Functional Elements and Human Dimensions of a Municipal Solid Waste Management System in the Amazon Forest: The Case of Puerto Bermudez, Peru

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Functional Elements and Human Dimensions of a Municipal Solid Waste Management System in the Amazon Forest: The Case of Puerto Bermudez, Peru
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Copyright 2004 by Ana Cristina Puentes


ACKNOWLEDGMENTS I would like to recognize the collaboration and support of the different sources that made possible this thesis. My deepest appreciation goes to the people of Puerto Bermdez, for their hospitality, guidance, and trust; for patiently and readily participating in my research; and for the valuable insights provided during formal and informal conversations. I am particularly grateful to Eber Prez and Roxani Rivas for their guidance and friendship during my fieldwork. I am most grateful to my chair, Dr. Karen Kainer. Her accurate guidance, input, and support facilitated helped my thesis be what it is today. I give special thanks to Dr. Anthony Oliver-Smith and Dr. Timothy Townsend for their inspiring instruction and constructive observations. I thank Dr. Stephen Perz for his help with my statistical analysis; and Dr. Martha Monroe and Dr. Marianne Schmink contributions to my academic development. I thank the University of Florida‘s Center for Latin American Studies, the Tropical Conservation and Development (TCD) Program and the Office of Graduate Minority Programs’ for their financial support of my graduate studies. I thank the TCD Program and the Tinker Foundation’s financial aid to accomplish my fieldwork. I also thank the Andean Amazon Rivers Analysis and Management (AARAM) Project team in Oxapampa; al Dr. Carlos Llerena de la Universidad de la Molina en Lima; and the United States Geological Survey, for their water sampling contributions; and Dr. Michael McClain for his financial support and laboratory analysis in the field. iii


I give special thanks to Dr. Charles Wood, Hannah Covert, and the administrative staff from the Center for Latin American Studies; and the TCD Program for their thoughtful support through these years. I thank my dear friends who offered me their knowledge, support, and love during this process. Finally, I want to thank my mom and my dad, for being my everything in spite of the distance. iv


TABLE OF CONTENTS page ACKNOWLEDGMENTS .................................................................................................iii LIST OF TABLES ............................................................................................................vii LIST OF FIGURES .........................................................................................................viii ABSTRACT .........................................................................................................................x CHAPTER 1 INTRODUCTION........................................................................................................1 2 FUNCTIONAL ELEMENTS IN THE MUNICIPAL SOLID WASTE MANAGEMENT SYSTEM IN PUERTO BERMDEZ, PERU................................8 2.1 Introduction.............................................................................................................8 2.2 Methods................................................................................................................10 2.2.1 Solid Waste Quantities and Composition...................................................10 2.2.2 Functional Elements of the Municipal Solid Waste Management System..............................................................................................................12 2.2.3 Water Contamination..................................................................................14 2.3 Results...................................................................................................................14 2.3.1 Solid Waste Quantities and Composition...................................................14 2.3.2 Functional Elements of the Municipal Solid Waste Management System..............................................................................................................15 Generation........................................................................................16 Handling, separation, storage, and processing at the source............18 Collection and transport...................................................................21 Disposal............................................................................................22 Postdisposal recovery.......................................................................24 2.3.3 Water Contamination..................................................................................24 2.4 Discussion.............................................................................................................25 2.4.1 Solid Waste Quantities and Composition...................................................25 2.4.2 Functional Elements of the Municipal Solid Waste Management System..............................................................................................................28 Generation........................................................................................28 Handling, separation, storage, and processing at the source............29 Collection and transport...................................................................31 v

PAGE 6 Disposal............................................................................................32 Recovery...........................................................................................35 2.4.3 Water Contamination..................................................................................35 2.5 Conclusion............................................................................................................37 3 HUMAN DIMENSIONS OF SOLID WASTE: ATTITUDES, KNOWLEDGE AND BEHAVIOR IN PUERTO BERMDEZ, PERU.............................................40 3.1 Introduction...........................................................................................................40 3.2 Policy Context......................................................................................................41 3.3 Human Dimensions of MSW................................................................................43 3.4 Stakeholder Approach in MSW............................................................................48 3.5 Methods................................................................................................................50 3.5.1 Archival research........................................................................................50 3.5.2 Environmental Literacy..............................................................................51 3.5.3 Stakeholders Analysis................................................................................53 3.6 Results and Discussion.........................................................................................54 3.6.1 Attitudes, Knowledge, and Behavior..........................................................54 Collection service.............................................................................54 Waste processing at the source and disposal....................................55 Consumption trends..........................................................................61 Perceptions of waste impacts...........................................................64 Alternative waste management practices and perceived responsibilities........................................................................................66 3.6.2 Stakeholders Analysis................................................................................69 Key government institutions............................................................70 Education and health institutions.....................................................74 Trade and industry............................................................................76 Community organizations and the populace....................................77 3.7 Conclusion............................................................................................................80 4 CONCLUSIONS........................................................................................................85 APPENDIX A SAMPLE OF MY FIELDWORK QUESTIONNAIRE.............................................88 B NATIONAL AND INTERNATIONAL ORGANIZATIONS WITH STAKE IN THE SANITATION SECTOR IN PERU...................................................................93 LIST OF REFERENCES...................................................................................................97 BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH...........................................................................................105 vi


LIST OF TABLES Table page 2-1 Analysis of Pichis River water samples taken above and below Puerto Bermdez......................................................................................................25 2-2 Solid waste generation per capita in selected world countries/cities.......................26 2-3 Composition of municipal solid waste in Puerto Bermdez and other locations around the world.......................................................................................................27 vii


LIST OF FIGURES Figure page 1-1 Study site....................................................................................................................3 2-1 Map of Puerto Bermdez urban area........................................................................10 2-2 Standard functional elements of a waste management system in developed countries...................................................................................................................12 2-3 Composition of MSW collected in Puerto Bermdez by the municipal collection service in 2002 (% by wet weight)...........................................................................15 2-4 Functional elements in Puerto Bermdez’s municipal solid waste management system.......................................................................................................................15 2-5 Examples of the reuse of plastic beverage bottles by individuals in Puerto Bermdez.................................................................................................................19 2-6 Puerto Bermdez municipal waste dump.................................................................22 2-7 Municipal solid waste handling, processing and disposal methods observed in Puerto Bermdez, in relation to access to collection service...................................23 3-1 Socio-economic and biophysical drivers of municipal solid waste management....46 3-2 Target areas of integrated solid waste management.................................................47 3-3 Conventional Input-Output Model of municipal solid waste management.............49 3-4 Stakeholder Model for municipal solid waste management....................................50 3-5 Map of Puerto Bermdez and its MSW collection route.........................................52 3-6 Fate of Household waste in Puerto Bermdez in relation to access to waste collection..................................................................................................................56 3-7 Comparison of household waste handling and disposal in Puerto Bermdez between mestizo and indigenous respondents..........................................................56 3-8 Examples of “waste” reuse.......................................................................................61 viii


3-9 Mapping of local stakeholders actually or potentially involved in Puerto Bermdez MSW management.................................................................................70 ix


Abstract of Thesis Presented to the Graduate School of the University of Florida in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Master of Arts FUNCTIONAL ELEMENTS AND HUMAN DIMENSIONS OF A MUNICIPAL SOLID WASTE MANAGEMENT SYSTEM IN THE AMAZON FOREST: THE CASE OF PUERTO BERMDEZ, PERU By Ana Cristina Puentes August 2004 Chair: Karen Kainer Major Department: Latin American Studies Many towns in the Amazon forest are located in areas of limited accessibility, yet are still subject to processes of colonization and modernization that introduce new habits, new products, and new needs to local customs. Puerto Bermdez, a small Peruvian town located on the Pichis River in the upper Amazon watershed, is one such town. My study addresses the direct effects of social and cultural contexts on municipal solid waste (MSW) matters, and the major constraints facing MSW management in Puerto Bermdez. Specific study objectives were to examine (1) the quantity and composition of MSW generated; (2) the functional elements in the MSW management system; (3) river water contamination possibly associated with riverside dumping; (4) individual and household attitudes, knowledge and behaviors regarding MSW management; and (5) key local stakeholders in MSW management. My fieldwork took place from June to August x


of 2002. I applied standard waste sorting and weighing methods, archival research, questionnaires, and semistructured and unstructured interviews. Results indicate that 1.81 kg of MSW per person per day are generated in Puerto Bermdez, food waste being the major component (76%) followed by plastics (6.7%). Only 7% of the town population has waste collection service, which terminated at the municipal dumpsite on the Pichis riverbank. The low coverage of the collection service was a major determinant of household-level waste disposal behaviors. Indiscriminate waste dumping on land and water bodies occurred significantly more often among the 93% of households without collection service. Indigenous residents particularly agreed that road development has had detrimental effects on the environment and their quality of life. Other results provide evidence of the differences and similarities among social groups regarding MSW. Among individuals, differences were voiced on who should be legally responsible for covering collection costs, on knowledge of the municipal government agenda, and on the existence of specific laws on MSW. Women appeared to have more environmentally sound behaviors than men, and were equally involved in petitioning authorities for improvements in sanitation and other basic services. Age was not a significant variable, although (compared to older generations) the youngest group barely recognized the value of some useful waste materials. My study reveals the importance of having access to waste collection and convenient public facilities to induce sanitary and conservation-friendly behaviors. It also highlights the need for integrating diverse sectors in the management of MSW to overcome the limitations imposed by geographic isolation and scarcity of municipal funds (conditions encountered in Puerto Bermdez, Peru). xi


CHAPTER 1 INTRODUCTION National and municipal governments around the world are taking the management of solid waste more seriously as its noxious effects become apparent with community growth and development. Various studies on municipal solid waste (MSW) management in developing countries have established that waste quantities and composition vary according to the characteristics of a place, and that its management must be adapted to certain limitations common to these settings. The usual limitations are attributed, on one side, to the immaturity of this discipline in developing countries. While new legislation has been developed to regulate solid waste, these laws are not systematically enforced because of a lack of clarity in the duties and liabilities of the parties involved. This results in confusion as to who should make plans and designate economic resources to improve waste management services. On the other side, the traditional management system centered all the attention on the capability of municipal authorities for municipal solid waste collection and disposal. Such an approach leaves out a series of stakeholders and elements of the waste management system whose inclusion could improve the efficiency of waste management (perhaps the sanitation area most open to public participation). The driver of this study was the interest in the challenges of managing nondegradable waste management particularly, and municipal solid waste in general, in isolated towns of developing countries. My study explores the direct effects of social and cultural contexts on solid waste related issues, and describes the major constraints facing municipal solid waste 1


2 management in Puerto Bermdez, a small, isolated town located in the Peruvian Amazon. Specific study objectives were to (1) determine the quantity of municipal solid waste generated in the town of Puerto Bermdez and its composition; (2) examine the functional elements in Puerto Bermdez’s municipal solid waste management system; (3) examine river water contamination possibly associated with riverside dumping; (4) examine attitudes, knowledge and behaviors by individuals and household units in Puerto Bermdez, regarding solid waste management procedures and outcomes; and (5) identify and analyze key stakeholders in municipal solid waste management in Puerto Bermdez based on levels of participation and potential influence. My study took place in the town of Puerto Bermdez, located on the Pichis River, which is part of the Pachitea Basin, an area of approximately 29,000 km that forms part of the Amazon River headwaters. The region has rich biological diversity and supplies of fresh water on which its multicultural population depends (McClain et al. 2001). Since frequent waste disposal directly into water bodies has been reported within the Pachitea region (Aparicio 1999, McClain et al. 2001), waste management in riverside communities such as Puerto Bermdez is an issue of public concern. Politically, Puerto Bermdez is the capital of the District of Puerto Bermdez, Province of Oxapampa, in the lowlands of the state of Pasco (450 m.a.s.l.), Peru (Figure 1-1). The town has approximately 468 households (INEI 1999) and 2,711 inhabitants (Municipalidad Distrital de Puerto Bermdez 2001), with an average temperature of 25C. The total human population of the District of Puerto Bermdez (22,003 according to data from the District government) includes Ynesha and Ashninka indigenous groups (85%); immigrants, mostly from the Sierra and northern Peru (10%); and mestizos


3 born in Puerto Bermdez (5%). The District is organized into two urban centers (Puerto Bermdez and Ciudad Constitucin), three villages, and 110 native communities. OXAP A MPA District of Puerto BermdezPuerto BermdezPASCO Peru in South America A B C Figure 1-1. Study site. A) Location of Peru in South America, B) Location of the town of Puerto Bermdez, the Marginal and Central Highway, the Central Forest, and the Pachitea Basin in Peru, C) Location of Puerto Bermdez within the political division of the state of Pasco. Sources: A) World Gazetteer ( ; n.d.; last accessed in Gainesville, FL 03/2004); B and C) Ana C. Puentes.


4 The District has partial basic services coverage. Ninety percent of the households in the urban areas have electricity (provided from 7 am to 4 pm, and from 6 pm to 11 pm). In the rural areas, 90% of the households lack this service. Only 30% of the population is directly connected to an aqueduct that channels water originally from a tributary (the Chivis River) of the Pichis River, to a reservoir located approximately 8 km from Puerto Bermdez. The remaining 70% get their water from public fountains (supplied by the aqueduct at a lower monetary rate), wells, rainwater, creeks, or the Pichis River directly. Finally, 60% of the households do not have sewage or latrines (Municipalidad Distrital de Puerto Bermdez 2001), and the precarious sewage pipes often burst during the rainy season (December through April). Untreated sewage is often discharged into the river and smaller feeder creeks. The limitation of electrical power also affects waste generation since most of the households and restaurants cannot store food for long periods. These conditions affect the sanitary standards of those living in Puerto Bermdez and in multiple downstream communities. Economic and social transformations that have altered the solid waste stream of the present-day Puerto Bermdez region can be traced back to the mid 1800s. In 1845, the Peruvian government launched incentives to promote the occupation of the Central Forest (Figure 1-1) by people from the Andean highlands (Sierra) as well as Austro-German peasants. These immigrants, coupled with the missionary groups established in the region since the 17th century, contributed to new forms of trade, labor, social structures, and land distribution (Rojas Zolezzi 1994). The appearance of steamboats from Brazil also escalated the exchange of agricultural products and manufactured goods along the Pachitea river system. The burgeoning rubber economy attracted outsiders (who were


5 also dedicated to logging and cattle ranching activities). By the time of its formal founding in 1954, Puerto Bermdez was already recognized as the commercial center of the Pichis Valley. An ambitious program of road building in the early 1960s further stimulated a second wave of colonization to the region. This government-backed effort was designed to relieve overpopulation in the Sierra, aid in the diversion of migrants away from Lima and other coastal areas, and stimulate the jungle economy. In particular, construction of the Marginal Highway (Figure 1-1) began a heightened process of road building in the Pachitea Basin that resulted in increased connectivity to the Sierra, greater colonist migration to the region, and an increase in trade goods arriving in Puerto Bermdez. The Central Highway also increases the connectivity of the region, as it starts in Lima and runs across the Sierra to the Central Forest, where it meets the Marginal Highway. In spite of these roads, Puerto Bermdez, is still secluded from the rest of the country, since most of the 174 kilometers that connect La Merced with Puerto Bermdez are not paved, and their condition worsens during the rainy season. The principal economic activity in the District (among people 15 years old and over) is agriculture. However, there is uncertainty about the actual percentage of people dedicated to this activity, as an official report from the District government says a 90% (Municipalidad Distrital de Puerto Bermdez 2001), versus 65% reported in the 1993 National Census (INEI 1993). Products like corn, rice, cassava, and plantain are produced for self-consumption and the surplus is locally commercialized. Other products like annatto seed, cacao, and coffee are commercialized in regional markets. Other activities related to the sector practiced at smaller scale are cattle ranching, hunting, and logging. According to the National Census, 29% of the population (15 years old and over) works


6 in the service sector (repair, teaching, health, financial, hotel, public services, etc.), and 27% are paid workers (note that these categories are not exclusive). Finally, the entry in the 1970’s of revolutionary groups in the region instigated the displacement of the Ashninkas from their territory and favored the occupation of coca producers (OIT 1996). However, the kidnapping and killing of a great Ashninka leader by the guerrillas in 1989, lead to a violent insurrection of the Ashninkas and later expulsion of the guerrillas from the territory. Since then, economic activities have been decreasing in the region, and particularly in Puerto Bermdez. Taking an interdisciplinary approach that encompassed both social and environmental concerns, and a broad perspective that acknowledged influencing factors at different scales, I organized my study on a hierarchical framework. This model views the problem of solid waste as part of a complex system, made of hierarchically arranged entities or processes occurring at different temporal, spatial and organizational scales (Allen and Starr 1983). However, not all the biophysical and socio-economic drivers at different levels that affect the solid waste management system are relevant in all cases, for example, in geographically isolated towns. As a consequence of isolation, my study will be focused on the local-level drivers. The hierarchical model used, clarifies the conceptual and methodological issues involved in the integration of social and natural sciences in my study of solid waste management in isolated areas. Within this framework I have integrated three approaches that define the disciplinary fields relevant to my study. First, the main approach is political ecology, since this field serves to “map” the distant, intermediate, and proximate socio-economic and biophysical processes that drive


7 resource allocation decisions within rural households and firms (Wood 2002). Since waste generation and composition are related to markets and consumption patterns, it is critical to understand how economic and political processes interact to mediate social and environmental change (Bryant 1992:12). The second and third approaches are both embedded within the political ecology one. To examine the solid waste management system, I take an integrated solid waste management approach, which targets waste prevention, waste transformation and waste disposal. I further complement my study with an analysis of the stakeholders relevant to the different elements of the MSW management system. Finally, to address people’s interests and behaviors, an environmental sociology approach serves to benefit the management of waste from the study of the community, since this subdiscipline points to those aspects of the environment that can benefit from social inquiry (Dunlap et al. 2002:3). My thesis has been organized to include an introductory chapter (Chapter 1), followed by two individual and fully structured papers: Chapters 2 and 3. Chapter 2 covers three specific objectives: first, describes the functional elements in Puerto Bermdez’s MSW management system. Second, presents the waste characterization study. And third, presents the results of the river water quality analysis. Chapter 3 addresses the human dimensions of municipal solid waste in Puerto Bermdez by first analyzing individual and household attitudes, knowledge and behaviors related to MSW management practices, and second, by performing an analysis of the roles of actual and potential stakeholders in MSW management in Puerto Bermdez. Each chapter has its own conclusion section, while Chapter 4 summarizes the main findings of my entire study.


