. Social and Cultural Environment Origin of the Village and Yuliang Dam Because of its important geographical pos ition in water transportation, Yuliang stood out once in its history of its developmen t. Streets and markets flourished in Yuliang as early as in the Tang Dynasty. Its de velopment had a close relationship with construction of the Yuliang Dam which is how Yuliang received its name. The history of the dam is in teresting. Regarding irriga tion and transportation, there was no reason to build the dam. The lower re ach of the Lianjiang River has no arable land, and the high dam makes the water flow so sw iftly that boats were unable to pass it. According to records from the Shexian Cultural Management Bureau and Kai Gong, there were several reasons to construct th e dam. One is from the consideration of Fengshui. In the South Song Dynasty a local scholar named Shi Qian in his article XinÂ’an Jianshiliang Ji (The Records of the Construction of Shiliang in XinÂ’an), explained that the construction of the dam will benefit Fengshui of the surroundings to increase human fertility and pr osperity. Another reason is about retaining
173 water in order to keep the water at it s under-lowest water level for Shexian Town. Â“According to the modern investigation, the fau lt of the earthÂ’s crust in Shexian Town is connected with the fault of the Lianjiang River. The public well in Shexian Town is connected to the Lianjiang River.Â”5 The dam keeps the high wate r level of the Lianjiang River to supply an ample water supply to the county town. The last reason posited was that the construction of the dam was to slow down the riverÂ’s flow, then the difficulty of ferry crossing was solved. No matter what reason underlies the construction of the Yuliang Dam, it made it an ideal place for boats to berth in the village . Prosperous transportation stimulated its development and finally a commercial vi llage was formedÂ—a place convenient for engaging in commerce, transportatio n, and goods collection and distribution. Lineage Bonds and Scholar-Merchants At the social level, the major features of the Huizhou area are its strong lineage bonds and the merging of a large number of scholars and merchants in one place. In Chinese Confucian tradition, scholars and merchants are the highest and the lowest, respectively, in the hierarchy of occupati ons. This combination embodies the Huizhou areaÂ’s particular characteristics. The lineage bonds are the foundation fo r Chinese society in the past.6 It was the primary element to set up and organize the villages. Usually in the Huizhou area, one village was founded by a clan. The clan was a unit for living and working. Later, others with different surnames moved into the vill age, but the major clan still dominated the 5 Kai Gong (ed.), Yuliang , pp. 53-54. 6 The German sociologist Max Weber defines China as a Â“familistic state.Â” Fairbank argues that China Â“has been a stronghold of the family system and has deri ved both strength and inertia from it.Â” (Fairbank, China: A New History , p. 18.)
174 village. Different from most other villages in the Huizhou area, members of different clans lived in Yuliang. Besides the overwhelm ing surnames Yao and Ba, there are other family surnames, such as Shi, Wang, Yang, Hu, Li, Mao, and so on. But the lineage bond was strong within each clan. The existence of different surname families in one place results in several ancestral halls existing in Yuliang Village. In some sense, it creates a different spatial fabric (Fi gure 5-4). At the same time, because it was a center for business and transportation, residents in th e village consisted mostly of dockers, fishermen, merchants and so on, which is diffe rent from other agricultural villages. Compared to these agricultural villages, bu ildings types are more varied in Yuliang. Figure 5-4. Diagram of temples and ances tral halls with the spatial fabric. Due to the hierarchy of occupations from Confucianism in the past, doing business is the residentsÂ’ last choice for an occupa tion. However, the Huizhou area became a place with an abundance of merchants. This phe nomenon was not based on peopleÂ’s ambitions, but the limitation of a geographic situation. Th e geographic situation compelled the local inhabitants to go out for a living. According to the local Records of Shexian County ( Shexian Shi , there is an old saying to describe the distribution of lands in Shexian County: which said that
175 70% of the land is mountains and hills, 10% for rivers, 10% for arable land, and 10% for villages and roads.7 During the Tang and Song dynast ies, the population increased dramatically in this area in order to escape from other war-torn areas of the country. The arable lands could not supply enough rice. As a consequence, the local people had to go out for business. They helped each other due to the strong lineage bonds among them, and they became a strong unit. In the Mi ng and Qing dynasties, Anhui merchants had decisive positions, especially in the area of the Zhejiang a nd Jiangsu provinces. It was, therefore, said that Â“without Anhui merchants there would be no towns and cities.Â” It is the reason for abundant merchants coming from this area who became well known in the entire country. When these businessmen became rich, they returned to build ancestral halls, houses, roads, bridges, and especially schools. The reason for the flourishing of schools is the social position of scholars in Chinese so ciety. Besides the imp act of Confucianism (which gave high ranking to scholars), the important position of the scholars in the administration of central and local government s in ChinaÂ—just as priests had in India, Persia, Egypt, or BabylonÂ—had great impact on the local residents to decide to develop educational facilities for the next generati on. The local people belie ved that involvement in government administration would strengthen their position in economy and society. As a result, the unique features of the villages and houses of Huizhou are created. So many schools were constructed in the Huizhou area th at children could be heard reciting even 7 Shexian Shi (Records of Shexian County), p. 3.
176 in a small village with only 10 families.8 In the Ming and Qing dyna sties, there were 623 persons involved in the government admini stration. Based on this situation, the merging of scholars with merchants was formulated in the Huizhou area. Even now the local people still rank education in a high position. Current Situation With the replacement of traditional water-based transportation by modern motorways and railways, the previous advantag es related to the river slipped away and the entire village showed a trend toward st agnation and even decline. The population in Yuliang has declined in the past 20 years. St atistics from the early 1980s showed that 740 households and 2,225 people in Yuliang. But St atistics of 2000 showed that there were 662 households and 1,767 people in Yuliang. Th e local inhabitants moved out of the village and worked in Shexian Town which is the county town, one mile from the village. The commerce in the village is on th e verge of disappearing altogether. Commercial activities have moved to Shexia n Town. Commercialism in the village today serves only the local people for their daily needs. Since the village of Hongcun in the Huiz hou area is on the World Heritage List designated by the United Nations Educationa l, Scientific and Cultural Organization, tourism has flourished in the entire area, including in Yuliang Village. A new tourist entrance was built along with a new bu ilding for exhibitions next to it.9 The annual 8 According to the local Records, during the Kangxi Period (1662 A.D.-1722) in the Qing Dynasty, there were 14 schools supported by the government, and 113 schools supported by local large families. Many private schools were scattered throughout the area. ( Shexian Shi , p. 5.) 9 The location for these facilities will be shown in the section Artificial Environment .
177 income from tourism is about 400,000 Yuan (about $50,000) developed from an annual average of approximately 20,000 people. The maximum for one day is about 600 people. People now live on agriculture, tea producti on, and tourism. The income of the local residents is low. The annual av erage income was no more than 1,000 Yuan in 1996. And in 2000, the annual av erage income was 2,200 Yuan . Social Changes Social changes along with economic change s have impacted the relationship of village with city, the village fabric and the lineage bonds. In other words, these changes reframe the relationship betw een the land and the people. 1) Harmonious period: Before 1840 During the period of the villageÂ’s foundati on and early stage of its development, the process of siting selection decided that the relationship of people with topography was harmonious. Considering its overall plan and its siting selection, the village was in a state of self-organization. Accessibility was the major concern for the local people. Water was, therefore, the decisive factor for th e foundation and development of the village. Although surrounding topography restricted the deve lopment of the village, it also built a strong link between the local residents and the land. In this period, for the local people, th e land had uncertain features. Fear, worry, hope, and care made their relationship with the land complicated. At that time, the strategy of feudalistic governments strengthe ned the connection of the people to the land. To maintain the stability of societies, the governors pursued a policy to respect farmers. In ancient China, the basic class of society is composed of Â“scholars, farmers, workers, and merchants.Â” The scholars are the highest , most respected persons. The businessmen are the least respected. The farmers were rega rded as the foundati on for the other three
178 classes. Moreover, the feudal governments in so me periods restricted farmersÂ’ migration by the policy of regulation of the census register. All these social and political considerations tended to bond th e local people with the land. The local people were born, lived on, and passed away on the same land. Topography in this period was the house for the local people, the blood in their body. The lineage and family bonds were strongest in this period. Yuliang was a village with several clans. The leader s of each clan usually were sc holars or gentries who retired from government administration. Their positions in the village were dominant. They were educated and had connections with the govern ment. In fact, sometimes they owned the land, as well as positions in governments. The organization of activitie s in the village was always led by them. The spatial fabric remained similar until after the founding of PeopleÂ’s Republic of China in 1949. From the village plan in 1913, we could see that the fabric of the village was compacted and evenly developed (Figure 5-5). The types of buildings varied. Sizes and types of buildings had big differences be cause different classes of people were living in the village. There were threejin10residential buildings for gentries, and cabins for boatmen. Although there were different types of buildings, they were all based on the same typology of housing in the Huizhou area. The typology is called Â“Sishui Guitang.Â” The features of this typol ogy are hall, sky well, and Â“MatouÂ” wall (Figure 5-6).11 White walls, grey roofs, and green surroundi ngs frame the scene of Huizhou area. 10 Jin is a term to describe Chinese buildings. A co urtyard with surrounding buildings is called a Jin . Twojin means there are two courtyards along one axis to organize the whole building (Figure 5-23). 11 Â“Matou WallsÂ” refer to the walls that are tall with few windows on them.
179 Figure 5-5. Plan of Yuliang in 1931. (Source: Kai Gong (ed.), Yuliang , Nanjing: Southeast University Press, 1998, p. 4.) A B Figure 5-6. Sketches of Sishui Guitang . 2) Transitional period: 1840 1949 The transitional was the pe riod that industry was introdu ced into China. China had been an agricultural societ y for centuries. After the Op ium War of 1840, China, as a stable agricultural society, was invaded by outside forces. China became the target of
180 Western countriesÂ’ efforts to capture na tural resources and to import goods. Industry poured into the cities along the east coast, which impacted the economic development of the village. The traditional workshops producing manmade items lost their dominant position. The big cities and towns such as Shanghai flourished in this period. The involvement of industry changed the transportation methods from water transportation to road transportation. Systems of roads were built to connect villages and towns. The Changqing Road which is in the northern part of the village was built during this period. Although the connect ion of the entire area with the rest of China was strengthened, the commercial and traditional industry declined dramatically. Records show that in 1371 (Ming Dynasty) there were 15,927 persons and 2,684 families involved into traditional industries, such as tea, silk, and pape r production. But in 1941, only 690 persons and 273 families were involved in trad itional industry. The Huizhou area lost its economic position in the society.12 As part of the whole area, Yuliang Village, as a commercial and transportation center, was losing its power. But Yuliang still remained functional for surrounding villag es. The village combined w ith the other two commercial streets in the county town to serve the su rrounding area, but it was not the dominant commercial center (Figure 5-7). 12 Shexian Shi (Records of Shexian County), p. 211.
181 Figure 5-7. Commercial streets. Although the link between the local people and the land wa s still strongÂ—the local people still lived by farming and timber a nd tea productionÂ—the loca l people began to leave the land. In the first period (bef ore 1840), people were leaving the land for business. But their departure was forced by natural and geographic conditions. The lack of cultivated land forced the local people to leave in order to survive. But mentally and emotionally they still loved thei r land. If they prospered, they returned to the village to build residential houses, bridges, temples and ancestral halls. However, in this period people started to want to leave the land because of development on the outside. Moreover, gentries, as the leaders in the vill age, also started to move into cities and towns. The lineage bond started to break at th is point. The number of activities for the whole clan or the village bega n to decline. Consequently, the folk customs were also difficult to maintain.
182 Although the lineage bond starte d to break, the physical fabric of the village was maintained. The power to maintain this fabric started to disappear. In some sense, the fundamental feature of the Huizhou areaÂ—the combination of gentries and businessmen, the highest and lowest classes, respectiv ely, according to the traditional ideologyÂ— gradually disappeared. 3) Reprogramming period: 1949 1978 With the establishment of the PeopleÂ’s Republic of China in 1949, a totally new social order was built. It was conducted by the central government. In 1949, China was still an agricultural county with only 10.6% of the population living in the cities. But the national policy was to develop industry. The st rategy was Â“developing industry in cities, developing agriculture in villages.Â” It was a binary policy with villages placed opposite to cities. New controls, such as regulations of the census register, medical care, housing, employment, and supply of rice, separated villages and cities even further. In some sense, the economic development of villages was s econdary to that of cities. Although there were several attempts to improve the livi ng conditions of villages, villagers became poorer and poorer. At the end of this period, the living condi tions and annual income of villagers were in a seriously bad condition. During this period, the ownership of la nd, the grassroots rural organization, the original household laboring form, and the wa y of distribution and consumption were forced to change. Due to the Land Reform movement launched from 1950 to 1951, the private lands, ancestral halls, temples, and schools including privat e schools, were put under the authority of the centr al government. These changes caused reprogramming of
183 the village in this period. The reprogramming was twofold: the lineage bond was totally broken and the image of the village was changed. The lineage bond was maintained and effec tive because of the dominant position of the main clan at the economical level. The lineage bond was broken for the following reasons. First, the gentries, the leaders of in the village, moved out. Second, the dominant economic position of the main clan was e xpropriated by the central government. Their property was given to poor people. The main clan had no power to control other people. Third, the local people gather ed around the main clan because the main clan supported them in time of difficulties. But now the cen tral government replaced them. Based on all these changes, the lineage bond among the entire clan was weakened. During this period, the ideology of the whol e country, as seen through its politics, was to break up the old world and build a ne w world (Figure 5-8). The clan and marriage systems, even the religious system of the farmers, were forcibly changed. The folk customs were also regarded as relics of feudalism, and they were replaced by new activities organized by the loca l government. Consequently, th e function of the ancestral hall was lost. After the Land Reform movement in the early 1950s, many ancestral halls were used as places to store large farm equi pment. Moreover, some ancestral halls were destroyed during this period. The commercia l function of Yuliang for the surroundings was completely lost after 1960 due to the lo cal government regulations. Its commercial function was replaced by a commercial street named Jiefang Road in the county town. At the same time, some new buildings, such as the tea factory and sc hool, were constructed (Figure 5-9). All these buildings broke the tr aditional fabric of the village to a large
184 degree because they were built on a conceptu al foundation that igno red any consideration of the past. Figure 5-8. Poster for building a new Dazhai (village). (Source: Harriet Evans and Stephanie Donald (eds.), Picturing Power in the PeopleÂ’s Republic of China , New York: Rowman & Littlefiel d Publishers, Inc., Plate 11.) Figure 5-9. Locations of factories and school.13 13 The plan of factory dormitory in this drawing is the situation in 1990. The current plan of this plot is changed. Please refer to Figure 5-12 for the current situation.
