Front Cover
 Building the overseas railway to...
 John Loomis Blodgett (1809-185...
 Chakaika and the "Spanish...
 The association’s historical marker...
 The treasurer’s report
 List of members
 List of officers
 Back Cover

Title: Tequesta
Full Citation
Permanent Link: http://ufdc.ufl.edu/UF00101446/00013
 Material Information
Title: Tequesta
Physical Description: Serial
Language: English
Creator: Historical Association of Southern Florida
Publisher: (multiple)
Publication Date: 1953
Copyright Date: 2010
 Record Information
Bibliographic ID: UF00101446
Volume ID: VID00013
Source Institution: Historical Museum of Southern Florida
Holding Location: Florida International University: Florida History and Heritage
Rights Management: All rights reserved by the source institution and holding location.
Resource Identifier: oclc - 2096319
lccn - 42015131
issn - 0363-3705


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Table of Contents
    Front Cover
        Page 1
        Page 2
    Building the overseas railway to Key West
        Page 3
        Page 4
        Page 5
        Page 6
        Page 7
        Page 8
        Page 9
        Page 10
        Page 11
        Page 12
        Page 13
        Page 14
        Page 15
        Page 16
        Page 17
        Page 18
        Page 19
        Page 20
        Page 21
        Page 22
    John Loomis Blodgett (1809-1853)
        Page 23
        Page 24
        Page 25
        Page 26
        Page 27
        Page 28
        Page 29
        Page 30
        Page 31
        Page 32
        Page 33
        Page 34
    Chakaika and the "Spanish Indians"
        Page 35
        Page 36
        Page 37
        Page 38
        Page 39
        Page 40
        Page 41
        Page 42
        Page 43
        Page 44
        Page 45
        Page 46
        Page 47
        Page 48
        Page 49
        Page 50
        Page 51
        Page 52
        Page 53
        Page 54
        Page 55
        Page 56
        Page 57
        Page 58
        Page 59
        Page 60
        Page 61
        Page 62
        Page 63
        Page 64
        Page 65
        Page 66
        Page 67
        Page 68
        Page 69
        Page 70
        Page 71
        Page 72
        Page 73
        Page 74
    The association’s historical marker program
        Page 75
        Page 76
        Page 77
    The treasurer’s report
        Page 78
    List of members
        Page 79
        Page 80
        Page 81
        Page 82
        Page 83
        Page 84
        Page 85
    List of officers
        Page 86
    Back Cover
        Page 87
        Page 88
Full Text

IreI"es t^


Editor: Charlton W. Tebeau





Building the Overseas Railway to Key West 3
By Carlton I. Corliss

John Loomis Blodgett (1809-1853) 23
By R. Bruce Ledin

Chakaika and the "Spanish Indians": 35
By William C. Sturtevant

The Association's Historical Marker Program 75

Contributors 77

The Treasurer's Report 78

List of Members 79

List of Officers 86


( is published annually by the Historical Association of Southern Florida
T lOU Ct t and the University of Miami as a bulletin of the University. Subscrip-
tion $3.00. Communications should be addressed to the Corresponding Secretary of the
Society, Post Office Box 537, Miami 4, Florida. Neither the Association nor the Uni-
versity assumes responsibility for statements of fact or opinion made by the contributors.


This Page Blank in Original
Source Document

Building The Overseas Railway

To Key West*
In my boyhood I was an avid reader of adventure stories, and one of
the first impressions I gained of that far-flung chain of tropical islands which
extends in crescent formation from Biscayne Bay to Dry Tortugas was from
a lurid and exciting tale of pirates, buccaneers and smugglers who haunted
that region and carried on their nefarious operations in the surrounding
seas, the Bahamas and the West Indies.
The Florida Keys are indeed rich in romantic interest. Along these
palm-fringed shores sailed the picturesque caravels of Spanish explorers and
adventurers-Narvaez, De Vaca and De Soto-and the galleons which bore
Cortez, Coronado, Iberville and Bienville on their history-making voyages
of discovery, conquest and colonization.
During the Spanish occupation and on through Florida's territorial
period, the numerous sheltered bays and inlets which dot this "Coast of
Adventure" were familiar hiding places and rendezvous for "Brethren of the
Coast" whose very names sent chills up and down the spines of honest
Historians searching for truth find it difficult sometimes to determine
what is legend and what is history, what is fact and what is fiction. But of
one thing there is no doubt-from the earliest days of American occupation
in Florida an important center of activity in the Key country was the ancient
Cayo Hueso ("Isle of Bones"), or Thompson's Island, known today as Key
Key West dates its growth as an organized community from the 1820's,
and for a period of more than fifty years-until 1890-it was the most
populous city in Florida.
* A talk before the Historical Association of Southern Florida, Miami, April 7, 1953.


Oddly enough, Key West was one of the first cities in the South to
advocate a railroad. As far back as 1831, at the very dawn of the railway
era in America, when there were fewer than a hundred miles of railroad on
the North American continent, the enterprising editor of the Key West Gazette
was suggesting a railroad linking the town with the mainland of Florida.
In 1835, while railroads were still in their infancy, the Key West Inquirer
was urging that steps be taken to build a railroad. And in the 1850's, the
first representative South Florida ever sent to the Congress of the United
States-Senator Stephen R. Mallory of Key West-was pointing out to men
of influence in Washington and elsewhere the advantages of extending a
railroad to that "American Gibraltar."
In 1879, the Jacksonville, Tampa and Key West Railroad was incor-
porated in Florida to push a line southward through the state.
The following year the Great Southern Railway Company was organized
in Georgia to build a railroad to Key West, with plans for extending its
service by steamship to all parts of Central and South America.
Then, in 1883, the distinguished Confederate soldier, General John B.
Gordon, of Georgia, revived the railway project, and work on the Georgia
end of the road was actually started.
In 1898, there was published in the National Geographic Magazine a
prophetic article bearing the title "Across the Gulf by Rail to Key West."
This article gave a fairly accurate forecast of future developments and con-
cluded by saying that surely a railroad to Key West would some day be
built; and that it "would be one of man's greatest achievements." The
author concluded with the question: "Who will be the Cyrus Field to under-
take this mighty work?"

At that time the East Coast of Florida was being transformed into a
winter paradise by one man-Henry M. Flagler. From Jacksonville south-
ward for a distance of 366 miles, to the new town nestling here on the Miami
River, were numerous villages and towns and cities which owed their begin-
nings and their growth to the opening of Flagler's railroad.
We all know the story of how Julia B. Tuttle and Henry M. Flagler
joined hands to bring the City of Miami into being and start it on its way


to becoming the fabulous metropolis and winter playground of today. The
first train reached this city on the 16th of April, 1896.
Beyond the Miami River, 156 miles southward, lay Key West, then
many times greater in size than Miami and possessing a harbor capable of
accommodating some of the largest ships afloat. At that time and for years
thereafter the maximum depth of Biscayne Bay was about twelve or fourteen
feet. Key West, on the other hand, could accommodate vessels having a
draft of thirty feet. It was the deepest harbor south of Norfolk.
Came the Spanish-American War and the American occupation of Cuba,
followed by greatly increased trade and commerce with the Island Republic.
Because of superior port facilities, Tampa, on the West Coast of Florida,
became an important port of embarkation in connection with the war activ-
ities in the West Indies.
Then, soon after the turn of the century, came the news that the United
States Government was preparing to build the long-discussed Panama Canal.
Statesmen, editors and businessmen were speculating as to the probable
overall effect the canal would have on American industry and commerce.
Flagler wanted his newly developed East Coast Empire to be in a position to
share in the benefits, including the greatly expanded trade opportunities
with Central and South America and the Pacific regionopportunities which
inevitably would result from the opening of the Canal. As Flagler saw it,
this could be accomplished in only one way-by carrying his rails to a deep-
water harbor. This appears to have been the impelling factor in Flagler's
decision to push the Florida East Coast Railway to Key West.


In the summer of 1902, Flagler engaged a group of young and hardy
engineers and sent them into the region south of Miami to conduct preliminary
surveys. Under the direction of Location Engineer William J. Krome, of
Illinois, then a young man of twenty-six, surveys were made of possible
routes through the Everglades to Cape Sable, with a view to bridging the
Bay of Florida for a distance of thirty-three miles to Big Pine Key, thence
to Key West over the chain of keys.
Another survey was made to The Narrows, dividing Biscayne Bay and
Barnes Sound, thence across Key Largo to Turtle Harbor, where expensive
terminal facilities would be necessary. After careful study, on the recom-


mendation of the engineers, both the Cape Sable and Turtle Harbor proposals
were abandoned, and Mr. Flagler reached his decision to build the railroad
over the Keys.
It is related that, with the engineers' reports before him, Flagler called
in his vice president, Joseph R. Parrott, and asked him if he was sure the
road could be built. He did not ask if it would be a profitable undertaking,
but simply if it could be built from an engineering standpoint. Parrott is
reported to have replied: "Yes, I am sure." Flagler's reply was: "Very
well, then go ahead. Go to Key West." It was a momentous decision for
any man to make. Henry M. Flagler was then in his 75th year. The East
Coast of Florida, with its thriving cities and towns, was largely his personal
achievement. At his age he might have rested on his laurels and spent the
rest of his days basking in the sunshine of his Palm Beach home. It would
seem that he could have been content. He had everything in life that a man
could want-wealth, friends, recognition of a life rich in great accomplish-
ments-but he felt that his job was not finished, and until it was finished, he
was not content.
"Go ahead" was his decision. These simple words of Henry M. Flagler
set in motion a chain of developments the like of which South Florida has
never before experienced. The developments took the form of an epic
struggle of man against natural obstacles, against the sea and the elements,
a struggle unlike anything else in human experience. The titanic struggle
began in 1904 when engineers staked their right-of-way through the Everglades
and the swamps and jungles and shark-infested waters over the 128-mile
route from Homestead to Key West. The struggle ended in 1916-twelve
years later-when the last of the majestic concrete viaducts was completed
to form the permanent structure-a structure which today carries the Over-
seas Highway across the Keys-a structure which has stood firm and unshaken
against the onslaughts of wind and sea for nearly half a century.


The man chosen to take general charge of the project was Joseph Carroll
Meredith, who took up his work as chief constructing engineer on July 26,
1904. Meredith, an Indianan, was a noted bridge engineer, whose construc-
tion experience eminently qualified him for the stupendous undertaking. His
latest project was the construction of docks at Tampico, Mexico, for the
Mexican Government. Meredith was small of stature, but a man of great


energy, resourcefulness, determination and courage. He was intolerant of
inefficiency or indifference. From early morning until late at night his
every thought seemed to be of the railroad. He pushed himself relentlessly
and ever sought to spur his assistants to greater efforts. But the pace was
too much for him, and on April 20, 1909, after nearly five years of driving
effort, with little time off from his labors, he died suddenly. Meredith was
succeeded by his principal assistant engineer, William J. Krome, who, as
you recall, had been in charge of the original surveys. No better man could
have been found for the great tasks that lay ahead. Educated at the University
of Illinois and Cornell University, Krome had spent several years on railroad
engineering projects in Missouri and elsewhere before coming to Florida.
Krome was a brilliant engineer and a tireless worker. Under his direction
all obstacles were overcome and the work was carried successfully to com-
The engineering staff of Chief Engineers Meredith and Krome included
Division Engineers William Mayo Venable, who for many years has been
prominently identified with the Blaw-Knox industries of Pittsburgh; P. L.
Wilson, who later had charge of important construction projects in the Miami
area; J. Ernest Cotton, Miami's first director of service, and most recently
project engineer of the City of Miami; Col. Clarence S. Coe, the first city
manager of Miami; Grier R. Smiley, later chief engineer of the Louisville
& Nashville Railroad; Bridge Engineer R. W. Carter; Division Engineers
H. L. Cook, James H. Cox, William A. Glass, now head of the Water Depart-
ment of the City of Miami; Henry H. Hyman, Southern district manager,
Florida Power and Light Company; E. R. Davis, J. Max De Garmo, F. B.
Dunn, J. G. Frost, LeMoyne Harris, A. L. Hunt, R. L. Langford, M. E. Malone,
H. S. Moreland, B. A. Parlin, W. C. Taylor, H. O. Weiss, and Capt. G. W.
Among the many FIoridians, now living, who were identified with the
project, in addition to those mentioned above, are: J. D. Ingraham, assist-
ant general passenger agent, Florida East Coast Railway, Jacksonville; James
Weston Dunaway, of the Moore Furniture Company; Frank J. Pepper, of
the real estate firm of Pepper & Cothren; J. Merlin Spaulding, real estate
operator; R. F. Archibald, J. Jack Wentworth, Miami; Charles ("Gunner")
Morgan, of Spanish-American War fame; W. R. Hawkins, Oak Hill; Elbert
A. Froscher and Anton Waldin, Homestead; Al. Lindgren, Goulds; Cleveland
McGowan, Pigeon Key; Harry Bracken, Ed. Goehring, Ed. Strunk, Frank
Bentley, Harry M. Baker, John J. Kirchenbaum, R. F. Spottswood, John M.


Spottswood, G. R. Steadman and James B. Sullivan, Key West; G. M. Higgs,
West Palm Beach, and C. ("Tub") Williams, of Miami and Hollywood,
Prominent among the South Floridians no longer living who were iden-
tified with the construction, in addition to those already mentioned, were:
M. F. Comer, Capt. Ed. H. Sherran, Calvin E. Oak, Gilbert Meredith, Alva
K. McMulIen, T. F. Whitten, Henry W. Gibbons, Leonard Spaulding, B. A.
Deal, and Richard Ring, of Miami; Barney Waldin, Lawrence Bow and
J. F. Free, of Homestead; Fred Barrett and C. D. Kittredge, of Fort Lauder-
dale; and Judge E. R. Lowe, of Tavernier.
It is my good fortune to have been employed in the office of Chief
Construction Engineers Meredith and Krome from the beginning of 1909
until August, 1914, through the most active period of construction. Until
the spring of 1909 the chief engineer and his staff occupied offices on the
Terminal Dock in Miami. Then the offices were moved to Marathon, and
that remained the headquarters of construction operations until the project
was completed. Our first office in Marathon was on a quarterboat, but we
moved to a new office building on its completion in the summer of 1909.

In the limited time at my disposal this evening, I shall not attempt to
describe in detail the route over which the road was built or many of the
technical problems with which the engineers were confronted. There are
engineers in Miami and present this evening who are far better qualified than
I am to discuss the technical aspects of the construction. I can touch on
only a few high spots.
After leaving Florida City, two miles south of Homestead, the route
traverses about nineteen miles of everglades to Jewfish Creek, thence it
traverses some twenty-nine islands before reaching the island of Key West.
Because of the formation of these islands, the route crosses forty-three bodies
of water ranging all the way up to seven miles across.
Construction commenced from Homestead southward in the summer
of 1905, and in December, 1907, the rails reached Knights Key, eighty-three
miles below Homestead. Here, in Knights Key Channel, a large dock,
reached by a long wooden trestle, was nearing completion. Knights Key Dock
was opened February 6, 1908, and passenger train service was extended
southward to that point on the same day. For the next four years, until




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the road was completed into Key West on January 22, 1912, this was an
important terminal where trains from the North met the Peninsular & Occi-
dental Steamship Company's ships plying to and from Havana, Cuba. During
that period, Knights Key Dock was a port of entry, with customs officials
in charge. It had a post office also. Over Knights Key Dock travelled many
of the distinguished people of the times en route to and from Cuba. Today,
not a vestige of the dock is to be seen.
On the 106-mile route between Jewfish Creek and Key West, the route
tranverses 37 miles of water, nearly all of which is open sea. About twenty
miles of the line were bridged by the construction of fills or embankments,
and 17.17 miles were bridged by concrete viaducts and concrete-and-steel
bridges. All told, there are thirty-seven permanent structures of this kind-
twenty-nine concrete viaducts, six concrete and steel structures, and three
drawbridges. (A fourth drawbridge, built at Indian Key Channel, was
removed many years ago.)

The most important projects of all were Long Key Viaduct, Knights
Key-Moser Channel Bridge, commonly called the "Seven-Mile Bridge," Bahia
Honda Bridge, and the Key West Terminal.
Long Key Viaduct, the first great bridge to be built, presented many
formidable problems, some of which were unique ,unprecedented, the solution
of which taxed the ingenuity of the engineers. The experience gained from
this project proved to be of great benefit in the construction of other bridges.
Long Key Viaduct is a reinforced concrete structure. It consisted orig-
inally of 180 fifty-foot arches, to which 42 35-ft. arches were added before
the road was opened, bringing its total length up to 11,958 ft., or 2.15 miles.
In October, 1906, during the construction of Long Key Viaduct, a severe
tropical hurricane swept over the Florida Keys and wrought great destruction
to plant and equipment, as well as to the completed embankments at exposed
points. Many pieces of floating equipment employed on the Long Key
project were sunk or otherwise destroyed; others were badly damaged. The
quarter-boat (No. 4) on which about 150 men were housed broke away from
its mooring and went to sea, where it was buffeted by high winds and moun-
tainous waves until it went to pieces, scattering the men over a wide area of
storm-swept seas. About 100 of the men were lost; others were picked by
by passing ships from one to four days after the storm had abated and were


carried to ports as far distant as Liverpool, England. One ship, the "Alten,"
rescued twenty-four of the men and took them to Savannah, Georgia. All
men who were rescued were brought back to the project to relate their exper-
iences and to resume their work.
One of the most dramatic incidents of the Long Key disaster was the
case of a father and son. When quarter-boat No. 4 went to pieces, miles from
land, the two men, desperately hoping to save a trunk containing cherished
family possessions, took it overboard with them, and for hours in the storm-
swept seas they clung to the trunk-one at either end. For a time it served
as a life preserver, but for some reason one was finally forced to let go his
grip, and he disappeared beneath the waves. The other struggled to retain
the trunk, but was finally forced to let it go. After the most harrowing exper-
ience, each one was rescued by a passing ship. Each was taken to a different
port. For several days each supposed the other had drowned. We can well
imagine the joy of father and son when they were finally reunited.
It was out of such human experiences as these that the great work took
form and was carried to completion. Although the incident just related was
perhaps more dramatic than many, nevertheless a day never passed during
the years in which the railroad was under construction without its incidents
involving human life, without its narrow escapes, its joys or its sorrows,
without its excitement, its thrills, and without some seemingly insuperable
difficulty overcome, some undertaking successfully accomplished, or without
some new problem to challenge the ingenuity and resourcefulness of the
The longest of all structures is the "Seven-Mile Bridge," commenced in
1909 and completed in 1912. This bridge consists of 335 80-foot and 60-foot
deck plate girder spans of steel, resting on concrete piers, a concrete viaduct
one-and-three-quarters mile in length, consisting of 210 53-foot arches, and
a drawbridge 253 feet in length. Altogether, the bridge contains 546 con-
erete foundation piers-far exceeding the number in any other bridge in
the world. Each of the piers in the main structure rests on bedrock as much,
in some places, as twenty-eight feet below the water line.
This was the most costly structure of all to build, and it presented many
formidable engineering problems.
During the construction of this bridge, two severe hurricanes-one in
September, 1909, the other in September, 1910-interrupted the work and


wrought great damage to the floating equipment and some damage to the
structure itself. During one storm five deck-plate girder spans, which had not
been securely bolted into place, were blown from the bridge into the sea.
(Curiously, a keg of nails perched on the edge of the bridge was not blown
off or even shaken from its position.)

The third great bridge is between Bahia Honda and Spanish Harbor Key.
Known as the Bahia Honda Bridge, this structure is 5,055 feet in length. It
consists of 13 through truss spans each 138 feet in length; 13 through truss
spans each 186 feet in length, and one span 247 feet in length, as well as
nine deck-plate girder spans, each 80 feet in length. Here the channel is 24
feet deep at low tide-the greatest depth encountered at any point along the
route. For this reason a different type of construction was adopted; namely,
through truss spans, which enabled the foundation piers to be spaced farther
apart than could be done with the deck plate girder type or the concrete arch
type of construction.

At Key West, a major project was the construction of the terminal site,
which involved reclaiming 240 acres of land from the sea by the dredging
process. This required the shifting of many millions of cubic yards of
material and the construction of thousands of feet of retaining walls. While
this project was getting under way, the commandant of the Naval Station
took steps to halt the work on the ground that the Navy might some time want
to use the bay area from which the mud was being taken for target practice,
in which case shallow water would be desirable. Mr. Parrott, then president
of the railroad, assured the Navy Department that if the mud were ever needed,
the railway company would return it to its original location. Interestingly
enough, the Navy now occupies the terminal area which the railroad made.
Another major project at Key West was the construction of a permanent
pier 1,700 feet in length, 134 feet in width, to accommodate large ocean-
going vessels.
A third project at Key West was the construction of ferry slips, by the
aid of which freight and passenger cars were for many years loaded on
ferries, transported across the 90 miles between Key West and Havana, and
placed on tracks in Cuba without breaking bulk.


The Key West-Havana ferry service was established January 8, 1915,
about three years after the railroad was opened to Key West, and continued
to be operated regularly until the disastrous hurricane of 1935, when all
operations on the Key West Extension ceased.


The construction of the Key West Extension was in several respects
unique in the annals of railway building. In fact, nearly everything about
the project was unlike anything ever before undertaken and called for great
ingenuity and many improvisations on the part of the engineers.

The project was unique in its geographical location-upon a chain of
coral reefs across wide expanses of open water, every mile of which was
exposed to the fury of the hurricane.
It was unique in the extent to which all materials and supplies used in
the construction had to be brought from points hundreds or thousands of
miles distant.
All fresh water for use of locomotives, steamboats, and other water
craft, stationary engines, as well as water for washing, bathing, cooking and
human consumption, was unobtainable on the Keys and had to be hauled
long distances over land and.water to the construction sites.