CHAPTER 2 FUNCTIONAL ELEMENTS IN THE MUNICIPAL SOLID WASTE MANAGEMENT SYSTEM IN PUERTO BERMDEZ, PERU 2.1 Introduction Increasingly, geographically isolated regions in developing countries are challenged to address growing amounts of solid waste, a natural but vexing consequence of development and modernization (Thomas-Hope 1998). Nondegradable waste materials generated in these areas require special attention for two reasons. First, local cultures lived for generations on mostly organic goods that, once tossed away, decomposed, and gradually entered into the natural organic matter cycle. In contrast, nondegradable materials accumulate and pose challenges that are fairly new in the absence or weakness of municipal waste management programs and community involvement in sanitation. Second, the distance from industrial centers makes recycling a costly alternative, especially if the local manufacturing industry is limited or inexistent. Puerto Bermdez, a small Peruvian town located on the Pichis River in the upper Amazon watershed, is one such town, typical of many others in the Amazon region. Increasingly, its inhabitants “enjoy” material goods common to consumer societies, the result of recent multiple processes of modernization, immigration, and connectivity to more industrialized regions of Peru. Accompanying these changes is an escalation of waste generation that affects the quality of proximate natural resources and creates potential health hazards to humans and other forms of life (Pinnock 1998). Moreover, 8


9 waste diminishes the attractiveness and value of the landscape, and thus the ability of residents to enjoy it. While there are some studies on solid waste management in developing countries, they have focused mostly in urban areas (ThomasHope 1998, Okot-Uma 2000, Kaseva et al. 2002, Sudhir et al. 1996, Harpham et al. 2001, UNDP-WSP 1999 and 2000, ENDA 1991, Schmink 1984). On the contrary, few studies exist that have specifically examined these issues in isolated areas of the developing world, particularly in the Amazon basin (Vesco and Castillo 1999, McClain et al. 2001). In my study, an integrated solid waste management (ISWM) approach is taken to have a broader perspective of municipal solid waste (MSW) within Puerto Bermdez. According to the U.S. Environmental Protection Agency (2002), an ISWM program is distinguished from traditional waste management, with a focus on waste collection and disposal, to also include activities such as waste prevention, recycling, and composting. This comprehensive approach also directs solid waste concerns to the community as a whole, in contrast to the traditional approach, which solely focus on those legally responsible for waste management. Whereas solid waste definitions, terms and classifications vary greatly in the literature and in the profession, municipal solid waste is normally assumed to include all community wastes—residential, commercial, institutional, construction and demolition, municipal services, and treatment plant sites—with the exception of industrial process waste and agricultural waste (Tchobanoglous 1993). The overall objective of my research was to take an integrated solid waste management approach to study municipal solid waste management in a small isolated town in the Peruvian Amazon. Specific study objectives were to examine (1) the quantity of municipal solid waste generated and its


10 composition; (2) the functional elements of the municipal solid waste management system; and (3) river water contamination possibly associated with riverside dumping. 2.2 Methods 2.2.1 Solid Waste Quantities and Composition Three different steps were followed to determine the rate of MSW generation per capita per day: (1) quantify the amount of waste generated in Puerto Bermdez per day; (2) quantify a daily amount of municipal waste collected; and (3) determine the composition of the solid waste stream. Materials Mass Balance Analysis (Tchobanoglous 1993) was performed to calculate the amount of waste generated per person per day at the household level. Forty-one households (9% of total households in Puerto Bermdez) were selected, controlling for road access and proximity to the collection route to cover both homes that did and did not have waste collection service (Figure 2-1). Route of waste collection truck Households sampled Figure 2-1. Map of Puerto Bermdez urban area. Source: Adapted from Municipalidad Distrital de Puerto Bermdez, n.d.


11 Trash bags were distributed in each house, and a household member was in charge of making sure that all the garbage generated during that week went into the bag. The houses were instructed to include all the waste they would typically place for collection and/or dispose of elsewhere. This would exclude food waste if used to feed domestic animals, and yard waste if normally used for mulching. Furthermore, they were told to keep the bags safe from rainwater or animals to avoid alterations in weight. These instructions were given verbally, and a written brochure was also distributed to all participants. Seven days later, the households were visited again, and the bags were weighed with a spring scale. In sum, this mass represented the solid waste produced by each participant household during one week. This value was then divided by the number of inhabitants in each house for determination of waste generated per person. Finally, since the quantities of solid waste generated and collected vary daily, weekly, monthly, and seasonally, the week in which this study was performed was carefully selected to avoid the multiple traditional festivities celebrated in Puerto Bermdez during the summer. To determine the amount of waste collected daily by the collection truck, the volume of one weekday truckload was visually estimated, with this value independently compared to collection staff statements. One third of this total volume was separated, weighed, and multiplied by three to determine total weight. The same one-third portion was used to determine the municipal solid waste stream composition as described by Tchobanoglous (1993:58). This portion was divided into the following categories for the composition study: paper, cardboard, toilet paper, plastic, metals (ferrous and nonferrous), glass, textiles, food waste, yard waste, and other. Each


12 category was then weighed to determine the contribution of each to the total of MSW collected. 2.2.2 Functional Elements of the Municipal Solid Waste Management System The waste management system contemplates various stages, starting from its generation and ending with its disposal (Figure 2-2). One distinction of this model, that was developed specifically in a developed country context, with those observed in developing countries is that the latter often includes an additional box titled “recovery” which would flow from “disposal” to indicate waste sorting and recovery (also known as scavenging) that often occurs after disposal in the developing world. To incorporate these different contexts and reveal the functional elements in the MSW management system in Puerto Bermdez, both qualitative methods and archival research were used. Disposal Generation Transfer and transport Handling, separation, storage and processing at the source Separation, processing and transformation (MRF) Collection Figure 2-2. Standard functional elements of a waste management system in developed countries. Qualitative methods. A questionnaire, field notes, photographs, and audio taped, semistructured interviews elicited during extensive walks throughout the town, its periphery, and boat trips on the Pichis River, provided qualitative data about the functional elements in the MSW management system. The main issues addressed were the sources of waste generation, separation and uses of waste materials, type of


13 containers used for waste handling, number of workers in collection and the collection route, disposal sites and type of waste, and alternative waste treatments. Participant observation was also used during this period to identify activities related to each functional element of the waste management system. The questionnaire addressed the issue of waste disposal through questions about the collection service and alternative disposal methods of the various types of waste generated. The sample size was 42 households (one individual per household), representing 10% of the households in town. The sample was selected by purposive sampling (Bernard 2002) controlling for age, gender and access to waste collection based on the route of the waste collection truck. For the purpose of differentiating among cultural groups among the interviewees in my study, the labeling of people as colonists or indigenous was based on self-declared cultural backgrounds. Archival research. Several places were visited with the purpose of obtaining primary source material. At municipal government offices, documentation on previous studies on sanitation, lists of the population with water, electricity and garbage collection services, socio-economic studies of the region, and maps of the town were collected. Other sources visited for documentation were the local government offices of the PEPP (Special Project Pichis-Palcazu), INRENA (National Natural Resources Institute) and SENASA (National Service of Agrarian Sanitation). At the regional level, documents on waste management and aquatic resources were obtained from the Oxapampa offices of the Andean Amazon Rivers Analysis and Management Project (AARAM), the Commonwealth Institute (IBC), and ProNaturaleza, environmental, development and conservation NGO’s, respectively.


14 2.2.3 Water Contamination Water samples from the Pichis River were taken above and below Puerto Bermdez in June 2002, during the dry season. One sample at each location was taken at the midpoint between the river shorelines by submerging a sampling bottle 30 centimeters. The samples were analyzed at the laboratory of the Amazon Andean Rivers Analysis and Management project in Oxapampa, Peru. A standard colorimetric analysis with a spectrophotometer Spectronic 20D+ from Spectronic Instruments, model no. 333183 was applied to the samples. 2.3 Results 2.3.1 Solid Waste Quantities and Composition Based on visual estimation and collection staff statements, the estimated volume of MSW collected on any given day was 2 to 3 m. One third of the total volume of waste collected by the waste collection truck in one day was selected, sorted by material, and weighed. The total weight of the selected fraction was 118.6 kg (260.9 lb). When multiplied by three, to estimate the total weight of MSW collected and disposed in the municipal dump on any given day, it added up to 335.8 kg. The composition analysis revealed that most MSW collected was food waste (Figure 2-3). Although yard waste was not found in the particular sample examined, it was observed that some households place yard waste for collection. The results from the materials mass balance analysis show an average of 1.81 kg of MSW generated per capita per day. Considering a population of 2,711 inhabitants, the average total amount of waste generated in the town per day is 4,907 kg.


15 Other6%Cardboard2%Metals2%Textiles1%Toilet Paper1%Plastic Bottles2%Food Waste76%Glass3%Mixed Plastic5%Paper2% Figure 2-3. Composition of MSW collected in Puerto Bermdez by the municipal collection service in 2002 (% by wet weight). 2.3.2 Functional Elements of the Municipal Solid Waste Management System In the case of Puerto Bermdez, five functional elements were identified in the MSW management system: (1) generation, (2) handling, separation, storage and processing at the source, (3) collection and transport, (4) disposal, and (5) recovery (Figure 2-4). Recovery ( s cavenging ) Generation Disposal Handling, separation, storage and processing at the source Collection and Transport Figure 2-4. Functional elements in Puerto Bermdez’s municipal solid waste management system.


16 Generation The identification of who generates MSW and what type of waste is generated are important factors for recognizing liabilities and possibilities of improving the MSW management system from an ISWM perspective. MSW in Puerto Bermdez originated at different source locations: residential (single and multifamily dwellings), commercial (stores, restaurants, bars, street markets, office structures, hotels, motels, and service stations), institutional (schools, the health center, governmental offices), construction sites (houses and roads), and public areas (cleaning of streets and recreational areas by municipal personnel). The biodegradable portion of MSW in Puerto Bermdez was mostly generated from goods that originated locally (i.e., outcome of common local economic activities such as farming, fishing livestock raising and logging). Other items that add to this category are yard waste (also generated locally), and food waste from produce arriving from other regions. The town has numerous restaurants, which serve complete meals all day long. For protein, they sell locally raised, fished, or hunted animals, complemented typically with plantain, cassava or rice. Vegetables, consumed moderately, arrive regularly in trucks from cooler regions such as La Merced and Villarica. Pickling is a common way to preserve them, since refrigerated storage is limited. In addition, numerous juice shops use locally grown fruits like papaya, pineapple, orange, grapefruit, and multiple types of bananas; these juices are sold for less than the price of a soda beverage. As a whole, these establishments generate significant amounts of food waste daily. In contrast, the nondegradable portion of MSW in Puerto Bermdez is made of goods that arrive from other regions, either brought in by individuals for personal use or


17 by merchants to sale in the marketplace. The most common nondegradable material generated in Puerto Bermdez is plastic, in the form of plastic bottled carbonated beverages. According to distributors and retailers, although carbonated drinks in plastic bottles tend to have rather limited durability compared with glass bottles, glass bottles are of secondary utility because they pose an additional effort to collect from the consumers, and involve an added cost of transporting the used containers back to the manufacturers. Therefore, plastic bottled carbonated drinks prevail in the markets. Sales representatives of the beverage companies periodically bring numerous brands to town. The largest wholesaler in town orders between 29,400 and 58,800 plastic bottles monthly, reaching the higher peaks during festivities in the summer months (May, June, and July) and the lower ones during the winter (December, January, February) as winter rains slow local economic activities. Considering two more large sales representatives that visit the town periodically (including one who declared to bring between 4800 and 7800 units weekly depending on the season) it can be inferred that at least 48,600 plastic bottles are being distributed in the region every month. As for glass containers, beer bottles dominate this category, followed by some pickled foods, dressings and preserves of minimal consumption. Locally made beverages, often prepared for immediate consumption, are cheaper and nonbiodegradable waste-generating alternatives to beer and sodas. Indigenous people make cassava beer (“masato”) and mestizos make several blends of sugar cane alcohol (“aguardiente”)—brought from the city—with local tree barks and honey. Other nonalcoholic beverages include fruit juices and refreshments made with blue corn (“chicha morada”), ripe plantain (“chapo”) or fruits.


18 Canned food items are also found in local stores. Despite the presence of cattle in the region, canned milk is often commonly preferred over fresh milk, again, in part, because of limited refrigeration. Other typical canned items include sardines, tuna and sausages. These metal cans are made of tin or steel, while no aluminum-canned beverages were observed at all. Most consumer goods arrive in town by road, although cattle and agricultural products arrive from local farms and native communities most often by river. The river is also used to transport goods out of Puerto Bermdez, either by locals carrying products out to their farms, or by inhabitants of that come to shop in town. Air transportation has diminished significantly after the coca economy ended, having been reduced to occasional regional private flights in small airplanes. Handling, separation, storage, and processing at the source Handling, separation, storage and processing of MSW at the source describe the uses and/or treatment people gives to waste materials at the point of generation. As there are no formal waste diversion programs or material processing facilities in town, the level of materials recovery in town is minimal. Individuals and businesses in Puerto Bermdez separate out for reuse or recycle 1 various organic and nonorganic materials perceived as valuable, although virtually all these items will fulfill (small scale) personal needs, rather than (large scale) market demands. One of the most reused items separated out are plastic bottles originating from carbonated beverages. Indigenous people often use them to store masato, while mestizos 1 Reuse refers to the use of a product more than once, either for the same purpose or for a different purpose, where the item does not need to be reprocessed before it can be used again. In contrast, recycling –which includes compostingturns materials separated from the waste stream into new materials or products (U.S. EPA 2003)


19 use them to store and sell prepared alcohol blends. In addition, one local discotheque keeps its used empty plastic bottles to give out to individuals who want them. People reuse them as containers to store oil, fuel (kerosene and gasoline), natural medicines, homemade alcoholic beverages, water, or dry grains. They are also commonly cut in half and used as flowerpots, or to hold domestic utensils (Figure 2-5). Other nonorganic reused materials include household batteries that are recharged in the sun, and some people use the batteries’ contents to mark timber. Car owners also give away their used oil to lumbermen for use in their chainsaws. ABCD Figure 2-5. Examples of the reuse of plastic beverage bottles by individuals in Puerto Bermdez. A) Painted bottles serve as plant vases in mestizo home, B) Artistic plant vase nailed to the ceiling of a colonial restaurant, C) Indigenous cassava beer for sale at a public fair during a summer festival, and D) Toothbrush holder at an indigenous home.


20 Organic food waste is commonly used as domestic animal feed, and some restaurant owners sell it or give it away to others. The owners of fruit juice shops often save seeds to give away or sell. Some people also boil the skin of pineapples or potatoes to make refreshments. Recycling of organic waste is limited to mulching the soil around the household with yard waste or ashes. Burning of yard and other types of waste also takes place outside the house, though it is sometimes used inside as stove fuel. Among indigenous people, the belief that the smell of burning rubber or plastics scares evil spirits away drives them to frequently burn old shoes, tires and plastic waste. The ashes from burned materials may be used as a soil amendment, latrine cover, or among indigenous people, for polishing cooking pots (by rubbing the ash on them with a corn husk as reported by an Ashninka woman). After separating out perceived useful materials either for reusing, mulching, animal feeding, and/or stove or backyard burning, households and other establishments gather the remaining waste in any type of container that is available (cardboard boxes, plastic buckets or bags, straw baskets, sacks, and metal pots), although some just throw it outside their homes as it is generated. Since most of these containers leave the waste exposed, several people commented on insects and rodents frequenting the containers. A few cases of poison application to the garbage to prevent such pests were reported. Different households kept these containers in different places: in the kitchen, under the house (as some of them are elevated structures), and on the sides or rear of the house, which could be either under a roof or in the open. The waste is then either placed outside for collection by the municipal government (only if the household or establishment is on the collection route) or disposed of in other ways (Figure 2-7).