185 4) Reforming period: 1978 Present At the beginning of the 1980s a great tr ansformation took place in the distribution of land in the countryside of China. This transformation had the following characteristics:14 Community collective ownership of land; Separation to different extents of various derivative rights and interests of land, which is beneficial for the proper concentr ation of land and the growth of the land transfer market; Diversified forms in the actual operation with the land; The power of the land owner coinciding with the development of community economy, i.e., the stronger community collective economy, the more clearly defined land owner, and vice versa; The state having the final power and the ri ght to govern and control the collectively owed land; The constant changes in population, labor, and the amount of la nd resulting in the continuous adjustment in the people-land relationship, and frequent changes with the land; An extremely strong social safeguarding f unction of the land for the farmers. Land is the basis for the mobilization and migr ation of farmers, but also the foundation on which to build. In terms of the relationship between city a nd village, it is the pe riod that cities and villages are put on an equal footing. The character of th is period is the dramatic development of towns. The strategy of economi c development is to make people stay in villages and towns, not migrate to the cities . Since a large proporti on of the population is in the rural areas (about 0.8 bill ion), industrialization in Chin a has been different than it has been in the West, where millions of fa rmers migrate into th e cities to work in 14 Refer to: Zonghua Bao, Road of Urbanization and Urban Construction in China , (Beijing: China City Publishing House, 1995).Translation by Wowo Ding in her dissertation Generation of a Village: The Study of Villages in the ZJG Region, pp. 46-47.
186 industry. Some anthropologists suggested th e strategy of Â“leaving the land without leaving the rural area and enteri ng the factories without entering citiesÂ”. It is an important way of transferring the surplus agricultural labor. But the relative concentration is inevitable. With the development of local industries and the increasing commodity exchange, as well as an increase in cultural f acilities, the centers of townships and towns have been expanding very fast. At the same time, some new towns are built. The explosion of towns, in some degree, connects cities. These towns are developed as part of the mega-city sprawl, especially on the east coast of China. These strategies brought some changes to farmersÂ’ lives. While farmers still engage in agricultural production, they are now e ngaged in industrial production on the local land. Several operational methods to wo rk on the agricultural land emerged.15 Despite these different forms, farmers can still tend their own land in their own way to benefit from it, and the village is still the link be tween the farmers and th eir own interests in terms of working with the land.16 The farmland is also protected by state policies and must not be used for other purposes without permission. The annual income of the local people increased dramatically. Based on the increase of annual income of the local people, many buildings were constructed during the 1980s and the beginni ng of the 1990s in Shexian County. Records show that in 1985 there were 8,266 single fam ilies units built. The total construction 15 According to Wowo DingÂ’s study on Zhang Jia Gang Region, many households have transferred their contracted land to neighbors for cultivation, and go to work in township enterprises. There are also collective farms, which operate on a unified basis on co ntracted land handed over to the village by farmers who found jobs in factories. 16 Refer to: Xiaohong Zhou, Tradition and TransformationSocial Psychology of Farmers in Jiangsu and Zhejiang and Its Changes Since Contemporary Times , (Beijing: Shenghuo-Dushu-Xinzhi Joint Publishing Company, 1998).
187 Figure 5-10. New and old. 17 17 The new buildings include some buildings constructed during 1949-1978, such as the tea factory building and school. Informatio n is supplied by the Shexian Cultural Management Bureau and Kai Gong.
188 areas had 950,000 square meters. In Yuliang, more new residential buildings were inserted into the fabric (Figur e 5-10). Most of them adopted the traditional roof and walls with white color (Figure 5-11). At the sa me time, some old buildings along Yuliang Street were renovated into a residential func tion from their previous commercial function. In this period, the method for these interventi ons or renovations is to follow the rules of traditional typology by simply copying traditiona l images. In some sense, renovations of the buildings along Yuliang Street ch anged the street dramatically. Although the strong clan bond disappeared, the family network still remains. Family members live together, share the wealt h, and dine together. In some sense, this relationship has been strengthened since the economic reform afte r 1983. And the family relationship between relatives is closer. In the daily agricultu ral production, it is imperative to conduct mutual assistance and cooperation among some families, such as an exchange of work in different seasons and the lending and borrowing of means of production. According to records in other rura l areas, many factories in the villages are run by relatives with funds collected among them. Figure 5-11. View of new buildings.
189 During this period, the new economic life has strengthened the family network relationship while the clan relationship ha s weakened. The strong connection between villagers and the land and the dwelling behavior remains unchanged. From the analysis of these four periods, we could see that the foundation of the village is the lineage bond. Th e lineage bond, in some degree, defines the basic spatial fabric during the formative period of the village. With time passing, the lineage bond has been changed due to the changes created by pol itical and economic situations, especially the land regulations. As a consequence, the sp atial fabric relatively responds to these changes. Meanwhile, as a feature of the whole area, education plays an important role in the local inhabitantsÂ’ lives, and it enriches the spatial fabric of the village. All these analyses indicate that the action of ma pping and transforming should examine the relationship of the land with the people and the physical expression s of the lineage bond in order to unfold the invisible laye rs under the physical environment. Artificial Environment The character of Yuliang as a center of commerce, transportation, and goods collection and distribution in the past decide d the basic spatial fabric of the village. Structure of Yuliang Village a) Fish-shaped structure The overall plan of Yuliang (Figure 5-12) shows narrow ends and a wide middle as a basic shape of the village. The local pe ople call their village Â“Fish-shaped villageÂ” based on this overall image. In the eyes of the local people, the st reet structure and the texture of streets also parallels a fish. As a fish, it has a fish head, a fish belly, a fish tail, fish bones and even fish scales, so does the spat ial fabric of the village in the view of the local people (Figure 5-13).
190 A Figure 5-12. Overall plan of Yuliang Village.
191 B Figure 5-12. Continued. (Source: Gong (ed.), Yuliang , p. 51)
192 Figure 5-13. Diagram of site plan and section. The basic street structure of the village originated during the Tang Dynasty and still exists nowadays. The structure has a main busine ss street within the village. The street is a primary element to control the village struct ure and organize the life of the local people. Along with it are lanes connec ting to wharves or inside th e village. A bituminous road called Changqing Road runs at the north edge of the village, which was built in the1930s to connect AnÂ’hui Province a nd City Hangzhou (Figure 5-14). Figure 5-14. Structure of the village.
193 The business street within the village called Yuliang Street runs east-west through Yuliang. It is about 500 meters long (about 1,640 feet).18 This street is regarded as the Â“spineÂ” of the Â“big fishÂ” with 10 or more lanes running perpendicularly to it. The main street mainly serves mostly as a commerc ial function. Statistics showed that about 94.05% of buildings along Yuliang Street served as shops or service trades during the period from the end of Qing Dynasty to the 1960s. Yuliang Street is a bow-shaped street since it has two low ends while the middle is high. The difference be tween the levels is about 7 meters.19 Moreover, the texture of the cobbled street looks like a fish-scaled street for the local people. The lanes are regarded as Â“ribsÂ” of the Â“big fishÂ” by the local people. There are six lanes in the southern part of the village to connect to the wharves. The lanes in the north are connected to the Changqing Road. The numbe r of lanes in the south is about three times the number in the north because southe rn lanes are connected to wharves, and water transportation was the major tr ansportation method in the past. b) Yuliang Street Yuliang Street frames not only the main stru cture of the village, but also the main connection of the village with Shexian Town (Figures 5-15, 5-16). Yuliang Street extends toward the South Gate of Shexian Town in the west, then transforms into the town fabric. There are also secondary connections betw een the village and the town through Ziyang Gate by north-south lanes in the village. In some sense, these connections make Yuliang Village become one part of the fabric of Shexian Town. 18 The measurement only includes the street in the village. 19 The highest point in the village is near Yaojia Lane, about 121.78 meters above sea level. The lowest point in the west is 115.22 meters above sea level where Baiyun Guan is located. The lowest point in the east is 114.86 meters above sea level where the original Earth Temple was located.
194 A B Figure 5-15. Plan of Shexian Town with Yuliang Village (Source: Gong (ed.), Yuliang , p. 3. Revised by the author.)
195 Figure 5-16. Overall plan of Yuliang Street within the village. (Source: Gong (ed.), Yuliang , p. 69. Revised by the author.)
196 The spatial structure of Yuliang Street c ould be divided into four phases although the space is continuous (Figure 5-17). The firs t phase is from the South Gate of Shexian Town to the intersection of Changqing Road with Yuliang Street. This phase shows continuity to the town fabric at the level of scale. Compared with the street scale in the village, the street in this phase is wider a nd buildings are scattered along the street. It is more like an open field, open on both sides. Figure 5-17. Diagram of experiencing phases. The second phase is from the intersection to the Triangle Pavilion at the traditional entrance of the village. In this phase, the stre et becomes narrower. One side of the street is a steep slope, and the other side is the Li anjiang River. The spatial structure in this phase is half-open and open to the natural environment. The third phase is from the entrance to the Lion Pavilion. The Lion Pavilion could be regarded as the node of th e village fabric. It is located at the intersection of Yuliang Street and Hengkeng Lane. Hengkeng Lane is the only lane running along the water within the village. The lane was once extende d to connect the Ziya ng Gate of Shexian Town. In this phase, the buildings are compact . The width of the street is between 2.4 meters and 4.3 meters. The scale of the st reet is narrowed down to 1:1.5 or 1:2.
197 The fourth phase is from the Lion Pavilion to the end of the vi llage. In terms of spatial scale, this phase is similar with the third phase. There are more new buildings inserted into this part. The end of the villag e is turned into a new entrance for tourists today. See Figure 5-18 for the four phases. A B C Figure 5-18. View of Yuliang St reet. A) Phase one. B) Inte rsection of two roads. C) Phase two.
198 D E F G Figure 5-18. Continued. D) Phase two. E) Triang le Pavilion. F) Entran ce of the village. G) Phase three.
199 H J Figure 5-18. Continued. H) Li on Pavilion. J) Phase four. c) Lanes, wharves and Yuliang Dam The development of the village was st rongly linked with the foundation of the Yuliang Dam. The Dam was originally built in 1229, and then destroyed at the end of the Yuan Dynasty. The current Yuliang Dam was rebuilt in 1687. The Dam has three water gates, gradually lowering down from the north to the south. About 20 layers of stone are jointe d by tenons and mortises made of swallowÂ— tailed stone blocks of vertical stone are inserted in every 1.5 meter so as to strengthen the Dam.20 The right angle echelon was shaped as cross section. The top width is 6 meters, while bottom is 27 meters with approximately 5 meters in height. The upper and lower water level fall for the dam is 2.9 meters.21 Normally the water level of the Lianjiang 20 Source: Gong (ed.), Yuliang , 1998. 21 Source: Cultural Relics Bureau, Shexian County.
200 River is at the level of the south gate, the lo west gate. The other part of the dam becomes a place for walking, resting, and drying fishes. On the one hand, the dam makes the river smooth on the east side of the dam so that boats can berth there for goods delivery and distribution. On th e other hand, the dam also separates the function of lanes in the vi llage. The lanes located to the west of dam (located at the upper river) are narrow and th e wharves were small for small goods, some of them were private (Figure 5-19). The stai rs toward these wharves are curved with landing platforms. The dam supplies an open, sm ooth river to the east side of the dam. The wharves, therefore, in the east of the dam were for big goods. The lanes located to the east side of the dam are wider, and the st airs are straight. Toda y, these wharves are no longer in use because the methods of tr ansportation have changed (Figure 5-20). Figure 5-19. Leshan Lane space.
201 A Figure 5-20. Wharves and dam. A) Plan.
202 A-1 Figure 5-20. Continued. A-1) Sketches. (Done by the auth or. Published in Yuliang, pp.16-21.)
203 B Figure 5-20. Continued. B) View of the dam.
204 C Figure 5-20. Continued. C) View from down river.
205 D E F G H J Figure 5-20. Continued. D) View of the upper vi llage. E) View of the down village. F) De tail of the dam. G) Xiamen Wharf. H) Shangmen Wharf. J) View of the Lion Pavilion.