Never before or since has a railway construction project of such magni-
tude been so completely dependent upon watercraft. Never before had a
railway construction project of such magnitude been carried to completion
with as little animal-drawn or motor-driven equipment. In the early days
of construction, a few mules were employed on the grading work. Aside from
that, not a horse or a mule or a wagon or a motor car was employed in the
construction between the mainland of Florida and Key West.
The Key West Extension was unusual at least in the fact that it was
built almost exclusively by railway company forces, without the aid of con-

Materials of every sort known to construction work were necessary.
Thousands of tons of cement; miles of reinforcing iron; miles upon miles of
heavy deck-plate girders and fabricated steel; and shiploads upon shiploads
of cement, gravel, crushed rock, coal and other supplies had to be brought


to the project from long distances. At the height of construction there was
never a time when steamships or four-masted or five-masted schooners with
construction materials were not unloading cargo at some point in the con-
struction zone or on the high seas bound for the project. Because of lack
of docking facilities at some points, many of these ships anchored off-shore
and their cargoes were unloaded on lighters and towed to points where needed.
The magnitude of the undertaking may be better understood when it is
pointed out that each of the huge piers in the main channels of the Seven
Mile Bridge required a mixture of sand, gravel, cement and other materials
equal in bulk to the cargo of a five-masted schooner.
Numerous shiploads of German cement were required. All cement used
below the high tide line was of German manufacture, brought to the project
direct from Germany. Cement for that part of the structure above the water
line was of American manufacture, most of it brought in ships from a plant
in New York State. Sand and gravel were brought in ships from points as
far distant as Chesapeake Bay and crushed rock from points as far away as
the Hudson River.
Great quantities of lumber, piling, crossties, and bridge ties used in the
construction came from northern Florida and southern Georgia.
Steel for the bridges and rails for the tracks came from Pittsburgh and
other steel manufacturing centers. Large quantities of food for the workmen
were supplied by Chicago packing houses and other sources many hundreds
of miles distant.
Many miles of temporary wooden trestles were erected to carry the rail-
road across channels while the permanent structures were being built. Many
others were constructed to reach marl deposits and to provide docking
Altogether, 35 miles of temporary wooden trestles were built during the
construction period. Besides, large quantities of piling were used for foun-
dation piers, docks, anchor piles, and so on. At least 70,000 units of piling
were used in the construction.
Fender piling for the piers at Key West were of jucaro wood-a dense,
mahogany-like tree that grows in Cuba. Jucaro is more impervious to the
toredo and other destructive water insects than are most woods.
When the amphibious character of the project is considered, it is obvious
that a huge fleet of all kinds of watercraft had to be brought into service.


Indeed, far more watercraft than land vehicles were employed. These con-
sisted of eight ster-wheeled steamboats, most of them brought from the
Mississippi and Ohio rivers; three tug boats, two sea-going steamers, at least
sixty power launches, large and small, twelve dredges, eleven pile drivers,
eight concrete mixers for over-water work, two traveling concrete mixers for
work on land, ten traveling excavators, eight derrick barges, 150 huge lighters
or barges, about fifteen house boats and quarterboats, catamarans, a compres-
sor barge, a floating machine shop, a floating blacksmith shop, covered
supply barges, pump barges, and innumerable skiffs, rowboats, pontoons,
and miscellaneous water equipment.
On land, there were locomotives, supply cars, freight cars, locomotive
cranes, mechanical dump cars and earth spreaders. The care and maintenance
as well as the protection of this huge fleet was in itelf a job of vast proportions.

From the inception of the project, a major problem was that of obtaining
satisfactory engineers and construction men for supervisory purposes. These
men were drawn from all parts of the world, and they were selected with
great care. Many of them had been employed on other great construction
projects and were accustomed to handling men.
Equally difficult was the problem of obtaining ordinary and skilled and
unskilled labor. Advertisements were inserted in northern newspapers;
recruiting agencies were engaged in New York, Philadelphia and other cities,
and in a period of five or six years, at the height of construction, upwards of
40,000 different men were brought from New York and other distant cities
to the project. Yet at no time did the total construction force exceed 5,000
men. Some men worked for years without interruption; many others worked
only a few months; still others but a few days.
Early in the construction period a group of Italians was recruited in
New York and sent to Jacksonville by ship, thence to Miami by rail. From
this point they were to be sent by stern-wheeled steamboat to the Keys. But
the men thought they had already come to the end of the earth. They took a
look at the weather, which was a bit rugged, then they looked at the old stern-
wheeler, and then they proceeded to stage a mutiny. Refusing to go a foot
farther, they vociferously demanded that the company return them to New
York. Chief Engineer Meredith went among them and sought to reason


with them. But the angry men swarmed around him, and when it appeared
that they were on the verge of committing some act of violence, he gained
their attention and assured them that no man would be employed against his
will-that everyone of them would be returned to New York. That was done.
Although many Italians were later employed on the project, no more Italian
labor was recruited en masse in New York for the Key West Extension.
One of the largest groups of laborers, and some of the most dependable
workers, came from the three British islands of Grand Cayman, Little Cayman
and Cayman Brac in the Caribbean Sea. Each year, mostly in January,
hundreds of these men came in their own vessels-the type commonly used in
the fishing and turtle trades. These "Caymanders," as we called them, worked
steadily with rarely a day lost until about two weeks before Christmas each
year. Then they would quit, almost to a man, take to their boats and go home
to spend the holidays with their families. A mixture of British and West
Indian, many of these Caymanders had sandy complexions, red or blonde
hair, and not a few had Negroid features. Two-thirds of them bore one of
three surnames-Jackson, Sands or Eubanks. They were good workers and
excellent watermen.
Hundreds of Spaniards from Northwest Spain and the Minorcan Islands
in the Mediterranean Sea were employed as common laborers; others as boat
calkers, boat builders, carpenters, and the like. They spoke only Spanish.
Nearly all of these Spaniards, as well as the Caymanders, came from and
returned to their native lands without touching foot on the mainland of the
United States.
The most numerous groups of all was made up of the common "skid-
row" variety of American transients, recruited chiefly in New York and
shipped to the Keys with the understanding that they would reimburse the
railway company for their boat transportation to Jacksonville or Key West.
A great many of them were "down-and-outers," representing just about every
occupation and profession.
A record was kept of occupations and professions represented by these
men, so that persons of special skills could be located if and when needed.
The list included lawyers, doctors, pharmacists, sculptors, preachers, artists,
actor, salesmen, teachers and about every other profession and occupation
imaginable. All of the men started as laborers on the roughest kind of
work, such as shoveling coal, sand and gravel, unloading ships, pushing
wheelbarrows, building embankments, drilling and blasting rock, and so on.


On pay day, many of them would quit and go on a spree that often lasted
several days. When their money was gone they would sober up and return
to work. Others would quit, return to New York by boat, spend a few
weeks there, and return under a new contract.
Florida and Bahama Negroes were found to be excellent workers in
certain jobs, such as clearing and grading land and shoveling coal, gravel
and sand, but they, too, were likely to quit whenever they had a few dollars
coming to them.
In spite of the care taken to select only men fitted for the work, much
trouble was experienced with incompetents and with those who hired out
with no other idea than to get a trip to Florida at the railroad's expense. Out
of this attitude grew a peonage charge which resulted in a Federal indictment
of the engineers in charge. These charges received highly sensational treat-
ment in the press. When, after hard fighting, the railroad succeeded in
bringing the case to a trial, the result was a verdict of acquittal. At the same
time the court rebuked the prosecuting attorney for wasting its time with a
charge which had so flimsy a foundation.

One of the most vexing of all problems connected with the construction
of the Key West Extension was the presence of mosquitoes and sand flies.
Sand flies were most disagreeable at a certain season of the year. Mosquitoes,
however, seemed to be with us the year around. All camps, as well as offices,
mess halls and other buildings in which men lived or worked had to be
screened. Great quantities of pyretheum powder and numerous smudge pots
were burned. They helped temporarily, but they did not halt the breeding
process, and the blood-hungry mosquitoes made life a torment for the work-
men. Indeed, it is safe to say that mosquitoes drove more men to quitting
the job than any other cause. One year a hurricane swept across the Keys
and filled all fresh water pools with salt water during mosquito breeding
season. Greatly to our relief, we had no mosquitoes for several months
after the storm.
During the period of construction, three severe hurricanes swept over
the Keys-in 1906, 1909 and 1910. In the 1906 storm, as already mentioned,
the greatest damage was done and the greatest loss of life occurred at Long
Key. The hurricanes of 1909 and 1910 also inflicted great damage to plant
and equipment, as well as to exposed stretches of embankment.


The engineers and supervisory forces had profited from the storm of
1906, and, as a result, were able to save much of the equipment. Refuge
canals were dredged at sheltered points in readiness for the storms, and on
receipt of hurricane warnings the floating equipment was moved from the
construction sites to these canals and kept there until the danger had passed.

In the 1909 storm the tug boat "Sybil" capsized in Bahia Honda Channel,
resulting in the loss of 13 lives. The only surviving member of the crew
was later found unconscious on the embankment under an over-turned wheel-
barrow, several feet above the surface of the water. He was never able to
tell how he got there.

Although the 1910 hurricane was probably the worst of the three-
and was described by natives as the worst in history-the engineers and fore-
men, profiting from past experience, kept the damage to plant and equipment
at a minimum. Only one life was lost on the entire project.

Damage wrought by hurricanes and precautions which were taken to
protect against the blows had the effect of delaying completion of the work
for two or three years and added millions of dollars to the cost.

In each hurricane several steamboats, barges and other floating equip-
ment were sunk and much time and energy was given to restoring them to
serviceable condition. The steamboat "Columbia" was sunk at least two times
to my knowledge and restored in both instances, apparently as good as before.

After the severe storm of 1909 it became apparent to the engineers that
the coraline limestone rock then being used to protect the embankment was
not adequate to perform that function under severe conditions. In numer-
ous instances blocks of stone and other material then being used to protect the
embankment were washed out to sea, leaving huge gaps in the embankment.
It was discovered, on examination, that wherever marl had been placed on
the embankment, the road had withstood the storms without serious injury.
Even the marks of the clam-shell and orange-peel buckets were visible on the
marl after the storm had abated. The engineers then decided that marl was
the answer to their problem. Several marl deposits were located up and
down the Keys; trestles were built out over these deposits; dredges were
brought in, and Goodwin dump cars were employed to carry the marl to
exposed parts of the embankment. The marl thus dumped contained suffi-
cient moisture to run off gradually, forming a rather smooth beach-like


protective coating. Altogether, millions of yards of marl were deposited
over the exposed areas of the embankment. Thereafter, hurricane tides
washed over miles of exposed sections of track without doing serious damage.


As already indicated, one of the greatest problems of all was that of
obtaining fresh water. Not only did water have to be fresh, but it had to be
pure; otherwise it might lead to sickness and epidemics. Efforts to locate
fresh water at various points on the Keys were unsuccessful. A geologist
was engaged, deep wells were driven at several points, but without success.
Consequently water had to be hauled from the mainland and distributed to
all points where needed for the use of locomotives, stationary steam engines,
cooking and human consumption. Water requirements for a single month
ranged up to 4,500,000 gallons. This was equal to 700 carloads a month.

In the early stages of construction the water was towed from Miami to
the Keys by steamboats. Later it was taken from Manatee Creek, in the
Everglades; still later from deep wells near Homestead, and shipped to the
Keys in cypress tanks on flat cars-two tanks to a car-each car holding
about 7,000 gallons. At Marathon and other points water was transferred
from railway cars to tanks on barges, six tanks to a barge, and then towed
by steamboat to the numerous construction sites and camps below Marathon.


The greatest day in the history of the Florida Keys and in the life of
Henry M. Flagler was January 22, 1912. As planned weeks in advance, Chief
Engineer Krome and his men brought the construction of the line to a suffi-
cient state of completion to enable trains to operate through to Key West.
On that day, Henry M. Flagler rode into Key West on a special train, accom-
panied by scores of distinguished guests, and there, on his arrival, was given
the greatest ovation of his life.

Key West had declared a 3-day holiday to celebrate the occasion, and
it seemed as if the entire population was present to witness the arrival of the
first railway train most of them had ever seen and to welcome the man who
had made it possible. In a brief speech Mr. Flagler, then in his 83rd year,
said with a full heart, "Now I can die happy. My dream is fulfilled."


A few months later, Florida's great benefactor passed to his reward, and
in cities and towns up and down the East Coast, from Jacksonville to Key
West, flags drooped in mourning, and at many points schools and churches
paid tribute they had never before paid anyone, tolling their bells for the
man who had done more than any other for that part of the state.

The railroad to Key West continued in operation for a period of twenty-
three years until finally, on Labor Day, 1935, one of the most destructive
hurricanes that ever visited the Florida Keys inflicted severe damage to many
miles of embankment-not, however, to the great steel and concrete bridge
structures which form the vital part of the project.
At that time the nation was in the throes of a great depression. The
Florida East Coast Railway was in receivership. Economic conditions had
undergone a marked change since Flagler decided to build the road to Key
West. Improved highways, automobiles, motor buses and trucks had become
important factors in transportation. Seagoing car ferries, operating between
New Orleans and Havana, had seriously affected the flow of traffic over the
Florida East Coast Railway. Trade with Cuba was at low ebb. These, and
other factors had so greatly changed the picture that the decision was reached
to abandon the road south of Florida City rather than to spend the money
necessary to restore it to workable condition. Consequently that part of the
road was sold to the State and converted to the Overseas Highway.

While we may regret the passing of the railroad, we must remember that
this is still a great thoroughfare of travel and communication and is helping
to accomplish the development of Florida which Flagler envisioned and
which was so close to his heart.
If Flagler's aim was to create homes and employment opportunities for
the people, then his efforts were immensely successful. The Florida East
Coast Railway and its offspring, the Overseas Highway, stand as monuments
to the memory of that great man, as symbols of his indomitable courage
and his faith in the future of this good land.
The Overseas Highway is a part of our American heritage, a part of
America's exciting railroad history. Its story is in the main a railroad


story. The hundreds of thousands of motorists who travel over the highway
each year may be told how many millions it cost to build, but they will never
know its cost in terms of sweat and backaches, toil and blood, and of human
lives; they will never know how many men were swallowed by the sea or
otherwise perished in the 12-year struggle to lay the foundations and erect
the structures of steel and concrete upon which the highway rests-structures
which have stood unshaken against the onslaughts of wind and water and
hurricane-year after year--decade after decade-and which stand today-
nearly half a century after completion-as solid and as firm as on the day
they were built.

This Page Blank in Original
Source Document

John Loomis Blodgett (1809-1855)
John Loomis Blodgett was one of the first to collect plants on the
Florida Keys, as well as on the mainland of South Florida. He sent his
dried specimens to John Torrey"* for identification. Blodgett's work in
South Florida covered the years from 1838 to 1853 and his plant collection
represented botanists' main knowledge of South Florida prior to 1890.

Not much is actually known about his life"" (14, 18). During his
lifetime, and for almost 40 years after his death, no one had undertaken to
write his biography. He apparently never married and he did not write of
his work nor about plants.
Nothing is known of his family or ancestors, but it is known that he was
born in South Amherst, Massachusetts, in 1809. From 1827 to 1831 he
studied medicine at the Berkshire Medical Institution in Pittsfield, Massa-
chusetts, a school which was founded in 1821 and had its last commencement
in 1867. He graduated from this school in 1831, writing a thesis on "The
Use of Friction to the Skin". In 1834 he moved to Ohio and later to Mobile,
presumably seeking a warmer climate for his health. Later he went to
Mississippi and here he was hired as a physician and surgeon for the Miss-
* The writer is very much indebted to Joseph Ewan, Associate Professor of Botany,
Tulane University, New Orleans, for giving considerable aid in searching for
documents which might give some new information on Blodgett's life and work.
** John Torrey (1796-1873) was the first important botanist of the United States and
the leading botanist in his day. He was born in New York City, graduated as
an M. D. in 1818 from the College of Physicians and Surgeons of Columbia Uni-
versity in New York, taught chemistry at West Point for three years, and became
Professor of Botany and Chemistry at his Alma Mater. He also lectured at
Princeton University. He was the founder of the Lyceum of Natural History
(now the New York Academy of Sciences), was the first president of the Torrey
Botanical Club, and helped found and build the herbarium of the Smithsonian
Institution (now U. S. National Herbarium). During his active life, many survey
expeditions were sent throughout the United States (Rocky Mountains, California,
Mexico boundary, Pacific Northwest, 40th Parallel, Florida, etc.), and the botan-
ists on these expeditions sent plants to Torrey for identification. Many of these
plants were new to Science and, as a result, Torrey named hundreds of new
species. In 1872 he visited North Florida (St. Augustine to Tallahassee) in
search of rare plants.
*** The most complete biography was written by Sargent (18). Other references
(13, 15, 20, 21, 27) to Blodgett's life are based on Sargent's work


issippi State Colonization Society. This Society (12), formed in 1827, was
the fourth branch of the American Colonization Society which was organized
in 1817 and continued to exist until 1912; its main function was to transport
liberated slaves from the United States to Liberia in Africa.

In April of 1837, BIodgett, Rev. J. F. C. Finley, and Captain Richards
set sail on the schooner "Oriental" from New Orleans with a company of
liberated slaves (26). They landed in Liberia a few months later and pro-
ceeded to set up a colony, naming it "Greenville" for James Green, one of
the first advocates of emancipation. Blodgett's stay in Liberia was less than
two years; he left in December of 1838. During his stay in Africa, he prob-
ably became acquainted with Miss Mary Skinner, daughter of Dr. Ezekial
Skinner, the Colonial physician of Liberia. Miss Skinner "accompanied her
father to assist him in his benevolent labors, and especially to take and pre-
serve drawings of the plants and other interesting objects in the natural
history of Africa" (26). It is possible that she might have interested
Blodgett in natural history.

When Blodgett returned to the United States late in 1838, he settled
in Key West. This was a thriving town only 16 years old and populated by
about 600 people from New England and the Southern States, as well as
from the Bahamas and Cuba. "Wrecking" was their main business (2). The
year 1838 also marks another important date; this was the year that Henry
Perrine established his tropical plant introduction garden on Indian Key.
Blodgett was a physician, surgeon, and druggist. It is not known what
drew him to Key West. He may have been interested in living in the most
tropical section of the United States for his health or because of his introduc-
tion to tropical flora in Africa. He most probably was active in servicing
the Navy and Army stationed in Key West, both of which were in great need
of medical men (8). Several outbreaks of yellow fever and small pox had
previously occurred. There is no record, however, that Blodgett ever joined
the Army or Navy. In the spring of 1853 Blodgett returned to Amherst,
Massachusetts, and died in that city in July of the same year, when only 44
years old (1).
In the 15 years that he lived in Key West, Blodgett explored the Keys
and the mainland, collecting plants and, as stated, sending them to Torrey
for identification. He had a clear field in this respect, a virgin territory, for
with only one exception no collecting had been done in this part of the
United States. There were some botanists and plant collectors (Doctor Bur-


rows, Doctor Henderson, Doctor G. W. Hulse, Lt. B. R. Alden, Lt. I. H. Allen,
and Doctor M. C. Leavenworth) who were stationed at Ft. Brooke (Tampa)
during the Seminole Wars, but they collected only in that area or in northern
Florida (15, 17, 25). Others (Dr. S. B. Buckley, Dr. J. Baltzell, D. Drum-
mond, H. B. Croom, Dr. Alexander, Dr. A. W. Chapman, Wi. Baldwin,
E. F. Leitner, and Count de Castlenau) also collected only in northern Flor-
ida (15, 17, 25). One, E. F. Leitner, actually set out on a trip into the
southern part of the State in 1832, but unfortunately before he had gone far
he was scalped by the Indians. Another, Thomas Drummond, in 1835,
planned to travel from Apalachicola to Key West but he "could not conven-
iently penetrate into South Florida" (17). The so-called "Carolina" botan-
ists (Andre and Francois Michaux, Mark Catesby, Frederick Pursh, John and
William Bartram, John Ellis, Thomas Walter, Stephen Elliott, Nathaniel
Ware) also failed to reach South Florida (10, 11).

The one person who collected plants in Key West prior to Blodgett was
Rev. Alva Bennett of Troy, New York, who was in Key West from October
1834 to April 1835 (2, 25). He served as rector at St. Paul's Episcopal
Church. He was in ill health and remained in Key West for only six months.
His collection of plants of that Island, which was also sent to Torrey, was,
at most, a meager one.
The plants Blodgett collected are still in existence and may be found
in the New York Botanical Garden, The National Herbarium in Washington,
D. C., The Gray Herbarium of Harvard University, and Kew Herbarium in
Apparently Blodgett was so enthusiastic over the tropical vegetation that
he started to collect plants shortly after his arrival in Key West. In Torrey
and Gray's "Flora of North America", Volume I, 1838 to 1840 (25), Blodgett
is given credit thus: "We received a nearly complete and excellent set of
plants of that Island (Key West) from Mr. J. L. Blodgett, which, however,
reached us too late a period to receive notice in this volume". Some of these
plants, however, were published in Volume II of the Flora, 1841-1843. In
this second volume, then, the plants of South Florida were first made known
to the world. Only a little over two dozen species were recorded and most
of these were in the two families, Rubiaceae and Compositae.
In 1842 Thomas Nuttall included a number of trees and shrubs of South
Florida in "The North American Sylva" (16), stating: "While the work
was in progress, Prof. Torrey informed me of the arrival of a large collection


of dried plants from Key West, in East Florida, made by Doctor Blodgett of
the U. S. Army [sic]. All of the trees in this herbarium-at least forty
species-were in the most generous manner given up to me for publication
by the professor. Most of them form distinguishing features in the tropical
landscape of the West Indian Islands . are now for the first time added
to the flora of the United States . ."
In 1843 it is known that Dr. Alvin W. Chapman, of Marianna in North
Florida, visited Key West and met Blodgett and collected plants with him.
The two made several boat trips, one of which was up to Charlotte Harbour
on the West Coast of Florida. Later Chapman set up a correspondence with
Blodgett. Apparently Chapman relied on Blodgett for his knowledge of
South Florida plants. For in a letter to a Doctor Holden, U. S. A., Ft. Jeffer-
son, Florida, dated January 23, 1866, Apalachicola, Chapman states: "My
chief knowledge of Keys production was obtained from Dr. Blodgett who
resided on Key West some twenty years ago and died in Amherst, Mass., in
the summer of 1853".* In Chapman's "Flora of the Southern United States"
(3), published in 1860, nearly 250 species of plants are listed from Key West
and South Florida, most of them collected for the first time by Blodgett.
Species not published by Torrey and Gray, Nuttall, and Chapman were
eventually recorded by Charles S. Sargent in his "Silva of North America"
(1890-1896) (18), and by John K. Small in his "Flora of the Southeastern
United States" (1903, second edition 1913) (19), and in his "Ferns of the
Southeastern States" (1938) (24). Both Sargent and Small had access to
Blodgett's herbarium specimens.
During Blodgett's remaining years in Key West, he became interested in
collecting marine algae. He was undoubtedly influenced by a visit in 1849
to Key West by W. H. Harvey of Dublin, Ireland, an authority on algae.
Blodgett sent specimens to Harvey and these are included in Harvey's "Neveis
We owe much to Doctor Blodgett for opening the eyes of the northern
botanists to the wealth of West Indian material in South Florida. Many of
the trees, shrubs, vines, ferns, cacti, orchids, etc., that grow wild here were
made known to the world through his work, and Blodgett is given credit for
collecting many of them for the first time in the United States. It was not
until the 1880's-nearly thirty years after Blodgett's death-that any further
extensive collecting was done in South Florida.
* This quotation is from a letter belonging to Mr. Joseph Ewan.