21 Collection and transport Until 2001, MSW was collected by tractor-pulled wagon, two and sometimes three times a day, every day. Nowadays, however, municipal solid waste is collected once a day by a truck owned by the municipal government. Since this is the only truck the municipal government owns, it is also used for other tasks, sometimes resulting in delayed collection. A team of three people performs the collection: the truck driver, and two assistants who wear rubber boots and gloves for protection. One assistant hands the trash, which may or may not be contained in a bag or box, to the second who stands on the truck bed to receive and accommodate the garbage. During the drive, the assistants may also step on the trash to flatten and better distribute it. Trash often falls from the truck as it drives through the streets since the platform has no sidewalls. The waste collected is taken to the municipal dumpsite that has been active for approximately twenty years. After the garbage is shoveled off the truck, the daily task ends at La Rampa (Figure 2-1), the canoe port where the truck is rinsed with river water. It takes approximately two hours to complete the route, and consumes 2 gallons of gasoline per day. Waste collection throughout the town is partial, as the route covers mainly highly populated areas that have road access to their homes or businesses. In addition, to save gas, the route avoids those areas where the truck must go uphill. As a result of the difference in waste generated and waste collected, it is estimated that only 7% of the total municipal solid waste generated is being collected. The monthly fees for waste collection in 2002 were 6.40 soles for residential and 10.40 soles for commercial service (US $1= 3 soles).


22 As for the cleaning of public spaces, two men are hired by the municipal government to periodically sweep public streets and clean the central park. There are no public trashcans in town, and thus the trash is collected daily from the central park, a nightly meeting center for children and adults. This trash is dumped in a ditch nearby the park. Disposal Like handling, municipal solid waste disposal in Puerto Bermdez is determined, to a large extent, by the access to collection service. MSW collected on the municipal route is disposed of in the city dump (Figure 2-6), located about 300 m downstream from the canoe port on the west side of the Pichis River (for location on the map refer to Figure 2-2). The size of the current dump is about 8 x 15 meters along the river, although an older section extends another 15 meters upstream. Over the years, the latter has been overgrown by vines. In addition to the municipal dump, the municipal authorities sporadically dispose of untreated municipal and hospital waste at Km 2 on the road to La Merced. AB Figure 2-6. Puerto Bermdez municipal waste dump. A) Collection personnel shovel trash from the truck, and B) View of the municipal open dump from the Pichis river.


23 The segment of the population that does not count with waste collection service treats its waste in several ways. Based on a questionnaire applied to 42 participant households (60% of which were on the collection route, and the rest off) (Chapter 3) waste not collected by the truck, processed (i.e., animal feeding, soil amending and backyard burning), or reused was disposed of by dumping it in the river or on land, or burying it (Figure 2-7). Typically, residents who did not count with collection service dumped their waste in water bodies or land proximate to their homes, and separated items for reuse more often, among other alternative methods to collection. Those with collection service also used these alternative disposal methods, but more sporadically. 366406012124028053475971122465901020304050607080Give all to truckFeed animalsDump in riverBurnDump on land*Soil amendment**BuryLatrine coverReuse Has collection No collection% Figure 2-7. Municipal solid waste handling, processing and disposal methods observed in Puerto Bermdez, in relation to access to collection service. * Mixed MSW. ** Yard waste. The Health Center in Puerto Bermdez handles its waste in different ways, distinguishing hospital waste into three main groups: medical waste, infectious waste and household waste. While household waste is left out for collection, inconsistent testimonies about disposal of medical and infectious waste were obtained from hospital


24 and local government personnel. These testimonies, coupled with personal observations, reveal that their proper disposal is not followed with rigor. The health services offered at this institution are very basic (i.e., no surgical procedures), but an average of five births and 3 to 4 abortions are performed each month. The residual tissues from these procedures are discharged through a duct that goes to the Yaniz stream. Several families live along this stream and use its water for cooking and bathing. This stream flows out to the Pichis River, converging with the Pichis right before it reaches the town (Figure 2-1). Another problem that poses serious risks is the carelessness in disposing of dead animals or their bowels on the ground close to their homes, or in water bodies. Such is the case of dead pets, of domestic and game animals killed by individuals for home or restaurant consumption, and of animal sacrificed in the slaughterhouse. Postdisposal recovery The recovery of waste materials after their disposal (known as scavenging) does not appear to be a common practice in Puerto Bermdez. However, some sources reported that indigenous people occasionally stop at the municipal dump to collect plastic bottles. Similarly, children were seen collecting plastic bottles on the shore across the river during the days after the summer festivities that are celebrated every year. 2.3.3 Water Contamination Since untreated sewage and MSW run permanently into the Pichis River system, river water samples were tested for concentrations of different forms of nitrogen and phosphorus, which are known to play significant roles in fresh water nutrient balance (Scheren et al. 2000). The samples taken above and below the town (one above and one below) reveal that NO 3 , total nitrogen and dissolved organic nitrogen (DON) were the variables with most significant chemical variation of all parameters sampled (Table 2-1).


25 Table 2-1. Analysis of Pichis River water samples taken above and below Puerto Bermdez (umol/L, micromoles per liter) Location Date NH 4 NO 3 Total N DON* PO 4 Total P Above Puerto Bermdez 6/27/02 4.714 2.850 16.797 9.233 0.151 0.008 Below Puerto Bermdez 6/27/02 4.306 3.742 26.573 18.524 0.234 0.008 *DON: dissolved organic nitrogen 2.4 Discussion 2.4.1 Solid Waste Quantities and Composition There is a common belief that discrepancies in wealth between developed and developing nations affect the amount and composition of municipal waste generated (Brown 1993, Blight and Mbande 1998, World Resources Institute 1996). However, my results, compared to the rate of solid waste generated per person per day in the United States and elsewhere, do not support this assumption. The amount of solid waste generated per capita per day in Puerto Bermdez was comparable to that of the United States, rather than its developing country counterparts (Table 2-2). Rathje et al. (1985) found similar results in his comparison of various low, middle, and upper-income households in Mexico City and different U.S. cities, concluding that several other factors, besides wealth, affect the quantity and composition of the refuse generated by a community. These factors would include location, season, culture, type of fuel used, colonization patterns and tourism. A comparison of MSW composition data from other countries (Table 2.3)—some with similar contexts to Puerto Bermdez and others with contrasting ones—also reveals some of the unique aspects about Puerto Bermdez MSW generation. For example, the relatively high solid waste generation rate per person per day (1.81 kg) in Puerto Bermdez appears to be related to the elevated percentage of food waste (77%) found in


26 the waste stream. It may also be attributed to an apparent high moisture content, since waste is frequently kept outside in containers prone to rain water entry. The diet in Puerto Bermdez is based on unprocessed foods that leave weighty residues such as cassava, plantain, pineapple, orange and banana skins. Food waste tends to be the largest component of the waste stream in developing countries because of the custom to eat more prepared than processed foods, contrary to developed countries. In the case of Dublin’s high food waste rates, Dennison (1996) reports that in general, Dublin’s waste composition is unlike other European countries. Table 2-2. Solid waste generation per capita in selected world countries/cities Location Year Kg person -1 day -1 Population Puerto Bermdez, Peru 2002 1.81 2,800 USA (average) a 2001 2.0 278,000,000 Guadalajara, Mexico b 2001 0.51 3,424,883 Dar es Salaam, Tanzania c 2001 0.36 2,489,8000 Mauritius (average) d 2000 1.3 1,120,000 Klippan, South Africa e 1993 0.33 162,000 Dublin, Ireland f 1992 0.53 478,000 Source: (a) U.S. EPA 2001, (b) Bernache-Prez et al. 2001, (c) Kaseva et al. 2003, (d) Mohee 2002, (e) Korfmacher 1997, (f) Dennison et al. 1996. Plastic bottles, although reused by some, are the most problematic nondegradable material. The recent shift in the carbonated beverages industry from using glass containers to plastic ones represents a problem for Puerto Bermdez because there are no local or external industries that reclaim the plastic locally generated. Plastic containers have become a practical, but environmentally harmful alternative to other packaging materials. The island of Mauritius has been affected by the same changes, shifting from 8 to 13% of plastics in its waste stream within 4 years; in contrast, local recycling markets exist for the metal and glass materials in its waste stream (Mohee 2002).


27 Table 2-3. Composition of municipal solid waste in Puerto Bermdez and other locations around the world (% by weight) Material Puerto Bermdez, Peru U.S. (avg.) a Guadala-jara, Mexico b Dar es Salaam, Tanzania c Mauritius (avg.) d Klippan, S. Africa e Dublin, Ireland f Food Waste 76.6 11.4 40.7 751 25 38 40 Paper & Cardboard 5.6 35.7 10.5 21 12 8 21.1 Plastics 6.7 11.1 9.2 30 13 7 8.8 Metals 1.6 7.9 1.5 1 1 2 3.7 Glass 3 5.5 4.1 2 1 3 5.2 Yard trimmings 0 12.2 12.2 0 43 * 5 Textiles 0.6 1.7 1 3 N/A 2.3 Miscellaneous 5.9 16.2 20.1 N/A 2 42** 13.9 Source: (a) U.S. EPA 2001, (b) Bernache-Prez et al. 2001, (c) Kaseva et al. 2003, (d) Mohee 2002, (e) Korfmacher 1997, (f) Dennison et al. 1996. * Included in food waste. ** 32% is ash and 10% other. The low paper content in Puerto Bermdez’s waste stream may be explained by the lack of newspaper and magazine circulation, and because households tend to burn paper in their stoves. High levels of paper recycling explain the low rates in other cities such as Dar es Salaam, where 40% of scavengers recover paper (Kaseva et al. 2003) and Guadalajara, where households sell it (Bernache-Prez et al. 2001). In contrast, higher rates of paper and plastic in Klippan are attributed to the floating population (those that work in the city but whose weekend home is in the area) with higher incomes than local residents (Korfmacher 1997). The number of metals found in the waste stream in Puerto Bermdez were comparatively low, and consisted of steel cans from basic food products. Glass rates were also relatively low as most recyclable glass was beverage bottles returned to the “city” by the distributors. However, in other settings, both materials count with high levels of recycling, an option not available in Puerto Bermdez.


28 Finally, that many households often use their yard waste as mulch in their gardens may explain why it was not found in the composition study as Kaseva (2003) found in Dar es Salaam. In contrast, Mohee (2002) attributes the high rates of yard waste in Mauritius to the fact that the study was done in high-income households with large gardens. 2.4.2 Functional Elements of the Municipal Solid Waste Management System Generation Municipal solid waste generation in Puerto Bermdez is affected by its relative isolation. On one hand, the waste stream is dominated by what is locally produced (e.g., food waste). But on the other hand, the nonbiodegradable portion, which is generated from products arriving from external markets, is the product of increasing contact with other regions of Peru. Similarly, outside influences such as colonists, missionaries, and merchants are increasingly affecting waste generation rates and the waste stream composition. Eating habits are also a strong determinant of rubbish composition. In Puerto Bermdez, local production supports the typical diet, which is high in carbohydrates followed by fruit and animal protein; all these foods do not need much processing or packaging. The level of consumption of processed foods seems to be related to ethnic origin, as colonists and mestizos declared to purchase them more often than indigenous people. However, this behavior may also be related to differences in income and proximity to the market. The insufficiency and quality of basic services in town also affects consumption patterns as residents are compelled to buy goods arriving from other regions to satisfy their needs. Since tap water is not potable in town, bottled water has become somewhat


29 popular, particularly by visitors who fear stomach illnesses. This means an increasing demand and flow of plastic bottles into the waste stream (Matsunaga and Themelis 2002). Nevertheless, most locals boil their drinking water, as bottled water is a costly option. In addition to price, culture influences people preferences for one product over the other and the way the product is perceived. Such is the case of beer and carbonated beverages, which strongly compete with the locally produced alcoholic beverages and refreshments. The interrupted electricity also influences people’s preference for canned milk since it does not need refrigeration or boiling; this is coupled with the fact that fresh milk is seldom available unless requested beforehand. Similarly, people continuously depend on household batteries for their radios and lanterns. Handling, separation, storage, and processing at the source Given the inexistence of formal recycling programs or material processing facilities in Puerto Bermdez, the separation and processing of some waste materials at the source is owed to particular needs rather than monetary motivations. Although the separation for reuse of plastic bottles is common, it is insufficient compared to the amount of waste plastic bottles that are generated. The same case applies to food waste: the edible portion is fed to animals—by those who have animals or someone to give it to—while the rest, along with that of those who do not have animals, is discarded. As plastic bottles and food waste two are the main components of the Puerto Bermdez waste stream, the implementation of means to recover them would mean a significant reduction of the environmental impact of MSW in Puerto Bermdez and its vicinity. In addition, the way people store MSW in their homes has a direct effect on collection costs, safety of collection, and sanitation matters. Since storage containers used by bermudeos are usually small, and the hot weather accelerates decomposition,


30 frequent collection is required, which increases collection costs. Besides, commonly used temporary containers (cardboard boxes, plastic bags) easily break or disintegrate, presenting a hazard to collectors. Furthermore, the sanitation of the house and its surroundings is affected as these conditions attract insects, rodents and other scavenging animals. Nevertheless, the application of poison to the garbage may present a potential hazard to children and pets through direct contact. Indirectly, if the container is left outdoors, rain may wash the poison into the soil or eventually into water bodies. Leaving waste containers uncovered and outdoors also exposes it to rainwater, which increases the weight of waste and therefore the cost of transportation. As described by Gage (1998:167) on a study of household waste containment in Jamaica, “in areas where proper waste containments are not available, the proper management of waste is less a function of collection capacity and more a function of containment.” Finally, processing waste by stove or backyard burning can also be hazardous to resident health. Studies indicate that MSW open burning conditions—high moisture, low combustion temperatures and oxygen starvation—favor the formation and emission of dioxins (polychlorinated dibenzodioxin and dibenzofuran (PCDD/F)) (Wevers et al. 2004, Gullett et al. 2001, Lisk 1988). Exposure to these on a regular basis may have developmental and toxic effects on humans such as mineralization defect in teeth of children, chlorachne (a skin disease), liver damage, cardiovascular disorders, sensory impairments (sight, hearing, taste, smell), and depressive syndromes, among others (Finnish National Public Health Institute 2004, Huff et al. 1980). This is a delicate issue since some of these emissions can be absorbed by plants and animals through the air, soil and water, thus multiplying the human absorption levels by ingestion (Rowat 1999).


31 Collection and transport Three key aspects are relevant to the performance of the collection service in Puerto Bermdez: the collection route, the collection truck, and the frequency of collection. The collection route services a small portion of the population, having been designed to avoid steep hills and reach only areas of high house concentrations. Since the deficiency in waste collection service has public repercussions, alternative collection methods may be explored for those who lack direct access to the municipal service. One option, as suggested by Gage (1998), would be to increase the role of the street sweeper and provide large wheeled containers to load the solid waste manually and take it to a convenient location for collection. Other studies (UNDP-WSP 2000, Mungai 1998, Korfmacher 1997) have demonstrated the effectiveness of community involvement in waste collection for improving the overall waste management system. A successful example is the case of Khulna City, Bangladesh, where primary collection (meaning neighborhood-wide collection and storage) was assigned to the community (UNDP-WSP 2000). This Bangladesh initiative became so successful that community members soon became involved in a variety of decisions related to the total solid waste management program, such as secondary transportation, feasibility of composting initiatives, links to the private sector, and initiation of hospital waste management. In relation to the collection truck, the fact that the back platform of truck has no sideboards poses three drawbacks on the collection process: capacity (it reduces the capacity of waste the truck can hold); hygiene (trash falls from the truck as it advances through the streets); and efficiency (it slows down the itinerary as waste has to be constantly rearranged through the course of the route). In addition, the lack of sideboards


32 relates to the issue of frequency: the smaller the capacity of the truck, the more trips it would have to make to collect all the waste. A collection rate of 7% may seem alarmingly low, but in the case of Puerto Bermdez, dispersed households are located within a forested environment. Indeed, the 7% rate is similar to Dar Es Salaam, Tanzania, where poor roads are attributed to a resultant collection rate of 10% of the 2,000 tons of waste generated daily (Kaseva et al. 2002). Even cities with a developed road infrastructure cannot or will not collect in certain areas. In Kingston, Jamaica for example, even though it is the largest urban center in Jamaica, only 70% of the MSW reaches the dump. The other 30% is dumped in open lots, illegal dumpsites, or burned (Gage 1998). Similar to Puerto Bermdez, topography and the width of the streets also determined which Kingston sectors were better serviced. Furthermore, the fact that people litter indiscriminately increases cleaning costs of public areas or public cleansing. Mungai (1998) found that this additional cost of public cleansing elevated overall MSW costs to two to three times the cost per ton of collection. The implementation of measures to reduce the costs of public cleansing, such as public education, law enforcement, and the placement of public trashcans, may facilitate the provision of higher collection coverage, altogether positively impacting the overall cleanliness of the town. Disposal Two main waste disposal problems were identified in Puerto Bermdez: dump location on the Pichis riverside and alternative methods used by residents to process and discard their trash. As stated by Gage (1998:166) in his study of waste in Jamaica, if the residential disposal cycle is not matched by the collection cycle, then there will be dumping in unauthorized locations.