206 Composition a) Clan ancestral halls and temples Ancestral halls were essential buildings in every village. They were sacred places in which clans worshipped their ancestors twi ce a year, at the midwinter festival and on the 15th of the first month according to the l unar calendar. When someone achieved a scholarly or official rank, or when someone committed a fault that required punishment, or when a family gave birth to a son, ritual s were carried out in the ancestral halls. (Figure 5-21 for the locations of temples and ancestral halls.) Because a majority of the residents of the Huizhou region had migrated from somewhere else, they adopted this method of uniting as one against outsiders in order to survive, giving form to a very strong patriarc hal clan outlook. To some extent, such strict rules and regulations were beneficial to the development and perfection of a clan. Consequently, ancestral halls embodied a type of consciousne ss directed against natural forces and external pressure. The ancestral hall has its own system. Each clan has its primary ancestral hall and secondary ancestral hall. Sometimes individual families also have a hall in their residence to worship the ancestor. Ancestral halls ar e usually sponsored and maintained by the domain clan. Today, most of these clan ancestral halls are no longer used for their original purpose, but instead used for storage. These hall s are also in poor condition due to lack of care and maintenance. In the past, clan ancestral halls were maintained carefully because of their sacred attributes for the local people. With the foundation of the PeopleÂ’s Republic of China, the idea for the entire count ry was to break from the old social and religious structure and to build a new world. The ancestral hall was regarded as a token
207 Figure 5-21. Locations of temples and ancestral halls. (Tudi Temple is demolished. Ba Ci on the west side is for the clan named Ba. Ba Ci on the east side is for the dam.)
208 of superstition and feudalism, which should be rejected. The ancestral hall lost its function and became a place without function (Figure 5-22). Consequently, the strong link among villagers as a clan family was br oken. Each family has now become its own center. Figure 5-22. Zhonghu Temple. (Current situatio n: abandoned due to change in village culture.) b) Commercial housing Housing with commercial spaces is located along the main street-Yuliang Street in the village. The difference between it and the single-function housing is that commercial housing has one side open to the street. Sometime s the entire side faci ng the street is the door that could be moved when the shop is open. Consequently, the street space is extended into the housing. In some cases, th e sky well is not only for the place to have
209 flowers and potted plants, as it is in residen tial housing, but it is al so a working place in commercial housing. During the period from the end of the Qing Dynasty to the 1960Â’ , there were about 100 shops along Yuliang Street. Currently, th ere are only about 10 shops that offer articles only for everyday use. The traditi onal shops serving goods storage, and articles with Huizhou characteristics have disappeared. Some of these traditional shops have been renovated for residential use. The traditional wood front faÃ§ades at the ground level, which could be opened when the shops were in operation, are now changed to solid walls with small openings. The typical commercial housing is the Yuanhe Tang Shop selling traditional Chinese medicines (Figure 5-23, 5-24),22 which was built at the end of the Qing Dynasty. The front of the building is open to Yuliang Street, and the back side is along the Lianjiang River. The building is reserved as an interesting place for tourists now. The building has two JinÂ’ s. The first Jin is for shopping and working. A sky well separates these two spaces. The second Jin is for living. This layou tÂ—front shop, middle workshop, back residenceÂ—is one of the typical layout s for commercial hous ing in the village. Another main layout is oneJin building, with a shopping space in the front and residential space in the back with a sky well in the middle to separate them. The other two types use sections to separate living and shopping space (Figure 5-25). 22 Plan and sections of the Yuanhe Tang Shop selling traditional Chinese medicines are in Appendix B.
210 Figure 5-23. Diagram of the Yuanhe Tang Shop. A B Figure 5-24. The Yuanhe Tang Shop of traditio nal Chinese medicines. A) View of the building. B) Shopping space in the past (pavements are different based on different functions).
211 C D Figure 5-24. Continued. C) Sky window in the hall. (It is unusual in the Huizhou area to have a sky window in the hall. This s ky window is above the hall in the first Jin used for working space because of the necessary air circulation for Chinese medicines.) D) Back side of the shop. (It connects to the river.) Figure 5-25. Diagram of t ypes of commercial housing. c) Residential housing A single residence consists of three components: hall, sky well (courtyard) and interior rooms. The basic sp atial layout of the dwelling is the front gateÂ—front sky wellÂ—entry hallÂ—back sky wellÂ—first i nner hallÂ—second doorÂ—second back sky wellÂ—second inner hall. This creates an altern ative system of exteri or and interior space
212 that is bright and dark, as well as ope n and closed, and gives us a sense of Xu and Shi (solid and void). The hall is an important spiritual space for vi llagers, and it is also the center of the dwellingÂ’s layout. It is also used as space for banquets and carrying out various activities. As an accessory space of the main hall, the back hall is a place for guests to rest. Bedrooms (usually 2 meters by 3 meters) are generally on the second floor. The kitchen is an accessory and independent space that is sometimes separated from the main structure. It serves also as a dining room on a daily basis. Only when guests come is the main hall used as a dining room. The outside walls are tall with few window s. All spaces are open to the sky well. The first floor space, basically, is a space utilized to transfer from the outside street space to the semi-public hall space; the se cond floor space is private space. The Ba Weizu Former Residence23 (Figures 5-26, 5-27), which was built at the beginning of Qing Dynasty, is the biggest reside ntial building existing in the village. It has three Jin Â’s, and each Jin has its own entrance. The first Jin was used for hosting guests. The next two Jin Â’s were the living family quarter s. In the view of function, the first Jin is separated from the others by a piece of wall; the second sky well connects the guest area and the family area. Today, it is an interesting place for t ourists. It has been renovated recently, and the stair in the second Jin has been removed. 23 Plans and sections of this building are in Appendix C.
213 Figure 5-26. Diagram of the Ba Weizu Former Residence. A B Figure 5-27. Ba Weizu Former Residence. A) South view. B) Stone caving above the entrance.
214 C D E F Figure 5-27. Continued. C) Firs t hall (for guests). D) First sky well. E) View from the first Jin toward the second and the third Jin . F) Second sky well.
215 G H Figure 5-27. Continued. G) Additional sky well attached to the third sky well. H) The secondary entrance next to the main entrance. d) New buildings 1) Elementary school24 It is an old tradition for v illagers to attach much importa nce to the patriarchal clan system and education. Although people today in the Huizhou area do not seem to pay much attention to their ancestral halls, they value education even more than before. In the minds of the local people, school is not a public space. It is a place only for education instead of a playing field. Even there is an open field in school, but it is never used as a public gathering place. (Figure 5-28.) 24 The elementary school had a total of 7 classes and 226 students in 2000.
216 A B Figure 5-28. School, 2004. 2) Tea factory The tea factory (Figure 5-29) was founded in 1950. In the first half of the 1980s the factory occupied 96,645 square meters (a bout 23.88 acres), in cluding 33,769 square meters for workshops and 4,300 square meters for dorms. The workshop is located on the north side of Changqing Road. The dormitory part is on the south side of Changqing road. In the 1990s, the factory almost stoppe d production. At the end of the1990s, outside investment was involved, but currently the pr oduction of tea has almost stopped due to a
217 shift in global markets. A part of the factory buildings has been pulled down and rebuilt for other functions on both sides of the road. In most of these reconstructed buildings, the ground floor is for commercial use, and th e upper floors are for residential use. A B Figure 5-29. Tea factory.
218 C D Figure 5-29. Continued. 3) Tourist entrance The new tourist entrance (Figure 5-30) wa s built recently. Since the Huizhou area became well known after many books related to se veral other villages in this area were published by Southeast University Press such as Tangyue , Zhanqi and Xiaoqi , the whole area became involved into the tourist business. The new entrance for tourists is built at
219 the end of the village. Actuall y, the tour is opposite to the traditional it inerary processing, which started from the Tria ngle Pavilion (Figure 5-31). A B Figure 5-30. Tourist entrance. A) Locati on plan. B) View from opposite hill.
220 C D Figure 5-30. Continued. C) Parking lo t. D) View from the platform.
221 E F Figure 5-30. Continued. E: Ticket stand. F: Exhibition building. Figure 5-31. New route for tourists.
222 From an analysis of the artif icial environment, we could see that the spatial fabric kept changing. New buildings constructed in th e last 50 years, in some sense, break the scale of the village. The new proposal fo r tourism does not recover the experiencing process that existed in the past. The hidde n and exposing and the searching and finding have been the experience that Fengshui empha sizes. Actually, it is also the way that the village expressed itself in the past. As the important element for the village in the past, water is left out of peopleÂ’s observation . Wharves are in poor condition and abandoned. All these problemsÂ—spatial fabric, experiencing process, and waterÂ—index that we need to reexamine the relationship of topography with the village in order to unfold the features of the village and identify wh at should be carried on for the future.
223 CHAPTER 6 MAPPING In Chapter 5, the natural, cultural, social, and artificial environments of Yuliang Village were explored. The development of the village was divided into four phases: harmonious period, transitional period, re programming period, and reforming period. From the analysis of these periods, we could see that the village, as an example of the Huizhou area, was founded on the lineage bond and an understanding of surrounding topography. The spatial fabric of the villag e is continuously reshaped along with economic and social changes. In this chapter, mapping the village means to view and abstract this Â“worldÂ” in a specific way. Mapping is the action to select and decide what asp ects are important for the future. It provides the in sight to discover new forces and invisible layers. The methods for mapping the village in this study ar e to observe and summarize the impact of topography on the village and the events involved in framing the village. As mentioned in Chapter 3, topography is an agent for making place. Topography is a physical environment with social and cu ltural layers embedded w ithin it. The idea of topography encompasses both the idea of the so cial activities and in stitutions that are expressed in and through the physical environment. The effects of topography on design options and planning for Yuliang Village came not only from its phys ical features, but also from the understanding of topogra phy by the local people. Mapping means to analyze the village from the physical aspect, as well as th e Â“subjectiveÂ” aspect in the notion of topography.
224 Siting selection mentioned in Chapter 4 a nd social and cultural changes mentioned in Chapter 5 are part of these events, which w ill not be discussed again in this chapter. In fact, these four actionsÂ—la nding, experiencing, ma pping, transformingÂ—are a system to understand and define and redefine the vill age. There is never a boundary among these four actions, but they sometimes overlap. It is the reason that part of Chapter 5 could also be regarded as mapping. Topography as Boundary Mountains and rivers function as a boundary for the site. They form an enclosed environment in the process of the villageÂ’s formation and development. Usually defense and accessibility are the factors for the siti ng selection of a dwelling place. In the formation of the village, the Fengshui theory is the deci sive factor. According to Fengshui, the ideal location for a village is with hills surrounding the site on three sides. Water should be in the south. Th e orientation of the village is related to color, animals, season, and elements.1 The siting selection of Yuliang Village followed the Fengshui theory. The village presents an enclosed e nvironment with four rivers and mountains surrounding it. In the villageÂ’s development, we coul d see mountains and rivers define the developing model for the village (Figure 61). The village shows horizontal sprawl although it experienced two major developing ph ases. The year 1949 is the dividing point for these two phases. Before 1949, the village ba sically remained the similar basic fabric since its establishment. Based on the study of the history and overa ll plan of Yuliang 1 The natural forms in these four di rections are associated with these four animal symbols, which are the guardians of the place. To the north are distant and higher hills, which represent the Black Tortoise. The south should be open and facing a gentle slope or other form easily identified as the Red Raven. The red raven should not have a dominant feature that might overshadow the buildings.
225 Village in Chapter 5, the development of Yu liang in this phase shows that it has only horizontal sprawl as Figure 6-2 B show s. The east-west developing model was determined by geographic conditions. There is no special building standing at the top of the mountain to dominate the village, which is different from the development of the city of Lausanne. The vertical dominating factor in Yuliang Village belongs to the mountain, which is the nature, not to the building. This difference exposes the different attitude toward the natural environment between th e East and the West in some degree. Figure 6-1. Plan of the villag e in 1931. (Source: Gong (ed.), Yuliang , 1998, p. 4.) A B Figure 6-2. Developing models . A) Development of Lausanne. B) Development of Yuliang Village. (Source: A: Bernard Cache, Earth Moves , p. 11.)