Some of the plants that he collected are considered as being rather rare
today-Strumpfia maritima, Catesbeana parviflora, Cupania glabra, Hippo-
mane mancinella, Guaiacum sanctum, to name only five. One species, Torru-
bia floridana, has never been collected since. Apparently it was found on
only one island just off Key West, and this island was reportedly destroyed a
number of years ago by a hurricane. Unfortunately, Blodgett gave very little
information on the places he collected his plants, or dates, etc., and, as a
result, several plants sent in by him have been declared by later botanists to
belong to our native vegetation when in reality they were cultivated by earlier
settlers. The plants are Clusia rosea, the pitch apple; Duranta repens, the
golden dew-drop; Terminalia cattapa, the tropical almond; Tecoma stans, the
yellow elder, and Xylophylla augustifolia, the sword bush.
Blodgett's name will always be well known to the botanists of South
Florida, for several plants, some of them quite common, have been named for
him. These include the following: Aphora (now Ditaxis) Blodgetti (Eu-
phorbiaceae or Spruge family), Cyperus Blodgetti (Cyperaceae or Sedge
family)-named by John Torrey; Metastelma Blodgetti (Asclepiadaceae or
Milkweed family) -named by Asa Gray; Solanum Blodgetti (Solanaceae
or Nightshade family), Paspsalum Blodgetti (Gramineae or grass family),
Salvia Blodgettii (Labiatae or Mint family)--named by A. W. Chapman;
Guettardia Blodgettii (now G. elliptica) (Rubiaceae or Madder family)-
named by R. J. Shuttleworth; Vernonia Blodgettii (Compositae or Sunflower
family), Chamesyce Blodgettii (Euphorbiaceae or Spurge family)-named
by J. K. Small; Rhus Blodgettii (Anacardiaceae or Poison Ivy family)-
named by Kearney.
Harvey in 1858 named for Blodgett a genus of algae-Blodgettia-of
which the species, B. conferoides, is an interesting marine green alga known
only in association with a filamentous fungus which is epiphytic in its cell
walls. It probably represents more nearly a marine lichen, for the alga
and fungus are always associated together.

The following, so far as can be determined, is the only one of Blodgett's
letters in existence. The original is in the library of the New York Botanical
Garden and I am indebted to Dr. Harold Rickett, Bibliographer of the
Garden, for sending a copy of it to me. Doctor Rickett states that in the
upper left corner of the first page of the letter there is a note, presumably


written by Torrey, stating "Ans. Nov. 1845". The letter is addressed to
"John Torrey, M. D., No. 67 Crosby St., Medical College, New York".

Key West 15 Oct 1845
My Dear Sir
I received your letter dated Princeton May 24th but not mailed until
Aug. 5th. yesterday-having been absent on a Botanical Tour to the
Maine-otherwise I might have obtained it 5 or 6 weeks earlier. My
change of business does not seem to change my taste as you express a
fear. On the contrary judging from the time that I have spent to the
total neglect of buisiness--the expense incured, the hardship endured,
& the health exposed, I think my taste for botany is above fever heat.
It is very easy for one to think of making a complete Botanical explora-
tion of Florida but it [is] not easy to put in practice. To do this you
must make up your mind to wade swim & crawl, exposed to a heat of
from 120 to 140 degrees excepting a few days in the winter, your hand
well gloved & your face covered with gauze to prevent being devoured
by Mosketoes.2 For if it is not generally known it is certainly a well
established fact in Natural History that these insects have undisputed
sway of a large portion of South Florida especially in the neighbourhood
of Cape Sable & they are not to be endured for a moment even without
some kind of protection-Add to this the drenching rains, want of
shelter at seasons most favourable to making collections, loss of your
labour as is sometimes unavoidable on account of the weather being
unfavourable to the cureing of them and you have then some idea of the
difficulties to be encountered. I do not know how soon I shall be able
to [do] all that you desire but I intend occasionally to make an excur-
sion as heretofore. On the trip which I have just completed I started
with a determination to penetrate to the lake Okechobe but after spending
6 weeks about the coast rivers borders of the everglades & the praire
which terminates the peninsula I found myself completely exhausted
being finally siezed with Haemoptysis & was obliged to abandon the idea
of penetrating the interior at this time. You may think that my descrip-
tion of South Florida is extravegant. But with the exception of Key
1 Apparently by 1845 Blodgett was quite engrossed in collecting plants. His main
profession in Key West was, of course, doctoring, but he seems to have preferred
sailing up and down the Keys, exploring, searching, and collecting plants in
pinelands, hammocks, and swamps. It is not known if this was his first trip to
the mainland or not.
a Blodgett chose the worst month to make this trip-September-for then, as well as
now, mosquitoes, rain, humidity, and the threat of hurricanes are at their highest.


West the whole country to the southard of Tampa Bay containing 15000
square miles will not for a century hence contain 10,000 inhabitants.s
But now to the subject of your letter I have collected the ripe fruit of
the Batis Maritima which shall be sent to you by the first vessel which
will be in a few days. I will also furnish such information as regards
its habit that may be of service to. I have examined it often. It has
perplexed me more than any other plant-I doubt if it has any very
close affinity for anything else but of this you are more competent to
judge.4 Of my collections I suppose I may have some 3 or 400 species
that I may not have transmitted to you. But many of these are in a bad
condition especially those gathered in my last trip which from ill health
I was unable to secure properly. But I think that most if not all of
them can be made out. You shall if my life is continued get sight of
them sometime next June when I hope my collection will be much
augmented. I shall only give you now some notice of species which
have struck me with the most interest. Of Palmae, Cocos nucifera is
certainly a native of Florida. I have found it in many places always
near the beach or upon low mangrove shores of Islands.- Another
species of Cocos is probably a native as I have often observed its fruit
which is much smaller size floating about the shores but have not
observed it growing.e The Royal Palm of the West Indies I have found

a We really cannot blame Blodgett for his shortsightedness in failing to see how South
Florida would develop. By 1945 the population of South Florida (17 counties
south of Tampa) was nearly 650,000! In 1845 the population was approximately
4 Batis maritima. Torrey wrote Blodgett and asked him to send some fruits of this
interesting plant. Torrey published a paper about it in 1853, entitled "On the
Structure and Affinities of the Genus Batis of Linnaeus" (Proceedings of the
Smithsonian Institution, Volume 6, Article 3). He wrote: "Several years ago the
Batis was detected at Tampa Bay, East Florida, by Dr. Leavenworth, and shortly
afterwards at Key West, by Mr. Blodgett. From this latter gentleman, I have
received the ripe and perfect fruit, preserved in spirits" (17).
Batis maritime is the saltwort or beachwort, a shrub-like plant with almost
prostrate stems; the leaves are fleshy, thick and watery, one inch long, half
terete, pale green; the flowers, which apparently were quite a puzzle to the early
botanists, are in cones and are not showy.' This plant is a native of the beaches
of Florida and west to Texas, and is also found throughout the West Indies,
Central and South America. It grows along the sandy and rocky shores and
near mangrove areas and salt marshes.
a By the 1840's the coconut was evidently well established on the Florida coasts. But
as to its being a native to Florida, Torrey' wrote in the letter over the words
Cocos nucifera, "certainly not; not orange either".
a The palm seeds that Blodgett collected along the seashore were Manicaria saccarifera,
the Timite palm, a native of Trinidad. The globular seeds are carried by the
Caribbean or Antilles currents into the Gulf Stream and are sometimes washed
up on our beaches.


growing in all its majesty both upon the eastern & western coasts.7
Another species of palm having sumthing the appearance of the date
Palm but with fronds much longer & armed with the most horrid
spines. I have not had leisure to ascertain what it is. But am told
that it is common in Mexico.8 I think that I have now 7 species of
Eugenia.- One which I discovered on my last trip the proudest of all
being a lofty tree of the hammocks with a straight trunk & furnishing
a beautiful timber.,- I cannot at this time give you an account of all.
I am in hopes of being able to enable you to add a new genus to our
conifera." I have some strange epidendrous plantslz & my collections
of Graminea and Cyperoideae to me as I have not paid much attention
to those orders are overwhelming. I found them in great variety on
prairies & the borders of the everglades. I have quite a variety of aquatic
plants. A Nymphea with yellow nearly inoderous flowers not so large

7 This statement concerning the Royal Palm, Roystonea elata (formerly called R. regia),
is quite interesting, especially since Blodgett states that he had seen it growing
on both the east and west coasts. Three reviews on the history of the palm in
Florida (4, 18, 22) state that William Bartram in 1774 was the first to report
the Royal Palm growing in Florida; he found it below Lake George near De Land
in Central Florida. The next reference to the palm is by Nuttall in 1842 (16),
when he states in the preface to his "Sylva", "In the Islands of the Everglades,
considerable inland in East Florida, we have been informed that a palm about 90
feet high, forming a magnificent tree, has been seen; but of this plant we have
been unable to obtain, as yet, any further account". Blodgett, undoubtedly, wrote
to Torrey before 1842 and informed him of this palm. Here, then, in this 1845
letter, we have confirmation of the Royal Palm being native to South Florida, and
it is also one of the earliest references to the palm in Florida, preceded only by
Bartram's reference. In 1860 Cooper (5), who explored and collected plants
from March 6 to June 10, 1859, from Key West to Jacksonville, reported that he
had found the palm mentioned by Nuttall, on Cape Sable, Cape Romano, and north
of Ft. Dallas (near Little River). Chapman (3) included this report in his
second edition in the supplement (1884).
B This palm must be Phoenix sylvestris which was planted very early on the Keys,
possibly introduced by Henry Perrine from Mexico.
a Eugenias are conspicuous plants in the hammocks and on some of the Florida Keys,
especially Big Pine Key, and Blodgett could have very easily collected seven species;
at least ten species are known today (23).
to This could be Eugenia confusa.
" Blodgett might have been referring to the Gymnosperm, Zamia floridana, a common
plant in the pinelands of South Florida. It is called "Coontie" and was a source
of starch for the early Indians, Seminoles, and early white settlers (9).
a Blodgett apparently collected very few of our native epiphytic orchids. This is under-
standable for most of them occur in dense hammocks and cypress swamps. Only
three species are found commonly on the Keys-Epidendrum tampense, E. coch.
leatum, and E. boothianum (6).


as those of the Odorata.'3 A submersed Parnassia," Utricularias,
Pinguiculas & some to which I am able to give no cognomen. To the
Euphorbiace I have made some additions-Turnerace 3 or 4 species.
Rubiacen I have found but few. Convulvulacea several. One with
tuberous roots in shape size & taste almost precisely like the sweet
potatoes but the most splendid flowering vine I ever beheld-The
flowers almost precisely the colour of those of the Lobelia Cardinalis
a little deeper if anything. I found it growing in the rocky barrens
near the southern extreme of the penensula. I brought home some of
the tubers & am trying to domesticate them.1 Of the Order Calycereae
I think I have 2 or 3 sp.'1 Do you remember a succulent leafless jointed
vine"1 attached to a stick which I left with you on my visit to Princeton."s

is This no doubt is Castalia flava (synonym, Nymphaea flava), the "banana waterlily",
(7, 23). John J. Audubon had shown in his painting of the Whistling Swan
(Plate No. 411 of "Birds of America") three yellow flowers of this water lily.
E. F. Leitner named the plant Nymphaea flava on the strength of Aububon's
painting without ever having seen the plant in its native state (7). Audubon and
Leitner were severely criticized, since the scientists of their day refused to believe
that there was a species of yellow water lily native to the southern states. Blodgett's
statement in this 1845 letter that he had found a yellow water lily should have
furnished definite proof that such a plant existed. It was not until 1884, however,
that Chapman published the species for Florida (3), basing it not on the reference
in Blodgett's letter but on collections by A. W. Curtiss in 1874 from the St. John's
River, 30 miles south of Jacksonville, and by A. P. Garher in 1877 from what
is now the Miami area. It was also collected by F. Rugel at Alachua in 1848, and
by Mrs. Mary Treat in 1876 near Cove Springs, Florida. Apparently in the last
century the yellow water lily had a greater distribution, for Audubon and Blodgett
must have seen it in the Cape Sable area, Garber had seen it in the Miami area,
and Curtiss and Treat found it south of Jacksonville. Curtiss (7) stated that
it was disappearing from the St. John's River for it could not compete with the
recently introduced water hyacinth. Today Castalia flava is a rare and restricted
plant; in South Florida it is confined to the area around Lake Okeechobee.
The odorataa" is Castalia odorata with pinkish or white flowers and is found
throughout the eastern United States.
1i There are no Parnassia species or any number of the Saxifragaceae native to South
1a This Convolvulaceous morning glory is Exogonium microdactylum, the "wild potato",
that grows in the rocky soils of the pinelands of South Florida below Miami, but is
not known on the Keys (23). It is indeed an attractive vine and the flowers are
a beautiful crimson color. The roots that grow in the rocks resemble sweet potatoes.
It is worth growing in the garden as an ornamental vine for its attractive flowers.
It is interesting to know that Blodgett was so taken by this plant that he took
the tubers back to Key West to grow the plant as an ornamental. It is one of
our neglected native plants that does well under cultivation.
is The only member of the Calycereae (Brunoniaceae) native to South Florida is
Scaevola plumieri which grows in sandy soil along the coast (23).
IT The climbing milkweed with small leaves that fall early and leave long green naked
stems, is Metastelma scoparia (23).
xs Torrey, in a letter to Asa Gray, mentions a visit from Blodgett in 1843: "He brought
with him about 150 plants not in his former collections. He has visited a number
of the Keys since we last heard from him" (17).


It belongs to the Asclepiadeae. I have since obtained the fruit. But
I cannot find it descrd in Decandolles Prodromus,'* perhaps you can
enlighten me. I hope you will retain for me a labelled specimen of all
the plants that I have transmitted to you. In my next I will give you
something of the Geological features of South Florida & its antiquity.20

Yours Truly
J L Blodgelt

i9 It is interesting to know that Blodgett had a copy of A. P. DeCandolle's Prodromus
Systematis Naturalis, a work that was started in 1824 and was to include descrip-
tions of all the plants of the world.
so If there were any additional letters from Blodgett, they have not been discovered.


(1) Boston Medical and Surgical Journal, 1853. XLIX 27. Contains a line to the effect
that Blodgett died in Amherst, Mass.
(2) Browne, Jefferson B. 1912. Key Vest, the old and the new. The Record Co., St.
Augustine, Fla. 227 pp.
(3) Chapman, Alvin W. A Flora of the Southern United States, containing an abridged
description of the flowering plants and ferns of Tennessee, North and South
Carolina, Georgia, Alabama, Mississippi, and Florida. First edition, 1860, 621
pp. Ivison, Phinney & Co., N. Y. Second edition, 1884, 698 pp. Ivison, Blackman,
& Taylor, N. Y. Third edition, 1897, 655 pp. Cambridge Botanical Supply
Company, Cambridge, Mass.
(4) Cook, O. F. 1936. "Royal Palm in Upper Florida". Science LXXXIV: 60-61.
(5) Cooper, J. G. 1860. "On the Forest Trees of Florida and the Mexican Boundary".
Smithsonian Institution Annual Report No. 15, Washington, D. C.
(6) Correll, D. S. 1950. Native Orchids of North America, North of Mexico. Chronic
Botanica Co., Waltham, Mass. 399 pp.
(7) Curtiss, A. W. 1902. "The Yellow Water Lily in Florida". Plant World V:
(8) Diddle, Albert W. 1946. "The Medical Events in the History of Key West".
Tequesta, VI: 14-137.
(9) Gifford, John C. 1944. "Five Plants Essential to the Indians and Early Settlers in
Florida". Tequesta I: 36-44.
(10) Hume H. Harold. 1937. "Advancing Knowledge of Florida's Vast Plant Life".
Proceed. Fla. Acad. Sci. II: 5-12.
(11) Hume H. Harold. 1943. "Botanical Explorers of the Southeastern United States".
Fla. Hist. Quart. XXI: 289-302.
(12) Johnston, Sir Harry. 1906. Liberia. Chapt. 9, The Founding of Liberia, page 157.
(13) Kelly, H. A. and W. L. Burrage. 1928. Dictionary of American Medical Biography,
page 114.


(14) Meisel, Max. 1929. A Bibliography of American Natural History. "The Pioneer
Century, 1769-1865". Brooklyn Premier Pub. Co., Vol. I, page 166; Vol. III,
page 725.
(15) Murrill, W. A. 1945. Historic Foundations of Botany in Florida (and America),
page 12. Gainesville, Fla. Pub. by The Author.
(16) Nuttall, Thomas. 1842. The North American Sylva, or a Description of the Forest
Trees of the United States, Canada, and Nova Scotia. 121 plates, 3 vols. Second
edition appeared in 1857 as Vol. 4 of F. Andrew Michaux, The North American
Sylva (originally published in 1819), D. Rice & A. N. Hart. Phila.
(17) Rodgers, Andrew B., III. 1942. John Torrey, A Story of North American Botany.
352 pp. Princeton Press. Chapt. X, Florida and the United States Exploring
(18) Sargent, Charles S. 1891-1902. The Silva of North America. A description of the
trees which grow naturally in North America exclusive of Mexico. 14 vols.
740 plates. Houghton, Mifflin, Co. Reprinted in 1947. Vol. 1, page 33, has a
biography of Blodgett.
(19) Small, J. K. 1903. Flora of the Southeastern United States, being descriptions of
the seed plants, ferns and fern allies growing naturally in North Carolina, South
Carolina, Georgia, Florida, Tennessee, Alabama, Mississippi, Arkansas, Louisiana,
and the Indian Territory and in Oklahoma and Texas, east of the one-hundredth
meridian. 1370 pp. N. Y., pub. by The Author. Second edition 1913, 1394 pp.
(20) Small, J. K. 1913. "Report on Exploration in Tropical Florida." Journ. of the
N. Y. Bot Card. XIV: 83.
(21) Small, J. K. 1921. "Old Trails and New Discoveries." Journ. N. Y. Bot. Card.
XXII. 51.
(22) Small, J. K. 1928. "The Royal Palm-Roystonea regia." Journ. N. Y. Bot. Gard.
XXIX: 1-9.
(23) Small, J. K. 1933. Manual of the Southeastern Flora, being descriptions of the
seed plants growing naturally in Florida, Alabama, Mississippi, east Louisiana,
Tennessee, North Carolina, South Carolina, and Georgia. 1554 pp. Pub. by
The Author. N. Y.
(24) Small, J. K. 1938. Ferns of the Southeastern States. Descriptions of the fern
plants growing naturally in the states south of the Virginia-Kentucky state line
and East of the Mississippi River. Science Press, Lancaster, Pa. 517 pp.
(25) Torrey, John, and Asa Gray. A Flora of North America, containing abridged
descriptions of all the known indigenous and naturalized plants growing north of
Mexico. Wiley Putnam Co., N. Y. Vol. I, 1838-1840, 552 pp. Vol. II, 1841-1843,
504 pp.
(26) 21st Annual Report of the American Colonization Society. Washington. Pages 6
and 15. 1838. Also reprinted in the African Repository and Colonial Journal
XIV: 11. Jan. 1838.
(27) Urban, I. 1902. Symbolae Antillanae. Vol. 3, 23-24.

This Page Blank in Original
Source Document

Chakaika and the "Spanish Indians':

The oral traditions of the local Indians are a neglected major source of
data on the history of Florida. This paper provides an example of one of
the types of historical information which are recoverable, with sufficient
patience and care, from the present day Florida Seminole.
Non-utilization of the historical traditions of the pre-white occupants
is not a situation unique with the students of Florida's past. It is typical of
most areas of the world where Europeans have crowded out non-literate
aboriginal peoples, and has been defended with the argument that history
transmitted purely orally becomes distorted within a very short time to the
point of being valueless as history (Lowie, 1917). Other students have
assumed that such traditions may be relied on completely, where documentary
evidence is inadequate or lacking. Neither of these opinions is justified.
The reliability of oral tradition varies from culture to culture, depending
upon the importance the people place in accurate historical knowledge, and
upon other factors in their cultural attitudes and behavior. The factors
involved are as yet incompletely known. The reliability of the oral traditions
of a group must therefore be assessed by comparing the traditions of specific
historical events with documentary data on these same events, in order to
decide how much reliance may be placed on traditions of events for which
no documentary data exist. Some American Indian tribes, such as the
Aztec and others in the Valley of Mexico, preserved remarkably accurate
accounts of their own history (Radin, 1920, pp. 3-6). Others, for example
the Hopi in Arizona, have very little interest in the historical past, and the
few traditions they preserve have proved practically worthless as historical
* The author is indebted to John M. Goggin for suggesting this as a topic for field
investigation among the Seminole, and to Julien C. Yonge for courtesies extended
during work in the P. K. Yonge Library of Florida History. The field-work in
Florida was supported by grants from the Department of Anthropology and the
Peabody Museum of Yale University, as part of their Caribbean Anthropological
Program aided by funds from the Wenner-Gren Foundation for Anthropological
Research. John M. Goggin and Irving Rouse kindly read and criticised the first
draft of this paper.


sources (Whorf, 1941, p. 88). This paper will show that the Florida
Seminole fall somewhere between these two extremes in the reliability of
their traditional history.
Several approaches to the question of historical traditions have proven
useful in talking with Seminole informants. Older individuals are acutely
aware of the tremendous changes that have taken place in South Florida
during their own lifetimes, and can give much interesting data in terms of
personal reminiscences. The more distant past is involved in traditions of
the origins and early history of the Seminole tribe and of some of the Seminole
sibs and sib sections matrilineall descent-groups). War anecdotes are easily
obtained by questioning on two topics: personal names and place names.
Seminole children are named soon after birth by an elderly man or woman
of the tribe. While veterans of the Seminole Wars were still alive, they nor-
mally gave as names words referring to their own war experiences. Thus
most older people now alive had childhood names1 of this sort, and are
able to recount the incidents from which their own and others' names derived.
Many places are named from some incident associated with the locality;
these are frequently happenings of Seminole War days, and are normally
known to those familiar with the places. Another approach, of a different
sort, is to inquire about incidents mentioned in the historic documents-this
is sometimes successful, but often is not; it is most likely to elicit useful
data where the names of the participating Indians or the Seminole names of
locations (e.g., Indian towns) are on record, as well as some further identi-
fying material meaningful from the Indian point of view. In investigating
the traditions of specific happenings, such as those considered in this paper,
a combination of several or all of the above methods, with various informants,
is rewarding.
However, no approach will succeed unless the investigator has managed
to break down some of the Seminole reticence towards imparting any details
of their culture to outsiders. They are in general highly distrustful of all
inquisitive foreigners; a feeling with which it is easy to sympathize when one
reflects on their experiences with whites over the last two hundred years.
Further, some knowledge of the language is almost essential in order to
utilize personal and place names as keys to historical traditions. As would
be expected, there are great differences between Seminole individuals in
the extent of their historical knowledge and interest, as well as in their will-
ingness to impart such information to the outsider. Many of the best
I See "Note on Orthography and Personal Names."


informants speak so little English that the use of an interpreter is necessary,
yet competent and willing interpreters are practically non-existent.