33 Dump location. Basic criteria must be considered when selecting a site for waste disposal: haul distance, proximity to populated areas, available land area, accessibility all year-round, soil characteristics, topography, water table, distance from water bodies, and direction of the wind (Blight and Mbande1998, Whittaker 1998, Tchobanoglous 1993). Other issues to take into account are visibility and public acceptance. However, the rigor with which these guidelines are followed depends in some cases on the environmental, economic, and social conditions of the region (Tonon 1991). Puerto Bermdez’s current dumpsite is very close to the town, and adjacent to a road that some residents walk every day. They have to suffer the odor and masses of flies arising from the waste. Perhaps more importantly, the dump is located on the riverside, leaving rubbish to be carried to downstream communities when the river rises, especially during the rainy season (December through April). Local boat drivers also commented that plastic bags and sacks get caught in motor blades, causing a safety hazard. After inspection of solid waste management in Puerto Bermdez by an engineer from INRENA (Natural Resources National Institute) in March 2001, a notification was sent to the mayor of Puerto Bermdez, suggesting the relocation of the dump. The evaluation emphasized the pollution caused by the disposal of municipal solid waste on the left margin of the Pichis River. In response, in July 2001, the municipal government selected a new dumpsite away from the river, about 2 km from town (for location on the map see Figure 2-1). However, while construction of a road to the new dumpsite began, it was suspended because of budget shortages. Still, this delay may provide an opportunity for reevaluation of the new dump location.


34 Better disposal sites may be constructed with technical and financial assistance of external institutions and the participation of community organizations (see Annex B for a list of actual and potential MSW stakeholders for Puerto Bermdez at the national and international level). Countries in other latitudes have implemented low cost technologies for MSW and medical waste disposal. Such is the case of Lobatse, Botswana. The town closed an old open dump and opened a landfill 5 km outside of town, fenced and with properly designed drainage. It also counts with a landfill compactor on site and a medical waste incinerator (Blight 1998). Alternative disposal methods. Ninety-three percent of MSW generated in Puerto Bermdez is not collected by the municipal collection service, and is therefore processed at the source or disposed of using alternative methods. Independent of the collection service, disposing of MSW directly into the river or on land surfaces is common. In Puerto Bermdez, dumping on land appeared to be a greater problem in the town center perhaps because the amount of land surrounding houses and businesses is less than at the town outskirts. Disposal of certain types of solid waste demand special care. Household batteries can emit or leach hazardous fumes or constituents into the air, soil, and groundwater if not properly disposed of (Earle et al. 1999). However, in Puerto Bermdez, no special care is taken for this commonly used product. Another waste of special concern is pesticides and pesticide containers. These have been linked to fish kills from pesticide leaching or runoff into water bodies, and acute illnesses in humans from pesticide exposure and ingestion (Hornsby 1990:3). Although few such cases have been reported in Puerto Bermdez, the local office of the National Service of Agrarian Sanitation


35 (SENASA) promotes careful disposal (burial) of pesticides and empty containers among farmers and cattle ranchers in the region. SENASA also discourages the use of highly toxic pesticides such as methyl bromide and aldrin, which are commonly preferred for their effectiveness. Further study is suggested to determine the quantities and effects of hazardous wastes arising from MSW (household batteries, paints, oils, detergents and garden products) and agricultural activities (pesticides and herbicides) on human health and the environment, since some of these items are commonly used in the region. Recovery Recovery after disposal (scavenging) is a practice commonly observed in developing countries where scavengers, through informal or sometimes formal recycling, constitute important sectors of the economy. Scavenging recovers significant quantities of recyclable materials, and is the source of income for numerous families of low socioeconomic levels (Waas and Diop 1991, Razeto and Hemelryck 1991, Despretz 1991, Jaramillo 1991). In Puerto Bermdez, however, scavenging is not likely to become an economic activity since there is no developed market for waste materials. 2.4.3 Water Contamination Though my study provides no direct evidence, variations in the chemical composition above and below the town may be attributed to the waste dumped into the creeks and the river, and to the sewage sludge that runs into these water bodies from households, the health center and the slaughterhouse. Several of the households that dump their waste in the river believe that waste feeds the fish, which may be true for food waste in a healthy water system, since aerobic bacteria can turn wastes into useful or harmless substances. However, an excessive amount of nutrients in surface water–


36 especially phosphorus and nitrogen, produced from decaying plant and animal matter—may lead to a decline in water quality, reduced water clarity, altered fisheries, and growth of bacteria capable of producing human and animal toxins (Lory 1999). Although phosphorus can travel to surface water attached to particles of soil (Lory 1999), or dissolve into runoff water as it passes over the surface of the dump, especially during the winter, the variation in phosphates (PO 4 ) is more likely to be caused by detergents. Household and commercial sewage, and hospital and slaughterhouse residues that run in the river may explain the variations in DON and nitrate. In excess of bacteria, ammonia (NH 4 ) can transform into NO 3 , although freshwater criteria for ammonia are also pH, temperature and life-stage dependent (EPA 2002). While the amount of waste from the Puerto Bermdez dump is small compared to the river flow, overall river degradation from waste is likely. Organic wastes that gradually flow into the Pichis from dumping and sewage contain disease-carrying bacteria that may cause gastrointestinal illnesses and skin rashes (McClain 2001:400). During interviews, residents of the town frequently reported experiencing these types of illnesses. Changes in water taste downstream were also reported. Aparicio (1999:115–116) documents, in a study of the Pachitea basin, that more than 50% of households interviewed complained of health problems linked to water. In my study, residents also reported that waste materials in the water affect the safety of children, affect navigation of motorboats in the river (trash entangles in motor blades), and reduce their enticement to bathe in the river. Some fishermen in Puerto Bermdez also reported changes in fish livers, such as punctures and white spots. Further study is recommended to establish scientific causes of such alterations.


37 Although downstream from town, solid waste from the slaughterhouse may also be affecting Pichis River water quality. Approximately 20 cows and 25 pigs are slaughtered monthly with waste from these procedures flushed into the sewage system that ultimately reaches a septic tank. The outlet of the tank flows into a proximate creek that runs directly into the Pichis River downstream from town. 2.5 Conclusion My study centered on the analysis of the functional elements in the municipal solid waste management system in a small, isolated town of the Peruvian Amazon with very limited financial resources. A municipal solid waste characterization study, and an estimation of river water contamination complemented the analysis of the waste management system. Results suggest three key findings about MSW management in Puerto Bermdez. First, as the town is small and isolated, relatively small amounts of MSW are generated in Puerto Bermdez. However, the per capita waste generation was high and comparable to developed country rates. Still, further analysis of the quantity and composition of MSW demonstrates that most waste generated is food waste. This is a promising finding when considering the possibilities of waste diversion as part of an integrated waste management approach. Puerto Bermdez is immersed in a tropical forest environment, and the region presents several activities that could make use of fresh or processed food waste. Composting is most likely to be favored by the local climatic conditions, and the outcome could be destined for farming or gardening, activities practiced by many in town at different scales. In addition, feeding food waste to animals, which already occurs, may evolve into larger animal raising projects, although the environmental problems associated with large-scale animal rising should be carefully


38 assessed. The potential of the region and willingness of the people to sustain projects of this nature remain open questions. On the other hand, plastic bottles from water and carbonated beverages are the second most abundant material found in the waste stream. These represent more of a problem because of the absence of local programs or industries that can make use of them, the distance of Puerto Bermdez from industrial centers (where recovery facilities are more likely to exist), and the apparent inability or lack of interest from the manufacturers to recover such containers. Their potential for recovery depends on several factors: the local or external demand; the volumes generated; the capacity for local recovery; and the transportation availability—aspects that depend upon the participation of multiple sectors. A second key finding is the low coverage of the municipal collection service. Only 7% of the population is serviced and this level of coverage, coupled with the lack of public education on sanitation matters, leaves residents without alternatives for better and safer MSW management. It was found that dumping on land and water bodies occurred significantly more often among those households without collection service than in those with collection. However, an interesting result among those with waste collection was that despite benefiting from the service, only 36% of them placed all their trash for collection. The reasons were mainly two: either part of their waste could be recovered or processed at the source, or the irregularity of the collection service drove them to find alternative dumpsites. Improving the waste collection service (in capacity, coverage, and regularity) is critical as alternative waste handling and disposal methods can have severe negative


39 effects on environmental health, scenic beauty and community pride. First, garbage dumping in the river diminishes the quality of water, disturbing its practical and recreational uses for local residents and communities downstream, and aquatic life. Second, indiscriminate garbage dumping on land by individuals attracts vectors of disease, generates odors, and causes scenic blight. And third, stove or backyard burning of household and yard waste materials, a common practice in Puerto Bermdez sometimes despite access to the waste collection service, has been demonstrated in other studies to be an important source of dioxins (PCDD/F), which have a wide range of developmental and toxic effects on humans. The third and final key finding is related to the location of the municipal dumpsite on the Pichis riverbank. This location is of critical concern because of the previously described effects of garbage on water quality and living beings. In addition, any attempts to improve the collection service, enhance public cleansing, and educate the public on savvy waste management practices could be vain if the additionally collected waste is disposed of on the riverbank. Waste management is about health, resource conservation, and aesthetics, a set of attributes that together frame the possibilities of a simpler and better quality of life, living from, and enjoying the proximate environment. These aspects are particularly valuable in isolated areas with limited financial resources, like in the town of Puerto Bermdez in the Peruvian Amazon.


CHAPTER 3 HUMAN DIMENSIONS OF SOLID WASTE: ATTITUDES, KNOWLEDGE AND BEHAVIOR IN PUERTO BERMDEZ, PERU 3.1 Introduction Many towns in the Amazon forest are located in areas of limited accessibility, yet still are subject to processes of colonization and modernization that introduce new habits, new products and new needs to local customs. These set of changes are likely to increase and diversify municipal solid waste generated, and often precipitate changes in the way waste is perceived and locally managed. My research does not attempt to criticize colonization or to praise the primitive lifestyle, but rather intends to recognize cultural and individual differences, addressing those most relevant to municipal solid waste (MSW) management, particularly in isolated regions, and it implications for conservation and development. The focus of my research is on the human dimensions of MSW, primarily those operating at the local scale in Puerto Bermdez, a small town with a marked multicultural component in the Amazon rainforest of Peru. Specific study objectives were to (1) examine attitudes, knowledge and behaviors by individuals and household units, regarding solid waste management procedures and outcomes; and (2) identify and analyze key stakeholders in municipal solid waste management in Puerto Bermdez based on levels of participation and potential influence. Stakeholder analysis can illuminate the social dynamics of a system, and identify the role that each stakeholder currently plays or may play in the future for improving waste management. 40


41 3.2 Policy Context The goal of the Peruvian Legislation on Solid Waste is to attain integrated and sustainable management of solid wastes (Congreso de la Repblica del Per 2000). The legislation rules according to several guidelines that are variably enforced according to technical and economic capabilities. There is a caveat that cities with less than 5,000 inhabitants (Puerto Bermdez has approximately 2,800 people) are excused from complying with those regulations that are incompatible with their economic, infrastructure, or rural socioeconomic conditions. Nonetheless, some projects, mostly developed through the aid of international organizations, exist in rural areas, although none in Puerto Bermdez. However, it is important to detail the modes of action addressed by the Peruvian solid waste legislation to offset the common belief that it is the absence of norms what keeps authorities from implementing appropriate solid waste management programs. Different target areas include Education and training Waste separation and reduction Integrated solid waste management (shared responsibility) Accurate accounting of management operations Development and implementation of technologies, production practices, and commercialization that favor the reduction and reuse of solid wastes Recovery of areas degraded by uncontrolled solid waste disposal Promote the participation of the community and the private sector in the management of solid waste Legitimize the participation of groups or individuals interested in management of solid waste


42 Define transectoral programs and strategies for the management of solid waste that cross over economic, social, cultural, technical, sanitary, and environmental variables Ensure fair rates in accordance to the real cost, quality and efficiency of waste management. Nationally, the structure for managing solid waste is also in place. The Ministry of the Presidency (PRES) is the governing organism for the water and sanitation sector. It counts with the National Program for Potable Water and Sewage (PRONAP), in charge of the Basic Sanitation Program (PASSB). The Clearing and Social Development National Fund (FONCODES) finances and oversees the projects in the rural areas. The regulatory function corresponds to the Sanitary Services National Superintendence (SUNASS) entity ascribed to the Ministry of Economy and Finance (MEF). In addition, The Ministry of Health, through the General Direction of Environmental Health (DIGESA), monitors potable water quality and compliance with solid waste legislation (DIGESA/ MINSA 1998). The provincial municipalities (Province of Oxapampa in this case) are responsible for planning the integrated solid waste management in the districts within their jurisdiction (District of Puerto Bermdez) in accordance with the local and regional development policies. The municipal authorities of the District of Puerto Bermdez are responsible for providing solid waste collection and transport, and for cleaning streets, public spaces and monuments in their jurisdiction. They can provide the service directly, or outsource the service with private companies previously registered with the Ministry of Health. The authorities may also establish economic incentives for those individuals or entities that contribute in some way to reduce and reuse solid waste and its impacts on the


43 environment. Both the provincial and municipal authorities may sanction infractions to the solid waste legislation. Nowadays it is common to find legislation on solid waste in most countries. In Peru for example, the Legislation on Solid Wastes of 2000 establishes the rights and responsibilities of the society as a whole in managing solid wastes to assure a healthy environment. Although having legislation on solid waste is a major advancement for any country in terms of environmental policy, developing countries usually have low levels of enforcement and compliance. The lack of financial and technological resources makes it extremely difficult to comply with the parameters established. Therefore, other rationales—beyond legal compliance—should drive solid waste management to attain adequate levels of sanitation and resources conservation (Ekins 1997). The limitations described above are usually more noticeable in rural areas since government budgets are tighter, thus requiring more participation from nontraditional sectors in the management configuration. Solid waste management under these conditions is often improved dramatically with broader participation from nontraditional sectors in the management configuration, particularly in isolated rural areas undergoing colonization, such as Puerto Bermdez. In these cases, examining the human dimensions of solid waste facilitates a more holistic, nuanced understanding of participation constraints and opportunities. 3.3 Human Dimensions of MSW Municipal solid waste management is affected by both environmental and social concerns. And while my study focuses on the human dimensions of MSW, it is first organized within a hierarchical model that views the problem of solid waste as part of a complex system, made of hierarchically arranged entities or processes occurring at


44 different temporal, spatial and organizational scales (Allen and Starr 1983). Along with the concept of “consilience,” which refers to a joining together of knowledge by the linking of facts and theory across disciplines to create a common groundwork for explanation (Wilson 1998:8), hierarchy theory blends to develop a framework where people and processes relevant to the waste management system can be mapped and their connections drawn. Consistent with the analysis by Wood (2002) and Urban (1987) of the hierarchical model, this model facilitates understanding the behavior of the waste management system by recognizing the constraints that operate above and below each of the levels that comprise the system (Wood 2002), while allowing one to focus at a particular level (Urban et al. 1987:123), in this case, the town of Puerto Bermdez. Within this hierarchical framework, I have closely integrated a political ecology approach since this field allows me to map distant, intermediate, and proximate socio-economic (and biophysical) processes that drive solid waste management decisions among rural households and organizations in Puerto Bermdez (Figure 3-1). For instance, at a global scale, the technological advances developed internationally have led to lighter and cheaper packing materials (such as plastics) that impact the type of packaging that arrives in even the most remote regions. At a national scale, Peruvian governmental policies developed in the mid 1980s that promoted colonization of the central forest, escalated the entrance of markets in the region, which eventually impacted the characteristics of the waste stream. At a local scale, soil texture is a decisive factor of landfill sitting and landfill construction, since permeability is a concern for preventing leachate from reaching groundwater. In addition, political ecology addresses economic and political forces that interact to mediate social and environmental change (Bryant


45 1992:12). Since waste generation and composition are related to markets and consumer behavior, economic forces that affect these processes need to be considered to better understand the dynamics of the local waste management system. Embedded within political ecology, two other approaches are taken to focus my study around the human dimensions of MSW: integrated solid waste management (ISWM) and environmental sociology. While traditional solid waste management supervised the handling of solid waste from its collection through recovery to disposal, integrated solid waste management additionally involves waste prevention, thus engaging the generation sources in the management process. Thus, ISWM is a promising approach to bring together the technical and social facets of solid waste (Figure 3-2). Integrated solid waste management involves the evaluation of local needs and conditions (institutional, social, financial, and environmental) to select and combine the most appropriate waste management activities for those conditions (U.S. EPA 2002). Successful ISWM is therefore predicated on greater involvement of the local population in a variety of management-related activities, and necessarily involves a closer examination of existing and potential MSW stakeholders.