226 After 1949, the construction of public facili ties, such as factories and a school, expanded the scope of the village toward the mountain areas (Figure 6-3).The development after 1949 shows a tendency to occupy the mountains, but fortunately it stopped at the foot of the m ountains. The village still exhi bits a horizontal gesture in terms of a developing model. Figure 6-3. Developing orientation after 1949. At the beginning of the 1980s, a great tr ansformation took place in the distribution of land in the Chinese countryside. In the 1990s , due to the dramatic decline of farmland caused by a large amount of new construction, th e farmland is protected by state policies and is forbidden to be used for other purpos es without permission. This regulation as a political factor will have great impact on th e village as the Land Reform movement did on the village in the 1950s. As a consequen ce of this state polic y, the existing farmland will define the villageÂ’s range for futu re developments. Yuliang Village is now surrounded by farmland to the east, which should limit its future development toward this direction (Figure 6-4). But the regulation was dismissed recently. A new exhibition building for tourists was recently built over there, occupying some farmland. This phenomenon raises questions about the re lationship between farmland and tourismÂ— whether or not the farmland should be sacrif iced for tourism or whether or not the
227 farmland is part of the villageÂ’s histor y which should be shown to the tourists. Considering the analysis in Chapter 5, the answers are obvious: the farmland was the foundation for the village in th e past, and it is also the f oundation for the present. Given the dramatic decline of the area of farmland recently, and from the view of the economy, sustainability, cultural and social features of the village, farmla nd should be carefully protected. Figure 6-4. Location of fa rmland in the village. Generally speaking, the worship to ward surrounding topography and the geographic conditions defined th e development of the village in the past, and the social and political events injected new data into this issue. In this sense, topography as a
228 boundary for the village embodies the physical , psychological, political, cultural, and social levels within it. Reciprocity between Topography and Spatial Fabric It is true that the Fengshui theory id entifies an enclosed environment for the village. However, through the study of Fe ngshui on mountains and water in Chapter 4, we could see that mountains and water ar e more than boundaries. Mountains and water mean the beginning as well as the endingÂ—the beginning for the communication with the outside and ending as a boundary for the physic al development of the dwelling place. They open a door for human beings to the outside world, as well as enclosing a site. Considering the trinity of heaven, human ity, and earth and their dependence on each other, topography is not seconda ry to human beings. Mountai ns and water breathe like a human body. Fengshui emphasizes the connection betw een the environment and humans. Its final aim is to identify an environment w ith strong qualities of ChÂ’i for the siting selection in order to promote mutual impact between the environmental ChÂ’i with the ChÂ’i inside of the human body. As a conse quence of their mutual impact, good life and fortune are expected to come to the local people. Based on the circulation of ChÂ’i between the human body and the environment, the dwelling place extends to the scope of mountains and rivers. Furthermore, the dwe lling place starts to touch the outside world with the mountains and rivers. It also gets balance from mo untains and rivers. Therefore, mountains and rivers are not the edge and e nd of the dwelling place. The dwelling place is not simply an enclosed environmen t, but it opens to the landscape. In Yuliang Village, the reciprocity is expr essed on two physical levels. One level is the relationship of street a nd lane space with the surr ounding topography and scenes. The
229 other level is expressed by sky wells in hous ing. Besides undertaking some transportation functions, these street spaces are the br idge between the dwelling places and the landscape. Some ancient poems described eight landscape scenes around the village. Standing on the street and la nes through the narrow outside street space defined by buildings, these eight scenes unfold in front of viewers as the focal point for these street and lane spaces. Taking the main entrance, Down Yaojia Lane and Leshan Lane with the dam as examples, the relationship between topography and the spatial fabric is explored. The traditional entrance space for the village is locat ed at the west end of the village. It is a triangle site with a Triangle Pavilion. Th e triangle space is connected to the narrow Yuliang Street. The orientation of Yuliang Str eet at this intersection is pointed to a pagoda named Shisi and one of eight scenes Piyun Pengying on the opposite side of the Lianjiang River (Figure 65). A series of photos of Down Yaojia Lane show that Ziyang Hill on the opposite side of the river behaves as the view point for the lane (Figure 6-6). Leshan Lane with the dam was oriented toward the Ziyang Shuyuan where the famous Scholar Xi Zhu gave lectures. Ziyang Shuyuan was one of eight scenes of Yuliang Village in the past . Now the Ziyang Shuyuan is destroyed (Figure 6-7). Pagodas (representing religious life), th e natural environment and education facilities were the focal points for the spatia l fabric. The choice of these focal points to some degree reflects the attitudes and ideology of the local people and the features of the village as analyzed in Ch apter 5Â—lineage bond, worship of the nature, and appreciation of education.
230 A B Figure 6-5. Pagoda as the focal point. A) Pl an. B) View from Yuliang Street at the entrance of the village.
231 C Figure 6-5. Continued. C) View of the opposit e side of the villag e at the entrance.
232 A B Figure 6-6. Natural environment as th e focal point. A&B) Views from Down Yaojia Lane toward Ziyang Hill.
233 Figure 6-7. Education facility as the focal point. (The Ziya ng Shuyuan was destroyed. In the past it was located on the opposite side of the village, along the extending line of the dam). The sky well in the housing, as in other cour tyards in China, is an expression to connect the sky and the ground. It is a connectio n of human beings with nature within an enclosed space. But the sky we ll in Yuliang is more than that kind of expression. It has a feature to embrace water and a st arting point to constr uct the village in some sense, which is explored in the following analysis Â“water constructs the village.Â”
234 Water Constructs the Village Water is special for the Huizhou area at the level of ideology and physical construction of villages. In some degree, the ideology decides the expression of the physical construction. The attitudes toward water expressed in the Fengshui theory are the foundation of the ideology for the local peopl e in the Huizhou area. In Feng shui, water is equated with the blood in human bodies. It brings and disperses ChÂ’i to human beings and the surrounding environment. Tasting water and obs erving its flowing are key events for the siting selection. Moreover, water has a speci al meaning for the Huizhou area. Water is regarded as a good token for the family. Abund ant water in a house means that sons and property would flourish in this family. From th e analysis in Chapter 5, the features of the village are the lineage bond and the merchants. To maintain and carry on this lineage bond requires having sons. At the same time, the Huizhou area was famous in the past for its decisive role in the development of th e economy. Almost every family had members go out to do business. The family expects th e outside family members to have good luck and to bring property back. Wate r, therefore, becomes a pred iction that the family will have sons and property. This ideology of the local people impact s the construction of villages. The impact of water on the construction of Yuliang Village is expressed in three ways. One way is the selection of the si te location. Another wa y is the typology of housing. The last way is the water system in the village, including the drainage system. The village is located at the Z-turning point of the Lianjiang River, which is called Yaodai Water in the Fengshui theory. The Z-shaped river in front of the village becomes a natural boundary for it. The Z-shape also expresses the requirement of the Fengshui
235 theory about Shuikou . Shuikou in English means the place that water flows into or out of the village. In old sayings, Shuikou is related to destinies of the entire family and clans. Shuikou should be managed and reconstructe d if necessary. One principle to construct the Shuikou is to hide the place that water flow s into or out of the village. An old saying describes this scene: Â“The source of water is hidd en so that it seems that the water is coming from the HeavenÂ” (Figure 6-8) . This quality of Shuikou is regarded as a good one to make the families flourish. So metimes big trees are moved to the Shuikou to hide the source of the water. In Yuliang Villa ge, the whole village w ith the Z-shape of the river functions as Â“treesÂ” to hide the source of water (Figure 6-9). Figure 6-8. Diagram on the idea of Shuikou . Figure 6-9. Z-shape river in front of the village.
236 Water not only defines the edge of the vi llage, but it also was the root for the establishment, development and prosperity of the village in the past. The village is located at the point of four converging rivers, which deci ded the villageÂ’s significant position in the water transportation system in the past. The village had developed and flourished since the Tang Dynasty due to it s convenience for collecting and distributing goods. The construction of the Yuliang Dam fu rther strengthened the position of Yuliang. In this sense, the village c ould not separate from water. The typical residence in the vi llage is a courtyard called Sishui guitang ,2 literally meaning all water gathers in this courtyard (Figure 6-10). Usually the courtyard in a Chinese residence is not only a place for pe opleÂ’s daily activities, but also a place to express the Chinese attitudes toward nature. The courtyard is regard ed as the connection between human beings and nature. The sky well in the Huizhou area reflects a similar idea. The specific issue of the sky well in this area is that roofs surrounding the sky well slope all the way to the courty ard so when it is raining, wate r could fall down to the sky well along roofs and gather in the courtyard. As we know, wate r brings property, which is a good sign for businessmen. So how to bring and collect water into housing becomes an important issue in the Huizhou area. The sky well in the typology Â“S ishui guitangÂ” is the place to collect water (Figure 6-11). The sky wells are diffe rent from courtyards in Beijing. Courtyards in Beijing are a place for peopleÂ’s daily activitie s. People wash, chat, and gather in the courtyards. But the sky we ll in Huizhou area is only for collecting water or plants because its scale is so narrow. Th e sky well space is oriented vertically. The orientation of opening the door is, sometimes, related to the river r unning in front of the 2 This kind of typology resulted from HuizhouÂ’s special cultural background and social background. A single residence has four components: Hall, sky well or court, Maotou Wall and inner rooms.
237 house. If the river is running from west to east, the door of the house should be opened on the west side of the house in order to get the meaning of Â“welcome water into this house.Â” A B C Figure 6-10. Sishui guitang. A&B) Sketches of this typology. C) Typical section of Housing. (Source: C: Gong (ed.), Xiaoqi , p.49.)
238 A. B Figure 6-11. Typical sky well. A) Sky well. B) The place to collect water in the sky well.
239 The water system in the village has a tw ofold aspect. One is to construct the secondary structure of the village (Figure 612). The other is to construct the drainage system. The main spatial structure in the vi llage is Yuliang Street, which runs from the east to the west. The Lianjiang River and Hengkeng Lane constructs the secondary structure for the village. The Lianjiang Rive r frames the south boundary for the village. Hengkeng Lane is the only lane in the vill age which runs paralle l with the water. Hengkeng Lane was traditionally linked to Shexian Town. It brings water into the village and connects the village to the back mountains in the north of the village. At the same time, the water along Hengkeng Lane meets Yulia ng Street at the in tersection where the Lion pavilion is located. The Lion Pavili on and the lane along the water become a gathering place for the local people. A Figure 6-12. Secondary fabr ic structure. A) Plan.
240 B C Figure 6-12. Continued. B) Diagram of the sp atial structure. C) View of Hengkeng Lane. In terms of the drainage system, the princi ple is to hide the water. Water brings sons and property to the local people. Keeping water, therefore, in the family and in the village is important. It is not good to see water flowing away from the house and the
241 village. The attempt to hide the water from be ing seen to flow to the outside starts from the sky well in the housing and continues to the street and lane space. The sky well is the place to collect water, bu t also the starting pl ace to drain rain or waste water from the housing to the outside . The draining hole in the sky well is not placed on the ground but on the side of the pl ace for collecting water. In some degree, this disposition prevents it from being seen easily so that the move ment of water flowing to the outside is hidden. In some sky wells, within the place to collect the water, there is a small platform. This platform blocks the view to see the water flowing out of the house. At the same time, the hole is above the gr ound, which will save some water in the sky well for a while before it is drained (Figur es 6-13, 6-14). Watching the water staying in the family meets the psychologica l need of the local resident s. In the street and lane spaces, the drainage system is covered by pave ment, which is different from other parts of the ground in the street and lane spaces. The different arrangement of the pavement indicates the different functi onal area of the ground. On Yuliang Street, the pavement separates the walking area from the drai nage system under the ground (Figure 6-15). Figure 6-13. Diagram of the section of the sky well ground. A) Usual method. B) Method in the Huizhou area.
242 A B C Figure 6-14. Sky well in the Congbao Ci.
243 A B B Figure 6-15. Drainage in the st reet and lanes. A) Yuliang Stre et. B) Drainage in the lane (it was covered in the past). C) Pave ment for drainage on Yuliang Street. Besides the physical structure of the village, water also constructs the daily life for the local people. People do their washing, fishing, and drying around the waterfront. Water space becomes a working place for men to dry their fish, and for women a place to
244 wash clothes and food. It also becomes a pla ce to socialize where a small group of people come to do some work. This is espe cially true for women (Figure 6-16). A B C Figure 6-16. Water constructs the daily life for the local people.
245 Spatial Fabric as a Labyrinth The spatial fabric in the village has an eas t-west axis with a north-south axis. The north-south axis is secondary to the east-wes t one (Figure 6-12 B). At the intersection of these two, the Lion Pavilion serves as the node for the spatial fabric. Several lanes are connected to the east-west axis. These structures are not clear, however, for outsiders. The structure of the village is a labyrinth for them. Actually it is done on purpose. The people moved here to avoid wars outside their region. A strong sense for defense made them choose the Huizhou area, a mountain area, as their site. Also a sens e of defense made the street and lane space narrow and curved. In some sense, these curv ed and narrow spaces make the fabric like a labyrinth (Figure 6-17). The high walls w ith few windows along the street and lane spaces express a strong sense of self-enclosure and defense (Figure 6-18). Figure 6-17. Samples of lane spaces. A) Ya nbao Lane. B) Up Yaojia Lane. C) Qinmu Lane.)
246 A B Figure 6-18. Views of lanes. A) Bajia Lane. B) Ma Lane.
247 Moreover, in the past, the labyrinth starte d from every entrance into the village. Although the main entrance of the village is a triangle open field, the way to get to this entrance from Shexian Town is curving and twisting. To hide the village is expressed strongly in the second phase of entering the village (Figures 5-16, 5-17). The entrances on Changqing Road are hidden and difficult to find except for a new entrance built recently (Figure 6-19). In Yuliang Village, entrances are the starting points of the spatial labyrinth in the village. They have no landmarks to declare th at they are entrances. Entrances are not the points for people to identify the place and then find their way, but they are the points to make people follow in an uncertain explora tion. They are the points to continue the experience of the hidden and exposure, the searching and finding, wh ich already starts from approaching the village. A B Figure 6-19. Labyrinthine en trances to the village. A) Jing Lane. B) Ma Lane.