Among the most interesting and most obscure aspects of Seminole history
is the relations of the Seminole bands entering Florida from the north, with
the various Indian groups which preceded them in the peninsula. One such
group was known to the whites in the early 19th century as the "Spanish
Indians," and the Indian name of a single one of these has survived in the
documents-Chakaika.2 He appears as the leader in the attack on Col.
Harney's detachment on the Caloosahatchie River, July 23, 1839, and in the
raid on Indian Key, August 7, 1840, and was killed by Harney at his home
hammock in the Everglades on Dec. 10, 1840. These three events, coupled
with Chakaika's name, and the possibility that the "Spanish Indians" were
Calusa remnants,3 were chosen for more intensive investigation among the
modern Seminole, as one aspect of the author's anthropological field-work
among the Florida Seminole from May, 1952, to February, 1953.
The Seminole now in Florida belong to two bands, a northern, Creek-
speaking group, and a larger, Mikasuki-speaking southern group. The latter
were the only ones among whom this study was pursued. Unfortunately,
the press of other topics permitted only a preliminary survey of Seminole
historical traditions; even on the events dealt with here by no means all
available Seminole sources were tapped. However, information was obtained
from two of the men best informed on Seminole history, and parts of the data
were checked with several other individuals.
The information from historical documents will be presented first, fol-
lowed by the Seminole oral traditions.

When Europeans first explored and settled Florida, they found the
southwest part of the peninsula occupied by a tribe known as Calusa, with
the smaller associated tribe of Tekesta on the southeast coast (Swanton, 1946,
Map 1; Goggin, 1950b). By the time Seminole bands began reaching the
area, in the late eighteenth and early nineteenth century, the Calusa had
largely dropped from sight. At this time the documents refer to a group
of "Spanish Indians" in the region. There has been some discussion as to
a See "Note on Orthography and Personal Names."
3 On the Spanish Indians as Calusa, see Swanton, 1922, p. 344; Goggin, 1950b, pp. 21-22;
Boyd, 1951, p. 21; McNicoll, 1941, p. 17; Douglas, 1947, p. 207.


the fate of the Calusa, and the identity of the Spanish Indians, which is in
general rather inconclusive, due to the paucity of data. A brief survey of
most of the primary sources gives a few scraps of information, upon which
the discussion has rested.
In 1763, the "Coloosa" on Key Vaca and Key West, "consisting of about
eighty families, left this last protection of their native land, and went to the
Havannah," on the withdrawal of the Spanish from Florida (Romans, 1775,
p. 291). Swanton (1922, p. 343; 1946, p. 142) and Goggin (1950b, p. 20)
think it likely that these were Tekesta, not Calusa, since there is evidence of
the Calusa in Florida subsequently.
In 1769, Romans4 used a "Spanish Indian" guide at the mouth of the
St. Lucie River. However, writing in 1775, he stated that Cape Sable and
the coast between that cape and Cape Romano were "the last retreats, and
skulking places, of the Coloosa savages, when their more potent neighbors, the
Creeks, drove them off the continent." (Romans, 1775, p. 289).
In 1774, William Bartram learned from an old "Creek" (i.e., Seminole?)
Indian in north Florida that there was a "little Town . near the Bay
of Carlos [Charlotte Harbor], called Calusahatche, and this nation they
called Calosulges, Ulge in the Muscoge Tongue signifying People or Nation,
[and that] there were some remnants of other different Nations antients of
the Itmous [isthmus]" called "Painted People" and "Bat Necks" (Bartram,
1943, p. 171).
In 1798-99, Hawkins mentions the same town, as "Cull-oo-sau hat-che,"
in a list of the "towns of the Simenolies," but does not give its location nor
the band affiliation of its occupants (Hawkins, 1848, p. 25).
In the early part of the 19th century South Florida Indians made rather
frequent visits to Cuba. Spanish sources- mention the following visitors
to Havana:
In 1814, three "caciques" (chiefs) of "the coast of Tampa," named
Uquisilisinifa, Capichalafola, and Cosafamico were in Havana. In 1819,
five parties were mentioned: Callope, cacique of Isquitalufa; Opoilacho,
cacique of Talucalques; three Indians from "the coast of Tampa"; fifteen
Indians; and seventy-five Indians from Tampa. In 1820, four more groups
of visitors arrived: eight Indians from "the coast of Tampa"; Gulas, Tmacha,
4 Manuscript quoted in Forbes, 1821, p. 97.
s Morales Patifio, MS. I am indebted to J. M. Goggin for this reference and for the
information contained in it which is given here.


and Ochismucu, three caciques from Tampa; 112 Indians from "the coast
of Tampa"; and Yottaja-Arico, Opo-arico, and Yafa-Fastonasque, three
caciques from Tampa (Morales Patifio, MS.). Many of these personal names
are certainly Creek (see "Note on Orthography and Personal Names");
they are however considerably distorted, apparently at least partly from
mis-copying of manuscript writing, and several cannot be analyzed. These
latter may possibly be Calusa; more likely, they are Creek but too distorted
to be understood. The two towns named are interesting-"Isquitalufa" cer-
tainly ends with the Creek word talo:fa, 'town,' while Talucalques almost
certainly represents kalo:salki (with the Spanish plural ending -s), Creek for
'Calusa people' (identical with the form given by Bartram). Nevertheless,
Opoilacho, the chief of "Talucalques," apparently has a Creek name (see

Forbes, writing in 1821, says that "Payo Vaca, or Cow Key, is remark-
able for having been inhabited by the Coloosa Indians from Havana."
(Forbes, 1821, p. 109). This derivation of the Indians "from" Havana is
puzzling; it seems likely that Forbes is here misquoting Romans, whom he
gives as a general source of his information (Forbes, 1821, p. vi)--in fact,
this part of Forbes work is largely a paraphrase of Romans (1775); indi-
cative is, e.g., Forbes' use of Romans' unusual spelling "Coloosa." On the
other hand there may actually have been a brief re-settlement of Key Vaca by
Calusa (or Tekesta) returning from Cuba, as Goggin suggests (Goggin, 1950b,
p. 21).

In 1821, the population of the "Southern parts of the Floridas" was given
by the Indian Agent Peniere as thirty, in five families (Morse, 1822, p. 149).
He does not give any tribal affiliation for these individuals, but in 1822 the
"Kaloosas [were] . all extinct," while "South of Tampa, near Char-
lotte's Bay, [there lived a band of] Choctaws."- This last quotation, coupled
with the statement in Schoolcraft (see footnote 29 below), led Swanton to
suggest that these "Choctaws" were probably actually Calusa (Swanton, 1922,
p. 28); this hypothesis is strengthened by Bartram's informant having
specifically stated that there was a town of Calusa on Charlotte Harbor.
However, Vignoles' account published in 1823 states that as well as bands
of Seminole in Florida, "there are among them many refugees from the
Creeks, Choctaws, Alabamas, and other hostile tribes, the scattered remnants
of those who in 1818 broke up the Seminole settlements. .. Many of the
a Morse, 1822, pp. 364 and 308. The statement about the "Kaloosas" is copied, without
crediting the source, by Cohen, 1836, p. 31.


emigrant Creeks and others . got down to Tampa bay . . At the pres-
ent time the greater portion of these Indians are about Charlotte harbour"
with some in the Cape Sable region and "not more than fifty" on the east
coast "immediately west of cape Florida." (Vignoles, 1823, pp. 134-136). If
we believe Vignoles, therefore, there may actually have been Choctaw around
Charlotte Harbor, perhaps in addition to Calusa remnants. Certainly there
were "Spanish Indians" in the sense of Spanish-Indian crosses, for in 1824
there were three or four small settlements in the Charlotte Harbor area con-
sisting of Spaniards intermarried with Indians. Some of the Spaniards were
said to have lived there thirty years. These were fishing settlements, export-
ing dried and salted fish to Havana. The people lived in palmetto thatched
houses, and in addition to fishing, cultivated some corn, pumpkins, and mel-
ons. In 1831 the population of these settlements was estimated as about 65
Spanish men, about 65 Indian men, about 30 Indian women, and from 50 to
100 children.,
In 1828, at Hillsborough Bay, there was a "Spanish-Indian half-blood
from Charlotte Harbor; a very powerful man, well formed, though rather
stout, as quiet and obedient as a spaniel, and could dive deeper, and stay
under water longer, than any man I ever saw."8
A mixed Spanish and Indian man, "runner for the latter, who procured
powder for them from Havana," was captured in 1836 at Charlotte Harbor.
The Americans got information from this captive about the Indian losses at
an engagement a short time before near Okahumpka, far to the northeast
near Lake Harris (Cohen, 1836, p. 173). Thus the Indians near Charlotte
Harbor were at least aware of events to the north in 1836.9
The best source on the non-Seminole inhabitants of South Florida of
this period is the book published by John Lee Williams in 1837. He states that
Lower Mattecumbe was "the last place of refuge of the Muspa and Caloose
Indians, who formerly inhabited the eastern shore of the Mexican Gulf."
Captiva and Sanibel islands, in Charlotte Harbor, were "formerly occupied
by a tribe of Muspa Indians." (Williams, 1837, pp. 36, 32). Toampa or
Calde's Island, in Charbotte Harbor," in 1832 has fifty or sixty inhabitants,
living in eighteen or twenty palmetto houses, largely consisting of the family
of a man named Calde, "a stout, healthy old white-headed Spaniard, very
* Dodd, 1947. I am indebted to J. M. Goggin for this reference.
a McCall, 1868, p. 178. This statement was also called to my attention by J. M. Goggin.
9 As pointed out by Boyd, 1951, p. 22.
lo Probably the present Useppa Island (Goggin, MS.).


industrious." "There are three other fishing establishments in the bay . .
the Spaniards and Indians who occupy them, cultivate very little land . .
as they live principally on fish . ., turtle, and coonti; the last, they bring
from the main. . The Muspa Indians, once a numerous tribe, formerly
inhabited these wild haunts." (Williams, 1837, pp. 25, 294, 33). These
remarks make it seem probable that the population here was a mixture of
Spanish and a Calusa sub-tribe. The fact that the people did very little
farming, in spite of the fertility of the land (Williams, 1837, p. 25), agrees
with what is known of the subsistence techniques of the early Calusa. The
Calusa were non-agricultural, whereas the Seminole and the bands associated
with them did intensive farming whenever they were unmolested by the
whites for a sufficient period. Of Indians farther south, Williams states:
"The inhabitants of several large settlements around the Caximba Inlet,
the heads of the Hujelos, St. Mary's, and other southern streams, never
appeared at the agency, to draw annuities, but lived by cultivating their
fields, hunting, trading at the Spanish ranchos, bartering skins, mocking birds
and pet squirrels, for guns, ammunition and clothing, and sometimes assisting
in the fisheries. . They never agreed to remove [to the Indian Territory in
the present Oklahoma], either personally, or by their representatives; and
they were easily excited to fight, rather than leave the home of their ancestors.
Their knowledge of the passes of the country, and their long connection with
the Spanish traders and fishermen afforded perfect facilities for supplying
the Seminoles with arms and munitions of war . ." (Williams, 1837, p. 242).
Whether or not these people were Calusa remnants, it is almost certain that
they were the "Spanish Indians" who soon became involved in the Seminole
Wars. A scrap of evidence that at least some of these Indians may have
been Creek-speaking, and hence not Calusa, is afforded by Williams' statement
that the "Hujelos, or Swallow River . is, by the native Indians, called
Chittahatche, or Snake River." (Williams, 1837, p. 50). The name is in the
Creek (Muskogee) language, and is properly translated by Williams.IoA Thus
some or all of these Indians may be the non-Seminole, non-Calusa refugees
mentioned in this region by Vignoles in 1823. According to Vignoles these
bands had friendly relations with wreckers from the Bahamas (Vignoles,
1823, p. 135).

In 1837 an army expedition covered the country from the Caloosahatchie
River south to Cape Sable, and took 243 prisoners (Sprague, 1848, pp. 188-
189). Although the band affiliations of these people is not stated in the
onA"River Hijuelos was Yonge's River, below Cape Romano" (Davis, 1946, p. 186).


v._.. ,ii .



, / ., [ )-._ - _7


JS 0 '?o BO o /.


source, many must have belonged to the group under consideration here, and
some were undoubtedly in the two or three parties of deportees who arrived
in New Orleans from Florida in May, 1838, on their way to the Indian Ter-
ritory. In one of these groups were 80 "Spaniards" from the Charlotte Har-
bor fishing settlements ("Bunce's Rancho"-cf. Dodd, 1947), and in another
"two Spaniards" are mentioned. Lt. Reynolds took a party of over 1,000,
including the above, up the Mississippi to relocation in Indian Territory;
but "seven Spaniards of the party who objected to going farther were left
[in New Orleans] upon their promise not to return to Florida until the close
of the war." An Arkansas newspaper said of this party, "among those who
have gone up are about 150 Spanish Indians or Spaniards who have inter-
married with the Seminoles." (Foreman, 1932, pp. 364-365).

In 1839 "South of Pease Creek and Lake Okeechobee, near the extreme
southern point of the peninsula, was a band of Spanish Indians, under an
intelligent chief, called Chekika, speaking a language peculiarly their own,
a mixture of Indian and Spanish. They numbered about one hundred war-
riors . Numbers had visited the Island of Cuba, and looked more to the
Spaniards as their friends, than they did to the Americans. Hospetarke [a
Seminole], whose wife was a Spanish woman, lived in this quarter. A few
men of his tribe joined him. Large numbers were added of those who were
pursued by troops further north," (Sprague, 1848, p. 99). If the language
above referred to was Calusa, rather than Mikasuki or some other definitely
Muskogean one, it would not be surprising if there had been a considerable
Spanish influence on the vocabulary. However, Sprague gives no vocabulary,
and we know of no more than a half-dozen or so Calusa words preserved in
any documents. Spanish Indian relations with other Indian bands must
have been fairly close at this period, for besides Hospetarke, a Seminole
named Holartoochee "was banished from his tribe four years for adultery,
during which time he lived with the Spanish Indians inhabiting the Everglades,
who treated him with great distinction. At the breaking out of hostilities,
he rejoined his band." (Sprague, 1848, p. 98).

Foreman refers to Chakaika's band as "Spanish Seminole," but no pri-
mary source known to the present writer refers to them as Seminole.-
In 1839 these Spanish Indians first became actively involved in the hos-
tilities between the Seminole and the U. S. Army, presumably as a result of
their increasing intercourse with the Seminole, who had been gradually pushed
11 Foreman, 1932, p. 373. No authority is cited by Foreman for this usage.


down into their country. In fact, we may guess that the above-mentioned
Hospetarke played a prominent part in inducing them to enter the conflict.
At any rate, their first clash with the whites was a joint attack of Seminole
and Spanish Indian forces on a detachment under Lt. Col. W. S. Harney,
encamped on the Caloosahatchie River, in July, 1839.

In May, 1839, Maj. Gen. Alexander Macomb, sent to Florida for this
purpose, made an "arrangement" with several Seminole who came to meet
him at Fort King. Macomb proposed to the Indians that they remain within
the area in southwest Florida bounded by Charlotte Harbor, the Peace River,
down the Kissimmee to Lake Okeechobee, and west of a line from there to
Cape Sable. The U. S. Army was to protect the Indians within this area
from molestation by whites, and hostilities were to cease immediately
(Sprague, 1848, pp. 228-229). The Indians present agreed to this, and
Macomb issued a general order announcing the cessation of hostilities. Sev-
eral things about this agreement are notable. It was a purely oral agree-
ment, not a treaty. Macomb presented it to the Indians as a presumably
permanent arrangement, while the government did not intend to abandon
efforts to remove the Seminole west of the Mississippi. Macomb wrote the
Secretary of War, "Nor did I think it politic, at this time, to say anything
about their emigration, leaving that subject open to such future arrangements
as the government may think proper to make with them." (Sprague, 1848,
pp. 228-232). An observer reported at the time, "The chiefs never asked
Gen. Macomb whether they would be permitted to remain permanently south
of Pease creek, and he never told them that they would not." (Niles' National
Register, June 22, 1839, p. 265; also in Coe, 1898, pp. 145-146). Nothing
was said, either, about the Seminole giving up their Negro slaves and asso-
ciates. Thus the chief reasons for the Seminole fighting were apparently
settled in their favor: they were not asked to emigrate or to give up their
Negroes, and the army would stop attacking them and would protect them
from other whites. Under the circumstances, it is not surprising that, accord-
ing to Gen. Macomb, the Indians "readily accepted, manifesting great joy on
the occasion." (Sprague, 1848, p. 232). From the Indian point of view,
the whites had admitted defeat, and sued for peace on the Indian terms. A
St. Augustine newspaper of a few days after the "arrangement" said, "The
Indian interpreter who was here said that, 'the Indians would sell us, for the
next twenty years, skins and venison; that peace would be again, and the
whites and Indians live as they had done.' (quoted in Coe, 1898, pp. 144-
145). This aspect of the settlement raised a storm of protest in Florida. The


newspapers of the state soon pointed out that it was still the intention of the
government to force the emigration of the Seminole (see Coe, 1898, pp. 145-
148), and on June 22 published a letter from the Secretary of War saying,
"I am of the opinion that the arrangement made by gen. Macomb will lead
to the pacification of the country and enable me to remove the Indians from
the territory much sooner than can be done by force." (Niles' National Regis-
ter, July 6, 1839, p. 289, quoting the Tallahassee Floridian). There can be
no doubt that the substance of these reports soon reached the Seminole, via
their Negro interpreters or others, so that they were aware of the government's
intention not to abide by what must to them have seemed the terms of the

Macomb made his agreement with three or four individuals, whom he
thought to be chiefs. He mentions "Chitto-Tustenuggee, principal chief of
the Seminoles, and successor to Arpeika, commonly called Sam Jones, brought
to this post [Fort King] by Lieutenant-Colonel Harney," from near Key
Biscayne, Oche-Hadjo, and Harlock-Tustenuggee (Halleck-Tustenuggee)
(Sprague, 1848, pp. 228, 231). To these, Sprague adds Thock-lo-Tustenuggee
(Sprague, 1848, p. 228). However, at this time there seem to have been
four independent bands of Indians in southwest Florida. One group was
under Arpeika (Sam Jones), of which Chitto-Tustenuggee and perhaps
Holatter-Micco( Billy Bowlegs) were the active war-chiefs; another was led
by Hospetarke (Shiver and Shakes), with Passacka (Parsacke) as war-chief;
a third was under Otalke-Thlocko (The Prophet), perhaps with Sho-nock-
Hadjo as war-chief; finally, there were the Spanish Indians under Chakaika.1
A reliable source stated that among these bands "No community of feeling
exists, other than that which is necessary for mutual safety."'1 Today and
as far back as Seminole tradition reaches, this has been the case; there are
no formal mechanisms, and few informal ones, of affiliation between bands.
From these groups apparently only Chitto-Tustenuggee dealt with Macomb;
and of him it was reported in July 1839, from Fort Lauderdale, that Harney's
Negro interpreter, Sandy, "acknowledged that he appointed Tuste-Nuggee,
with whom general Macomb made the "treaty", "successor" to Sam Jones!
Sam, however, altho' thus unceremoniously deposed by Sandy, has too much
sense to quarrel about the medium through which the great war chief of the

l2 This represents a combination of data in Sprague-given by Sampson, a Negro inter-
preter who lived with the Indians in the area from 1839 to 1841 (Sprague, 1848,
pp. 315-319); by Joe, a Spanish (?) Indian captured in 1841 (Sprague, 1848, p.
350); and by Sprague as of the end of 1840 (Sprague, 1848, p. 254).
ia Sampson, the interpreter, in Sprague, 1848, p. 318.


whites acknowledged himself whipped; provided he obtains all the results
of victory." (Niles' National Register, July 20, 1839, p. 321, quoting the
Alexandria Gazette).

Under these conditions, it seems likely that not all the bands in the area
were even aware of the meeting with Macomb; and those that were, reason-
ably considered the agreement reached to have been unilaterally broken, as
soon as they discovered that the whites had made it in bad faith. Hence,
although the subsequent attack on Col. Harney seemed to the whites a "mas-
sacre," in violation of Macomb's arrangement, one cannot blame the Indians
for their actions in this instance.

Harney had gone to the Caloosahatchie to establish a trading post, carry-
ing out one of the terms of Macomb's agreement. His party of 25 soldiers, two
Negro interpreters, and a civilian trader with four employees (Sprague, 1848,
pp. 234-235, 315-317), set up a store and camp 300 yards apart, in the pine
woods on the north bank of the Caloosahatchie River some 15 or 20 miles
from its mouth (Sprague, 1848, pp. 233, 316, 317; Niles' National Register,
Aug. 24, 1839, quoting the National Gazette; Reavis, 1878, p. 134). A large
group of Indians soon camped on the opposite side of the river and com-
menced apparently friendly trade (Sprague, 1848, pp. 236, 316; Reavis,
1878, p. 134; Niles' National Register, Aug. 24, 1839, p. 402, quoting the
National Gazette). The soldiers took no precautions, not even putting out
sentries-Harney in later years excused himself for this negligence by say-
ing that he had left to establish the post before the arrival of the Florida
newspapers bearing the letter of the Secretary of War referred to above, and
that if he had known about this letter he would have anticipated trouble with
the Indians (Sprague, 1848, pp. 233-234; Niles' National Register, Aug. 24,
1839, p. 402, quoting the National Gazette; Reavis, 1878, pp. 133-134, 141).

The evening of the third day after the establishment of the post, Sho-
nock-Hadjo "counted every man in the camp, and took the precaution to see
where and in what manner they slept at night." That night, the Indians had
a dance in their camp. At about four a. m. the next morning, the 23rd of
July, 1839, a force of about 160 Indians fell upon the sleeping party. Har-
ney's men were completely unprepared-most did not even reach their guns--
and the attack was entirely successful. Some 13 were killed immediately,
fourteen escaped unarmed via the river, and six were captured. Of the last,
two were killed four days later, one three months later, one disappeared and
one escaped some months later in the Big Cypress Swamp, and Sampson, one


of the Negro interpreters, escaped after two years of captivity. It was par-
ticularly planned to kill Col. Harney; two days before the attack, Billy
Bowlegs had spoken to him to ensure his staying and sleeping ashore; how-
ever, the attackers delayed briefly for plundering in the quarters of the enlisted
men, so that Harney was able to escape "with only drawers and shirt." At
least some of the dead were scalped (customary behavior for both sides in
this war), and some may have been disemboweled.

The camp was attacked by a force under Chakaika, the Spanish Indian,
while at the same moment Hospetarke led the attack on the store. Others
prominent in the fight were Holatter Micco (Billy Bowlegs) and Sho-nock-
Hadjo. Chakaika's party had come around the coast in canoes. The attack
yielded the Indians considerable plunder: one keg of badly-needed powder;
about $2-3000 worth of goods, liquor, tents, and provisions belonging to the
trader; $1500 in silver coins; many personal belongings of the soldiers; six
carbines; a number of percussion caps; a large boat;14 and fourteen Colt
rifles, at that time new to the army. Sampson later stated that the rifles
"being of Colt's construction, were useless; and they left them on the ground,
after taking off the locks." But one report says that when Harney reached
Chakaika's home hammock in the Everglades the following year, he "recap-
tured thirteen or fourteen of Colt's rifles, taken from him at Caloosahatchie
by the Indians." (Niles National Register, Jan. 16, 1841, p. 308, quoting a
letter in the Talahassee Floridian). The loot was not divided systematically;
the liquor was drunk during the next three days, the chiefs took charge of the
powder and rationed it carefully during the ensuing months, the dry goods
were later worn and the coins "sold and manufactured into silver ornaments"
at the Big Cypress Swamp camps. Ornaments made from silver coins are
still seen occasionally among the modern Seminole.