46 Distant socio-economic drivers(Global scale) Trade policies, world markets, technological innovation, commodity prices, International aid Distant biophysical drivers (Global scale) Global climate, atmospheric chemistry Intermediate biophysical drivers (Landscape) Topography, water table, drainage, hydrographic systems, meso-climate Proximate biophysical drivers (Local scale) Soil texture, soil fertility, precipitation, pests, micro-climate Solid Waste Management Outcomes Raw materials conservation Second-hand markets Recycling industry Waste to energy Groundwater, surface water, soil, and air p ollution Intermediate socio-economic drivers (National/Regional scale) Solid waste regulations, population growth, colonization policies, national/regional markets, fiscal incentives Proximate socio-economic drivers(Local scale) Commodity prices, transportation, industry, access to credit, migration, urban planning Household/Firm WasteM g mt. Figure 3-1. Socio-economic and biophysical drivers of municipal solid waste management. This model was modified from the original constructed by Wood (2002) to study drivers of land use change and deforestation in the Amazon.


47 Disposal (Landfilling an d Combustion) Recycling an d composting Waste prevention Figure 3-2. Target areas of integrated solid waste management. Finally, to address people’s attitudes, knowledge, and behaviors on solid waste related concerns, an environmental sociology approach was incorporated. This subdiscipline of sociology illuminates those aspects of the environment affected by municipal solid waste management that can benefit from social inquiry (Dunlap et al. 2002). Environmental sociology assesses what nature represents and potentially does to people, what it means and the recreational uses people make of nature, and how this varies according to subgroupings of the population, and what impact such use has for them. (Dunlap 2002:6). The reason for using the environmental sociology approach to address the social processes embedded in the management of waste, is that nature is socially constructed, and the particular versions of nature in the community affect attitudes towards nature, communities, politics, and much more (Peterson 1999: 341). Therefore, in relation to waste we find an extraordinary amount of human history that adds to the understanding of the local context. Our perspective of the environment is conditioned by factors that reflect social values that are highly specific to a particular socio-cultural context in time and space (Redclift and Woodgate 1994). Therefore, our construction of the environment is made upon a way that it makes sense to us, is the way we understand the world.


48 Exploration of the concepts of environment for the Ashninkas, and the uses they have made of it in the past decades to the present, provides understanding of levels of acculturation and thus, material needs developed. The nonnative use of the resources should be also considered, since cultural differences enhance the diversity of waste composition. 3.4 Stakeholder Approach in MSW Stakeholder analysis is used in my study in response to deficiencies of conventional approaches for managing solid waste, and is intended to complement rather than replace existing methods. The stakeholder analysis is useful for identifying stakeholders in the MSW management system and locating them in a framework that distinguishes their roles, their levels of influence and interest in the system, and the underlying concepts of social contrasts and individual or group rights. Several studies have demonstrated the importance of incorporating stakeholders into natural resource management (Bouton and Frederick 2003, Harpham et al. 2001, Nauta et al. 2003, zesmi and zesmi 2003, Ananda and Herath 2003). The stakeholder approach is sustained by current trends in natural resource conservation, shifting from law enforcement-based strategies toward local community participation in natural resource management (Venter and Breen 1998). Stakeholder analysis appears to be particularly appropriate for MSW management since it brings together those groups who, either through conservation or development principles, or both, have an effect on the waste management system. Through their different interests and agendas, these stakeholders are able to contribute to the system with a variety of resources. From a conventional management perspective of the MSW system, the investors, employees and institutions legally responsible for waste management are depicted as


49 contributing inputs, which the management system transforms into outputs for the benefit of the population (Figure 3-3). In contrast, the stakeholder model for MSW management incorporates a larger variety of actors and relations (Figure 3-4). Specifically, the distinction with the stakeholder concept is in the variations in the input-output model; with stakeholders, all persons or groups with legitimate interests in participating in the system obtain benefits, and no set of benefits or interests obtained is considered more legitimate than another (Donaldson and Preston 1995). Hence, the arrows between the solid waste and its stakeholder constituents run in both directions. MSW GovermentPrivate Enterprise Employees Customers (Population) Figure 3-3. Conventional Input-Output Model of municipal solid waste management (adapted from Donaldson and Preston 1995) Because MSW management entails a range of activities and each stakeholder group brings distinct types of resources to the table, the contributions of each group vary. Similarly, benefits may accrue differentially. For some, the benefits can be measured by quality of life improvements, while for others, in increased economic returns, such as a cleaner environment or higher crop yields through compost application. Thus, each stakeholder group has a comparative advantage in economic terms that differs across tasks (Barrett et al. 2001:500).


50 NGOs MSW GovernmentEmployees Populace Private Enterprises Trade AssociationsEducational Sector Industry Figure 3-4. Stakeholder Model for municipal solid waste management. 3.5 Methods The human dimensions of solid waste management in Puerto Bermdez were explored by reviewing archival data, examining the environmental literacy of community members at the individual and household level, and investigating the larger stakeholder environment. 3.5.1 Archival research Archival research was used to review documents at several institutions associated with sanitation and natural resource management issues. Documents with the municipality of Puerto Bermdez uncovered previous studies on sanitation, lists of the population with utilities, socio-economic studies of the region, and maps of the town. Other sources visited were the local government offices of the PEPP (Special Project Pichis-Palcazu), INRENA (National Natural Resources Institute) and SENASA (National Service of Agrarian Sanitation). At the regional level, some documents on waste management and aquatic resources were obtained from the Oxapampa offices of the Andean Amazon Rivers Analysis and Management Project (AARAM), the


51 Commonwealth Institute (IBC), and ProNaturaleza, environmental development and conservation NGOs respectively. 3.5.2 Environmental Literacy Several methods were used to address the environmental literacy of the public on waste related issues. Some of these methods focused more on the individual (questionnaires), while others were used to obtain a collective sense of environmental literacy. Environmental literacy among individuals was determined through a questionnaire administered face-to-face. The questionnaire was composed of three sections that measured attitudes, knowledge and behavior on waste management and sanitation related issues. Two sections (attitude and behavior) were built on a three-point Likert-type scale, combined with the Faces scale developed by Kunin (Bernard 2002). The section on knowledge offered fixed-choice answers. The questionnaire followed a modified format of the original Environmental Literacy Survey, an instrument derived from the environmental literacy framework proposed by Marcinowski and Rehring (1995), used to interpret the relationships among attitudes, knowledge and behavior (Kibert 2000:24). However, the surveys did not intend to find coherence among peoples’ attitude, knowledge and behavior, since inconsistencies between attitudes and behavior are by now well known in social and environmental psychology studies (Derksen and Gartrell 1993, McKenzie-Mohr and Smith 1999). The following are major elements of the survey used to address my research objectives: Cognitive dimensions (knowledge related to some waste management practices, waste characteristics, and governmental and civilian duties)


52 Affective dimensions and other determinants of environmentally responsible behavior (attitude, efficacy, and empathy.) Personal involvement in environmentally responsible behavior (individual and household waste management, consumer preferences, persuasion, political and legal action). The sample size was 42 households, interviewing one individual per household, representing 10% of the households in town. The sample was selected by purposive sampling (Bernard 2002) controlling for age, gender, and access to waste collection (see collection route in Figure 3-5). For the purpose of differentiating among cultural groups among the interviewees in my study, the labeling of people as colonists or indigenous has been done according to self-declared cultural backgrounds. Route of waste collection truck Figure 3-5. Map of Puerto Bermdez and its MSW collection route. As few studies have explored the direct effects of the social and cultural context on proenvironment behavior (Derksen and Gartrell 1993), the questionnaire was used for


53 two main purposes: one, as an analytical tool to identify differences among social groups towards waste and sanitation related issues; and two, to better sense the potential for affecting positive change, improving MSW management in Puerto Bermdez. I consider both of them important within the context of research for environmental conservation and development. The data was analyzed in SPSS using frequencies distribution and crosstabs statistics. Participant observation and unstructured interviews were used to explore the environmental literacy of the collective community in Puerto Bermdez. Unstructured interviews consisted of discussions based on lines of questioning, yet encouraging a high degree of freedom in individual responses (Bernard 2002). 3.5.3 Stakeholders Analysis Grimble and Chan (1995) define the term stakeholder as all of those who affect, and/or are affected by, the policies, decisions and actions of a particular system. Consequently, the stakeholders included in my study fit at least one of three criteria. First, their solid waste processing and disposal methods had negative aesthetic and environmental impacts. Second, they were involved in the development of plans and policies affecting the development and environmental conservation of the municipality. And third, they were considered potentially relevant to MSW management in Puerto Bermdez according to comparable case studies where projects involved nontraditional sectors in MSW management. A “reputational” approach and “snowball” sampling were used to identify actual and potential stakeholders of municipal solid waste management in Puerto Bermdez. Using the “reputational” approach, knowledgeable or important individuals were asked to identify groups they believed had stake in the issue in question (Grimble and Chan 1995).


54 With “snowball” sampling, discussions with preidentified stakeholders revealed other, previously unknown stakeholders who were also then included in the analysis (Hair et al. 2000, Harrison and Qureshi 2000, Bernard 2002). A checklist of open-ended questions (Bernard 2002) served as the guide for semistructured interviews of stakeholders. The interviewees were asked about their actual and potential contribution to the management of solid waste in Puerto Bermdez, other groups who they believe could have stake, and the limitations they encountered for improving the system. 3.6 Results and Discussion 3.6.1 Attitudes, Knowledge, and Behavior Using a modified environmental literacy survey, archival research, unstructured interviews, and participant observation, the attitudes, knowledge and behavior of Puerto Bermdez’s residents in regards to various aspects of MSW were revealed. The aspects covered describe several solid waste related concerns relevant to the current challenges of MSW management in Puerto Bermdez. Collection service The municipal solid waste collection service, provided by the municipal government, is collected once a day. In addition to the fact that only a small fraction of the town’s households benefits from the collection service (approximately 7%), a significantly low percentage of the households interviewed that had collection service declared to place all of their trash for collection (36%). Respondents provided several reasons for omitting to place all of their waste for collection: Lack of continuity in waste collection: The Municipality owns one truck that is used among many other things, for collecting the MSW every morning. When other


55 official errands come first, trash is not picked up or picked up later during the day, inducing people to dump it elsewhere. Inaccurate collection route: Although the route is demarcated, collection is not performed in a systematic way that equally regards all customers, even those who unfailingly pay for collection. The driver’s judgment is the controlling force. Small size of household trash containers: Trash containers of individual households often cannot hold more than one day’s trash. If the truck misses one day of collection, customers typically dispose of the contents elsewhere. Personal beliefs: Some residents believe that alternative trash disposal methods are not necessarily harmful to the environment or humans (e.g., food waste is not harmful for the water, and in contrast, serves as fish food). In these cases, residents may disregard the collection service on occasion, using alternative disposal methods. Reusing and recycling some types of “waste”: Many households do not consider all trash useless, and thus recycle and reuse waste products. Waste processing at the source and disposal Based on the questionnaire, residents of Puerto Bermdez reported disposing of their trash in a variety of ways (Figure 3-6), some of which are not environmentally safe and have long-term implications for natural resource conservation and health. However, apart from the municipal waste collection service, no other structured waste management programs or facilities exist in town that prevent indiscriminate dumping or facilitate recovery in areas not reached by the collection truck. Derksen and Gartrell (1993) report that regardless of people’s level of proenvironmental attitudes, environmentally friendly behaviors do not occur on a consistent basis unless infrastructure and organized programs facilitate the desired behavior. Moreover, methods used for waste disposal varied between mestizos and indigenous people (Figure 3-7), partly owing to the fact that mestizos have more access to the waste collection service than indigenous people (74% and 18% respectively within each group). Although case studies on municipal solid waste management in developing countries are found (Thomas Hope 1998, ENDA 1991), few


56 cases allude to waste management practices at the household level (Tonon 1991), which my study considers worthy of attention given that most of Puerto Bermdez’s population lacks of collection service. 36 64 0 6012124028 0 53 47 59711224659 0 10 20 30 40 50 60 70 80 Give all to truck Feed animals Dump in river BurnDumpon landSoilamend.BuryLatrinecoverReuse Has collection No collection% Figure 3-6. Fate of Household waste in Puerto Bermdez in relation to access to waste collection. 29 65 13 5526167039 0 46 36 7364027946 0 10 20 30 40 50 60 70 80 Give all to truck Feed animals Dump inriver BurnDump onlandSoilamend.BuryLatrine coverReuse Mestizo Indigenous% Figure 3-7. Comparison of household waste handling and disposal in Puerto Bermdez between mestizo and indigenous respondents.


57 Dumping. Dumping by residents of Puerto Bermdez can be classified by where they dump their waste: the Pichis River and smaller creeks, or on land. None of the interviewed households with collection service reported dumping trash into the local waterways. In contrast, 47% of those who do not have collection service reported disposing of their waste this way. Those who dump their household waste on the land do it in the proximities of their home, such as hills, ditches, or empty lots (public or private), and again, those without collection service reported dumping their waste on land much more than those with collection service (71 vs. 12%). At that point, all types of waste are dumped, yet several interviewees emphasized their discontent with others dumping dead animals and butcher refuse. Some people also declared dumping waste on the roadside a few kilometers away from the town, on the road to La Merced. In relation to individual dumping behavior, half of the interviewees admitted to frequent littering, justifying such behavior by stating that they did no have any other choice since there were no public waste bins. Although interviewees expressed their longing for public trash bins on the streets, some remarked that they would not like to have them placed in front of their establishments or households because they attracted scavenging dogs. There used to be garbage bins around town but they deteriorated and were taken away by the municipality about 3 years ago. Littering also occurs when people visit the river. Seventy-one percent of the interviewees disclosed that they typically do not pick up their own riverside waste when they go, either leaving it on the shore, dumping it in the water, or dumping it in the wilderness. Women declared that they pick up their trash more often than men (41% vs. 10%). The time when the river shore is most visited by inhabitants and tourists is during


58 the summer religious festivities, which are traditionally celebrated on the river shore opposite the town. Visitors often take food and beverages to share. During this season, the level of the river is low, and a common explanation described for leaving the trash on the shore was that the river would wash it off when rising. Similarly, those who dump waste on land as a result of lack of collection service are less likely to clean their household surroundings than those with collection, women being the ones who, in that case, most often do such cleaning. Burning. Households with and without collection service equally reported burning some of their waste (60%). The most frequently burned material is yard waste (tree leaves and branches), but the list is extensive, and includes paper, cardboard, toilet paper, plastics, old clothes, rubber, and dead animals. Furthermore, Ashninka interviewees declared to frequently burn rubber (old shoes and tires) and plastics, since the odor emitted helps keep animals and evil spirits away. This practice intensifies during the rainy season, when evil spirits are believed to be more abundant. Trash is normally burned near the house, although some materials are used as fuel in the cooking stove. The resulting ashes (from the stove or from other wastes burnt outside the house) are used as soil amendments, as a latrine cover, and even to polish metal pots and pans (with the aid of corn husks). An Ashninka woman described this latter use. Burying. A relatively small percentage of respondents reported burying their waste, with glass and cans being the most common materials buried. Respondents noted that this waste disposal method was not problem-free, as during the rainy season trash in shallow holes was sometimes washed away. Finally, the National Service of Agrarian


59 Sanitation has also been encouraging cattle ranchers and farmers to bury empty veterinary medicine and pesticide containers for safer disposal. Reuse and recycle. Inconsistencies were found when examining attitudes and behaviors about the usefulness of waste, as people who detached value of some waste materials, at the same time admitted making a valuable use of them. Thus, 32% of the respondents who said waste in general had no value admitted reusing some waste items, while an even greater proportion reported taking advantage of it as animal food, soil amendment, and latrine cover. Furthermore, 54% of those who declared that food waste in particular was useless admitted using it as animal feed. These inconsistencies lead to issues of use and value that may be worthwhile for future studies on consumerism and waste generation, such as the determinants of value upon use attributed to objects in general, and waste in particular, by different peoples. Other studies on MSW management in developing countries report reusing activities at nonquantifiable levels, and recycling activities variable according to the magnitude of recycling markets and to the level of organization of informal recovery networks (Headley 1998, Despretz 1991, Waas and Diop 1991, and Jaramillo 1991). There also appeared to be some differences in how mestizos and indigenous people recycle and reuse waste. Mestizos appear to throw away less food than indigenous respondents (55 vs. 73% respectively). Furthermore, more mestizos use food waste for animal feed than indigenous people (65 vs. 46% respectively). Similarly, indigenous people, more than mestizos, reported that waste in general lacked value (73% vs. 29%), and that food waste in particular was useless (46% vs. 25%).