248 C D E Figure 6-19. Continued. C) Cha Lane. D) Hengkeng Lane. E) Caobao Lane (newly built as an opposite to labyrinthian entrances in the past). Empty Center and Flourishing Edge Yuliang Village has a center, Yuliang Stre et, for commercial purposes. This center also serves as a focus for the daily activities of the local people. In the view of the spatial shape, the center is more a linear space, rather than a point space, as are plazas in the city fabric in the West. From the center to the edge of the village, the program is changing
249 from commercial to residential, and then to industry at the north edge of the village. On the south side of the street, the program is changing from commercial to residential, then finally to the working areas around wh arves along the river (Figure 6-20). Figure 6-20. Diagram of programs along the north-south orientation. Yuliang Street is the place to transfor m programs in the v illage along the northsouth axis. The dam transformed programs in th e village along the east-west axis in the past. The wharves on the west side of the da m served for small goods which were mainly distributed in the village and in the count y. The wharves on the east side of the dam served for larger goods, which were mainly distributed outside of the county. This phenomenon is explored in Chapter 5. The di fferent functions of wharves are actually shown by the design of stairs and platforms. The wharves for large goods always have a straight circulation, which c ontrasts to the private wharves and the wharves for small goods.3 In this sense, Yuliang Street and the dam serve as the coordinate axis to organize the programs in the village (Figure 6-21). 3 For details about wharves, please check Figure 5-20.
250 Figure 6-21. Diagram of the c oordinate axes for programs. Moreover, Figure 6-22 shows that the new constructions were mainly happened along the north edge of the village (within the traditional fabric, most of the newly constructed buildings are to the east of the dam). In the 1950s and 1960s, the construction of factories, dormitories for tea factory wo rkers and the school gathered on the north edge. In the 1990s, commercial buildings were constructed along the north edge of the village. All this construction indicates that the edge becomes the construction center. On the contrary, the traditional center has been weakened. Only about 10 shops exist along the Yuliang Street instead of about 100 shops, as in the past. The tendency is that the traditional center is becoming empty, becoming Â“edgeÂ” (Figure 6-23). The edge is flourishing, becoming the Â“center.Â” The traditio nal center and edge are replacing each other.
251 Figure 6-22. Location for ne wly constructed buildings.
252 A. B Figure 6-23. Center and edge. A) Edge. (Becoming Â“center.Â”) B) Center. (Becoming Â“edgeÂ”: shops are closed and people move out.)
253 The phenomenon of the center being empty re flects the imbalance between villages and towns. Without a doubt, the imbalance of economic development in cities and villages resulted in this phenomenon. The lo cal people left the village to towns. As a commercial center, as well as a gathering pl ace for the daily life of the local people, Yuliang Street is unavoidable to present the em pty. On the contrary, the north edge of the village, which is Changqing Road that connects Shexian Town to the outside, becomes more important. Changqing Road functions fo r the village today as water did for the village in the past becau se the transportation met hod has changed from water transportation to road transportation. Howeve r, Yuliang Village and its position for road transportation today are much less important than its position for water transportation in the past. Its advantage in wate r transportation does not impact the current situation, which shows that it does not recove r its past prosperity. Alt hough commercial buildings are located along Changqing Road, the programs ar e relatively single. Most of them serve fast food for truckers or passengers travel ing in cars. The diversity of commercial programs in the past disappears. Actually these businesses along Changqing Road have no specialty. People therefore prefer to stop by the county town, which is only one kilometer away from the village. The deeper reason for the empty center is di scussed in Chapter 5, which is that the village lost its foundation of culture and society. The scholars who were usually the leaders of the clan moved out so the vill age is in a state of being Â“uncontrolled.Â” Multi-programmatic Public Spaces Public spaces, such as the street and la ne spaces, the Lion Pavilion, the dam, and the wharves ( Dan Space), embody multi-programs. Yulia ng Street has double functions to organize the village. It, along with Hengke ng Lane, holds the spatial fabric of the
254 village. Yuliang Street, along with the dam, al so organizes the programs of the village. It is also the main circulation for the village, as are the lane spaces. The Lion Pavilion, in terms of spatial fabric, is the node of the spatial structure, as well as the intersection of the two axes in the village. The original f unction of the dam and the wharves served the water transportation. At the same time, all th ese public spaces serve the daily life for the local people. In some sense the typology of hous ing in this area leads to this situation. The typology of residences in the Huiz hou area has tall walls with little windows on four sides. Being viewed from the outside , the house is much enclosed, which isolates and separates the inside of the residence from the outside public space. Between the inside and outside, there is no extra open space or area for the transition from the outside to the inside. Because of the enclosed char acter of the residence in the village, public spaces become places for two or three persons to socialize in th e afternoon or after dinner. In Yuliang, the busiest place for people to ga ther is at the gate of individual houses. Due to the typology of housing in the village, ho uses are not set back from the street. The entrance space for houses is actually part of the street space. The head of the household usually occupies the entrance space. In such places, he is able to extend his personal space in a way that he feels comfortable and he has contact with people on the outside. Such places are open and become part of th e street space, and visitors also feel comfortable here. The space around the Lion Pa vilion is also for people gathering. In some sense, the space around the entrance to housing has a hierarchy, while the space around the pavilion is open to person (Figure 6-24).
255 A B Figure 6-24. Space around the Lion Pavilion.
256 The dam and the waterfront are also places for the local people to do washing and communicate with each other (Figure 6-16). Dan space usually is a space for an agricultu ral function, such as threshing, airing and sunning grain. It is also for a large group of people to gather during dinner or after dinner. Sometimes the local pe ople bring their dinner to Dan to eat. Dan becomes a kind of Â“cafeteria.Â” Since Yuliang is a transpor tation center, not a traditionally agricultural one, the working place for the local people is on the wharves. The Dan space is transformed from an agricu ltural space to a waterfront space along the wharves. In some sense, the daily life of people merged with the transportation systems supplies hints to redefine contemporary street spaces, which are only for cars and speed, not for the people. Wetting Events As in other villages in China, grains are always involved in events and folk customs because villages are the units for agricultur e. In the rites of building construction and funnels, grains need be spread in order to hope for a good harvest in years to come. In Yuliang Village,5 water is indispensable to events because of its special meanings for 5 Folk customs were colorful. Most traditional festiv als of the Han nationality are observed in the village: Spring Festival, Qingming (Grave sweeping), Dragon Boat Festival (5th day of the 5th lunar month), and Mid-Autumn Festival. Wedding and funerals are important ev ents for the local people. Funeral rites for the elderly are important events throughout this area. A geomancer is needed to se lect an appropriate auspicio us burial site, as well as choose the date for carrying the coffin to the cemetery. In the past, rites for death are as important as rites for birth. Â“Celebrating the sevensÂ” is an event for the area. After the body is put into the coffin, there will be rites every seven days after a death. Lanterns must be lit in front of the coffin to light the way home for the dead. After 49 days, the coffin is put into the grave during the night. There are also rites after 100 days and one year after death. The other folk custom is rites for constructing buildings. Besides hiring a geomancer to taste and choose the site, there will be rites on the firs t day for construction, on the date that the main beam is set up, and on the date that the main structure is set up. The blood of a boar or chicken is used to avoid evils on the site on the first day of construction. The cereal is spread on the day to set up the main beam, which means to have
257 clansÂ—Â“bring sons and property to families.Â” In addition, the foundati on of the village is based on water transportation. Traditionally, the biggest fes tival in the village is the September Boat Event . It attracted people all around to enjoy the event. The September Boat Event is also called Wet Buddha . With two people carrying Buddha on a pole from their temples, the villagers had a procession and gave shows near th e Yuliang Dam. Along the Longchuan Wu Wharf, boats were decorated with beautiful lanterns and colored ribbons. The event last as along as five to six days. The September Boat Event is not only for Yuliang Village. The surrounding villages are also involved. Buddhas are brought from several villages to get wet. The process of the September Boat Event in Yuliang Village is to carry the Buddha from the Zhonghu temple and then go along Yuliang Street . Finally the Buddha is carried through Â“One hundred stairsÂ” to arrive at the wharves, a wider ope n field in the west of the village, to wet the Buddha (Figure 6-25). Throughout this procession, the temple, th e street space within the village, the waterfront at the edge of the village, a nd Yuliang Dam are united, and understood in relation to the elusive whole. Throughout this process, th e inside structur e of the village is connected with the outside environment. Th is process connects peopleÂ’s religious life with their ordinary life and working life. In other folk customs, water still plays an important role. The rites for setting up the frame for building construction should be chosen for a rainy day. In the view of the local people, building on a rain day indicates that water is abundant in this house, which means a good harvest for years. The day for setting up the frame should be chosen on a rainy day in order to bring luck to the housing. Usually there will be a celebration feast after the construction.
258 Figure 6-25. Procession of Sept ember Boat Event in Yuliang.
259 that the family has a bright future. Regarding funerals, the dead should be bathed with the water from the Lianjiang River, which fl ows on the south side of the village. The events related to cultural and social changes and their imp act on the fabric of the village were discussed in Chapter 5. In addition to these changes, topography as a boundary, Reciprocity between topography and spatial fabric, Water constructs the village, Spatial fabric as a labyrint h, Empty center and fl ourishing edge, Multiprogrammatic public spaces, and Wetting events , all explore the village at different levels. All these events will supply hints to set up the guidelines for future development of the village, which will be discussed in chapter 7.
260 CHAPTER 7 TRANSFORMING Transforming is the action that introdu ces something new to the site, something that may change and redirect its developmen t. Previous discussions placed the foundation for transforming. Transforming s ynthesizes the other three acti ons. It is the action guided by the understanding of the past and current situation. In the former actions, topography is the cen ter issue. Topography is regarded as a 3-dimensional structure with ever-shifting laye rs embedded within it. It is Â“objectiveÂ” as well as Â“subjective,Â” encapsulating human e xperience, memory, and time. This position encourages us to view topography as a potentia l to make place and an important factor in the process of transforming villages. In these actionsÂ—landing, experienci ng, and mappingÂ—the impact of topography and events on the formation and developm ent of Yuliang Village are explored, which have demonstrated that the development of the village is ba sed on three factorsÂ— agriculture and commerce at the level of the economy, village at the level of politics, and villagers at the level of culture and society. The construction of the village is the final result of interactions between these th ree factors. During each periodÂ—harmonious period, transitional period, reprogramming pe riod, and reforming periodÂ—the village is determined by the relationship of topography wi th its inhabitants. This relationship is expressed on two levels, physically and menta lly, including the expression of the spatial fabric and the concept of Â“landÂ” at the leve l of culture and society for the local people. The connections of topography with the villa ge, which summarized from the former
261 actions, include: 1) topography as boundary ; 2) reciprocity between topography and spatial fabric; 3) water constructs the village; 4) spatial fabric as a labyrinth; 5) empty center and flourishing edge; 6) multi-programma tic public spaces; and 7) wetting events. All these findings in landing, experienci ng, and mapping indicate that the action of transformation for the village should also st art from the relations hip between topography and the village. What the action of transforming should cons ider is what we have learned from the past. The action of transforming should also in troduce into the site: an understanding of place in contemporary times; the curren t understanding of topography based on the current problems in the village; and stra tegies of topography as potential for placemaking. Transformation indicates th e village needs to modify its genius loci and regional architecture, instead of imitating them. The in terventions are neither the action to copy the past nor the action to build a total new wo rld. The intervention into the village simply adds a new layer. The key is Â“translucent.Â” The new layer reacts to current problems and situations and clearly reveals aspects of what is beneath. A living village is developed with time a nd at the same time shows the traces of memory. The introduction of new factors of the new age, the inscription of rich diversities of settings for human experience , and the expressions of difference between now and the past are methods for transfor mation. The transformation may be either conservative, which refers to some past event or circumstance, or innovative, which importing something new to a placeÂ—or both. The design guidelines for Yuliang Village, which are guides for the action of transforming, not only deal primar ily with aesthetic and architectural pr inciples, but they
262 also attempt to define a new context and dire ction for the built envi ronment as a mediator between architecture and environmentÂ—for th e way we understand th e villagesÂ’ concept in the age of globalization. The examples explor ed here are not single solutions to special questions, but rather suggest a process of design and making place. In order to set up the logic for the desi gn guidelines, the cu rrent problems and situation in Yuliang Village will be summarized. Current Problems and Situation In the second half of the 1990s, some new problems emerge. First, some of agricultural land in the village has been tr ansformed into other uses. Moreover, this tendency is becoming strong due to stra tegies authorized by the government. Development strategies in Ch ina today are to develop small towns and cities and to encourage free migration among villages, towns, and cities.1 These strategies have caused old towns to expand and have spawned new towns. Shexian Town, which is only one kilometer from Yuliang Village, is one of th ese examples. More buildings are built and being built outside of the old town. Some la nd near Yuliang Village is occupied due to the expansion of Shexian Tow n. The land to the east of the village was for agriculture, but now a new museum for traditional crafts is built on this site. Some new residential buildings with six or seven stories are built very close to the vill age. Consequently, the land for agriculture is reduce d, weakening one principle founda tion for the village. This tendency also destroys the balance between the land and the manmade environment. 1 Fushou Jin, in his Â“Adjustment of Strategies for the Development of Towns and VillagesÂ” (1993) advocates developing smalland medium-size cities instead of the strategy of asking people to leave the land rather than to stay on the land. Â“Leaving Â‘the landÂ’ but stay on the landÂ” was the developi ng strategy in the 1980s. The first land refers to the production of agriculture. The second land refers to the village where they live. This strategy encouraged the local people to develop industry in the village so they could improve their living conditions while staying on the land.