After the attack, the Indians recrossed to their camp on the south side
of the river, where they stayed four days drinking and celebrating. The
fourth day, two of their captives were tied to a pine tree, whereupon the
Indians "inserted in their flesh slivers of light wood, setting them on fire, and
at the same time placing torches at their feet. In this way it was five or six
hours before they died." One of the men thus killed was Sandy, the inter-
preter who had "promoted" Chitto-Tustenuggee in the dealings with Macomb
-one wonders if there is any connection between the two facts, especially
14 This boat was found in November, 1841, between Lakes Thompson and Okeechobee,
presumably then in the possession of the "band of Lew-fall-micco." Sprague, 1848,
p. 333.


since Sampson, the other captured interpreter, was allowed to live. On the
fourth day, Chakaika and his band left in their canoes, returning to the Ever-
glades via the "Malco River,"S1 and the others returned to their camps in the
Big Cypress, taking their captives along.1e

This attack had the effect of immediately re-opening the war throughout
Florida. For example, as soon as the news reached Fort Mellon, far away
on the shore of Lake Munroe, the lieutenant in charge seized by subterfuge
a party of forty-six Seminole peacefully visiting the fort to obtain provisions,
and was soon escorting them to Fort Moultrie, S. C., on their way to the
Indian Territory (Sprague, 1848, p. 236; Niles' National Register, Aug. 17,
1839, p.385).

The Secretary of War, at least, recognized one of the primary causes of
this latest failure of negotiations-in his next annual report to the President,
he said, "Composed, as the Florida Indians are, of the remnants of tribes that
have taken refuge there, and acknowledge no common head, no treaty stipula-
tions that are not sanctioned by each and every tribe can be considered bind-
ing; nor can the government consider the country pacified, until there has
been a general submission of all the chiefs of the various tribes of Indians
inhabiting the peninsula." (Sprague, 1848, p. 237).

The Spanish Indians next appear in the record on August 7, 1840, when
they carried out the famous raid on the settlement on Indian Key, in which
Dr. Perrine lost his life. This episode has been well covered by writers on
South Florida, so it is only necessary here to present the outline of the events,
together with the few details that are of interest with regard to the behavior
of the Indians.1

At about two a. m. the morning of August 7, 1840, seventeen canoeloads
of Spanish Indians (variously estimated at from 50 to 136 individuals) under

is A comparison of Sprague's sketch map (his frontispiece) with U.S.C. & G.S. Chart
1254 suggests that the Malco R. is the modern Henderson Creek, opposite Little
Marco Pass north of the present town of Marco.
ix By far the most detailed, and apparently the most accurate, account of the attack on
Harney's forces and of the subsequent behavior of the Indians, is that given by the
interpreter Sampson, on his escape from the Indians two years later (quoted in
Sprague, 1848, pp. 315-319). Other sources utilized in the shove description are:
Sprague, 1848, pp. 232-236; Niles' National Register, August 24, 1839, p. 402,
quoting the National Gazette; Reavis, 1878, pp. 132-141.
x7 For the details of the attack, and the white individuals involved, see Bellamy, 1947;
Coe, 1898, pp. 154-155; Dodd, 1948; Douglas, 1947, pp. 221-222; Klose, 1948;
Palmer, 1926; Perrine, [1885?]; Robinson, 1942; Sprague, 1848, pp. 244-246;
[Walker], 1841; Walker, 1926.


Chakaika were discovered on the beach of Indian Key, a small island lying
between Upper and Lower Matecumbe Keys, some twenty miles from the
mainland.1 Immediately on being discovered, they began the attack of the
settlement, killing seven of the inhabitants (and scalping at least one of
these), looting the store, and burning most of the buildings. Most of the
inhabitants escaped to a nearby schooner, or hid until the Indians departed.
None of the attackers were killed. Mrs. Perrine and her three small children
escaped about noon, while the few Indians left on the Key were busy looting
the store. They took a large launch, partly loaded with plunder, and poled
and paddled for about a mile before they were picked up by a whaleboat from
the schooner. The Indians saw them and fired at them, and two Indians in a
canoe from Lower Matecumbe started after them, but gave up the chase and
put in at Indian Key to take off the remaining Indians, whose boat the Per-
rines had taken.

The cause of the attack is unknown. A sister of Chakaika told her captors
in the Everglades that "there were three Spaniards in the Everglades, who
supplied the Indians with salt and ammunition; one of them, Domingo,
advised them to attack Indian Key, and insured their success." (Anonymous,
1841a.) It has been suggested that the 1836 imprisonment of two Indians
by the trader on Indian Key was a factor (Dodd, 1948, pp. 14-15; Douglas,
1947, p. 230). Whether for this reason or because the primary purpose of
the raid was plunder, the main objective seems to have been the well-stocked
store; the Indians concentrated on looting, rather than searching out and
killing the inhabitants, and one of the few unburned buildings was the house
of a man said to have been particularly friendly to them in their previous
trading visits to the Key (Perrine, [1885?], p. 64; Coe, 1898, p. 155; Dodd,
1948, pp. 14-15; Douglas, 1947, p. 230). The naval lieutenant from Key
Biscayne who investigated on the day of the raid believed "that the Indians
were conducted to this attack by some person or persons acquainted with the
localities of the Key, . [because] their landing was effected on the outside
of the Key, at a point most remote from their approach, yet at a corner of
the town uninhabited, whilst every consideration, if ignorant of this fact,
would have induced them to have landed at a point directly opposite. ..

re All primary sources give the above date; the identification of the band and their leader
rests on Sprague, 1848, pp. 243-244; The News, August 21, 1840; hnd McLaughlin,
1848, p. 9. The estimates of the number of attackers come froin Murray, 1848,
p. 11; McLaughlin, 1848, p. 10; and The News, August 21, 1840.


Again, negroes were seen among them, who, with others, were heard to speak
English, and these last not in the dialect of the negro .. Lieutenant Com-
mandant Rogers, in the Wave, had left there but the day before for Cape
Roman, carrying with him from Tea Table Key [the naval base about a mile
distant] every man, capable of doing service, but five. That his departure
was communicated to or looked for by the Indians, there cannot be a doubt.
In the presence of his force, their invariable policy forbids the belief that
they would have ventured upon the attack." (McLaughlin, 1848, p. 10).
Although the attackers apparently understood when Dr. Perrine spoke to them
in Spanish, the Perrines also report having heard them say in English,
"Stop that," and "They are all hid-the old man upstairs." ([Walker], 1841,
p. 7; Bellamy, 1947, p. 74; Sprague, 1848, p. 244). One of Dr. Perrine's
daughters wrote many years later that she had afterwards heard that the
Indians had been on a nearby island (Lower Matecumbe Key?) three days
before the attack, waiting until the Navy vessels left the area (Walker, 1926,
p. 21).

During the morning and afternoon of the seventh, the attackers removed
large quantities of goods from the store and houses, carrying loads in their
canoes and in several boats captured on the Key, to the northeast end of
Lower Matecumbe Key, about a mile away."1 Among the loot were four kegs
of powder, which were later turned over to the custody of the Seminole chiefs
in the Big Cypress,-2 and materials such as clothing, "calicoes", flour, tobacco,
soap, brandy, molasses, etc. ([Walker], 1841, p. 7; Sprague, 1848, pp. 245-
246). Harney later discovered at Chakaika's home in the Everglades some
$2000 worth of "cloths, linnens, calicoes, ready made clothing, all kinds of
tools, powder, &c." from Indian Key. (Niles' National Register, Jan. 16, 1841,
p. 308, quoting the Tallahassee Floridian; Anonymous, 1841a). After
having control of the region for about twelve hours, the Spanish Indian boats
left from Lower Matecumbe at two p. m., August 7, before the arrival of the
naval forces from Key Biscayne.

In December, 1840, Harney was ordered to find and attack the Spanish
Indians in the Everglades. In carrying out this assignment, Harney displayed
great vindictiveness and cruelty towards the Indians. Although this may
have been due in part to anger over the success of Chakaika's attack on his
command the preceding year, other incidents in Harney's life show that it was

19 Perrine, [1885?], p. 60; Bellamy, 1947, p. 76, says Upper Matecumbe Key.
o2 Sampson, in Sprague, 1848, p. 317.


not foreign to his character.a1 On leaving for Cape Florida to begin the
expedition, Harney promised his superior officer "that be would return with
the scalp of that piratical savage." During a slight delay at New Smyrna
on the way south, Harney obtained a coil of new rope from a fisherman, to
be used later in hanging Chakaika and his men (Reavis, 1878, pp. 145-146).

The expedition, about 90 men in some sixteen canoes,22 left Fort Dallas
on the Miami River on December 4, 1840. They took along as guide a Negro
named John, who had been captured by the Indians in 1835 from his owner,
Dr. Crews (or Cruise). He had escaped several months before, and come
into the Army camp on Key Biscayne offering to lead the Army to the Indian
camps in the Everglades, but had been kept in irons until Harney accepted
his offer, which he carried out in full (The News, Jan. 1, 1841; Niles' National
Register, Jan. 16, 1841, p. 308, quoting a letter in the Tallahassee Floridian).
This was presumably the man seen by Henry Perrine at Fort Dallas after the
Indian Key raid-"a negro, who was in irons and confined in a cell as a
suspected spy . [who] had been there since before the attack on Indian
Key, and . had told his captors of the intended raid; but they had placed
no reliance upon his statement. I think he had come to the fort voluntarily
to tell the story, but, not being believed, was put in irons." (Perrine, [1885?],
p. 77).

Proceeding in their canoes into the Everglades via the north branch of
the Miami River, Harney's men reached on December 6 an island called
"Ho-co-mo-thlocco from the Indian name of the wild fig,s2 where
they found a cornfield. Some seven miles northwest they came to "Efa-noc-

21 Harney was indicted for the fatal beating of a slave in Saint Louis in 1834; according
ing to an antagonistic fellow-officer, "his character, particularly in the army, is
anything but enviable, being notorious for profanity, brutality, incompetency,
peculation, recklessness, insubordination, tryanny and mendacity." (Harney, 1861,
pp. 5-8). Although his biography by Reavis (1878) is highly laudatory, it makes
plain that his attitude towards Indians, friendly as well as enemy, in Florida and
elsewhere, was anything but fair and sympathetic.
22 The best account of this expedition, which is the one chiefly used in the following
description, is a diary by one of the officers (Anonymous, 1841a; reprinted in less
intelligible form as Anonymous, 1841c). This source says there were 90 men and
5 officers in 16 canoes. Other sources give 100 men, of the 2nd Dragoons and 3rd
Artillery (Sprague, 1848, p. 254), 88 men-50 dragoons, 38 artillerymen (Reavis,
1878, p. 145), and 90 (Florida Herald and Southern Democrat, Dec. 31, 1840) or
about 90 (Niles' National Register, Jan. 16, 1841, p. 308, quoting the Tallahassee
Floridian) .
s3 Although this must be a Muskogee word (the final element is the common suffix
-LAkko, 'big'), it does not contain the modern Creek Seminole name for the
strangling-fig, Fiscus aurea, (hilokwapi:) nor for any other plant known to the


co-chee," "from a dog having died which was left here,"2* which had a
cleared camp-ground but no field, being "the usual stopping place of the
Indians, when they visit Sam Jones, or go from his camp to the Spanish
Indians." About six miles northwest of this, they reached the next day a
hammock known as "Cochokeynehajo, from the name of an Indian who
cleared and cultivated it."-- On this island the soldiers found a picture of
an Indian and the figures "8" and "9" cut into a tree, which they guessed
indicated the presence of a white man with the Indians. This may not have
been the case, since 60 years later the Seminole themselves occasionally cut
drawings of men and animals into the bark of trees. The next island, "called
by its owner Intaska," contained "a large hut built of cypress bark, and under
it a bed made of boards."-' This was undoubtedly a house similar to the
modern open-sided Seminole structures with board sleeping-platforms, which
are still occasionally roofed with slabs of cypress bark instead of the usual
cabbage-palm leaf thatch. Intaska also contained a field in which were
growing corn, beans, and pumpkins, which are still the principal Seminole
As the party was resting on Intaska about noon on the 8th, two canoes
approached, which were attacked by the soldiers in five canoes. Two Indian
men and a woman were wounded and captured, and another woman and four
children captured. The captives were carried back to Intaska, where Harney
ordered the two male captives hung from a tall tree with the rope he had
brought. The next day, the wounded woman died and was buried on the
island. From these captives it was learned that Chakaika and some of his
band were on an island some five miles away, so the troops left for his island
at dusk. The night was dark and rainy, and John, the guide, had difficulty
keeping the canoes on the trail. As they neared Chakaika's island, Harney
sent ahead a force under two lieutenants to surprise the camp. "They did
not reach it until some time after sun-rise [on the 10th]; but such was the
confidence of the Indians in their own security, that our party were not dis-
covered until they had crept up into their camp, and commenced firing." In
the initial attack, one Indian man was killed, and two men, one boy, and five
women and children escaped. Chakaika was chopping wood some distance
24 The name begins with Muskogee i:fa, 'dog.'
s2 The man's name was probably kocikniha:ci: (in Mikasuki-the Muskogee equivalent
would be nearly identical, but with a final -6: rather than -i:); see below for
discussion of this spot.
zs According to Goggin, "the only cypress in the area is at the head of the Miami River
and on Snapper Creek, both some distance away, or else on the west side of the
Glades." (John M. Goggin, personal communication, May 16, 1953).


from the rest at the moment the soldiers arrived. He dropped his ax and
"ran off howling" into the grass. Several soldiers ran after him, but all but
one private soon gave up the chase. Private Hall, 2nd Dragoons, had almost
overtaken Chakaika, when the Indian "smiled and extended his hand" (Niles'
National Register, Jan. 23, 1841, p. 322), whereupon Hall shot him through
the brain. He fell dead into the water, where the soldier scalped him.
Chakaika was a large man-"said to have been the largest Indian in Florida"
(Anonymous, 1841a)-six feet tall, weighing over 200 pounds, and "consid-
red the strongest man of his tribe." (The News, Jan. 8, 1841). Two men who
escaped to another island about four miles away were followed by a small
party of soldiers. There were several other Indians on this island, who as
the soldiers approached raised a white flag and called to John to come and
talk. As he neared, the Indians fired, wounding him and two soldiers. Hear-
ing the firing Harney sent two canoes of men and later followed himself
with another group. Three more soldiers were wounded, and all the Indians
escaped from the other side of the island with some of their possessions and
spread the alarm to the occupants of nearby hammocks. The attackers
returned to Chakaika's island. A canoe soon came up to the island and suc-
ceeded in removing "an Indian or Spaniard, who was concealing in the high
grass," before the soldiers could reach the spot. Later, while Harney was
out with some canoes to bring Chakaika's body back to the island, by hiding in
the tall grass he captured one man and six women and children who came
up in a sailing canoe. In the evening (of the 10th) Harney strung up on
one of the look-out trees Chakaika's dead body and two of the male prisoners.
The third man was saved, on his promise to act as a guide to Sam Jones'
camp (The News, Jan. 1, 1841). The goods found in the camp were auc-
tioned off among the soldiers, netting more than $200. These were partly
plunder from Indian Key; also found were "a fine barge, and a great quantity
of coonti." Among the prisoners were Chakaika's mother, sister, and wife.
The evening of the llth, one of the wounded dragoons, Allen, died. He
was buried the next morning on Chakaika's island, "with the honors of war."
This was the only man Harney lost during the expedition.
The troops now headed out of the Everglades, taking along the captives.
On the 12th, near Intaska, two Indian men were killed and one old woman
and seven children captured. On a nearby island some of the party found
"a great number of palmetto huts, very well thatched, and a number of
planting and banana trees"; while there, they captured a boy who had been
out fishing.


Heading for the Shark River, Harney's men reached the head of a
stream "which the Indians call Poncha" late in the afternoon of the 14th, and
continued downstream until late at night. Though the upper part of the
river was "choked up with cane and reeds," after a mile or so "it opened
out most beautifully into a broad and navigable river," with a course "about
West." About 12:30 (at night?) on the 15th they reached the sea, where
the river was found to have two or three mouths. In the afternoon of the
16th Cape Sable was reached, which Chakaika's wife told one of her captors
"used to be the great resort of the Indians when on their fishing and turtle
excursions, as well as among the neighboring Keys." On the 19th they
reached one of the Matecumbes, from which they shipped aboard a sloop for
Key Biscayne."
According to one account, the bodies of the men hung by Harney were
discovered and buried a few days later by Sam Jones.28 In any event, the
Big Cypress bands were much aroused over Harney's treatment of the cap-
tured men and "declared eternal hostility and cruelty to the whites," Sam
Jones saying, "We have given them heretofore,... when prisoners, a decent
death, and shot them instead of hanging them like a dog." (Sampson, in
Sprague, 1848, p. 319).

The prisoners taken by Harney were sent to Tampa, and re-shipped from
there in March, under Major Bellnap to the Indian Territory (Niles' National
Register, Jan. 16, 1841, p. 308; Feb. 20, 1841, p. 396; April 10, 1841, p. 90).
From this point this group of Spanish Indians seem to have disappeared from
history, unless it be they to whom several families of Oklahoma Seminole
referred in 1932, when they told Krogman of their "Spanish ancestry" (Krog-
man, 1935, p. 8). It may have been this group of captives, or a subsequent
one, among whom "Lieutenant Reynolds, while conducting the first party
of emigrants West, in 1841, found... persons who possessed so much Span-
ish blood, that he offered to leave them at New Orleans, and some of them
accepted the offer. He left them in that city, and they probably now pass
for Spaniards" (Giddings, 1858, p. 98, fn. 1). Perhaps more likely, Giddings
has confused the date of this occurrence and is referring to Reynolds' 1838
party (see above, and Foreman, 1932, p. 366 fn. 7).
On the first of January, 1841, Harney again led troops into the Ever-
" Except where otherwise indicated, the foregoing description of the expedition is from
Anonymous, 1841a.
2s Coe, 1898, p. 156. This is a secondary source, which gives no indication of the
authority for the statement.


glades, this time looking for Sam Jones' camp. There were about 140 men
in this force, in four or five six-to-ten-man canoes and the rest in especially
built five-man canoes. The Negro John was taken as interpreter, and for
guide the Indian captured at Chakaika's island and saved for the purpose.
The latter's name is given as "Mico," which is a common final element in
modern Seminole adult male names-in this form, Muskogee (mikko, 'chief').
This expedition reached Prophet's Landing, entering the 'glades by the New
River, but during two weeks of searching, although they came on many re-
cently abandoned camps and fields, saw only 13 Indians, of whom four were
killed and three captured. These were mostly the band of a man named
"Chia," who on being captured said that "Sam Jones, immediately on hearing
of Colonel Harney's first expedition, had sent over to the Seminoles [The
Prophet's band?] for powder and lead, and said that he would go into the
Big Cypress, where, if he was pursued, he would fight to the death. Chia and
his party were going to join him" when the soldiers found them. Under
threat of hanging, Chia tried to guide Harney to Sam Jones in the Big Cy-
press, but the search was abandoned when it appeared that Sam Jones' party
had instead headed north towards Lake Okeechobee (Niles' National Register,
Jan. 16, 1841, pp. 307-308; April 3, 1841, pp. 71-72).

In April 1841, the bands in the Big Cypress held "a great council ...,
to prevent intercourse with the white man. A law was passed, that should
any Indian, male or female, be found in communication with a white man,
they should be put to death. Plans were concerted to convey information in
the most rapid manner. The canoes [of Harney] seen in the Everglades, had
determined them to keep within the [Big Cypress] swamp. It was under-
stood in a council, that being so reduced in numbers, and in so confined
a space, they must now ambush the enemy, fire, and then run." (Sampson, in
Sprague, 1848, pp. 316-317). This "council" was probably the Green Corn
Dance at Billy Bowlegs' town mentioned in October, 1841, by an "Indian
captured in the Everglades." According to this informant, named "Joe,"
there were 241 warriors present at the Green Corn Dance, from Sam Jones'
band, Hospetarke's band, "Seminoles" (probably The Prophet's band), and
"Spanish Indians" (Sprague, 1848, pp. 349-350). "Joe" was probably the
"Spanish Indian" who acted as guide in October, 1841, for the expedition of
Captain M. Burke, which crossed the Everglades from Fort Dallas via
Chakaika's island and The Prophet's Landing to Punta Rassa, then went up
the Caloosahatchie to Lake Okeechobee, across the lake, to Fort Pierce and
Jupiter, and back to Fort Dallas, seeing only two Indians during the entire


trip (Sprague, 1848, pp. 333-345, 349). The Indians had all withdrawn
into the Big Cypress, as a result of Harney's expeditions proving that the
soldiers could now reach any part of the Everglades in canoes. Burke's
"Spanish Indian" guide is the last mention of this band known to the writer-
all mentions and listings of Florida bands at later dates omit it. The only
bands Sprague gives after 1841 are: Seminole, Creek, Tallahassee, Mikasuki,
Yuchi, Hitchiti, and, in 1847, four "Choctaw" warriors.-0 Thus we again
find "Choctaw" as perhaps another name for "Spanish Indians."

Presumably in the early years of the present century, Swanton interviewed
"an old Seminole Indian in Oklahoma, who declared that he knew of these
Florida Choctaw, asserting that one youth descended from them is still living
among the Seminole of Oklahoma. He added that when the Seminole reached
Fort Smith during their removal west the Choctaw who were with them wanted
to remain with the Choctaw who had emigrated from Mississippi, but the
Indian agent would not allow it. He knew nothing regarding the origin of
this band of Choctaw, but thought they had emigrated to Florida from Mis-
sissippi about the time when the other Seminole settled there" (Swanton,
1922, p. 345). Hence Indian tradition in Oklahoma disagreed with Swan-
ton's identification of these late "Choctaw" with the earlier Calusa.


Present-day Mikasuki Seminole traditions about the previous non-Sem-
inole inhabitants of Florida are quite vague. The general name for these
people is yathampa:Li:, 'bad people.' Informants deny that there were ever
any Choctaw (chta:Li:) in Florida, and do not recognize the terms "Bat
Necks," "Painted People" (Bartram, 1943, p. 171; see above), or "Muspa"
(Williams, 1837, pp. 36, 32; see above). The people known as kalasa:Li:
(Calusa) are but vaguely remembered. It is known that the Caloosahatchie
River is named for them-kalashahci:, 'Calusa river'-but it is generally
believed that these were Spanish people. That is, kalasa:Li: is sometimes
treated as a synonym for ispa:na:Li:, 'Spaniards.'