60 In terms of reusing waste materials, 40% of the respondents reuse often, especially plastic or glass containers. Respondents without collection service reuse more often than those with collection (59% vs. 28%). Minor differences were found among ethnic groups on this matter (46% of indigenous people vs. 39% of mestizos). As for gender differences, 64% of those who reported frequently reusing materials were women. The youngest group (under 17 years old) was the least likely to believe who waste had value or could be used. The following waste materials were frequently reused or recycled for different purposes: Plastic bottles: used to store grains, spices, and beverages at home, or to take to the farm fields; to store homemade herbal medicines; to store kerosene or gasoline; to bring water from the well (most common among children because of lighter weight than standard bucket); cut in half, as flower pots or to hold household utensils; and other inventive uses (Figure 3-8). Glass containers: similar uses but on a smaller and less diverse scale. Household batteries: among colonizers, identified practices included to lay them under the sun to recharge, or use their content to mark timber. On the contrary, indigenous people believe their rust could cause disease, including colds and the flu, so burying is suggested. Empty tuna or sardine cans were sometimes observed to be reused as ashtrays. They were also used as fertilizer by a woman who reported to bury steel cans around her plants because they leached a “nutrient” good for plant growth. Yard waste: burnt, or purposely left to decompose to be used as soil amendment. Food waste: used to feed animals; given away or sold to neighbors for animal feed. Fruit or vegetable skins: boiled to make refreshments (pineapple or potato). Fruit seeds (particularly owners of juice stores): give away or sell. Rice husk: sold to raise hogs.


61 A B CE D Figure 3-8. Examples of “waste” reuse. A) One half plastic bottle made into a toothbrush holder, B) An alcohol lamp made out of a used light bulb and the cap of a plastic bottle, C) Rice planting instrument made of a soda bottle, a PVC pipe, and a medicine bottle, D) Oil drum cut in half serves as a stovetop, and E) Plant vases made out of plastic soda bottles. Consumption trends The quantity and composition of the municipal waste stream in Puerto Bermdez is a reflection of current consumption trends. In turn, these trends are clearly linked to colonization and road expansion, two processes common to relatively isolated regions in developing countries. More specifically, in Puerto Bermdez, changes in local consumption patterns can be attributed to interactions among increased connectivity with


62 external markets, acculturation of local peoples, and increased scarcity of local natural resources. Increased connectivity with external markets results in the arrival of many products from other regions that otherwise would not be found locally. In Puerto Bermdez, the local availability of these products has influenced food preferences. “Foreigners bring carbonated beverages so that natives lose their custom of drinking ‘masato’ (cassava beer) and ‘chapo’ (ripe plantain drink). Adults do not feel the same satisfaction with sodas than with their beverages, but kids like them because of the sweetness. The influence arrives through people and advertisement.” [Ynesha/Ashninka man.] Before the arrival of carbonated beverages, natural juices, masato, and chapo were the main prepared beverages. In addition, these drinks were often prepared using containers available locally. For example, cassava bear used to be made by placing cassava juice in a calabash tree fruit (Crescentia cujete), plugging it with a corncob, and fermenting it for a few hours. Nonetheless, although soda beverages distributors are making headway in expanding the local market, 79% of the interviewees still preferred natural fruit juices to carbonated beverages. Reasons cited were that juices are cheaper since fruit is abundant in the region, and most people have one or several fruit trees on their property. Those under17 years old were more likely to opt for sodas, particularly indigenous people when contrasted with mestizos (27% vs. 6%). With increased access to external markets, canned foods are also now locally available. Two-thirds of all respondents declared to buy canned foods periodically, usually when going to their farms or back to their communities, with mestizos purchasing canned goods more often than indigenous people (77% vs. 36%). Canned products most often purchased are sardines, tuna, and evaporated milk. Even though cattle are raised in the region, people prefer canned milk to fresh milk, since fresh milk usually has to be


63 ordered (not available on demand), is often delivered after breakfast, has to be boiled, may have been altered by adding water, and goes bad more quickly without refrigeration. Other canned products such as sausages and fruits are purchased on a smaller scale. Some respondents attributed these changes in food consumption patterns to changes in local culture. “Around the 1970s and 1980s natives become ashamed of their race. They start getting tired of their natural produce, the typical; they want to try new things and desire carbonated beverages and canned foods instead of ‘masato’ and fresh fish. Now they want products from the Sierra, such as spaghetti and potatoes, instead of fruit and yucca”. [An ANAP leader.] Similarly, changes in clothing consumption patterns were also reported by respondents with purchased clothes, pants and shirts substituting the “cushma,” a cotton robe traditionally woven by the Ashninka. In addition, one man explained how their garments do not last long anymore because they are washed with soap and brushes (purchased in the market), instead of the traditional method of rubbing the fabric with papaya leaves and hitting it with wooden planks. Therefore, they are forced to buy clothes more often. As an elderly said, “the lifestyle change is to spend.” Nevertheless, they mend each garment as much as it allows, and when it finally becomes useless, the cloth is burned. Changes in consumption patterns were also attributed to increased scarcity of natural resources. Nowadays, indigenous people from native communities come to the town and take back to their communities canned foods, onions, garlic, salt, oil and pasta most commonly. “Before (in years past) you could go (to the forest) at 5 am and hunt any wild hen or partridge and return quickly to eat in the morning. Now it takes more than half a day to get it. Same with fish: before you would go (to the river) at 6 am and return quickly with 5 ‘palometas’ (Mylossoma duriventris), one or two ‘pacos’ (Piaractus


64 brachypomus), and a couple of shads (Brycon species). Now it takes a whole day to catch a shad and it is small”. [Ashninka elder.] Similar to increased connectivity with the market, these changes in natural resource abundance also appear to have altered local culture. An elder mentioned how in earlier times every part of the animal was used, not wasting anything: skins were used for clothes, or if edible (like the “huangana,” a wild pig) they were toasted with the hair of the animal still attached and given to children, who liked it very much; and the grease of the pig was used for cooking instead of the oil now purchased in the market. Often, these new, incoming products from external markets are packaged in metals, plastics and glass. These nondegradable materials are of special concern in regions like Puerto Bermdez, which lacks local or proximate recycling markets that could absorb these waste materials. Nonetheless, some of these materials are highly appreciated locally such as plastic bags for carrying purchased goods. Ninety-five percent of respondents reported requesting plastic bags when purchasing goods citing their utility for carrying, storing and disposing of items. Perceptions of waste impacts A large portion of the interviewees thought of Puerto Bermdez as an unclean town (83%), with mestizos holding that opinion slightly more than indigenous people (87 vs. 72%). For the most part, the few who thought its sanitary conditions were acceptable were under 17 years of age, did not have collection service, and did not express concern about negative aesthetic effects of waste on the landscape. Some residents also noted that Puerto Bermdez was cleaner in the past (when there was no road and immigration was low). Some went on to say that walking around is not pleasant anymore due of the visual blight and smells. Others expressed their belief that with increased colonization, Puerto


65 Bermdez has become a focus of disease, stating a preference to live further away from town. However, people considers unmanaged sewage the major sanitation problem in Puerto Bermdez, as this issue was frequently brought up by interviewees during my study, at times even before speaking of solid waste. Indigenous communities in the state of San Martn, Peru, reported a similar grievance regarding the negative effect of colonization on pollution as reported by Vesco and Castillo (1999) after evaluating an existent sanitation program implemented by the Intermediate Technology Development Group (ITDG) during 1993 and 1998. Most of the respondents agreed that dumping waste in the river diminished river water quality (90%). The other 10%, all of them mestizos, articulated the belief that waste added nutrients to the water or improved soil texture of riverside areas. In a study of water use in the Amazon Basin, McClain et al. (2001) noted that indigenous people were less likely to dispose of their garbage in water bodies compared to colonists. Some specific examples of how water quality affected the lives of bermudeos included reports of skin rashes (36%) such as “rasca-rasca,” herpes, and “arco” (a blemish that grows and itches intensely) and/or gastrointestinal diseases from bathing in the river. Women also mentioned that they have observed increasing quantities of biting insects in the water and moss on the rocks, changing the dynamics of washing clothes in the river. Most respondents also disapproved of the riverbank dumping of the solid waste collected through the municipal service (93%). The few people who agreed with this kind of management were among the youngest and oldest age groups, that is under 17 and above 61 years old. Similarly, 90% reported being concerned that the solid waste dumped in the river might affect communities downstream. This concern was mirrored when


66 respondents were asked where the municipal dumpsite should be located; 86% reported that the dump should be located far from human settlements and water bodies, with the rest showing concern mainly for placing it distant from human settlements. These perceived impacts of water quality sometimes translated into concrete behaviors. Eighty-one percent reported frequently boiling their drinking water, which they get from wells on their property, nearby creeks, or collected rainwater. Other ways of treating it to avoid microbes, its bad taste or smell were adding chlorine in tablets or drops (mestizos mainly), or lemon juice drops. For avoiding solid particles, collected water is let to sit so that sediments fall to the bottom of the container. Several residents also reported during formal and informal conversations that because of a decline in water quality, they no longer swim in the river. Alternative waste management practices and perceived responsibilities When respondents were asked about the best approach to deal with the noxious effects caused by solid waste in the long term, burning (36%), reusing and recycling (33%), and burying (31%) were considered to be the most appropriate waste treatment or disposal methods. However, when asked to define recycling, few people revealed a clear understanding of its implications or recognized the recycling symbol (33% in both cases). These few were mostly the supporters of waste recovery as a management option. Notably, even when prompted, no one considered reducing consumption of material goods as an alternative for reducing the impacts of waste on the environment. Nonetheless, this option may not be justifiable under the economic conditions of Puerto Bermudez, which is more a subsistence economy, and the purchase power of its inhabitants, as the waste reduction approach applies better to wealthier societies.


67 Burning waste may be a sound alternative in small communities who generate manageable amounts of nonhazardous wastes, as it occurs in a Shuar community of fifty-two people in the coastal Andes of Ecuador: they gather their garbage in appropriate waste receptacles, and once full they are taken to a designated burning site and burying hole (College of the Rockies 2003). This initiative may be applicable in similarly small native communities of the region, but in a town of the size of Puerto Bermdez, burning MSW generated may even have a more noxious environmental and health effects than indiscriminate dumping. All the interviewees agreed that waste collection should be provided to the entire population, although the lack of road access was perceived as a problem. The opinions as to who should pay for the service were divided: 60% said it should be the users, 33% the municipal government, and 7% the national government. These responses were related to who they thought should contribute for keeping the town clean: 83% thought it was everybody’s responsibility (community, government and institutions), and 12% only the municipal government’s. Interviewees also had clear ideas for how to improve the current sanitary situation of the town. When asked if it was a waste of money to invest in environmental conservation projects, only 15% responded that it was. And all of who felt it was a waste were mestizo men. However, nearly all of the respondents trusted the potential of education for changing behavior and improving quality of life (98%), albeit 42% of this group considered it very difficult to stop inhabitants from dumping waste on the streets. The affinity for environmental education appears to be based on past personal and community experiences. Orientations on sanitation, that included family visits and were


68 led by the Health Center and coordinated by the Ministry of Health during the government of president Alberto Fujimori (1996, 1997, 1998), were brought up as exemplary programs that enhanced sanitation in Puerto Bermdez. Campaigns that target the household, the school and the community, were proposed by interviewees as alternatives to effectively reach individuals, and instigate group action. For example, the radio was mentioned several times as an appropriate media for diffusion of educational material, as were community workshops and the placement of signs in public places to indicate proper behaviors. At the same time, development of infrastructure was recognized as fundamental for supporting other desired behaviors. All respondents believed that norms should exist to regulate sanitation services and dumping. The fact is that these norms already exist, but the community is not familiar with them. For example, 24% of the interviewees failed to respond correctly about who is the entity responsible for municipal solid waste management and only 31% acknowledged to be informed on the municipal government agenda. This level of information was higher among mestizos than indigenous people (70% vs. 41% respectively) and a little higher among men than women (58% vs. 46% respectively). Although people’s unawareness of their rights and liabilities would normally decrease their potential civic participation, petitioning levels to the Municipal Council were considerably high among respondents (57%). These petitions have addressed latrine and sewage system improvement as a top priority, followed by improvements in other areas such as waste collection, cleaning of public areas, relocation of the dump, construction of public restrooms, and the placement of street trashcans. Levels of this type of petitioning were similar among gender and ethnic groups levels, although a


69 general sense of apathy was perceived towards governmental leaders who do not belong to the same ethnic group or political party. 3.6.2 Stakeholders Analysis Various stakeholder groups were identified as important for MSW management in Puerto Bermdez. These groups were found to have different levels of influence (power to affect change) and different levels of interest, in the management of Puerto Bermdez’s municipal solid waste (Figure 3-9). The level of influence was established based on the stakeholders’ legal power, their institutional recognition, and/or their power to mobilize the community. The level of interest was judged based on their concern for the current status of MSW management in town, their desire to see improvement, and their willingness to partake in the process. These two variables determined the importance of each group in the actual management system. These are key features for the stakeholder analysis as, ideally, for effective changes to occur, those with influence would need to become interested, and those interested would need to become empowered. Key stakeholder groups for MSW management in Puerto Bermdez can be organized into 5 larger sectors: Key government institutions: Mayor of the District; Fiscal manager of the District; National Institute of Natural Resources (INRENA); National Service of Agrarian Sanitation (SENASA); Ministry of Health; Special Project Pichis-Palcazu (PEPP); and the National Police. Health and education institutions: Health Center; Area of Educational Development (ADE); local schools. Industry and trade: the manufacturing industry, and wholesalers and retailers of beer and bottled water and carbonated beverages. Community organizations: Neighborhood committees; Mother’s Club; Political Parties; Indigenous Consortium for Sustainable Development (CIDES).


70 Populace. Significant Interest SENASA Populace Somewhat Interested Political Parties Schools ADE Ministry of Health Little/No Interest PEPP National Police Fiscal manager Health Center Mayor INRENA Trade and Industry Interest (perceived gains/losses) Unknown CIDES Neighborhood Committees Mother’s Association Unknown Little/No Power Some Power Significant Power Power to Influence Figure 3-9. Mapping of local stakeholders actually or potentially involved in Puerto Bermdez MSW management. Source: Adapted from UNDP-WSP (2003). Key government institutions At the government level, several entities are responsible for the supply and regulation of solid waste management services, environmental quality control, sanitation concerning specific economic activities, and enforcement of solid waste related laws. The provider of municipal solid waste services in the town of Puerto Bermdez is the municipal government of the District of Puerto Bermdez. The Municipality directly provides partial collection and disposal services to the community, and cleaning of public spaces. Municipal solid waste collected by the municipal government has been dumped downstream from the town on the margin of the Pichis River for over twenty years. This record suggests that solid waste matters have generally been of secondary importance for the local authorities. Interviews with employees from the municipality, previous mayors,


71 and other community leaders, reveal that emphasis on MSW management has varied among groups and individuals over this 20-year period. For example, previous governments placed trashcans in public areas and initiated a formal process for the relocation of the dump. Furthermore, in an isolated, developing region such as Puerto Bermdez, local governments are often compelled to focus on sorely needed economic development, education, and road infrastructure to improve overall living conditions. Currently in Puerto Bermdez, major sanitation concerns appear to be the need of an aqueduct system and sewage treatment. So far, there are some abstract ideas about ways to manage sewage, but the issue is not on the municipality’s short-term agenda, and no studies have been solicited. One of the causes that restrict municipal action on solid waste management is the lack of knowledge about potential alternatives to the status quo. It is widely believed that the implementation of environmentally sound waste disposal is very costly, and would demand knowledge and resources that are not available locally. According to national legislation, no less than 30% from the resources obtained from the Municipal Clearing Fund should be invested in solid waste management (i.e., planning, machinery, equipment, information systems). However, the costs of collection and public cleansing are supposed to be covered by the customers, through regular payment of fees. Since neither proper allocation of funds nor timely payment occur, the municipal government lacks money for extensive solid waste collection and general MSW management improvement. The Fiscal Manager of Puerto Bermdez also has some power to influence MSW management locally. This is in part, because this individual’s role is to audit the