263 Although Yuliang Village is not a tr aditional agricultural village, agriculture is part of the local people who still live on the land. The o ccupied agricultural land forces the local people to move out. In addition to the loss of its commercial and transportation center, the village is becoming an empty vessel. The main group of inhabitants consists of the elderly people. Second, the decline of industry in the vill age since the middle of the 1990s forces tourism to become the major source of inco me. The flourish of i ndustry in the village began in the 1980s. The shortage of necessa ries in cities and towns accelerated the development of industry in the village during that pe riod. At that time, the strategy was to make the local people stay in the rural areas while involved in the i ndustry so that their living conditions could be improved. In the fi rst half of the 1990s, outside capital was invested into the village industry because of the cheap availability of labor. After the Asian Financial Crisis in 1997, export trade de clined in the whole country. At the same time the market was changing from staple good s to high-tech products, which the village industry could not produce. The village industry, therefore, de clined gradually, leaving a vacuum which tourism began to fill for the local inhabitants as a source of income. In contrast to the increase of annual income dur ing the 1980s, the increase of annual income for the local people slows down in the late 1990s. At the same time the difference of annual income between villagers and city inhabitants increased. All these conditions forced the local inhabitants to leave the vill age. Consequently, the buildings for the early industry are useless and suffer from lack of maintenance. Third, tourism does not bring a new opportunity for the development of the village. The development of tourism for the local government is based on attracting outside
264 people. The consequence of this strategy is to preserve the traditional image of the Huizhou areaÂ—white walls and grey roofs. This kind of tourism does not solve the problem of the village, the Â“empty center.Â” Making the local people remain instead of attracting outside people is the genuine way to rehabilitate the village. Tourism should bring working opportunities for the local pe ople, and also chances to improve and maintain the spatial fabric of the village. A living community instead of a dead exhibition is the real attraction for tourists. Unfortunate ly, the current situati on is going the opposite direction. Fourth, the newly constructe d facilities for tourism ir onically break the village fabric although they superfic ially look like the Huizhou styl e. Â“Looking like traditional styleÂ” is not the way to maintain the fa bric. What we need is production based on contemporary technology and situation. The new entrance for tourists breaks the original process and totally ignores the spatial experien ce that started from the county town in the past. The new route for tourists starts from th e east side of the village. The new route is totally opposite to the original experience, which started from th e west side of the village. The original experience expos ed the openness and enclosure along the entering process, and exhibited the relationship between topogr aphy and the village. These experiences are ignored by the new tourist route. The rebui lt lane toward Changqing Road breaks the spatial fabric as a labyrinth by an open entr ance. Some newly constr ucted buildings could be seen on the street and in the lane space. Th is ignores the role of environment being the background for street and lane spaces. Fifth, many buildings and wharves are in poor condition including ancestral halls and some buildings located along Yuliang St reet and Changqing Road. Some of the
265 facilities for the tea f actory are discarded, especially the dormitories in the south side of Changqing Road. All these buildings to some ex tent destroy place-maki ng of the village. Guidelines for Rehabilitation of Yuliang Village The rehabilitation of a villa ge is a complex project with respect to politics, economy, cultural and social s ituations, and architecture and planning. The guidelines presented here are mainly concerned with ar chitectural and planning issues. At the same time, these design guidelines attempt to refl ect the impact of politics and economy on the design strategies. Strengthen Regional Link In order for Yuliang Village to remain as a living community, linkage to Shexian Town and surrounding villages must be develo ped, maintained, and improved at the level of the economy and itinerary. (See Figure 7-1 for the regional link.) The resumption of the commercial activities on Yuliang Street is critical for the village in order to be a vi able, living community. Yuliang Vi llage should be regarded as being secondary to Shexian Town. Yuliang St reet should be regarded as a specific commercial street for Shexian Town, which has different commercial activities from those in Shexian Town. Unnecessary competitions should be avoid since these two are just one kilometer apart. The activities in Yu liang Village may be related to traditional culture and features of the Huizhou area. Th e commercial activities should also supply staples for the local peopleÂ’s daily lives, including necessities for the villagers from surrounding villages.
266 Figure 7-1. Regional link.
267 The itineraries between Shexian Town and th e village need to be strengthened and recovered in order to make the collective historical experiences come alive. A poem describes the experience of traditional villages is as follows: The fisherman, astonished at such a si ght, pushed ahead, hoping to see what lay behind the forest. Where the forest ended there was a spring that fed the stream, and beyond that a hill. The hill had a sma ll opening in it, from which there seemed to come a gleam of light. Abandoning his boat, the fisherman went through the opening. At first it was narrow, with barely room for a pe rson to pass, but after he had gone twenty or thirty paces, it sudde nly opened out and he could see clearly.2 The itinerary is woven with both hidden and exposure. The approach to the village is an experience of searching. The itineraries from Shexian Town to Yuliang Village include two traditional itineraries and a new one. These three have different features and give people different opportuni ties to view the village from different angles. All these features need to be rehabilitated. The two traditional itineraries are the South Gate itinerary and Ziyang Gate itinerary. The South Gate itinerary is to li nk the village with the county town and to explore the village within its fabric. Th e Ziyang Gate itinerary offers people an opportunity to view the village from above and then to walk within the village. The new one is along Changqing Road on the north side of the village. It a ffords an opportunity for people to view different developing pha ses of the village because Changqing Road separates the industrial facili ties from the traditional resi dential and commercial areas. a) South Gate Itinerary South Gate Itinerary connects Shexian Tow n, the main entrance of the village and Yuliang Street. This itinerary still exists today (Figure 7-2). 2 Translation by Waston, The Columbia Book of Chinese Poetry: From Early Time to the Thirteenth Century , pp. 142-143.
268 The study of this itinerary here does not include Yuliang Street (Phases three and four), which will be studied in the Â“Man age the FabricÂ” section. The current main problem of Phases one and two is that more ne w construction is inserted into them due to the sprawl of Shexian Town. Constructing t oo many buildings should be avoided in these two phases. The experience of the village ex ists at the hidden and exposure, which is expressed by the relationship of the villag e with topography, as analyzed in Chapter 5. The Â“physicalÂ” connection will block topography out of the itinerary and destroy the spatial experience. Specific guidelines for design issues: 1) Maintain the four phase s of spatial experience duri ng this itinerary. Phase one starts from the Ziyang Gate to the inters ection of Changqing Road and Yuliang Street. This phase should be kept as an Â“open fiel d.Â” The south side of the itinerary should be open to the river and the hills, which are locat ed on the opposite side of the river, as it was in the past. The other side of the itiner ary could be used for construction. But largescale construction should be prohi bited. The street in this phas e is wider than those in the other three phases. Phase two is from the intersection to the Triangle Pavilion at the main entrance of the village. In this phase, the sp ace is half-opened and half-closed. The south side of the itinerary in this phase is open to the river. But the other side is a very precipitous hill very close to the road. The hill functions as a solid wall enclosing the space on the other side. The texture of ground in this itinerary should be changed at the intersection of Changqing Road with Yuliang Str eet in order to indica te the entering into the village. Phase three is from the main entr ance of the village to the Lion Pavilion. In this phase, the space becomes narrow and enclosed. The ratio of the street becomes1:2
269 Figure 7-2. South Gate itinerary.
270 or 1:3. Within this phase, topography coul d be viewed only through openings of lane spaces connecting Yuliang Street. Phase four is from the Lion Pavilion to the end of Yuliang Street. The features of this phase ar e similar with Phase three. In this phase, more buildings need renovation because mo st of the newly co nstructed buildings occurred during this phase. The spaces in Phases three and four are enclosed on both sides in some degree. The space becomes ope n again at the end of Yuliang Street. The texture of ground in these two phases should be considered as a genera tor of the sense of place in the design projects. 2) In Phase one, the scale of constructi on should be treated as a transformation from large-scale of the constr uction in the county town to sm all-scale of the construction in the village. Cons truction along the river side shoul d be prohibited in Phase one. Construction on the north side should not be connected as a large complex. 3) Prohibit any new construction in Phase two. 4) Renovate or demolish some of the existi ng buildings near the intersection of the Changqing Road and the Yulia ng Street (Figure 7-3). 5) Restore3 the road surface in Phase two whic h starts from the intersection of Changqing Road and Yuliang Street. 6) Rehabilitate and adapt a new us e for Baiyun Chanyuan (Figure 7-4). 3 For the definitions of Preservation , Rehabilitation , Restoration, and Reconstruction for the treatment of historical properties, this study refers to the Secr etary of the InteriorÂ’s St andards (see Appendix D).
271 A B Figure 7-3. Buildings at the intersection of Changqing Road and Yuliang Street. (Some new buildings copy white walls and grey roofs but with the stairs toward the main entrance. These buildings need to be remodeled or moved.)
272 Figure 7-4. Baiyun Chanyun (needs to be adapti vely reused for re ligious purposes or educational facilities). b) Ziyang Gate Itinerary The Ziyang Gate itinerary ha s currently been discarded. Although there is still a road connecting the town to the village, starting from the middle of a hill to the foot of the hill, the original route is covered by the tea factor y. There are two reasons to rehabilitate this original route. One reason is that the original itinerary connected the secondary structure of the village, Hengkeng Lane, which is the only lane running along water. This connection explores the feature of the village as water constructed. It also builds a connection between two geographic ed ges for the villageÂ—th e river on the south side of the village and the mountain on the north side. The other reason is that this itinerary has changes on ground levels, which is different from the South Gate itinerary.
273 Ziyang Gate, the starting point of this itiner ary, is about 20 meters higher than the Lion Pavilion, the ending point of the itinerar y. Through this itin erary, the surrounding environment is exposed. Its relations hip with the vill age is unfolded. Specific guidelines for design issues: 1) Recover the original rout e of this itinerary. The spatial experience along this itinerary should be like the poem as described previously. The itinerary starts with a route within a forest, a relative Â“dar k and enclosed phaseÂ” in a natu ral environment. Then with the ground level gradually lowering down with a sharp turn, the itinerary turns into an open birdÂ’s-eye view of the village. Th e surrounding topography suddenly is shown. Then the itinerary goes into the spatial fabric of the village, narrow and curved. Topography is lost in this phase. Finally, th e space is open again and the Lion Pavilion becomes the spot to view the river and hills on the opposite side (Figure 7-5). The recovery of the original route needs to change the current street design and tear down several buildings, which ar e shown in Figure 7-5 B. 2) The experience with water in this itinera ry starts with hearing the sound of water in the forest and taking in views of the Lian jiang River from above. After the sharp turn the itinerary touches the stream along Hengke ng Lane in the fabric. The experience ends with viewing the Lianjiang Rive r again at the normal angle without touching the water. This itinerary also indicates another itin erary for people to search for touching the Lianjiang River and exploring the dam. 3) The buildings without uses s hould be demolished in Phase one.
274 A Figure 7-5. Ziyang itinerar y. A) Current situation.
275 B Figure 7-5. Continued. B) Proposal.
276 4) Part of the tea factory on the north side of Changqing Road needs to be moved in order to recover the original route of the i tinerary (see the difference between Figures 7-5 A and B). The tea factoryÂ’s large-scale facili ties need to be hidden on the route side. 5) New interventions should be set back from the route in Phases one and two. The scale of new interventions should draw on the sc ale of residential buildings in the village. New interventions should be tight to the street or the lane in Phase three in order to keep the fabric of the village. 6) A transitional area is needed between bu ildings and the route in Phases one and two. 7) Prohibit new interventions on the top of hills.4 8) The wooden structure at the entrance of Hengkeng Lane needs to be replaced with a new building with new program as an information booth for tourists (Figure 7-6). Figure 7-6. Wooden structure at the entrance of Hengkeng Lane . (Needs reconstruction). 4 The developing model of the village is a horiz ontal sprawl, which is an alyzed in Chapter 6.
277 c) Changqing Road Itinerary This itinerary is part of a connection from Shexian Town to the outside. It offers a chance for people to view the village as a panorama and a birdÂ’s-eye view. Different aspects of the village are exposed. This it inerary needs many adjustments to accomplish this goal. One of the current problems of this itinerary is that some new buildings with three or four stories are constructed along the road (Figure 7-7). These buildings are larger scale, which destroys the fabric of the village. Another problem is that the experience in this itinerary needs to be or iented. Currently, the itinerary serves only transportation. The physical condition of the ro ad and some buildings along the itinerary are in a state of disrepair. Specific guidelines for design issues: 1) Construct and reorganize the spatial st ructure along this itinerary. The spatial nodes of this itinerary need to be oriente d. Three nodes are proposed: the first node is located at the inters ection of Yuliang Street and Cha ngqing Road, which could serve as the entrance for tourists. The parking lot is de signed to be located on a higher platform on the opposite side of the road, which could be hidden from viewers. The second node is a viewing platform along Changqing Road to show the village from a birdÂ’s eye view. The last node is the intersection of the Changqing itinerary and the Ziyang itinerary, which is designed as a wooded envi ronment (Figure 7-8). 2) Prohibit large-scale buildings on the village side (south side) of the road. 3) Prohibit new construction on th e east side of the village. 4) Do some adjustments according to th e new proposal of the Ziyang itinerary. 5) Demolish some buildings and renovate some old buildings, according to the design of the itinerary, and build a new pa vilion for the new entrance (Figure 7-9).
278 A B Figure 7-7. New buildings along Changqing Roa d. A) View toward the county town. B) New residential buildings in the south side of the Changqing Road itinerary.