The "Bad People" are so called because they killed Seminole. It is
said that they were first seen coming out of the water near Pine Island, in
the form of fiddler-crabs. They were a "wild" people, at home in the swamps,
who spoke a language different from those of the Seminole. Soon after
se Sprague, 1848, pp. 438, 444, 501, 507, 510, 512. The reference to the "Choctaw"
(Sprague, p. 512) is repeated in Schoolcraft's (1851, p. 522) printing of Sprague's


emergence from the water, they were found by the Spaniards who at that
time lived in a town called oh6:ncisaski:, 'hanging skirt,' in a hammock
some ten miles southwest of the present site of Ocala. The girls of the Bad
People were pretty, and many intermarried with the Spaniards of Hanging
Skirt, where all or most of the tribe soon lived. The Spanish supplied their
Bad People friends and allies with guns and other goods, and gave them corn
and taught them how to raise it.
At this time, there was a Seminole town at a place named o:cakaplok6hki:,
'two hickory trees stand up,' two days' walk north of Hanging Skirt. For
many years the Seminole used to walk for one day south from their town to
a small creek (the name of which is not remembered), where they slept. On
the next day they walked to Hanging Skirt to trade buckskin and other goods
with the Spaniards, then the same day they went back to the creek, where
they spent that night, before going home the next day. Relations with the
Bad People were at first friendly-some Seminole men from o:cakaplokahki:
even married Bad People girls and went to live at Hanging Skirt with their
wives.0s However, eventually the Spanish incited them against the Seminole,
and on several occasions a war party of Bad People, with their Spanish guns,
followed a returning trading party of Seminole to the creek where they killed
some. Finally, a party of Seminole men determined to trick their trackers.
Arriving at the creek on their return from Hanging Skirt, they built a large
camp fire and, laying rolls of Spanish moss like men around the fire, hid in
the surrounding bushes. The Bad People came up and fell on the camp,
yelling and shooting into the dummies, whereupon the hidden Seminole shot
and killed the whole party.31 The Seminole returned home, and sent out a
war party which camped at the creek. Two Seminole went to Hanging Skirt,
where they invited the chief of the Bad People, a man named cissila:ni: ('yel-
low rat,' in Muskogee), to go to their camp at the creek to join in a feast of
bear meat. When he arrived, he found many people present, who invited
him to sit down. This he did, cross-legged. While the men engaged him in
conversation, two Seminole with guns walked up and shot him in each leg,
so that, although still alive, he could not walk. There followed a four-days3

so Following the normal Seminole custom, even of today, whereby a man lives with his
wife's family after marriage.
ax This incident strongly resembles an affair in 1702, when a Muskogee army headed by
Georgia traders defeated a Spanish and Apalachee army by the identical stratagem,
on the banks of the Flint River. See Swanton, 1922, pp. 120-121, for an account
of this.
*a Four is the Seminole pattern-number-more or less equivalent in this case to "a few."
Hence the battle referred to may not have lasted precisely four days.


battle between the Seminole and the Bad People and Spaniards in Hanging
Skirt. Although their opponents had many guns, and big ones, the Seminole
defeated them, and killed nearly all. The Indians set fire to the town at
Hanging Skirt. When it began to burn, a Negro man who had hidden under
an empty barrel during the attack came out and warned the Indians to run
away since the place was about to blow up. The Indians followed his advice,
whereupon the town exploded. Since then, Hanging Skirt has been known
as tapohc6bkicki:, 'broken[?] big explosion.'
The surviving Spaniards and Bad People walked south, to the Peace
River, and across it and over to a place called hoi:Lacym6ca:pi:. The
Seminole later tracked them, captured a few and traded them to the whites
for knives, lead, and powder. In one case, they found one family, killed
the man, and captured the women and girls, which they sold to the whites,
perhaps at Tampa. Women captives were worth maybe five dollars in trade,
and small girls $2.50.
The place where the Bad People settled is named hoi:Laycm6ca:pi:,
'field of hoii:LAyci:, after a Bad Person named hoi:Layci:, 'stick it in the
ground[?]' (in Muskogee). The Bad People lived there, built canoes there,
and used the mounds at this place as a dance-ground. This location, some
15 miles (i.e., S) of Clewiston, is now known as "Tony's Mound" in English,
because long ago( though long after the Bad People had left it) a Seminole
nicknamed to:niwayyi:, 'sells Tony' (because he once sold a slave named
Tony) cultivated a field there.33
What ultimately became of the Bad People is unknown to the Seminole.
Some went in canoes down the Shark River, to Key West, and over to Cuba,
where they settled. Others went back north where they intermarried with the
whites and thus disappeared. A fair number were captured and sold by the
Seminole. However, many people think that there are still some Bad People
around somewhere in the Everglades. They are invisible, or some say that they
look like deer.
One Seminole man, now dead for many years, is said to have known
some of their songs, which he had learned from captive Bad People. In
1932 Frances Densmore recorded 17 "Calusa" songs from the late medicine-
man of the Cow Creek Seminole (Densmore, 1933, p. 96). She reports that
the singer said these songs 'came from the mountain men.' ... [and that]
the white people call those Indians the Calusa and . they spoke Spanish
33 For a brief description of this impressive archeological site, see Alien, 1948.


. . long ago the Calusa and Seminole camped near one another and the
people of each camp visited freely in the other, learning songs and joining
in the dances. Later they fought, and the Seminole defeated the Calusa."-4
The Seminole of today insist that Chakaika and his band were not
yathampa:Li: or kalasa:Li:, but Seminole, and Mikasuki speaking. One
of the best-informed individuals believes that the ancestors of the present
Mikasuki Seminole and of Chakaika's band were originally one group, in
the north, but that when the troubles with the whites began and the Seminole
were forced gradually south, Chakaika's people came down the east coast
of the peninsula whereas the others came down the west coast, and the two
groups did not know of each other's locations until after Chakaika's death.
Chakaika is known to the Seminole as cakAyki:, or cakfykico:bi: ('big
Chakaika'). This is a boyhood name, not an adult name.35 In Muskogee, it
means approximately 'follow after,' or 'caught up with' (although another
informant translates it 'chopper'). The suffix -co:bi:, 'big,' is applied because
he was the leader of his band."- Such a suffix is often omitted in using a
personal name, so the use of "Chakaika" (and its variant spellings) in the
documentary sources is not surprising. It is probable that the final -a of
the usual written forms is derived from the Muskogee form of the word.-'
Perhaps Chakaika was a member of the Wind sib, says one old man,
since it is remembered that after his death members of this sib tried to claim
his possessions. He lived with his two wives in a large camp in the southern
Everglades, at an island known today as yatcasiski:, 'hanging person (or
people).' Informants have no knowledge of him ever having been associated
with Billy Bowlegs, or any other Seminole, in any attacks on the soldiers,
although it is said that he had gone on raids in canoes way to the north, before
his attack on Indian Key. He believed he was safe at his hammock, since the
whites were thought to have no canoes.
The raid on Indian Key and the hanging in the 'glades are well remem-
bered, even by some who do not know the name of the leader of the band.
However, as one would expect, the accounts differ somewhat in details. The
fullest description obtained will be presented first.
a3 Densmore, 1942. Other data obtained from informants and presented in this manu-
script are inaccurate, so no great reliance should be placed on the above report.
as A Mikasuki who died only three or four years ago also had cakayki: as his boyhood
se It seems more likely that he was called "big" because, as the documents but not the
traditions report, he was of tremendous physical size.
-1 See "Note on Orthography and Personal Names."


Leaving the women and children at Hanging People, Chakaika and his
men went to attack Indian Key, going down the Shark River38 and through
Whitewater Bay in their canoes. The voyage took several days. When they
reached the little town on Indian Key,s" the Indians killed and burnt several
white people, burnt their houses, and got a lot of whiskey, lead, powder, and
new blankets. They then returned with their loot, going back up the Shark
River. When he arrived at home, Chakaika got drunk on the canoe-load of
whiskey he had brought back. He had a Negro boy about sixteen years old
(whose name is not remembered), who had been captured from the whites
some time before. In his drunkenness he beat the boy, who ran off. Being
afraid to return, he waded through the swamp until he met some soldiers.
They asked him what had happened, and found that he knew where Chakaika
was.40 The soldiers, guided by the boy, reached Chakaika's camp about day-
break. Chakaika rose up from his comfortable bed of brand-new blankets,
singing drunkenly, and saw the skiffs of the soldiers approaching. He told
his people that the soldiers were coming, to get in canoes and go away fast.
The soldiers shot Chakaika and wounded him, perhaps breaking his leg. Some
of his people were killed, some were caught, and some escaped. The soldiers
had seen the bodies of people Chakaika had burnt at Indian Key, so they
wrapped him in a blanket, hung him from a large "rubber tree" ( Ficus area,
the strangling fig), and burnt him.

After the soldiers left, his surviving kin returned to the spot and looked
all around, then moved to the Big Cypress where they found the other Mik-
asuki, who were at that time living somewhere northeast of Deep Lake. The
two groups eventually intermarried, and the war experiences of each were told
to the other.

Another version relates that Chakaika and his party went to Indian
Key and stole goods. One morning about two weeks after their return to
Hanging People, Chakaika went out for firewood and came on the soldiers
waiting for him. He ran off, but the soldiers shot and killed him. The
others in the camp ran off in all directions--some escaped, and others were
killed. The informant did not know who buried Chakaika; perhaps no one,
since he was killed by the soldiers. He is said to have left no descendants.
The man who told this version said that his mother's mother, a Mikasuki
as Called in Mikasuki LaLno:tiLhahci:, 'toothed fish (i.e., shark) river.'
as Known to the present Mikasuki only by its English name-i:ncinki: in a Mikasuki
40 The name of the leader of the soldiers (i.e., Harney) is not known to the Seminole.


woman of the Otter sib, had seen Chakaika while he was alive. In fact, she
was at Hanging People before the soldiers arrived, but left for another place
just before the attack.
A third version of the tradition states that long ago the Indians (whose
leader's name was not known to the relator of this story) went to Indian Key,
where they burnt the town and killed the whites. They thought they had
killed all the inhabitants, but one woman and her child (whether boy or girl
is not known) escaped in a skiff by lying on the bottom. The Indians thought
it was simply an empty boat adrift. When she got about a mile away, she
started rowing and rowed all the way to Key West. The attackers got a lot
of whiskey from Indian Key, which they took with them on their return
into the 'glades via the Shark River. They stopped at a large hammock
called oko:mah6yLi:, a few miles southwest of Hanging People. Many were
drunk, some were not. The woman who escaped from Indian Key called
the soldiers at Key West, who tracked the attackers back into the Everglades.
The Indians saw tie sails of their boats, but thought they were Indian sailing
canoes. The soldiers caught them at oko:mah6yLi:, where they killed most
of them. Some escaped to Hanging People, where the soldiers caught some
more and hung them. From this incident the hammock derives its present
Mikasuki name.

The precise location of the hammock where Harney caught and hung
Chakaika cannot be determined from the inaccurate maps of the period of
the Seminole Wars,41 and modern maps omit it. Modern Mikasuki however
know the hammock-the one they call yatcas6ski:-and pointed it out to
the present writer. In a similar manner, the location of oko:mAh6yL!: (see
the third traditional version above) and of kociknihA:cm6ca:pi: could be
determined. The latter is undoubtedly the island called "Cochokeynehajo,
from the name of an Indian who cleared and cultivated it," where Harney's
force found symbols cut into a tree.42 The Mikasuki name means 'field of
kocaknah&:i:c (a man's name),' and the place is said to lie a bit north of
the Tamiami Trail, some 10 or 12 miles east of Hanging People.
Chakaika's Island, yatcasiski:, is located 1.25 miles due south of a point
on the Tamiami Trail 0.07 mile west of Bridge No. 42. The point is 1.9
miles west of the canal intersecting the highway about one-half mile west of
41 E.g., Sprague, 1848, frontispiece; Ives, 1856.
42 See above.


"Tamiami W Base" (U.S.D.A., 1944). This is approximately 20 highway
miles west of the Miami city limits, and half a mile east of the present loca-
tion of William McKinley Osceola's Mikasuki camp. The hammock is in
the Shark River slough, less than a mile from its western edge. The old
Seminole canoe trail from the Shark River to the Big Cypress ran a mile or
two east of the hammock, and until a few years ago its route was clearly
visible in the vegetation here.*3

The island is a large, high hammock, about three acres in extent.
Except for a rectangular clearing of about an acre on the northeast part (the
highest land inthe hammock), it is covered with heavy vegetation, including
three large strangling-fig trees, the largest of which, near the center of the
hammock, is very tall and clearly visible from the Tamiami Trail.

A rather thorough examination of the surface of the whole hammock
showed much evidence of prehistoric occupation, but the cultural deposit is
practically limited to the clearing, where it is about seven inches thick and
especially rich toward the north end. The clearing probably is due to
cultivation by recent Seminole, although no corn, pumpkins, bananas, nor
indeed any other escaped domesticates, except one lemon tree, were seen,
which is unusual for an abandoned Seminole field. No refuse of the sort
one would expect from recent Seminole occupation was found, and the only
evidence of recent visitors was one small piece of rubber matting.

On the surface were found numerous potsherds and animal bone frag-
ments, some shell, and four fragments of bottle glass. The following list
summarizes the identification of this material, for which the author is greatly
indebted to John M. Goggin.

Sherds: Rim Body
Glades Plain-- --- ------------------------- 10 137
Glades Tooled -------------------------------------9 0
Belle Glade Plain------------------ 1 0
Key Largo Incised -------- ------------------- 2 0
Unclassified incised gritty ware ---- ---------- --- 1 2

43 Don Poppenhager, personal communication, Jan. 31, 1953. The writer is indebted to
Mr. Poppenhager for providing air-boat transportation to the hammock and for
assistance in making the archeological surface collection.


Other artifacts:
Three dark green bottle glass fragments, dating from before ca. 1900.
One patinated clear bottle glass fragment, which may be post-1900.
One Busycon shell pick fragment.
One Macrocallista shell knife ??
Animal bones:
Deer, turtle, fish, small mammal, alligator.
Ostrea sp.; Macrocallista sp.; Venus sp.; Busycon sp.; Strombus
sp.; Lucina sp.
Ampullaria sp. (snail).
This hammock, given the University of Florida archeological site num-
ber Da69, was on the basis of the above specimens occupied "primarily in
Glades IIIb (or perhaps Glades IIIc, although we need more historical
material to prove it)."44 These are the last pre-Seminole archeological
periods in the Everglades region, dating from about 1500 to about 1800
(Goggin, 1950a, p. 10; Goggin, 1952, p. 36). It is probable that the remains
found are not the refuse of Chakaika's camp, since the bottle fragments are
the only possible trade goods, yet Chakaika's group must have used many
objects obtained from the whites through trade or plunder. More intensive
archeological investigation of the site would undoubtedly turn up such
material, possibly as well as later objects left by Seminole. With luck, the
burial of the soldier, Allen, might be found. The bodies of Chakaika and
his two men probably will not be found. Even if they were eventually
buried, which is uncertain, the burial may have been of the recent Seminole
above-ground type,45 in which case none of the remains would have survived
the 113 years since.

The documentary and traditional material given here shows that there
were several different Indian groups in southwest Florida in the first part
of the 19th Century. There were certainly "Seminole" bands, and individuals
with mixed Spanish and Indian ancestry. There was probably a small group
4* John M. Goggin, personal communication, Feb. 19, 1953. For the time-span of most
of the pottery types given above, see Goggin, 1950c.
45 See Neill, 1952, fig. 25.


of "Choctaws," although present Florida Seminole tradition states that the
Choctaw were never in Florida. There was probably a Calusa settlement,
the town of Caloosahatchie, at least in the earlier part of the period. There
was certainly also a band of "Spanish Indians" whose association with the
Seminole was at first even weaker than the loose connections between differ-
ent Seminole bands. These Spanish Indians were perhaps Choctaw, perhaps
Calusa remnants, or perhaps a more independent Seminole band. The last
hypothesis is considerably strengthened by the apparently unanimous present
Seminole opinion that Chakaika and his band were Mikasuki Seminole. The
group existed only a little more than a century ago, and there are definite
Seminole traditions of other, non-Seminole bands in Florida ("Bad People,"
Yuchi, and perhaps Koasati). Furthermore, the Seminole recognize the
fact that their ancestors were associated, at a much earlier period before
entering Florida, with still other groups speaking neither Muskogee nor
Mikasuki (e.g., Choctaw, Shawnee, Osage). There is considerable evidence
that at first the ties were very tenuous between the numerous Indian bands
which entered Florida and later more or less amalgamated into the Seminole.
Thus it is possible that the Spanish Indians were a group of Mikasuki-
speakers who reached South Florida somewhat earlier than the other Seminole,
and had closer relations with the Spanish in South Florida and Cuba. Sem-
inole traditions probably can cast no more light on the subject-but they at
least emphasize that this is an as yet unsolved problem. The solution may
come from archeological investigation in the Charlotte Harbor region or at
Chakaika's Island, or more likely from a search of historical documents in
Washington, Cuba, or Seville.
For the three specific incidents here dealt with, the documentary and
traditional accounts differ in fullness and emphasis, as well as in detail. No
traditions survive, as far as the author could discover, of the attack on
Harney's force on the Caloosahatchie. From the Seminole point of view,
there was probably nothing unusual about this fight; the factor of the misun-
derstandings and bad faith in Macomb's "agreement" was not unusual either.
We are fortunate in having the rather full account of the Indian side of the
engagement preserved in the story by Sampson.
The traditional accounts of the raid on Indian Key agree quite well
with the documentary sources, and add the information that the route fol-
lowed was down and back via the Shark River. The locations of Chakaika's
home, Hanging People, and of Indian Key are remembered. The distance of
the trip, and the amount of plunder obtained, both probably unusual fea-


tures, are emphasized. The number of whites killed at the Key is exaggerated.
Although the escape of Mrs. Perrine and her children is apparently remem-
bered, one tradition incorrectly states that she rowed all the way to Key West.

The most important difference between the traditional and documentary
accounts is the shortening of the interval between the Indian Key raid and
Chakaika's death. Whereas actually four months intervened, the traditions
make it at most a week or two, and view Harney's expedition as a direct
result of the Indian Key raid. In fact, the modern Seminole seem to feel that
Chakaika was justly punished for what he did at Indian Key. This is certainly
a far different view than that reported for the Seminole at the time; the
present Indians do not especially identify themselves with Chakaika, and
they are today a thoroughly peaceful and law-abiding people. Several inci-
dents of Harney's raid are more or less correctly remembered: the soldiers'
use of boats, the role of the Negro guide, the complete surprise of the attack,
the fact that Chakaika was at the time chopping wood at some little distance
from the rest, and the hanging of Chakaika and some of his men, while some
were captured and others escaped. Some of the other details are incorrectly
remembered. The most important contribution of tradition is the precise
location of the hammock where Chakaika lived and was hung.

If we had only the traditional accounts of these happenings, we could
be fairly certain that they referred to specific historical happenings, and that
the places remembered as involved are accurately located. But we could
not rely on the chronology, nor could we be sure that other equally important
events of the same time were not omitted. This is probably the case with
most Seminole traditions dealing with the Seminole Wars. For earlier times,
the traditions are vaguer and certainly less accurate in detail, but are still of
some use as strict history, especially when used with other evidence. For
later periods the traditions are more and more accurate and full. As one
reaches personal reminiscences of happenings actually observed or partici-
pated in, the accounts give more information on Indian understanding and
attitudes, as well as on the historical events themselves.

The utilization of this major source of Florida historical data will
require field-work more difficult than the interviewing of the usual sorts of
"old settlers," but it is at least equally rewarding. Seminole tradition gives
a very different viewpoint of historical happenings which in itself is highly
desirable and interesting, as well as providing new information which can
be added to historical knowledge. Until the last few decades, the Seminole


were probably the most important as well as for long the most numerous
inhabitants of mainland South Florida. Before about 1860, they were impor-
tant in the history not only of the whole state, but of the United States. They
are an interesting people who should receive more attention from historians
and others.

The orthography used here for the transcription of Mikasuki Seminole
is one worked out by the author. The symbols have approximately the
following values:

p, b, t, f, h, m, n, 1, w, y nearly as in English
k as English "k" in "skin" or nearly as "g" in "again"
s nearly as English "sh" in "shin"
c nearly as English "ch" in "chin"
L voiceless "I", a sound not occurring in English, but remotely
resembling "thl" in "athlete" or "1" in a rapid pronun-
ciation of "slip"
i as "i" in English "pin" or "e" in "pen"
i: nearly as "ee" in English "feel"
o nearly as "o" in English "mote" or "u" in "put"
o: nearly as "o" in English "pole"
a as "o" in American English "pot"
a: as "a" in English "father"
S- over a vowel indicates nasalization, as in French "pain, on,"
Double consonants, such as -kk-, are about twice as long as
single ones.
Accented syllables are louder than un-marked ones:
over a vowel indicates a high, level pitch of the voice;
S- indicates a high pitch falling to a low one;
unmarked syllables are usually lower in pitch than marked ones.

Muskogee (also called Creek), the language of the modern Cow Creek
Seminole and of the Oklahoma Creek and Oklahoma Seminole, is related
to Misasuki but the two languages are not mutually intelligible. For Mus-
kogee, the best system of transcription is that of M. R. Haas (1940, pp.