72 Municipal government, ensuring that money received from the national government is properly used, and that the mayor complies with his government agenda. Previous fiscal managers met with the mayor and representatives from the National Institute for Natural Resources (INRENA), the National Police, and Winrock (an international NGO that developed projects in the region) regarding the possible construction of a sanitary landfill. In response, the municipality selected a new dumpsite distant from the river margin; it also began construction of a road to make the site accessible by truck. However, the road construction was abandoned, alleging monetary shortages, even though a neighborhood association was contributing significantly with material and labor in its construction. In addition to municipal authorities, there are a variety of national government institutions with local representation that have a stake in natural resource management, but presently are not involved in MSW management. INRENA, a decentralized enforcement organism ascribed to the Ministry of Agriculture, that counts with the support of the National Police to prosecute violators and has high local institutional recognition, is considered an influential stakeholder. Although INRENA’s priority is not sanitation (its regional focus is on sensitive national and international issues—for example, control of deforestation and of illegal extraction of wood and wild animals), one of its functions is the protection of the rural environment, including water quality control. As waste disposal practices in Puerto Bermdez directly affect fresh water quality, INRENA has acted on local MSW issues. Most notably, INRENA’s endeavors include a notice sent on 2001 to the Municipal government requesting the relocation of the


73 municipal dump from the margin of the Pichis River. Thus far, no follow up action on the part of INRENA or the municipal government has been forthcoming. Another national institution with local interests in MSW is the National Service of Agrarian Sanitation (SENASA), a decentralized branch of the Ministry of Agriculture. Since one of SENASA’s foci is solid waste arising from agricultural, animal-raising and derived activities, this entity counts with the legitimate jurisdiction to induce change on sanitation matters and therefore extensive knowledge of waste management alternatives. SENASA has improved sanitation conditions in the slaughterhouse, and acknowledges that yet more improvements can be made in terms of infrastructure (oxidation pools) and education (for farmers and cattle ranchers). A sense of urgency is evident in this waste prevention field since fatal cases have been reported locally due to careless application of pesticides, and their casual disposal puts people and animals at risk. The perceived problems are slowly convincing users to switch to safer options in choosing the kind of pesticide and the method of container disposal. Finally, one integrated, national government project with some demonstrated interest in MSW management in Puerto Bermdez and the potential to affect change is the Special Project Pichis-Palcazu (PEPP), launched in the 1980s by then President Fernando Belaunde. Initiated as a colonization project of the Central Forest, it was later transformed to a resource management project. The project was strong in the region during the decade of the 90s, giving both technical and social assistance in community forestry initiatives. While the project is still active in other regions, by the year 2002, its presence in the Puerto Bermdez District was reduced to sporadic visits from a technician. However, the power of the PEPP to influence change resides in its resources:


74 it possesses heavy duty machinery useful for the adaptation of a landfill, has experience in community outreach and program development (they are now forming Ecological Committees to work in covenant with schools and native communities), and counts with financial support from USAID. There are two main factors that inhibit the effectiveness of the PEPP project to affect change in Puerto Bermdez. First, its conservation approach (focusing on the inputs of the production process such as renewable natural resources) is not readily compatible with solid waste needs, which requires a focus on managing the outputs of the production process such as waste. Secondly, the PEPP project does not have a permanent presence in Puerto Bermdez. Education and health institutions The educational sector is considered an influential stakeholder when taking an integrated approach to solid waste management, since this approach embraces management alternatives that may require high levels of community collaboration. The Area of Educational Development (ADE), representative of the Ministry of Education district-wide, plans the curriculum and methodology of the schools district, and provides technical training to teachers in primary, secondary, and preschools. This group supports an ongoing program to raise environmental conservation awareness of first grade students, focusing on local flora and fauna. This institution has enormous potential to influence youth, and through them, reach the household by means of including solid waste management in the school curriculum. In her analysis of critical environmental education issues in developing countries, Collins-Figueroa (1998) found an effective way to raise concern about solid waste in the school: infusion of solid waste management topics into existing subject courses. Shortcomings identified in Puerto Bermdez for initiating a successful curriculum-based regional waste management campaign center on


75 the insufficient supply of transportation and communication resources to reach native communities, such as boats, motorcycles and radios. Under a nationally mandated program designed to promote moral values among the youth, local schools count with “some” power to influence local MSW management. These schools have introduced a one-hour weekly seminar on topics such as sexual education and drug abuse into the secondary school curriculum. This program on moral values serves as a platform for instruction in civilian rights and responsibilities pertinent to environmental health and conservation, and particularly to increase awareness and improve behavior regarding solid waste management. There is potential for involving local schools in MSW management since local secondary schools and the higher education institute (Instituto Superior Pedaggico Fray Angel Jos Asagra Murillo) cover agricultural and animal sciences with space to experiment with organic wastes. Nevertheless, while there is interest in developing such applied scientific projects for students, there is a dearth of financial resources and no action has been taken yet. The Health Center of Puerto Bermdez is also considered a stakeholder group as a generator of infectious waste 2 . There was no consistency in interviewee descriptions of methods for medical and infectious waste disposal, suggesting that the Health Center lacks clear procedures for general hospital waste management. The Ministry of Health is responsible for compliance with regulations and procedures of health institutions nationwide, and a superintendent who makes periodic assessment visits to Puerto 2 According to Altin et al. (2003), hospital waste can be classified in three groups: (1) medical waste (materials accumulated as a result of patient diagnosis, treatment or immunization of human beings); (2) infectious waste (portion of medical waste that is in contact with a patient who has infectious disease and it is capable of producing an infectious disease); and domestic waste. If all waste is mixed, hospital waste is then presumed to be infectious waste.


76 Bermdez. However, there was no evidence of follow up on these observations, leaving implementation to the good will of the director and personnel of the hospital. Trade and industry The wholesalers and retailers of soda beverages are significant importers of nonbiodegradable materials. The largest wholesaler in town orders approximately 4,900 beverage packages (of 6 and/or 12 bottles per package) monthly, resulting in regional imports of 29,400 to 58,800 bottles each month. The higher peaks occur during festivities in the summer months (May, June, and July) and the lower ones during the winter (December, January, February), as winter rains damage roads and slow down commercial trade. Considering that two additional beverage sales representatives visit the town periodically, the above range of bottles distributed monthly in the region is probably underestimated. According to government regulations, commercial establishments that have massive sales are required to facilitate the recovery of the containers 3 . These retailers have the power to negotiate with beverage companies, and therefore could affect the type of containers imported into the environment. However, retailer and wholesaler decisions are not simply based on environmental considerations, but also on product quality, transportation costs, and ease of use. According to one sales representative, glass containers keep the product fresher for longer when compared to plastic containers (1 year vs. 3 months). Although glass containers are more sustainable from an environmental perspective—given that the contract between buyer and seller implies the return of the container—, financially they are more costly because the costs of 3 The first application of this initiative was the German Packaging Ordinance of 1991, which required producers to take back their packaging waste and mandated minimum recycling levels. It has been successful to the point that it has been extended to other type of goods (Meyer-Krahmer 1996).


77 transportation increase since the container has to be returned. In addition, local retailers hesitate to take on the responsibility of collecting bottles after a sale. Nonetheless, Aspinwall and Kain (1997) found that the manufacturer could assume the cost of being environmentally concerned and transform it into a competitive advantage, if incentives for such behaviors exist. However, in the case of Peru, there are no incentives or taxes that entice industries to adopt materials management approaches, thus leaving the door open for very fluctuating rates of material recovery. Community organizations and the populace Both individuals and the community groups interviewed expressed a significant level of interest in the improvement of MSW management in Puerto Bermdez. This interest level, combined with their legal standing according to the solid waste legislation, puts the community in the highest ranking of importance in the stakeholder map. Additionally, since the community as a whole generates MSW, community members are very influential in the outcomes of waste management. The management practices they choose are most likely to be reflected on the quality of their proximate environment, including the Pichis River, and on their health. According to Peruvian legislation on solid waste, the populace is entitled to have access to structured solid waste services, to protection of human health and the natural environment from the risks of solid waste mismanagement, and to participate in the process of solid waste management project approval. However, the community is also liable for paying for services received and fines for infractions, for storing self-generated solid wastes as to avoid harming others, and for facilitating solid waste collection. The involvement of the community in the management system may reduce the amount of waste for collection (by mulching and composting), improve the collection coverage (by


78 organizing neighborhood teams), and improve general cleanliness (by avoiding littering and indiscriminate dumping). These efforts could potentially reduce the costs of collection, a critical matter in Puerto Bermdez, as the Municipality explained that irregular payment was one of the biggest constraints to providing better collection service. The involvement of community organizations can also greatly enhance the overall operation of the waste management system. For example, one neighborhood association in Puerto Bermdez had been involved in the construction of the road to the new dumpsite until the project stopped for shortage of funds. Vesco and Castillo (1999) report a similar case in Pioneros Alto (Rioja, Peru), where the population contributed money, materials and labor for improving their own basic services, although in this case the construction of the system was finished and later failed, creating distrust in the community about innovative projects where they have something to risk. Nevertheless, community participation can be very positive if involved in the project since the planning stage, as reported by Watson (1995) in a sewerage house connection project in a Kenyan village. Other community groups with potential stake are the Mothers’ Associations. These groups are of particular interest since women may be effective agents to improve waste management at the household level, and to educate children on safe waste handling, processing and disposal practices. Although the level of interest of this group to formally participate is unknown in Puerto Bermdez, other studies reveal the value of involving women in sanitation and health related projects (Schmink 1984, WHO 1995).


79 Other important aspects to consider when seeking public involvement in MSW management are the cultural and ethnic differences among local indigenous, and colonists and mestizo groups. While individual variation certainly exists, there are some distinguishable differences in the approach to waste generation and management by indigenous people (mostly Ashninka) versus colonists who have typically migrated to this region from the Andean highlands, and mestizos or people of mixed ethnic origin. These differences are evident in the way waste is perceived, generated, and managed by the three distinct stakeholder groups. For example, colonists perceive more value in waste, perhaps explained by their greater exposure to recycling in other cities. On the other hand, indigenous people tend to reuse waste more often and for a wider variety of uses. Differences in perceptions of waste impacts are also evident; indigenous people are more rigorous about boiling water than mestizos. Some also manifested differences in environmental quality awareness between these groups. For example, the Ashninka expressed that colonization had not brought development, but instead disease and an increased threat to existing natural resources. Awareness and acknowledgement of these ethnic and cultural differences also has implications for stakeholder group involvement in Puerto Bermdez. Ashninkas have their own language and customs, suggesting that their representative indigenous organizations may be a unique channel for accessing the indigenous community. The possible participation of the Indigenous Consortium for Sustainable Development (CIDES) in sanitation matters may be further explored as a valuable channel for delivering problem solving tools to the indigenous community at the regional level, given


80 that its leader has been involved in community development projects with a visiting NGO (Winrock) and is knowledgeable of composting systems. A second influential group, for both political and cultural reasons, is the Peruvian Association of Ashninka Nationalities (ANAP). This group supported the Peruvian Amazon Indigenous Movement (MIAP) in the mayoral elections of 1996, bringing an Ashninka mayor to office for the first time. This is particularly notable since the jurisdiction of the mayor of Puerto Bermdez is District-wide (Puerto Bermdez and other 110 native communities) and the overall population is 85% indigenous. Aware of the loss of tradition, cultural identity and pride of their race among the Ashninka people, ANAP manifested the desire to establish a center for saving and reviving tradition, leaving written educational material amongst people to perpetuate their culture. This is an example of the outreach potential of ANAP among the indigenous communities, which can be oriented in favor of waste management education. Indeed, a directive of ANAP explained how the organization wants to open an Indigenous Clinic to impart education on health, waste management, and hazards arising from products brought by NGOs to the region, such as fertilizers and other chemicals for crop growing. 3.7 Conclusion The focus of my research was on the human dimensions of MSW, primarily those operating at the local scale in Puerto Bermdez, a small isolated town with a marked multicultural component in the Amazon rainforest of Peru. While the focus of the analysis was at the local level, various theoretical frameworks were integrated to enable a broad understanding of nonlocal factors affecting municipal solid waste management in Puerto Bermdez.


81 An exploration of individual attitudes, knowledge and behaviors revealed that consumption patterns are changing as Puerto Bermdez becomes increasingly connected to other regions in Peru through colonization and improved road access. Products coming from external markets packed in nondegradable materials are gradually replacing local goods that before satisfied the local needs. These changes can be attributed to the interactions of three main drivers: increased connectivity with external markets, acculturation of local peoples, and increased scarcity of local natural resources. Local residents generally agreed that these changes had detrimental effects on the environmental quality of life, particularly since construction of the Marginal and Central Highways. Indigenous people in particular expressed how colonization had not brought development but instead disease, and how it was a threat to their natural resources. Amongst individuals, differences were voiced as to whom should be legally responsible for covering the costs of collection, on knowledge of the municipal government agenda, and on the existence of specific laws on solid waste. However, the fact that women in general appeared to have more environmentally sound behaviors than men, and that they were equally involved into petitioning for improvements in sanitation and other basic services to the authorities, is an indicator of the strong role they play in household cleansing and could be a critical factor for including them in leadership positions of programs to improve waste management at the household or community level. Further, access to municipal waste collection was a major determinant of waste disposal behaviors. Indiscriminate waste dumping on land and water bodies occurred significantly more often among the 93% of households without collection service than in


82 those with collection. Therefore, when trying to establish differences among ethnic groups about waste management practices, it seemed that the higher tendency of indigenous people to dispose of their waste on land or in water bodies, when compared to mestizos, was more related to having access to the service than to cultural influences. The low coverage of collection service and inaccessibility by truck to many areas of town suggested that greater participation by the populace and stakeholder groups is key for the success of any program that addresses local solid waste management. Scaling up from individual perceptions and behaviors to an analysis of actual and potential stakeholder groups within the community revealed the solid waste management opportunities and challenges facing Puerto Bermdez. First, municipal solid waste improvement is a concern (in some cases very strong and in other barely noticeable) but not a priority for any of the groups interviewed. Second, there is a dearth or financial resources and motivation on the part of the municipal government for improving municipal solid waste services, particularly in expanding the infrastructure and services to the community that may enhance the overall operation of the system. And third, no local programs exist to educate the community in proper MSW management practices. Although these are just two aspects of the many that are relevant to the improvement of MSW management in town, it suggests the need for collaboration from other sectors whose participation or exclusion could have an effect on the state of MSW management and its effects in town. Among these sectors I identified the wholesalers of carbonated beverages, who regularly bring large quantities of plastic bottled beverages; the health center and the slaughterhouse, generators of infectious waste carelessly disposed; locally represented national institutions with legal authority and knowledge to intervene for the


83 enhancement of MSW management conditions; a variety of local community organizations with potential to participate at different scales and reach assorted crowds; and most importantly, the community as a whole. Greater involvement of the local population in a variety of management-related activities is consistent with integrated solid waste management (ISWM), an approach that seems particularly appropriate for relatively isolated, resource-poor communities such as Puerto Bermdez. Finally, taking a political ecology approach within a hierarchical framework, a set of political, socio-economic, and biophysical drivers with different levels of influence on the municipal solid waste management system at the local level were explored. At the national level, the two major factors influencing the municipal solid waste management system are the processes of road development and colonization taking place in the region of Puerto Bermdez. Notably, the comprehensive legislation on solid waste in Peru, an expected strong driver, has minimal repercussions on the way wastes are managed in Puerto Bermudez, as its isolation and dearth of financial resources, among other factors, make it difficult for the municipal authorities to comply with these regulations. In summary, several approaches are being implemented around the world to lessen the problems of solid waste. Some of them are the reflection of integrated approaches to reduce the amount of refuse reaching landfill sites (Figueroa 1998, Fabbricino 2001) that can be achieved targeting several or individual specific groups. Others focus on particular functional elements of the waste management system, addressing recycling (Jaramillo 1991, Gould 2000, Aoyagi 1998, Reijnders 2000), community participation (Figueroa 1998, Razeto and Hemelryck 1991), or corporate responsibility (Oldenburg and Hirschhorn 1987, Ekins 1997, Aspinwall and Cain 1997, Shrivastava 1995). Solid waste


84 management has been relegated to a low level of importance in developing countries, and even more in isolated areas where basic public services are commonly lacking. However, improved understanding of individual and household attitudes, knowledge and behaviors can be a first step for improving waste management strategies. Further, a broader stakeholder analysis of the community can help identify the role that each stakeholder currently plays or may play in the future for improving waste management. In the case of Puerto Bermdez, Peru, a relatively isolated town undergoing the process of colonization, these human dimensions of solid waste management are key to finding successful locally derived alternatives for managing the increased municipal waste under conditions of limited financial resources.