279 A Figure 7-8. Changqing Road itiner ary. A) Current situation.
280 Figure 7-8. Continued. B) Proposal.
281 Figure 7-9. Buildings need to be demolished and renovated.
282 6) Construct a view platform (Figure 7-10). The constructi on of the viewing platform should be a landscape project, wh ich becomes part of the topography. It should draw on the experience of Siza on hi s project Swimming Pool project. A B Figure 7-10. Viewing platform. A) View of the location of the platform within the village. B) Swimming Pool project designed by Siza.
283 7) Road texture needs to be reconsider ed. Change the road texture when the itinerary enters the village range. 8) Long-term parking and temporary parking along Changqing Road need to be designed. Large-scale parking lo t is inappropriate to the smaller scale of the village. Temporary parking lots along Changqing Road should avoid excessive curb cuts. Parking designed for tourists should use the grass pa vement and keep trees on the site. The edges of parking should be inco rporated with topography. 9) Improve hygienic conditions along the itin erary, especially the fast food shops in the north side of the itinerary. Recover Operations of Farmland, Scenes, and Water Topography is a collection of ever-shifting layers that intertwine physical and cultural features into a whole. This position encourages us to view topography as a potential to make place and bring identity back to the place. The potential exists to view Yuliang Village as a response to topography in a series of events. The potential exists in the operations of reciprocity, mobility, thickening, and materiality. These operations attempt to dissect topography into different la yers to expand its potential in a concrete way in contemporary times. Actually, the analyses in Chapters 5 a nd 6 show that these four operations of farmland, scenes, and water had an effect on th e village in the past. From these analyses, the importance of the impact of topography on its siting selection, formation, and development is unfolded. The environment su rrounding the village, especially water, was the major reason for the siting selection because it supplied an important position in the water transportation for the village. Reciprocity between scenes and the spatial fabric formed the village and expressed traditiona l Chinese concepts on the relationship among
284 topography, human beings, and heaven. Even ts, such as September Boat Meeting, connected the exterior topography and the interior street fabr ic, religious life, and daily life of the local peop le. The thickening of topography is expressed by these events. Moreover, the strategies on farmland, based on the economic and social development in different periods, kept changi ng and transforming the village . All these findings acclaim that topography constructs the vi llage is the essence for the lo cal people in the past, and it should be brought back for interventions into the village. Recoveri ng these operations of farmland, scenes, and water preserves a memory of the past and sets the stage to for the new culture to merge in the village. Guidelines for recovering these opera tions attempt to create a sustainable environment under the pressure of pollution and current environmental problems. They also attempt to recover cultural values of topography for the future and build a link among space, topography, and context. Special guidelines for design issues: 1) Although Yuliang Village is not a traditi onally agricultural one, its agrarian roots should be recognized. In this sense, farmland, in cluding those in the east and north part of the village and on the opposite side of the ri ver, should be kept a nd protected from mass construction (Figure 7-11).Farmland should not be used for other purposes, even for tourism. On the one hand, the protection of fa rmland is incorporated with regulations of land from the central government. On the othe r hand, the protection is helpful to create a sustainable environment, as well as bring back the sense that topography is the boundary of the village. If ther e is a need to build new facilities for tourism, the first choice is to rehabilitate the old buildings for new programs. This method will avoid occupying the
285 farmland and, at the same time, rehabilitate the spatial fabric so that new energy is brought into the traditional fabric. 2) Recover the Â“eight scenes,Â” especial ly the Ziyang Shuyuan (Figure 7-12). The ancients appreciated the beauty of the villag e and summarized into Â“eight scenes.Â” These scenes contain not only the natural beauty, but also cultural values. There are poems to describe each scene. Some scenes were ba sed on activities of noble scholars. Taking Number Five scene as example, it was base d on the story of the famous poet Bai Li.5 Number Seven Scene, Ziyang Yangyun, was base d on the story of Xi Zhu who was the founder of the Lixue Theory.6 The scene was the combination of the natural scene and the Ziyang Zhuyuan where Xi Zhu studied and ga ve lectures. Ziyang Shuyuan was destroyed in the early 20th century. The importance to rebuild Ziyang Shuyuan is twofold. One reason is to recover the axis of Â“L ane SpaceÂ–DamÂ–Ziyang Shuyuan.Â” Ziyang Shuyuan was the ending point, as well as the focal poi nt of this axis. The second reason is to recover the combination of focal points for th e spatial fabric because the combination of the natural environment, religious buildings , and educational buildings embody features of the village, a village founded on topogra phy, religious bonds, and an appreciation of education. Education has been ranked in a high position in Huizhou area because the founder of the Lixue Theory came from this area. The recovery of Ziyang Shuyuan will bring this combination back in order to express the features of the village. 5 Bai Li : poet in Tang Dynasty. He is consid ered the celestial being of poets. 6 The Lixue Theory was founded during the Song Dynasty. It had been highly praised after the Yuan Dynasty because it was helpful for gov ernors to pursue the social orde r, which emphasizes that people should yield to the governors and women yield to men. The Lixue Theory also advocated the importance of education and a series of educationa l methods, which had great impact on politics, culture, and education of the Huizhou area.
286 Figure 7-11. Farmland (need to be protected).
287 Figure 7-12. Eight scenes.
288 3) Recover wharves. The flourishing of wh arves represented the glorious period of the village in the past. The wharves are the liv ing museum for the present. They are also part of the spatial fabric and the place for daily activities of the local people. In order to create place for the loca l people and recall the memory of th e village as a Â“first wharfÂ” in the past, wharves need to be recovered and so me programs need to be assigned to them. Recovering wharves includes maintaining and cleaning waterfronts, maintaining the dam and Ziyang Bridge7(Figure 7-13), and designing shor t water trips for tourists. The maintenance of Hengkeng Lane, which runs along the water through the village, is prior to other waterfronts b ecause it introduces water into the village and connects the village with the back hills (Figure 7-14). The maintenan ce of lanes connecting these wharves will be discussed in the s ection titled Â“Manage the fabric.Â” Three water trips for tourists attempt to improve activities for tourists. These trips also give a historical interpretation, and they build a bridge between the village and the surrounding environment. The first trip is from the dam to the opposite side of the village in order to visit the Ziyang Shuyuan, which is designated to be rebuilt. The second trip is a round trip, starting from the dam to the Ziya ng Bridge, and then going back to the dam. The last trip is from the dam to the Bai yun Chanyuan, then to Scene Â“Cuiyuntan ShengÂ” (one of Â“Eight scen esÂ”) (Figure 7-14). 7 Ziyang Bridge was built in the Ming Dynasty, which is a nine-arched bridge. It is 140 meters in length.
289 A B Figure 7-13. Ziyang Bridge.
290 Figure 7-14. Recover wharves and waterfront.
291 4) Set up zones for construction in order to protect the environment and follow the developing model of the village, which exhibits a horizontal sprawl. Zones for construction should be limited to current areas for construction. It is possible to increase density within the current construction zone s, but the extension of these construction zones is not encouraged. The construction on top of the hills s hould be prohibited. 5) No matter what the size, every building project needs the Â“skywellÂ” to recall the starting point for that water constructs the village.8 It does not mean that a narrow courtyard is needed for each project. The cruc ial point is that the connection of building with topography should be expres sed within the project. This connection flows within the project and then flows to the outside of the project. This relation is what we need to recover topography in mass construction. New in tervention in the villa ge should meet the street or lanes lines. No setback within the village. Manage the Spatial Fabric The key to rehabilitation of Yuliang Village is to recover the idea that topography is the agent to construct the village. Managi ng the spatial fabric is one part of this recovery. All management activities have two intertwined regiments: improving the multi-programmatic public space and preserving or restoring or rebuilding individual buildings. The crucial point for the spatial fabric is its relationship with topography. This relationship expresses the features of the village wh ich are based on the worship of nature, the founding on the lineage bond, and the result to attempt to avoid chaos outside. The proportion, gesture, and focal points of these public spaces and the typology for 8 This notion is explained in the section titled Â“Water Constructs the VillageÂ” in Chapter 6.
292 housing are the physical expressions for the re lationship between the spatial fabric and topography. The public space in Yuliang Village is not like a plaza in Western counties. The public spaces in the village and the street and lane spaces are the linear space. These public spaces are multi-programmatic, embodying the function of transportation as well as gathering. The typology Â“Sishui guitangÂ” is the character of that topography which constructs the village. It is the principle to preserve and restore buildin gs. It is the inspiration for new construction, but not the code for them. Special guidelines for design issues: 1) Restore the lane spaces in order to recover the connection between Yuliang Street and the wharves. YuliangÂ’s greatest asse t lies in its connection to the river. The decreasing awareness of the riverÂ’s edge, whar ves, and poor conditions of the lane spaces de-values the village. Restoring the lane spaces in cludes recovering the whar ves, clearing the lanes, restoring the ground surface of the lanes, a nd re-examining buildings along the lanes, especially the buildings along the waterfront, in order to determine the strategies of rehabilitation of these buildings (Figure 7-15). The Â“First WharfÂ” at the end of Lane Duchuan Tou, the wharf near Lion Pavilion, the wharf near One-hundred Stairs, and the wharf near the Diaojiao Wooden House need to be the first priority becau se of their important locations and historical values. The buildings near the One-hundred Stai rs need to be changed. The Diaojiao Wooden House needs to be restored (Figure 7-16).
293 Figure 7-15. Lanes and wharves need be managed.
294 Moreover, the connection among wharves shou ld be bridged, as shown in Figure 715. The recovery of the connections among the wharves will bring a secondary axis along the west and the east. This connection is also helpful to strengthen the management of the waterfront. Figure 7-16. Diaojiao Wooden House. 2) As three important public structur es along Yuliang Street, Zhonghu temple (at the entrance of the village) n eeds to be restored; Lion Pavi lion needs to be preserved; Tudi Temple (at the end of Yuliang Street, de molished) needs to be reconstructed. (Refer to Figure 5-13.) 3) In Yuliang Village, the street space a nd lane spaces function as the living room for the village. The ratio of these spaces as 1:2 or 1:3 should be carried on in the rehabilitation of the village. 4) The street space and the lane spaces s hould be curved to avoid straight lines because the labyrinth is the feature of the sp atial fabric. Any attempt to make it easy for outsiders to identify the structure an d entrances should be avoided. The newly
295 reconstructed lane space is a bad example b ecause of the straight linear lane and its entrance, which is easily identified. The newl y constructed buildings within the village need to meet the street line, not be set back as Figure 7-17 B shows. A B Figure 7-17. Newly built lane space. A)View from Yuliang St reet toward the entrance on Changqing Road. B) Entrance on Changqing Road.
296 5) The difference between the street space and the lane spaces should be recognized. Although these two kinds of spaces have a similar proportion, gestures of them are different. The lanes spaces are re latively enclosed spaces. The street space actually extends into the first floor of th e buildings along the street because of the commercial function of the street. The entrances along the street are public for businesses. The entrances along lane spaces are private for residences. 6) Recover materiality as a generator of the sense of place. The cobbled pavement on Yuliang Street needs to remain because it re calls the memory of the fish shape of the village, which is the major feature of the spa tial fabric of the village. At the same time, different pavements should be arranged accord ing to different functions in the street space. The difference should show small gathering places for the housing hosts at their housing entrances. It also needs to show th e difference between a walking area and the area for the drainage system under the ground. Th e white walls seem part of the features of the typology Â“Sishui guitangÂ” in this area . The texture of the walls shown in Figure 718 C expresses the joints of the beams and co lumns. Compared with the white color, the expression of joints on the walls is a more im portant feature for the typology in this area, and it is a deeper expression of the sense of place. The texture of the street and lane spaces and the texture of walls should be the generators for place-making, as the project Landscape in Acropolis did. This project is modern, but at the same time, embedded with traditional values. 7) Recover the September Boating Event in order to recall Â“wetting events.Â” The procession of this event, as mentioned befo re, is the expression that unites the local inhabitantsÂ’ religious life, daily life, and working life. It is also a long-term version in
297 A B C Figure 7-18. Materiality. A: Landscape in Acropolis. B: View of Yuliang Street. C: Expression of the wall.
298 regard to the villageÂ’s most promising economic and social possibilitie s: cultural heritage tourism. 8) Recover the commercial function of Yu liang Street. Traditional shops should be recovered due to the relationship of the build ings with Yuliang Street. In terms of the function of those shops, they should focus on th e articles related to cultural and social features of the Huizhou area. 9) Avoid the Â“zoningÂ” concept for planning. Th e interrelated uses in an area are the key for the village instead of a fixed func tion. Even on Yuliang Street, the commercial function should accompany the living and working functions. Avoiding the Â“zoningÂ” concept allows the old buildings to adapt to the dynamics of change and growth with multiple programs. 10) Identify buildings in order to determin e and classify these buildings into four categories. The standard to identify these bu ildings is based on the evaluation mode of the Canadian Historical Archite cture Data Office. Considering local practices, the charts are classified into five items including fifteen sub-items. Each item has been given marks with weight for flexibility in order to find a complex way to achieve the final evaluation marks for each of the individual houses. The re sults show that the buildings with high historical values are gather ed along Yuliang Street. They are the ones to be careful maintained and protected in the village.9 The first category consists of buildings that need to be preserved. The buildings in this category have high value and high qualitie s. The principle for these buildings is to 9 This investigation was done by students from Southeast University, China, in 1998. Kai Gong supplies the final data for this research.