149-150). Her symbols have almost the same values as the ones used here
for Mikasuki. Unfortunately, lack of time prevented the present writer
from getting Cow Creek Seminole translations for all the Mikasuki expres-
sions given here. Therefore, in the following discussion of names, Swanton's
transcription has been converted into Haas' only insofar as the present
writer's knowledge, and comparison with Loughbridge's dictionary (Lough-
bridge and Hodge, 1914), would permit. The major defects in my transcrip-
tions of these Muskogee words are probably occasional omissions of long
marks (:), writing of some double consonants as single ones, and inadequate
marking of the tonal accents.
Almost all Mikasuki personal names, male and female, are in Muskogee.
The only major change made in the Muskogee words is the replacement of
the final vowel, whatever it may be, with -i: in Mikasuki. Women get but
one name, which they bear from childhood to death, whereas men now receive
a childhood name which is replaced by an adult name at age 10-15. In
former days, these adult names were gained via feats of military valor, and
an individual might receive several during his adulthood-although appar-
ently the first adult name was usually the one most commonly used even
when a man had subsequently received other war names. As will be seen
in the list below, adult male names are and were almost invariably of two
parts, of which the first normally is the name of an animal, sib, town, or
tribe, and the second is often derived from the title of a civil or military
official. In day to day conversation, the second element is now frequently
omitted, and this was apparently the case a hundred years ago also, since we
frequently find the same individual alternatively referred to by the first
element alone or by the whole name. Modern Mikasuki interpretations of
the meanings of men's names are frequently unsatisfactory, for two reasons:
the words are in Muskogee, not Mikasuki, and the official positions of which
the titles are so often the basis of the final name elements are mostly no longer
in existence among the modern Seminole. Hence, in the interpretations
given here, I have in most cases followed Swanton (1928a, pp. 101-107 and
passim). A few meanings are from my informants (mostly Mikasuki speak-
ers) or from Loughbridge and Hodge (1914).
Almost all personal names in the historic documents are given in their
Muskogee forms, even when the individuals referred to are definitely known
to have been Mikasuki. It seems very probable that for several centuries
there have been a large number of Muskogee-Mikasuki bilinguals in both
groups, as there are in Florida today. It is also likely that most interpreters


available used Muskogee and English, rather than Mikasuki and English,
even when dealing with Mikasuki. Before the splitting-off of the Mikasuki
Seminole from the Creek Confederacy, Muskogee must have been the language
they normally used in dealing with outsiders, and there is no reason to sup-
pose the situation changed after the split, since undoubtedly many more
outsiders knew Muskogee than knew Mikasuki.
The following are the Indian names mentioned in this paper. The order
of presentation is (1) Indian name, as written in the sources (only a few
variants are given, of the multitude that occur). (2) English name, where
given. (3) Mikasuki Seminole pronunciation. (4) Muskogee equivalent.
(5) Translation of the latter. (6) Comments.
Arpeika, Aripeka, Arpeik, Appiaca, Apeiaka, Arpiucki, etc. (2) Sam Jones
(3) abayakha:ci: (in normal shortened form, Abaya:ki:) (4) a:paya:kl:
ha:c6: (5) a:paya:ka:, 'yellow rat snake (Elaphe obsoleta)'; ha:co:,
'crazy, furious in battle' (6) This was one of Sam Jones' war names. His
first adult name was tastanakata:fi:, 'wise warrior.'
Callope (6) I am unable to suggest any interpretation for this (Spanish)
Capichalafola (3) probably kapikcayaholi: (4) kapikca yahola (Swanton's
spelling would give "kapica" rather than "kapikca") (5) kapikca,
'lye-drip'; yahola, "refers to the yahola cry, a long-drawn-out shout
uttered by the bearers of the black drink while the chiefs and warriors
were taking it" (Swanton, 1928a, p. 101). (6) The interpretation of the
spelling "Capicha" as kapikca is obvious; that of "lafola" is less certain.
For another case where Spanish "f" perhaps represents "h" (possibly an
error in reading an original manuscript "h"), see Uquisilisinifa below.
Chakika, Chekika, Chakaikee, Chikika, Chekikia, Chekeka, Chaikika,
Chokika, Chikiko, Chechika (3) cakayki, or cakaykico:bi: ('big
caklyki:') (5) 'follow after,' or 'caught up with' (or perhaps 'chopper')
(6) A boyhood name, not his adult name the latter is not remembered).
The spelling adopted in this paper is a compromise between the most
common spellings (Chakika, Chekika) and the Misasuki pronunciation.
Chia (6) I am unable to suggest what this spelling stands for or to provide
an interpretation.
Chitto-Tustenugge (3) cittotastanaki: (4) citto tastanakki: (5) citto, 'snake';
tastanikki:, 'warrior.'


Chochokeynehajo (3) kocAknAha:ci: (4) koc6kni ha:c6: (5) koc6kni,
'short'; ha:c6:, 'crazy, furious in battle.'
Cosafamico (6) The last part is certainly Creek mikko, 'chief.' The first
part is dubious; if it represents kosa (the name of a Creek town),
which is a possible initial name-element, the "-fa-" remains unexplained.
Another possibility is kowasa:ti (the Koasati tribe), but this seems a
bit too far from the Spanish spelling.
Gulas (6) This Spanish spelling is difficult to interpret; if the name is Creek,
there is a remote possibility that it stands for kalasi (the last vowel is
dubious), 'Calusa,' although if so, as a name there should be another,
final, element, and kalasi has not been recorded by Swanton or myself
as a Creek or Seminole name-element.
Halleck-Tustenuggee, Harlock-Tustenuggee (3) ahalaktastanaki: (4) ahalak
tastanakki: (5) 'potato warrior.'
Holatter-Micco, Oh-lachta Mico, etc. (2) Billy Bowlegs (3) hoIahtmiki: (4)
holahta mikko (5) holahta was a Muskogee ceremonial official (men-
tioned but nowhere defined in Swanton, 1928a and 1928b); mikko,

Holartoochee, Holatoochee (2) Davy ? (3) holahto:ci: (4) holahtoci (5)
'little holahta.'
Hospetarke, Hospertacke (2) Shiver and Shakes (3) hospatA:ki: (4) ?
-pata:ka ? (5) perhaps contains pata:ka, 'bed.'

Lew-fall-micco (3) yofa:lmiki: ? (4) yofa:la mikko ? (5) 'Eufaula (a
Muskogee town) chief.'
Oche-Hadjo (3) oci:hi:ci: (4) oci: ha:c6: (5) 'crazy hickory.'
Ochismucu (3) probably oci:smiki: (4) oci:si: mikko (5) oci:si:, the name
of a town, perhaps from a Hitchiti word meaning 'people of foreign
speech' (see Swanton, 1922, pp. 413-414); mikko, 'chief' (6) Of the
names from Spanish documents (Morales Patiiio, MS.), this is the most
susceptible of interpretation.
Opo-arico (6) The "opo" may represent the Creek (and Mikasuki) initial
name-element hopo:y-, which may perhaps be from Creek hopo:ya,
'a seeker' (Loughbridge and Hodge, 1914, p. 146). The final element
is doubtful. No sound similar to the Spanish (or English) "r" occurs


in Creek or Mikasuki; if hopo:y- is from hopo:ya, then perhaps the
division should be Opoa-rico, in which case one might guess that "rico"
represents Creek Lakko, 'big.' However, compare Opoilacho and
Yottajo-Arico below.
Opoilacho (6) In this case, the interpretation of "Opoi" as Creek hopo:y- is
much more certain than for "Opo" above; similarly, "lacho" represents
Ldkko, 'big' more probably than does "rico" above.
Otalke-Thlocko (2) The Prophet (3) hotalkiLAkki: (4) hotalki Lakko (5)
hotalki, 'wind'; Lakko, 'big.'
Passacka, Parsacke (6) Creek, Mikasuki, and meaning unknown to me.
Sho-nock-Hadjo (3) s6:nakha:ci: (6) This is still in use as a Mikasuki
name, but the Creek equivalent and the translation are unknown to me.
Thock-lo-Tustenuggee (2) Tigertail, Fish King (3) LaLotastanaki: (4) LaLo
tastanikki: (5) 'fish warrior.
Tmacha (6) The initial letter in this Spanish spelling is evidently an error.
If it is a mis-reading of an original capital "I", then the name may have
been Creek i:ma:La (Mikasuki i:ma:Li:), 'warrior of the second class'
(Swanton, 1928a, pp. 198 fn. 4, 301), which is a possible initial name-
element and a common final one.
Uquisilisinifa (6) "-sinifa" perhaps represents the common Creek final name-
element hiniha, 'chief's lieutenant' (Swanton, 1928a, p. 192). The rest
of the name is obscure; one might suggest that "-ili-" represents Creek
illi:, 'leg,' which sometimes occurs in names following the name of an
animal, but this is dubious and leaves "uquis-" unexplained.
Yafa-Fastonasque (3) probably yahatastanaki: (4) yaha tastanikki: (5)
'wolf warrior.'
Yottaja-Arico (6) The interpretation of this Spanish spelling is obscure.
There is a remote possibility that "yottaja" represents the Creek name-
element yofa:la, 'Eufaula (a Creek town).'


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Davis, T. Frederick-1946. The Alagon, Punon Rostro, and Vargas Land Grants (The
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Field-work of the Smithsonian Institution in 1932, pp. 93-96, Smithsonian Institution,
Densmore, Frances-1942. Seminole Music (Manuscript in the Bureau of American
Ethnology, Washington).
Dodd, Dorothy-1947. Captain Bunce's Tampa Bay Fisheries, 1835-1840 (The Florida His.
torical Quarterly, vol. 25, no. 3, pp. 246.256, St. Augustine).
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New York).
Forbes, James Grant-1821. Sketches, Historical and Topographical, of the Floridas;
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Goggin, John M.-1950b. The Indians and History of the Matecumbe Region (Tequesta,
no. 10, pp. 13-24, Coral Gables, Florida).
Goggin, John M.-1950c. Stratigraphic Tests in the Everglades National Park (Amer-
ican Antiquity, vol. 15, no. 3, pp. 228-246, Menasha, Wisconsin).
Goggin, John M.-1952. Space and Time Perspective in Northern St. Johns Archeology,
Florida (Yale Univ. Publications in Anthropology, no. 47, New Haven, Conn.).


Goggin, John M.-MS. Archeology of the Glades Area, Southern Florida.
Haas, Mary R.-1940. Ablaut and its Function in Muskogee (Language, vol. 16, no. 2,
pp. 141-150, Baltimore, Md.).
Harney, William Selby-1861. Official correspondence of Brig. W. S. Harney, U. S.
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tory, Condition and Prospects of the Indian Tribes of the United States: Collected
and Prepared under the direction of the Bureau of Indian Afairs, per act of Congress
of March 3d, 1847 (Part I, Lippincott, Grambo & Company, Philadelphia).
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privates of the U. S. Army, Navy, and Marine Corps, who were killed in battle or
died of disease. As also the names of officers who were distinguished by brevets,
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glades Drainage District, Florida (Scale 1:126,720).
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[Walker, Hester Maria Smith (Perrine) 1-1841. The pathetic and lamentable Narrative
of Miss Perrine, on the Massacre and destruction of Indian Key Village, in August,
1840 (pp. 7-11 in Anonymous, 1841b).
Walker, Hester Perrine-1926. Massacre at Indian Key, August 7, 1840 and the death
of Doctor Henry Perrine (The Florida Historical Quarterly, vol. 5, no. 1, pp. 18-42,
Gainesville, Fla.).
Whorf, Benjamin L.-1941. The Relation of Habitual Thought and Behavior to Language
(pp. 75-93 in "Language, Culture, and Personality," edited by Leslie Spier, A. Irving
Hallowell, and Stanley Newman, Menasha, Wisconsin).
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Civil and Natural History, of the Country, the Climate, and the Indian Tribes, From
the First Discovery to the Present Time, with a Map, Views, &c. (A. T. Goodrich,
New York).

Florida Herald and Southern Democrat, issue of Dec. 31, 1840 (St. Augustine).
The News, issues of Aug. 21, 1840, Jan. 1, 1841, Jan. 8, 1841 (St. Augustine).
Niles' National Register, containing political, historical, geographical, scientifical, statis-
tical, economical, and biographical documents, essays and facts: together with notices
of the arts, and manufactures, and a record of the events of the times. From March,
1839, to September 1839-Vol. VI, or, Volume LVI-Fifth Series; issues of June 22,
July 6, July 20, Aug. 17, Aug. 24; From September, 1840, to March, 1841-Volume
LIX--or, Vol. IX, Fifth Series; issues of Jan. 16, Jan. 23, Feb. 20; From March,
1841, to September, 1841-Volume LX-or, Vol. X, Fifth Series; issues of April 3,
April 10; (Baltimore).

This Page Blank in Original
Source Document

The Association's Historical Marker Program

The Historical Association of Southern Florida has dedicated two
historical markers since those reported in 1952 Tequesta. Both are roadside
type. They are of the same material and design as that adopted for the
initation of the program in 1952. The Association's committee on historic
sites and markers chooses the sites and prepares the inscriptions.
On October 26, 1952, a marker was dedicated at Miami Interational
Airport, Roger W. Toomey, manager of Pan American Airways' Latin-
American Division made the principal address. Adam Kralik, oldest Miami
employee of the airline in terms of service, and Adam G. Adams, President
of the Historical Association of Southern Florida, unveiled the marker. Mr.
Adams presented it to Dade County. I. D. McVicar, chairman of the Airport
Committee of the Board of County Commissioners, accepted it for the county.

(formerly Pan American Field)

Here Pan American World Airways amphibians took off on pioneer
flights vital in linking the Americas. By Federal order on October
16, 1928, original 116 acres became first customs entry airport on
U. S. Atlantic mainland. In 1929, first regular airmail was flown
to Nassau Jan. 2; to Puerto Rico Jan. 9. On Feb. 4, Col. Lindbergh
inaugurated regular airmail to Panama. In 1931, when Pan Amer-
ican began using flying boats from Dinner Key, Eastern Air Trans-
port here started first scheduled passenger service to New York.
In 1945, field was purchased by Dade County, expanded and renamed
Miami International Airport.



On October 28, 1953, a marker was dedicated at Dinner Key, marking
the site of the aviation base that was Miami's first air link with Latin America.
Paul C. Aiken of Washington, D. C., former assistant postmaster general in
charge of international air mail made the dedication address. Mayor Chelsie
J. Senerchia accepted the plaque for the City of Miami.
On the same occasion the circle at Dinner Key was designated "Clipper
Circle", and the entrance roadway from South Bayshore Drive was named
Pan American Drive.


Picknickers in sailboat days gave the key its name. In World
War I, it was a naval air base. In 1930, Pan American World Air-
ways here inaugurated flying boat service to Latin America, erecting
huge hangars and a terminal. The U. S. Government dredged first
channel in history especially for aircraft. Over 100,000 visitors a
month came to see the giant flying clippers.

Coast Guard established seaplane base iii 1932. In World
War II, Navy and Pan American operated flying boats here until
Latin American Airports built for hemisphere defense enabled use
of more economical landplanes. City of Miami purchased key
in 1946.



CARLTON J. CORLISS writes about railroads from personal experience.
He has forty-four years of railroad experience. He spent nearly six years on
the building of the Overseas Railway to Key West during the height of
construction activity. He entered F. E. C. service as labor recruiting clerk in
Miami under the first chief engineer, Joseph C. Meredith, and served under
Mr. Meredith's successor, William J. Krome, as chief clerk of the headquar-
ters office at Marthon. While engaged in this work, he met and married
Loretta Billings, daughter of C. H. Billings, a Miami pioneer. Since 1937,
except for a short period on leave of absence to write a railroad history, Mr.
Corliss has been manager of the Public Section, a branch of the Public
Relations Department, of the Association of American Railroads in Wash-
ington. He is author of Main Line of Mid-America, the centennial history
of the Illinois Central Railroad; Trail to Rails, a story of the transportation
development of Illinois, and numerous articles on railway history.

R. BRUCE LEDIN was educated at the University of Minnesota and the
University of Indiana. He came to South Florida in 1946 as an instructor
in botany at the University of Miami. While there he became interested in
native plants and in the history of botany in South Florida. Many naturalists
visited this region in earlier days and described what they found in nature,
and incidentally something of what was going on in the way of human activ-
ity. In 1951 he joined the staff of the Sub-Tropical Experiment Station at
Homestead where his work is along practical lines of horticulture. He is
author of "Compositae of South Florida", and co-author of "400 Plants of
South Florida".

WILLIAM C. STURTEVANT early developed an interest in American Indians
which led to his majoring in anthropology as an undergraduate at the Uni-
versity of California, and then as a graduate student at Yale University.
Discovering the Florida Seminole to be a largely neglected group, he spent
three summers and an autumn during 1950 to 1953 visiting their camps to
learn about their languages and customs, gathering information for his
PhD dissertation on the tribe. This experience has given him an interest in
the customs of the Seminoles and in their part in Florida history which he
intends to pursue further.




On hand Sept. 1, 1952
Building Fund ----------------- -- ----$2,166.26
Marker Fund -------------------_-------- 123.72
General Fund---------------------- --- 1,306.96 $3,596.94

Dues collected---------- -------------------3,615.00
Contributions to Building Fund------------------------ 699.98
Contributions to Marker Fund ---- ------------ 60.50
Miscellaneous Income-------- ------- --------- ---- 296.76 4,672.24

Publishing Tequesta ---- -------------------- 685.55
Program Meetings----------------------------- 260.34
Treasurer ------------------------------------- -- 185.82
Corresponding Secretary--------------------- 8.50
Miscellaneous Expenses------------------------------- 378.64 1,518.85

On hand August 31, 1953
Building Fund-------------------------------- 5,259.15
Marker Fund-------------------------------- 18422
General Fund ---------------------------- 1,306.96 6,750.33

$8269.18 $8,269.18
At the close of the fiscal year, the surplus of $2,392.91 was transferred to the Building Fund.
Withers Transfer & Storage Co. of Coral Gables is providing fireproof protection for our
archives without charge.
With our increased resources, it seemed good business practice to place your treasurer
under a $5,000 surety bond, which has been done.

Total Amount
$2 $3 $5 $10 $25 $100 $250 Members Collected
1950 -------------423 .135 558 $1,521
1951 --------- 408 2 168 19 2 1 600 2,150
1952 --------------- 33 329 190 29 7 2 1 591 2,918
1953 --------------- 302 190 50 12 5 1 560 3,406
EDWIN G. BISHOP, Treasurer.
Callahan & Stuzin, Certified Public Accountants, duPont Building, Miami, have
contributed their services in an audit of our books. Their review included the following
1. Reconciliation of book balances with balances confirmed directly with bank depositories.
2. Examination of bookkeeping entries for cash receipts and disubrsements.
3. Comparison of receipts and disbursements recorded with cancelled checks and bank
4. Verification of footings in cash receipts and disbursements record.
5. Compared Treasurer's Report with books of account.



EXPLANATORY NOTE: The Society provides several classes of membership.
Regular or "Annual" members at three dollars a year make up the great major-
ity of the list. For those who wish to contribute more for the promotion of the
Association's work, the other classes of membership provide the opportunity,
and the publication of their names in the proper category of membership is a
means of recognition. "Sustaining" members pay five dollars a year, "Patrons"
pay ten dollars a year, "Donors" pay twenty-five dollars a year, "Sponsors" pay
one hundred dollars a year, and "Benefactors" contribute two hundred and fifty
dollars or more a year.
This printed roster is made up of the names of those persons and institutions
that have paid dues in 1952 or in 1953 before September 30, when this material
must go to press. Those joining after this date in 1953 will have their names
included in the 1954 roster. The symbol ** indicates founding member and the
symbol indicates charter member.

Annual Members

Ada Merritt Jr. High School, Miami
Adams, Elliot, Jacksonville
Albertson Memorial Library, Orlando
Allardt, Mrs. Frederick, Pacific Palisades,
Allen, Robert L., Deland
American Museum of Natural History,
New York
Andrews, Melvin D., Miami
Anthony, Roscoe T., Palm Beach
Archer, Ben, Homestead
Ardis, John T., Miami Beach
Ayars, Erling B., S. Miami
Baker, Therese C., Stuart
Barker, Virgil, Miami
Bartow Public Library, Bartow
Baum, Earl L, Naples
Baxter, John M., Miami*
Beal, K. Malcolm, Miami*
Beck, Mrs. Alfred J., Ft. Lauderdale*
Benson, John L., Coral Gables
Bingham, Mrs. Millicent T., Washington,
D. C.
Bird, Mary G., Coral Gables
Bishop, Edwin G., Miami*
Black, Mrs. Charles E., Miami*
Black, Dr. Linnie, Miami
Black, W. L, Jr., Coral Gables
Bliss, H. Bond, Miami*
Blouvelt, Mrs. Arthur, Coral Gables
Botts, G. W., Jacksonville
Bowen, Crate D., Miami*
Boyd, Mark F., Tallahassee*
Bradfield, E. S., Miami Beach**
Brickell, James B., Oxford, Md.
Brickell, Mrs. James B., Oxford, Md.
Briggs, Harold E., Carbondale, Ill.*
Brinson, J. Hardee, Miami
Brook, John, Jr., Coral Gables

Brown University Library
Brown, William Mark, Miami*
Bullen, Ripley P., Gainesville
Burton, Mrs. Robert A., Miami*
Bush, R. S., Miami
Busse, Raymond J., Miami
Byrd, Mrs. Wade, Miami
Campbell, Mrs. Park H., S. Miami*
Capron, Louis B., West Palm Beach
Carnine, Miss Helen M., Miami
Carson, Mrs. Ruby Leach, Miami Springs**
Cartee, Mrs. Horace L, Coral Gables
Cass, Mrs. Glen B., Miami
Castillo, Miss Angela del, Washington, D. C.
Callow, Mrs. William R., Jr., Bloomfield,
N. J.*
Chase, H. R., Miami
Christian, Mrs. Mary Poole, Clewiston
Clarke, Mary Helm, Coral Gables*
Close, Kenneth, Miami
Coconut Grove Library
Cole, R. B., Miami
Columbia University Library
Combs, Walter H., Jr., Miami*
Combs, Mrs. Walter H., Sr., Miami*
Connor, Mrs. June, Tampa
Cook, John B., Miami
Cooney, Mrs. Robert E., Miami
Coppedge, Gene, Silver Springs
Coral Gables Public Library*
Cox, Mrs. Jessamine S., Miami
Coyner, Ed., Miami
Crow, Lon Worth, Miami*
Crow, Mrs. Lon Worth, Miami*
Cullen, Ralph O., Coral Gables
Cunningham, Mrs. J. L., Coral Gables
Cunningham, J. L., Coral Gables
Curtis, Kent, Oregon, Ill.
Cushman School, The, Miami*


Dade County Teachers' Professional Library
Davies, Edward G., Miami
Davis, Arthur Vining, Miami
Davis, Katherine Fite, Coral Gables
DeBoe, Mrs. Mizpah Otto, Coral Gables
de Lamorton, Fred, Tampa
Dismukes, Win. P., Coral Gables*
Dodd, Dr. Dorothy, Tallahassee*
Dorn, Mrs. J. K., Sr., Miami
Dorn, J. K., Jr., Miami
Dorothy, Mrs. Caroline, Miami*
Dovell, J. E., Gainesville
Dunaway, Mrs. Carl E., Miami*
DuVal, Mrs. Hugh F., Miami
Dykes, Robert J., Miami
Earle, Walter F., Ormond Beach
Earman, Joe S., Vero Beach*
Eckel, Mrs. Frederick L., Ft. Lauderdale
Edward L. Constance Jr.-Sr. High School,
N. Miami
Edwards, Mrs. Howard K., Miami
Elder, Mrs. Leola A., Miami*
Elder, Dr. S .F., Miami*
Elliott, Mrs. Robert C., Ft. Lauderdale
England, Mrs. P. H., Coral Gables
Evans, Don G., Miami
Fairchild, Mrs. David, Miami*
Falkenherg, John, New York
Fisher, Mrs. Jane, Miami Beach
Fite, Robert H., Miami
Florida Geological Survey
Florida Southern College
Florida State Library
Florida State University
Flynn, Stephen J., Jr., Miami
Forman, Mrs. J. B., Ft. Lauderdale
Foster, Athene S., Miami*
Francois, Florence M., Miami
Freeland, Mrs. William L., Coral Gables**
Freeling, J. S., Miami
Feeling, Mrs. J. S., Miami
Frierson, William T., Brooksville*
Frohock, Mrs. Jack, Miami
Fuzzard, Miss Jessie M., Miami*
Gardner, R. C., Miami*
Gardner, Mrs. R. C., Miami*
Gates, Harley D., Boca Raton
Gellrich, Mrs. Ida W., Key West
Giblin, Vincent C., Miami
Gibson, Mrs. Walter C., Miami*
Gifford, Mrs. John C., Miami*
Gilbert, Bertha K., Hollywood
Gillespie, Margaret M., Miami
Gillette, George, Wauchula
Givens, Robert H., Jr., Miami
Goggin, John M., Gainesville
Goldweber, S., Miami
Graham, James S., Ft. Lauderdale
Graham, William A., Miami Springs