CHAPTER 4 CONCLUSIONS My research applied an analysis of the functional elements in Puerto Bermdez’s municipal solid waste (MSW) management system, determined the composition of municipal solid waste collected by the municipal collection service, and estimated the quantity of MSW generated per capita on a daily basis. It also analyzed the human dimensions of MSW, primarily those operating at the local scale in Puerto Bermdez. My study provides insights into the physical and human dimensions that interact to affect the way waste is managed in a small, multicultural town, located in an isolated region of the developing world. A comparison between the amount of MSW generated in Puerto Bermdez, 1,81 kg per person per day, and the amount of waste collected daily by the municipal collection service, 336 kg, revealed that only 7% of the waste generated was being collected. Consequently, access to waste collection was a strong determinant of waste disposal methods among households. In addition, an analysis of the composition of the MSW collected by the collection service revealed that food waste was the major component of the waste stream (76.6%) followed by plastics (6.7%). The rural environment and agricultural activities of the region offer possibilities to manage food waste locally, and to even give it practical uses. On the contrary, plastic waste management is more challenging in the absence of local markets that can recycle it, thus calling for higher external stakeholder involvement. 85


86 In terms of differences between indigenous people and mestizos, results showed that certain waste management practices had practical and cultural causes. As for gender differences, women appeared to have more environmentally friendly behaviors, a fact that could be associated with their role in the household as far as cleansing goes. Finally, a wide range of stakeholders in the MSW management system of Puerto Bermdez were identified, revealing that there is already an organizational configuration to support an integrated waste management system. However, their priorities are diverse as well as their level of interest to participate and improve the MSW management system. In general, in spite of the level of interest or influence of the different stakeholders, MSW management improvement was recognized as a necessity but not as a priority, especially when compared to other basic services, in particular sewage. Solid waste management has been relegated to a low level of importance in developing countries, and even more in isolated areas where basic public services are commonly lacking. However, improved understanding of individual and household attitudes, knowledge and behaviors can be a first step for improving waste management strategies. Further, a broader stakeholder analysis of the community can help identify the role that each stakeholder currently plays or may play in the future for improving waste management. In the case of Puerto Bermdez, Peru, a relatively isolated town undergoing the process of colonization, these human dimensions of solid waste management are key to finding successful locally derived alternatives for managing the increased municipal waste under conditions of limited financial resources. Waste management is about health, resource conservation, and aesthetics—a set of attributes that together frame the possibilities of a simpler and better quality of life, living from,


87 and enjoying the proximate environment. These aspects are particularly valuable in isolated areas with limited financial resources, like in the town of Puerto Bermdez in the Peruvian Amazon.


APPENDIX A SAMPLE OF MY FIELDWORK QUESTIONNAIRE ENCUESTA SOBRE EL MANEJO DE LAS BASURAS Hola. Soy Ana Puentes y estoy trabajando con el Proyecto de Manejo y Anlisis del ro Amazonas Andino (AARAM). Estoy haciendo un estudio entre los habitantes del municipio de Puerto Bermdez sobre el manejo de sus basuras. La participacin es libre y voluntaria. Si usted acepta participar, hoy tomar una encuesta sobre lo que usted piensa, hace y conoce sobre el manejo de las basuras. Por favor responda sinceramente y lo mejor que pueda. Seleccione solo UNA respuesta por cada pregunta. La encuesta consta de tres secciones. Cada seccin es diferente, as que escuche con cuidado las instrucciones antes de comenzar cada seccin. Instrucciones para la Seccin A: por favor indique como usted se siente frente a cada una de las siguientes oraciones. No hay respuestas acertadas o errneas. Escuche cada oracin cuidadosamente. Escoja el nmero que mejor represente su grado de aceptacin de cada oracin, usando la siguiente escala: De acuerdo Indiferente Desacuerdo (1) (2) (3) A1. Las calles de Pto. Bermdez son limpias. A2. Es importante encontrar tachos para botar la basura cuando voy por la calle. A3. Creo que Puerto Bermdez hace bien botando las basuras en el ro. A4. Limpieza es salud. A5. Es necesario encontrarle uso a ciertos desechos para disminuir la cantidad de basura a botar. A6. Es muy difcil hacer que los habitantes de PB dejen de botar papeles en la calle. A7. Es mi responsabilidad ayudar a conservar la naturaleza. A8. Solo las grandes ciudades deben preocuparse por el buen manejo de sus desechos. A9. Me parece que vivir en un pueblo sucio disminuye mi calidad de vida. A10. Me preocupa que la basura que cae al ro afecte a otras comunidades. A11. Me parece que es una prdida de dinero invertir en proyectos de conservacin ambiental. A12. En la basura se encuentran materiales con valor comercial. A13. Deben crearse normas para proteger y mantener la limpieza del pueblo y exigirse su cumplimiento, as esto implique la restriccin de libertades del individuo. A14. Las basuras empobrecen la belleza del paisaje. 88

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89 A15. Los desechos orgnicos, como los restos de comida por ejemplo, son simples basuras inservibles. A16. La educacin ambiental a la comunidad mejorara la calidad de vida de todos. A17. El servicio de recoleccin de basura debe prestarse a la totalidad de la poblacin. Instrucciones para la Seccin B: para las siguientes oraciones, por favor indique con qu frecuencia hace usted las acciones mencionadas. Sea honesto, no hay respuestas acertadas o errneas. Escoja el nmero que se aproxime ms a su respuesta, usando la siguiente escala: Frecuentemente A veces Rara vez ( 1 ) ( 2 ) ( 3 ) B1. Boto papeles en la calle. B2. Recojo los desperdicios que encuentro en las afueras de mi casa (o tienda). B3. En mi casa se hierve el agua para beber. B4. Me he enfermado por beber agua del ro Pichis. B5. Yo lavo y vuelvo a usar algunos recipientes desechables. B6. Cuando voy al ro y como algo, me devuelvo con los empaques de lo que he consumido. B7. Si veo a una persona ensuciando el suelo la corrijo (por ejemplo, decirle a un amigo que no tire un papel a la calle). B8. En mi casa se compran productos enlatados. B9. En mi casa se le da usos alternativos al bote de la basura. B10. Encuentro cucarachas en el bote de la basura de mi casa. B11. Cuando compro algo, pido que me lo echen en una bolsa, por pequeo que sea. B12. Me deshago de los desechos del hogar en otros lugares diferentes del botadero municipal, es decir, no se los lleva el camin sino que los tiro o llevo a otra parte. B13. Cuando como fuera de casa, prefiero comer en platos desechables que en vajilla. B14. Doy ejemplo de conservacin ambiental a mis amigos o vecinos con mis actos. B15. Cuando quiero beber algo, prefiero los jugos naturales a las gaseosas. B16. Me he dirigido a las autoridades para pedir mejoras en la situacin de aseo del pueblo. B17. Procuro informarme de los planes que tiene la municipalidad para hacer mejoras en el pueblo. Instrucciones para la Seccin C: para cada una de las siguientes preguntas, escoja la mejor respuesta . Seleccione la letra que corresponda a su respuesta. C1. Las basuras generadas en Puerto Bermdez estn compuestas en su mayora por: a. cscaras y restos de comida b. plsticos c. papeles d. hojas y ramas de rboles

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90 C2. Agua subterrnea es: a. agua bajo la superficie terrestre que surte manantiales y pozos. b. agua que corre por las caeras de un pueblo. c. agua lluvia que se filtra en la tierra. d. agua recolectada en tanques. C3. Botar basuras en la orilla del rio: a. aade nutrientes al agua b. empobrece la calidad del agua. c. le da firmeza a la tierra d. no es grave, desde que se haga donde nadie lo vea. C4. Es bueno hervir el agua para: a. matar los microbios. b. quitarle el mugre. c. aumentar su valor alimenticio. d. nada en especial. C5. Separar un material de la basura y con l mismo fabricar otro producto es: a. reproducir b. reciclar c. reutilizar d. recolectar C6. La quema de basuras: a. contamina el aire b. reduce su tamao (volumen) c. reduce su peso d. todas las anteriores C7. Para que una ciudad sea limpia debe haber colaboracin de: a. los hogares b. el comercio c. la municipalidad d. todos los anteriores C8. Pagar los costos de recoleccin de basuras y manejo del botadero municipal es responsabilidad de: a. todos los usuarios b. los usuarios que ms basura generen c. la alcalda de Puerto Bermdez d. el Gobierno Central C9. A largo plazo, cul es la mejor forma de reducir los problemas que traen las basuras? a. quemarlas b. enterralas

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91 c. reducir el consumo de materiales d. reutilizar los materiales en vez de botarlos C10. Este smbolo significa: a. favor circular b. infinito c. energa d. reciclable C11. La contaminacin del medio ambiente con basuras u otros materiales nocivos se conoce como: a. putrefaccin b. polucin c. degradacin d. transformacin C12. De los siguientes desechos, cul no es biodegradable (no se descompone naturalmente): a. cscara de banano b. una silla de madera c. lata de atn d. una caja de cartn C13. La entidad responsable de prestar los servicios de aseo es: a. INRENA b. la municipalidad de Puerto Bermdez c. la gobernacin de Pasco d. el Ministerio de Salud C14. El botadero de basura de un pueblo o ciudad debe estar ubicado: a. lejos del agua b. retirado de asentamientos humanos c. en suelo que filtre mucho d. la a y b nicamente. C15. El plomo es un elemento muy perjudicial para el medio ambiente y el hombre. Lo encontramos en: a. las pilas b. los lapiceros c. los cigarrillos d. los cassettes C16. El botadero municipal est ubicado: a. en la parte alta del ro b. en la parte baja del ro

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92 c. en la carretera va Palcazu d. en el Km. 3 C17. Un botadero a cielo abierto es: a. un espacio donde se tira la basura sin ningn tipo de controles. b. lo mismo que un relleno sanitario c. el espacio que utilizan los aviones para aterrizar. d. una opcin amigable al agua para tratar basuras. Gracias por participar! Nombre: Cdigo:______ Edad: Sexo: M_____ F_____ Raza: nativo______ colono______ Ubicacin del hogar: urbana_____ rural_____ Paga servicio de recoleccin de basura: si_____ no_____ Status socio-econmico: alto_____ medio_____ bajo_____ 1) Qu hacen en su casa con los restos de comida? Bota___ alimenta animales___ quema____ entierra___ abona___

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APPENDIX B NATIONAL AND INTERNATIONAL ORGANIZATIONS WITH STAKE IN THE SANITATION SECTOR IN PERU National Level Clearing and Social Development National Fund (FONCODES): it is a public organization ascribed to the Peruvian Ministry of the Women and Social Development, oriented to improve the living conditions of the poorest population in the areas of sanitation, health, education, and basic infrastructure. Ministry of Agriculture: regulates through the National Service of Agrarian Sanitation SENASA, the solid wastes originating from agricultural and animal-raising activities. Ministry of Health (MINSA): regulates through the General Management of Environmental Health (DIGESA) the technical and sanitary management of solid wastes. DIGESA It runs a general education effort on hygiene through manuals, brochures and training materials, supporting inhabitants in rural areas. DIGESA is also implementing the Environmental Health Project (EHP) funded by USAID. The project has seven components and is working in the periurban areas of Lima, Iquitos and Arequipa. Ministry of the Presidency (PRES): through its respective organisms promotes, when technically and economically feasible, the creation of markets for secondary materials, and the establishment of mechanisms to involve the consumers in containers and packaging materials recovery. National Council of the Environment (CONAM): it is a decentralized organism ascribed to the presidency, in charge of managing the national environmental policy. It coordinates and promotes with the municipalities the implementation of integrated solid waste management plans; reports in the Environmental Information National System (SINIA) on the condition of solid waste management; resolves, in case of petition, legal conflicts arising from the noncompliance with the solid waste management regulations. National Police: gives notice to the corresponding authorities of the infraction of the solid waste legislation detected while on duty. National Superintendence of Sanitation Services (SUNASS): regulate and supervises sanitation services, and resolves arising conflicts within its jurisdiction. 93

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94 International Organizations Adventist Development and Relief Agency/ Adventist Philanthropic Work and Social Assistance (ADRA/ OFASA): primary health is among its long-term development projects throughout Peru. Health programs focus on activities such as improving access to clean, potable water and sanitation systems. CAREPeru: programs related to waste and sanitation include (1) Enhancing rural Potable Water and Sanitation through Local Participation, and (2) Solid Waste Disposal, a project aimed to improve or provide a solid waste disposal system in the cities of the "Callejon de Huaylas" valley. The project has three components: Environmental Health, Municipal Management and Citizen Participation. CARE is currently implementing projects in shantytowns associated with MINSA and USAID, in rural areas financed by SDC and in small towns with the support of Luxemburg. Canadian International Development Agency (CIDA): its Water and Sanitation Program works to improve the capacity of municipal authorities (of Lima, Huaral, Huacho, Huallanca, San Marcos and Chancay) to provide those services by providing training, technical assistance and demonstration projects in infrastructure design, construction and maintenance, administration of water and sanitation services, and community education and mobilization. The project duration is from 2000 to 2005. Carl Duisberg Gesellschaff (CDG): CDG has developed an advanced professional training project under the name of "Strengthening the Management Capacities of Peruvian Water Utilities," which will support managerial competence training in twenty-six EPS's (Entities Provider of Services) -located to the north and east of Limaduring the next three years. Center of Studies and Solidarity with Latin America (CESAL): it is a Spanish NGO that in Peru develops projects on water and sanitation services among other topics, in collaboration with the Peruvian government and other agencies such as SDC, GTZ and the World Bank. The projects cover potable water, sewage or latrines, sanitary education and general management of sanitation services. German Technical Cooperation (GTZ): Works in Peru with own staff and partner organizations. The project on Water Supply and Sewage (PROAGUA) is present in 8 regions, the Selva Central among them, but it is mostly oriented towards urban populations. It assesses entities that provide sanitation services and sanitary education to the community. Supraregional projects included the Improvement of Water and Sanitation in Indigenous Communities from 1999 to 2001 (in alliance with Pan-American Health Organization (PAHO)), and another one to the promote the Latin American Network for Environmentally Compatible Waste Disposal (REPAMAR) from 1999 to 2002 (in alliance with the PAHO and the Pan-American Center for Sanitary Engineering and Environmental Sciences).

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95 Japanese Bank for International Cooperation (JBIC): supports SEDAPAL financing the sewerage system for the south of Lima city, PRONAP to improve the WSS in Piura, Castilla and Chimbote, and FONCODES to build rural water and sanitation services. Japanese International Cooperation Agency (JICA): supports PRONAP for the Peru North border Water and Sanitation project. At present they are supporting the development of the PROSANAR planning unit for rural water and sanitation service activities. Kallpa: the NGO Kallpa has been working on health and hygiene promotion in schools for the past 10 years. Kallpa coordinates project activities with MINSA and the Ministry of Education and works in periurban areas of Lima, Cusco, Ayacucho and Amazons. KfW Group: this German funding agency is very active in the water and sanitation sector. At present they fund and support seven EPS’s in seven provinces that serve both large and smaller towns in rural areas. Pan-American Center for Sanitary Engineering and Environmental Sciences (CEPIS): one of its lines of action, Household Solid Waste Management, promotes, evaluates and collaborates in the development of national programs on waste collection, recycling, transport, treatment and disposal, with especial emphasis in organization, social participation, and education. Pan-American Health Organization (PAHO): the Health for American Indigenous Peoples (SAPIA) Initiative, initiated in 1993, is a commitment by PAHO and Member States to work with indigenous peoples to improve their health and well-being. SANIPLAN (German Consulting Agency for Hygiene and Medicine): provides consulting services for both rural and urban water supply, waste disposal and basic sanitation. Identifies plans and evaluates projects in the fields of technical and financial co-operation. It has several projects on different regions of Peru. Swiss Agency for Development and Cooperation (SDC): it provides funds for the Rural Basic Sanitation Program (SANBASUR) and also supports national policy development through the Water and Sanitation Program. All of their Rural Water and Sanitation Programs include intensive hygiene promotion components and strong linkages to communities and local institutions. SDC is particularly interested in directing its support to areas of high poverty. United Nations Development Program (UNDP): the United Nations Development Program (UNDP) gives professional, administrative and technical support to INRENA to facilitate its performance in natural resource conservation.

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96 United States Agency for International Development (USAID): through the Environmental Health Project (EHP) improves access of the urban poor to water supply and sanitation services. Water and Sanitation Program (WSP): administered by the World Bank, it is an international partnership of the world's leading development agencies concerned with water and sanitation services for the poor. It supports the National Project for Rural Water and Sanitation Services (PRONASAR) prepared by the Peruvian Government. In coordination with the sector authorities and the Canadian International Development Agency (CIDA), is now in the process of identifying appropriate management models for small towns. WSP has started to address the specific problems of in small towns with a case study in the small town of Sicuani in Cuzco, in order to help the local government in the identification of the problems that affect the sustainability of the services. Currently, it supports the preparation of an assessment and the design of a pilot project in order to validate new management models in the small town of Talavera in the department of Apurimac, in association with CESAL.

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BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH Ana Cristina Puentes was born in Bucaramanga, Colombia. She grew up and was educated in Bogot, where she received her bachelor’s degree in business administration from the Pontificia Universidad Javeriana in 1999. While still an undergraduate, she worked in the public hospital of the town of Mit, in the Colombian Amazon. There she realized the challenges of solid waste management in isolated communities. After graduation, she moved to the United States; she worked in the recycling industry in Florida, and in environmental education in New Hampshire. In the fall of 2001 Ana Cristina initiated her graduate studies at the Center for Latin American Studies in the Tropical Conservation and Development Program. She did fieldwork in Peru in the summer of 2002. Her research focused on the characteristics and human dimensions of municipal solid waste management in an isolated community of the Amazon forest. 105