299 maintain them as what they were. But one more effort needed is to reprogram these buildings, especially the temples. The second category consists of buildings th at need to be restored. These buildings have certain value, but at the same time they have sustained certain damage and alterations. The principle for these buildings is to recover their former state. In the process of recovering, it is important to make a clear distinc tion between the old construction and the new construction. The third category consists of buildings that need reha bilitation or alternation. These buildings are old with poor qualities. The principle for these buildings is to renovate them in order to adapt them to curre nt living conditions. It is also important to preserve these proportions and features of the property as being significant to its historic, architectural, and cultural values. In the alte ration, the distinction between the old and the new is still considered. The fourth category consists of existing newly construc ted buildings, which were built after 1949. In this category, there are tw o situations. Although most of buildings in this category are not successf ul, the principle for them is to re-adapt as many of these new buildings as possible in order to avoi d demolishing too many buildings regarding the realistic considerations. If the newly built bu ilding does not break the spatial fabric too much, it needs to be kept and renovated to fit into the fabric. The ot her situation requires that buildings need to be demolished because they break the spatial fabric. Some of them need to be redesigned in order to maintain the fabric, especia lly the ones along Yuliang Streets.
300 Figure 7-19 shows strategies for ma naging preservation, restoration, and destruction. In terms of buildi ngs in the north side of Cha ngqing Road, they are shown in Figure 7-9. 11) For new interventions into the villag e, there are no special codes. But some basic strategies need to be followed. A lthough some of them are mentioned in the previous guidelines, here is the summary: The scale of new interventions within the traditional village fabric10 needs to meet the existing scale. New interventions need to m eet the street and lane lines, but not be set back. The typology Â“Sishui guitangÂ” is not th e principle for new interventions, but the relationship between water and housing need s to be expressed. New materials are encouraged to be applied, but they need to be sensitive to the context. The distance between the old fabric and the new inte rventions are encouraged, but the new interventions need to be embe dded with traditional values. The new interventions outside of the traditional fabric are not encouraged, because they will occupy the farmland. For the existing buildings outside the traditional fabric, the treatment for them is mentioned in Figure 7-9. 12) Street furniture, lighting, and sign age should be carefully designed to accentuate the spatial characte ristics of Yuliang Village. Sm all-scale actions produce big changes. 10 The traditional fabric refers to the village map in 1 931. Basically, it is the area on the south of Changqing Road.
301 Figure 7-19. Proposal for managing buildings.
302 All these details should be consistent and complement the traditional buildings of the village in proportion, scale, and materials. The stairs along Yuliang Street should be designed to also serve as seat s or resting places for the ow ners. The lighting should be a combination of small light spots and in-ground li ghts that fits the scal e of the village. All signs should be subordinate to the feat ures of architectur e and street space. The analysis and design guidelines show that recovering topography becomes the priority in the process of transformi ng the village today. Design guidelines for rehabilitation of the villag e (Build regional link, Recover operations of farmland, scenes, and water, and Manage the spatial fabric) re flect the potential of topography as an agent to create place in contemporary times, and th ey demonstrate that th e four operations of topography not only created place in the past, but they also work for the future. These design guidelines also show that transformation is the action to blend the different layers together, the current collective social relations, and the previous sense of place. It is an action for Â“translucence,Â” adding new layers as well as revealing aspects of what is beneath.
303 CHAPTER 8 CONCLUSIONS The global and regional conditions today re quire a re-examination of the notion of place in contemporary times. The contemporar y conditions implicate that place is the production of events.1 The identity of place is c onstructed by these events. The characteristics of event , therefore, make the sense of place mobile, not fixed. The mobility of the sense of place indicates the possibility for the merging of globalization and regional culture. Regional culture has a chance to be globalized and developed with time, while globalization can be localized . In some sense, place becomes a vacuum embedded with different layers of memory a nd experience. At the same time, new layers of information are continuously added into place. The cultural and social values embedded within these events create the diffe rence between places and within place. The ambiguity is also presented due to th e merging of the global and the local, the globalized and the localized . Based on the understanding of the role of place in global-regional conditions of itinerancy, topography is conceived as an ag ent to making place in contemporary times, as well as a negotiation between globaliza tion and regional culture . In this model, topography is not just the site or geographic situation. It serves as a dramatic matrix for the incorporation of ever-shi fting layers. These layers ar e embedded with human memory and experience and also are an accumulation of diverse forces, events, and actors. These 1 This notion is based on the opinion of SolÃ -Morales in his book Difference .
304 layers are Â“translucent,Â” therefore, they are in corporated from within, thus occurs both in shift and in partial fixity, a nd in the constructing and in the constructed. Topography also serves as a matrix for the absorption for ne w layers. These layers are inserted from the outside. They merge and are transformed in th e series of local ope rations and in their previous iterations elsewher e. Topography, therefore, is globalized as well as localized . The notion of place employed here is that place is constructed. The construction both makes and engages topography. This position en courages us to view topography as a potential to create place. Through four operations of topographyÂ—r eciprocity, mobility, thickening, and materialityÂ—the difference and ambiguity, wh ich are two major features of place in contemporary times, are achieved. Through these four operations, the physical separation and conceptual separation between architecture and landscape are broken. The mobility, connectivity, and continuity in the city and ar chitecture are achieved. The private life and the social life, the past and the present are merged. The notion of temporality and process is explained by the multiple programs. Th is view of topography, therefore, has constructed a mechanism for pursuing the coll ective social relations and generating the social conditions of its making. At the sa me time through these four operations, the aspects of the past are revealed and presented in a modern way. This position, based on the understanding of place and topography, indicates that villages need to modify their genius loci and regional architecture with time, instead of imitating their previous images. It also expl ains that the connec tion between topography and the construction of villages supplies cl ues for understanding the villagesÂ’ past, as well as for the villagesÂ’ rehabilitation for the future.
305 Through the actions of landing, experi encing, and mapping Yuliang Village, the physical, political, economic, cultural, and so cial meanings embedded within topography are unfolded. The definition of boundaries for the village, the noti ons of the Fengshui theory, the lineage bond of the village, the merging of scholars and merchants as the major feature for the Huizhou area, the regul ations of land, the economic development strategies, and social events are all located on topography and expressed by topography. Furthermore, these aspects representing the relationship between topography and the village are summarized as: 1) topogra phy as boundary; 2) reciprocity between topography and the spatial fabric; 3) water constructs the villag e; 4) spatial fabric as a labyrinth; 5) empty center and flourishing edge; 6) multi-programmatic public spaces; and 7) wetting events. All these analys es supply a foundation for the action of transforming the village in contemporary time s. They indicate th at recovering topography is the principle for rehabilitation of the vi llage. They also explicate that the four operations of topography created place for the village in the past and these operations should continue to work on the village for its future. The process of transforming is the action that reflects cu rrent requirements, reveals the previous values, so lves the current problems, and redi rects the village. It is the action for add a Â“translucentÂ” layer which reacts the current requirements and clearly reveals the previous values of what is beneath. Transf orming synthesizes the other three actionsÂ— landing, experiencing, and mapping. At the same time, it introduces into the site the understanding of place in contemporary times, the current understanding of topography based on the current problems in the village, and the strategies of topography as potential
306 for place-making. The interventions for transfor ming are neither to copy the past nor to build a totally new world. The intervention into the village simply adds a new layer. Transforming is not an instant action, but a process. Guidelines are needed to orient this action. For Chinese villages, topography that constructed vill ages is crucial to understanding, mapping and transf orming them. Their rehabilita tion is a complex system with respect to political, social, and ec onomic incorporation. However, ill-advised projects are likely to sharpen the contra dictions. For Yuliang Village, based on the actions of landing, experiencing, and mapping, de sign guidelines are formulated as: Build regional link, Recover operati ons of farmland, scenes and water, and Manage the spatial fabric. These design guidelines are based on recovering topography. Recovering topography attempts not only to create a sust ainable environment under the pressure of pollution and current environment problems, but also to recover cultural values of topography for the future and build a link among space, topography, and context. The guidelines not only deal with aesthetic and arch itectural principles, but they also attempt to build a new context and direction for the built environment as a mediator between architecture and the environment and for the wa y that we develop the village in the age of globalization. From the studies of Yuliang Village, basic design principles for rehabilitation of other Chinese villages have emerged: The village has to be adapted with time. Maintaining it as wh at it was is not the right way to rehabilitate a village. In order to create a context to recall the e ssence of life for the local inhabitants and for new transformation, the villageÂ’s histor ic context must be preserved, and new cultural and social events must be considered.
307 The goal of rehabilitation of the village is to make the local peopl e to stay. The goal is not to make the village a tourist attraction. The relationship of topography and the village should be regarded as the principle to rehabilitate the village. The four operations of topographyÂ—r eciprocity, mobility, thickening and materialityÂ—should be consider ed in the design process. The scope of rehabilitation of a village s hould not be limited within the village. It should include the areas surrounding the villa ge in order to strengthen the regional link of the village and the ente ring process into the village. Attempts to overcome the problem Â“empty cen terÂ” should be considered as the point to start and extend the other actions. Any intervention or restoration should not br eak the features of th e spatial fabric of the village. For the Huizhou ar ea, the spatial fabric is a labyrinth, including the entrances and spaces. It is the principle to maintain the traditional features. The traditional typology of housing could be the inspiration for the intervention, but not the code for new interventions. New in terventions are encouraged to redefine regional architecture in a contemporary method. For future research, the notion of Â“eventÂ” wi ll be further addressed in order to make a bridge between philosophy and architectural theory. The impact of topography on city construction also needs to be further explore d, especially for the Asian regions. A lot of mega-projects are proposed in Asian cities, which brings out the question that how to create identity for them. Topography and its four operations should inscribe their marks on these projects. In terms of villages, my study will go deeply into detail levels. The research will zoom into blocks, then into individual lots or buildings.
308 APPENDIX A CHINESE DYNASTIES AND TIME PERIODS Banpo c. 4000 B.C. Yang Shao c. 2500 Â– c.2140 B.C. Shang-Yin Dynasty c.1766 Â– c.1122 B.C. Zhou (Chou) Dynasty c.1122 Â– 221 B.C. Qin (ChÂ’in) Dynasty 221 Â– 207 B.C. Han Dynasty Western Han Eastern Han 206 B.C. Â– 220 A.D. 206 B.C. Â– 8 A.D. 25 Â– 220 A.D. Three Kingdoms period 220 Â– 280 Jin Dynasty 265 Â– 420 Six Dynasties Period (in south) 265 Â– 589 Sixteen Kingdoms period (in north) 316 Â– 589 Sui Dynasty 581 Â– 618 Tang (TÂ’ang) Dynasty 618 Â– 906 Five Dynasty / Ten Kingdoms 902 Â– 979 Northern Sung Dynasty 960 Â– 1126 Southern Sung Dynasty 1127 Â– 1279 Yuan Dynasty 1279 Â– 1368 Ming Dynasty 1368 Â– 1644 Qing (ChÂ’ing) Dynasty 1644 Â– 1911 Republic 1912 Â– 1949 PeopleÂ’s Republic 1949 Â– present
309 APPENDIX B YUANHE TANG SHOP A Figure B-1. Yuanhe Tang Shop. A) Plans of Yuanhe Tang Shop (Source: Kai Gong (ed.), Yuliang , p.79.)
310 B C Figure B-1. Continued. B) A xonometric drawing. C) Sec tion. (Source: Kai Gong (ed.), Yuliang , pp. 78, 82.)
311 APPENDIX C BA WEIZU FORMER RESIDENCE A Figure C-1. Ba Weizu Former Residence. A) Plans. (Source: Kai Gong (ed.), Yuliang , pp. 100 and 101.)
312 B Figure C-1. Continued. B) Sec tion. (Source: Kai Gong (ed.), Yuliang , p. 105.)
313 C Figure C-1. Continued. C) Elevat ions. (Source: Kai Gong (ed.), Yuliang , pp. 99 and 102.)
314 APPENDIX D THE SECRETARY OF THE INTERIORÂ’S STANDARDS FOR THE TREATMENT OF HISTORICAL PROPERTIES PRESERVATION IS DEFINED1as the act or process of applying measures necessary to sustain the existi ng form, integrity, and material s of an historic property. Work, including preliminary measures to pr otect and stabilize th e property, generally focuses upon the ongoing maintenance and repair of historic materials and features rather than extensive replacement and new constructio n. New exterior additions are not within the scope of this treatment; however, the li mited and sensitive upgrading of mechanical, electrical, and plumbing systems and other code-required work to make properties functional is appropriate w ithin a preservation project. REHABILITATION IS DEFINED AS the act or process of making possible a compatible use for a property through repair , alterations, and addi tions while preserving those portions or features which convey its hi storical, cultural, or architectural values. RESTORATION IS DEFINED AS the act or process of accurately depicting the form, features, and character of a property as it appeared at a partic ular period of time by means of the removal of features from other periods in its history and reconstruction of missing features from the restoration peri od. The limited and sens itive upgrading of mechanical, electrical, and plumbing system s and other code-required work to make properties functional is appropriate within a restoration project. 1 http://www.cr.nps.gov/hps/tps/secstan1.h tm (Last accessed on March 7, 2005).
315 RECONSTRUCTION IS DEFINED AS the act or process of depicting, by means of new construction, the form, features, and de tailing of a non-survi ving site, landscape, building, structure, or object for the purpose of replicating its appearance at a specific period of time and in its historic location.
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328 BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH Bing Hu received his Bachelor of Archite cture degree and Master of Architecture degree from Southeast University, Nanjing, Ch ina. He received his second Master of Architecture degree from the University of Florida, Gainesville, U.S.A.