Greene, Miss Clarissa, Miami
Gregor, Henry, Coral Gables
Griffin, John W., Gainesville
Griffith, Arthur, Miami
Griley, Victor P., Miami
Griswold, Oliver, Miami
Grose, Mrs. Esther N., Miami
Hack, Ernest, Miami
Hack, Jacob, Jr., Miami
Hack, William, Miami
Hagan, Thomas W., Miami
Haggard, Mrs. W. A., Miami*
Hall, Willis E., Coral Gables
Hallstead, Fred, Ft. Lauderdale
Halstead, W. L., Miami
Hampton, Mrs. John, Sparks, Md.*
Hancock, Mrs. J. T., Okeechobee
Hancock, Susan, Okeechobee
Haney, J. Rodney, Coral Gables
Hanna, A. J., Winter Park*
Harper, Mrs. Raymond, Princeton, N. J.
Hart, Mrs. Reginald, Coral Gables
Harvard College Library
Harvey, J. H., Miami
Havee, Mrs. Kathryn, Miami
Heldenberg, Miss Anne C., Washington,
Hendry, Judge Norman, Miami
Herin, Thomas D., Miami
Hess, Alfred, Miami
Higgs, Charles D., Fontana, Wis.*
Holland, Judge John W., Miami*
Holland, Hon. Spessard L., Washington,
Hollister, Mrs. Louise C., Miami
Holmdale, Mrs. A. G., Miami
Holmes, Jeanne, Coral Gables
Hooker, Roland M., Miami
Hudson, Mrs. F. M., Miami*
Huggins, Mrs. Lulu C., Miami
Humes, Mrs. Ralph H., Miami*
Irwin, F. H., Miami
Jahn, LeRoy S., Miami
Jenkins, Leon R., Miami
Jones, Col. A. B., Miami
Jones, L. A., Miami*
Jones, Mrs. L. A., Miami*
Jones, Mrs. Macklin, Miami*
Jones, Mrs. Mary D., Coral Gables
Kaplan, Dr. Jacob H., Miami Beach*
Kendall Elementary School
Kiem, Stanley, Miami
Kilvert, Maxwell A., Winter Park*
King, C. Harold, Miami
Kistler, The C. W. Co., Miami
Kniffen, Claude L., Coral Gables
Kohl, Mrs. Lavinia B., Palm Beach
Kussrow, Van C., Miami Beach
Lake Worth Public Library


Latimer, Mrs. Florence A., Coral Gables
Lawrence, Mrs. W. A., Miami*
Lee, David C., Jr., Skokie, Ill.
Lewis, Miss Carlotta, Coral Gables
Lewis, Miss Mary D., Tallahassee
Leyden, Mrs. Charles S., Coral Gables
Lindsey Hopkins Vocational School
Lipp, Morris N., Miami Beach
Littlefield, Miss Helena, Coral Gables
Loftin, Scott M., Jacksonville
Longshore, Frank, Miami
Lowe, Mrs. Louis M., Miami
Lummus, Tom J., Miami
Lyell, Robert 0., Miami
Lyell, Mrs. Robert O., Miami
Lyman, Jack B., Miami
Lynch, Sylvester John, Homestead*
MacArthur, Mrs. W. E., Miami
MacArthur, W. E., Miami
MacDonald, Miss Barbara, Miami
MacDonald, Miss Betty, Miami
Manly, Charles W., Miami
Manning, Mrs. Wm. S., Jacksonville
Marchman, Watt P., Fremont, Ohio*
Martin, John K., Tampa
Mason, Mrs. Joe J., Miami
Mason, W. Scott, Jr., S. Miami*
Matteson, Miss Eleanor E., Miami*
May, Philip S., Jacksonville
McCaughan, George C., Miami
McCollum, John I., Miami
McCune, Adrian, Miami Beach
McGahey, Miss Lillian, Miami
McKee, Arthur, Jr., Plantation Key
McKibben, Dr. William W., Coral Gables
McKim, Mrs. L. H., Montreal, Canada
McManeus, Charles M., Miami
McManus, Mrs. Merry R., Okahumpka
Meissner, Charles R., Homestead
Memorial Library of the Palm Beaches
Meredith, Mrs. Evelyn T., Miami
Merrick, Miss Ethel F., Coral Gables
Merritt, Robert M., Miami Beach
Merritt, Dr. Webster, Jacksonville
Miami Edison Senior High Library
Miami Junior Woman's Club
Miami Memorial Public Library*
Miami Public Library, Allapattah
Miami Public Library, Lemon City**
Miami Public Library, Riverside
Miami Public Library, Shenandoah
Miami Senior High School Library
Miami Springs Memorial Public Library
Michel, Miss Hedwig, Estero
Mikesell, Ernest E., Miami
Milberg, Edmund J., Miami Beach
Miller, Benjamin, Miami
Miller, Dean R., Miami
Mitchell, Harry James, Key West

Moore, Mrs. T. V., Miami*
Morgan, C. L., Miami
Morris, Miss Zula, Miami*
Mudd, Dr. Richard D., Saginaw, Mich.
Muir, William W., Miami
Mueller, Leonard R., Miami
Nelson, Mrs. Winifred H., Miami
Newberry Library, Chicago
Newell, Miss Natalie, Miami*
Nugent, Patrick B., Swananoa, N. C.*
Nugent, Mrs. Patrick B., Swananoa, N. C.*
O'Bryant, Violet, Miami
Oglesby, W. Dickey, Coral Gables
Otis, Robert R., Jacksonville
Ott, Mrs. Roy V., Miami
Owre, J. Riis, Coral Gables
Pace, Mrs. Johnson H., Miami*
Pace, Rev. Johnson H., Jr., Ft. Walton
Parker, Mrs. D. Larsen, Miami
Parsons, Mrs. Frances G., Miami
Partak, Albert W., Miami
Patrick, Rembert W., Gainesville
Peabody Museum Library
Peacock, Mrs. Coral, Miami
Pearce, Mrs. Dixon, Miami
Pemberton, Mrs. P. G., Miami
Pemberton, P. G., Miami
Pendergast, Mrs. Eleanor L., Miami*
Penfield, Thomas, Hollywood, Calif.
Pierce, Miss Ruby Edna, Palm Beach
Piggott, E. St. Clair, Miami
Platt, Mrs. Ronald C., Miami
Platt, T. Beach, Miami
Plowden, Gene, Miami
Prince, J. W., Naples
Reynolds, Mrs. H. Jarvis, Coral Gables
Railey, Lilburn R., Miami
Robbins, Leon A., Boynton Beach
Rollins College
Rollins, Mildred, Miami
Rosner, George W., Coral Gables*
Ross, Malcolm, Miami
Royce, Gardner, Coral Gables
Sadlier, Rt. Rev. Francis, St. Leo Abbey
Ruettger, Mrs. Ruby, Miami
Russell, Edmund L., Warrington
Saunders, Lewis M., Miami
Scheminger, John, Jr., Providence, R. I.
Sessa, Frank B., Miami
Seasler, Robert G., Melbourne
Shappee, Nathan D., Miami
Shaw, Henry 0., Miami
Shaw, Martin L., Miami
Sherritt, Charles L., Miami
Shewmake, Mrs. C. E., Miami
Simmons, J. P., Miami Beach
Simons, Allan, Miami Beach
Singer, Paul, Miami Beach


Singleton, Mrs. E. M., Miami
Singleton, W. L., Miami
Smith, Mrs. Edna H., Miami
Snodgrass, Miss Dena, Jacksonville
Squibb, Alex., Miami
State Historical Society of Wisconsin
State University of Iowa
Stern, David S., Coral Gables
Stetson University
Stevens, Mrs. T. T., Miami
Stevens ,Walter, Ft. Lauderdale
Straight, Dr. William M., Coral Gables
Strong, Clarence E., South Miami
Sullivan, Mrs. Howard W., Haverbill, N. H.*
Sydow, William, Miami
Talley, Howard J., Miami
Taylor, Paul C., Miami
Taylor, Robert R., Coral Gables*
Tebeau, Mrs. Violet H., Coral Gables
Tharp, Charles Doren, Coral Gables*
Therkildson, Mrs. Helen, Miami
Thomas, Pembroke L., Miami
Thompson, Carey R., Miami
Thrift, Charles T., Jr., Lakeland
Tonkins, Mrs. Mary E., Coral Gables
Toombs, Bettie Louise, Miami
Topping, D. G., Ponte Vedra
Trader, R. V., Coral Gables
Trammell, Wilson, Miami
Trice, Mrs. H. H., Coral Gables
True, David O., Miami*
Turnbull, Daniel F., Sarasota
Tussey, Mrs. Ethel Wayt, Miami

University of Miami Library
University of Virginia Library
Van Orsdel, C. D., Coral Gables
Verdoorn, Frans, Waltham, Mass.
Vosburgh, John R., Miami
Wall, A. Edward, Miami
Walton, Mrs. Catherine Y., Miami
Warner, Miss Elmina, Miami
Warner, Mrs. William C., Miami
Warner, William C., Miami
Warren, Miss Elmina, Miami
Warren, William C., Miami
Warren, Mrs. William C., Miami
Watson, J. W., Jr., Miami
Watson, Miss Nan, Miami
Welsh, Agnew, Miami*
Wenner, Henry S., Jr., Miami
West, Mrs. Roger H., Daytona Beach
Whitaker, Mrs. Trippe, Coral Gables
Wight, William S., Coral Gables
Williams, H. Franklin, Coral Gables*
Willing, R. B., Miami
Wilson, Miss Emily L, St. Augustine
Wilson, Gaines R., Miami**
Wilson, Mrs. Gaines R., Miami
Wilson, Miss Virginia, Miami
Wolfe, Miss Rosalie L, Miami
Wood, Mrs. Agnes Faris, Miami
Wright, Mrs. Victor A., N. Miami
Wynn, John C., Miami
P. K. Yonge Library of Florida History
Younkins, F. R., Miami
Zenker, Raymond, Miami

Sustaining Members

Adams, Mrs, A. H., Miami
Adams, Wilton L., Miami
Aldrich, Richard, Coral Gables
Alligood, Mrs. Katherine P., N. Miami
Anderson, Myra Burr, Miami
Anderson, Robert H., Miami
Arnold, Mrs. Roger Williams, Miami
Ashe, Mrs. Bowman F., Coral Gables
Bailey, Ernest H., Miami
Bailey, Mrs. Ernest H., Miami
Baker, Charles H., Jr., Miami*
Balkin, Gilbert J., Miami
Bartz, Edward, Miami
Bassett, Rex, Jr., Ft. Lauderdale
Beardsley, Jim. E., Clewiston
Bickel, Karl A., Sarasota*
Bills, Mrs. Jeanne Bellamy, Miami
Blackburn, Elmer E., Miami
Blakey, H. W., Coral Gables
Blocker, John C., St. Petersburg
Bloomberg, Robert L., Miami
Bolles, George E., Jr., Miami

Brookfield, Charles M., Miami*
Brooks, J. R., Homestead
Brunstetter, Roscoe, Coral Gables
Burdine, William M., Miami
Burghard, August, Ft. Lauderdale
Bush, Mrs. Franklin C., Coral Gables*
Caldwell, Thomas P., Coral Gables**
Caldwell, Mrs. Thomas P., Coral Gables**
Campbell, Park H., S. Miami*
Campbell, Mrs. Susie C., Miami
Chandesh, Leslie, Jackson Hts., New York
Chase, Randall, II, Sanford
Cheetham, Joseph, Miami
Clarke, Jerry C., Miami
Collier, Miles, Everglades
Comerford, Miss Nora A., Coral Gables
Corley, Miss Pauline, Miami**
Corson, Allen, Miami
Coslow, George R., Miami
Crandon, C. H., Miami
Crane, Francis V., Marathon
Crane, Mrs. Francis V., Marathon


Crowninshield, Mrs. Francis, Boca
Cuddy, J. Lee, Coral Gables
Dade County, Public Relations Dept.
Dalenberg, George R., Miami
Davis, Mrs. Christine, Miami
Davison, Mrs. Chester M., Miami
Dee, William V., Miami*
Deedmeyer, George J., Miami*
Dorn ,H. Lewis, S. Miami
Dorn, Harold W., S. Miami
Dorn, Mrs. Harold W., S. Miami
Dorn, J. K., Sr., Miami
Douglas, Marjory Stoneman, Miami**
Downer, Miss Lisa de F., Miami**
Duhaime, Mrs. Ernest L., Miami
Duley, Almas Leroy, Miami
Dunn, Helen B., Miami
DuPree, Thomas O'Hagan, Coral Gables
DuPuis, Dr. J. G., Miami
Eason, Mrs. Helga H., Miami
Egger, Mrs. Henry J., Live Oak**
Everglades Natural History Association
Fee, W. L, Ft. Pierce
Feibelman, Herbert U., Miami
Ferendino, Andrew J., Miami Beach
Fogle, Orin G., Halandale
Free Public Library, Jacksonville
Freeman, Edison S., Miami
Freeman, Mrs. Ethel C., Morristown, N. J.
Frierson, Mrs. William T., Brooksville
Frntkoff, Theodore, Coral Gables
Fuller, Walter P., St. Petersburg
Fultz, Herman B., Coral Gables
Gaillard, Margaret Combs, Miami
Gannaway, Mrs. K. C., Miami
Gardner, Jack R., Miami
Garrigan, Mrs. Jane, Miami
Gaunt, E. C., Miami
Giersch, Mrs. Richard F., Miami
Craw, LaMonte, Orlando
Griffin, L. J. Miami
Gross, John, Miami Beach
Grosvenor, Gilbert, Washington, D. C.
Hall, A. Y., Miami
Hamilton, Thomas B., Miami
Hanks, Mrs. Bryan, Ft. Worth, Tex.*
Hardie, Richard M., Miami
Harllee, J. Wm., Miami
Harris, Miss Julia Fillmore, Miami*
Harris, Walter L., Miami
Hartnett, Fred B., Coral Gables
Havee, Justin P., Miami*
Henry, Miss Marcia, Hiram, Ohio
Herin, William A., Miami*
Hill, Mrs. A. Judson, Miami
Hills, Lee, Miami
Holcomb, Lyle D., Miami
Hollowell, R. D. T., Fort Meyers

Hopkins, Dr. Oliver B., Miami
Houghton, Mrs. A. S., Miami
Hubbell, Willard, S. Miami.
Hudson, F. M., Miami*
Hughes, Mrs. Fleda V., Miami
Hume, Mrs. Edward C., Miami*
Huntington Library
Jackson, Melvin H., Miami
Johns, Frank G., Jr., S. Miami
Johnson, Mrs. Alberta M., St. Augustine
Kent, Arnold H., Miami
Kenyon, Alfred, Ft. Lauderdale
Kerr, James, Benj., Hollywood*
Kofoed, Jack, Miami
Krome, Mrs. Wi. J., Homestead*
Lauther, Mrs. Olive Chapman, Miami
Lindgren, Mrs. M. E., Miami
Lindsley, A. R., Miami
Loehrie, Robert B., Jr., Gainesville
Lummus, J. N., Jr., Miami
Lunsford, Dr. E. C., Miami
MacVicar, I. D., Miami
Mahoney, John, Miami
Malik, Mrs. Elizabeth, Hialeah
Manley, Miss Marion L, Miami
Manly, Albert B., Miami
Mansfield, Wm. N., Miami Beach
McCaskill, J. M., Miami Beach
McDonald, Mrs. John M., Miami Beach
McKay, Col. D. B., Tampa
McKey, Robert M., Miami
McSwain, Dr. Gordon H., Arcadia
Meisel, Max, Miami Beach
Merrick, Mrs. Eunice P., Coral Gables*
Mershon, M. L., Miami
Meyers, Miss Ethel H., Hialeah
Miller, Raymond M., Miami*
Mitchell, Florence P., Coral Gables
Mitchell, James B., Hobe Sound
Moore, Dr. Castles W., Ft. Lauderdale
Munroe, Wirth M., Miami*
Newman, Stuart G., Miami Beach
Oglesby, R. M., Bartow
Orlando Senior High School
Orr, Alexander, Jr., Miami
Pancoast, J. Arthur, Uleta
Pancoast, Lester C., Ithaca, N. Y.
Pardo, Mrs. Ramiro V., Miami
Parker, Alfred B., Miami
Parker, O. B., Homestead
Pedersen, George C., Perrine
Peters, Mrs. Thelma, Miami*
Phillips, A. V., Homestead
Pick, Albert, Miami Beach
Prevatt, Preston G., Miami
Price, Gaylord L., Miami
Rahn, William B., Miami
Railey, F. G., Miami*
Railey, Mrs. F. G., Miami*


Rainey, J. S., Miami
Rainey, Mrs. J. S., Miami
Rapp, Dr. Gerard, Miami
Reese, Mrs. J. H., Miami
Ring, R. Warner, Miami
Roberts, R. B., Jr., Miami
Rose, Harvey K., Miami
St. Augustine Historical Society
Schmidt, Joseph O., Miami
Schuberth, Andrew F., Jr., Miami
Schwartz, Mrs. Charles R., Miami Shores
Scott, Paul R., Miami
Sewell, John J., Miami Beach
Seybold, W. C., Miami
Shank, H. W., Coral Gables
Shaw, G. N., Miami
Shaw, Miss Martha Luelle, Miami*
Shepard, L .C., Coral Gables
Sisters of St. Joseph, St. Augustine
Slaughter, Dr. Frank G., Jacksonville
Smith, Avery C., Jr., Miami
Smith, Lorrain G., Miami
Smith, McGregor, Miami
Spinks, Mrs. Elizabeth J., Miami*
Stitt, William D., Miami Springs
Stiles, Wade, Ft. Lauderdale*
Stranahan, Mrs. Frank, Ft. Lauderdale*
Sullivan, John J., Jr., Miami

Tebeau, C, W., Coral Gables*
Ten Eick, Mrs. M. Nunez, Tampa*
Thomas, Arden H., S. Miami
Thomas, Wayne, Plant City
Tigert, John J., Coral Gables
Town, Miss Eleanor F., Coral Gables
Trice, H. H., Coral Gables
Tyler, William J., Miami
University of Pennsylvania
Usina, Leonard A., Miami Shores
Vance, Mrs. Herbert O., Coral Gables*
Van Valkenburgh, Morgan, Miami
Walters, Mrs. Mae L. M., Miami
Walters, Walter M., Miami
Washington, James G., Miami
Wellenkamp, Donald J., Miami
West, Emily Louise, Miami Beach
Wheeler, B. B., Miami
Whitten, George E., Miami
Wiesemann, William, Miami
Wilson, Ben E., Miami
Wilson, F. Page, Miami
Wirth, Miss Josephine, Miami*
Wittichen, Mrs. Murray Forbes, Coral
Woore, A. Meredith, Miami*
Yonge, Julien C., Gainesville
Younghans, S. W., Miami


Adams, Adam G., Coral Gables
Baber, Adin, Kansas, Ill.*
Balfe, Alex, Miami
Barge, Dr. Hubert A., Miami
Benson, Clifton D., Coral Gables
Bowers, Bland, S. Miami*
Brickell, Mrs. Charles, Miami**
Carlson, Dr. J. E., Miami
Corliss, C. J., Washington, D. C.
Curry, Allison B., Jr., Coral Gables
Duffy, E. V., Coral Gables
Emerson, Hugh P., Miami
Florence, Robert S., Miami
Gearhart, Ernest G., Jr., Miami
Gibson, Henry C., Jenkintown, Pa.
Hackett, Col. Wallace E., Coral Gables
Hollywood Public Library
Houser, Roosevelt C., Miami
Jeffries, R. T., Miami
Keyes, Kenneth S., Miami*
Knight, John S., Miami
LaGorce, Dr. John O., Washington, D. C.
Ledbetter, Charles, Miami
Lloyd, J. Harlan, Miami
Lummus, J. N., Miami

Mallory, Phillip R., Miami Beach
Mallory, Mrs. Phillip R., Miami Beach
Malone, E. B., Miami
Hatheson, Hugh M., Jr., Miami
McCarthy, Don L., Nassau, Bahamas
McMackin, Dr. John V., Miami
McNair, Angus K., S. Miami
Miami Beach Public Library
Miami Daily News
Mills, Charles A., Miami Beach
Modisette, Col. Welton M., Coral Gables
Montgomery, Col. Robert H., Miami**
Montgomery, Mrs. Robert H., Miami**
Pearse, Mrs. Langdon, Winnetka, Ill.
Pitt, Gerard, Miami*
Pollard, Marshall, S. P., Miami
Ross, Donald, Benton Harbor, Mich.
Sokola, Anton, Miami
Thompson, John G., Miami
Thomson, Leonard K., Miami
Tilgham, J. Q., Miami
Vanderpool, Fred W., Miami*
Watson, W. Cecil, Miami
West, William M., Genesco, III.



Cooper, George H., Princeton
Dolan, Francis M., Coral Gables
Fuchs Baking Co., S. Miami
Gardner, Dick B., Miami
Giffin, John S., Miami
Graham, Ernest R., Hialeah
Leffler, Miss Cornelia, Miami

Florida Power and Light Co., Miami
Geiger, Mrs. August, Miami Beach*
Gondas Corporation, Miami

MacDonald, Duncan, Miami*
Markel Industries, Inc., Miami
Mead, Edwin, Miami Beach
Pancoast, Russell T., Miami Beach
Shipe, Paul E., Miami
Thord-Gray, General I., Coral Gables
Wilson, D. Earl, Miami**


Pan American World Airways
Peninsular Armature Works, Miami


University of Miami



Adam G. Adams
Thomas W. Hagan
First Vice-President
Ernest G. Gearhart, Jr.
Second Vice-President
Justin P. Havee
Recording Secretary

Miss Virginia Wilson
Corresponding Secretary
Edwin G. Bishop

Mrs. W. E. Huggins
Charlton W. Tebeau
Editor Tequesta


August Burghard
Mrs. Ruby Leach Carson
Joseph M. Cheetham
George H. Cooper
George J. Deedmeyer
J. K. Dorn
Mrs. William L. Freeland
Arthur Griffith
Oliver Griswold
William J. Harllee
Frederick M. Hudson

Robert M. McKey
Wirth M. Munroe
Russell T. Pancoast
Jay F. W. Pearson
Mrs. Frank Stranahan
John J. Tigert
Mrs. Herbert O. Vance
W. Cecil Watson
F. Page Wilson
Gaines R. Wilson

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